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MODERN HISTORY:
OR, THE
PRESENT STATE
O F
all nations.
describing
Their refpective Situations, Perfons, Habits, Buildings,
Manners, Laws and Cuftoms, Religion and Policy,
Arts and Sciences, Trades, Manufactures and
Husbandry, Plants, Animals and Minerals.
BEING
The moft complete and correct System of GEOGRAPHY
and MODERN HISTORY extant in any Language.
By Mr. SALMON.
Illuflrated with Cuts and Maps accurately drawn according
to the Geographical Part of this Work,
By H E R M A N MOL L.
V O L. III.
LONDON:
Printed forMefs rs . Bettesworth and Hitch in Pater-nofter-Row \ J. Clarke,
under the Royal Exchange in Cornhills S. Btrt in Ave- Mary- Lane \ Tho. Wotton
over againft St. Dunjlan’s Church, and J. Shuckburgh next the Inner-Lempk Gate,
both in Fleet-Jlreet and T. Qsbqrne in Gray' s~ Inn. M. DCC. XXXIX.
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2016 with funding from
Getty Research Institute
https://archive.org/details/modernhistoryorp03salm_0
THE
E F A C
T jhe ancients were not very confident with
themfelves when they related that the Torrid
Zone was not habitable, and at the fame tune
affirmed that Africa had been furrounded fe-
ver al times by Jhips which mujl have paffied the Torrid
'Zone twice in every fuch voyage.
That they were deceived in their notion , that the
Torrid Zone was not habitable, is now fufficiently
evident ; and I am apt to think they were in an error
alfo , as to the circumnavigation of Africa in thofe eat ly
ages. _ |
It is true fame of the moderns as well as the ancients
are of this opinion ; to f upper t which they quote the fol-
lowing paffiages out of Herodotus.
Herod, lib. 4. cap. 41, 42. Africa maria eft
manifefte circumflua, excepto duntaxat ubi Afire
contermina eft ; Neco ./EgyptorumRege hoc primo
demonftrante, is enim mi (it navibus Phenicis quof-
dam, prrecipiens ut tranfve&i columnas Herculeas
penetrarent ad feptentrionale ufque mare atque ita
ad iTgyptum remearent.
Phenices igitur a rubro mari folventes abierunt
in mare auffrale, qui cum autumnus adveniffet,
applicatis ad terram navibus, fementem faciebant
in quameunque Africre partem navigantes pervenif-
fent ac mefTem expeHabant. Deinde mefio fru-
mento navigabant. Ita biennio confumpto anno
tertio ad Herculeas columnas declinantes in Hsgyp-
tum remearunt, referentes qure apud me fidem non
habent, fed forte apud alios : In prretereundo Afri-
cans fe habuifle (olem ad dextram.
“ This is the faff, as related by Herodotus
** ( f a y thefe gentlemen) and the quejlion is. How thefe
“ men, thus fent out by Nec us, Jhould really know
“ that Africa was furrounded by water ; that it might
“ be failed round within the [pace of three years ; that
“ in autumn they mujl be obliged to go on fore, and
“ ft ay there long enough to few corn and reap if, and
" Ul the voyage, * all along have the fun to the right
“ hand, unlefs they had really performed this voyage.
*' It will not be enough to fay, that you can't
il f ee how fuch a voyage could be performed, or to tell
1<P us °f high fas, crofs winds, or to argue from con-
“ fequences, viz. How came it about that the
King of Egypt planted no colonies in thofe new
difeovered countries ? When a fad is fo well cir-
cumftantiated as this before us ; and when modern
experience fiews thofe circumftances to be exactly
true, nothing but flowing a downright impoffiibility
for fuch a fad being perform'd, can any way inva~
Mate it. 'Tis plain from Herodotus, that
from the teflimony of thefe men, he believed that
Africa was furrounded fouthward by water .- — — —
All that feme d to him incredible in their narrative
“ was, That the land of Africa Jhould run cut fo
“ far to the fiuth, as ft that thefe men fhould fee
the fun in the greateft part of their voyage to the
“ north of them. You mujl not think that this flory
“ was flighted , and look'd upon as a fable in thoje
“ days.
“ A thoufand caufes, difficulty of the voyage , a
“ fnall profped of advantage. Troubles that im-
“ mediately fucceeded in Egypt, might hinder its being
“ further profecuted. However we find, that a-
“ bout 1 1 5 years after Ne c us, the matter was dif-
“ puted in Xerxes’s court.- Ar Herodotus
“ tells us in the fame book, chap. 43.- That when
“ one of Xerxes’s great men had offended him, in -
“ fiead of putting him to death, he ordered him , by
way of punijhment , to endeavour to make this fame
“ voyage, viz. J To fet out to Egypt, and to fail by
“ th . e Straights round Africa into theRed-fea, -
This great man accordingly undertook the voyage 5
and after he had failed fame months beyond the
“ Straights, probably difouraged by the difficulties
“ from wind, fa, Ac. he return'd, telling Xerxes
“ that the voyage could not be perform’d. — —But
“ this anfwer was fo far from fatisfying that Monarch,
that he put him to death for his former crime. —
“ From whence it is further evident, that the and -
“ ents , at leaf fome of them , believed that Africa was
“ Mari Circumflua. ”
There are others that mention three voyages round
Africa perform'd by the ancients-, and relate, that
Hanno, the Carthaginian and Perfian Nobleman
abovemention’ d, wrote particular hiflories of their re-
fpedive voyages', but had thefe voyages been really per-
formed, would not the ancients have given us fonts
This is iinpcffibie,
t The pafljge in H erode tv; does net fay fo.
I Direftly contrary to the Phemcian voyage.
a s account
IV
THE PREFACE.
account of the countries fouth of the Equator ? Would
not they have taken notice of the fouthern hetnifphere ,
and of the Jiars and confellations they ohferved there P
which were fuch remarkable dijcoveries , that if they
had been once made , could never have been forgotten.
But there are thefe further objections again/I the cir-
cumnavigation of Africa by the ancients , viz.
1 . That it was impo/fible to difcover and navigate
an unknown coajl of fifteen or tiventy thoufancl miles
extent , in the fpace of two or three years without a
compafs , tvhen the Mariners were neither acquainted
with the rocks and finds upon that coafi , or with the
winds , currents , or feafons they lucre to meet with in
any part of it , and wanted the fiars that ufed to guide
them on this fide the Equator.
2 . It is flrange no nation Jhoidd make a fecond at-
tempt . , or even fettle one colony in Africa, fouth of the
Equator , or even near it , if the Phenicians made fuch
an expeditious and fuccefsfid voyage round it.
3 . It is a further objection to this voyage , that the
ancients knew nothing of the annual periodical winds or
Jlorms between the Tropics , and of their Jhifting regu-
larly every half year to the oppofiie points : That the
winter orflormy feafon always advanced with the Sun,
and they had the fairefi iveather when it was at the
greatefl diflance from them , contrary to what happens
in countries without the Tropics.
4. The galleys of the ancients could never pa fs the
Cape of Good Hope, xuithout many miraculous inci-
dents, if the winds and feas there were what we find
them at this day.
3 . In fuch low-built galleys they could neither lay in
provifeons fujficient for the voyage , nor could they flay
to procure them by the way , if it was performed within
the fpace of two or three years : And if they would
have gone on Jhore from time to time for them, it would
have been impracticable on many parts of the coafi of
Africa, becaufe of the Jurf or fuelling of the J'ea in
fame places ; and in others there are neither wood, wa-
ter, or provifions of any kind to be met with for fome
hundreds of miles.
6 . They mujl have had extreme good fortune not to
have been defrayed by difiafes, enemies , or other acci-
dents on Jhore, if they had efcaped the danger of the
fia.
7. They muf have remain'd in harbour near one
half the time on account of the never -failing tempefuous
feafons and contrary winds , and muft have lain by fill
longer on account of dark nights and foggy weather ,
which reduces the time of their failing to a very few
months, much too finall a fpace of time to encompafs
Africa even with all the advantages we are mafiers
of ; which confideration alone is fujficient to overthrow
the credit of thefe voyages of the ancients round Africa.
But all theje objections united and duly weighed, /
perfiuade my fielf amount to a demonf ration, that this
voyage coidd never be performed by the ancients within
the J'pace of three years at leaf , in the opinion of any
feamen who are acquainted with the coafi of Africa
and the winds and Jeafions upon that coafi, and fenfible
of the hazard and difficulty of failing upon an unknown
jhore without a compafs ; tho’ fpeculative men, unac-
quainted with maritime affairs, maypojfibly be of ano-
ther opinion.
KT The Modern Hfiory of America fucceeding
that of Africa in this volume, I have chofe to
bring that Introduction in here, rather than in
the body of the work, which in the odlavcs
edition immediately precedes America.
T H E
[ V ]
THE
INTR ODUCT
To the H I S T 0 R Y of
/— b— < H E continent of America, *tis probable,
I extends as far as the Pole on the north ; and
I is bounded by the Atlantic-ocean, which
divides it from Europe and Africa on the
eaft ; by another anonymous ocean on the fouth ;
and by the vaft Pacific-ocean, ufually called the
South-fea, which feparates it from Afia, on the
weft.
The length of America, if we extend it but
from 80 degrees north (our furtheft difcoveries that
way) to Cape-Horn, which lies in 57 and a half
fouth, takes up 137 and a half degrees of latitude ;
which, reckoning 60 miles to a degree, as mari-
ners ufually do, makes the length of America to be
8250 miles ; and, if we allow 70 miles to a de-
gree, which comes near the truth, the length of
America is 9625 miles, but the breadth is not an-
fwerable to the length ; for what is difcovered of
North- America, which is of a triangular figure, is
not fo broad in any place.
The north and fouth parts are joined by the nar-
row ifthmus of Darien, which divides the North
from the South-fea, and is about 60 miles over in
the narroweft place, viz. between Porto Bello and
Panama.
But when we thus divide America into North and
South, it mull not be underftood, that the Equator
makes this divifion ; for what is denominated South-
America, extends 1 z degrees, odd minutes to the
northward of the Equator : And indeed we follow
the grand divifion made by the Spaniards of their
American dominions into theViceroyalties of Mexi-
co and Peru, which are feparated by a line drawn
from Porto Bello on the North-fea, to Panama on
the South-fea, the province of Terra-firma Proper
(more known by the name of Darien) in which
Porto Bello and Panama are comprehended, being
reckoned part of Peru or South-America, and the
province of Paragua, contiguous to Terra-firma
Proper, the moft fouthern province of Mexico, or
North-America : So that thofe maps, which divide
North from South-America, by the gulph or river
of Darien, and a line drawn from thence to the
South-fea, are not relied on ; for they place the
province of Terra-firma Proper in North-America,
whereas, in reality, it belongs to the Viceroyalty ot
Peru in South-America.
The Spaniards, by virtue of the bull or grant the
Pope made them, of all difcoveries to the weftward
of the Azores, looked upon themfelves to be en-
titled to all America formerly, infilling that all other
nations were thereby abfolutely excluded from any
fhare in that part of the world ; and, on their ar-
rival in North-America, which went under the
name of Mexico, and another of the Inca’s in the
South, ftiled the empire of Peru, they gave the
name of Mexico to their northern conquefts, and
the name of Peru to their fouthern conquefts.
It may be proper alfo to take notice here, that
the lea which feparates North-America from Eu-
rope, is generally about four or five thoufand miles
broad ; the fea, which feparates South-America from
Africa, about two or three thoufand miles over ;
and the fea, which feparates America from Afia, ge-
nerally about eight or nine thoufand miles over.
Plaving thus defcribed the fituation and extent of
America, I proceed to enquire into the notions the
ancients entertained of the form of the heavens
and the earth, and of another continent to the weft-
ward of ours.
The ancients generally imagined, that the hea- The ancients
vens conftituted but one hemifphere, and that the °P™°" f °^ e
earth was flat and round as a table, ferving as a heavens and
bafis or foundation to fupport the fine vaulted roof theeatth.
over their heads.
Even the Fathers laughed at thofe Philofophers,
who believed the earth to be globular, and fur-
rounded by the heavens equally on every fide ; and
nothing was more exploded by them, than the no-
tion of Antipodes. Is it pollible, lays Lac T an-
ti us, that any can be lb credulous to believe there
are a people, or nation, walking with their feet up-
wards, and their heads downwards ; that trees and
corn grow downwards ; or that rain, fnow, and
hail afcend to the earth.
And
VI
the introduction.
The ancients
never failed
found Africa.
And St. Austin fays, 44 We are not to believe
“ what fome affirm, that there are Antipodes
« which inhabit that part of the earth under us ; a
44 region, where the fun riles when it lets with us,
44 and the feet of the people are oppofite to ours ;
“ or that the earth is in the midft of the world,
44 encompalfed on all parts, and covered equally
44 with the heavens.
And fpeaking of the notion fome entertained of
another continent, he fays, 44 It is not agreeable to
44 reafon or good fenfe, to affirm, that men may
44 pafs over fo vaft an ocean as the Atlantic, from
44 this continent to a new-found world, or that
44 there are inhabitants there, all men being de-
44 fcended from the firft man Adam.
And even Aristotle, and thole of the an-
cients, who believed both the heavens and the earth
to be globular, and that there might be another
continent; yet look’d upon it to be divided from us
by luch vaft feas, that we could have no commu-
nication with it ; and that all about the Equator,
whether in this, or any other continent, was not
habitable, on account of the exceffive heats. It
feeins the ancients in general, were fo far from
knowing any thing of America, that they knew
nothing even of Africa, or the Eaft-Indies, to the
fouthward of the Equator, though they mull be ac-
quainted with lome ports of Africa and Afia, which
lay within the Torrid Zone, on this fide of the
Equator; for the Upper Ethiopia lies within the
Torrid Zone, as does great part of the Eaft-Indies :
And Sumatra (which is fuppofed to be Tabrobane,
or TarChifh of the ancients, and whither the fleets
of Solomon and EIiram failed for gold) lies un-
der the Euuator ; and yet we find Pliny of Ari-
stotle’s opinion, and affirming, 44 That the mid-
44 die region of the world, where the fun contin-
44 uall'y runs his courfe, is parch’d and burnt up
44 with fire.” It is exceeding ftrange, that when
'men pafs’d to the fartheft bounds of Africa, beyond
the Equator, none ever returned to inform the more
northern regions, that thofe parts were habitable ;
and that the Greeks and Romans knew no more of
Africa, to the fouthward of the Equator, than they
did of the continent of America.
The fame Pliny, indeed, reports, that H an-
no the Carthaginian, failed round Africa ; but this
evidently contradicts what he faid before, that the
countries under the Equator were not habitable.
And, indeed, that opinion, that Han NO, or any
of the ancients furrounded Africa, muft be falfe,
becaufe they would not only then have known that
thofe countries were habitable, but they muft have
known another hemifphere, have feen a new fet of
ftars, and have feen the fun to the northward of
them at noon-day, which were fuch remarkable dif-
coveries, that if they had been once made, could
never have been forgotten ; and yet we meet with
no mention of thefe particulars, either in Greek, or
Roman writers, or the leaft defcription of any peo«
pie or country in Africa, fouth of the Equator. It
leems fuperfluous therefore to add, that it was Icarce
poffible the ancients could pafs thefe great feas to the
fouthward of the Cape of Good Hope, in fuch gal-
leys, and low-built veffels, as were then in ufe ;
efpecially fince there are not any harbours, or places
of fecurity, about the Cape, that could preferve
them from fhipwreck, in thofe feas, which are very
feldom free from ftorms, fuch as no galleys can
live in.
But to proceed; Seneca, in his Medaea, feems Orknews-
to prophefy, that another world Ihould be difcovered
beyond the Atlantic-ocean, to the fouth-weft ; and
this was alio the opinion of other great men among
the ancients, founded upon that difproportion there
appeared to be between the land and water then dif-
cover’d. But this fhews there was no fuch continent
difcovered at that time.
Plato indeed fpeaks of a vaft ifland beyond the
Atlantic-ocean, equal in dimenfions to Afia and
Africa, and of feveral intermediate iflands, which
render’d the paflage fhort and eafy thither ; but then
he tells us, thofe Iflands were long fince funk, and
covered with the ocean. If we take his teftimony
therefore entire, there was no fuch land as America
known in his days : And indeed his whole relation
appears to be no more than poetical fidfion ; and
Plato’s Atlantic-iflands, to have no other exiftence
than More’s Utopia.
I proceed, in the next place, to examine the fe- An enquiry
veral conjectures concerning the time and manner ric ° a w wa ™f; r S;
of peopling America ; for all that we know cer- peopled,
tainly is, that it has been planted many hundred, or
rather thoufand of years, from the numbers of peo-
ple found there in the beginning of the fifteenth
century.
I .make no doubt, but that all men, according to
the feriptures, defeended from Adam; and had we
not the authority of facred writ for this opinion,
yet the refemblance there is between the people of
that continent and this-, and the religion and cu-
ftoms of the one and the other, demonftrate, that,
we proceeded from one common ftock.-
The ftature, form and features of the Ameri-
cans, do not differ from ours; the frame and turn
of their minds are the fame ; they adored the fame
almighty Being, built temples,, and facrificed to
him, as the ancients did ; and they retained a tra-
dition, that their continent was gradually peopled,
from a fmall number. They ufed arms of the fame
form alfo as the men of our continent did, viz.
fwords, lpears, lances, bows, arrows, flings, and
darts : All the difference was, that as they had loft the
ufe of iron, their wooden fwords were e jg’d with
fharp flints, and their fpears, arrows and darts point-
ed with the bones of fifh, or other animals. How-
ever, it is highly probable, that thofe countries were
peopled very early, becaufe they feem’d ftrangers to
almcft
THE INTRODUCTION.
almoft every art and fcience, when the Spaniards
came amongft them ; and for the feme reafon, we
may be allured no adventurers arrived there in thefe
latter ages, before Columbus.
•Probably We know certainly, that part of the weftern
tived t"here ar ” COa ^' S ^ r * ca ’ ar *d the Canary-iflands, over-
L Canhagi- a S a * n ^5 a °d not far from America, were planted by
; nian ihips. the Carthaginians, four or five hundred years before
the incarnation of our Saviour ; that fome of their
fhips carried a thoufend fouls; and, ’tis probable,
when they fent fhips to the Canary or Cape Verd
iflands, to plant colonies, they were crouded with
men, women, and children, as ours are, that we
fend to the plantations at this day. Is it ftrange
then, that feme of thefe fhips fhould be driven to
America, by the winds which confdantly blow from
the eaflward, when it is not more than three weeks
fail from Africa, or the Canaries, to thatcontinent ?
If fuch planters were once driven from their inten-
ded port, far to the weftward, and they found it im-
poffible for them to return, the wind fitting always
diredlly againft them ; what could be more rational
than to run before the wind, in hopes of making
feme other land ; and, as we fuppofe them victualled
in order to plant and recruit feme colony, fuch ad-
venturers could not have lefs than three weeks, or
a month’s provifion on board, which was fufficient
to fupport them in fuch a voyage, where they could
fuffer no hardfhips from the climate, which was
fuitable to African conftitutions,
If it be demanded how it happened, that no {hip-
ping was ever driven thither fince the Carthaginian
State flourifhed, it may very truly be anfwer’d, that
no people have ever navigated thofe feas, fince the
Carthagipians, till very lately; all the difcoveries
and plantations of the Carthaginians upon the weft
coaft of Africa, and in the Canaries, were loft and
ruin d upon the conqueft the Romans made of
Carthage ; neither did the Romans ever revive that
branch of their navigation.
Even the Canaries, that were certainly planted by
the Carthaginians, remained unknown for many
ages after that ftate became fubjedf to the Romans ;
nor did the natives know from whence to derive
their original, when the Spaniards made a new
difcovery of thofe iflands in the 15 th century.
Another circumftance to induce us to believe
they are defcended from the Phenicians or Cartha-
ginians, is their imitating them in fuch of their
religious rites, as nature or reafon could never have
taught them. As to their worfhipping the Sun and
Moon, this was common indeed to almoftall other
nations ; but their offering human fecrifices feems to
have been almoft peculiar to thofe nations. It is
obfervable alfo, that the Americans adored moun-
tains, woods, feas and rivers, and almoft every
animal, as the Africans once did, and fome of them
actually do at this day. But further, if we fuppofe
fhat America was firft peopled by fea, it could be
by no other nation but the Phenicians or Cartha-
ginians, no other people having fleets and colonies
on the weftern coafts of Europe and Africa in thofe
early ages.
For as the peopling America by fleets or colonies rt could not
from China, or any other part of Afia ; in the firft
place, the breadth of the Pacific- ocean, or South-fea,
which feparatesChina from America, is not lefs than
eight or nine thoufend miles, twice the breadth of the
Atlantic-ocean, which lies between us and Ame-
rica. zdly. The winds are always contrary within
the latitude of 30 north and fouth, where the winds
conftantly blow' from eaft to weft, and in higher
latitudes are variable. 3<dly, It is well known
that the Chinefe, the only people furnifhed with
flipping in the eaftern parts of the world, never
afredted to make long voyages, or vifit remote regi-
ons ; their navigation was always confin’d to their
own feas, and they either knew nothing of diftant
countries, or defpifed them too much to take any
pains to come at them ; and it is very unlikely, that
any of their fhips fhould be driven by accident to
America, becaufe the fea, that feparates Alla from
America, is fo very wide, and the winds always
againft thofe that would fail from thence to Ame-
rica, within the latitude of 30 north and fouth ;
and both Japan and California, which hetheneareft
each other, of any lands we know in Afia and
America, lie in and about the latitude of 30 north.
As for that notion, that the people of the continent ^ could no&
went north about to America by land, it fearce
deferves mentioning ; for we know our late voyages the north or*
to the north-eaft, and to the north-weft, that the
fea extends more than 80 degrees to the northward;
and confequently, if America was peopled either
of thofe ways, thofe who went thither muft travel
within 1 o degrees of the Pole, which parts are
neither paflable nor habitable ; and if there be any
other land which unites their continent to ours, in a
lefs rigorous climate, it muft be between the land of
JefTo, or h edfo, to the northward of Japan and
California, but thefe are about 80 degrees afunder,
and no one has pretended to have difcovered any
land between them,unlefs fomc merry map-makers,
who feparate them only by the imaginary ftraight
of Anian, which they make to be little broader than
the ftraight between Dover and Calais, tho’we know
certainly, that the land of Jeflo and California are
feveral thoufend miles afunder, and no man pre-
tends to have difcovered any country between the
one and the other.
To the fouthward alfo, our mariners have failed
to near feventy degrees ; and confequently, if the
two continents are united in that part of the globe,
it muft be in two rigorous a latitude for men to
travel that way by land.
But fhould it be admitted, that there was a paftage
by land, either near the north or fouth Pole, from the
old to the new world, it is ftrange, that no man ever
returned
THE INTRODUCTION.
returned again that way from America to us.
The paffage is probably as eafy from thence by
land as it is to it ; and if it be objected, that the fame
argument held good againft thofe who fuppofe
America was peopled from hence by fea, this is evi-
dently a miftake, becaufe the winds always fits fair
for failing from Africa to America, and contrary
to thole that would return from thence. Befides, as
it appears the Americans had loft the art of fhip-
building and navigation, when the Spaniards came
amongft them, and never knew the uie of the load-
ftone, there was no poffibility they fhould ever re-
turn, or that we fhould have any knowledge of them.
Had they been furnifhed with dripping, as they were
not, it would not have been poffible for them to have
found the way back to Africa ; for, ’till the ufe ol
the loadftone, the North or South-feas were very
little navigated, if at all : And as well as we under-
ftand navigation at this day, we find it very difficult
to come back from America without failing pretty
far north or fouth, where we meet with variable
winds, and for the moil part wefterly ; it we were
obliged to fail within the Tropics, or indeed with-
in the latitude of 30, our voyages from America
would be very long, and very difficult, even to us.
©b’efVons Eu t there remainsftill a very formidable objection
againft the a g. a j n ft th e peopling of America by the Fhenicians
America by or Carthaginians ; and that is, that they were deiti-
the Cartha- tut;e of almoft all arts and fciences ; nay, that they
lwered. an ' knew nothing of {hip-building, or the ufe of iron,
which they muft have been acquainted with, it
they had derived their original from the Carthagi-
nians. To this it may be anfwered, that thofe who
were firft driven to the coafts ot America, might
be acquainted with moft of the arts the Carthagi-
nians were matters of ; but as the firft generation
was probably w'orn out, before any iron mines
were difcovered, and it ispoffible, that none of thofe
that arrived there might underftand the digging,
melting, or feparating of metals, if fuch mines had
been difcovered; it is no wonder, that in an age or
two, the ufe of iron was forgot, and confequently
{hip- building, and all other manufactures that de-
pended on the ufe of iron, tho’ the arts of fpinning
and weaving, for which the Tyrians and Fhenicians
were famous, were retained..
Farther ar- Another circumftance which inclines us to think,
the^Amer!- 3 ^ t ‘ 13t America was peopled by the Africans by fea,
cans derive ana not by land, is, that we found it better peopled
•fheirorigma] j n ^ between the Tropics, than it was to-
Ahklns. wards the north or fouth ; whereas, in our conti-
nent, the moft populous places are, and the moft
considerable empires have been, within the Tem-
perate Zone, to the northward of the Tropic of
Cancer.
Had the Europeans or Aftatics gone north about
to America, they would probably have firft planted
thofe countries that lay neareft the north, or at leaft
thofe within the Temperate Zone, as moft agree-
able to them, and fuitable to their conftitutions ; and
not have chofen to fix the two great empires of
Mexico and Peru within the Poind Zone, and in
a manner defert the reft of the country. It is much
more likely therefore, that the inhabitants of Peru
and Mexico fhould derive themfelves from the Afri-
cans, than from any northern people whatever ;
becaufe the climate of Peru and Mexico, as has
been obferved, refembles that of Africa, and is much
more agreeable to an African conftitution, than to
thofe of more northern latitudes.
As neither the Romans, or any other Europeans*,
made any attempts to fettle colonies in Africa, near,
much lefs beyond, the Equator ; it is not to be fuppo-
fed, that the Americans would have fixed themfelves.
altogether within the Torrid Zone, it they had
come from fome cold northern clime, like that of
Sweden or Mufcovy. This therefore is a very ftrong
argument with mej that the firft men, that pafs’d
into America, went from fcorch’d Africa by fea,
and not from the frozen countries about either Pole
by land.
Still I apprehend it may be objedfed, that tho’ Th&ohjVftioa'
men might pafs firft to America in {flips, it can ne-
ver be fuppofed that every fpecies of beafts, birds and p3fs ky fea
infefls, palled thither the fame way. To which I cjnfidered»
anfwer, it is equally improbable they fhould travel
thither by the extremities of the north or fouth Pole ;
for it cannot be fuppofed, that fuch animals as were
bred in hot climates, would ever wander into fro-
zen regions; nay, ’tis a queftion, whether any of
them would live in a cold climate, if they were car-
ried thither, and confequently their paffage that
way muft be miraculous, if ever they effedled it :
Befides, it appears, that many of the hardieft ani-
mals, and the fitteft for fuch journeys, fuch as oxer,,
mules, and horfes, were none of them to be found
there, when the Spaniards difeovered America ; and
if other animals went that way, it is ftrarige that
horfes and mules, the beft made for fuch expedi-
tions of any creatures we know, ftiould none of
them have attempted this paffage as well as the reft.
On the other hand, if there was fuch a paffage
by the extremities of the north and fouth, how
comes it to pafs, that feveral fpecies of animals we
find in America, never appeared in our continent:
If thefe at firft paffed from us to them, how comes
it that none of the fame fpecies are left here. If
any one will be fo good to inform me how thefe
animals came into America, I will inform him how
the reft came thither. Since the difficulty therefore
remains equal, whether we fuppofe .animals paffed ;
from the one continent to the other, by fea or land,
our being ignorant how the Americans came to
have fome of the fame animals we have, can be no
objection to the notion that America was peopled
by fea; nay, it feems to ftrengthen this opinion,
that men never paffed from this continent to that,
by the extremities of north and fouth, inafmuch as
neither
iz
Of the dif-
covery of
America by
Columbus.
THE INTRODUCTION.
neither horfes or mules, and fome of the reft of
the hardleft animals we have, and the beft made for
travelling, were not found there ; for if men could
pafs that way, it is to be fuppofed, that thofe beafts
would not have paffed that way too; or rather,
that men would not have made ufe of them to ride
on, or to carry their baggage, and their wives and
children with them.
If it be laid, that it was by divine impulfe, that
the animals of this continent wandered to the other ;
I anfwer, If we muft refort to a miracle, or fuper-
natural means, to folve the difficulty, we may as
well fuppofe a new creation ; for that would be but
a miracle. That men might and did pafs to Ame-
rica in {hipping, has been in a manner demonftra-
ted; how beafts and other animals came thither, I
muft confefs remains a difficulty; for tho’ lome
might pafs in {hips, we cannot fuppofe all of them
did. But ftill this does not weaken the opinion,
that America was peopled by fleets or Angle fhips of
the Carthaginians from the weftern coafts of Afri-
ca ; becaufe there are equal, or greater difficulties
to encounter, if we fuppofe men and animals went
thither, either by or near the north or fouth Poles ;
and there are no other poffible ways of their palling
to America by land, unlefs we fuppofe with Pla-
to, that lome great iflands are funk, that lay be-
tween us and America, of which we Ihould cer-
tainly have had fome other evidence to corroborate
his teftimony, if there were any fuch : And indeed
from the whole tenor of that effay, it appears, that
Plato was fpeaking of fome imaginary country
that never had a real exiftence. I proceed, in the
next place, to give an account of our modern dis-
coveries to the weft- ward . Christopher Co-
lumbus, or Colon, was a native of lome ob-
feure village in the State of Genoa, his father, and
feveral of his anccftors, fea-faring people ; not in
fuch mean circumftances however, but Colum-
bus was put to fehool at Pavia, where he was taught
arithmetick, navigation, aftronomy, drawing and
painting, at leaft fufficient to draw a landfkip, or
deferibe the fituation of a place ; From Ichool, he
went to fea, and was in feveral engagements with
the Turks, the Venetians, and other nations; in
one of which, the {hip he was in, being burnt near
the coaft of Portugal, he had the good fortune to
efcape to Ihore upan a plank, and coming to Lis-
bon, found feveral of his countrymen and ac-
quaintance fettled in that city, with whom he re-
ftded fome time, and afterwards made feveral voya-
ges with the Portuguefe to the north and fouth, and
particularly to Guinea on the coaft of Africa. While
he was in the fervice of the Portuguefe, he married
a wife of fome quality and fortune, whofe father
had been concerned in feveral naval enterprizes, and
was Governor of Porto Sanfto, one of the Madera
iflands, by which means Columbus came into
the pofleffion of all his father-in-law’s charts, maps,
Vgl. HI.
and journals, which gave him the firft hint, his
faid, of making difeoveries to the weftward : and
here it may be proper to deferibe the perfon of this
great Difcoverer.
His fon relates, that he was moderately tall and
long-vifaged ; his complexion a good red and white ;
that he had light eyes ; his cheeks were fomewhat
full, but neither too fat nor too lean ; that in his
youth, he had fair hair, which turned grey before
he was thirty years of age ; that he was moderate
in eating and drinking, affedled a plain modeft garb
or drefs ; that he was naturally grave, but affable
to ftranger-s, and plealant frequently among his do-
mefticks ; ftridl and devout in religious matters ■;
and, tho’ a fea-man, was never heard to fwear or
curfe ; that he applied himfelf chiefly to the ftudv
of cofmograpyy, aftronomy and geometry ; and
from his youth, appeared to have a more than or-
dinary paffion to underftand the ftate of all coun-
tries on the face of the globe, and to make new
difeoveries ; which probably was his reafon for fet-
tling at Lilbon, no nation having pufh’d their dif-
eoveries further than the Portuguefe at that time.
And here he was perpetually drawing maps and
charts, in which he received great encouragement
from that enterprizing people.
Columbus, ’tis faid, had three inducements
to believe, that there lay a continent in the Atlan-
tic-ocean, not far to the weftward, and that this
continent was contiguous to, or rather part of the
Eaft-Indies (under which name was then compre-
hended even China, and all the countries to the
eaftward of the Ganges).
1. Heobferved, that Marin us had placed the
Eaft-Indies i 5 hours to the eaftward of the weft
coaft of Africa and Europe (which was however a
very grofs miftake ) ; and that as there could remain
but 9 hours more between this continent and that,
in failing weftward, fuppofing that fpace to be all
fea, which he hoped was a great part of it land, he
concluded it would be no very long voyage to the
Eaft-Indies by the weft : and this, by the way, is
the reafon why America was called the Indies, be-
caufe the firft difeoverer propofed to fail to the Eaft-
Indies, through the Atlantic or weftern ocean ;
and when the continent of America was firft found
out, they looked upon it to be part of the continent
of India, ’till they difeovered that the South-fea. or
Pacific-ocean, lav between America and India.
2. A fecond inducement for his attempting thefe
difeoveries weftward, was the opinions of feveral
learned men, both ancients and moderns, that there
was another continent beyond the weftern ocean,
either very near or contiguous to the Eaft-Indies,
and that it was not very far diftant from ours : but
no man confirmed Columbus more in the opinion
of a continent that lay to the weftward, than Sig-
nor Paul, a Phyfician of Florence, with whom he
held a conftant correfpondence while he refided at
b Lifboji.
X
THE INTRODUCTION.
Lifbon. This Phyfician, in one of his letters, re-
lates how rich and populous a country China or Ca-
thay was, as they had learnt by fome Ambafladors
who came from thence to the Pope, and from Mer-
chants that had traded thither by land ; that it was
full of great towns, yielded gold, precious Hones,
and merchandize of incredible value ; and allures
him, that the voyage thither, through the Atlan-
tic ocean, by the weft, could not be farther than the
voyage from Portugal to Guinea, which (tho’ it
was a very grofs error) gave Co lumeus great en-
couragement to attempt that voyage. In Ihort, he
computes the diftance between Lifbon and China,
failing weftward, to be about five thoufand miles,
in which he was out two thirds : However, fo far
he was accidentally in the right, that the lpace be-
tween ours and the next continent to the weftward,
, was much thereabouts, and gave Columbus a
notion that he Ihould meet with land five or fix
thoufand miles to the weftward.
3 . A third inducement to this Great man’s un-
dertaking this difeovery, was the reports of fome
fea-faring men, who had ufed thofe weftern feas.
A Portuguefe Pilot, named Martin Vicente,
informed Columbus, that being 450 leagues to
the weftward of Cape St. Vincent, he took up a
piece of carv’d wood, which he guefs’d came from
fome ifland to the weftward, the wind having long
fat that way : And Peter Corea, who mar-
ried his wife’s filler, allured him, that he faw a piece
of carv’d wood, drove by the wefterly winds on
Porto Sandlo, one of the Madera iflands; and that
there had been thick canes driven upon thofe fhores
fuch as did not grow in this part of the world ; and
when the weft winds blew, Pines were frequently
driven on the Azores or weftern iflands : Others that
had failed to the weftward of the Azores fome hun-
dreds of leagues, affirm’d they had feen an ifland in
thofe feas. But his principal encouragement to this
undertaking, was, according to fome, the fea-charts
and journals of a Pilot that died at his houfe in Lif-
bon, that appeared to have difeovered fome land far
to the weftward ; and indeed by his perfifting fo long
in the refolution of failing in fearch of a country
beyond the Atlantic-ocean, and applying to fo ma-
ny Princes and States for their affillance, and hisfti-
pulating for no other pay or reward, than the go-
vernment of the lands and feas he Ihould difeover,
one would be inclined to think, Columbus had
fome certainty, or at leaft a very high probability,
of his fucceeding in this attempt ; otherwife fora
man to venture to fail fo many thoufand miles upon
an ocean, ’till then efteemed boundlefs, mull have
been deem’d rather ralh temerity, than wifdorn.
However, his fon rejects this ftory of the Pi-
lot’s dying at his houfe, and leaving him thofe in-
timations of a country he had difeovered to the weft-
ward, as derogatory to his father’s honour, who he
irdiftsj was the firll; dilcovgrer of that flew world 3
and no doubt he was the firft that difeovered it to
any purpofe, fo as to plant colonies, and make fet-
tlements there, in theie latter ages, which is an ho-
nour that might fatisfy his defendants. One would
think altho’ the difeovery was made at firft by acci-
dent; and indeed, as thofe feas about the Azores,
the Canaries, the Cape Verd iflands, and the coaft
of Guinea, were then conftantly navigated by the
Portuguefe and Spaniards, it is not improbable, that
fome one of their (hips Ihould have been driven a
fortnight or three weeks fail to the weftward of
their defign’d courfe, and difeover’d either the iflands
or continent of America, as ’tis faid this Pilot did,
who died at the houfe of Christopher Co-
lumbus in Lifbon.
But whatever were the Admiral’s motives to this
undertaking, he chofe, it feems, rather to apply to
fovereign Princes and States for their affiftance, than
invite private Adventurers into the project; forefee-
ing, that if he Ihould himfelf, or in partnerlhip
with others, arrive at the rich countries he propofed
to vifit, the Prince, whofe fubjecls they were,
would claim the fovereignty of fuch places, and
difpofe of them to whom he faw fit ; or other Prin-
ces might fit out fleets after he had found the way to
this new world, and deprive him and his fellow- ad-
venturers of the advantage of their difeovery. It
was extremely prudent therefore in him, to endea-
vour to engage fome fovereign Prince in the defign;
and, fince he could not hope to obtain the domi-
nion of what he Ihould difeover, to ftipulate for the
fecond place in thofe happy regions he propofed to
come to (viz.) the poftof Vice-roy by land and fea,
which we find he always infilled on, and obtain’d
at length a patent for. He might, no doubt, have
been much fooner fitted out by private owners ; but
then their pofleffion poffibly, when they had fuc-
ceeded in the difeovery, would have been more
precarious, than their voyage to this new world was
at firft thought to be. But to proceed : Colum-
bus, having failed a great while in the Portuguefe
fervice, married and fettled at Lifbon, and advanced
his fortune there, firft propofed the finding out
a way to the Eaft-Indies by the Weftern ocean, to
King J o H N of Portugal ; and gave fuch fubftantial
reafons for the attempt, that the King feemed to
be convinc’d the thing feafible, tho’ he did not ap-
prove the terms our Adventurer propofed : There-
fore while the affair was negotiating, King John,
’tis faid, privately difpatch’d a Ihip to the weftward,
with orders to find out if there were any fuch lands
in thole feas as Columbus fuppofed. But whe-
ther the Commander wanted courage or capacity
for fuch an undertaking, it feems he returned with-
out meeting any thing to his purpofe, and laugh’d
at the conjectures of Columbus; at which he
was fo incenfed, that he left Lifbon, and went to
Spain, difpatching at the fame time his brother
Bartholomew Columbus to Henry VII.
King
THE INTRODUCTION.
XI
King of England, with charts and maps, that
might illuftrate his defign : But his brother being
taken by Pirates, and not making the difpatch that
was expected, Columbus opened his defign to
their Majefties Ferdinand and Isabella,
King and Queen of Caftile and Arragon : And
tho’ his brother Bar t h o lom e w afterwards reach’d
England, and his propofals were accepted by King
Henry VII. yet Columbus having concluded
an agreement with the Court of Spain before he
was advertifed of his brother’s fuccefs, England loft
the honour and profit of this important difcovery.
This affair, it feems was many years negotiating;
and probably Columbus had meditated upon it,
and weighed the difficulties and hazards of the
undertaking, a great while before he communicated
it to any man ; for he is acknowledg’d by all to
have been a man of prudence and temper ; and
polfibly, if he had not obtained fome reputation for
his knowledge in cofmography and navigation, the
Courts he applied himfelf to, had treated him no
better than they ufually do a common projector ;
whereas we find he tells their Majefties Ferdinand
and Isabella, King and Queen of Caftile and
Arragon, in one of his Letters, “ I have refufed
“ to take up with France, England and Portugal,
4 ‘ as appears by the letters I have received from
“ thofe Princes, and which your Highneftes may
“ fee in the hands of Dr. Villalan, that I
4C may ferve your Highnefles.”
It appears from our own hiftories, that his brother
Bartholomew was at the Court of England in
the year 1480, and that he had before treated with
the King of Portugal, if not with Spain ; and I’m
apt to think that his propofals were rejected by
the Spanifh Court at firft, which occafioned his ap-
plying to England and France; but Queen Isa-
bella encouraging die fcheme, by the advice of
Joh n Pe re z, her Confeflor, about the year 1 484 ,
he feems from that time to have applied himfelf
wholly to the Spanifh Court. However, Ferdi-
nand and Isabella being yet engag’d in the
wars with the Moors in Spain, he was ftill delayed
’till the year 1492, when a fupply of money was
provided, and Columbus entrufted with the
equipping and fitting out three fmall fhips for the
expedition, in the harbour of Palos. He alfo obtain’d
a grant from their Majefties to be Admiral of the
Weftern feas,with the fame privileges as the Admi-
rals of Caftile and Leon enjoyed ; that all civil em-
ployments, as well as governments in the continent,
or world to be difcovered, fhould be wholly at his
difpofal ; and befides the revenues of the pofts of
Admiral and Vice-roy, he fhould enjoy a tenth of
all the profits arifing by future conquefts in thofe yet
unknown lands.
And now Columbus, whom for the future,
in imitation of his fon, I fhall ftile Admiral, having
equipp d and victuall’d his three fhips, of which the
V O.L, III,
chief, called the St. Mary, he commanded in
perfon, and the other two were commanded by the
Captains Martin Alvazo Pinzon and Vin-
cent Pi nz on, two brothers. This little <qua~
dron, mann’d only with 90 men, and confequentlv
none of the veffels of any great burthen, fet fail from
Palos for the Canaries, the 3d of Auguft 1492,
and arrived at thofe iflands the 12th. One of the
fhips having received fome damage in this paflage,
the Admiral remained there to refit and take in
frefh provifions, ’till the 1 ft of September, when
he fet fail again upon hisgrand defign. He bad not
failed a fortnight in this wide ocean to the weft ward
before his men began to murmur at the enterprize,
imagining they were fent on certain deftrudlion ;
for they obferved the wind conftantly fat from eaft to
weft, and apprehended there would no poffibility
of returning, if they mifs’d of the land they were
made to expedf : But on the 19th, obferving feme
birds fly over their fhips, and on the 2 2d, abundance
of weeds driving by them, they began to be better
fatisfied, and concluded they were not far from land*
However continuing their courfe ftill feveral days
farther weft ward, and meeting with no land, the
Teamen mutinied to that degree, that they had almofl
agreed to throw their Admiral over-board, and re-
turn home without him ; when fortunately for him
they faw more birds, weeds, pieces of board, canes,
and a fhrub with the berries upon it alfo fwim by
them, which made them conjeifture there mu ft be
feme iflands thereabouts ; and indeed had the Admi-
ral inclined a little more to the fouthward, he would
have made either the Caribbee iflands, Hifpaniola,or
Cuba, fome time before ; for thefe lay now on the
left or larboard fide of him ; feme of them a-ftern
or rather on his larboard quarter: For the firft landsLmd firft
he made were the Lucayo’s or Bahama iflands, near difcoveret1 '
the coaft of Florida. It was on Tburfday, the 1 ith
of October, 1492, about 10 at night, that the Ad-
miral firft difeover’d a light upon the iflands of
Guanahania,or St. Salvador, as the Admiral named
it, in consideration that the fight of it delivered both
him and his men from their fears of perifhing. (This
iflands lies 60 degrees weft of the Canaries, in 25
degrees north latitude). About two in the morning,
the fhip called the Pinta, the beft Tailor of the three,
and which therefore ufually kept a-head of the
Admiral, gave the fignal of land, which was firft
foen with the naked eye, when they were fearcetwo
leagues from the fhorc, by Roderick de Tri-
ana, one of the common Teamen on board the
Pinta, who had not, however, the reward that was
promifed to the firft difeoverer, it being adjudged
that the Admiral was the firft, becaufe he faw a
light on the ifland the night before.
The day appearing, the fhips came to an anchor
very near the ifland, which they computed to be
about fifteen leagues in length, and found it to be
populous, well planted, and watered with a great
b 2 lake,
THE I N T RODITCTION.
lake, but generally flat low land, without hills : being followed by the i (landers every where, who
The natives came down crouding to tbefhore, and feemed to adore him and his people, as if they were
feem’d aftonifh’d at the fight of the flips ; and the come from heaven. From this ifland_ he failed to
Admiral believing there was no great danger to be another of the Bahama [(lands, which he called
apprehended from' them, went on fhore in his boat, St. Mary of Conception ; and having viewed this,
with the royal ftandard, as did the other two Cap- and feveral more of thefe lflunds, and found no-
tains in their boats, with their colours flying. They thing to invite him to fay here, he took feven of
no fooner came on fhore, but they kneel’d down, the natives with him, and fet fail for the great
pave God thanks for their fuccefs, and kifskl the ifland of Cuba, which lies to the fouthward of the
mound (fays the fon of Co lu m 3 u s) with tears of Bahama iflands, arriving there on Sunday the 2 8 th
joy; after which, the Admiral ftood up, and ha- of October : Here they found fome houfes on the-
vino- rear’d the royal ftandard, called the ifland by (here, but the people all fled up into the mountains
the name of St. Salvador, taking pofleffion of it in on their approach : Whereupon two Spaniards and
the name of their Catholick Majefties, with great two Indians were fent up into the country to get
“fjlemnity ; after which his people recognizedTim intelligence; who, returning again the 5th of No-
their Admiral and Vice-roy, fwore to obey him, and vember, reported, they traveli’d about twelve leagues
bego-’d pardon for their perverfe untra&able behavi- within the land, that they came to a town confiding
ouTduring the voyage. of fifty large timber houfes thatch'd, whichcontained
The Indians, in die mean time, ftood gazing at about a thoufand people, who came with great re-
tire Spaniards, without attempting to oppofe them, fpetf, and kifs’d the two Spaniards feet, giving them
while they were thus taking pofleflion of their coun- boil d roots to cati 1 hey entreated them al(o to re-
try ; and the Admiral ordered fome firings of gla(s main in their country ; and, when they faw them
beads, caps and toys of fmalt value, that made a refolved to return to their fhips, would accompany
glittering {hew, to be diftributed amongft the na- their guefls thither ; for the two Indians had inform-
tives ; at which they feem’d infinitely pleafed, and ed the natives, there was no danger to be fear’d from
immediately hung the beads about their necks, te- the Spaniards. There were (everal other towns the
ftifyine, by all the figns imaginable, the value they two Spaniards reported they had leen in their jour-
fet upon thefe prefent. They were all perfectly na- ney, where thay were hofpitahly entertained, and (aid
ked, of a middle ftature, and olive complexion, the country was well planted with oaks, pines,
like* thefe of the Canaries ; their features juff, only palms, and cotton. Ihrubs, and (own with Indian-
their foreheads of the Iargeft ; their eyes black as corn y and they faw great variety of birds, but no
their hair, which was generally cut fhort above their beads, except fome few dumb dogs ; that the In-
ears, though others wore it long and tied up ; fome dians had great quantities of cotton-yarn in their
of them -alio had their bodies painted with a kind of houfes, of which they made them hammocks to lie
vermilion, and others only painted their faces with in, and aprons for their women. But it being dc-
Jt„ The principal ornament about them was a thin manded of the natives, if they had any gold or preci-
gold plate, in the form of a crefcent, which hung ous ftones, they pointed towards theeaft, intimating,
from the nofe over the upper lip, and their arms that in a great country, called Bohoi, and which the
were fpears pointed with the bones of fifli. When Spaniards afterwards named Hifpaniola, there was
the Admiral returned to his drips, they followed plenty of thefe ^things. Whereupon the Admiral
him, fome fwimming, and others in their canoes, determining to (ail eaftward, and taking twelve of
a veftel made out of the body of a tree, fome of the natives of Cuba, men, women and children with
which will hold forty men, and others not more him, the hufband of one of the women, and father
than two. When they came on board, they brought of two of the children, who had been carried cui
parrots and cotton yarn, all the merchandize they board, came in a canoe to the fhips, and defired
had, to exchange for European trifles. They he might alfo go with them, and not be parted
feemed to fet a value upon every piece of broken from his wife and children : Whereupon the Ad--
glafs or earthen-ware, jumping into the fea, and rmral ordered him to be taken on board; and fet-
jwimming to fhore with fuch trifles, with abun- ting fail from Cuba the 5 th of December, arrived the
’dance of joy. But they admired nothing more than next day at theiflandof Bohio, about fixteen leagues
the fwords, and bright arms of the Spaniards, being to the eaftward of Cuba; and here obferving the
at that time perfectly ignorant of the ufe of iron. country to refemble that of Spain in feveral parti-
The Admiral demanding, as well as he could by culars, he gave it the name of Hifpaniola, which
figns, from whence they had their gold plates, they it retains to this day. Having fent (omelndians and
pointed to the fouth and fouth-weft, where they gave Spaniards on fhore for intelligence, the people atfirft:
the Spaniards to underftand, there were feveral large runaway, and abandoned theit houfes ; but the In-
countries well replenifned with that precious metah dians afterwards informing the natives, that there
The Admiral row’d in his boats about the ifland, to was nothing to be feared from the Spaniards, they
iifeover if there was any thing worth his fettling there 5 returned, and {hew’d them all imaginable refpefF
oftermg
xm
THE INTRODUCTION.
offering them fuch food as the country afforded. But
what the Spaniards were mo ft inquifitive after, was
the place where they had their gold from, obferving
moft of them to wear thin gold plates at their nofes
as in the other iflands ; and the people directing them
further eaftward, the Admiral made no long flay at
the weft end of the ifland, but fail’d again along the
north coaft, in fearch of that precious mineral. In
which voyage, one of their Caciques, or petty Kings
of the ifland, came no board the Admiral, with two
or three hundred men, and they made mutual p re-
fen ts to each other : The Indians gave the Spa-
niards chiefly thin gold plates, and the Admiral
returned them beads, toys, carpets, and little bells.
But a night or two afterwards, the Admiral’s fhip
had the misfortune to run a-ground, and could not
be got off ; fo that he had now but one fhip left,
Martin Pinzon, Captain of the third, having
deferted him at the ifland of Cuba, and fail’d for
Hifpaniola, in hopes of difcovering the gold mines
before the Admiral came thither. The Spaniards
had the good fortune to fave all their goods that
were on board the fhip that was caft away, by the
affiftance of the Cacique and his Indians, whom the
Admiral commends as an inoffenfive hofpitable peo-
ple,. ready to accommodate ftrangers with every
thing: He obferves alfo, that they then went per-
fectly naked, and were almoft as white as the Eu-
ropeans.
To compenfate for the lofs of his fhip, the Indians
brought the Admiral a pretty deal of gold, made in-
to thin plates, or ornaments for the neck or face,
and informed him he would meet with a great deal
more at Ciboa, in the inland country: Whereupon
the Admiral built a fort within a harbour, which
he called the Port of the Nativity, with the timber
of his wreck’d fhip ; and leaving in it a garrifon of
thirty-nine men, with cannon, fmall arms, ammu-
nition and other necefiaries, he determined to return
to Spain, and give an account of the fuccefs of bis
voyage.
The Admiral failing further eaftward the 4th
of January, difeovered, two days after, his other
ftiip, commanded by Martin Pinzon, who
came on board him, pretending to have been forced
away by ftrefs of weather, which the. Admiral did
not then think fit to difpute with him, tho’ he very
well knew Pinzon left him upon choice, there
having been no bad weather to force him. away,
Pinzon and his men, it teems, had got a precty
deal of gold by bartering with tire natives of Hif-
paniola for trifles; but they agreed to conceal it from
the Admiral, on the Captain’s having given one
half of it among his crew. .
The Admiral fending feven of his men on fhoro
again, near the eaft end of Hifpaniola, they met
with a ftouter race of Indians, about fifty- five in
number , arm’d with bows, arrows, and great clubs,
but perfectly naked, only their heads adorned with
a fort of coronets of beautiful feathers, and their
faces painted black, red, or white; their bows were
made of yew, and their arrows of a fmall cane,
pointed with a ftsarp fifh’s bone : And thus arm’d,
appearing ready to fall upon the Spaniards, the lat-
ter fir’d their guns, and wounded two or three of
them; whereupon the reft of the Indians fled and
difperfed. This place Columbus named the Bay
or Gulph of Arrows, from the arms of the natives;
and here he relates he met with a great deal of
cotton and long-pepper.
The. Admiral departed from the Gulph of Ar-
rows (called Samana by the Indians) towards Spain,
the 1 6th of January, and meeting with a ftorm the
14th of February, he loft the company of the other
Hi ip, commanded by Martin Pinzon, about
150 leagues weft of the Azores: They all expedited
to have perilhed in this ftorm, and went to their
prayers; after which they caft lots which of them
Ihould go on pilgrimage to our Lady of Guadalupe,
if they efcaped, which fell upon the Admiral him-
fclf. Then they drew again, which of them Ihould
go to the Lady of Loretto in Italy, on their arrival
in Europe, which fell to the Ihare of Peter be
Villa, a mariner of Port St. Mary’s; and the
ftorm ftill increafing, they all made a vow to go
bare-foot in their Ihirts at their landing, to feme
church of our Lady’s, and every one made private
vows befides for himfelf. In the account Colum-
bus gave to their Catholick Majefties of this ftorm,
he fays, “ I had been left concerned at the tempeft,
“ had I alone been in danger, for I know I owe
“ my life to the fupreme Creator ; and I have
“ been at other times fo near death, that very little
“ was wanting to compleat it. But what infinitely
“ griev’d me was, that God was plealed to fruf-
“ trate this enterprize, intended for the propagation
“ of the Chriftian religion, and the increafe of your
“ Majefties dominions; and what added to my
grief, was, the lofs of thofe men, who had fo
“ bravely ventured their lives with me : Nor was
“ it the leaft of my afllidtions, that I had left two
“ fons at fchool at Cordoua, deftitute of friends in
“ a ftrange country ; and it could not be known I
“ had done any fervice which might incline your
“ Highncffes to remember them : And tho’, on the
“ one fide, I comforted my felf with the belief that
“ God would not permit a thing, which was fo
“ much for the advantage of his church, to be left
“ imperfedt, when I had, with fuch application
ct and labour, almoft brought it tO' perfection ; yet
“ on the other hand, I was afraid I was tar from
“ meriting fo great an honour. In this perplexity,
“ I mediated on your Highnefies good fortune, -
“ and coniidered, that tho’ I were dead, and the
“ fhip loft, you might fome way reap the fruits of
“'this enterprize: As briefly .as I could, therefore,
4 ‘ I wrote a narrative in parchment of what I had
“ difcovered, in hew many days I performed the
u voyage^
XIV
THE INTRODUCTION.
44 voyage, and what Way I had done it, with the
44 nature of thofe lands, and of the inhabitants; and'
44 that your Majefties fubjecfts were left in pofleffion
fi of what I had difcovered ; which writing, folded
“ up and feal’d, I addrefs’d to your Highnefles,
44 promifing a reward of a thoufand ducats to him
44 that ftiould deliver it to you feal’d, that if any
<c foreigner found it, the promifed reward might
“ induce him not to give it to another; then I
44 wrapp’d the writing in an oil’d cloth, and inclof-
* c ed that in a ball of wax, which I put into an
44 empty cafk; and, having bung’d the cafk up
44 clofe, threw it into the fea. Another cafk, with
44 a copy of the fame writing enclofed in like man-
44 ner, I placed on the higheft part of the fhip; fo
44 that if the fhip funk, the cafk might ftill remain
44 above water.
The Admiral, however, had the good fortune to
weather this ftorm, and, on Friday the 15 th of Fe-
bruary, made the iflands of Azores, and the next
day, came to an anchor at St. Mary’s, where the
country people brought on board frefh provifions,
and treated them very kindly ; and here finding an
hermitage dedicated to the Virgin Mary, they a-
greed to go barefoot, and in their fhirts, to the
chappel of the hermitage, according to their vow in
the ftorm; and accordingly the Admiral fent one
half of the fhips crew, to perform their devotions
there, determining on their return to go himfelf
thither with the reft of the company : And having
waited a whole day in expectation of his men, he
underftood that they were made prifoners in the
ifland. But giving the Portuguefe 1 to underftand,
that this outrage would probably occafion a war
between their Catholick and Portuguefe Majefties;
and that, if his men were not returned, he would
make reprifals, and carry double their number oft*
the iflands; they confented, at length, to releafe the
Spaniards, who reported, at their coming on board,
that the King of Portugal had fent orders to all pla-
ces under his dominion, that they fhould fecure the
perfon of the Admiral by any means whatever.
I he Admiral fet fail from the Azores the 24th of
February, and foon after met with another terrible
ftorm, not inferior to the former, which drove him,
much againft his will, into the river of Lifbon in
Portugal; however, he was received here, contrary
to his expectations, very hofpitably. T he people of
Lifbon crouded on board to fee him and the Indians
he had brought from the new world ; fome of them
applauding the glorious enterprize, while others
curs’d the covetoufnefs and incredulity of their Mi-
nifters, which had loft them the honour and ad-
vantage of the difcovery.
Fhe next day, the King of Portugal ordered the
Admiral to be furnifhed with all manner of frefh
provifions gratis, and wrote to him, congratulating
his arrival, and inviting him to Court; and, on his
coming on fhore, the Nobility and Officers of State
were ordered to attend him, and he was admitted
to fit covered in his Majefty’s prefence. But the
King intimated, he thought the difcovery belonged
to him, as the Admiral had refided molt of his life
in that kingdom : To which the Admiral anfwered,
His Majefty did not think fit to liften to the over-
tures he had made him ; that he went out with the
King of Spain’s commiflion, and had punctually ob-
ferv’d his orders, not to go to the Portuguefe mines
in Guinea. And now the Admiral, it feems, was
under fome apprehenfions, that the King of Portu-
gal would detain him; but, after two days, his Ma-
jefty d i fin i fled the Admiral with great civility, let-
ting him know, that if he chofe to go to Spain by
land, he would be at the expence of his journey ;
but the Admiral chofe to return by fea, and arrived
at Palos in Andalufia, on the 1 3th of March 149-j-,
having fet out from thence the 3d of Augufl: be-
fore, making his voyage to the new world, and
back again in feven months and eleven days. Here
the people received him with a folemn proceflion
and thankfgiving for his return, moll of his feamen,
it feems, belonging to this port.
Here the Admiral heard, that Martin Pin-
zon. Captain of his other fhip, was arrived in
Galicia, and had given advice of it to the Court of
Spain, propofing to have brought the firft news of
the American difcovery ; but their Catholick Ma-
jefties fent him word, that he fhould attend on the
Admiral, to his great mortification; and this muti-
nous officer, who had given the Admiral very great
difturbance in his voyage, retired thereupon in difi
content to his native country, where he died foon
after.
Their Catholick Majefties being at Barcelona at
this time, when the Admiral drew near that city,
all the Court went out to meet him, and he was
received with the honours due to a fbvereign Prince ;
nor was it eafy to determine, whether the Admiral
had greater fatisfa&ion in relating, or their Majefties
in hearing the difcoveries he had made in the new
world.
The rejoicings for the fuccefs of this great enter-
prize being over, their Majefties confirmed to the
Admiral the Viceroyfhip of all the iflands and con-
tinent to the weftward of the Azores, and the Cape
Verd iflands, which he either had or fhould difcover
and conquer, empowering him to appoint all Gover-
nors, civil and military, in thefe new difcovered
Indies (as they were called, it being then imagined,
that they lay contiguous to, or near the Eaft-Indies)
and orders were given for the fitting out a fleet
immediately to plant and take pofleffion of thofe
countries; in which fuch diligence was ufed, that
the Admiral fet fail again, with feventeen fhips and
fifteen hundred men, from the road of Cadiz the
25 th of September 1493. He touch’d at the Ca-
naries as in the firft: voyage; and, departing from
thofe iflands the 7th of Oftober, made St. Domini-
3 ca.
THE INTRO
ea, one of the Caribbee iflands, the 2d of No-
vember, in the night-time, when by their reckon-
ing they were between 750 and 800 leagues from
the Canaries. Meeting with no convenient har-
bour in St. Dominica, which he fo named from its
being difcovered on a Sunday, he failed to another
ifland, which he called Marigalante, which was the
name of his fhip; where landing, and taking pof-
feffion of it for their Catbolick Majefties, he return-
ed on board again, and fail’d to another of the Ca-
ribbee iflands, which he called St. Mary of Guada-
lupe, at the requeft of fome Friars who belong’d to
a monaftery of that name in Spain. He found a
little town here ; but the inhabitants were all fled
into the woods, except fome children, to whom
they gave fome glittering toys, to entice their pa-
rents to come and traffick with them. The next
day, the Admiral fent his boats on fhore again, and
his people brought off two young Indians, who faid
they were not inhabitants of that ifland, but of an-
other called Boriquen (now St. John de Porto Rico).
That the natives of Guadalupe were Caribbees, or
Canibals, and had taken them prifbners. The fame
day, fix Indian women fled to the Spaniards, and
came voluntarily on board their fhips, for fear of
the Caribbees; but the Admiral caufed them all to
be fet on fhore again, giving them glafs-beads, bells,
and other things, which he thought would flrike
the fancies of their mailers; and they were no foon-
er landed, but the Spaniards faw the Caribbees take
all thefe toys from them. After which, the cap-
tives came running again to the fhips boats, begging
that the Spaniards would take them on board, for
the Caribbees would eat them, or make flaves of
them at leaf!: And accordingly the Admiral order-
ed them to be brought to the fleet, with another
young man, and two children, that made their
efcape alfo from the Caribbees : But, it feems, thefe
peop.e of the ifland of Boriquen, or St. John’s, who
had been taken by the Caribbees of Guadalupe, pre-
tended it was their cuftom to kill and eat only the
men they took, and referve the women alive, either
for flaves, or their pleafure. Still the natives of
Guadalupe refufed to return to their houfes; where-
upon the^ Admiral landed, and took a particular
view of their town, and found a great deal of cot-
ton, fpun and unfpun, looms to weave cotton-net-
hammocks, abundance of men’s fkulls hung up, and
bafkets of bones. Thefe were better houfes, and
more plentifully furnifhed with provifions than any
the Admiral law in his firft voyage.
On Sunday the i oth of November, he weighed
anchor, and fail d along the coaft of Guadalupe, to-
wards the north-weft, for flifpaniola, and came to
another ifland, to which he gave the name of Mont-
ferrat, becaufe of its great height; and the Indians
tnat were with him, informed him, that it was
depopulated by the Caribbees, who had devoured
the inhabitants, And failing on further wdlward.
D U C T I O N.
he faw abundance of other iflands; amongft the reft,
that of St. Martin, where he met with a canoe,
having four men and a woman in it, who fought
his boat’s crew with their bows and arrows; and
the boat overfetting the canoe, one of the Indians
Ihot feveral arrows as he fwam in the water : How-
ever, they were at length all taken up, and the
Spaniards obferved that the men were caftrated ; it
being ufual, fays the fon of Columbus, for the
Caribbees to geld their captives, as we do capons,
that their flefh may relifh the better. The Admiral
having pafled by above fifty other iflands, which he
left to the northward, came, at length, to the ifland •
of Boriquen, which he named St. John Baptift, and
anchored in a bay on the weft fide of it, where he
met with feveral houfes pleafantly fituatech
Before I proceed further in the defeription of this
fecond voyage to the new world, give me leave to
confider a little the account thefe difeoverers give us
of the Caribbees, whom they will have to be cani-
bals, or devourers of human flefh. I muft confefs,
I have hitherto been of opinion, that there never
was a nation of canibals upon the face of the earth.
F rom the beginning of the world, we may obferve,
that every people almoft has look’d upon thofe, who
were fituated at a diftanee from them, as barbari-
ans; and, upon the firft difeovery of them, aferib’d
abundance of monftrous and unnatural cuftoms and
practices to them, and among the reft, frequently
that of being devourers of human flefh. Thus it
appears, many*of the ancients treated each other,
and we of thefe latter ages feem to copy after them.
There are fome iflands that lie in the bay of Bengal,
in the Eaft-Indies, which we were allured were in-
habited by canibals, by the firft adventurers that
failed to the Eaft-Indies; but, upon our better ac-
quaintance with them, there appeared to be no ca-
nibals there; nay, they were fo far from eating hu-
man flefh, that they eat no flefh at all. On my
travelling into the mountains, and moft inacceffible
parts of the Eaft-Indies, where they had fcarce any
traffic or correspondence with the Europeans, I"
found that they had as barbarous notions of us, as
we could have of them, or of any others we knew
but little of. On the coaft of Guinea, where we
trade chiefly for flaves, the unhappy captives have a
notion we buy them up to fatten, and then feed on
them; which, ’tis faid, has been the occafion of
many defperate attempts to free themfelves, and
murder the feamen that are fent to transport them
to the plantations in America. On the firft difeo-
very of America, there was fcarce a country or
ifla.id in that part of the world, but we were told
was replenifbed with man-eaters; but, now we are
perfectly well acquainted with them, it is very cer-
tain there are no canibals to be found, any more
than amazons, giants, or other monfters, vhich
our firft voyage- writers deferibe. But here lam
aware it may be obje<fted 3 that lines, the ChritKans--
garne
XV
XVI
THE INTRODUCTION,
came amongft them, they are civilized, and have formed him, that Tome of them died a natural death,
left oft’ many of their barbarous cuftoms; and this others parted from their company, and where de-
indeed may be of feme weight in regard to thofe ftroyed by the Indians as they ftraggled into the
countries that are under the dominion of the Chri- inland country in fearch of gold, and the reft were
ftians : But as to the inland parts both of North and defeated and (lain by a Cacique who came down
South- America, in which the Chriftians have little from the mountains, and attack’d the fmall re-
or no influence, as appears by their retaining the mainder that were left in their fort, notwithftanding
reft of their ancient cuftoms and fuperftitions, this the Cacique, or Prince, the Admiral had enter d into
argument is of no force. And as to the giants and alliance with in the firft voyage, did all he could to
monfters that are laid to be found in America on protedl the Spaniards; and it appeared, that this
the firft difeovery, as this has happened within the Cacique, and Several of his people, were wounded
fpace of three hundred years, it is ftrange there in an engagement with the Indians of the moun-
fhould be none of the race of them left, if there tains, who had over-powered the Spaniards and their
ever were any fuch, friends, anddeftroyed the fort. lie underftood alio
Befides, I don’t remember to have met with any that the little garrifon he left foon fell into parties
traveller, or writer of credit, that will take upon and divifions, and had led inoft abandon’d live*,
him to fay he has ever feen that people, that made taking four or five women a-piece, and perhaps
human flefh their ordinary food. We may obferve fome of them by force ; which, with their attempt
m the relation before us, that Columbus’s fon to difeover the gold the Indians were poflefs’d of,
lays no more, than that they took fome people at probably haften’d their ruin. The Admiral going
the ifland of Guadalupe, who faid they were natives to vifit the Cacique Guac a n AGARi,theSpaniards
of the ifland of St. John, and, being made prifoners ally, who lay ill of the wounds he receiv’d in the en~
by the Caribbees, apprehended they fhould either be gagementwith Caunabo the Cacique of the moun-
eaten, or made flavesof; for they had heard that tains ; Guac anagarx lamented the misfortune
this was common at Guadalupe, and the other of the men he left in the ifland, fhewed him his
iflands inhabited by the Caribbees. But all this is wounds, that appeared to be given him by their
but hearfay-evidence : None of them pretend to country weapons, and not by the Chriftians; which
fay, they had feen men flaughtered, and their flefh fatisfied the Admiral he had nohand in the deftru<5tion
drefled on purpofe to be eaten. I am inclined there- of the Spaniards : Afterwards, the Cacique prefented^
fore to think, that thofe iflands where the Caribbees him with a firing of gold beads, a regal crown of
are faid to have inhabited, were peopled from that gold, and three calabafhes full of gold duft, amount-
part of the continent where human facrifices were ing to about two pound weight of gold ; in return
offered to their gods ; for the men facrificed on for which the Admiral gave him fome toys, and
thefe occafions, were ufually captives taken in war. glittering trifles, which the Indians efteemed much
It might be true enough, that the Caribbees facri- more valuable. But if knives and tools were
ficed the men they took from other iflands; they among thefe toys, furely the Spaniards had noreafon
might fat them too, to make the vidlims the more to laugh at the folly of the Indians ; for to them
acceptable, as we find the beft and fatteft animals who had feen nothing of that kind before, thefe things
were always made choice of for facrifice. But as to rnuft in reality be more valuable than gold,
the Indians eating thefe human facrifices, or mak- The Admiral having obferved other parts of the
ing human flefli their common food ; this might be, ifland more convenient for building a town, and
and probably was, an addition of the unhappy cap- fettling a colony, than that where he built the firft
tives, who look’d upon their mailers, as capable of fort, return’d with his fleet farther eaftward ; and
any barbarity, after they had feen them facrificing near a mountain, he had named Monte Chrifto,
men. It was from the report and apprehenfions of finding a commodious harbour near the mouth of a
thefe Haves, it feems, that we received the notion river, and a rock that was a good natural fortifica-
of the Caribbees being canibals. However, if I tion, he laid out the plan of a town, to which he
meet with any confirmation of this practice in the gave the name of Ifabella, being the name of the
courfe of this hiftory, I fhall not fail to reprefent Queen of Caftile : And while one part of his men
the evidence impartially ; and, whenever it fhall were bufied in building this town, another detach-
appear probable to me that there ever was fuch a ment was fent to dilcover the country of Ciboa,
people, I fhall not be afhamed to own my miftake. about three or fourfeore miles to the fouthward of
In the mean time, I muft beg leave to fufpend my it, where the greateft plenty of gold was to be found,
belief of a cuftom fo very unnatural, ’till I fee it according to the information of the natives '• For
better proved. tho’ the Spaniards frequently infinuate, that their
To return to our hiftory : The Admiral arriving grand defign in planting thefe countries was to
at Hifpaniola the i 2 th of November, found that all extend and advance the kingdom of Chr i ST ; no-
the people he had left in the fort he built there, and thing is more evident than that the pofleffing the gold
oiled The Nativity, were dead ; The natives in- that they expected to find there, was the principal
thing
XVII
T II E I N T R O
thing they had in view. For this no labour or
hazard was thought too much ; and few of the
Chiefs, employ’d in thefe difcoveries and conquefts,
ftuck at any villany to gratify their infatiable avarice.
The Admiral having fent a party of men to dis-
cover the country of Ciboa, from whence moll of
the gold was brought, and receiving advice that it
was generally a rocky country, pretty well reple-
nifh’d with rivers, in whofe fands were found a pretty
deal of gold duft; he went thither in perfon, in
order to build a fort there that might command
the natives; having firftfent twelveofhis fhipsback
to Spain, and fo difpofed of the reft as to prevent a
mutiny in hisabfence: For theAdventurers, having
flatter’d themfelves that they fhould immediately
poftefs mountains of gold, when they found there
was a great deal of labour and fatigue to be under-
gone, in building forts and towns, and making dis-
coveries, before they muft expedt to accomplifh
their ends ; they formed a confpiracy againft the
Admiral, and had even laid a defign to run away
with the remaining fhips, and return to Spain ; But
Columbus, having difcover’d the plot, and fodif-
pofed things as to prevent a mutiny for the future, he
let out for the country of Ciboa, with a ftrong party
of men, and fome horfes and mules ; and here he
eredled a fortrefs, to which he gave the name of St.
Thomas, in which he left a garrifon of four hundred
men, and upwards, and then return’d to his fhips in
the harbour of Ifabella.
In this expedition, the Admiral oblerves, that the
natives were under the greateft confternation when
they faw their horfes; and, tho’ the Indians would
fometimes venture to engage their foot, a Angle horfe-
man might drive hundreds of ’em before him. They
did not think themfelves fecure, even when there
was a deep river between them and the horfe ; for
they imagin’d the creature could fly ; and, as the
Poet fuggefts, perhaps they took the horfe and the
rider for one animal.
The Admiral, having put the town of Ifabella
and the fort of St. Thomas in a pofture of -defence,
and left a fufficient body of troops in the country,
to keep the natives in awe, determin’d to go upon
new diicoveries : Whereupon he nominated a Coun-
cil of his principal officers, to take the government
of the ifland upon them in his abfence, in which his
brother James Columbus was to prefide, and
then fet fail to the weftward, with three fhips, for
Cuba, not knowing yet whether it were an ifland or
part of the continent. In this voyage he met with fe-
vera! good harbours and rivers, and found the coun-
try to be very fruitful. He alfo difcover’d the ifland
of Jamaica, to the fouthward of Cuba; which he
commends as a more populous, pleafant and fruitful
country than either Cuba or Hifpaniola ; and relates,
that it was inhabited by a warlike people, who at-
tack’d his men with their bows and arrows, and would
-not permit him to make a fettlement on the ifland :
Vo L. III.
DUCTION.
Whereupon he return’d to Cuba, determining to
fail along the coaft, five or fix hundred leagues to
the weftward, ’till he found whether it was an ifland
or not ; but he met with fo many fmall iflands,
rocks and fands on the coaft, together with bad wea-
ther, as made moft of his men fickly, as well as him-
fell; and he was obliged to return to the tcwn of
Ifabella in Hifpaniola, without effecting his defign.
While the Admiral was abfent, Don Peter.
Margarette, to whom he had given the com-
mand of the flying-army that was to keep the coun-
try in fubjedtion, afpiring after the foie command
of the ifland, and refuting to obey the Council the
Admiral entrufted with the government; finding
he could not obtain his ends, left the country, and
tranfported himfelf to Spain : Whereupon his troops
difpers'd themfelves, and, committing great outrages,
feveral of the Caciques of the ifland affembled their
forces in their defence, and cut off a great many
of the Spaniards ; but the Admiral being return’d,
affembled his fcattei’d forces, and with the afliftance
of the Cacique Guacanagari, his faithful Ally,
fubdued all the country under the obedience of his
Catholick Majefty ; tho’, ’tis faid, one of the Indian
armies that oppofed him confifted of an hundred
thoufand men ; and all the Admiral’s troops, that
took the field, amounted to no more than two hun-
dred foot, twenty horfe, and twenty great dogs.
But, if weconfider the confternation the natives muft
be in, when they were attack’d with fire-arms, and
efpecially cannon, which they had never feen before ;
I don’t think thefe accounts very improbable: Nor
were the horfe and dogs, it feems, lefs terrible to
them than the* great-guns, as they were not able to
efcape from them when they fled.
Certain it is, the inhabitants of Hifpaniola were
fubdued in this fecond voyage of Co l u m bus, who
impofed a tribute on them ; and having taken Cau-
nabo, the moft powerful Cacique or Prince of the
ifland, prifoner, fent him to Spain. This Cacique
acknowledg’d, that it was he that deftroy’d thefirft
Spanifh fort, call’d The Nativity, and put to the
fword above twenty of the garrifon the Admiral had
left there.
The tribute the natives of Ciboa (where the gold
was found) agreed to pay the Spaniards, was a large
horfe-bell full of gold duft tor every head above
fourteen years of age, once a quarter; and the reft
were to pay twenty-five pounds of cotton per head
every three months. And now the Spaniards had
no enemies remaining in the ifland ; but fuffer’d
very much from the unhealthfulneft of the climate,
one half of them being fwept away by peftilential
diftempers ; and the frequent mutinies of the Spani-
ards againft the Admiral (who was a foreigner)
and their diffentions among themfelves, were" ftill
more fatal to them, and retarded their making
farther difeoveries for fome time. And here i.t
may be proper to take fome notice of the religion
c and
XV111
THE INTRODUCTION.
and cuftoms of the natives, when the Spaniards firft bee iflands the iothof April ; where he took in frefh
arrived at Hifpaniola ; of which the Admiral him- provifions. Had he (food to the northward, inftead
felf gives us the following account. of plying to the eafl, as all (hipping do now that
of h th re!l f' on He % s 5 tk.at every one of their Kings or Ca- comes for Cuba or Hifpaniola, he would foon have
tives of Hif- ciques (who were very numerous) had a houfe fet come into the way of the wefterly winds, and might
panio'a,when apart for their images, which they call’d Cemi’s : have arrived in Spain as foon as he did atthe Ca-
arrived there ^ iat t ^ e ^' e * nia g es were either of carv’d wood or ribbees ; but, labouring thus againft the trade-winds,
’ (lone, and the natives pray’d to them, and perfom’d which fit coriftantly from the north-eaft, or there-
fuch adds of worfhipand adoration as the Catholicks abouts, near the Tropic of Cancer, he made it the
did to their images in their churches: That 9th of June before he came upon the coaft of Spain,
thefe images bore the name of their fathers, grand- being near three months after his fetting fail from
fathers, or other more remote anceftors ; and that the town of Ifabella.
there were nine or ten of them frequently in one The Admiral, attending their Catholick Majefties
houfe or temple : That they fihew’d more devotion at Burgos, prefented them with fuch foreign plants
and reverence to fome than they did to others, and and animals as he judg’d would be moft accep-
addrefs’d themfelves to different images on different table to them, and with fome gold plate and gold
occafions ; to fome they pray’d for health, too- duft, but in no great quantities, and was inappear-
thers for plenty, and to others for feafonable weather, ance gracioufly received : But the Court were much
fuccefs in their enterprizes, &c. But that thefe they difappointed that they received little more than
worfhip’d as inferior deities, and had a much greater trifles for all the expence they had been at ; they
veneration for the Sun, of which planet however they expected to have entered immediately on mountains
made no image or refemblance. of gold, and to have loaden their (hips home with
That the Cacique feem’d to be Chief Pried: of it ; whereas they could not yet hear of any mines
his temple, as well as Sovereign of his people ; and that were opened, and met only with fmall quantities
made ufe of many holy cheats to keep his people in of the dud that was wafhed down from the moun-
awe, and draw money from them ; caufing anfwers tains, or in the fands of rivers,
to be given as from the mouth of the image add refs’d This, with the p radices of the Admiral’s enemies,
to, as was pradifed by fome oracles of old, and is who infinuated that he was not equal to the great
by fome miracle-mongers among the Papids at work he had undertaken, and by no means qualified
prelent. to civilize and govern barbarous nations, very much
They had various ways of difpofing of their dead : abated the zeal of the Spanilh Court for fupporting
Some they buried in caves, others they burnt in the and enlarging their difeoveries in the new world ";
houfes where they died; but their Caciques and Great infomuch, that the Admiral was forc’d to remain
men were embowel’d and dry ’d, in order to preferve near two years at the Court of Spa in, before he could
the corpfe aslong aspoffible. obtain the fupplies he follicited for.
After death, they apprehended they (hould pafs And notwithftanding the Admiral appears to
to fome delightful plains (by their defeription not have been a very great and good man, yet there
unlike the Elyiian fields) where they (hould meet feems to have been lome errors in his conduct, that
with their anceftors, kindred and friends, and enjoy very much retarded his further difeoveries, and ren-
al! the pleafu res that food, women, or the mod dered the enterprize lefs advantageous to himfelf and
charming fituation could afford ; and, laftly, that his royal employers, than it might have been in his
they had Phyftcians amongft them that adminifter’d life-time.
medicinal herbs, roots and plants to their patients; When the Spaniards appeared fo fanguine on
hut pretended to effeft the cure chiefly by magick, his firft difeovery, as to equip him out immediately
or the afliftan.ee of demons, with whom, they for a fecond voyage, with feventeen (hips, crouded
taught the people, they convers’d. with men and all manner of neceftaries, had heem-
The Admiral, having fettled the government of ployed a dozen of thefe (hips as many different
the ifland, and built three fortreffes, befides that of ways on his arrival at Hifpaniola, inftead offendirw
ifabella, to preferve his conqueft, thought fit to return them home again with trifles, he had probably dift
fo Spain ; for he found fo many ill offices had been covered the rich treafures of Mexico and Peru in
done him by his enemies, that the Court of Spain that voyage, and encreas’d the great opinion the
negledded to fend him any farther reinforcements, to Spaniards entertained of him on his firft fuccefs ;
enable him to extend his difeoveries. Pie feem’d inftead of which, not finding their expeditions an-
under a neceflity therefore of attending their Ca- fwered, they began to quarrel with the Admiral,
tholick Majefties in perfon, in order to fet matters grew cool upon the matter, and not lon^ after, in
right, and procure fuch fupplies as were wanting; a manner, became his enemies ; infomuch that le
and accordingly, fetting fail to the eaftward on the was in great danger of lofing his head, inftead
iotP or March, the wind being diredfly againft of receiving a reward for the inexprelfible labour
~ hm, he arrived, with infinite labour, at the Carib- and hazards he had undergone, to add another world
to
XIX
THE INTRODUCTION.
to their dominions, as will appear in the following
relation.
The Admiral, after near two years attendance
at the Court of Spain, having, at length, procu-
red fix fhips, fet fail on the 30th of May, 1498,
for America again, and in his way touch’d at the
Maderas. He afterwards made the ifland of Ferro,
the moft wefterly of the Canaries, from whence
he detach’d three of his fhips diredfly for Hifpaniola,
and with the other three bent his courfe towards the
iflands of Cape Verd, which lie in fifteen degrees
north latitude : Here he touch’d again ; and, having
taken in fome refrefhments, held on his courfe to the
fouth-weft, in expectation of difeovering the conti-
nent, ’till he came into five degrees north latitude;
but meeting here with calms, and excdlive hot wea-
ther, with abundance of thunder and lightening, he
was deterred from failing any further to the fouth,
and bent his courfe to the north-weft, ’till he came
into feven degrees north latitude, and then he fleer’d
due weft ; which courfe having continued fome days,
he difeovered a large ifland on the ill of Auguft,
to which he gave the name of the The Trinity,
which lies near the mouth of the river Oroonoko in
South- America ; and in a day or two after, he made
the continent of Paria or Guiana, now called New-
Andalufia, lying about feven degrees fouth of Bar-
bados.
The Admiral going on fhore on the 5 th of Auguft,
bartered away fome trifles with the natives of Paria,
and obferved they were rather whiter than thofe of
Hifpaniola; that the men wore their hair long, and
had little aprons and caps of cotton-linnen ; that
the women wore little gold plates and chains of
pearl about their necks, bi t had no aprons or
covering for their nudities; and that they were
generally a harmlefs inoffenfive people (not canibals
as fome reprefent them).
The Admiral having fpent about a fortnight upon
the coafl of Paria, in getting what intelligence he
could of that continent, fet fail direCtly for Hifpani-
ola, and arrived at St. Domingo, a town that his
Brother (and Lieutenant) had built on the fouth fide
of the ifland, and fo named in memory of their
Father Dominic, on the 30th of Auguft, 1498.
The continual labour and watchings the Admiral
had endur’d in attempting to difeover the continent,
made the fight of Hifpaniola very acceptable to
him, where he hoped to have enjoyed fome eafe
and fatisfa< 5 lion after numberlefs hazards and fatigues ;
but to his great mortification he found the ifland in
the utmoft diftrahfion : He had left his Brother his
Lieutenant, as has been related, during his abfence,
and one h r a n c 1 s Roldan, a Spaniard, in the
quality of Chief Juftice, who agreed pretty well in
their refpective commands for the firft year after
the Admiral's return to Spain; but there being no
news what was become of him, and generally belie-
ved that he was loft, Roldan, ’tis laid, began to
Vo L. III.
entertain thoughts of fetting up for himfelf, and
expelling the Admiral’s brothers from the ifland, re-
prefenting that the family of Columbus were
foreigners, who had form’d a defign of aggrandizing
themfelves at the coft of the Spaniards, and in-
tended to ufurp the dominion of their fellow-ad-
venturers, as well as of the lands they had difcover’d
and conquer’d with their arms : And to gain the
Indians, he obferv’d, that the Admiral had impofed
a tribute on them, to enrich himfelf, without the
knowledge of the King of Spain, and defigned to
ufe them as his flaves ; and by thefe feditious dif-
courfes, made fuch a party among the Spaniards
and Indians, as had very near occafioned a general
revolt. It was with a great deal of difficulty, there-
fore, that James Columbus preferved part of
the ifland under his obedience, ’till the Admiral
returned : Nor could he himfelf accommodate the
matter, and reduce thecountry to a ftate of tranquil-
lity, ’till he confented to confirm Roldan perpe-
tual Chief Juftice of the ifland.
And now applying himfelf to the digging of the
gold mines, he found fuch plenty of that metal, that
one man frequently got five marks of gold in a day’s
time; by which means Columbus and his family
were in a fair way of becoming immenfely rich,
when another infurredlion was raifed againft him by
Alonzo de Ojeda, a confiderabie Spaniard,
whom he had employed to make difcoveries upon
the coaft of Paria: And tho’ the Admiral, by his
excellent conduct, found means to maintain his au-
thority in the ifland, and deprefs his enemies there;
yet they appeared too hard for him in the Court of
Spain, by the malicious ftories they tranfmitted thi-
ther. They reprefented him to the King, as am-
bitious, covetous, and tyrannical; that he had no
true notions of government, and ufed both Spaniards
and Indians as flaves; that he poftefs’d himfelf of
vaft treafures, while he conceal’d the richeft mines
from the King’s officers: And thefe gentlemen hav-
ing friends and relations in the Court of Spain to
back their complaints and malicious fuggeftions, at
length work’d him out of the King’s favour. But
perhaps nothing was a greater inducement to King
Ferdinand to deprive him of his government,
than the heaps of gold he was told would flow into
his treafury, on his removing the Admiral : His
Majefty therefore fent over Francis Bovadil-
la, a Spanifh Knight, to Hifpaniola, to enquire
into the Admiral’s conduct, giving him authority to
apprehend him, and fend him to Spain, if he thought
fit, requiring all the Commanders and Officers of the
ifland to aiTift Bovadi lla : He fent a letter to
the Admiral himfelf alfo, commanding him to obey
this new Governor.
Columbus, on the arrival of Bovadilla
with thefe orders, furrendered himfelf upon the firft
fummons (tho’ he was now in a condition to have
held the ifland againft all the power the Spaniards
c 2 could
XX
T H E I N T R
could have fent thither) ; believing that on his re-
prefenting his cafe to the King and Queen of Spain,
of whom he had deferv’d fo well, he ffould be re-
ftored to his command, efpecially as he was confcious
his enemies could prove none of the things they had
laid to his charge.
The infolent Bovadilla made the moft of his
com million; he immediately took poffeffion of the
Admiral’s palaces, and all his effedts, and clapping
him and his brother in irons, fent them both pri-
foners to Spain : The Captain of the {hip, indeed,
afhamed to fee this Great man in fetters, offered to
eafe him of them; but he was refolved to carry
them to Europe, as an evidence perhaps of Spanifo
gratitude; for he could not believe that B ovadii,-
ia durft have ufed him in this barbarous manner,
if he had not exprefs orders for it from Court.
However, their Catholick Majeflies no {boner heard
of the Admiral’s arrival, but they fent orders to re-
leafe him, and invite him to Court, afTuring him
that Bovadilla had exceeded his commiffion,
and that his eftate fhouid be reftored, and he fhould
be continued in the command of all he had difcover-
ed in the new world ; for it evidently appeared that
the complaints that had been brought againft him,
proceeded either from felf- interelf, or malice. But
notwithffanding the Admiral was innocent, and had
the titles of Admiral and Vice-roy of the Indies con-
tinued to him, he appears to have been actually de-
prived of his government of Hifpaniola, and another
was fent thither in his room, that would be more
acceptable to the Spaniards, as well as the Indians,
as was fuppofed, and bring more treafure into their
Maiefties coffers : Which the Admiral fo much re-
fented, that he had determined to retire, and lead a
private life, without attempting any further difco-
veries; for he reflected, that if what he had done
for the Span iff nation could not induce them to ufe
him well, nothing that lie could do hereafter would.
But the King, either confidering what diffonour
the laying the Admiral afide might refiedt upon him,
or imagining he might make yet more profitable
difcoveries, perfuaded Columbus to put to fea a-
gain, veiled with the like powers he had conferred
on him in his former voyages.
Accordingly the Admiral fet fail from Cadiz with
four ffips, from 50 to 70 tun, and 140 men, on
the 9th of May, 150Z ; and, touching at the Ca-
naries the 20th of the fame month, where he took
in wood and water, he fail’d from thence the 24th,
and arriv’d at Martinico, one of the Canbhee
iflands, the 15th of June, and the latter end of the
fame month came before St. Domingo, in Hifpani-
ola : But the Admiral was not buffered to enter that
port, tho’ moft of his eftate and effects lay there-
abouts, and he had reprefented to the Spaniff Go-
vernor, that one of his ffips was much damaged,
and he apprehended a ftorm. From whence, ’tistoo
plaur, that the Court of Spain, had given orders, that
O D U C T I O N.
he fhould never more refide in Hifpaniola, which
he had conquered for them. The Admiral, how-
ever, had the good fortune to get into a little creek
in the ifland, where he weather’d a very terrible
{form, in which Bovadilla his great enemy,
and fourteen fhips loaden with treafure, and hound
for Spain, periffed.
The Admiral, after the (form was over, left the
coaff of Hifpaniola, and failing to the weftward,
pafs’d by the fouth fide of the ifland of Jamaica,
from whence continuing his courfe, he arriv’d at
the ifland of Guayana, in the gulpb of Honduras,
where he met with a canoe as long as a galley, and
eight foot wide, made of one tree; which being
loaden with fuch merchandize as the neighbouring
continent afforded, and having twenty-five men,
and feveral women and children on board, bound
for the coaff of Mexico, he made them prifoners :
He found on board the canoe feveral large pieces of
cotton-linnen, quilts, and quilted waiffcoats, with-
out fleeves, finely wrought, and died of feveral co-
lours. The women on board the canoe wrapp’d
tbemfelves up in pieces of cotton-linnen, or had
cloths of the bignefs of handkerchiefs to cover their
nudities : There were found alfo on hoard the ca-
noe, wooden fwords, edg’d with flints, and hatchets
made of copper : They had alfo bells, plates, and
crucibles of copper to melt theiffmetal in.
Their provifions were maize or Indian-corn, fe-
veral forts of roots, and cacao-nuts, of which choco-
late is made.
The Admiral having taken out of the canoe fuch
things as he lik’d, and given the Indians fuch Euro-
pean goods in return, as were moft acceptable to
them, he difmifs’d the canoe, and all the people in
it, except one old man he detained to inform him
of the ftate of the neighbouring continent, and to
ferve him for an interpreter among the natives :
The Indians, who were already on board the Ad-
miral, it feems, did not perfectly underftand the
language of thofe of the continent, that were taken
in the canoe; but learn’d, however, thus much
from them, that north-weft of the province of Hon- Mexico
duras, on which coaft the Spaniards lay at tl*a time,
there liv’d a potent Prince (afterwards found to be
the Emperor of Mexico) and that to the fouth-eaft
of Honduras was a narrow ftraight, that led to a vaft
ocean (afterwards known by the name of theSouth-
fca) which the Admiral determined to fearch out,
rightly conjedfuring, that over that fea he ffould
find a way to the treafures and fpices of the Eaft-
Indies : But the misfortune was, that the lame word
Much fignified a ftraight by fea, might be, and really
ought to have been, on that occalion, interpreted The Adri-
an ifthmus. by land; and if he had underftood* thefe ^J t nder a
Indians right, they would have informed him, that miftakei
there was a narrow neck of land, afterwards called
the Ifthmus of Darien, that feparated the North and
South-feas, or the Atlantic from the Pacific- ocean.
Tliis
THE INTRO
This miftake caufed the Admiral an infinite deal of
trouble and fatigue; for upon this intelligence he
returned to the eaftward, in order to find out the
imaginary Straight, labouring againft the trade-winds
and currents, which conftantly fit to the weftward
in the North-fea. As he fail’d to the eallward a-
long the coaft of Honduras, his people frequently
went on fhore and traffick’d with the natives, ex-
changing bells, glittering beads and toys, for thin
gold plates; and here they were furnifhed with wa-
ter and frelh provifions, fuch as venifon, geefe,
hens, fifh, and beans, like kidney-beans. Moft of
thefe people went naked, only their heads were co-
vered with a piece of cotton-linnen, as were alfo
their nudities; and fome of them had fhort quilted
waiftcoats of cotton, which I find ferv’d them for
armour as well as cloathing, and would defend
them againft a ftroke of their wooden fwords :
Thofe that were naked, had the figures of beafts,
birds, caftles, &c. painted on their arms and bodies;
and on rejoicing-days, when they would be very
fine, they painted their faces red or black, or mark’d
themfelves with long ftrokes of various colours,
which made them look very deformed in the eyes of
the Spaniards, how agreeable foever they might ap-
pear to one another : They adorn’d their necks, ears
and nofes, with thin gold-plates, and thofe hung at
their ears, ftretched them to fuch a prodigious fize,
that the Admiral gave the coaft of Honduras the
name of De las Orejas, or, the Country of Ears.
The Admiral fail’d along this coaft to the eaft-
ward, ’till he came to the Cape, which he named
Gracias a Dios or. Thanks be to God ; becaufe he
was no longer obliged to ftruggle againft the winds
and currents; for here the coaft bending to the
fouth, he continued his voyage without any difficul-
ty, by the affiftance of the eafterly trade-winds.
The Admiral found the people here very jealous
the Spaniards had fome defign upon their country,
and came down armed, in great numbers, with
bows and arrows, fpears and clubs, as if they in-
tended to difpute their landing; But afterwards,
finding the Spaniards only wanted to trade with
them, tH^ became more t ratable, and exchanged
cotton-linnen, and plates of gold for fome European
toys. But, it feems, one of the Admiral’s people
taking out a pen and ink, and beginning to write
down his obfervations on the people and country,
the natives immediately fled, and left all the things
behind them they had received of the Spaniards:
From whence the Admiral conceived they thought
they fhould be bewitched, if they converfed any
longer with his men. It is remarkable alfo, that
here the Spaniards met with feveral dead bodies em-
balm’d, and wrapp’d in cotton fheets, and fo perfeift-
ly dry, that they had no manner of ill feent. Thefe
were repofited in tombs, in a large wooden houfe or
temple, and over each tomb was laid a board, with
the figures of beafts carv’d on it; and on fome, the
D U C T I O N.
figures of the perfbns deceafed, adorned with beads,
gold plates, &c.
On the fecond of November, the Admiral conti-
nuing his voyage to the eaftward, came to a large
commodious harbour, to which he gave the name
of Porto Bello, which it retains to this day; it lies
in the province of Terra-firma Proper^ in to
degrees north latitnde. Here he met with a great
many Indian houfes well inhabited ; and, on the
iflands near the fhore, he found a great deal of In-
dian-corn, and other refrefhments, from whence
he gave thofe iflands the name of the Baftimento’s,
or, the Iflands of Provifion. Here the Admiral,
underftanding that there were gold mines in the
province of Veragua, which lies to the weftward of
Terra-firma, he returned again to that coaft, where
he met with fuch ftormy weather, that it almoft
deftroyed his fhips, and reduced his men to defpair:
But the weather favouring him at length, he fent
fome men a-fhore in fearch of the golden moun-
tains he had heard fo much of, and they had the
fatisfadlion of gathering fome gold, at the roots of
trees, and near the furface of the earth ; which made
the Admiral determine to fettle a colony in Veragua,
and leave his brotherGovernor of it ’till he returned
to Spain for further reinforcements.
Accordingly he built a little town and fort, in
which he left his brother, and a garrifon of eighty
men, fupplying them with arms, ammunition and
provifions ; But apprehending the friendlhip of the
natives was not to be depended upon, before he
fet fail, he ordered his brother to make the Cacique
or Prince of that part of the country, with his fa-
mily, and the principal natives, prifoners ; which
he did, and fent them on board the Spanifh fhips : But
the Cacique, and moft of the prifoners, jumping into
the fea, and making their efcapes, raifed the whole
country upon the Spaniards ; and killing fome, and
wounding others, oblig’d them to quit their new fet-
tlement ; and it was with a great deal of difficulty
that the reft efcap'd to their fhips, one of which was
fo eaten up with worms, that they were obliged to
leave her behind. After this unfortunate rencounter
the Admiral fet fail with the three remaining fhips,
in a miferable fhatter’d condition, and arriv’d again
at Porto Bello ; where he was forced to leave another
of his fhips, fhe was fo difabled by thetempeftuous
weather they had on this coaft, or the worm. From
Porto Bello, he diredfed his courfo north, ’till he
made the great ifland of Cuba, and on Midfummer-
day they arrived at Jamaica, their fhips fo leaky, that
they found it almoft impoffible to keep them above
water ’till they got to fhore : Whereupon they
run them both a- ground in a fmail creek clofe to-
gether, about a mufket-fhot from land, where they
fupported and fhored up the fhips with timber, and
liv’d on board them above a year, trafficking with
the country people for provifions ; but they did not
care t.o lie on fhore for fear of being furprized and
deftroyed
THE INTRODUCTION.
ileftroyed by the natives, if any quarrel fhouldhap- or deprive them of their country ; even this memo-
pen between them and the Spaniards. rable enterprize of Co I. u M B u s cannot he defended.
In the mean time, the Admiral lent over fome However, in the light he viewed things, with all his
Of his crew to Hifpaniola, in open canoes, to get prejudices and prepofl'eflions about him ; as he
(hips to carry him and his company off. This was thought he was doing G o d good fervice, by en-
a very hazardous enterprize ; for thefe canoes, which larging the bounds ot Chriftendom, and 1 educing
are only fmall boats made out of trunks of trees, the nations of this new world, to lubmit to the
were to pafs the ocean about fifty leagues, and Gofpel ; or, which he took to be the fame thing, to
are in danger of being overfet in every little the Pope and his Catholick Majefty ; it mult bv.
fform. However, theyarrived fafe at Hifpaniola; admitted he intended well, tho all he did was not
but the Governor, who was an enemy to the Ad- ftridtlyjuft.
jniral, delay’d fending ftfips fo long, that his people And what was the end of all this mighty d.f-
mutinied, and one half of them left him, and went coveryin regard to hnnfelf? He was indeed, at hrft
on fhoreon tire ifland, where they committed great highly carefs’d and honoured, his family ennobled
outrages, ’till the Admiral fought them, and reduced and vafily enrich’d : But if we confider the infinite
them to their duty by force, many of the Spaniards hazards and labours he underwent, even in his old age,
being killed on both fides in the engagement. At and that he faw himfelf at laft about to be deprived
lengdi, the Admiral’s people having bought and of the reward of fo many years toil and perplexity ;
fitted out a fhip, at his charge, in the ifland of we cannot wonder it had an effect upon his health,
Hifpaniola (in which they had no affiflance from which the numerous haidfhips he had luffered had
the Govenor) they came back to Jamaica, and already greatly impaired : It is rather to be admired
brought the Admiral off, after he had fpent above a he ftruggled fo long under a train of calamities, of
year there, in great d iff refs, and lain moft of the which the ingratitude of the Spaniards was not the
time bed-rid with the gout. The Admiral arri- leaf!. This, it appears, fit heavy upon him ; and
ved at St. Domingo, in Hifpaniola, the 13th of bei ng retired to the city of Validolid, we find he there
Auguft, 1504; and, having fettled his affairs in left this life for a better, on the zoth of May, 1 506 ;
this ifland, where he had a good eftate, and effects of dying, ’tis faid, with abundance of refignation, under
value, he returned to Spain, where his Catholick a fenfe, no doubt, that the moft important fervices,
Majefty receiv’d him, in appearance, very gracioufly ; attended by the moft furprifing fuccefs, were thrown
but it feems was contriving, at the fame time, to away upon an ungrateful nation: He faw they could
deprive him of moft of the advantages he had fti- not procure him a continuance of the fame he had
pulated to allow him, on the Admiral’s under- fo juftly acquired, or a moment’s repofe in his old
taking the difeoverv of that new world : bor his age; and that there was no reft, or real felicity, to
great patronefs Queen Isabella was now dead, be found on this fide the grave,
and moft of the Court envied him the wealth and After his death, indeed, his Catholick Majefty
honour he had acquired, how juftly foever he meri- was fo juft to this Great man, as to bury him magni-
ted them, and that cbieflv, becaufe he was a fo- ficently in the cathedral of Seville, and to eraft a
reigner. But, notwithftanding the ftriaeft ferutiny tomb to his memory, with this infeription : That
the malice of his enemies could make, it does not Columbus had given a new World to
appear that any thing was fix’d upon him, that Castile and Leon.
could fully his character, unlefs it was his too great From this relation it appears, that the Admiral
tieal to ferve the ungrateful Spaniards, and enlarge inperfon difeovered theLucayo’s, or Bahama iflands,
their dominions, by bringing the innocent, in- the great iflands of Cuba, Hifpaniola, and Porto
oftenfive Indians under the fubjedtion of that cruel Rico, with feveral of the Caribbee iflands; that he
and haughty people. But he', as well as the reft of afterwards difeovered the countries of Paria, and
the Popifh world, it feems, was then of opinion, Guiana, near the mouth of the river Oroonoko, in
that his Holinefshad the difpofal of all Pagan coun- South-America, and the ifland of I rinity, which
tries, and could confer them on whom he pleafed : lies in 1 o degrees north latitude, before the mouth
Or, that all Infidel nations ought of right to become of the faid river Oroonoko ; that he alfo difeovered
Haves tothe Chriftians. Thefe notions hecertainly Yucatan, a province of Mexico, the Bay of H011-
went upon, or he could not with any colour of duras, and all that coaft which runs fouth-eaft from
juftice have fubdued Hifpaniola, and made the In- thence, as far as Porto Bello, and the river or gulph
dians of this and other places captives, who received of Darien, and received fome intelligence of that
him as a friend, traffick’d with his people, and fur- vaft ocean, which has fince obtained the name of the
nifhed them with whatever their refpedtive countries South-fea : So that all thofe, who afterwards extend-
afforded. ed the difeoveries of the Spaniards in the new world.
If we confider, I fay, that the Spaniards could only improved what the great Co lu m b us had be-
have no right to invade the Indians, enflave them, gun ; and yet we find one of them (viz.) Am eri-
cus,
THE INTRODUCTION. xxiii
cus Vesputius, of whom I am to treat in the The next, or rather a cotemporary Dilcoverer Cabot’s
next place, had the good fortune to give his name to with Americus Vesputius, was Cabot, difc(,vcl:if! '
that vaft continent. an Italian alio, or at leaf! of Italian extraction ; for
Americus The enemies of Columbus having given the fome affirm, he was born at Briftol in England of
die fecond Court of S P ain an ill opinion of him, it appearsthey Genoefe parents. This gentleman was employed
Dilcoverer. employedAME RICUS Vesputius, a Florentine, by King Henry VII. to find out a pafiage to
in the year 1497, to improve and enlarge the dif- China, and the Eaft-Indies, by the north-weft;
coveries begun by that Great man; but however for- and accordingly he fet out from England, in the
turiate this gentleman might be in making difcoveries, year 1 49 8, and fail’d along the continent of Ame-
he gives the iameft account-of them, of any man that rica, to 67 degrees of northern latitude; but his
ever was employed in fuch an undertaking. He men murmuring at the hardftnps they underwent in
fays, he touched at the Canaries in this voyage, and, that cold climate, he returned home, bringing with
having failed a thoufand leagues to the weft ward, ar- him only fome of the favage natives of thole frozen
rived at a country fituated in 16 degrees of north regions. (Thefame Ca bo T,or his fon,’tis faid, firft
latitude, which muft be fome of theCaribbeeiflands: attempted the finding a way to China by the north-
He failed near nine hundred leagues further weft- eaft, and in that voyage difcovered the way to Arch-
ward afterwards, and came to a country under the angel in Mufcovy by the North Cape.) But to re-
Tropic of Cancer, which, by the latitude and di- turn to the Weft.
ftance to the weftward, feems to be part of Mexi- Thus have we feen that vaft continent of A-
co. He did not attempt to make fettlements any merica, difcovered (from 67 degrees north latitude
where, and probably was not provided for it, but to 5 2 fouth) within the compafs of about ten years ;
fatisfied himfelf with having traffick’d with fome of but the Spaniards did not penetrate far into the in-
the Indians for trifles, and fought with others, whofe land country, ’till fome years afterwards,
aims were like thofe Columbus met with in The next confiderable Dilcoverer, was Vasco Thedlfcor*^
other places. . Nunez de Balbao, who prolecuting what rie5 °-
He made another voyage in the fervice of the Spa- had been begun byCoLu M bus, made an entire con- ^ alc<>
niard, the following year r 49 ^ 5 an< L failing to the queft of Cuba, and found it to be an ifland ; then Biifeoa.
fouth-weft, pafs’d the Equator, and came to a coun- he fail’d to the river of.Darien, on the ifthmus of A-
try in five degrees of north latitude ; which, in all merica, where Co L um b us had attempted to make
likelihood, was Surinam, in the province of Gui- a fettlement, but was driven from it. Here Vasco
ana. Here he traded with the natives for pearls, built a fort and town, which he named SanHa Ma-
and fome gold, which they exchanged for glafs and ria del Antigua, or Old St. Mary’s ; and cultivating
toys, and returned home by Antegoa. one of the a correfpondence with the Caciques, or petty Kings
Leeward iflands. . thereabouts, they Ihew’d him the way to the South-
Emanuel, King of Portugal, afterwards en- fea, over thole vaft mountains that run along the
tertain’d Americus Vesputius in his fervice ; middle of the ifthmus, parallel to the North and
and, in May 1501, he fail d from Lifbon with three South-feas; and tho’ it was not more than three or
ftups ; and, coming again upon the continent of fourlcore miles from the one lea to the other, yet
South- America, in 5 degrees of fouth latitude, he their way lay over fuch craggy precipices, and was
fail d afterwards along that coaft to the fouthward, incumber’d with luch thick woods, that they tra-
^ till he came into 52 degrees of fouth latitude, when veil’d 25 days before they came in fight of theSouth-
the cold and tempeftuous weather obliged him to re- fea : And there Vasco, upon the higheft moun-
turn home. Thus having difcovered a continent tain, ereefted crofTes, and took pofteffion of the coun-
in the new world, little inferior, in dimenfions, to try for their Catholick Majefties ; as he did foon
that of the old, he was fo happy as to give his name after of the South-fea itfelf, and of all its coafts and
to the whole, which, horn him, has ever fince bays for the Crown of Caftileand Leon, in the year
gone under the name of America, tho’ he never at- 1513. He afterwards erefted the fortrefsof Panama
tempted to make one fettlement in it, either for the on the South-fea, and fitted out a fleet to make fur-
King of Spain, or the King of Portugal, who em- ther difcoveries on that ocean ; for which fervices
ployed him in theie difcoveries ; while Co lu m bus, the Court of Spain made him Governor of Cuba
who firft went in fearch of this continent, and made and Panama, and Admiral of the South-feas. But,
fuch acquifitions in it for the Spaniard, did not give the King of Spain fending over Pedr arias,
his name to one fingle place. But ’tis obfervable, Vice -roy of Darien and the continent, with a fupe-
« that both thefeenterprizing gentlemen were Italians; rior command to that of Vasco Nunez, the
and, as their anceftors had formerly the honour of Vice-roy took an opportunity to pick a quarrel with
fubduing the greateft part of the old world; fo Vasco, and caus’d him to be put to death under
thefe traced out the way to the new, and gave the a colour of law.
Spaniards an opportunity of conquering the greateft The next great Dilcoverer and Conqueror, Was Fernando
part of this new world. Fernando Cortez, who began the conqueft
d Of and comjuertfj
XXIV
Magellan's
eSifcoveries.
ff f
THE INTRODUCTION.
of Mexico in the year 1518; of which I ftiall give
a particular account in this work.
The famous Magellan, in 1520, difcovered
the ftraights (to which he gave his name) in South- A-
merica ; from whence he fail’d thro’ the South-fea
to the Eaft-Indies, being the firib Commander that
attempted that paflage: His fhip furrounded the
globe, and returned fafe heme, tho’ he had the
misfortune to be kill’d in an ifland of the Eaft-In-
dies. But I refer the Reader to the former volumes
of Modern Hftory for a full account of this firfl
voyage round the globe.
The laft dilcoverers I (hall mention in this Intro- Pizarro and
du&ion, are Francis Pizarro, Don Diego
de Almagro, and r ernando de Luqjue, veries and
who, in confederacy or partnerlhip, undertook the conquefts.
difeovery of Peru, from Panama by fea, in the year
1 5 25, and afterwards made aconqueft of great part
of that extenfive empire. Of all which difeoveries
and conquefts, the Reader will meet with a particu-
lar account in the hiftory of America.
C O N T^E N T S
Of the Third VOLUME.
The Prefent State of Africa in general.
C 'l H A P. I. Of Africa in general. Page 1
j Chap. II. Tbe prefent /late of Ethiopia fupe-
rior, 2
Chap. III. The prefent fate of Zanguebar, 9
Chap. IV. The prefent Jlate of Caffraria : particu-
larly the fouth part of it, the country of the Hot-
tentots, 1 0
Chap. V. The prefent fate of Congo : Containing
the prefent fate of the kingdoms of Congo, for the
mo ft part fubjeft to the Portuguefe ; under which
are included the countries of Angola, Congo Pro-
per, and Loango, 4 2
Chap, VI. The prefent fate of Guinea : Compre-
hending the countries of Benin and the Slave Coaft,
the Gold Coaft, the Ivory Coaft, and the Grain
Coaft, 4 3
Chap. VII. The Prefent fate of Nigritia, Zaara
and Biledulgerid : Containing the prefent fate of
Nigritia or Negroe-land, Zaara or the Defart,
and of Biledulgerid olim Numidia, 67
Chap. VIII. The prefent fate of the Empire of Mo-
rocco : In which are comprehended the kingdoms or
provinces of Fez, Morocco and Suz, 70
Chap. IX. The prefent fate of Algiers : Contain-
ing the prefent fate of the kingdom of Algiers, 8 2
Chap. X. The prefent fate ofTu n is and Tripoli. 98
Chap. XI. The prefent fate of the African funds,
103
Chap. XII. The ancient hiftory of Africa. 1 1 5
The Prefent State of America in general.
Chap. I. Of the name , and fever al grand divifons
of America, Page 129
Chap. II. The prefent fate of Mexico : Deferring
the fttuation and extent of Mexico, or New Spain ;
and the face of the country, p. 13°
Chap. III. Of the feas, gulphs or bays, capes, lakes,
rivers, and fprings, in Mexico, 1 3 1
Chap. IV. Of the winds and tides , the temperature
of the air, and feafons of Mexico, 1 3 2
Chap. V. Of the provinces Mexico is divided into ,
its fubdivifons, and chief towns , with their publick
and private buildings and furniture, 133
Chap. VI. Of the perfons and habits of /^Mexicans ;
of their genius and temper, arts, manufactures ,
diet, exercifes, and diverfons, 144
Chap. VII. Of the conquef of Mexico by the Spani-
ards, 1 5 0
Chap. VIII. Of the Mexican animals, 185
Chap. IX. Of the Mexican vegetables, viz. their
foreft and fruit-trees, corn, herbage, roots , and
flowers', and alfo of their huftandry, 194
Chap. X. Of the Mexican minerals ; their coin ;
their precious fones and pearls ; and of their weights
and meafures, 200
Chap. XI. Of the trajftck of Mexico', their carriages,
inns, and way of travelling, 204
Chap. XII. Of the hiftory and government of the an-
cient Mexicans, z 1 3
Chap. XIII. Of the modern government of Mexico,
of the forces and revenues of that viceroyalty , p. 2 1 8
Chap. XIV. Of the religion of the Mexicans, anci-
ent and modern, 221
Chap. XV. Of the jnarriages of /A 1 Mexicans; of
the education of their children, and of their fu-
nerals, 226
Chap. XVI. Of the province u/New-Mexico, 229
The
XXV
THE
The Prefent State of Terra- Fir ma.
Chap. I. Of the province of Terra-Firma, p. 233
CONTENTS.
Chap. I. Of the ifand of Cuba,
Chap. II. Of the ifand of Hifpaniola,
Chap. II. Of the name , fituation , extent of Chap.^ III. Of the ifand of Porto Rico,
Peru; and of the face of the country, 261 The Conclufion of Spanifh- America,
Chap. III. Of the feas, rivers , lakes, fprings, zvinds,
tides, air , and feafons of Peru
264
Chap. IV. The provinces the kingdom of Peru is di-
vided into ; its fub-diviflons, and chief towns ; and
their publick and private buildings , 268
Chap. V. Of the perfons and habits of the Peruvi-
ans ; of their genius and temper ; arts, manufac-
tures, food, exercifes and diverfions ; difeafes and
phyftcians , 227
Chap. VI. Of the Peruvian annuals, 284
Chap. VII. Of the Mexican vegetables, viz. of their
foref and fruit-trees, corn , herbage , roots, flowers,
balm, gums, and drugs, 288
Chap. VIII. Of their minerals and precious Jlones, 290
Chap. IX. The hflory, religion, and government of
the Peruvians, before rfe? Spanifh conquefl , 293
Chap. X. Of the invafion and conquefl of Peru by the
Spaniards, 306
Chap. XI . Of their women , marriages, children,
flaves and funerals-, and of the navigation and
f hipping of the Peruvians, 352
The Prefent State of Chili.
Chap. I. Of the name, fituation, and extent of Chili,
and of the face of the country , their mountains, & c.
35 7
Chap. II. Of the fprings, lakes, baths, rivers, ports,
feas, winds, tides, and feafons of Chili, 359
Chap. III. Of the provinces and fubdivifions f/'Chili,
and of their chief towns, buildings,and fortreffes, 3 6 1
Chap. IV. Of the perfons and habits of the Chile fl-
ans ; their genius, temper, arts, manufactures, food,
exercifes, and diverfions, 364
Chap. V. Of the animals of Chili, 367
Chap. VI. Of their forejl and fruit-trees, grain,
plants, herbs , roots , flowers , and minerals, ibid.
Chap. VII. The hiftory of Chili, containing the an-
cient and prefent fate of that country, 369
The Prefent State of La Plata, or Paragua.
Chap. I. Of the name, fituation, and extent of La
Plata, and of the face of the country, 393
Chap. II. Of the feas, lakes, fprings, rivers, and
feafons of La Plata, ibid.
Chap. III. Of the provinces, chief towns, and build-
ings of La Plata, 395
Chap. IV. Of the perfons and habits of the inhabi-
tants of La Plata ; their genius and temper, food ,
exercifes , and diverfions', and of their mechanick
arts, _ _ 397
Chap. V. Of their hufbandry, plants, animals, and
minerals , 398
The Prefent State of the Amazons, 402
1 he Prefent State of die Spanijh Iflands,
3
p. 407
41 o
41 2
415
The Prefent State of Brazil.
Chap. I. Of the fituation and extent of Brazil ; of
its name % the face of the country , Jprings, rivers,
lakes, feas, air, winds, and feafons, 418
Chap. II. Of the provinces and chief towns of Bra-
zil, and the buildings of the natives, 419
Chap. III. Of the perfons and habits of the Brazi-
lians, their genius and temper, arts and fciences,
food, exercifes , and diverfions, 424
Chap. IV. Of the animals of Brazil, *42;
Chap. V. Of their plants and vegetables, *426
Chap. VI. Of their hflory, government, arms, forces,
wars, marriages, women, children , flaves, and
funerals , *428
The Prefent State of the Britijh Plantations.
Chap. I. Of the name, fituation, extent, and fub-
divifions of the Britifh plantations in the continent
of America; and more particularly of the province
of Virginia, 425
Chap. II. Of the face of the country, its mountains,
feas, capes , bays, rivers, fprings, lakes, winds ,
tides and feafons , 426
Chap. III. Of the provinces and chief towns of Vir-
ginia, and of the buildings of ^Indians, 428
Chap. IV. Of the perfons and habits of ^Virgini-
ans, their genius and temper, arts , manufactures ,
food, exercifes and diverfions, difeafes , and reme-
dies, 430
Chap. V. Of the Virginian animals, 432
Chap. VI. Of the Virginian foil and vegetables, viz.
of their forejl and fruit trees, plants , corn, herbage ,
roots , and hufbandry ; and of their Jlones, earth,
and minerals , - 342
Chap. VII. The hiflory of Virginia, 347
Chap. VIII. Of the civil government of Virginia,
both Indian and Englifh, 484
Chap. IX. Of the religion both of the Indians and
Englifh ; and of their marriages, women, children ,
flaves, and funeral rites, 49 2
Chap. X. Of their fortifications, wars , and forces j
and of their flipping, foreign trade , and coin ; as
a Ifo of their roads and way of travelling-, and of
their Jlones, earths, and minerals, 499
The Prefent State of Maryland.
Chap. I. Of the name, fituation, and extent of Ma-
ryland ; and of the face of the country, its moun-
tains, for efts, feas, bays, rivers and fprings, p. 504
Chap. II. Of the air, feafons, winds and tides, 505
Chap. III. Of the provinces and chief towns of Ma-
ryland ; and of the buildings of the Indians, ibid.
Chap. IV. Of the perfons and habits of the Indians j
their genius and temper, manufactures , food, exer-
cifes
XXVI
T H E CON 1' E N T S.
ci/es and diverfwns the dijeafcs they are fubjett to,
and their remedies, p. 5°^
Chap. V. Of their bijlory, government, and religion,
510
The Prefent State of New- England.
Chap. I. Of the name, fituation , extent and face of
the country. Of its feas, bays, capes, lakes, fprings ,
and rivers ; and of the tides, winds, air and fca-
fons , 5 1 6
Chap. II. Of the provinces and fubdivifions of this
country, generally known by the name of New-Eng-
Iand ; and of its chief towns , and publick and pri-
vate buildings, 5 1 7
Chap. III. Of the perfons and habits of the New-
England Indians ; their genius and temper, arts,
manufactures, food, exercifes and diverfions, 5 20
Chap. IV. Of their animals and vegetables, 521
Chap. V. Of the bijlory o/'New-England, 532
The Prefent State of Nova-Scotia.
Chap. VI. Of Nova-Scotia, or New-Scotland,
and Acadia, 569
The Prefent State of New- Britain.
Chap. VII. Of New-Britain, or Terra de Laba-
rador, and Hudfon’s-Bay, p. 570
The Prefent State of New-York, New-ferfey, &c.
Chap, VIII. Of New-York, New-jerfey, and
the Indian nations under their protection, 573
The Prefent State of Penfylvania.
Chap. I. Of Penlylvania, 582
The Prefent Stale of Carolina.
Chap. X. Of Nci a ad South-Carolina, and
Georgia, 5 8 9'
The Prefent State of the Britifh and American Blands.
Chap. I. Of the ijland of Jamaica, 606
Chap. II. Of the if and of Barbados, 618
Chap. III. Of the ifands of St. Vincent, St. Lucia,
Dominca, Tobago, Barbuda, and Anguilla, 622
Chap. IV. Of the ifands of Antego, St. Chriftopher’r,
Nevis, and AIontferrat : 623
Chap. II. Of the French funds in the Atlantic-
ocean, p. 636
The Conclufion of the Prefent State of America,
646
Ehe continuation of Modern Hiftory, 649
A Continuation of the Prefent State of Afa.
A continuation of the prefent fate of China, 65 1
A continuation of the prefent fate of Perfia, 659
ui continuation of the prefent Jlate of Arabia, ibid.
A continuation of the prefent fate of Paleftine, 657
A Continuation of the Prefent State of Europe.
A continuation of the prefent fate of W alachia, and
Moldavia, 658
A continuation of the prefent fate of T urky, 659
A continuation of the prefent fate of Mufcovy, 663
• of Scandinavia, 670
* . of Poland, 672
■ of Bohemia, 676
— of German)', 678
The prefent EleCtory of the Empire, 683
Eke cafe of the Duke of Mecklenburgh, 699
Ehe fate of the controverfy concerning Bergues and
Juliers, ibid.
A continuation of the prefent fate of the United Pro-
vinces, 7 00
A continuation of the prefent fate of Italy, 704
A continuation of the prefent fate of France, 7 1 8
A continuation of the prefent fate of Spain and Por-
tugal, 7 2 4
A Continuation of the Prefent State of Africa.
A continuation of the prefent fate of Egypt, 730
A continuation of the prefent fate of Guinea, 732
A Continuation of the Prefent State of America.
A continuation of the prefent fate <9/ r New-England,7 6 8
A continuation of the prefent fate of Carolina, 770
An account of the Logwood countries , 773
A defcription of Jamaica, 775
Chap. V. Of the Lucayo, or Bahama ifands ; of An acccount of Barbados, 77 7
Bermudas, or the Summer funds', and of the E"he enterprize to the ifands of St. Lucia and St. Vin
if and of Newfoundland, 632
Chap. I. The Prefent State of the French Colo-
nies on the continent of America, p. 636
cent,
Ehe prefent fate of Lapland,
778
782
The Order of placing the Cuts and Maps of the Third Volume.
10, The Indians marching on a vifit, or to a feaft,
p. 145
The map of Terra-firma, Peru, &c. 233
if I ‘'HE map of Africa, pag. 1.
2 a JL The apparel of the Hottentot men,
P; 13
3. The apparel of the Hottentot women, ibid.
4. A Negroe man and woman on the Guinea-
coaft, p. 45
5 . A Moorifh man and woman on the Barbary -
coaft, p. 76
6. The general Trade-winds, p. 129
7. The map of America, ibid.
8. The map of the Weft-Indies, &c„ p. 1 3 1
9. Vitzliputsli, p. 142
1 1 .
1 2.
The map of Chili, and the fouth part of Bra-
zil, P -357
13. The map of the Britifh plantations, p. 4 2 5
14. The map of Virginia and Maryland, ibid.
15. The map of New-England, New-York, &c.
p. 516
1 6. The map of Carolina, P- 5 8 9
17. The map of the ifland of Jamaica, p. 606
18. The map of the ifland of Barbados, p. 618
THE
40
H.JMoll G-eojraph*.
•At An
SI1
THE
STATE
PRESENT
O F
AFRICA in general.
CHAP.
I.
The fitua-
tion.
The figure
of it.
The lati-
tude, longi-
tude and ex-
tent.
Africa an-
ciently con-
tain’d feve-
ral celebra-
ted king-
doms and
flates.
CHAP. I,
A FRICA is bounded by the Mediterra-
nean fea, which feparates it from Europe,
on the north ; by the ifthmus of Suez, the
Red fea and the Eaftern ocean, which fe-
perate it from Afia, on the eaft ; by the Southern
ocean on the fouth ; and by the Atlantick, or great
W eftern ocean, which divides it from America, on
the weft.
It is of a pyramidal or triangular figure, the bafe
whereof is the northern part of it, which runs along
the fhores of the Mediterranean, and the point or
top of the pyramid the Cape of Good Hope.
Africa is a peninfula join’d by the narrow ifthmus
of Suez to Afia, and fituated between the 37 th
degree of north latitude, and the 35 th of fouth la-
titude, the moft weftern part of it lying 1 8 de-
grees weft of London, and the moft eafterly 5 1 de-
grees to the eaftward of London : fo that it takes up
72 degrees of latitude, and confequently is 4320
miles in length from north to fouth, if we reckon
60 miles to a degree as ufual; and 5040 miles in
length, if we reckon 70 miles to a degree, which
comes much nearer the truth ; and, as it extends 69
degrees in breadth, viz. from Cape Verd in the weft
to Cape Gardefoy in the eaft, we may reckon the
breadth of it to be about 4830 miles, computing
70 miles to a degree.
This quarter of the world once contain’d feveral
kingdoms and ftates, eminent for the liberal arts,
for wealth and power, and the moft extenftve com-
merce; tho’, at this day, there is fcarce one fingle
nation left upon that continent that deferves our no-
tice. There were fituated the celebrated kingdoms
of Egypt and Ethiopia, with the rich and power-
ful ftate of Carthage, to which the kingdoms of Nu-
midia and Mauritania were lubjedt.
Then almoft all the northern parts of Africa were
full of people, from the R.ed fea to the Atlantick
ocean, and Carthage extended her commerce to every
Vol. Ill
part of the then known world : even the Britifh CHAP,
fhores were vifited by her fleets, ’till J u B a, King I.
of Mauritania and tributary to Cartilage, unhappily
call’d in the Romans, who, by the affiftance of the
Mauritanians, fubdued Carthage, and made all the
kingdoms and ftates in Africa fubjedf to them ; after
which, the natives neglected their trade, and even
the cultivation of the foil ; they were become pro-
vinces of Rome, liable to be plunder’d and impove-
rifh’d by rapacious Viceroys and Governors fent from
that capital: whereupon their traffick, in a {hort
time, dwindled to nothing, and they cultivated no
more of their lands, than what might ferve for their
fubftftence. Upon the decline of the Roman empire,
in the fifth century, the north of Africa was over-
run by the Vandals, a barbarous northern people,
who contributed ftill more to the deftrudfion of arts
and fciences there; and, to add to their misfortune,
the Saracens made a fudden conqueft of all the coafts
of Egypt and Barbary in the feventh century : Thefe
were afterwards fucceeded by the Turks; and both
being of the Mahometan religion, whofe difciples
carry ruin and devaftation along with them where*
ever they come, the ruin of that once flourifhing
part of the world was thereby compleated.
The foil of the northern fhoreof Africa is ftill the
fame, capable of producing almoft every thing de-
firable in life, but poflefs’d by a wretched abandon’d
people, that have given themfelves up to robbery
and rapine ; who, negledling to cultivate their foil,
or make any improvements, fubfift chiefly by their
piracies at "fea, and what they can ravifh from the
honeft and induftrious part of mankind, who, being
obliged to fail by their coafts, are fo unhappy as to
fall fometimes into their hands.
From the difcoveries that have been made in The foil
Africa of late years, we find, that it is not that
barren defart country it has been reprefented ; _ for “
not only the north part of it is generally fruitful
B ' where
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, where it is cultivated, but the fcuth alfo produces
I. corn and wine. And here we meet with herds of
the fined cattle in the world ; and even between the
Tropics there are multitudes of people, fine rivers,
and a rich foil capable of the greateft improvements.
The cinamon tree actually grows there ; and it is
thought, that the reft of the fine fpices might be rai-
fed in thofe latitudes, which would make thofe fpices
more plentiful, and we (hould no longer be obliged
to purchafe them of the Dutch (who barbaroufly dif-
poilefs’d us of them in the Indies) with treafure.
However, here it is that we meet with plenty of the
beft gold and ivory ; and from hence the Europeans
export two hundred thouland Negroe (laves, and up-
wards, annually to America; which (hews, that
Africa, between the Tropics, muft be vaftly popu-
lous, tho’ the ancients held, that the Torrid Zone
was not habitable.
i he d:ffe- Three different people inhabit this continent, viz.
who inhabit Pagans, Mahometans, and Chriftians : the firft are the
Africa. moft numerous, poffefling the greateft part of the
country from the Tropic of Cancer to the Cape of
Good Hope, and thefe are generally black: the Ma-
hometans, who are of a tawny complexion, poflefs
almoft all the northern (bores cf Africa. The peo-
ple of Abyfflnia, or the upper Ethiopia, are denomi-
nated Chriftians, but retain abundance of Pagan and
Jewifh rites ; and there are fome Chriftians upon the
fea-coafts on almoft every fide of Africa ; but thefe
are a fmall number, compared either with the Pa-
gans or Mahometans. There are alfo fome Jews in
the north of Africa, who manage all the little trade
that part of the country is yet pofiefs’d of : but it is
remarkable, that tho’ the Carthaginians, who in-
habited this very country of Barbary, had greater
fleets, and a more extended commerce, than any
other nation, or than all the people upon the face of
the earth, when that ftate flourifh’d ; and that Africa
is better feated for a foreign trade, than any other
They have quarter of the world ; the natives have fcarce a (ingle
neither fliips merchant-(hip belonging to them, and no other (hips
01 commerce ' 0 f force, than what Sallee, Algiers, Tunis and Tri-
poli, fet out for piracy; and thefe are but very few
and fmall, their whole ftrength not being able to re-
fill a (quadron of five European men of war. But
it is time now to defcend to particulars, and defcribe
the refpedlive countries contained in Africa.
The feveral grand divifions of Africa at this day,
are thefe ten :
The grand i. Egypt, z. Ethiopia fuperior; and 3. Zan-
divif.ons of quebar, all which lie on the eaft of Africa. 4. Mo-
noemugi, Monomotapa and Caffraria, called by fome
the lower Ethiopia, which lie on the fouth. 5. Congo
and Guinea on the fouth-weft. 6. Nigritia or Ne-
groeland in the middle of Africa, extending almoft
quite through the country from eaft to weft, on both
fides of the great river Niger. 7. Zaara, or the
defart to the northward of Nigritia. 8. Biledulge-
rid, the ancient Numidia to the northward of Zaara,
2
9. The empire of Fez and Morocco, containing the C H A P.
north-weft part of Africa. 10. and laftly, The coaft J.
of Barbary on the north, containing the countries of
Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli and Barca.
There are fcarce any two nations, or indeed any Great difa-
two of the learned, that agree in the modern divifion f^uTthe
of Alrica ; for this very good reafon, that fcarce any divifion of
traveller has penetrated into the heart of the country, Africa,
and confequently we muft be content to acknow-
ledge our ignorance of the bounds, and even the
names of feveral of the midland nations. Thefe
may well be reckon’d dill among the unknown and
undifcover’d parts of the world; but the beft accounts
and conjectures that have been made concerning
them, I (hall endeavour to prefent the reader with.
Egypt has been already fully defcrib’d, with the reft
of theTurkifh dominions, in the firft volume of
Modern Hiftory ; I proceed, therefore, in the next
place, to give the prefent ftate of Ethiopia, which
lies contiguous to it, comprehending under that name
Abyffmia, Nubia, Abex and Aian.
CHAP. II.
The prefent Jlate ^/’ETHIOPIA Superior.
T HE ancients, it is pretty evident, called all C H A P.
that they knew of Africa, to the fouthward of [J.
Egypt, Ethiopia, and the people Ethiops, from their
dark complexions: but the country I now defcribe, ancient
including only Abyffinia, Nubia, Abex and Aian, tll0pi ‘ u
is bounded by Egypt and the defort of Barca on the The boun-
north ; by the Red fea and the Eaftern ocean on the clarie - °/
eaft ; by Zanquebar and Nigritia, on the fouth ; and superior 3 and
by Nigritia and Zaara, on the weft: fo that I in- the countries
elude all that country, that lies between the 5 th and QTTundcj
the 20th degrees of north-latitude, and between the t h at name ,
Eaftern fea and Nigritia, under the general name of
Ethiopia. This is that country, which moft of the
learned conjeclure was anciently govern’d by the ce- Suppo/ed to
lebrated Queen of Sheba, ftyl’d the Queen of the ^ to
fcuth; and afterwards by Queen Candace, whofe sheba and°
prime minifter, the eunuch, was converted and bap- Queen Can-
tized by St. Philip : and laftly, this was thatcoun-
try, whereof it is fuppofed the real or imaginary .
Prefter John, or Prcfbyter John, was fovereign. I
come now to give a more particular defeription of the
countries I have reduced under the general name of
Ethiopia.
And 1 ft of Abyffinia, a country of a thoufand Abyffinia,
miles extent, that has fcarce any communication
with the reft of the world at this day. The Turks
having made themfelves mailers of that part of Ethio-
pia that lies upon the Red fea, and the reft of it be-
ing furrounded by mountains or unpaftable defarts ;
within thefe it appears to be an exceeding fine level
country, diverfify’d with woods and fruitful plains,
well planted with palm-trees, dates and cedars, and
water’d by feveral noble rivers.
The
OF ETHIOPIA SUPERIOR.
CHAP. The river Nile rifes in the middle of Abyffinia ;
II. and, having firft taken a circuit almoft round its
fource, runs an hundred miles to the northward, and
Rivers. afterwards two hundred miles towards the eaft ; and
then, turning to the fouth and fouth-eaft, continues
its courfe two hundred and fifty miles further ; in
which eaftern courfe it forms the lake of Dambea,
which is an hundred and twenty miles over : after
which, it takes a femicircular fweep ; in which courfe
it continues to run five hundred miles, and then turn-
ing diredlly north, enters the kingdom of Egypt ;
which winding courfe does not only render the foil
extremely fruitful, but is of great advantage to their
inland commerce; tho’ after its entring Egypt, there
are lb many fteep-falls and cataracts, that they can
neither export or import any goods or merchandize
upon this river.
There are alfo two other great rivers, call’d the
Moraba and Albara, which run through the country
from louth to north, and fall into the Nile, in the
province of Sennar ; and there is ftill a fourth great
river, call’d the Haouache ; which, after a courfe of
fix hundred miles to the fouth-eaft, falls into the Red
fea or Arabian gulph.
P-od-uce of This country, thus happily water’d, produces
the foil. plenty of corn, rice, millet, dates, grapes, flax,
cotton, fugar, fait and fulphur : Their flax isefteem’d
the fineft in the world; and from hence, ’tis faid,
the Egyptians had theirs, of which they made the
fine linen of Egypt mentioned in fcripture: And
had they, at this day, an opportunity of exporting
the produce of their foil, ’tis faid this country alone
might raife rice, fugar, &c. fufficient to fupply all
the neighbouring countries. The Turks, who are
matters of the coafts of the Red fea, tho’ they will
fuffer no other nation to trade with Abyffinia, annu-
ally fetch great quantities of rice from thence, par-
ticularly at the times of the great pilgrimages to
Mecca, Arabia not affording provifion fufficient for
their fubfiftence.
Gold is alfo very plentiful here, of which the
Turks get feme ; and, had the Ethiopians an oppor-
tunity of bartering it for the merchandize of Eu-
t rope, ’tis thought we might meet with as great plenty
of it here, as any where, tho’ there are no gold
mines wrought : They have alfo mines of filver and
copper, the latter of which they work, and have a
good deal of that metal ; and, ’tis faid, they have
the largeft emeralds in the world.
Animals. As to their animals, they have camels, oxen,
ttieep, and other cattle, in great plenty, and very
large; as alfo wild beads, crocodiles, &c. common
to the reff of Africa ; but what they are moft famous
for, is an excellent breed of horfes, equal to thofe of
Arabia ; or, as fome conjecture, thofe of Arabia are,
in reality, bred in Abyffinia, where they abound in
rich paftures.
It may be objected here, that, if Ethiopia be thus
cut off from any communication with other coun-
tries, how could the Queen of Sheba, cr Queen CHAP.
Candace’s eunuch, travel into Judaea? To which H.
it may be anfwer’d, that the coaft of the Red fea was '✓yV
then a part of Ethiopia, by which it was very eafy
to vifit either Egypt, Arabia, or Paleftine.
Ethiopia was then a mighty empire, fubjecl to one
fovereign, who commanded "the fea coaft as well as
the inland country ; but now the King, or Emperor
of Ethiopia, is a Prince of fmall power, his territo-
ries being divided into abundance of little principali-
ties like Germany, the Princes whereof fcarce ac-
knowledge a foperior ; and, as they are leldom united*
are by no means a match for their powerful neigh-
bours, the Turks, who therefore keep them fhut up
within the bounds of Abyffinia, and will not fuffer
them to correfpond or traffick with the reff of the
world.
Travellers reckon up nine principalities or provin- Provinces
ces in Abyffinia; every one whereof has a diftinctt andchie £
fovereign, that acknowledges, however, the King Atyffuiia.
of Abyffinia for his chief Lord.
i. The province of Ambara; the chief towns
whereof are, Ambara the capital of Abyffinia, and
fituated in the middle of it, and Lalibela. 2. Bega-
medri; the chief towns whereof are, Amador a,
Alata and Maket. 3 . Dambea ; the chief towns
whereof are, Amba-Marjan, Dancas and Jenda.
4. Shoa ; the chief towns whereof are, Debra, Li-
banos and Wenthit. 5. Gojam; the chief towns
whereof are, Ledanegus, Debra, Semona and Se-
lah. 6. Bugna; the chief towns whereof are, E-
gala and Arguan. 7 . Samen ; the chief towns whereof
are, Waldeba and Toraf. 8. Gonga ; and 9.
W alaka, in the two laft whereof no towns are men-
tion’d ; and indeed, the people in general live more
in tents, than houfos, the King keeping his court, The Ring
like the Great Mogul, for the moft part in his camp, generally
which looks like a city laid out into ftreets ; and, as in lil ®
he is followed by his nobility, officers, tradefmen,
fubtlers, &c. the camp is always well fupplied with
proviftons and neceflaries of all kinds. The King’s
tent is pitch’d in the centre of the camp, and his
nobility and the reft of his fubjecfls encamp round
about him, thofe of the loweft rank being at the
greateft diftance from the royal pavilion.
The air of this country in the valleys is excefllve The air of
hot during the fummer months, but on the raoun- llle count| y*
tains cold; and, as fome affirm, the cold there is
more troublefome than the heat, during that fealbn
they call their winter, which is about the vernal
equinox. They have terrible thunder, and three Seafons.
months of almoft continual rain; which, falling
from the mountains that furround Abyffinia in tor-
rents, occafions the overflowing of the Nile in E-
gypt the fucceeding months, of which a full account
has been given in the defcription of that country : all
the reft of the year almoft they enjoy ferene fettled
weather in Abyffinia; the people being generally
healthful, and living to a good old age.
' B 2
As
A.
THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. As to the perfons of the Ethiopians, they are ge-
II, nerally of a good ftature ; their complexion a
deep black ; their features much more agreeable
th^Ethio^ t ^ ian t ' 10 ^ e ^ ie Negroes, having neither fuch
p ; m ,. thick lips or flat nofes : They are faid to have a great
Their ge- deal of vivacity and natural wit ; to be of a teach-
nius " able difpofuion, and fond of learning, tho’ they have
but few opportunities of improving themfelves.
Their ha- The better fort of them are cloathed in veils,
blis • made of fdk fluffs or cotton, after the manner of
the Franks in Turkey ; but their poor people go al-
mofl naked, having only a fmall piece of (kin or
coarfe fluff wrapped about their waifts.
Their diet. They have no other bread than thin cakes bak’d
upon the hearth as they want them : They eat all
manner of flefh almoft as the Europeans do, except
fwine’s flefli, and fuch other meats as were prohi-
bited to the Jews ; they alfo ftill abftain from things
ffrangled, and from blood, killing their meat in the
fame^manner the Jews do : As to the poor people,
they live chiefly upon milk, butter, cheefe, roots,
herbs, and what their flocks and herds produce.
The meat is brought to the tables of people of
condition in earthen difhes, and they have no other
plates or trenchers than the thin cakes, that ferve them
for bread ; and, according to fome, they ufe nei-
ther knife, fork, or fpoon ; but this can’t be entire-
ly true, if what they tell us of another circumftance
in their eating be fo : viz. That their Princes and
Great men are above feeding themfelves, and are
fed by boys with fpoons ; and this latter is the more
probable, becaufe, in adminiftring the facrament of
the Lord’s fupper, the Prieft gives the communicants
the liquor they ufe inftead of wine in fpoons.
They feldom roaft their meat; it is generally
boil’d or ftew’d, and they are very fond of the broth
or loup that is made ot it. T. heir ufual drink is
mead or metheglin, the country abounding in ho-
ney. They have alfo liquors made of wheat and
rice, and their Princes drink fome wine ; but they
don’t feem to be well {kill’d in making this liquor,
tho’ they hive the fineft grapes in the world : You
cannot make their Princes a more acceptable prefent,
than fome bottles of European wine.
Linen, I find, they have very little, tho’ their
country is found to be the moft proper for flax of
any in Africa ; and indeed they do not feem to
fland much in need of any, for they ufe no table
linen, or {beets ; they lie on carpets or mats, as in
other hot countries, and not in beds : And this leads
me to fpeak of their manufadlures, which are very
Their ma- mean. The Jews are faid to be the only Weavers
nufaflures. anc J Smiths arnongft them ; and, as for other han-
dicrafts, fuch as Carpenters, Taylors and Shoemakers,
every man breeds up his children to the trade or pro-
feflion he ufes himfelf. There are particular fami-
lies, whofe bufinefs it is to make trumpets, horns,
he. and thefe feveral trades, like the calls or tribes
in, the Eaff Indies, live feparately, and do not inter-
mix with any other trade or tribe, either by mar- CHAP,
riage or otherwife. II.
Their buildings are exceeding mean, the genera-
lity of their houfes being but poor huts, made with buibi *
clay and fpli liters. Some travellers tell us of the ' nS *
ruins of magnificent palaces and temples ; but, when
the Portuguefe Miflionaries came amongfl them, a-
bout two hundred years ago, after that people had
found the way to the eaftern coafts of Africa, by
the Cape of Good Hope, there were neither palaces,
temples, fortifications, or even a wall’d town to be
found in the country. The Popifh Miflionaries in-
deed, after they had infinuated themfelves into the
favour of their Princes, taught them to build temples,
palaces and fortreffes ; but of thefe there are very
few at this day : for the King, as has been obferv’d,
lives generally in the field, where he is attended by
the petty princes, nobility, artificers, he. the chief of
them lying in pavilions and tents ; but, as thefe are
not eafily purchafed by the common people, they
make them little huts of clay and green boughs ;
and the towns they talk of, are compofed of houfes
of the like fort : The filks, fluff's, calicoes, linen and TIie!r traf-f
carpets, they ufe for furniture or cloathing, they re- fick "
ceive chiefly from the Turks, by the way of the
Red fea, who take the gold and emeralds of Abyfll-
nia in return for this merchandize, with fome fine
horfes : The Brokers, or Merchants, between the
Turks and Abyflines, are Jews, Arabians, or Ar-
menian Chriftians ; few or none of the natives trade
or travel abroad ; and it is very probable, that the
Turks would not fuffer them, if they {hould at-
tempt it, left a communication {hould be opened
again between them and other nations, who might
alfo exchange their manufactures for the gold and
precious ftones found in this country. When the
Portuguefe firft found the way to Abyflinia, the
fhores of the Red fea were open ; but now the
Turks keep fo ftridt a guard there, that it is diffi-
cult for any other people to have aecefe to them. In Their way-
travelling, they ride upon mules or camels, mules o{ trave llin S
being the bell of all animals to clamber their moun-
tains, and camels for their fandy plains : but, in war,
horfes only are ufed to charge the enemy. Their
Troopers, ’tis faid, ride on mules, when they march-
and lead their horfes ; which are referved purely for
the day of battle. Their arms are chiefly launces, a rms and
bows, arrows and fwords ; and they have fome fire- wars,
arms, which they purchafe of the Turks. The
wars of the King of Abyflinia are principally with
the Ethiopian princes ; who, being encourag’d and
aflifted by the Turks at firft, mightily reduced that
Prince’s power ; and, while the Ethiopians were
engag’d in civil wars at home, it was, that the
Turks poflefs’d themfelves of that part of their coun-
try, that lay upon the Red fea. Thus the Ethio-
pians, by their infurre&ions and encroachments on
their Prince, difabled him to defend or recover that
part of his dominions, by which only he could have
any
OF ETHIOPIA SUPERIOR.
CRAP any commerce with the reft of mankind. He is
H ' now reduc’d as low as the Turks can wiih, having
V^-y-v^ no trade or intercourfe with any other nation, but
what they are pleafed to allow him ; and has loft
much of his power and authority at home, by the
Princes and Governors of provinces fetting up for
themfelves ; which leads me to enquire into the
King’s titles, prerogatives, government, &c.
ThePrince’s This Prince, according to the Portuguese, who
titles and v ffitedhis country, foon after their palling the Cape
prerogatives. ^ q 0(x j Hope, in the 1 6th century, was ftyl’d
Prefter John, or Prefbyter John; which, fome
imagine, was given him becaufe he feemed to be
the High prieft of his religion as well as King, hav-
ing a crofs always carried before him, and adting as
tupreme Governor in ecclefiaftical affairs, as well as
civil, in all cafes except that of ordination : Others
fay, the Turks and Arabians gave him the title of
Prefter Chan, or Cham, that is, King of Slaves ;
they receiving moft of their black flaves from Ethio-
pia, of which he was fovereign. But, however that
be, travellers generally agree, that his own fubjedls
ftyle him Negus, or King ; and oftener, Negafcba,
Negafcht ; which, in their language, fignifies King
of Kings, to diftinguifh him from the Princes and
Governors of provinces, who are ftyl’d alfo Negus :
And, for this reafon, the Europeans give this Ethio-
pian fovereign the title of Emperor : The Perfians
alfo give him the title of Pat-Sha, the Difpofer of
kingdoms, which is the higheft title known in Afia,
and°equal to that of Emperor in Europe. But every
one of thefe Princes, at his acceffion to the throne,
aftumes a particular name, or rather motto ; one
ftyles himfelf the Pillar of Faith ; another, the
Virgin’s Incenfe ; and, a third, the Beloved ot
God, fprung from the ftock ot Judah, the foil of
David, the foil of Solomon, &c. for they
have a tradition, that their Princes are defcended
from Solomon by the Queen of Sheba.
His arms alfo are faid to be a lyon rampant, hold-
ing a crols, with this motto, The lyon ot the tribe
of Judah has won.
This Prince is, or rather was abfolute, and his
. throne hereditary ; but, as he has loft much ot his
power and prerogatives, which the Great men of the
country have ufurp’d ; he is now frequently con-
troll’d by his Lords : the eldeft fon alfo is fometimes
paft’d by, and a younger, or an illegitimate fon,
advanc’d by the Nobility to the imperial dignity :
Govern- The civil power, however, ftill feems to be fubjedt to
ment ‘ the military. The King is moft of the year in tiie
held, attended by great armies of horfe and foot ;
and conlequently their laws, if they have any, are
filent, when the Prince pleafes to control! them ;
but what laws they have, feem chiefly to relate to
their religion. Thus far indeed the Abyffinian
i Princes and Nobility are in a better condition than
they were formerly ; that tho’ they have few or no
laws to fkreen them from the arbitrary dominion of
their Emperor ; yet they are become fo powerful, CHAP,
that he is cautious hove he oppreffes them, or en- JR
ters upon any thing of confequence without their
concurrence; however, the common people, ftill
remain in a manner fiaves to the Emperor, or their The com-
refpedtive Lords. They have gain’d little by the en- JL" s pe0EI ' e
croachments the Great men have made on the au-
thority of their fovereign : they have no inheritance
in their lands ; but they themfelves, their lands and
goods are in a manner their Lord’s property : they
labour but to maintain the grandeur of their fupe-
riors, and make a poor provifion for their own
wretched families.
The Emperor’s revenues are paid in kind, not in ThePrince’s
money, of which I can’t find they have any in their ievenues »
country ; but then, pure gold is one of the articles
(which is found in the finds of their rivers, or un-
der the roots of trees, on the tops and Tides of moun-
tains, for they have not yet wrought one gold mine,
tho’ it is evident, there are many in the country).
Part of his revenues arile by the duties that he lays
on merchandize brought from Turkey by the way
of the Red lea : the Farmers alfo pay him a thirtieth
part of all their grain, cattle, fruit and produce of
their farms every year, by which his table, court
and guards are maintain’d in plenty : and every
Weaver, and other artificer, prefents him with part
of his manufadture ; whereby his fervants and offi-
cers are furnifh’d with cloathing and other neceffa-
l ies ; the King’s revenues alfo arife, by his creating
Knights of St. Anthony; every one of whom, Knights of
pays him a fine on being knighted : Thefe are an or- 1 3c. Anthony,'
der, partly ecclefiaftical, and partly military, and very
numerous ; every Man of quality being oblig d to
make one of his younger fons a Knight of this or-
der ; and fome authors relate, that he has no left
than twelve thoufand of thefe Knights in his army.
The Emperor is crown’d in one of their principal Coronation
churches, with a kind of coronet fet with glittering oftheEmje*
ftones, which is plac’d upon his head by their me- i0i>
tropolitan, in the prefence of the Nobility and Cler-
gy ; when there are hymns fung, guns fir’d, and
other demonftrations of joy fuitable to the folemni-
ty, as in Europe. The Prince no fooner afeends
the throne, ’tis faid, but he orders all his brothers,
children and relations to be fecur’d in a fortrefs, fitu-
ated on an almoft inacceffible rock, that his Nobili-
ty may not fet up any of them to rival him, which
they frequently do, when they have an opportunity ;
and the fucceffor is kept in the profoundeft igno-
rance, till he is fent for out of priton, and advanc d
to the imperial dignity.
If the Abyffinians have no written laws, they The taws
have however certain immemorial cuftoms, by which-
offenders are punifh’d according to their rdpedtivejL^ >‘
crimes ; unlefs the Prince, or fome great Lord inter-
pofes his authority to prevent it : For capital crimes,
criminals are beheaded, hang’d, fton’d or drubb d
to death with clubs; except" murderers, and thefe.
are .
6 THE PRESENT STATE
C MAP. are put into the hands of the relations of the mur- a difh, a cup and a fpoon, call’d the fpoon of the
II. der’d perfons, who may kill, torture him, or make Croft ; with which they diftribute the liquor they
him their Have as they fee fit ; but prifoners of qua- ufe inftead of wine, which is made of the bruis’d
lity, guilty of notorious crimes, ’tis faid, are only fiones of raifins infus’d in water ; and this, after the
banifh’d to a certain rock, fituated in the lake of bread, the Deacon delivers with the fpoon both to
Tzane. For theft, the offender is whipp’d, and the Clergy and Laity. They have alfo confecrated urns
oblig’d to make reftitution ; but adultery is punilh’d and cenfers, in which they burn perfumes at thefe
with death : Civil caufes the parties plead themfelves times. Every perfon receives the facrament once a
( I can’t learn, there are any Lawyers in the coun- month, or as often as he thinks fit ; but never out
try, any more than written laws) before their re- of a church. They acknowledge the fame books of
fpedlive Lords ; and they may appeal from thefe tri- holy fcripture, as we do, for their rule of faith ;
bunals to the Emperor, ’tis laid ; but this is feldom and, ’tis faid, have a more corred copy of the Sep-
done, left it fhould be relented by their immediate tuagint, than is to be met with in Europe.
Governors. 1 hey admit the councils of Nice, Conftantino-
Tlieir rejig!- I proceed in the next place to treat of their reli- pie and Ephefus, with other provincial councils re-
gion, which feems to be a mixture of Chriftianity ceiv’d till the council of Chalcedon ; and, befides
and Judaifm ; but in their Chriftianity, they ap- the Nicene canons, have eighty-four other canons
proach much nearer the Greek than the Latin in the Arabic language, which their Emperor Co n-
church: ft 'hey keep both the Jewilh and Chriftian stantine fent to Jerufalem, anno 440, and
fabbath, and keep each of them more like a faft were carried from thence to Rome, anno 1646. This
than a feftival : They circumcife their children, both book contains the fynod of the Apoftles, faid to be
males and females, the eighth day, and baptize them written by St. Clem e nt ; the councils of Ancy-
a fortnight after : formerly they baptiz’d none, till ra, Caefarea, Nice, Gangra, Antiochia, Laodicea
they were thirty years of age. The circumcifion and Sardis, with the ads of 318 fathers ; a treatife
of their females founds a little odd to us ; but, ’tis of the fabbath, with a decree and canon of penance ;
faid, they have an excrefcence, or fuperlluous fkin, to which is annex’d their general liturgy, prayers and
that falls over the Pudenda, apiece whereof is offices for the communion, a particular ferv ice for ho-
cut off on this occafion : Certain it is, other na- lidays, with books containing the lives of Martyrs and
tions of Africk have fuch an excrefcence, and tra- Saints, and hymns in praile of the bleffed Virgin,
vellers report that the Ethiopians have it : but of They ufe the Nicene creed, but have not the
this I cannot be fo pofitive, as that the females of Apoftles creed : They hold, according to Ludol-
fome other nations have. ph us, that the three perfons in the Trinity are one
Circumcifion is perform’d by any old woman ; God : that there are not two natures and wills in
but baptifin only by a Prieft. If it be an adult per- Christ; andyetaffirm heis perfed God and perfed
fon, the Prieft anoints him with oil, and then going Man, without confufion of the two natures ; which,
with him into fome river or pond, by the affiftance I muft acknowledge, I do not comprehend. They
of two Deacons, plunges him three times under wa- have but two facraments (viz.) Baptifm and the
ter ; Lying, I baptize thee in the name of the Fa- Eucharift, and give the bread and the cup both to
ther, Son and Holy Ghoft. Then the Deacons bring Clergy and Laity, as has been related already : They
the. perfon out, and he is anointed again ; after believe the real prefence in the facrament, but not
which he is cloathed with a white garment, fignify- tranfubftantiation ; and therefore do not fay at the
ing purity or innocence ; and over it they put a red confecration, this is my body ; which words, ac-
veft, to fignify he was redeem’d and regenerated by cording to the Roman catholicks, produce the change;
the blood of Christ: after which, he is introduc’d but this bread is my body, and this cup is my
into the church and receives the holy communion, blood ; neither do they give thofe divine honours to .
and at his departure is prefented with milk and ho- the confecrated elements, which the difciples of tran-
ney, and receives the Prieft’s benedidlion. fubftantiation do.
An infant that is baptiz’d, is only gently dipp’d They make general confeffions of their fins, and
and fprinkled with water ; but to thefe alfo they receive as general abfolutions ; but make no parti-
give fome of the confecrated bread and cup : and cular confeffions : They feern to believe the foul to
annually they celebrate the 6th of January as a be produc’d from matter, and yet, that it is im-
feftival, going into the water and dipping them- mortal, and that, after death, the fouls of good
felves, in commemoration of our Saviour’s baptifm, men remain in fome intermediate ftate, and have
which they fuppofe happen’d on that day ; from not the vifion of God, till the refurreeftion ; for they
whence fome have conjedfur’d, that they renew’d have in their divine fervice, the following petition
their baptifm once a year. for their dead (viz.) Remember, Lord, the fouls of
At the facrament of the Lord’s fupper, the con- thy fervants ; and, O Lord, releafe our fathers :
fecrated elements are placed on a great, fquare, woo- Irorn whence the Roman Miffionaries infer, that
den cheft, inftead of a table ; the holy utenfils are they believe a purgatory : They keep holidays in ho-
nour
CHAP
II.
OF ETHIOPI
CHAP. nour Saints ; and invoke them, begging their
II. interceiTion, efpecially the virgin M a r y’s, whofe
pi^ure they have, but no image of her, or any other
Saint : They alfo invoke the holy Angels, as they have
fometimes appear’d to good men, and brought them
anfwers of tbeir prayers ; and reckon up nine or-
ders of thofe celeftial beings : They fall the forty
days in Lent, and at fome other times, keeping
their falls fo ftridtly, that they eat nothing within
the fpace of four and twenty hours, and fometimes
fall two whole days together (which is done much
eafier in hot, than in cold countries) : They alfo ob-
ferve Chrillmas, Ealler and Whitfuntide, and all
other feftivals of the ancient church, tho’ at differ-
ent times from the Latins.
The Emperor, as has been obferv’d, is fupreme
in all ecclefiallical, as well as civil caufes ; and the
Clergy, as well as Laity, are under the jurifdidtion of
the King’s Judges : they have, however, a Metro-
politan, confecrated by the Patriarch of Alexan-
dria, who confers orders on the Clergy, who are
chiefly Monks : They have neither Archbilhop or Bi-
fhops, or any order fuperior to Pr i efts ; only the Ab-
bot of every fociety of Monks is their fuperior, and
has fome authority over them.
Thefe Monks do not live in cloyllers or convents,
but every one in his own hut, forming a kind of
village near fome church, where they perform di-
vine fervice in their turns : Their inferior orders be-
low the Prieft or Frefbyter are, the Sub-prefbyter,
jt Deacon and Sub-deacon : The Monks never marry ;
but one would imagine they had fome Clergy that
were not Monks ; becaufe travellers relate, that Cler-
gymen, who are not Monks, may marry once ;
poffibly this may be meant of the inferior orders,
who are not Monks : Thefe Monks manure fmall
parcels of ground, and live by their labour.
Their principal churches were built at firft, after
the model of the temple of Jerufalem, with a
fandtuary and outward court ; but they have built
them fince in the form of a crofs, like the cathedrals
in other Chriftian nations : the Princes of the royal
family and chief Nobility all receive the order of
f Deacon ; and are thereupon admitted into the choir
and chancel, and every Prince has a crols carried
before him, even after his acceffion to the throne ;
from whence, and the fupreme ecclefiaftical autho-
rity he exercifes, this Prince is held to partake of
the facred function ; and, according to fome, from
hence it was, their Emperors were ftyl’d Prefbyter
Chan, or Cham (not Prefbyter John) King of
Priefts, or the Briefly King.
The people ufe lighted tapers at divine fervice
Lke the Greek church : They neither fit or kneel in
their churches, but ftand ; tho’ the fervice, on fome
holidays, lafts whole days and nights ; but they have
» crutches, on which they are permitted to lean : They
keep their churches exceeding neat, and put off their
(hoes when they enter them, which Ihews their re-
A SUPERIOR. 7
gard for them, as uncovering the head does with C H A P.
us : And fuch is their veneration for thefe facred JJ
ftruclures, that they will not fpit on the pavement
for the world ; and, when they are travelling, ’tis
faid, they will light when they come near a church,
and walk pall; it : They have pictures of the Saints
in their churches, but no images ; and, tho’ their
Clergy carry a crofs in their hands, which is kifs’d
by all they meet, and they often fign themfelves
with the fign of the crofs, yet they are not buffered
to carry about them either an image or picture of
Christ crucified.
According to Ludulphus, they formerly Their Em-
acknowledg d the Bifhop of Rome to be the lirfl peror fubmits-
Patriarch ; but denied his fupremacy over the whole tot ^ e
church : But the Portuguefe Miffionaries, reforting
to Ethiopia at the latter end of the fifteenth century,
when their countrymen found the way thither round
the Cape of Good Plope, had almoft: made good Ca-
tholicks of the Ethiopians, and perfuaded their Em-
peror, not only to acknowledge the Pope’s fupre-
macy, but to admit a Patriarch amongft them, fent
thither from Rome. The government alfo con-
fented to abolifh their ancient rites and ceremonies,,
and conform entirely to the ritual of the Roman
church ; but many of the Nobility and Governors of
the provinces, with a majority of the Common peo-
ple, having the greateft abhorrence of the Popifh re-
ligion, rofe in arms again!! their Emperor, which
occafion’d civil wars in Ethiopia, that lafted upwards Which oe-
of an hundred years, wherein many thoufands were cafions 3
kiiled ; but the Court, with the afliftance of the Je- Vl1 war ’
fuits, European engineers, and fome Portuguefe
troops, were generally victorious over thofe of the
ancient religion, but could never fubdue their obfti-
nate perfeverance in it ; and feveral provinces re-
voked entirely from the Emperor : however, their Several
Emperors continued ftill to profefs the Popifh religi- P^j” ces
on, and fubmit to the dictates of Rome ; till at
length the Jefuits, under pretence of maintaining the
Pope’s ecclefiaftical fupremacy, took upon them to Tfie ufur-
direCt almoft all fecular affairs, treating the Prince theTefuiw
rather as Viceroy to his Holinefs, than Sovereign of e - c
the country ; and, having ereCted and garrifon’d fe-
veral fortreffes, were fending for European forces to
maintain their ufurped power ; which gave fuch an
alarm to the Emperor, as well as to the Nobility, that
it was agreed at once to abolifh Popery, and reftore
their ancient religion. The Romifh Priefts were here- The Fa-
upon generally facrificed to the fury of the people, piftsaremaf*
and their Patriarch very norrowly efcaped out of the racrcd *
country with his life : and when three Capuchins
afterwards came as far as Squaquena, upon the Red The o'i-
fea, from whence they fent letters to the Emperor of religion re~
Ethiopia to obtain leave to come into his territories ftored ’
again, that Prince requefted the T urkifh Baffaw, who
commanded on that coaft, fo fuffer no Franks to
come that way into his territories, and to fend him
the heads of thofe Capuchins 5 which the Baflaw did
not
8
THE PRESENT STATE
The Jefuits
every where
do more
mifchief
than good to
Chriltianity,
by preaching
up the Pope's
fupremacy.
not only oblige him in, but fent him their fkins
flea’d off, and fluff’d, that he might know them to
be Franks by their colour, and Priefts by their fhaved
crowns. Thus have the Jefuits and Fathers of the
Romifh church procured their fuperftition to be ba-
nifh’d out of almoft every country where they have
planted it : They have indeed, by their fkill in phyfick
and mathematicks, and an artiul addrefs, infinuated
themfelves into the courts of many great Princes ;
but then their advancing the Pope’s fupremacy to
fucb an extravagant height, and pretending to con-
troil the government in civil, as well as ecclefiaftical
matters, has ever occafion’d their expulfion. Thus
it was in Japan, where that Emperor, finding them
ufurping upon his civil authority, order’d every Chri-
ftian in his dominions to be maffacred ; and that no
Chriftian fhould ever fet his foot on fhore there again.
This alfo has put a flop to their progrefs in China,
and occafion’d very fevere perfecutions of the Chri-
ftians there ; but ftill they perfift in their encroach-
ments on Princes where they have an opportunity ;
and probably will never be Satisfied, till they have
made his Holinefs univerfal monarch in temporals as
well as fpirituals ; or procured their own extirpation
by the general confent of Chriftian Princes, as the
Knights-Templars did by their infolence in the four-
teenth century. But to return to Ethiopia :
Their marriages are no more than contrails before
friends, which are, however, bleffed afterwards by
the Prieft ; bur this is, I prefume, where a perfon
confines himielf to one wife, for their religion pro-
hibits polygamy, and they are fometimes excommu-
nicated for taking more wives than one; and yet
their Emperor has an hundred at leaft,and their Great
men as many wives as they pleafe : it is only the com-
mon people that are forced to keep to one wife ; and
poffibly they need but little reftraint in this particu-
lar, not being able to maintain more. The fons of
the Emperor fucceed according to their feniority, as
do thofe of the Nobility, who have obtained an inde-
Inheritances. pendency: but the reft of the people have no inhe-
ritance in their lands, nor can difpofe of their eftates
or effedls, but by the permiffion of the King, or
their refpedlive Lords.
They feem aftonifti’d, and make great howlings
and lamentations, on hearing of the death of their
friends, or any great man. The corpfe, after it is
wafh’d and perfum’d, is wrapped up in a cloth ; and,
being laid on a bier, is carried to the burying-place
by fome of the Clergy, who read over feme paflages
out of the Pfalmsonthe cccafiorr: after which, the
corpfe is laid into the grave without a coffin ; but they
have no particular funeral fervice : the relations and
friends of the deceafed mourn for fome time after-
wards in rags or tatter’d cloaths, imagining a poor
negledted drefs beft expreffes their borrow for their de-
ceafed friends ; and this feems to have been the gene-
ral opinion of the ancients, who, upon any melan-
choly occafion, rent their cloaths, or at ieall: put on
Marriages of
the Abyfli-
nians.
Polygamy
praftif d by
their Great
Their fune-
rals.
fuch as were fo ; and did not ftudy drefs while they CHAP,
were in mourning, as fome of the moderns do. n.
As to the learning of the Ethiopians, it appears to
be very mean at prefent ; reading and writing the Learning and
languages, in ufe amongft them, feems to be their
higheft attainments ; fcarce any of their Clergy pre- n ians. 1
tend to more. The Arabick language, is that
wherein the fcriptures, their liturgy and divine offices,
as well as all a£ts' of ftate, are written: The Court
and Nobility ufe a language, call’d the Amarick, from
its being fpoken chiefly in the province of Amara ;
and the Common people the Ethiopick, of which
there are abundance of different dialers ; one pro-
vince fcarce underftanding another. Both the Ame-
rick and Ethiopick are a mixture of languages ; and,
according to fome, compounded of the Arabick, He-
brew and Chaldee.
Nubia is one of thofe countries I have compre- Nubia, the
hended under the general name of Ethiopia, becaufe fta£e
it is contiguous to Abyffinia, and was certainly part
of the ancient Ethiopia, if it be not of the modern ;
and becaufe the N ubians, according to the beft ac-
counts we can get of them, refemble the Ethiopians
more than any other people.
Nubia is ufually bounded by the defarts of Barca, its fituation
and Egypt towards the north ; by Abyffinia, on the and extenU
eaft ; by the lower Ethiopia, on the fouth ; and Zaa-
ra, on the weft; and is faid to be four hundred leagues
in length, and two hundred in breadth ; but fcarce
any two Hiftorians or Geographers agree in thefe mat-
ters; and, in truth, they feem to guefs at almoft
every thing they relate of Nubia, and this is the cafe
of almoft every other inland country of Africa.
Some tell us of a river that riles in this country,
and falls into the Nile ; that it abounds in gold,
mufk, landal, wood and ivory ; having elephants,
horfes, camels, lyons, and fuch other animals, wild
and tame, as are to be found in the neighbouring
country of Abyffinia ; but they don’t fo much as
know, whether it be a monarchy or commonwealth ;
or whether it is divided into many little kingdoms
and ftates; the laft of which is moft probable, be-
caufe we hear fo little of them. The fame uncer-
tainty we meet with in relation to their religion : it
is fuppos’d they were once Chriftians, there being
the ruins of feme Chriftian churches there, ’tis laid :
They relate alfo, that their religion is a mixture of
Paganifm, Chriftianity, Judaifm and Mahometa-
nifm, and it is highly probable, every one of thefe
religions is profels’d by one or other of the natives,
people of all thofe various religions bordering upon
them.
Dangala is laid to be their capital city, and fitua- Chief towm.
ted in 1 7 degrees of north latitude ; and Geographers
pretend to give us the names of feveral other towns,
which perhaps never had any exiftence ; and there-
fore I (hall not trouble the reader with them. I be-
lieve we may conclude, that their towns are not
better than thofe in Abyffinia, which we find are
compos’d
O P
2ANGUEBA
R.
9
CHAP, compos’d of very mean huts and cottages. Thus
IT. much however, I believe, we may conclude, that
the people are black, as in Ethiopia, and partake of
Perfons of many of their cuftoms ; but as for any thing elfe,
the natives. re g arc [ j s to be given to what Hiftorians or Geo-
graphers have written of them, and therefore I (hall
take leave of this terra incognita , and not tire the
reader with fuch accounts of it, as are not to be de-
pended on.
A hex and That part of Ethiopia, which I comprehend under
Anian. t ] ie names Q f Abex and Anian, or Aian, is bounded
by Egypt and Abyffinia towards the north and weft ;
by the Red fea, and the Eaftern ocean, on the eaft ;
and by Zanguebar on the fouth, extending from the
5 th degree of north latitude to the 20th.
The ftate of Anian lies upon, or near, the Eaftern ocean, and
Anian. fea • c f which the Portuguefe and other
Europeans, who have vifited it of late years, allure
Us, it is a perfedt defart, from latitude 5, to the
ftraits of Babelmandel, or the entrance into the Red
lea, and even within thofe ftraits for feveral miles ; the
country being cover’d with fand and weeds, and pro-
ducing fcarce any iuftenance either for man or beaft ;
neither inhabited or habitable; no harbour for {Trip-
ping, or river that waters any part of it, fays my au-
thor : Tho’ there are others, who pretend, that the
country is populous, and abounds with plenty of all
things; but this can be underftood only of the coaft
Of Abex. of Abex, to the northward of Aian, and lying on the
weftern (Lore of the Red fea, fome degrees within
the ftraits of Babelmandel, of w’hich the Turks are
mafters. This province is indeed very fruitful ; the
Chief towns, principal ports whereof are, Suaquem or Suaquee,
and Arquico or Ercoco, about 150 miles di-
ftant from each other; and in thefe the Turks
keep ftrong garrifons, which command the country,
and colledl great quantities of rice and other provifi-
ons, which they fend over to Jeddo in Arabia, the
port town to Medina and Mecca, for the fervice of
the Pilgrims that refort thither, both from Africa
and the north and eaftern parts of Afia, in vaft mul-
titudes ; but I do not meet with any other ports or
great towns on the coafts of Abex, ’till we come as
^ high as Egypt.
Inhabitants. The people here are chiefly Turks and Arabians,
and their manners and cuftoms the Cimc with thofe
already defcrib’d in the firft volume of Modern Hi-
Jtory , that treat of Arabia and Turkey.
C II A P. III.
T’bc prefent Jiate «/"ZANG U E BAR.
CHAP. 11 NDER the name of Zanguebar I include
HI. (L'i. all the eaft coaft of Africa, extending from
5 degrees north to 28 fouth, bounded by Aian or
1 c Anian on the north, the Eaftern ocean on the eaft,
Caftraria on the fouth, and the inland unknown
Comprehend- C0!inrr ' es °f Africa, fometimes call’d Ethiopia Infe-
! edm it. VOL. Ill,
rior, on the weft ; comprehending, under the gene- Q H A F.
ral name of Zanguebar, the countries of Magadoxa, HI.
Melinda, Quiloa, Mozambique and Zofala.
The country of Magadoxa lies a little to the north- Magadoxa,
ward of the Equator ; the chief town, of the fame
name, fituated at the mouth of a river, in 3 degrees
fome odd minutes north latitude. The people here
are in alliance, or, rather, fubjecl to the Portuguefe ;
as are all the people almoft upon this coaft. Their
country is very barren, affording fcarce any merchan-
dize, or cattle, unlefs a good breed of Horfes, which,
’tis laid, they fell to the Portuguefe, who difpofe of them
again to the Arabs. The people are a mixture of
Pagans, Mahometans and Chriftians: Their com-
plexions, generally, a deep black, with flat nofes and
thick lips, like the reft of the Negroes.
The country of Melinda lies to the fouthward of Melinin
the Line ; the chief town, of the fame name, being
fituated in 2 degrees and a half fouth. latitude, on an
ifland at the mouth of the river Melinda, and is the
capital of the Portuguefe dominions in this part of the
world.
Notwithftanding this country lies fo neartheEqua- Air.
tor, it is exceeding pleafant, fruitful, and healthful ;
being frequently refrefh’d with fhowers and fine fea-
breezes. The city of Melinda is a large populous Buildings,
place, well built, confidering where it (lands ; has a
good harbour, commanded by a ftrong citadel. And
here the Portuguefe have 1 7 churches, and 9 religi-
ous houfes : They have alfo warehouies flock’d with
all forts of European goods, with which they trade
with the natives for the produce of the country, viz. Produce of
gold, Elephants teeth, {laves, Oftrich-feathers, wax, 1 e countl >
and drugs ; fuch as fenna, aloes, Guinea grains, civet,
ambergreale, and frankincenfe. The country pro-
duces alfo rice, millet, fugar and fruits ; and the
Portuguefe export great quantities of rice to their
other fettlements, befides what they ufe. Some cal-
culate, that the inhabitants of the city of Melinda,
and the little ifland on which it {lands, do not amount
to lefs than 200000 fouls, great part of them Chri-
ftians.
The natives have a King of their own, who is a Religion.
Mahometan ; but many of his people are Hill Pagans ;
and all of them in fome fubjedlion to the Portuguefe.
The publick buildingsin Melinda, befides the churches
and monafteries already mention’d, are the Governor’s
palace, the publick magazine and town-hall ; all which
are faidtobe magnificently built ; at lead, they exceed
any thing of the kind that is to be found in Africa.
The country of Quiloa lies to the fouth-ward of Quiloa.
Melinda; the capital city, of the fame name, being
in 8 degrees odd minutes fouth latitude. The Per- te
tuguefe" poffefc’d themfelves of this place on their
firft difeovery of this coaft ; but it being an unhealth-
ful fituation, they quitted it again : However, the
King of the country is tributary to them (as the reft
of the Princes on this coaft are;) and pays them, ’tis
faid, a tribute in gold, amounting to the value ol an
C hundred
10
THE PRESENT STATE
Mozam-
bique.
Mongals
Mombaza.
Zofola.
, hundred thoufand crufacloes annually. Thispartof the
country produces excellent fugar-canes ; but the Por-
tuguefe do not improve them, receiving great quan-
tities of fugar every year from their countrymen at
Brazil, who come hither annually for {laves.
The country of Mozambique lies fouth of Qui-
3 oa ; the chief town, fituate on an ifland on the mouth
of a river, of the lame name, in i 5 degrees louth
latitude. Here is a good harbour, defended by a
citadel ; the town it felf regularly fortify ’J ; and the
ifland, on which it {lands, is thirty miles in circum-
ference, and extremely populous. Here are fix
churches, and feveral monafteries ; the Monks whereof
make abundance of profelytes in the neighbouring
country. Here the Portuguefe alfo barter European
goods with the natives (whom they have taught to
cloath themfelves) for their gold. Elephants teeth,
and {laves ; and here there {hipping to and from In-
dia calls for refrefnments : And, as this country pro-
duces great herds of cattle, the Portuguefe kill Beef,
and fait it up, fending it to the Brazils, or felling it
to European {hipping.
Mongale, an ifland-town in this country, alfo is
garrifon’d by the Portuguefe: And here is their chief
ftaple for European goods. The gold they receive
for them of the natives, is found near the furface of
the earth, or in the fands of rivers ; there being no
gold mines wrought in Africa.
The city of Mombaza, in the country of Mo-
zambique, lies in 7 degrees 4 minutes fouth lati-
tude, which the Portuguefe poff'efs’d themfelves of
when they firft vifited the eaft coaft of Africa ; and,
being beaten out of it afterwards, recover’d it again ;
and have at prefent a confiderable trade here.
In Zofala, to the fouthward of Mozambique, the
Portuguefe have alfo fome little fettlements; and,
indeed, they have the trade of the whole coaft al-
moft to themfelves as far as the Tropic of Capricorn.
C H A P. IV.
The prefent Jlate of C A F F R A R I A ,
Particularly the fouth part of it , the country of the
Hottentots.
CHAP..
IV
Situation
ini t/tent.
DVifion.
Hottentots
country.
Sf.t«ati.on,
C AFFRARIAis the mod fouthern part of
Africa, lying in the form of a crefcent about
the inland country of Monomotapa, and bounded by
the ocean on the eaft, fouth and weft, extending it
felf from the Tropic of Capricorn on the eaft, to
the moft foutherly point of Africa, call’d Cape d’Agui-
las, latitude 35, running up from thence to the
northward as high as the fame Tropic, on the weft
fide of Africa ;, and by fome is carried to latitude 1 5
fouth.
This country is divided into two parts, viz. the
country of the Hottentots, and Caffraria Proper.
The country of the Hottentots is the moft fouthern
part of Caffraria, lying between lat. 2 S and 3 5 ,and be- C FI A P.
tween the eaftern and weftern ocean, being about 300 jy.
miles from eaft to weft, and about 400 from north to
fouth. The Dutch town, which has obtain’d the name
of the Cape, lying in lat. 34 degrees 1 3 minutes, lon-
gitude 1 8 degrees to the eaftward of London.
This country was firft difoover’d by the Portuguefe Firft difeo-
Admiral Diaz, in his attempt to find a way to the ver y of it: ‘
Eaft-Indies round Africa, about two hundred and
forty years ago. The Portuguefe, fome years after,
attempted to make a fettlement there ; but the inha-
bitants falling upon them, and cutting in pieces feve-
ral of their people; and there being no harbours for
the fecurity of their {hipping againft the violent ftorms
upon that coaft, they laid afide their defign. The
Englifh afterwards vifited the Cape, and were dif-
courag’d from fettling there, for much the fame rea-
fons the Portuguefe quitted it ; namely, the tempeft-
uous feas, and the want of harbours, together with
the untraHablenefs of the people : However, the
Dutch obferving the fruitfulnels of the country, and
judging that it would be of great ufe in fupplying them
with provifions in their voyages to and from the In-
dies, fixed a colony at the Cape about the year 1651, The Dutch
eredfed a fort,, and enter’d into a treaty with the na- fettle at the
tives, who, for a very moderate confiderationEtranf- Cape ’
ferr’d a good part of their country to them ; and here
the Dutch have remain’d ever fince, enlarging their
territories to that degree, that they have now fettle-
ments upwards of 200 miles to the north and
eaft, well planted and cultivated, of which I Ihall
give a more particular account hereafter.
The country of the Hottentots is mountainous ; The face of
but the tops of the hills, as well as the valleys, are the Hot,en -
generally fruitful: It is alfo adorn’d with groves Q f tot countr y-
trees, and a great variety of plants and flowers, that
are water’d by little rivulets, and render it exceeding
pleafant during the fine feafon ; but in the time of
the rains or munfoons, they fwell into unpayable tor-
rents. The winds alfo rage great part of the year,
and do not only make the coafts very unfa fe for {hips,
but do a great deal of mifohief by land to the grain
and fruits, as well as to their buildings. Thefe Winds,
while the fun is in the fouthern figns, blow from the
fouth-eaft, and are then very dangerous to fliips co-
ming into the Cape. When the fun is in the nor-
thern figns, they blow from the north- weft, and then
are no lefs dangerous to the {hips at anchor in the bay.
However, ’tis obferv’d, that the inhabitants are ne-
ver more healthful than during this ftormy weather :
If the wind ceafes for a week or ten days, they are
fubjecl to the head-ach and other diftempers, which
go ofF again whenever the wind rifes.
On approaching the Cape of Good Hope, three
remarkable mountains are difcover’d, viz. the Ta-
ble-hill, the Lion’s-hill, and the Wind, or Devil’s-
hill, which may be feen 40 or 50 miles out at fea.
The Table-hill was firft nam’d fo by the Portu- The Table-
guefe, as refembling, at a diftance, a fquare table; lami ”
the
OF C A F F R A R I A.
1 1
Tibie-valley
The Lion’s-
hill.
The Devil’s-
hill.
The feveral
Hottentot
nations.
The Gonge-
jnan nation.
Their treaty
With the
Dutch,
the perpendicular height is upwards of 1850 feet.
On the top of it are Teveral good fprings, the water
whereof is exceeding clear and well -tailed. Between
this hill and the bay where the (hips ride, is a valley,
where Hands the Dutch town, the fort, and their
fine garden, the admiration of all travellers ; but
thefe will be more particularly deicrib'd hereafter. In
the fummer-fealon, viz. from September to March,
a cap of clouds conftantly covers the top of this hill
before a Horm, and gives notice to the Sailors to
prepare for it.
The Lion’s-hill is not fo high as the former : It
lies contiguous to the fea, and bears welt from the
the Table mountain, being feparated from it by a
narrow valley. It is fuppos’d to have obtain’d its
name from the refemblance it bears to a Lion cou-
chant, with his head eredff ; or, according to others,
from its being infefled with Lions when the Dutch
firlt fettled there. On this hill Hands a flag, guard-
ed by fome Soldiers, who give notice of the approach
of (hipping, from what quarter they come, and
their number, by hoifling and lowering the flag.
The Devil’s-hill, fuppofed to be fo call’d from
the furious ’ winds that iflue from thence when the
top is cover’d with a white cloud, is not fo high as
either of the former : It lies alfo along the fhore,
being feparated from the Lion’s-hill by a fmall
valley or cleft. Thefe three hills lie in the form of
a crefcent, about the Table-valley.
The Hottentot nations, who inhabit this fouth-
ern promontory of Africa, are 1 6 in number ; at
leaH, the Dutch are acquainted with fo many ;
but that there are more to the northward of the'e,
feems pretty certain.
The 16 nations enumerated by travellers, and
particularly by Kolben, are, 1. The Gongeman
nation ; 2. The Kochaqua ; 3. The Suflaqua ; 4.
The Adiqua ; 5. Chirigriqua ; 6. The greater and
Idler Namaqua ; 7. The Attaqua ; 8. The Koop-
man ; 9. The Heflaqua ; 10. The Sonqua ; 11.
The Dunqua ; 12. The Damaqua f 13. The
G-auros, or Gauriqua ; 1 4. The Hauteniqua 3 15.
The Chamtouer ; 1 6. The Heykom.
The Gongeman nation firfl traffick’d with the
Dutch ; and, in confideration of fome brais rings,
beads, and other trifles, admitted them into that
fine country where the Gape-Town now Hands ;
but when they faw the Dutch erecting a fortrels
and enclofing the lands, from whence they exclud-
ed the cattle of the Hottentots, the natives repre-
fented, that they meant no more in their treaty with
the Dutch, than that they fhould be at liberty to
dwell with them, and have paflure for their cattle ;
they were not fo flupid as to exclude themfelves
from their own country, or to fufFer forts to be
built that would bring them under the fubjedfion of
foreigners ; and, when the Dutch refus’d to throw
open their enclofures, afiembled in arms to drive
them out of their country. But the Hollanders were
become fo Hrong, that they engag’d the natives, C H A P.
and defeated them, compelling them to fubmit to IV.
fuch terms as the vidfors were pleas’d to impofe ;
which were, in fhort, no other, but that the Hot-
tentots might Hill remain in their own country, and
graze their cattle upon fuch lands as were not en-
clos’d by the Dutch ; and accordingly the Gonge-
man nation are intermix’d with the Dutch at this
day, but enjoy no more of their lands than the
Hollanders have not thought fit to appropriate to
themfelves (which indeed is all die befi part of it.)
The Gongeman nation are barely permitted to feed
their cattle upon the common or wafle grounds that
are not enclos’d. The Hollanders are now Lords
of the country, and the natives little better than
their vaflals, or tenants at will.; tho’ the Dutch are
oblig’d to ufe them with fome tendernefs, lefl the
other nations, their brethren, fhould diflurb their
difiant colonies.
2. The Kochoqua nations lie to the northward Kochoqua.
of the Gongemans, in whofe limits is a great deal natl0n •
of good paflure, part of which is enclos’d by the
Dutch ; but the natives Hill pofleis more than half
the lands : In this country are feveral falt-pits ;
but, as there are few fprings, not many of the
Dutch refide here.
3. The Suflaqua’s lie to the northward of the Suflaqua’*.
Kochoqua’s. The country is mountainous, and
there are but few villages in this territory, and no
great herds of cattle ; the people deferting the
country for want of water, tho’ there is good pafi
ture on the hills as well as in the valleys.
4. The Odiqua’s country lies contiguous to that CMiqua's.
of the Suflaqua’s ; and thefe two nations are al-
ways in a confederacy againfl their neighbours the
Chirigriqua’s.
5. The Chirigriqua’s are a numerous people ce- Chiflgri-
lebrated for their flrength and dexterity, in throw- <3ua s “
ing the Hafiagaye or Launce : Their country is
mountainous, and extends along the fea-coafl ; the
foil, however, generally good, there being rich paf-
tures on the tops of their hills, as well as in the
valleys ; and through the middle of it runs one of
the largefl of their rivers, call’d the Elephant river,
from the Elephants reforting in great numbers to it.
Here are alfo woods of large, tall trees, different
from any we meet with in Europe ; and theie are
infeffed with Lions, Tigers, and almoff all man-
ner of wild beaffs.
6. The greater and lefier Namaqua ; the lefler Namaqua’j.
extending along the coaff, and the other contigu-
ous to it, on the eaff. This people, ’tis faid, are
able to bring an army of twenty thoufand men in-
to the field, and are the moll fenfible of all the
Hottentot nations : Their country, however, is
mountainous and baiffen, deftitute of wood, and
hath but one fpring in the whole territory ; only the
Elephant river, running thro’ their country, fupplies
fome part of it with water. Here are alfo great
C 2 num-
; 2
THE PRESENT STATE
Attaqua’s.
Koopmans.
Hefliqua’s,
Sonqua’s,
bers of wild beads and fmall, fpotted Deer, of which fell to the Europeans, not being fond of it them- CHAP,
hundreds and thoufands are fometimes feen in a herd, Selves. jy\
The venifon, generally, is fat and good. 1 1 . The Dunqua’s nation borders upon the Son- ,
7. The Attaqua’s lie to the northward of the qua’s. This people enjoy a more level country than Dun l ua ' 8 >-
Namaqua’s, poffeffing a very barren country, with the former : It is alfo well water’d with rivulets,
very little water in it, and is neither populous, nor that fall into the Palamite river r The hills as well
well flock’d with cattle, the natives difperfing them- as vales are good pufture, and they abound in cattle
felves in fmall parties, that they may the better find and game.
a fubfiftence. This is the moft northern nation, 12. The Damaqua’s, who lie next them, alfo Dimaqua's.
deferib’d by Kolben on the weftern coaft, though enjoy a fruitful level country, abounding in cattle
he mentions another nation ftill to the northward of and game, and the Palamite runs in a winding or
the Attaqua’s, call’d the Chorogauqua’s, poffeffing a ferpentine courfe thro’ it ; but here is a great fcar-
vaft extent of country, and fuppofes there may be city of wood : They have fome Salt-pits ; which,
ftill feveral other nations, to the northward of them, being at a great diftance from the Dutch, no ufe is
before we come to Augola. Then, returning fouth- made of them, the Hottentots eating no fait.
ward, he brings us to 13. The Gauro’s, or Gauriqua’s, lie next to the Gauro’s .
8. The Koopmans, who lie to the eaftward of Damaqua’s. They poffefs a fmall country, but are,
the Gongemans, and the Cape Town : Here the however, a numerous people, the foil being rich,
Dutch have a great many fettlements and planta- and every where well fupply’d with wood and wa-
tions, and a rich trail of land enclofed ; but the ter : The country abounds alfo in cattle, and no
natives, however, are fufPer’d to dwell among them, Ids in wild beafts ; which the natives are fo far
and graze their cattle on the uncultivated grounds, from regretting, that it is faid they look upon it as
This country is well wooded and water’d : There a happinefs they have fomany opportunities of fhew-
runs a rapid ftream through the valleys into the fea, ing their dexterity and courage in engaging them,
call’d Palamit river, whofe fource is in the Draken- and they are moft of them cloathed in the fkins of
ftein mountains, on the Dutch frontiers, receiving Tygersor other wild beafts they have killed.
feveral leffer rivulets in its courfe ; the largeft where- 1 4. The Houteniqua’slieon the fea-coaft, north- Houteni-
of is called the Black river. In this territory alfo eaft of the Gauro’s, in whofe country is a great s *
is a hot bath, and feveral falt-pits. deal of good pafture ; and they have woods replen-
9. The country of the HelTaqua’s joins alfo to ifh’d with timber, with great variety of herbs and
the Gongemans. They abound in Cattle, Sheep, flowers.
and Oxen (the only riches of the natives) more than 15. The nation of the Chamtouers, who lie con- Chamtou-
any other Hottentot nation, and traffick more with tiguous to the Houteniqua’s, poffefs a very fruitful ers -
the Dutch for brandy, tobacco, corral, brafs beads, country, well wooded and water’d ; their ftreams
and other trifles ; for which they give their cattle affording variety of fifh. Here are alfo abundance
in exchange. They are faid to be the moft effemi- of wild beafts, and plenty of game.
nate of the Hottentots, and leaft addicted to war; 16. The Ileykoms lie to the north-eaft of the Heykoms.
and when they are attack’d therefore by an enemy, Chamtouers ; their country mountainous and defti-
beg the protection of the Hollanders. Their Kraals tute of water, but has, however, fome fruitful
oftVillages are larger than thofeof any other nation ; valleys : This is faid to be the moft northerly coun-
and thefr country 1 does not only abound with cattle, try of the Hottentots, on the eaft coaft of Africa,
but o-reat plenty of game, and every thing defirable and to lie contiguous to the Terra de Natal, inha-
in life : The Heffaqua’s who have no ftock, fre- bited by the Caffries, properly fo call’d, who are a
quently ferve the Dutch ; but when they have got very different people from the Hottentots,
a little money to buy cattle, they ufually leave their
mafters, and, returning to their Kraal, fet up for As to the derivation of the name of Hottentot, of their
themfelves. I could never meet with any fatisfaClory account : name >
1 o. The Sonqua’s, who lie to the eaftward of They had given themfelves this name, it feems, be-
the Koopman nation, are faid to be a fmall, but fore any European nation arriv’d on their coaft ;
brave people, and dexterous in the management of and this is all we know certainly of the matter,
their arms. Their country is rocky and mountain- Their original is no lefs obfeure ; but from fome of and original
ous, and the barreneft of all thofe about the Cape, their cuftoms, that refemble thofe of the Jews and
As 5 they are reckon’d good Soldiers, they are fre- the ancient Troglodites, it is imagin’d they defeend-
quently hired by their "neighbour nations, as the ed from one or other of thofe nations. Mr. Kolben
Swifs are in Europe, to affift them in their wars, tells us, they have a tradition amongft them, that j
and ferve purely for bread ; having very little food their firft parents came into their country through a
of their own but roots and herbs, and what they window or door (the word for both in the Hottentot
can get in hunting, at which they are very expert : language being the fame ) : 1 hat the name of their
They alfo plunder" the woods for honey, which they male anceftor was N’oh, and his wife’s, Hingn’oM.
t
■■■■■■■•>• ; ' N ’’
I
p
>
i
»■
OF CAFF
C FI AP That they were fent thither by God himfelf; and
jy that they taught their descendants hufhandry. I his
tradition, he feys, prevails in all the Hottentot na-
tions ; which he looks upon as a certain evidence
of their being delcended from Noah.
He adds, that they refemble the Jews in their
offerings, and regulating their feftivals by the new
and full moon, and in their feparation from their
wives at certain times, as well as in abftaining from
certain forts of food, efpecially Swines-flefh, and
undergoing a kind of circumcifion at a ceitam age .
But ftill he thinks they are rather defcended from
the Troglodites, who inhabited the fouth part of
Egypt, or Ethiopia, in this very quarter of the
world, and had thefe and feveral other cuftoms which
the Hottentots obferve ; as, the giving their children
the name of a favourite animal, and their expofing
their fuperannuated parents without any food, and
thereby putting an end to their lives. He obferves
alfo, that the manner of hunting of the Flottentots
refembles that of the Troglodites ; and that their
funeral ceremonies are much the fame. But, to
proceed to fomething more certain, namely a de-
Theperfons feription of their perfons. As to the ftature of the
of the Hot- m en, they are rather low than tall ; for though there
tintotr ' may be fome 6 foot high, there are more about 5
foot. Their bodies are proportionable, and well
made : They are feldom either too fat or lean, and
fcarce ever any crooked or deform’d perfons amongft
them, any farther than they disfigure their children
themfelves, by flatting and breaking the griftles of
their nofos ; looking on a flat nofe as a beauty.
Their heads, as well as their eyes, are rather of the
largeft ; Their lips are naturally thick ; their hair
black and fnort, like the Negroes, and they have
exceeding white teeth ; and after they have taken a
great deal of pains, with greafe and loot to darken
their natural tawny complexions, refemble the Ne-
groes pretty much in colour. I he women are much
Ids than the men ; and what is moft remarkable in
them, is a callous flap or fkin that falls over the
Pudenda, and in a manner conceals it : The report
» of which ufually excites the curiofity of the Euro-
pean Sailors, to vifit the Hottentot village near the
Cape, where a great many of thofe ladies, on fee-
ing a ftranger, will offer to fitisfy his curiofity lor a
halfpenny, before a croud of people ; which per-
fectly fpoils the character the pious Mr. Kolben
has given of their modefty.
The:r habits. The men cover their heads with handfuls _ of
greafe and foot mix’d together ; and, going with-
out any thing elfs on their heads in fummer-time,
the duff flicks to it, and makes them a very filthy
cap ; which, they fav, cools them, and preferves
’ their heads from the fcorching heat of the fun ; and
in winter they wear flat caps of Cat-fkin or Lamb-
fkin, half dry’d, which they tie with a thong of
the fame leather under their chins. T he men alfo
wear a krofie or mantle, made of a Sheep-fkin or
R A R I A. 3 3
other (kins, over their {boulders, whicn reaches to C H A P.
the middle ; and, being fatten’d with a thong about IV.
their neck, is open before. In winter they turn the
woolly or hairy fides next their backs, and in (um-
mer the other : This forves the man for his bed at
night ; and this is all the winding-ftieet or coffin he
lias when he dies. If he be a Captain of a village,
or Chief of his nation, inftead of a Sheep-fkin, his
mantle is made of Tyger-fkins, wild Cat-fkins, or
fome other {kins they fet a value upon : But, tho”
thefe mantles reach no lower, generally, than their
waifts, yet there are fome nations who wear them
as low as their legs, and others that have them touch
the ground.
They conceal or cover thofe parts alfo which eve-
ry other people do, with a fquare piece of fkin a-
bout two hands-breadth, generally with a Cat-fsin,
the hairy fide outwards, which is fatten’d to a firing
or girdle about their bodies.
The man alfo hangs about his neck a greafy
pouch, in which he keeps his knife, his pipe and
tobacco, and fome dacha (which intoxicates like to-
bacco) and a little piece of wood, burnt at both
ends, as a charm againft witchcraft. He wears al-
fo three large ivory rings on his left arm, to which
he fattens a bag of provisions when he travels. He
carries in his right hand two flicks, the fiift call d
his kirri, which is about three loot long, and an
inch thick, but blunt at both ends ; the other, call’d
his rackum-ftick, about a foot long, and ot the
fame thicknefs, but has a {harp point, and is ufed as
a dart, to throw at an enemy or wild beaft ; which
he feldom mifies, if he be within diftance. In his
left hand he has another flick, about a foot long,
to which is fatten’d a tail of a Fox or wild Cat
and this ferves him as a handkerchief to wipe oft
the fweat. They wear a kind of fan dais, alfo
made of the raw 7 hide of an Ox or Elephant, when
they are oblig’d to travel through ftony countries;
and fometimes have bufkins, to preferve theii legs
from bufhes and briars ; but ordinarily their legs and
thighs have no covering.
The women wear caps, the crowns whereof are
a little raifed ; and thefe are made alfo of half-dry’d
fkins, and tied under their chins. They fcarce put
them off night or day, winter or fummer. They
ufually wear two kroftes or mantles, one upon ano-
ther, made of Sheep-fkins, or other fkins, which
are fometimes border’d wdth a fringe of raw lea-
ther ; and, as thefe are only faftned with a thong
about their necks, they appear naked down to tire
middle : But they have an apron, larger than that
of the mens to cover them before, and another of
ftill larger dimenfions that covers their back-fides.
About their legs they wrap thongs of half-dry’d
fkins, to the thicknefs of a jack-boot, which are
fuch a load to them, that they lift up their legs with
difficulty, and walk very much like a Trooper in
iack-boots : This ferves both for a difhncuon o
J tneir
H THE PRES]
GTIAP, their (ex, and for ornament. But this is not all
IV. their finery : If they are people of any figure, in-
{lead of Sheep-fkin they wear a Tyger-fkin, or a
mantle of wild Cat-fkins. They have alfo a pouch
hangs about their necks* in which they always car-
ry fomething to eat, whether they are at home or
abroad, with their dacha, tobacco, and pipe.
Ornaments. But the principal ornaments both of men and wo-
men are brafs or glafs beads, with little thin plates
of glittering brafs and mother of pearl, which they
wear in their hair, or about their ears. Of thefe
brafs and glafs beads lining they alfo make necklaces,
bracelets for the arms, and girdles ; wearing feveral
firings of them about their necks, waifts and arms,
chufing the fmalleft beads for their necks: Thofeare
fined that have the mod firings of them ; and their
arms are lometimes cover’d with bracelets from the
wrid to the elbow ; the larged beads are on the
firings about the middle ; in tbefe they affedt a va-
riety of colours, all of which the Dutch furnilh
them with, and take their cattle in return.
There is another kind of ornament peculiar to
the men ; and that is, the bladder of any' wild bead
they have kill’d, which is blown up and fallcn’d to
the hair, as a trophy of their valour.
Both men and women powder themfelves with a
dud they call bachu ; and the women fpot their fa-
ces with a red earth or done (as ours do with black
patches) which is thought to add to their beauty, by
the natives ; but, in the eyes of Europeans, ren-
ders them more frightful andlhocking than they are
naturally.
But, as part of their drels, I ought to have men-
tion’d, in the fird place, the cudom of daubing their
bodies, and the infide of their caps and mantles,
with greafe and foot. Soon after their children are
born, they lay them in the fun, or by the fire, and
rub them over with fat or butter, mix’d with foot,
to render them of a deeper black, ’tis faid ; for they
are naturally tawny : And this they continue to do
almod every day of their lives, after they are grown
up, not only to increafe their beauty poffibly, but to
render their limbs fupple and pliable. As fome
other nations pour oil upon their heads and bodies ;
fo thefe people make ufe of melted fat. You can’t
make them a more acceptable prefent than the fat
or feum of a pot that meat is boil’d in to anoint
themfelves. Several of thefe Hottentots coming on
board our fhip as foon as we arriv’d at the Cape, ad-
drefs’d themfelves in the firft place to the Cook for
fome of the fat he had fkimm’d off' his boiling cop-
pers ; which being gratify ’d in, they immediately
clapp’d it on their heads by handfuls ; which con-
firm’d us in the opinion of their naflinefs, of which
we had heard fo much. Nor are they more clean-
ly in their diet than in their drefs ; for they chufe
the guts and entrails of cattle, and of fome wild
beads (with very little cleanfing) rather than the reft
of the flefh, and eat their meat half- boil’d or broil’d ;
i NT STATE
but their principal food confifts of roots, herbs, fruits CHAP
or milk : They feldom kill any of thofe cattle, un- IV,
lefs at a feftival ; they only feed of fuch as die of
themfelves, either of diieafes or old age, or on what
they take in hunting ; and, when they are hard put
to it, they will eat the raw leather that is wound
about die womens legs, and even foies of fihoes :
And, as their mantles are always well flock’d with
lice of an unufual fize, they are not afham’d to fit
down in the publick ftreets at the Cape, pull off the
lice, and eat them. And I ought to have remem-
ber’d, that they boil their meat in the blood of
beafts when they have any of it.
They rather devour their meat than eat it, pulling
it to pieces with their teeth and hands, difeovering a
canine appetite and fiercenefs : T hey abftain, however,
from Swine’s- flefh, and fome other kinds of meat, and
from fifh that have no feales, as religioufly as ever the
Jews did. And here it may not be improper to fay fome-
thing of the management of their milk and butter:
They never ftrain their milk, but drink it with all
the hairs and naftinefs with which it is mix’d in the
milking by the Hottentot women. When they
make butter of it, they put it into fome fkin made
in the form of a Soldier’s knapfack, the hairy fide in-
wards ; and then two of them taking hold of it,
one at each end, they whirl and turn it round till it
is converted into butter, which they pot up for a-
nointing themfelves, their caps and mantles with,
for they eat no butter ; and the reft they fell to the
Dutch, without clearing it from the hairs and dirt it
contradls in the knapfack. The Hollanders, when
they have it indeed, endeavour to feparate the nafti-
nefs from it, and fell it to the {hipping, that arrives
there, frequently for butter of their own making ;
and fome they eat themfelves (but furely none but a
Dutchman could eat Hottentot butter) and the dregs
and dirt that is left they give to their Haves ; which
having been found to create difeafes, the Governor
of the Cape fometimes prohibits their giving their
Haves this fluff by publick edicl ; which is not, how-
ever, much regarded. The butter-milk, without
any manner of cleaning or {training, the Hottentots
drink themfelves ; giving what they have to fpare,
to their Lambs and Calves.
The ufual drink of the Hottentots is Cow’s milk,
or water* and the women fometimes drink Ewes
milk ; but this the men never touch : and ’tis oh-
ferv’d, that the women are never fufter’d to eat with
the men, or come near them, during the time of
their menfes.
Since the arrival of the Dutch among them, it
appears that the Hottentots are very fond of wine,
brandy, and other fpirituous liquors : Thefe, and the
baubles already mention’d, the Hollanders truck for
their cattle ; and tho’a Hottentot will turn fpit for a
Dutchman half a day for a draught or two of four
w;ne, yet do they never attempt to plant vineyards
(as they fee the Dutch do every day) or think of
2 making
OF CAFFRARIA.
CHAP, making wine themfelves. I proceed, in the next
IV. place, to give an account of their towns and houles,
or rather, their camps and tents.
Their towns The Hottentots, like the Tartars and Arabs, re-
or camps. m ove their dwellings frequently for the conveniency
of water and frefn pafture : They encamp in a circle
form’d by twenty or thirty tents, and fometimes
twice the number, contiguous to each other ; with-
in the area whereof they keep their lefl'er cattle in the
night, and the larger on the outfide of their camp :
Their tents, or, as feme call them, houfes, are made
with {lender poles, bent like an arch, and cover’d
with mats or (kins, and fometimes both : They are of
an oval figure, the middle of the tent being about
the height of a man, and decreafing gradually (the
poles being fhorter) towards each end, the lowed
arch, which is the door or entrance, being about 3
foot high, as is the oppofite arch at the other end ;
the longed: diameter of the tent being about 1 2 or
1 4 feet, and the fhorteft 1 o ; and in the middle of
the tent is a (hallow hole about a yard diameter, in
which they make their fire, and round which the
whole family, confiding of nine or ten people of all
ages and fexes, fit or lie night and day in fuch a fmoak
(when it is cold, or they are dreffing of victuals)
that ft is impofiible for an European to bear it, there
being ufually no vent for the fmoak but the door, tho’
I think I have feen a hole in the top of (bmeof their
huts to let out the fmoak, and give them light. Such
a circle of tents or huts as has been defcrib’d, is call’d
by the Hottentots a Kraal, and fometimes by the Eu-
ropeans a town or village ; but feems to be more pro-
perly a camp : for a town confids of more fubdantial
buildings, and is feldom capable of being removed
from one place to another ; whereas thefe dwellings
confid of nothing more than finall tent-poles, co-
vered with (kins or mats, which are moveable, and
carried away upon their baggage-Oxen whenever
they remove with their herds to adidant padure.
Furniture. As to the furniture of their tents ; this confids of
little more than their mantles which they lie on, fome
other (kins of wild beads they have kill’d or pur-
chas’d, an earthen pot they boil their meat in, their
t arms, and perhaps fome other trivial utenfils. The
only domedick animals they keep, are Dogs, as ugly
in their kind as their maders, but exceeding uleful to
them in driving and defending their cattle.
Their genii s The Hottentots are agreed by all to be the lazieft
and temper, generation under the fun : they will rather darve, or
eat dry’d (kins, or fhoe-foles at home, than hunt for
their food ; and yet, when they do apply themfelves
to the chafe, or any other exercife, no people are to
be found more adtive and dexterous than the Hotten-
tots ; and they ferve the Europeans often with the
greated fidelity and application, when they contract
to ferve them for wages : They are alfo exceeding
generous and hofpitable ; they will fcarce eat a piece
of venifon, or a difh of fidi they have catch’d, or
drink their beloved drams alone, but call in their
neighbours to partake with them as far as it will go.
The next thing I (hall enquire into, is the govern- CHAP,
ment of the Hottentots ; and I find all people agree, IV.
that every nation has its King or Chief, call’d Ron- v —
quer, wnofe authority devolves upon him by heredi-
tary fucceffion ; and that they do not pretend to eledt tentpts .
their refpedtive fovereigns. That this Chief has the Their Kings,
power of making peace and war, and prefides in all
their councils and courts of iuftice : but then his au-
thority is faid to be limited ; and that he can deter-
mine nothing without the confent of the Captains of
the feveral Kraals, who l'eem to be the Hottentot fe-
nate. The Captain of everv Kraal, whofe office is
hereditary alfo, is their Leader in timet>f war, and
Chief rriagiftrate of his Kraal in time of peace ; and,
with the head of every family, determines all civil
and criminal caufes within the Kraal ; only fuch dif-
ferences as happen between one Kraal and another,
and matters of (late, are determined by the King and
Senate. The Dutch, fince their arrival at the Cape,
have prefented the King, or Chief of every nation
of the Hottentots in alliance with them, with a brafs
crown ; and the Captains of each Kraal with a brafs-
headed cane, which are now the badges of their re-
lpedfive offices ; formerly they were diftinguifh’d only
by finer fkins, and a greater variety of beads and.
glittering trifles.
In their councils their King fits on his heels in the
centre, and the Captains of the Kraals fit in like
manner round about him. At his acceffion, ’tis faid,
he promifes to obferve their national cuftoms ; and
gives them an entertainment, killing an Ox, and two
or three Sheep, upon the occafion ; on which he feafts
his Captains, but their Wives are only entertain’d with
the broth : But then the next day, ’tis faid, her Hot-
tentot Majefty treats the Ladies, and their Hufbands
are put oft' in like manner with the foup.
The Captain of each Kraal alfo, at his acceffion, Magnates,
’tis faid, engages to obferve the cuftoms of his Kraal,
and makes an entertainment for the Men, as his Lady
does the next day for the Women ; and, though tints
people fhew their Chiefs great refpedf, ’tis faid, they
allow neither their King or inferior Magiftrates any
revenue ; they fubfift, as other families do, upon
their (lock of cattle, and what they take in hunting.
As they have no notion of writing or letters, they Juftke ad-
can have no written laws ; but there are fome ancient mnlfter
cuftoms, from which they fcarce ever deviate. Mur-
der, adultery and robbery, they conftantly puniift
with death ; and, if a perfon is fufpedted of any of
thefe crimes, the whole Kraal join in feizing and fe-
curing him ; but the guilty perfon fometimes makes
his efcape to the mountains, where robbers and cri-
minals, like himfelf, fecure themfelves from juftice,
and frequently plunder the neighbouring country ,
for no other Kraal or nation of Hottentots will en-
tertain a ftranger, unlefs he is known to them, and
can give a good reafon for leaving his own Kraal.
If the offender is apprehended, the Captain aftem-
bles the people of his Kiaal in a day or two ; who,
making
I HE PRESENT STATE
16
CHAP, making a ring, .and fitting down upon their heels,
jy_ the criminal is placed in the centre of them ; the
witneffes on both fides are heard, and the party
fufFer’d to make his defence : After which, the cafe
being confider’d, the Captain colleifts the fuff rages of
his judges ; and, if a majority condemn him, the
prifoner is executed on the fpot : The Captain firft
ftrikes him with a truncheon he carries in his hand,
and then the reft of the Judges fall upon him, and
drub him to death : Then wrapping up the corpfe in
his krofle or mantle, it is carried fome diftance from
the Kraal, and buried.
In civil cafes alfo the caufe is determin’d by a ma-
jority of voices, and fatisfadtion immediately order’d
the injur’d party out of the goods of the perfon that
appears to be in the wrong, ft 'here is no appeal to
any other Court ; the King and his Council, con-
lifting of the Captains of the Kraals, never inter-
pofe, unlefs in matters that concern the Publick, or
where the Kraals are at variance. It may be proper
here to add, that the Hottentots cattle and perlonal
eftate defcend to his eldeft fon : he cannot dillnherit
him, or give his effects to his other children ; but,
as for a property in lands, or any certain real eftate,
no man has any : the whole country is but one com-
mon, where they feed their cattle promifcuoufly,
moving from place to place to find water or frefh pa-
fture as neceffity requires.
Even the feveral nations have no ftated bounds ;
but ufe fuch tracts of land as their anceftors did be-
fore them : ’Tis true, their refpetftive limits fome-
times create differences between the feveral nations,
and occafion bloody wars ; which brings me to treat
of their arms, and the arts and ftratagems they ufe
in war.
Their arm'. The arms of a Hottentot are, i. His launce,
which refembles a half-pike, fometimes thrown and
ufed as a miftive weapon ; and, at others, ferves to
pufh within clofe light, the head or fpear whereof is
poifon’d. 2. His bow and arrows, the arrows
bearded and poifon’d likewife, when they engage an
enemy, or a wild beaft they do not intend for food :
Their bows are made of iron or olive wood ; the
firing, of the finews or guts of fome animal : The
quiver is a long narrow cafe, made of the fkinof an
Elephant, Elk or Ox, and flung at their backs, as Sol-
diers fling their knapfacks. 3. A dart of a foot
long, which they throw exceeding true, fcarce ever
miffing the mark they aim at, tho’ it be not above
the breadth of a half-crown ; thefe al'b are poifon’d,
when they engage an enemy, or a wild beaft that is
not to be eaten : And, laftly, when they have fpent
the reft of their miffive weapons, they have recourfe
to ftones, feldom making a difcharge in vain : and
what is moft remarkable in their fhooting, or throw-
ing arrows, darts, or ftones, they never ftand ftill,
but are all the while (kipping and jumping from
one fide to the other, poffibly to avoid the darts and
ftones of the enemy.
They are all Foot, they never engage on Horfe- CHAP,
back ; but have difciplin’d Bulls or Oxen taught to iy >
run upon the enemy, and to tofs arid diforder them ;
which thefe creatures will do, with the utmoft fury, T*? e y never
on the word of command, not regarding the weapons horfe-°batk.
that are thrown at them : for, tho’ the Hottentots
have numbers of large Elephants in their country,
they have not yet learnt the art of taming them, or
training them up to the war, as the military men In
the Eaft-Indies do.
Every able-bodied man is a Soldier, and poflefs’d Ej'JT man 3
of a fet of fuch arms as has been deferib’d ; and, on °‘ wr *
the fummons of his Prince, appears at the rendezvous
with all imaginable alacrity and contempt of danger,
and every man maintains himfelf while the expedition
lafts. As their Officers, civil and military, have no
pay ; fo neither do the Private men expect any : a fenfe
of honour, and the publick good, are the foie motives
for hazarding their lives in their country’s fervice.
The principal inducement to their entring into a Thecaufesof
war at anytime, is the prefervation of their territo- ^ a J m amongft
ries : As they have no land-marks or written treaties
to adjuft the exact bounds of every nation, they fre-
quently difagree about the limits of their refpedtive
countries ; and, whenever any neighbouring nation
grazes their cattle upon a fpot of ground another
claims, fatisfaftion is immediately demanded ; and,
if it be not given, they make reprifals, and have re-
courfe to arms. But this is not the only occafion of
wars among the Hottentots : They are not always
that chafte and virtuous people Mr. Kolben has
reprefented them, fome tempting Helen (for Hot-
tentots poffibly may appear amiable in one another’s
eyes with all the greafe and carrion they are cloathed
with) has fmitten a neighbouring Chief perhaps,
who prevails on his people to affift him in the rape of
the defired female ; and this frequently fets their
tribes together by the ears. The dealing each other’s
cattle is another caufe of deadly ftrife ; for tho’ each
Kraal punifhes theft among themfelves with death,
yet it is looked upon as an heroick aift to rob thofe of
another nation ; at lead the body of the people are
fo backward in giving up the offender, that they
frequently come to blows upon it.
When they march into the field, every man fol- Their way
lows his particular Captain, the Chief of his Kraal : of figining4
They obferve little order ; neither do they take the
precaution of throwing up trenches to defend them-
felves, and, what is ftill more furprifing, have no
fhields to defend themfelves againft miffive weapons,
tho’ fome lay they will ward off a launce or dart,
and even a done, with a little truncheon about a foot
long, which they carry in their hands.
The feveral companies advance to the charge, at
the command of their Chief ; and, when thofe in
the front have (hot one flight of arrows, they re-
treat, and make room for thofe in the rear ; and,
when thefe have difeharg’d, the former advance
again ; and thus alternately they continue the fight.
OF C A F F R A R I A.
C H A P. till they have Spent all their miffive weapons, and
IV. then they have recourfe to Hones, unlefs they are fird
broken "and dispers’d by a troop of Bulls ; for the
wife Chiefs and Generals of each fide, according to
the European practice, remaining on an eminence
in the rear, to obferve the fortune of the day, when
they obferve their people are hard prefs’d, give the
word of command to their Corps de Referve of Bulls,
who break into tire body of the enemy, and gene-
rally bring all into confufion ; and that fide that
prelerves their order bed, on this furious attack of
thefe Bulls of Bafan, are lure to be victorious. The
fkill of the General leems to lie chiefly in managing
his Bulls ; who never charge each other, but fpend
their whole rage upon the men, who have, it feems,
no Dogs of Englifh breed to play againd them, or
this dratagem would be of little fervice : But I
fhould have obferv’d, that as the battel always begins
with horrid cries and ncife, which perhaps funplies
the place of drums and trumpets ; fo the viCtors in-
fult with no lets noife over the conquer’d enemy,
killing all that fall into their hands : but they feldom
fight more than one battel, fome neighbouring pow-
er ufually interpofing to make up the quarrel ; and
of late the Dutch perform this good office, between
fuch nations as lie near their fettlements. from their
wars with each other, I naturally proceed to their
wars with wild beads, with which their country a-
bounds more than any other : Thefe people, it feems,
efteem it a much greater honour to have kill’d one
of thefe foes to mankind, than an enemy of their
own fpecies.
Their way of There are indances, of a Hottentot’s engaging
attacking a fingly with the fierce!!: wild beads, and killing them ;
wild heart, u f ua ]]y t he whole Kraal or village afl'emble,
when a wild bead: is difeover’d in their neighbour-
hood, and, dividing themfelves in fmall parties, en-
deavour to lurround him. Having found their ene-
my, they ufually fet up a great cry, at which the
frighted animal endeavours to break thro’ and efcape
them : if it prove to be a Rhinoceros, an Elk, or
Elephant, they throw their launces at him, darts and
f arrows being too weak to pierce thro’ their thick
hides : if the bead be not kill’d at the fird difeharge,
they repeat the attack, and load him with their
fpears ; and, as he runs with all his rage at the per-
fons who wound him, thofe in his rear follow him
clofe, and ply him with their fpears, on whom he
turns again, but is overpower’d by his numerous ene-
mies, who condantly return to the charge, when his
back is towards them, and fcarce ever fail, of bring-
ing the creature down, before he has taken his re-
venge on any of them. How hazardous foever fuch
an engagement may appear to an European, thefe
people make it their fport ; and have this advantage,
it that they are exceeding fwift of foot, and fcarce
ever mils the mark they aim at with their fpears :
If one of them is hard prefs’d by the brute, he is fure
to be reliev’d by his companions, who never quit the
Vol. III.
1 7
field till the bead is kill’d, or makes his efcape : tho’ C H A P,
they fometimes dexteroufly avoid the adverfary, they IV.
immediately return to the charge, fubduing the fier-
ced either by dratagem or force.
In the attacking a Lion, a Leopard or a Tyger, their
darts and arrows are of fervice to them ; and there-
fore they begin the engagement at a greater didance,
than when they charge an Elephant or Rhinoceros ;
and the creature has a wood of darts and arrows up-
on his back, before he can approach his enemies,
which make him fret and rage and fly at them with
the greated fury ; but thofe he attacks, nimbly avoid
his paws, while others purfue him, and finidi the
conqued with their fpears. Sometimes a Lion takes
to his heels, with abundance of poifon’d darts and
arrows in his flefh : but, the pc-ifon beginning to
operate, he foon falls, and becomes a prey to thofe
he woidd have prey’d upon.
The Elephant, the Rhinoceros and the Elk, are fre-
quently taken in traps and pitfalls, without any man-
ner of hazard. The Elephants are obferv’d to go in
great companies to water, following in a file one af-
ter another, and ufually take the fame road till they
are didurb’d : The Plottentots therefore dig pits in
their paths, about 8 feet deep, and 4 or 5 over ; in
which they fix {harp dakes pointed with iron, and
then cover the pit with fmall dicks and turf, fo as it
is not difcernible : and as thefe animals ufually keep
in one track, frequently one or other of them falls
with his fore-feet into the pit, and the dake pierces
his body ; the more he druggies, the deeper the
weight of his mondrous body fixes him on the dake.
When the red of the herd obferve the misfortune of
their companion, and find he can’t difengage him-
felf, they immediately abandom him : whereupon
the Hottentots, who lie conceal’d, in expectation of
the fuccels of their dratagem, approach the wounded
head, dab him with their fpears, and cut his larged
veins, fo that he foon expires ; whereupon they cut
him to pieces, and, carrying the flefli home, feads
upon it as long as it lads. His teeth they make into
rings for their arms, and, when they have any ivory
to fpare, difpofe of it to the Europeans. The Rhi-
noceros and Elk are frequently taken in pitfalls, as
Elephants are.
The Hottentot, who kills any of thefe, or a Lion, Honours
Leopard, or Tyger, fingly, has the highed honour confcrr'd ore
conferr’d upon him, and feveral privileges, which jJXVwiM
belong only to fuch intrepid heroes. At his return beaft.
from this hazardous and important lervice, the men
of Kraal depute one of the leniors to congratulate
him on his viedory, and defire that he will honour
them with his prefence ; whereupon he follows the
old Deputy to the adembly, whom he finds, ac-
cording to cudom, fitting upon their heels in a cir-
cle ; and, a mat of didinerfion being laid for him in
the centre, he lets himfelf down upon it : After
which, the old Deputy pifles plentifully upon him,
which the hero rubs in with great eagernefe, having
D ~ fird
1 8
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, fh'ft Scratch’d the greafe off his fkin with his nails ;
IV. the Deputy all the while pronouncing fome words
unintelligible to any but themfelves. After this they
light a pipe of tobacco, which they fmoak, and hand
one to another till there remains nothing but afhes in
the pipe ; and thefe the old Deputy ftrews over the
gallant man, who rubs them in as they fall upon him,
not buffering theleaft duff to be loft. After which,
his neighbours having feverally congratulated him on
his advancement to this high honour, they difperfe,
and go to their refpeclive tents. The conqueror, af-
terwards, fattens the bladder of the furious beaft he
has kill’d to his hair ; and is from that time, by every
one, efteem’d a brave man, and a benefactor to his
country.
Being retired to his tent, his neighbours feem to
vie which of them {hall oblige him moft, and are,
for the next three days, continually fending him one
delicious morfel or other ; nor do they call upon him
to perform duty during that time, but fuffer him to
indulge his eafe : But, what is Till more unaccountable,
his wife or wives (for he may have more than one)
are not allow’d to come near him for three days af-
ter this honour isconferr’d upon him ; but they are
forc’d to ramble about the fields, and keep to a fpare
diet, left they fhould, as Mr. Kolben furmifes,
ijempt the hufband to their embraces : but on the third
day, in the evening, we are told, the women re-
turn to the tent; are receiv’d with the utmoftjoy
and tendernefs ; mutual congratulations pafs between
them ; a fat Sheep is kill’d, and their neighbours in-
vited to the feaft ; where the prowefs of the hero,
and the honour he has obtain’d, are the chief fub-
'ecf of the converlation.
There is fcarce any wild beaft, but the flefti is
good eating, if it be not kill’d with poifon’d wea-
pons ; but theTygeris the moft delicious morfel,
and, as the whole Kraal partake of the feaft, the
perfbn who kills him meets with a double {hare of
praife, as he both rids the country of an enemy, and
pleafes their palates. Mr. Kolben relates, that
he has himfelf eaten of the flefh of a Tyger, and
that it exceeds any veal in the world. But to return
to the field-fports of the Hottentots : When they
hunt a Deer, a wild Goat, or a Hare, they go
fingly, or but two or three in company, arm’d only
with a dart or two, and feldom mils the game they
throw at ; yet, as has been obferv’d already, lb long
as they have any manner of food left, if it be but the
raw hides of cattle, or Ihoe-foles, they will hardly
be perfwaded to ftir to get more ; tho’, it is true,
when they apprehend their cattle in danger from
wild beafts, no people are more adtive, or purfue
the chafe of them with greater alacrity and bra-
very.
The Hotter.. From hunting, I proceed to treat of their fifhing ;
io£ fiihlng. at w h; c h 5 according to Ko lben, they are very ex-
pert ; taking filh with angles, nets, and fpears ; and,
by groping, they get a certain fifh, call’d Rock-fifh,
particularly by groping the holes of the rocks near the C H A P.
fhore when the tide is out: thefe are mightily admi- IV.
red by the Europeans ; but, having no feales, the
Hottentots will noteat them.
When they throw their lines into the fea, Kol-
ben pretends, they allure the fifh towards the bait
by whittling and other noifes ; which I {hall not en-
courage my readers to have much faith in, our fifher-
men imagining that a noife frights away the fifh :
however, both feem to be of opinion, that filh can
hear in the water ; and, if this may be depended on,
I can’t fee why fifh, as well as ferpents, may not be
charm’d with mufick, or fomething like it. Certain
it is, the fnakes in the Eaft-Indies will rife up and
dance to the voice of a girl, and the mufick of a
very ill inftrument : but ftill, I muff confefs, I am
in doubt, whether fifh can hear in the water ; and,
if they can, whether they may be charm’d with founds
of any kind.
But the manner of the Hottentot’s fwimming is Their way
as particular as his fifhing ; for he ftands upright in of . fwim *
the fea, and rather walks and treads the water, than minB '
fwims upon it, his head, neck and fhoulders being
quite above the waves, as well as his arms ; and yet
they move fafter in the water than any European can :
even in a ftorm, when the waves run high, they will
venture into the fea,rifing and falling with the waves
like a cork, in my author’s phrafo: however, he ob-
ferves, that before they venture either into the fea or
a river, they mutter fomething to themfelves, which
he fuppofes to be afhort prayer; adding, that when
they have put up their fifh in fkins, they will fwim,
or rather walk, with a great load of them on their
heads thro’ the waves to the fhore.
The next thing I fhall confider, is the marriage The marri-
of the Hottentots ; and, it feems, every young fel- a s es of the
low has fuch a regard to the advice of his father (or
rather the laws and cuftoms of the country require
it) that he always confults the old man before he en-
ters into a treaty with his miftrefs ; and, if he ap-
proves the match, the father and fon, in the firft
place, pay a vifit to the father of the damfel ; with
whom having fmoak’d, and talk’d of indifferent
things for fome time, the father of the lover opens
the matter to the virgin’s father; who, having con-
fulted his wife, returns an anfwer immediately to the
propofal : if it be rejected, the lover and his father
retire without more words; but, if the offer be ap-
proved by the old folks, the damfel is called, and
acquainted, that they have provided a hufband for
her; and fhe muff fubmit to their determination,
unlefs fhe can hold her lover at arms-end, after a
night’s ftruggling : For Kolben tells us, where the
parents are agreed, the two young people are put to-
gether ; and, if the virgin lofes her maidenhead, fhe
muft have the young fellow, tho’ fhe be never fo a-
verfe to the match ; but then fhe is permitted to
pinch and fcratch, and defend herfelf as well as fhe
can, and, if fhe holds out till morning, the lover
returns
OF CAFF
CHAP, returns without his miftrefs, and makes no farther
IV. attempts : but, if he fubdues her, (he is his wite to
all intents and purpofes, without farther ceremony ;
and the next day the man kills a fat Ox, or more,
according to his circumftances, for ^ the wedding-
dinner, and the entertainment of their friends, who
refort to them upon the occafion, bringing abun-
dance of good withes for the happinefs of the mar-
ried couple, as is ufual among politer people. i he
Ox is no fooner kill’d, but all the company get fome
of the fat, and greafe themfelves with it from head to
foot, powdering themfelves afterwards with Buchu ;
and the women, to add to their charms, make red
fpots on their black faces with red oker.
The entertainment being ready, the men form a
circle in the area of the Kraal (for a large company
cannot fit within doors) and the women form ano-
ther ; the bridegroom fitting in the middle of the
men’s circle, and the bride in the center of her own
fex : then the Prieft, as Kolben calls him, enteis
the men’s circle, and pities upon the bridegroom,
which the young man rubs in very joyfully : 1 hen
this Prieft, as he is call’d, goes to the ladies circle,
where he does the bride the fame favour, and the nabs
in the urine in like manner : and thus the old man
goes from the bride to the bridegroom, and back a-
gain, ’till he has exhaufted all his ftore ; which is
another inftance of the modefty of the Hottentots,
that Kolben cries up fo much. But, to pro-
ceed : He affords them a great many good withes all
the time ; as, “ That they may live long and hap-
« pily together ; that they may have a fon before the
« end of the year, and that he may prove a brave
« fellow, and an expert huntfman, and the like.”
After which, the meat is ferv’d up in earthen pots
glaz’d with greafe; and, fome of them having
knives fince the Europeans came amongft them, they
divide their meat pretty decently ; but more of them
make ufe of their teeth and claws, pulling it to pieces,
and eating as voracioufly as fo many Dogs ; having
no other plates or napkins than the (linking corners
of the mantles they wear ; and fea-thells without
t handles ufually ferve them inftead of fpoons. And
here it may be proper to defcribe their manner of
roafting meat, which, in fpeaking of their diet, was
Their way forgot. They take a broad flat ftone, and, having
of roafting fixed it in the ground, they make a fire upon it, till
OTeat . it is thoroughly heated : then taking off the coals,
they lay the meat upon the ftone, which they cover
with another flat ftone of the fame dimenfions. Then
they make a fire on the uppermoft ftone, and kindle
another round about them both ; and thus the meat
is foon roafted,at leaft as much as they defire it fhould ;
for, if it be a little more than hot through, it is enough
b for them.
What they leave the firft meal, is fet by for the
next ; and, the pots and pans being taken away,
each circle lights a pipe of tobacco, which is handed
round ; and, when that is out, another : 1 hus they
R A R I A. u )
continue fmoaking, and talking merrily on the oc- C H AP.
cafion, till morning. They drink fcarce any thing IV.
but water and milk ; and that very larely, but at
their meals. They have no ftrong liquors at their
weddings, nor do they dance at the entertainment ;
but, towards break of day, the bride fteals off, and
the bridegroom after her ; and then the company
difperfe. "There is no throwing the (locking.
The next day all the guefts return again, and feaft
upon what was left, fmoak and chat as the day be-
fore ; and this is repeated as long as the provifion
lads : after which, they take their leaves of the new
married couple, and return home. The Hottentots TheHotten-
allow of polygamy ; but feldom have more than three ^ s ra a lit '’" oS -
wives at a time ; and, it feems, tis death to marry w ive6«
or lie with a firft or fecond coufin, or any nearer re-
lation.
A father feldom gives his fon more than two or
three Cows, and as many Sheep, upon his marriage ,
and with thefe he muft make his way in the world ;
and I don’t find they give any more with their daugh-
ters, than a Cow or a couple of Sheep : nor do they
leave them, or their younger fons, any thing when
they die; but all the children depend upon the eldeft
brother, and are his fervants, or rather (laves, when
the father is dead, uniefs the eldeft brother enfran-
chife them : nor has the mother any thing to fubfift
on, but what her eldeft ton allows her. As there
are no great fortunes among them, they match purely
for love ; an agreeable companion is all their greateft
men aim at : their Chiefs intermarry frequently with
the pooreft men’s daughters ; and a brave fellow,
who has no fortune, does not defpair of matching
with the daughter of a Prince. Merit, according to
Kolben, is more regarded here, than among the
politer nations. _ .
A widow, who marries a fecond time, is obliged
to cut off a joint of one of her fingers ; and fo for
every hufband (he marries after the fiiit . Either man J^^ cesa "
or woman may be divorc d, on fhewing fufficient
caufe before the Captain and the reft of the Kraal ;
the woman, however, muft not marry again, tho the
man is allowed to marry, and have as many wives as
he pleafes at the fame time.
A young Hottentot never is matter of a hut or
tent till he° marries, uniefs his father dies and leaves
him one : Therefore the firft bufinefs the bride an
bridegroom apply themfelves to after their marriage-*
feaft, is to ere& a tent or hut of all new materials, in
which work the woman has as great a thare as the
man; and, this taking them up about a week’s time,
the new-married couple are entertain’d in the mean
time in the tents of fome of their relations.
When they refort to their new apartment, and The women
come to keep houfe together, the wife feems to have
much the greateft thare of the trouble of it : the their huf-
fodders the "cattle, milks them, cuts out the firing, ^^ sinidle '
fearches every morning for roots for their food, brings
them home, and boils or broils them, while the drone
D 2 ot
20
THE PRESENT STATE
LHAP. of a hufband l.es indolently at home, and will fcarce
1 V. give himfelf the trouble of getting up to eat, when
his food is provided for him by the drudges his wives :
The more of them he has, ftill the lazier life he
leads, the care of making provifion for the family
being thrown upon them.
He will, ’tis laid, in his turn attend his cattle in
the field ; but expe£ls every one of his wives fhould
do at leaft as much towards taking care of them, as
he does: he will alfo fometimes, but very rarely, go
a hunting with the men of his Kraal, and bring home
a piece of venifon, oradifhof filh ; but this is not
often : and, if he is of any handicraft trade, he may
work at it two or three hours in a week, and inftrudt
his children in the art. He alfo takes upon him to
fell his cattle, and purchase tobacco and ffrong liquors
ot the Dutch, with neccTiary tools, beads, and other
ornaments, for which the Hottentots barter away
their cattle. Their wives are not permitted to inter-
meddle in the bufinefs of buying and felling ; this be-
ing the foie prerogative of the man.
iTarc- an 1V£ Ko L b e N is pleafed to take all occafions to cry up
foifeof n> the chaftity of thefo poor wretches : You never fee
Hume. them, he lays, killing and toying, or even looking
amoroufly at one another ; the woman, he adds,
never prefumes to enter her hufband’s apartment,
tho’ he fometimes Ideals to hers. One would think
by this del’cription, every Hottentot took as much
fhte upon him as an Eafdern Monarch ; and that the
poor hut or tent he lies in, had as many fpacious
rooms in it as a palace : whereas, in another place,
Ko l b E N himfelf informs us, that the dimenfions
of a hut are exceeding fmall, about 6 foot high and
i 2 foot diameter ; that the man has frequently two
or three wives ; that his Ions and daughters lie in the
fame hut, when they are men and women grown ;
and for all this company how is it poffible there can
be diftindf apartments ? For my part, I have looked
into thefo huts, where I have feen a fire-hearth of
about 3 foot diameter in the middle of it, and the
whole family, men, women and children, of all
ages and fexes, lying round about the fire-place like
fo many brutes, no partitions between them, nor in-
deed room for any. It is merry enough alfo to hear
this grave gentleman talk of feparate beds, when
they have nothing like a bed ; but every one lies
down upon his Sheep-fkin mantle, and has no other
covering in cold weather but another fkin ; and
when it is warm, none of them have any covering
at all : Nor is it at all improbable, that the Hotten-
tot lies with his wives before all this company ; for
they have no back rooms to retire into when they
have a call. What makes this alfo the more proba-
ble is, that we foe nothing like modefty among them ;
for, when the Europeans came out of curiofity to
foe the Hottentot villages, the women, old and
3’oung, will take off their greafy modefdy-bit, and
fh ew you all they have for the value of a half-penny ;
and that before their own family and the whole vil-
lage : They will cry their ware as you pafs by their CHAP,
tents, and invite you to foe it; but the carrion they IV.
wear about them on their backs and legs, and the
fhocking and frightful countenances they take pains
to make themfolves, are enough to drive any man
from them : Indeed, if they happen to be to the
windward, no European nofe can bear the fragrant
odours, ravifhingly fweet to them, but enough to
poifon any thing elfe that walks upon two legs. But
it is time now to give fome account of their manage-
ment of lying-in women.
When the wife finds herfelf near her time, the The lying-in
midwife (who is chofon by the whole Kraal, anden- women -
joys that office for life) is called with the good women
her neighbours, and the hufband is obliged to leave
the tent, on pain of forfeiting a couple of Sheep for
the entertainment of the Kraal: When the woman
has a bad time, they boil milk and tobacco together,
and make her drink it ; which, ’tis faid, is generallv
of great fervice to her, and haftens the birth. If the
child be ftill-born, it is immediately buried, and the
whole Kraal are forced to remove to another camp,
as they do whenever any perfon dies. If the woman
brings a live fon into the world, there is great rejoy-
cing : But the firft thing they do with the child, is to
daub it all over with Cow-dung ; then they lay it be-
fore the fire, or in the fun, till the dung is dried ; af-
ter which, they rub it off', and wafh the child with
thejuice of certain herbs, laying it in the fun, or be-
fore the fire again, till this liquor is dried in ; after
which, they anoint the child from head to foot with
butter, or Sheep’s fat melted, which is dried in as the
juice was : And this cuftom of anointing their bo-
dies with fat they retain afterwards as long as they
live.
If the woman has twins, and they are girls, the Theyexpofe
man propofos it to the Kraal, that he may expofe one th f ir fema,e
of them, either upon pretence of poverty, or that his the^hTve^
wife has not milk for them both ; and this they ufu- twins. ^
ally indulge one another in : They do the fame when
they have a boy and a girl ; but always preferve the
boys, tho’ they happen to have two at a birth. The
expofed child is carried to a diftance from the Kraal ;
and, if they can find a cave or hole in the earth, that
fome wild beaff has made, they put the child alive in-
to it ; and then, having flopped up the mouth of the
den with ftones or earth, leave it there to ftarve : If
they cannot meet with fuch a cavity, they tie the in-
fant to the lower bough of a tree, or leave it in fome
thicket of bufhes, where it is frequently deftroyed by
wild beafts.
They do not deal thus however, as has been ob-
forv’d, by their male children. On the birth of a
boy, they kill a Bullock ; and, if thc-y have twins,
two Bullocks ; and make an entertainment for all the
neighbourhood, who congratulate the parents on their
good fortune ; and, as with us, the greateft rejoy-
cings are on the birth of the firft fon.
Their
OF C A F ]
CHAP Their expofed females are fometimes found by the
IY ’ Dutch, and taken care of, and all imaginable pains
taken, as they grow up, to make Chriftians of them,
and bring them off from the Hottentot cuftoms : But
they no fooner underftand of what extraction they
are, than they renounce their Chriftianity, throw oft
the European habit, and, running away to fome
Hottentot camp, take the Sheep-fkin mantle, and
conform themfelves to all the cuftoms of the people,
from whence they are defcended.
But, notwithftanding thefe people are fo inhuman
to expofe their children, they have an unaccountable
abhorrence of their being cut in pieces and differed,
as they are fometimes ferved by European Surgeons,
if the children have not been dead long when they are
found. The Hottentots imagine, that this is done
with a defign to ufe their flefh in witchcraft or ma-
gick ; and, it feems, they watch the corpfe of a re-
lation that is buried, for fome time, left their own
pretended conjurers fhould take them up again, and
apply them to the like purpofes ; even the Sheep-fkin
mantle the woman is brought to bed upon, and that
after the birth, are carefully buried together, left
fome wizard fhould make ufe of them to enchant
the mother, or fome of the family.
The mother The fame day a Hottentot child is born, it is
names the named by the mother, and generally has the name
ihiR of fome animal given it, that the mother moll: ad-
mires, as that of the Lion, the Elephant, the Horfe,
the Hart, &c. The man is not allowed to come near
his wife in the month, or at fuch times as the Jews
were prohibited approaching theirs, on pain ot treat-
ing his neighbours with an Ox or Sheep, or forfeiting
a pair of gloves, as our nurfes call it ; but whether
there beany religion in the matter, as Kolben in-
ftnuates, I much queftion, any more than in the wo-
man’s purification, or daubing herfeli with greafe
and dull before they meet again : But, if I under-
ftand Mr Kolben right, the Hottentots imitate
brutes more than rnen, in the act of generation.
When the woman goes abroad again, after her
lying in, fhe ties the infant between two Sheep-fkin
t mantles at her back, never taking the child into her
arms to fuckle it ; but throws her breaft over her
fhoulder as fhe walks, and lets the child take its fill
of it, while fhe perhaps is fmoaking a fhort pipe of
tobacco, which the wind frequently blows into the
child’s face ; but they are fo ufed to it from the tune
they are born, they don’t much regard the fmoak.
They are weaned at about fix months old ; and then
the mother puts a pipe into the child’s mouth, and
teaches it to fmoak itfelf, which ferves fometimes in-
ftead of more fubftantial diet. As loon as they can
go alone, which is very early, they follow the mo-
s ther abroad wherever fhe goes, unlels it be bad wea-
ther ; and then they remain at home with the indo-
lent father, who never ftirs out, unlefs neceflity for-
ces him abroad : The women and their daughters,
as they grow up, do all the laborious work, cut the
? R A R 1 A. 2i
wood, drag it home, dig roots, and drefs them for CHAP,
the father and the fons, who fcarce ever give them IV.
any aftiftance, as has been related already : Tho’ the
fons, ’tis faid, are perfectly under the government
of the mother, and dangle after her wherever fhe
goes, till they are formally admitted into the fociety
of the men by a certain ceremony, that will be de-
fcrib’d hereafter ; but this is not perform’d till the
fons are 17 or 18 years of age : And this leads me
to treat of the religion of the Hottentots.
On the firft difcovery of this people, and even The religion'
till within thirty or forty years part, it was much R n , t ^ s Hot; " r
doubted, whether the Hottentots had any religion ;
nay, it was fo confidently affirmed by thofe who had
vifited the Cape, that they had none, that moft of
our learned Divines knew not how to deny it ; and
only anfwered, that they were monfters in nature :
That, as every other people appeared to have fome
fenfe of God and religion ftamped upon them by na-
ture, this one exception ought not to affecft that ge-
neral maxim : “ That God had imprinted the
“ knowledge of himfelf in the hearts of all man-
“ kind.” But now we have the fulleft evidence,
that the Hottentots are not an exception to this ge-
neral rule.
Saar relates, that the Hottentots acknowledge,
they believe there is a God, who made heaven and
earth.
Father T ac hart affirms, that the moft fenfi-
ble of the Hottentots declared, in a conference he
had with them on their religion, that they believed
there was a God that made heaven and earth, and
caufed it to thunder and rain, and who provided them
food and cloathing.
Boeving fays, they profefted to believe, that,
as the Chief of a’ Hottentot nation prefided over the
Captains of the feveral Kraals, fo God was the fu-
preme Being, and Commander of all inferior deities.
But Kolben, who has taken moft indefatigable
pains to be acquainted with their principles, travelled
from nation to nation, and continued many years
among the Plottentots, with a view of making dif-
coveries, and particularly to underftand what religi-
on the people had, aftures us, that they believe a lu-
preme Being, Creator of heaven and earth, and of
all things therein ; the Governor of the world,
through whofe omnipotence all things live and move :
And that this Being is endow’d with incomprehenfi-
ble attributes and perfedlions ; ftyling him, Gounja
Gounja, or Gounja Ficquoa, God of Gods : 'l hat
he is good, and does no-body any hurt, and dwells
far above the moon. And yet it feems agreed, that
they pay no divine worfhip to this lupreme God,
tho’ they worfhip feveral fubordmate deities which
Kolben demanding the reafon of, they anfwer’d,
that their firft parents grievoufly offended the fupreme
God ; and he thereupon curfed them, and all their
pofterity with hardnefs of heart ; fo that tney now
know little of him, and have lefs inclination to ferve
him ;
22
T II E P R E S E N T S T A T E
C H AP. Him : This tradition he again and again allures us
IV. the Hottentots have ; and that he has given it us
without the leaft addition or improvement of his
own. But, however they have difufed the worfhip
l* Zr - of the fupreme God, it feems they adore the moon.
hjjoiI' 6 Father 1 ac hart fays, that, on the appearance of
the moon, they aflemble in great numbers, and
dance in circles, clapping their hands, crying and
raving (as the Europeans at firft term’d it) all night
long. They throw themfelves into furprizing dis-
tortions of body, flare wildly towards heaven, ex-
tend every feature, and crofs their foreheads with a
red ftone : And thefe, fays Kolben, are certainly
adls of religion, tho’ he acknowledges the Hotten-
tots have frequently denied it ; which, he fays, pro-
ceeded from the Europeans laughing at them, when
they faw them in thefe ecftafies. They denied it to
Boe ving, and often to himfelf ; but they have fe-
rioufly acknowledged at other times, that thefe danc-
ings and bowlings are religious honours and invoca-
tions of the moon, whom they call Gounia ; where-
as they call the fupreme Being Gounja Gounja, or
GounjaTicquoa, the God of Gods. The moon, they
hold, is an inferior vifible god, and the reprefentative
■of the high and invifible : That the moon has the
direction of the weather ; and therefore they pray to
her when it is unfeafonable. They never fail to
aflemble and worfhip this planet at the new and full
moon, let the weather be never fo bad ; and tho’
they diftort their bodies, grin, and put on very fright-
ful looks, crying and howling in a terrible manner,
yet they have fome expreffions that fhew their vene-
ration and dependance on this inferior deity ; as,
“ Mutfchi Atze, I falute you ; you are welcome :
“ Cheraqua kaka chori Ounqua, grant us pafture
“ for our cattle and plenty of milk.” Thefe and
other prayers to the moon they repeat, frequently
dancing and clapping their hands all the while ; and,
and at the end of every dance, crying, Ho, ho, ho,
ho ! railing and falling their voices, and ufing abun-
dance of odd geftures, that appear ridiculous to Eu-
ropean fpedfators ; and which, no doubt, made them
at firft, before they knew any thing of their lan-
guage, conclude, that this could not be the effedl of
devotion, efpecially when the people themfelves told
them, it was not an aft of religion, but only intend-
ed for their diverfion. But to return :
They continue thus fhouting, finging and danc-
ing, with proftrations on the earth, the whole night,
and even part of the next day, with fome fhort in-
tervals, never refting, unlefs they are quite fpent
with the violence of the aftion ; and then they fquat
down upon their heels, holding their heads between
their hands, and refting their elbows on their knees ;
and, after a little time, they ftart up again, and fall
to finging and dancing in a circle as before, with
all their might.
They wor- The Hottentots alfo adore a Fly about thebignefs
taw a Fly. of a Hornet : Whenever they fee this infeft ap-
proach their Kraal, they all aflemble about it, and CHAP
fing and dance round it while it remains there, ftrew- jy
ing over it the powder of Buchu, by Botanifts call’d
Spiraam ; which, when it is dried and pulveriz’d,
they always powder themfelves with it at feftivals.
They ftrew the fame powder alfo over the tops of
their tents, and over the whole area of the Kraal,
as a teftimony of their veneration for the ador’d
Fly. They facrifice alfo two Sheep as a thankfgiving
for the favour fhewn their Kraal, believing they {hall
certainly profper after fuch a vifit : And, if this in-
feft happens to light upon a tent, they look upon
the owner of it for the future as a Saint, and pay
him more than ufual refpeft. The beft Ox of the
Kraal alfo is immediately facrificed, to teftify their
gratitude to the little winged deity, and to honour
the Saint he has been pleafed thus to diftinguifh : To
whom the entrails of the beaft, the choiceft morfel
in their opinion, with the fat and the caul is pre-
fented ; and the caul being twifted like a rope, the
Saint ever after wears it like a collar about his neck
day and night, till it putrifies and rots oft'; and the
Saint only feafts upon the entrails of the beaft, while
the reft of the Kraal feed upon the joints, that are
not in fo high efteem among them : With the fat
of the facrifice alfo the Saint anoints his body from
time to time, till it is all fpent ; and, if the Fly
lights upon a woman, fhe is no lefs reverenced by
the neighbourhood, and entitled to the like privi-
leges.
It is fcarce pofixble to exprefs the agonies the Hot-
tentots are in, if any European attempts to take or
kill one of thefe infefts, as the Dutch will fo me-
times feem to attempt, to put them in a fright :
They will beg and pray, and fall proftrate on the
ground, to procure the liberty of this little creature,
if it falls in a Dutchman’s hands : They are, on
fuch an occafion, in no lefs confternation than the
Indians near Fort St. George, when the Kite, with
a white head, which they worfhip, is in danger. If
a Soldier takes one of thefe alive, and threatens to
wring the neck of it off, the Indians will gather
in crowds about him, and immediately colled the
value of a (hilling or two, to purchafe the liberty
of the captive bird they adore. But to return to
the Hottentots : They imagine, if this little deity
fhould be killed, all their cattle would die of dif-
eafes, or be deftroy’d by wild beafts ; and they them-
felves fhould be the mod miferable of men, and
look upon thatKraal to be doom’d to fome imminent
misfortune, where this animal feldom appears.
The Hottentots alfo pav a fort of religious wor- They wor-
fhip to the fouls of departed Saints and Heroes : fWp departed
They confecrate fields, mountains, woods, and '„ mts and
rivers to their memory ; and when, at any time,
they happen to pafs by fuch confecrated ground, they
put a fhort prayer to the fubordinate deity of the
place, and fometimes dance round, and clap their
hands, as they do in their adorations of the moon :
Anti,
OF CAFF
CHAP. And, being afked the reafon of it, they will fome-
IV times anfwer ferioufly, that this is done in honour
certain Heroes among their anceftors ; who,
when they were upon the earth, were eminent for
their valour, beneficence, or other confpicuous vir-
tues : But, as the Europeans ufually laugh at them
for their ridiculous geftures on thefe occasions, they
will very feldom anfwer ferioufly ; and only reply,
this is the Hottentot cuftom. And from thefe dif-
ferent accounts it is, that we find authors, who have
written of the Hottentots, frequently differ in their
hiftory ; fome affuring us, that thefe are a£ls of
devotion and religion ; and others, that they have
not any thing like religion amongft them, and that
thefe antick poftures and geftures are only the efte<fts
of mirth and cuftom.
Mr. Kolben relates, that nothing can be more
certainly depended on, than the Hottentots wor-
(hipping departed Saints and Heroes, and gives the
following inftance of it. He faw (he fays) a Hot-
tentot (kipping and jumping round a little mount ;
and enquiring thereupon into the hiftory of the
Saint to whom it was dedicated, the Hottentot an-
fwered, he did not know it was confecrated to the
memory of any particular deity ; but he did not
doubt but fome eminent Saint refided in that place ;
for, happening to reft here one night, as he was
upon a journey, when he awaked next morning, to
his great furprize, he faw a Lion ftanding near him ;
but that the creature let him pafs, without attempt-
ing tofeize him ; which he would certainly have done,
he thought, if the faint, who inhabited that mount,
had not protedfed him. He now therefore grate-
fully paid his acknowledgments to this good Demon
for his wonderful prefervation, or to that efteeft.
But this people, it feems, do not only pay divine
honours to good, but evil Demons : They worfhip,
as the natives of the Eaft Indies do, a powerful
evil fpirit, whom they believe the author of all the
calamities in life ; and who has nothing good or
gracious in his compofition, but rather delights in
the miferies of mankind : And this being, or evil
genius, they worfhip, and facrifice Sheep and Oxen
to, that he may do them no mifehief ; and the In-
dians, in like manner, perform a folemn facrifice
once a year to this enemy of mankind, at which
the whole nation affifts, under an apprehenfion that
fome great evil will befal them, if they neglecft it.
The endea- The Hollanders have fent feveral reverend Di-
-" 0 f M the v ; nes t0 the Cape as Miftionaries, who have fpared
fionaries to no pains to bring the Hottentots off from their ido-
smake profe- latry, and induce them to embrace Chriftianity ;
Hottentots^ even their covetoufnefs and ambition have been ap-
plied to, and temporal rewards offered them, on
condition of their being inftrutfted in the principles
h of Chriftianity. But no motives whatever, whether
thofe relating to this or another ftate, have yet been
able to make the leaft impreffion on any one of
them : They hold faft and hug their ancient fuper-
R A R I A. 23
ftitions, and will hear of no other -religion ; which, CHAP,
with me, is a great argument that they have a reli- IV.
gion or fuperftition of their own ; for were they
governed only by fecular motives, and had no notion
of God or providence, why fhould they not accept
the rewards the Dutch offer, and importune them
to accept of on their embracing Chriftianity ? And
I am apt to think, that the reafon that they neither
imitatq the Europeans in their building, planting or
cloathing, is becaufe they imagine themfeives to be
religioufly obliged to follow the cuftoms of their an-
ceftors ; and that, if they fhould deviate from them
in the leaft of thefe matters, it might make way for
a total change of their religion and manners, which
they cannot think of without abhorrence.
Kolben relates, that one of the Dutch Gover-
nors at the Cape bred up an Hottentot from his
infancy, obliging him to follow the fafhions and
cuftoms oi the Europeans, to be taught feveral lan-
guages, and to be fully inftrucled in the principles
of the Chriftian religion, cloathing him handfomely,
and treating him, in all refpedfs, as a perfon for
whom he had a high efteem ; and let him know,
that he defigned him for fome beneficial and honour-
able employment. The Governor afterwards fent
him a voyage to Batavia, where he was employed,
under the Commiftary his friend, for fome time,
till that gentleman died ; and then he returned to
the Cape of Good Hope : But, having paid a vifit
to the Hottentots of his relations and acquaintance,
he threw off all his fine cloaths, bundled them up,
and laid them at the Governor’s feet, and defired he
would give him leave to renounce his Chriftianity,
and live and die in the religion and cuftoms of his
anceftors ; only begg’d the Governor would give
him leave to keep the hanger and collar he wore
for his fake ; which while the Governor was deli-
berating with himfelf upon, fcarce believing the
fellow to be in earned, the young Hottentot took
the opportunity of running away, and never came
near the Cape afterwards, thinking himfelt extreme-
ly happy that he had exchanged his European cloaths
for a Sheep-fkin and the reft of the Hottentot3 drefs
and ornaments : The Englifh Eaft-India company.
I’m inform’d, made the like experiment, bringing
over two of that nation hither, whom they cloathed
decently after the European manner, and ufed them,
in all refpedls, with the greateft goodnefs and gen-
tlenefs, hoping, by that means, to be better inform-
ed of the condition of their country, and whether it
might be worth the while to make a fettlement there ;
but the two Hottentots only learnt Englifh enough
to bewail their misfortune in being brought from
their country and their friends ; and, after two years
trial of them, being again fet on fhore at the Cape,
they immediately ftripp’d of their European cloaths,
and, having taken up the Sheep-fkin mantle again,
rejoiced beyond meafure for their happy efcape from
the En S lifll - tul
24 T II E P R E S 1
C H A P. (i 1 hefe infidel Hottentots, fays the reverend
IV. u R oevi<«g, fhew the utmoft reludfance to the
“ reafoning o;i matters of religion. How often
“ (fays he) have I exhorted them to adore Gounja
“ Gounja, the God of Gods (as they acknow-
“ ledge him to be) and to thank him for the bene-
“ fits they daily receive from his hands. To which
“ they would anfwer, they did thank him, hut ftill
“ they performed no manner of divine worfhip to
t ’ i him. And, being told they ought to exprefs their
“ thanks to this God of Gods, by paying him the
44 honour and veneration due to him, they grew
4k uneafy, and had not patience to hear the good
44 man any longer ; but retir’d, fome frowning,
“ and others mocking and laughing at him ; fo that
44 I could not (lays he) lo much as pave a way to-
“ wards inftrucfting them in Chriftianity. ”
The reverend Peter Kolben alfo informs us,
that he has frequently allured them in final] compa-
nies with tobacco, wine, brandy, and other things
they are fond of, to places of retirement, that he
might draw them ofd from their idolatry, and in-
ftrudl them in the true worfhip of God : That, as
long as his Hock lafted, he had their company, and
they feemed to attend to him with a defign to learn ;
but he foon found they only fpunged upon him for
what they could get, and laughed at him when he
was gone. When his ftores were fpent, they ftill
called out for more ; and, when they found they
were exhaufted, gave him to underfhnd they would
hear no more. But this learned Divine very judici-
oufiy adds, that the immoral lives of the Europeans
at the Cape, do not a little contribute to the preju-
dice of the Hottentots againfl Chriftianity : The
contradiction between the profeffion, and the prac-
tice of the Hollanders, has been fatal to the Chriftian
faith they fend their Miffionaries to propagate. Thefe
people are not fo dull of apprehenfion, but they can
tee, that their principles and practices are diffimilar,
as well as other people : And, as they difeover fuch
a wide difference between them at the Cape, it is
not to be doubted, but this gives thefe Infidels un-
conquerable prejudices, and defeats all attempts of
the Mifflonaries to convert them ; and this muff be
acknowledg’d to be the cafe alfb in every other Pagan
nation the Europeans vifit. Our lea-faring men are
not the lobereft and dilcreeteft people in their con-
dud even here at home ; but, when they get abroad,
they throw off all manner of reftraint, as if travel-
ling gave them a licence to turn debauchees, and to
praeftife every infamous vice their religion prohibits :
1 hey run into much greater exceffes than the infi-
dels themfelves, and give them fuch an abhorrence
of them and their religion, which the natives ima-
gine encourages thefe extravagancies, that they can
never entertain a favourable opinion of it ; for even
Pagans generally admire virtue, and deteff notorious
vices ; and are apt to think that religion beft, that
makes the beft men. Till our morals are better,
l N T S T A T E
therefore, we muff never expeCl to make any real CHAP,
profelytes abroad, tho’ pofifibly we may fometimes IV
make a hypocrite ; who, on fome temporal views,
may for a time conform himfelf to our cuftoms.
But to return to the Hottentots : They have feve- Some rites
ral other ceremonies and cuftoms, which intelligent ^Honci
travellers conjeCIure have a relation to their religion ; ton, ° n *
particularly that of depriving their males of the left
tefticle, which is univerfally obferved in every Hot-
tentot nation generally at eight or nine years of age ;
tho’, it the parents are poor, and not able to be at
the expence of the feaft, it is fometimes deferr’d till
their fons are eighteen or nineteen.
At the performance of this rite, a Sheep is killed
in the firft place, and the Prieft, with the fat of the
entrails, greafes the young lad, who is to undergo
the operation, from head to foot ; then tying his
hands and feet, he is laid on the ground on his back,
ftretched at his full length, fome friend or, relation
fitting upon each arm and leg, and another lying
crofs his body to prevent his ftruggling : ft 'hen the
Prieft takes a common knife well fbarpened, and,
taking hold of the left tefticle, makes a large orifice
in the ferotum, fqueezes out the tefticle, and then
ties up the vefiels in an inftant ; after which, he
takes a little ball, confiding of Sheep’s fat, the pow-
der of Buchu, and of fome other herbs, and fluffs in-
to the vacant ferotum, and then fews up the wound,
ufing the bone of a fmall bird as an awl, and a
Sheep’s finew inftead of thread : The Prieft then
anoints the patient again with the fat of the entrails
of the new-kill’d Sheep ; which, having feraped oft'
again in fome places with his long nails, he pifies
upon the boy, and rubs in the urine ; and thus the
ceremony being finifhed, the patient is laid in a tent
provided for that purpofe, where he is left two whole
days and nights without any manner of nourifhment ;
In which time, however, the wound is ufually fb
well healed, that he is able to fluff for himfelf : And
my author otferves, they undergo the whole opera-
tion almoft without a groan ; nor was there any
inftance of a boy’s mifearrying by this painful rite.
In the mean time, the company refort to the fa-
ther’s tent, where the men feaft upon the Sheep kill-
ed on this occafion, and the women are allowed to
eat the foup, but do not touch a morfel of the flefh ;
and the remainder of the day, and the fucceeding
night, being fpent in fmoaking, finging and danc-
ing, they greafe or anoint themfelves the next morn-
ing with the remaining fat of the facrifice, and pow-
der themfelves with Buchu ; after which, they retire
to their refpeHive tents, the Prieft being firft prefent-
ed with a Calf or a Lamb for his trouble and atten-
dance.
As to the reafon of this painful rite among the
Plottentots, fome have imagin’d they ufe it, becaufe
it contributes to their fwiftnefs, their fpeed being
equal to that of the fleeteft Horfes, as ’tis faid. But,
as I much doubt whether they are fo very fwift of
OF CAFFRARIA.
2 5
nr
CHAP, foot, as fome relate, fo T can fee no manner of rea-
IV. fon to believe this adds to their heels, if they are fo :
It is not unlikely, as Kolb en conjectures, that the
ufing this rite proceeded from amiftake at firft, and
was performed inftead of circumcifion ; tho’ it was
certainly a very unlucky miftake, if it was one, it
putting the patient to fo much more pain than the
other ; but, however that be, no man is permitted
to marry, till he can produce evidence, that he has
undergone this operation ; and the women, it feems,
infill upon it the more, becaufe they have a notion,
that every man, who has two teftides, gets twins ;
tho’, it feems, there are inftances among them, that
The inTtiat- a man with one does the fame. There is ftill ano-
ing ceremo- jj ier cerem0 ny to be perform’d, before a perfon can
enter into the married ftate ; and that is, the ad-
mitting the young fellow into the company and
converfation of the men, which is perform’d when
they are about i 8^ years of age : Before this, they
converfe only with the women, and follow their
mothers from place to place wherever they go.
When the Kraal are inclined to admit a youth into
the fociety of the men, they affemble ; and, fitting
on their heels in a circle, the lad is fent for, when
the Captain, or fome other fenior Hottentot, de-
mands of the reft, if they think fit to admit him
into their fociety, and to make a man of him ?
which being anfwered in the affirmative, the fpeak-
er informs the young man, that he is now to leave
the converfation of his mother and the women, and
no more amufe himfelf with cbildifh toys : That,
if he is known to converfe with his mother, or any
of the fex for the future, till he is married, he will
be looked on as unfit for the company of men :
That he mull now behave as a man, and not dil-
cover any fbftnefs or effeminacy in his conduct.
And thefe lectures being frequently repeated, that
they may make the deeper impreffion, this, like
many other Hottentot rites, is concluded by the old
man’s piffing upon him, and repeating fome wifhes
at the fame "time ; as that good fortune may attend
the youth ; that his beard may grow, and that he
may encreafe and multiply. After which, a Sheep
being killed, part of which is roafted and the other
boil’d, they feaft upon it ; and, at the latter end
of the entertainment, the young fellow is called in,
and fuffercd to eat with them ; and from thence
forwards is looked upon as a complete man. But,
if he is ever feen to converfe with the women af-
terwards, he becomes extremely contemptible ; he
is in a manner unmanned, and muft give a frefh
entertainment to his village, before he can be re-
ftored to the priviledge of a man : Among which,
I find one is, that he may then infult his mother,
and even beat her for his own humour, without any
provocation, and is not liable to be punifti’d for it ;
nor is his ill ufage of her any .reflection on him,
but rather looked upon as an argument of a noble
ipirito
They have feftivals, and kill facrifices alfo upon C II A P„
many other occafions ; as an obtaining a victory IV.
over wild beafts or men, on their recovery from
a fit of ficknefs, and the like. At thefe feftivals
they eret an arbour in the center of the Kraal, j ngt b
which the women adorn with fweet herbs and flow-
ers, while the men take an Ox, and, tying his
legs with ropes, throw him on his back ; and, ha-
ving extended his legs to the utmoft ftretch, they
fallen the cords to flakes drove into the ground :
After which, they rip the beaft open alive from one
end to the other ; then they tear the guts from the
carcafe and nobler parts, avoiding as much as poffi-
ble the breaking the blood-veffels about the heart ;
by which means the creature is fometimes half an
hour a dying. When the entrails are taken out,
they anoint themfelves with the fat of them ; and
then roaft and boil the reft of the facrifice, the guts
and inwards being the portion of thofe of the beft
quality among them, as they are efteemed prefer-
able to any other part of the Bullock : But, tho"
the men feaft upon the flefh, they fend no part of it
to their wives, the women are forced to be content
with the broth, as upon other occafions : After
which, they fmoak, dance and play upon fuch in-
ftruments as they have ; but fcarce ever drink any
other liquor at thefe feafts, than their ufual bever-
idge, milk and Water ; tho’ no people are fonder of
fpirituous liquors. My author obferves, they keep
themfelves perfectly fober at all religious folemnities,
how odd foever their antick poftures and diftortions
in their dances may make them appear to ftrangers.
At the removing of their Kraal or camp, which
they always do upon the death of any perfon in it, as
well as for water and frefh.pafture, the men facrifice
a Sheep, and eat it up among themfelves, allowing
their wives only the fbup ; and, when they come to
a new camp, the women facrifice a Sheep, and eat
it up among themfelves, fending the broth only to
the men : They alfo anoint themfelves with the fat
of the flain beaft, powdering themfelves with Buchu,
as the men do ; which my author looks upon alfo as
religious ceremonies, perform’d for the profperity of
their Kraal.
But whatever notions the Hottentots may have of They fiava
God or his providence, Father Tachart is of ™ notion of
opinion, that they expert no life after this ; and there- a uture
fore, he obferves, they endeavour to make the pre-
fent life as eafy and comfortable to them as they can.
Boeving alio affirms, that they do not believe the
refurredlion of the dead ; but imagine, they and
other animals, at death, perifh alike ; for he fays,
talking with fome Hottentots once on this fubjedl,
they anfwered, “ Only here, hereafter nothing : The
“ dead come to life again ! How can that be ?” Ko L- Bot be ,. ev8
ben on the other hand fays, that tho the Hotten- however tbs
tots have no notion of a refurredlion, yet it is ma-
nifeft, from feveral cuftoms they retain among them, doming to
that they do believe the immortality of the foul ; fome.
£ As
26
THE PRESENT STATE
C HAP. As ftrft, they offer prayers and praifes to thofe they
IV. efteein holy Hottentots after their deaths.
2. They are apprehenfive the dead may return,
and give them fome difturbance ; and therefore, up-
on the death of any one of the fociety, they always
remove their camp to another place, believing that
the dead never haunt any place, but that where they
died : And, as if they imagin’d the dead might ftand
in need of the lame things they did while living,
they leave the tent {landing where he died, with
all his cloaths, arms, furniture and implements of
houlhold-ftuff, and never will touch any thing be-
longing to a dead man, no not of an enemy’s kill’d
in the battle.
Another argument Kolben brings to prove they
believe the immortality of the foul, is their faith in
witchcraft ; and that their pretended Wizards can
lay a troublefome fpirit, and prevent their appear-
ing again : For, it feems, the Hottentots afcribe all
fuch difeafes, as their Phyficians can’t cure, to the
power of magick ; and, as in Europe, look upon
every decrepid old woman as a Witch. Now, fays
Kolben, it they did not believe the fouls of de-
parted mortals had a being after they were dead,
why fhould they take any pains to prevent their haunt-
ing their abodes ? It is manifeft alfo, he obferves,
that they believe the fouls of men, good or bad, re-
main about the places they inhabited; and confequently
that they do not die with the body : However he
admits, that, whatever they believe of departed fouls,
they have no notion either of heaven or hell, or of
a ftate of rewards or punifhments : This is evident
from the behaviour of a dying Hottentot, and thofe
about him ; neither he nor his friends offer up any
prayers to their gods for the falvation of his foul ;
or even mention the ftate of departed fouls, or their
apprehenfions of his being happy or miferable after
death : However, they fet up fuch terrible bowlings and
fhriekings, when the Tick man is in his laft agonies,
that they may be heard, fays my author, at a mile’s
diftance ; and yet thefe very people are frequently
guilty of murdering their ancient parents, as well as
their innocent children. When the father of a fa-
mily is become perfectly ufelefs and fuperannuated,
thei? parents ^ °b%ed to affign over his frock of cattle, and
to certain every thing elfe he has in the world, to his eldeft
■deith, fon • and, in default of fons, to his next heir-male :
After which, the heir ereHs a tent or hut in fome
unfrequented place, a good diftance from the Kraal
or camp he belongs to ; and, having aflembled the
men of the Kraal, acquaints them with the condition
of his fuperannuated relation, and deftres their con-
fent to expofe him in the diftant hut ; to which the
Kraal fcarce ever refufe their confent. Whereupon
a day being appointed to carry the old man to the
folitary tent, the heir kills an Ox, and two or three
Sheep, -and invites the whole village to feaft and be
merry with him ; and, at the end of the entertain-
ment, all the neighbourhood come and take a formal
leave of the old wretch, thus condemn’d to be ftarv’d
or devour’d by wild beafts (which feems to me the
moft cruel and ill-natur’d part of the whole trage-
dy ) : Then the unfortunate creature is laid upon one
of their carriage-Oxen, and carried to his laft home,
attended to the place, where he is to be buried alive,
by moft of his neighbours. The old man being ta-
ken down, and fet in the middle of the hut provided
for him, the company return to their Kraal, and
he never fees the face of a human creature afterwards :
They never fo much as enquire whether he was
ftarv’d to death, or devour’d by wild beafts : He is
no more thought of, than if he had never been. In
the fame manner they deal with a fuperannuated mo-
ther ; only as fhe has nothing {he can call her own,
{he has not the trouble of affigning her eft eels to her
fon.
When the Hottentots are upbraided with this un-
parallel’d piece of barbarity, thev reply, it would Ire
a much greater cruelty to fuffer an old creature to
languifh out a miferable life, and to be many years a
dying, than to make this quick difpatch with them ;
and that it is out of their extreme tenderneft they
put an end to the lives of thefe old wretches ; all
the arguments in the world, againft the inhumanity
of the cuftom, can make no impreffion on them :
And, indeed, as long as the Dutch have refided at
the Cape, they have not been able to break them of
one fingle cuftom, or prevail with them to alter any
part ot their conduift, how barbarous or abfurd fo-
ever : And, it feems, the Captain of a Kraal is not
exempted from feeing his funeral folemniz’d in this
manner, while he is alive, if he happens to become
ufelefs. And this leads me to treat of foch funerals
as are folemniz’d after the perfon is really dead.
The fick man, having refigned his breath, is im-
mediately bundled up, neck and heels together, in
his Sheep-fkin mantle, exceeding clofe ; fo that no
part of the corpfe appears : Then the Captain of the
Kraal, with fome of the feniors, fearch the neigh-
bouring country for fome cavity in a rock, or the
den of a wild beaft, to bury it in, never digging a
grave, if they can find one of thefe within a mode-
rate diftance. After which, the whole Kraal, men.
and women, prepare to attend the corpfe, feldom
permitting it to remain above ground more than fix
hours. When all things are ready, all the neigh-
bourhood aflemble before the door of the deceas’d,
the men fitting down on their heels in one circle,
and refting their elbows on their knees (their ufual
pofture) as the women do in another : Here they
clap their hands, and howl, crying. Bo, bo, bo ?
(i. e. father) lamenting their loft. The corpfe then
being brought out on that fide the tent, where the
perfon died, and not at the door, the bearers carry
him in their arms to the grave, the men and women
following it in different parties, but without any
manner of order, crying all the way. Bo, bo, bo f
and wringing their hands, and performing a thou-
fand
CHAR
IV.
Their fuae»
rah.
OF CAFFRARIA. 27
CHAP. ridiculous geftures and grimaces, which is fre-
jy quently the fubjecft of the Dutchmen’s mirth ; it be-
ing impoffible, ’tis faid, to forbear laughing at the
antick tricks they fhew on fuch an occafion.
Having put the corpfe into the cavity prepared for
it, they flop up the mouth of it with Ant-hills, {tones,
and pieces of wood, believing the Ants will feed on
the corpfe, and foon confume it. The grave being
{topp’d up, the men and women rendezvous again
before the tent of the deceas’d, where they repeat
their howling, and frequently call upon the name of
their departed friend : After which, two of the oldeft
men get up ; and one of them, going into the cir-
cle of the men, and the other into the circle of the
women, pifs upon every one of the company ; and,
where the Kraals are fo very large, that two can’t
find water enough for this ceremony, they double or
treble the number. Then the old men go into the
tent of the deceas’d ; and, having taken up fome
allies from the fire-place, they fprinkle them upon
the bodies of the people, bleffing them as they go :
And, if the deceas’d was a perfon of diftincfion,
this is acted over again feveral days. But I {hould
have remember’d, that the ceremony always con-
cludes with an entertainment. If the deceas’d had
any cattle, a Sheep is killed on the occafion ; and
the caul, being powder’d with Buchu, is tied about
the heir’s neck, who is forced to wear it while it
rots off, which is no great penance, all ftinks being
perfumes to a Hottentot. All the relations alfo wear
the cauls of Sheep about their necks ; which, it feems,
is their mourning, unlefs the children of the deceas’d
are fo poor, that they cannot kill a Sheep ; and then
they {have their heads in furrows of about an inch
broad, leaving the hair on of the fame breadth be-
tween every furrow.
TheirPdefts. As I have treated of the religious cuftoms and ce-
remonies of the Hottentots, it may be proper now
to lay fomething of thofe officers amongft them,
which the Europeans generally denominate their
Priefts. Thefe perfons are call’d Surri or matter, and
are elected by every Kraal : They are the men, who
t perform the ceremony of pitting at their weddings,
and other feftivals : The Surri alfo is the perfon who
extracts the left tefticle from the young males at 8
years of age ; for all which he has no {fated revenue,
but a prefent now and then of a Calf or a Lamb,
ThelrPhyfi- and makes one at all their entertainments. But eve-
eians. r y Kraal alfo has its Phyfician, as well as its Prieft,
who are perfons that have fome {kill in phyfick and
forgery, and particularly in the virtues ot falutary
herbs : Thefe alfo are chofen by a majority of voices,
and make it their bufinefs to look after the people’s
health ; but have no other reward neither for their
pains, than voluntary pre ents. And fuch is the opi-
nion of the Hottentots of thefe Phyficians, that, if
they cannot effe£I a cure, they conclude they are cer-
tainly bewitch’d ; as the Dcfotor himfelf alfo never
fails to give out : Whereupon application is made to
fome pretended Conjurer for relief ; and, if the pa- CHAP,
tient happens to recover, it gives the Cunning man, IV.
as we call him, a mighty reputation. ^’y^***?
The Hottentot Phyfician and Surgeon, as has been
hinted, is the fame perfon ; and tho’ thefe gentle-
men fcarce ever faw a body diiiecied, ’tis faid, they
have pretty good notions of anatomy : They cup,
bleed, make amputations, and reftore diflocated
limbs, with great dexterity ; colicks and pains in
the ftomach they relieve by cupping. Their cup is
the horn of an Ox, the edges cut very fmooth : the
Doctor, having fuck’d the part where the pain lies,
claps on the cup ; and, after it has remained fome
time, till he thinks the part is infenfible, he pulls off
the horn-cup, and makes two or three incifions, half
an inch in length, with a common knife, having
no other inftrument : After which, he claps on the
cup again, which falls off when it is full of blood ;
but the patient, ’tis faid, fuffers great pain in the
operation. If the pain removes to another part, they
rub it with hot fat ; and, if that does not eafe the
pain, they ufe the cup again on the part laft affect-
ed ; and, if the fecond cupping does not relieve the
patient, they give him inward medicines, being in-
fufions or powders of certain dried roots and herbs.
They let blood in Plethories and indifpofitions of
that kind, having no other inftrument than a com-
mon knife ; and, if bleeding will not effeCt the cure,
they give the patient phyfick.
For head-achs, which they are pretty much fob-
jeCt to in calm weather, they {have their heads in
furrows, as they do when they are in mourning ■,
but a brifk gale of wind ufoally carries oft' the head-
ach, without any other application ; and this they
don’t often want at the Cape.
They feldom make any other amputations, than
of the fingers of fuch women as marry a fecond
time, or oftner ; and, in this cafe, they bind the
joint below that which is to be cut oft' very tight,
with a dried finew, and then cut off the joint at
once with a knife, {topping the blood with the juice
of Myrrh-leaves ; after which, they wrap up the
finger in fome healing herbs, and never any part of
the finger receives any hurt beyond the amputation.
They have little or no {kill in fetting fratftur’d
limbs ; but are pretty dexterous at reftoring of diflo-
cations.
The Hottentot Phyfician, in cafe he meets with a
foul ftomach, gives the juice of Aloe-leaves ; and, if
one dofe will not do, repeats it two or three days ;
and, for any inward ail, they give chiefly the pow-
ders or infufions of wild Sage, wild Figs and Fig-
leaves, Buchu, Garlick or Fennel : But, whatever
the difeafe be, it feems the patient never fails to facri-
fice a Bullock, or a Sheep, upon his recovery.
I proceed now to treat of the Hottentots care of The ma-
their cattle, the only wealth or fubftance almoft they
are matters of. They have no enclofures ; nor has 1 ie,r w
any Angle man a property in any particular lands,
E 2 but
28
THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P, but the whole country is one great common. Be-
XV. tween fix and feven every morning therefore, after
the women have milked their Cows, four or five
men of the Kraal (for they take the trouble of it
alternately) drive the cattle to the bell: pafture they
can find in the neighbourhood, and there guard them
all day againft tire attacks of wild beaffe, bringing
them home again between five and fix in the even-
ing : As their camp or Kraal is of a round figure,
and their tents Hand clofe together, there is only one
narrow paffage, through which they let in their
Sheep, and lodge them in the area of the Kraal all
night. They have alio a hut in tire middle of the
Kraal for their Calves and Lambs. As for their Oxen
and their large cattle, tlrefe are fattened to their
tents on the outfide of the Kraal, and their Dogs are
turned out to give notice of the approach of wild
beafts ; and, indeed, the cattle themfelves, ’tis faid,
are foon fenlible if a wild beaft approaches the Kraal,
and, long before he comes at them, will fall a low-
ing, and making a mighty noife and buttle, and
alarm their matters frequently time enough to come
out to their refcue ; for a Hottentot is fo far from
flying from thefe terrible animals, that be it Lion,
Tyger or Leopard, they all immediately run to their
arms, and plant themfelves between the cattle and
the enemy ; and, if they lxappen to have any of their
cattle carried away, they all purfue the wild beaft,
and generally make him pay for the robbery with
his life, being fo fwift of foot, that few animals can
elcape them, efpecially with their prey.
They breed up alfo a fort of war-Oxen, as has
been obferv’d under another head ; and thefe are of
great fervice to them, both in the managing and
guarding their herds : Other Oxen they difcipline
for carriage, loading them with their tents and bag-
gage, whenever they remove. Every Kraal has a
DoHor or Farrier for their cattle, who makes it his
bufinefs to look after them ; tho’, it feems, they are
fubject to few difeafes, but what are occafioned by
their heavy rains, which fall in winter three or four
days together, without intermiffion ; and then, the
cattle having no barns or Ihelter to fly to, fuffer pret-
ty much : However, my author obferves, they ne-
ver have the rot amongft them. Whatever their
cattle ail almoft, they bleed them in the firft place,
and then give them an infufion of Garlick : Inftead
of gelding their Bulls and Rams, as the Europeans
do, they tie up the tefticles of the creature fo tight
with a thong, that they flop all manner of commu-
nication between them and the body, and fo let them
go till they rot off.
Tho’ a Hottentot looks upon the lofs of his cattle
as the greateft misfortune that can befal him ; yet
he is not mconfblable upon the death of an Ox or
Cow ; for they efteem cattle, that die of themfelves,
to be as good meat, or rather more delicious eating,
than if they had been kill’d by a Butcher, and all the
Kraal partake ©f it ; So that if the lofer grieves for
CHAP,
JV.
They ferve
the Dutch.
his particular misfortune, the reft rather rejoice at
it.
When a Hottentot has no cattle, he ufually lets
himfelf to one of his countrymen, or to a Dutch-
man, till he gets money enough to buy a Cow,
or two or three Sheep ; but they chufe rather to ferve
Europeans than their own people, becaufe they can
have a daily fupply of Tobacco, and now and then a
draught of Wine, or a dram from them ; and be-
fides their wages are rather better than what they can
get at home : And, notwithftanding their natural
fioth, ’tis faid, they make very diligent and faithful
fervants during the time they contract for. Tho’
they are extremely fond of Wine and Tobacco, you
may fafely truft it in their hands; they will not touch
any thing committed to their care ; nor do they, if
we may credit the Dutch, want a capacity for almoft
any bulineft. This alfo is fufficiently evident from
the handicraft trades amongft them.
Their Smiths do not only fafirion their iron, but Their me*
melt it from the oar : They find plenty of iron- c ^ an * c k;»
ftones in feveral parts of their country ; and, having
got a heap of thefe, they put them into a hole in
the ground, heated and prepared for their purpofe :
Then they make a fire over the ftones, which they
fupply with fuel, and keep up till the iron melts ;
and then it runs into another hole, which they make
for a receiver, a little lower than the firft. As foon
as the iron in the receiver is cold, they break it in
pieces with ftones ; and, heating the pieces again in
other fires, beat them with ftones, till they fhape
them into the heads of launces, darts, arrows and
bows, and fuch weapons as they ufe ; for they foarce
ever form any other utenfils, but arms of this me-
tal : They get the hardeft flat ftone, according to
Monfieur Vogel, and laying the iron upon it, as
upon an anvil, beat it with another round ftone,
which ferves them for a hammer ; Then they grind
it upon the flat ftone, and polifh it as nicely as any
European artificer could do with all his tools. They
have fome copper-oar too, which they melt in like
manner ; but they make only toys and ornaments
for their drefs of this metal : Nor indeed do they
ever work in iron, but when they want weapons. ■
They would never labour, if their neceffities did not
fometimes compel them to it : But, when they do,
no people work harder, or more indefatigably ; for
they never leave a piece of work, till they have fi-
nished it. But furely, fince they have found the
way of working both iron and copper, they can’t
but be accufed of very great indolence and ftupidity,
that they do not make them fuch tools, of iron and
copper-veffels, as they want : If they can form and
polifh arms, and braft beads fo exquifitely as fome
travellers affirm, they might alfo make any thing
elfe they have occafion for ; as axes, hammers, faws,
brafs pots, and other veffels, with a little more ap-
plication. But to proceed ;
Their
OF C A F F R A R ! A,
CHAP. Their Butchers alio are faid to be great artifts in
IV, their way, and to handle a knife as dexterouily as an
W-y'*-' Anatomift : Having tied the hind and fore legs of a
Sheep, they throw the creature on its back, and.
With cords, two of them extend it to its full ftretch,
while a third rips it up ; fo that all the entrails ap-
pear : Then, with one hand, he tears the guts from
the carcafe, and, with the other, ftirs the blood,
avoiding as much as he can the breaking any of the
blood -veffels about the heart ; fo that the Sheep is a
long time a dying : In the mean time, he gives the
guts to another, who juft rids them of the filth, and
rinces them in water, and part of them are broil’d
and eaten amongft them, before the Sheep is well
dead : Having fooop’d the blood out of the body of
the animal with their hands or fea-fhells, they cut
the reft of the guts in fmall pieces, and ftew them in
the blood, which is the Hottentots favourite difti.
An Ox alfo is killed in the fame manner ; being
thrown upon his back, and his legs extended with
cords, he is ripp’d up, and his guts taken out firft ;
in which cruel operation the beaft is half an hour
a dying : They feparate the parts with great exact-
nefs, dividing the flefti, the bones, the membranes,
mufcles, veins and arteries, and laying them in feve-
ral parcels, every thing entire. The bones alfo are
taken out of the flefh, and laid together in fuch or-
der, that they might be eafily formed into an exadf
fkeleton : Thefe they boil by themfelves, and get
the marrow out of them, with which they anoint
their bodies. Of the Sheep-fkin, as has been ob-
ferved already, they make a mantle, if it be large ;
but, if it is final], they cut it into thongs, to adorn
their women’s legs : And the hide of an Ox ferves
either to cover their tents, or to make girts and ftraps
of, with which they bind their baggage on the car-
riage-Oxen when they decamp ; and, it they have no
other ufe for their Ox-hides, they lay them by, and
eat them when they want other food.
They have another artificer, who is both Fel mon-
ger and Taylor ; that is, he dreffes fkins after their
way, and then makes them into mantles : He takes
» a Sheep-fkin juft flea’d off, and, rubbing it well with
fat, the fkin becomes tough and fmooth ; and, if it
be for one of his countrymen, he rubs it over alfo
with frcfh Cow-dung, and lays it in the fun til! ’tis
dry : Then he rubs it with fat and Cow-dung again ;
which he repeats feveral times, till it becomes per-
fectly black, and ftinks fo, that no European can
bear it ; and then, with a little ftiaping and fewing,
it is a compleat mantle for a Hottentot : But, if it
be drefs’d for a Dutchman, he only rubs the fkin well
with fat, which fecures the wool from coming oft.
If he be to drefs an Ox’s-hide, he rubs the hairy fide
}, with wood-afties ; then, fprinkling it with water,
1 rolls it up, and lays it a day or two in the fun : If
this does not loofen the hair, fo as it may be eafily
pull’d oft’, he rubs it with allies again, and lets it
lie feme time longer ; and then, (tripping the hair
2 9
clean off, rubs it well with fat, which is the full CHAP,
drefling. Thefe hides he ufually cuts out into ftraps IV.
or girts of the breadth of two inches, which ferve
to pack up their tents and baggage on a march, as
has been related already : And my author obferves,
he is very dexterous in cutting out mantles, and few-
ing the fkins together, efpecially if they are made
of Cat-fkins. This operator has no cutting inftru-
ment, but a knife ; his awl is the bone of a bird,
and his thread the fplit finews of fome animal ; and
with thefe he performs his work as neatly as a Euro-
pean Taylor with all his inftruments about him.
It is the employment of another mechanick to
make their ivory rings or bracelets for their arms,
which he cuts out of an Elephant’s tooth, forms and
polishes to admiration alfo, without any other tool
than his knife.
The Potter or maker of earthen veffels is another
art ; but this, it feems, they are all dexterous at,
every family making the pots and pans they want.
For thefe they ufe only the earth of Ant-hills, clear-
ing them of all fand and gravel ; after which, they
work it together with the bruifed Ant-eggs, that are
faid to conftitute an extraordinary cement. When
they have moulded thefe materials into a kind of
pafte, they take as much of them as will make one
of their pots, and fafhion it by hand upon a flat ftone,
making it of the form of a Roman urn ; then they
fmooth it within and without very carefully, not
leaving the leaft roughnefs upon the furface ; and,
having dry’d it in the fun two or three days, they
put the pot into a hole in the ground, and burn it,
by making a fire over it ; and, when they take it
out, it appears perfectly black : Every family alfo
make their own mats, with which they cover their
tents or huts ; but this is chiefly the bufinefs of the
women : They gather the flags and rufhes by the
river-fide, or weave or plat them into mats fo clofe-
ly, ’tis faid, that neither the weather or light can pe-
netrate them.
The laft artificer I (hall mention, is the Rope-
maker, who has no better materials, than fuch flags
and rufhes as the mats are made of ; and yet they
appear almoft as ftrong as t’nofe made of hemp r
The Dutch, at the Cape, buy and ufe them in
ploughing, and in draught-carriages.
After "giving an account of their manufactures, it The traffick
is natural to enquire into the trade of the natives ; °g n ^ Hot ’
but this is very inconfiderable. As they have no
money amongft them, they truck and barter one
thing for another. The poor Hottentots fometimes
employ themfelves in making arms, viz. bows and
arrows, launces and darts, bartering them with the
rich for cattle, to begin the world with : Others get
Elephants teeth ; and what they do not ufe in ma-
king rings and ornaments for themfelves, are gene-
rally difpofed of, it is thought, to the Portuguefe and
other Europeans, who touch at 1 erra de Natal, and
other parts of the eaftem or weftern coaft. 1 he
1 .-Hot-
30 T HE PRES E N T S T A T E
C H A P. Hottentots fell very few teeth to the Dutch ; tho’,
IV. ’tis manifeft, they kill abundance of Elephants : they
''"‘■’W'*-' 1 fupply the Hollanders however with cattle, and take
Wine, Brandy or Tobacco, in return; andKoiBEN
relates, that an Ox may be purchafed of them for a
pound of Tobacco, and a large Sheep for half a one.
As to coin, the reader will conclude they have none ;
nor do they ever fee any, unlefs fome fmall pieces
of money the Dutch fometimes give them for their
wages at the Cape ; and it muft not be forgot, that
the Hottentots find abundance of Oftrich’s-eggs in
the fend, which they barter with the fea-faring men,
that touch at the Cape, for Brandy and Tobacco ;
every Sailor almoft: being proud of bringing home one
of thefe egg- fhells to his friends, after he has fry’d
and eaten the yolk, which makes a large pancake,
and is pretty good food, but rather of the ftrongeft.
Their way As to the way of travelling here, the natives all
ot travel in S- travel on foot, unlefs the aged and infirm ; and thefe
are carried on their baggage-Oxen. As there are no
inns or places for refrefhment, the travelling Hotten-
tot calls at the Kraals in his way, where he meets
with a hearty welcome from his countrymen, who
endeavour to fnew their hofpitaiity to ftrangers, whe-
ther of their own country or of Europe.
When the Hollanders travel either on foot or on
horfeback, if they cannot reach a European fettle-
rnent, they alfo call at the Kraals of the Hottentots,
where they are complimented with a hut, and fuch
provifion as they have ; or they may lie in the area
of the Kraal, in the open air, if they pleafe, and
the weather be good : and here they are fecure both
from robbers and wild beafts ; for there are, it feems,
Outlaws and Banditti on the mountains, who give
no quarter to any-body. A European alfo is in dan-
ger from their Bulls of war, which guard their
herds, if he has not fire-arms about him ; and there-
fore the Dutch conftantly travel with arms. They
alfo take a Hottentot in their company, which fe-
cures them from any mifunderftandings with the na-
tives, and procures them the better ufege ; for there
have been fome inftances where the Europeans have
been infulted, and in danger even from the Hotten-
tot Kraals.
language. As to the language of this people, it has been ob-
ferv’d already, that they have nothing like writing
or hieroglyph icks to exprefs their thoughts by ; and
their fpeech is in many inftances fo inarticulate, that
no European can imitate the words, or rather founds
they ufe, unlefs he has lived amongft them from his
infancy: Some obferve, that it refernbles more the
noife of an enraged Turkey-cock, than the voice of
a Man. Ko lsen calls it a monfter of languages ;
and fays, tho’ he refided many years among the Hot-
tentots, and endeavour’d to acquire it with the ut-
moft diligence, he was ftill very defedlive in it ; nor
could he meet with one in the fettlement, that could
fpeak it tolerably, who was not born amongft them :
That the pronunciation depends on fuch collifions or
clafhings of the tongue again ft the palate, and fuch CHAP.
Arrange vibrations and inflections of that member, as jy
a ftranger cannot eafily imitate or deferibe. The
Hottentots alfo find it exceeding difficult to pronounce
other languages : They eafily underftand either
French or Dutch ; but the motions of their tongues,
to which their own language fubjedfs them, renders
them almoft unintelligible, when they attempt to
fpeak a foreign language.
Many of their own words yielding to no pro-
nunciation known in other countries, it is impoffible
almoft to put them in writing ; however, a lift of
many of their words has been attempted byJuNCKE-
ras, in his Comment on Ludolphus, in which
Koleen obferves there are a great many faults, and
has given us a new fpecimen of fome of their words ;
of which I fhall take the liberty to tranferibe part,
viz. Chauna, a Lamb ; Kgou, a Goofe ; Kamma,
Water, and other liquids ; Quaiha, an Afs ; Knonm,
to hear ; Khoekara, a bird call’d Knorhan ; Kirri,
a flick or ftaff ; Kaa, to drink ; Kouquequa, a
Captain ; T’kamma, a Stag ; Kgoyes, a Buck or
Doe ; Tikquoa, God ; Cham-ouna, the Devil ;
Hacqua, a Horfe ; Choaa, a Cat ; Koukekerey, a
Hen; ’Tkoume, Rice; Kchou, a Peacock ; Kua-
nehou or Tkeuhouw, a Star ; Camkamma, the
Earth ; Quaouw, Thunder ; Tquaftouw or Kqvuf-
fomo, a Tyger ; Tkaa, a V alley ; Toya, the Wind.
Kolben adds, he has known feveral of the
Hottentots, who have underftood French, Dutch
and Portuguefe, to a degree of perfection ; and, al-
lowing for defedls in pronunciation, fpoke thofe lan-
guages roundly ; and that he knew another, who
learnt both Englifh and Portuguefe in a little time,
and fpoke them with great propriety. They never
exceed ten in numbering: In reckoning their cattle, Numbers,
or any thing elfe, when they come to ten, they
begin again with a unit, and count ten more ; and,
when they have done this ten times, they fay ten ten
(by which they mean they have counted an hundred):
Then they begin again in like manner, and, count
another ten ten, and fo on. Their words for their
numbers as high as ten are Qfkui, one ; K’kam,
two ; K’ouna, three ; Hakka, four ; Koo, five j
Nanni, fix; Honko, feven ; Khyffi, eight ; K’heffi,
nine ; Gyfli, ten.
There remains little more to be obferved of the
Hottentots, unlefs it be their mufick, which Kol-
ben feems to have fome tafte for ; tho’ it fcarcely
excels the marrow-bone and clever, as the reader
will believe, when he underftands that they have
but two poor inftruments ; the one call’d the Gom-
Gom, which is no more than an iron bow, with a
Cocoa nut-fhell affixed to it, and a fplit quill, which
they play upon like a Jews-trump ; and the other an
earthern pot, covered with a Sheep~fkin, which
makes a very bad drum : Nor is their vocal mufick
more agreeable to a European ear ; tho’ they feem to
be exceedingly charm’d with both themfelves, and
continue
CHAP.
IV.
The Cape
town.
*
OF CAFFRARIA.
3 1
continue their performances often to an unreafonable
length.
I come now to give an account of the colonies
and fettlements of the Dutch at the Cape ; the
chief town whereof extends itfelf from the fea-fhore,
along the Table- valley, to the Company’s garden,
containing between two and three hundred handfome
houfes, regularly laid out into fpacious ftreets, with
courts before them, and large gardens behind them.
The houfes are built of ftone, but thatch’d, and fel-
dom more than one ftory high. The ftormy wea-
ther they are fubjecl to, obliging them to build low,
and to thatch moft of their houfes, inftead of tiling
them, that they be not knock’d on the head with
the tiles, as they go about the ftreets ; and as it is,
when the winds fet in eafterly, they ufually receive
fome damage. The Dutch give all imaginable en-
couragement to therr fubjetfts to build here, allowing
any perfon that defires it, ground fufficient to build
upon, and for yards and gardens, either adjoining to
the town or in the country : But, when fuch houfes
are fold, the Government referves a ground-rent of
a tenth or twentieth penny, according to the condi-
tion they are in ; and of corn-fields, vineyards and
pafture-ground, the Government referve a tenth
part of the produce, or the value thereof in money.
At a little diftance from the town, in the fame
valley, the Dutch have a noble fort or citadel, built
in ftone in form of a pentagon, which defends tire
fending-place. The Soldiers in garrifon are about
200 men ; and here the Governor and the principal
officers of the Company have their rcfpective apart-
ments, and there are very large and commodious
ftore-houfes belonging to the Government. The
Company have between five and fix hundred officers
and fervants at the Cape, befides Haves, which are
near fix hundred more : The laft are lodg’d in a large
building in the town, which is divided into two
wards, one for the men, and the other for the wo-
men ; and, adjoining to it, is a prifon for the lewd
and dillblute, who are kept to hard labour, as in
Holland.
Their church at the Cape is a handfome fpacious
edifice, but perfectly plain, without any manner of
ornament on the infide or outfide ; and both church
and fteeple are thatch’d for the fame reafon, I pre-
fume, as the houfes in the town are : They have no
feats, as in our churches, only forms ; and, when the
facrament of the Lord’s- fupper is admin ifter’d, a
large table is placed before the pulpit, and they fit
round it, and, in that pofture, receive the elements.
They have a fine hofpital here, whither they fend
the fick Seamen that arrive in their fleets going to
and from India ; of whom there are not lefs than an
hundred, or a hundred and fifty frequently in one
fleet : This, and the fupplying their fhips with frefti
provifions, are the principal advantages the Dutch
yet receive by the pofteffion of the Cape here, being
no fecure harbours, or fcarce any thing that deferves
the name of merchandize befides provifions.
But what is the moft admir’d of any thing at the CHA P,
Cape, are the Company’s gardens, where they have IV .
introduced almoft all the fruits and flowers that are
to be found in Europe, Afia or Africa, and moft of
them are improved, and flourifh more than they did
in the refpeitive climates and countries from whence
they were brought ; and both gardens are water’d
by fp rings that fall down from the Table-mountain
juft above them. The Apples and Pears of Europe
are planted here, with the Grapes of Afia, as well as
thofe of Europe, all of a delicious flavour. Here
are alfo Lemons, Oranges, Citrons, Figs, Japan apples,
and an infinite variety of other fruits, all excellent
in their kind ; but I have referved a particular head
for their vegetables, and therefore fhall not enlarge
on them here.
At a little diftance from the town are feveral beau-
tiful country-feats, vineyards and farms, extending
far into the country ; befides which, there are two
other great colonies or fettlements, the one call’d
the Stellenboft colony, and the other the Draken-
ftein and Waveren colony, taking up a vaft trail of
land, upwards of an ioo miles, perhaps near two,,
to the northward and eaftward of the Cape, hut in-
termix’d with the Hottentot nations, who ftill graze
their cattle upon fuch lands as are not enclofed and
cultivated by the Dutch.
The Government of the Cape is adminifter’d by The Put*
. , •, Government
eight courts or councils. at t h&Gspe»
1. The Grand-Council, or College of Policy,
which confifts of the Governor, and eight of the
Company’s principal officers. Thefe have the di-
rection of trade and navigation, make peace or war
with the Hottentots, and have the fupreme manage-
ment of every thing conducing to the feeurity and
intereft of the fettlement. This Council hold a con-
ftant correfpondence with the Directors of the Dutch
Eaft-India Company in Holland, and with the Dutch
Governments of Batavia and Ceylon.
2. The fecond Court is ftyl’d, The College of
Juftice, and is compofed of moft of the fame mem-
bers ; and determines all civil and criminal caufes of
any importance : But appeals _ lie from it to the fu-
preme Court of Juftice at Batavia, or the fupreme
Court of Juftice in Holland.
3. An inferior Court of Juftice, for determining
trefpaftes, aftaults, breaches of the peace, and addons
of debt, under an hundred crowns : This Court con-
fifts of one of the G rand-Council, who is Prefident,
three Burghers or T ownfmen, and four of the Com-
pany’s immediate fervants.
4. A Court of Marriages, which examines into
the legality of every marriage-contrail: before it is
celebrated”, whether the parties have the confent of
their parents and guardians, and whether there be no
pre-contrail. The members of this Court are the
firms as the laft ; and, when they have received fia-
tisfailion in thefe matters, grant their warrant to
the Minifters of the churches where the parties live,
to
CO
2 THE PRES
CHAP, to publifli the bans the three following Sundays from
IV. the pulpit, and then to folemnize the marriage, if
no-body forbids it ; and, if they do, they muft affign
feme good caufe, or elfe the marriage proceeds. Men
of figure ufually invite the Court to their houfes
when thefe enquiries are to be made, and give them
a handfome entertainment, and a prefent of five or
ten crowns. But before this Court can enter upon
the examination, the bride and bridegroom muft al-
ways attend the Governor, and afk his confent.
5. The Court of Orphans, confifting of the
Vice-Prefident of the Grand-Council, three of the
Company’s officers, and three Burghers or fubftantial
inhabitants. Without the confent of this Court, no
orphan can marry under five and twenty years of
age ; but upon a certificate of the Court of Orphans,
teftifying their confent, an orphan is at liberty to
marry, on taking the fame fteps as other people do.
6. An Ecclefiaftical Council, for the government
of the reformed churches at the Cape (for here is a
colony of French Proteftar.ts, which the Dutch
tranfported to the Cape, to affift them in cultivating
their vines, and making wine, which is now brought
to great perfection) : This Council confifts of three
Paftors, fix Elders, and twelve Overfeers of the
poor (there being three pariflies, of the extent of
three colonies) and two Elders and four Overfeers in
every parifh. This Council determines finally all
temporal matters, and many fpiritual concerns, re-
lating to the church ; particularly, they order what
ceremonies fhall be obferved in divine worfhip, and
alter them from time to time, as they fee fit. They
diftribute fuch colle&ions alfo as are made for the
poor ; which, ’tis faid, they manage fo well, that
no Beggar is feen in the fettlement : The furplufage
of thefe charities is applied to the repairs of church-
es, or the maintenance of fchools. There is alfo a
veftry in every parifh, confifting of a Prefident (fome
wealthy Merchant), the Paftor, the two Elders, and
four Overfeers, who manage the particular affairs of
their refpedlive parifhes.
7. The Common-Council (of which there is one
In every colony) is chofen every year by the Grand-
Council. That of the Cape colony has very little
bufinefs, unlefs it be topropofe matters to the Grand-
Council, and collect the taxes : But the Common-
Council of the other colonies have great authority ;
the Lieutenant of each colony prefiding in it, who
with his brethren take cognizance of all trefpaffes and
adtions of debt under an hundred and fifty florins,
and try all criminal matters that happen within their
•refpective limits.
8. There are alfo two Councils or Boards of Mi-
litia ; one for the Cape-Town, and the other for the
diftridls of Hellenbogift and Drakenftein. In the
Council for the Cape-Town prefides a member of
the Grand-Council, having nine other officers of
the Militia join’d with him, and once a year their
‘Milit% both Horfe and Foot, is mufter’d and re-
1
E N T S T A T E
view’d by fome of the members of the Grarid-Coun- C H A P,
cil : For they have now Horfes in abundance, which IV.
were firft brought from Perfia, and have multiplied
prodigioufly. The Company have a free ftable of
Horfes, for the ufe of the Governor and the reft of
their officers : Some of their Horfes are fit for the
coach ; but the moft are laddie- Horfes.
The Dutch Eaft-India Company, ’tis laid, are
ftill at the expence of forty thoufand pounds annually,
in maintaining this fettlement at the Cape ; and all
they receive from thence yet, does but barely pay them
their charges ; tho’ it is obfervable, that they do not
allow their Governor above four or five hundred
pounds a year, and the reft of their officers propor-
tionably.
The revenues which repay the Company’s expen- The reve-
ces, arife either from the tenths they referve on all nues °' r the
the lands they grant, or from the duties the Com- Cape ’
pany lay on the produce of the Cape, and fuch mer-
chandize as is carried thither, particularly on Wine, i
Brandy, Tobacco, Beer, Mum, &c. or by the mer-
chandize they themfelves annually fend to the Cape,
which yields them a profit of 75 per Cent, and
this very near enables them to ballance their ac-
counts : But, as the colonies are continually encrea-
fing and improving their lands, it will probably yield
them a confiderable profit in a few years more.
The Company ufually fetch the flaves - they em- The Com- ;
ploy at the Cape, from the ifland of Madagafcar, P a ™ es flaves
v,' Inch lies a little to the eaflcward of the continent of
Africa. The Dutch reprefent them as a perverfe,
ftubborn generation, that are not to be dealt with
but by the fevereft difcipline and puniftiments : Cer-
tain it is, there matters ufe them as if they were the
worft of the human fpecies. Kolb e n relates, that
fome of thefe flaves, running away when he was
there, the ringleaders were taken and broken alive
upon the wheel, and yet they fhew’d no manner of
concern, or utter’d a Angle groan at their execu-
tion : That after their bones were fhatter’d to pieces
by the blows of the executioner, they were taken
alive from that wheel, and ftretch’d upon another,
where they continued alive a confiderable time, and
yet never cry’d out or murmur’d in this exquifite tor-
ture to the Jaft.
Another of thefe Madagafcar flaves was con-
demn’d to be roafted alive, for attempting to burn
his mafter’s houfe ; which was executed upon him in
this manner : He was chain’d to a poft ; after which
a great fire was made round about him, and he run
round the poft, till, being almoft roafted by the
fcorching heat of the flames, he dropp’d down, cry-
ing out in the Portuguefe, Dios mio Pay ! O God
my Father ! and foon after died, without making
any other complaint. 1
From thefe two inftarrces, every one muft admire j
the fpirit and courage of the natives of Madagafcar,
who can meet death in the moft terrible Ihapes, with
fo much refignation and compofure ; But that they
muft
OF CAFF
CHAP, mud at the fame time deteft and abhor the tyranny
IV. and cruelty of the Hollanders, that can thus inhu-
manly torture their own fpecies. Thefe people, pro-
bably, were born free, ftolen from their friends, and
fold to the Hollanders, who make them ferve with
rigour. The firft offence, it appears, was only an
endeavour to efcape from their barbarous talk-mafters,
for which they were broke alive, and kept in the
moft exquifite pain, till the extremity of it put an
end to their wretched lives ; not being indulged, like
other malefaftors, with the Coup de Grace, the fa-
vourable blow, to put an end to their pain. The
laft was roafted alive, for an attempt to fire a houfe ;
and who knows the provocation his m after had gi-
ven ? Surely, every one may thank God he does
not live under the tyranny of the Dutch republick,
who will not be fatisfied with the bare forfeiture of
life, for fcarce any offence, but require the party
fhould feel the moft exquifite mifery that human na-
ture can fuftain ; and with whom the bare fufpicion
only of a perfon’s confpiracy againft their ftate, is
look’d upon as a fufficient evidence for putting him
to the torture, and depriving him of life, eftate, and
all that he has in the world : Witnefs the ufage the
Englifh themfelves met with from the Dutch at Am-
boyna. This is the happy government, that our
Whigs fo much admire, and what they have made
fuch ftrenuous efforts to introduce in Great-Britain !
The huf- I proceed in the next place to treat of the hufbandry
- bandry of the c f the Dutch in their fettlements at the Cape ; the
Ca 'e. h at the three principal branches whereof are, i . Grazing :
2 . The management of their Arable lands ; and 3 .
The cultivation of their Vineyards.
Ttjeir cattle. The Government ufually contract with four fub-
ftantial men, to furnifh the Company’s officers and
fervants at the Cape, and the Company’s fhipping
that touches at the Cape, with beef and mutton ;
and thefe Graziers are obliged to keep great numbers
of cattle, both Sheep and Oxen, always fat, to an-
fwer the fudden demand there is often for them, up-
on the arrival of a fleet. The Cape Oxen are pretty
large, weighing commonly five or fix hundred pound,
t and fometimes a great deal more : Their Cows fur-
nifh the Grazier and Farmer with milk and butter
for their houfes, and fbme for fale. T he mutton of
the Cape is good ; but what is moft remarkable in
the Sheep, is, that they have rather hair than wool
on their backs, and their tails are of fuch a length
and thicknefs, that they weigh from fifteen to twenty
pound ; and they have fome Perfian Sheep, the tails
whereof weigh thirty pound and upwards. There
are prodigious herds both of great and final! cattle,
in all the Dutch fettlements, befides thofe that be-
long to the Hottentots ; among which the wild beafts
frequently make terrible havock. The T yger kills
great numbers at a time, for the fake of fucking of
their blood, not much regarding the flefh ; and there
are packs of wild Dogs that will worry the Sheep of
a whole flock, when they get in amongft them. But
Vol. Ill,
R A R I A. 33
it is obferved of the Lion, that he contents himfelf CHAP,
with carrying of a fingle carcafe, and fcarce ever IV.
does any mifehief to the reft. The cattle fmell a
wild beaft at a great diftance, and immediately run
for it, when they difeover him ; but the fmall cattle
ufually fufter moft, as the larger have the heels of
them.
The foil at the Cape is exceeding fruitful, and The foil
gives great encouragement to the Hufbandman.
Whether a piece of ground is defigned for a garden,
a vineyard, or corn-field, they always plough it up
in the firft place, and clear it of weeds. Their
ploughs have two unequal wheels ; that which goes
next the furrow being much larger than the other *,
and their ploughs are drawn only by Oxen, tho’ they
have great numbers of Perfian Horfes. Thefe are rather
too fmall for drawing, and never ufed either in plough
or cart. They put fometimes five pair of Oxen to a
plough, the foil is fo very heavy at fome times, and
fo hard at others ; and they have frequently almoft
as many drivers as Oxen.
The Farmer, here, dungs his land, if it wants it Thcirfeafons
(tho’ a great deal of it wants no manure) in April and ; °g s P f °“f in g a
in May, and, after fome rain has fallen, begins to &e„
plough. Their feed-time begins in June, in the low-
lands, and in July, when more rain has fallen on the
hills ; and he has feldom done fowing tiR Auguft ;
the latter end of which month, and part of Septem-
ber, is fpent in pruning his Vines, and dunging them :
In October, the vineyards are weeded, and, after
that, the corn-fields : In December, all their grain
is ripe ; and our Chriftmas is the height of their
harveft. In January they tread out their corn in
the fields, and in February they carry it to the Com-
pany’s magazines, where they receive ready money
for all they don’t ufe themfelves. They fbw almoft
all manner of grain, but Oats and Lentils ; but thefe
are fo apt to be fhaffer’d before harveft, by the tem-
peftuous weather, that they fcarce receive their feed
again.
The crop of grain fometimes fuft’ers by the mil-
dew as with us ; and the Elephants do them a great
deal of mifehief when they get into a corn-field, de-
vouring fome and treading down more : The Elk,
Deer and Wild-goats alfo do them fome damage, as
well as birds and infers, which fwarm pretty much
at the Cape : However, with all their loftes they
have generally enough for their ufe, and a great deal
to fell, which is laid up in the Company’s granaries,
and fome of it fent as far as Batavia.
One bufhel of Wheat at the Cape, tis faid, yields
an encreafe of thirty or forty bufhels ; a bufhel of Bar-
ley, fifty or fix tv, and fometimes feventy bufhels; a
bufhel of Peas from thirty to fixty ; a nd a bufhel of
Beans, from twenty to twenty-five : Tho’ fometimes
their Peas and Beans fufter fo much by the Locufts,
that they yield fcarce any thing. They never threfh
their corn, but tread it out in the field with Oxen or ° ‘
Horfes on a hard round floor prepar’d for the purpofe,
p- about
come
THE PRESENT STATE
34
CHAP, about ten yards diameter, at the extremity whereof
IV. the corn is laid, and the cattle drove round over it,
S **’’V '' w the fheaves being turn’d from time to time till it is
all trodden out. As the Oxen andHorfes frequently
dung amongft the corn when they tread it, the Huf-
bandmen feparate this filth from it after it is dry’d in
the fun : Thus they get all their corn trodden out by
their cattle within the fpace of a month, which would
take them up a whole winter to thrcfh ; and when
the corn is trodden out, they fan or winnow the
chaff from it, and afterwards ufe a fieve or fkreen,
as the Europeans do, to clear it of fand and dirt.
The cultiva- From their Corn, I proceed to give fome account
±ion of their 0 f the Cape Wine, of late fo much admir’d in Eu-
rope : it was a great while, it leems, before they
rais’d any confiderable Vineyards : They carried thi-
ther at firft, indeed, Vine-ftocks from the banks of
the Rhine, and from Perfia, in fmall parcels, which
grew pretty well, and furnifh’d them with Grapes
for eating ; but they did not pretend to make any
quantities of Wine, till a certain German taught
them to take the prunings of their Vines, and cut
them in fmall pieces of half a foot in length, and
ibw them in fields plough’d up for that purpofe. They
follow’d his directions ; the prunings of the Vines
grew, fending out {hoots at every knot; by which
means they werefeon furnifh’d with as many flocks or
plants as they had occafion for ; and, removing them
from thefe nurferies, they planted them in other
grounds in rows, the Vines at the diftance of two
foot and a half from each other, and the rows at
the diftance of three foot and a half, the land being
firft prepar’d by ploughing it : And now there is
fcarce a cottage in the Cape fettlements, but has its
vineyard, which produces Wine enough for the fami-
ly, and fome for fale; tho’ fometimes their Vines re-
ceive damage from the mildew, and at others from
Locufts. And there is dill a little black worm, that
is a greater enemy to them than either of the former :
This infect eats a hole in the knot of the Vine, where-
by the bud perifiies ; but they employ their flaves in
taking thefe worms every morning, whereby they
prevent a great deal of mifchief. Their Vines alfo
receive confiderable damage fometimes by the fouth-
eaft winds, which break off the branches loaden
with the fineft clutters of Grapes ; for which reafon
they do not let them run up on poles, or the walls of
houfes, as in Europe, but endeavour to prevent their
rifing above three foot from the ground. Their
vintage begins the latter end of February, and con-
tinues all the month of March ; tho’ they have feme
Grapes ripe in January ; but thefe they dry and eat,
obferving that the Wine made of them will not
keep.
The ma- Their Wines are put into veffels when they are
nagementof taken out of the Wine-prefs ; and, when they have
their Wines. ft ooc j f ome t j me? are Q ff f r0 m t } ie ] ees . then
letting them ftand three or four months longer, they
are fin’d with ifing-glafs, and fometimes hot fand is
thrown in afterwards ; and, when theWines are fine, C H A p..
they flop them up clofe, only giving them vent when IV.
the Vines are in bloffom, or they will foment and
endanger breaking the calk. They put their Wine
alfo every year into freth calks, and fill them up to
the bung, keeping them fometimes till they are three
or four years old ; but are generally forc’d to difpofe
of them every year for want of cafks to keep them
in, which are very fcarce at the Cape, there being
no pipe-ftaves but what are brought from Holland.
They have both red and whiteWines ; but the great-
eft plenty of white, which, if kept two years, has
much the flavour of Canary.
Bel ides a vineyard, every houfe almoft has its Their
kitchen-garden, in which there are all the roots and kitchen g a »
herbs that grow in the kitchen-gardens of Europe j dens ‘
and indeed they are fupply’d from time to time with
their feeds from thence ; for it is obferv’d, their
plants degenerate the third year, fo as to be good for
little: However, while they do laft, their plants are
larger and fweeter than thofe of Europe ; the head
of a Cabbage, at its full growth, weighing thirty or
forty pound, and the head of a Colliflower as much,
the feeds whereof are brought from Cyprus and Sa-
voy : Their Melons alfo are of an exceeding fine
flavour, and larger and wholefomer than thofe of
Europe : Cucumbers are likewife very plentiful, and
are reckon’d wholefome here ; and all thefe things
are rais’d without glafles or hot-beds, their fummers
being exceeding hot, and winters moderate : Their
Potatoes are very large, weighing from fix to ten
pound ; thefe they brought from India, and they are
exceeding good.
They have fcarce any fruit-tree the natural pro- Fruit-trees,
duCt of the country, at leaft fuch as the Europeans
care to tafte of ; tho’ the Hottentots eat fome of them :
However, thofe that are remov’d thither from Eu-
rope or Afia come to great perfection, the fruit be-
ing reckon’d much better than in the countries from
whence they were brought. Here is the Apricot,
the Peach, the Quince, the Fig and many more, which
are produc’d in the Cape foil ; only by fetting a twig
of any of thefe trees in the ground, they immedi-
ately take root, and grow up into trees in a very .
fhort fpace : Others are inoculated and grafted on
old flocks, and thrive apace ; the fruit of four years
growth being moft efteem’d. And here I {hall take
an opportunity of adding fomething to the defeription
already given of the Company’s fine garden at the Company’s
Cape town, which takes up nineteen acres of ground. eardeIi ‘
Here are to be found the moft delicious fruits of
Afia and Europe growing within fquares of Bay-
hedges, fo high and thick, that the ftorms coming
off the ocean can prejudice them but little ; and thefe
hedges afford a moft refrefhing {hade in the hot fea-
fon. In this garden alfo is a fine grove of Chefnut-
trees that the fun can’t penetrate, and fecpr’d againft
the bluftering winds that infeft this fhore. Here alfo
we meet with Peaches, Pomegranates, Citrons,
Lemons,
OF C A F F k A R I A,
CHAP. Lemons, Oranges, with the Apples and Pears of Eu-
IV. rope intermix’d, all excellent in their kind and
here we fee the crimfon Japan Apples, which, inter-
mix’d with the green leaves, appear exceeding beau-
tiful. They have great variety of Figs in this gar-
den ; but thole moft admir’d are the Pifang Figs,
that grow upon a plant which dies as foon as the
fruit comes to maturity, and next year a new plant
arifes from the fame root : It has no flock ; but the
leaves, which are feven ells long, and about half as
broad, twine round each other, and form a kind of
barrel inftead of a flock ; the Figs are blue and large.
Here alfo grows the Indian Guavos, perfectly round,
and of the bignefs of a Crab-apple : It is a moft de-
licious wholefome fruit, cover’d with a tender green
fkin, and within full of feeds, which alone are a
remedy againft the Flux (the reigning difeafe of hot
countries.)
Plants that I (hall juft mention fome other vegetables, which
grow m the are t h e natural product of the Hottentot countries ;
Muntry . 01 firft the Aloe, of which there are various kinds
that grow upon the rocks, fome of them in bloflom
all the year round ; the flowers whereof are white,
red or fpeckled.
The African dwarf Almond, with narrow leaves
and double flefh-colour’d flowers, the Almonds where-
of are exceeding bitter ; however, the Hottentots
eat them, after they are boil’d in feveral waters.
The Arum Ethiopicum is alfo found here, having a
large round root, which bites and enflames the tongue
to a very great degree ; and yet the Hottentots eat it
inftead of bread, after they have boil’d it in feveral
waters, dried it in the fun, and broiled it.
The prickly wild African Afparagus abounds in the
low grounds ; the ftalks whereof are of a grafs-green,
and very tender, and tafte like European Afparagus ;
and thefe the Hottentots fupply the Dutch with in
great plenty, not caring for Afparagus themfelves.
The African Night fweet-fcented Crane’s-bill alfo
is met with here ; a twig of which, with two or
three flowers upon it, will perfume a whole room ;
it is commonly call’d Night-flower at the Cape :
There are feveral forts of them, moft of which keep
clofe (hut from fun-rife to fun-fet. Here alfo is the
African Jafmine, with Angle leaves and flowers like
the common Jafmine.
The African Shrub, with Lawrel leaves ; the
branches being numerous, and very clofe together,
they ferve like Box for borders in the Company’s
gardens.
The Honey-flowers, fo call’d from the fweet juice
that diftils from them, are eaten both by Europeans
and Hottentots. And here is the African Ironwood,
fo call’d, becaufe it is as hard as iron, and will fink
if thrown into water.
, The leiTer African Sifyrinchium, with a large va-
riegated flower, is found here. It has a root that
eats like a Chefnut, and is as large as a Potatoe ; fome
of them white, others red, and a third fort black, all
35
of them of a delicious tafte, and very plentiful at CHAP,
the Cape in September, and the three following IV.
months.
Here alfo is the African fweet-fcented Spiraea,
with hairy leaves, call’d, by the Hottentots, Buchu.
Towards the end of the fummer, when thefo leaves
begin to wither, the Hottentots gather and dry them
in the fun ; and, having pulveriz’d them, powder
their hair and fkins on all feftivals and rejoicing times
with the duft, which is of the colour of gold. They
look upon this powder alfo as a remedy for the head-*
ach.
There is a dwarf-tree at the Cape, call’d by the
Dutch Cripplewood, with crooked knotty branches ;
the leaves broad, thick and tough, and fhaped like
thofe of the Apple-tree ; the fruit fomething like the
Pine-apple ; the bark is thick and wrinked, and ufed
by the Tanners at the Cape ; and the Phyficians pul-
verize it, and give it their patients in Dyfenteries.
There is a root alfo in this country, which the
Hottentots call Kanna, and will give aimoft any thing
to purchafe it, a little of it railing thefpirits to a ve-
ry high degree, and is compared to the Ginfeng of
the Chinefe, which the reader will meet with an
account of in the firft volume of Modern Hiftory.
There grows a tree in this country alfo, call’d by
the Europeans Stinkwood, from the naufeous fcent it
gives at the firft cutting and hewing of it ; but this
fine]] goes off after it has lain and dried fome time.
It is beautifully clouded, and ufed by the Dutch Joy-
ners for tables and cabinets ; and the wood is alfo
ufed as a medicine in fome diftempers.
The Dutch have alfo introduced feveral exotick E*otick
or foreign trees and plants from Afia, Europe and plants.
America ; and particularly the Fir-tree, which was
firft brought to the Cape about the year 1690, and
planted in the Company’s garden, being then about
three foot high, and now they are forty feet in
height.
Three or four forts of Almond-trees alfo have been
brought hither, which bear fruit once in three years ;
and, as they have large plantations of them, yield
the Dutch a confiderable profit.
The Ananas or Pine-apple, a moft delicious fruit
alfo, is planted in their gardens, being of American
extraction. If a woman eats of this fruit before it
is ripe, it will make her mifcarry, ’tis faid : What
the fruit was, that tempted the firft woman to tranf-
grefs in Paradife, is uncertain ; but a more tempting
fruit than this is hardly to be met with in the world.
We fee in their kitchen-gardens alfo, red and
white Beets, red and white Cabbages and Codiflowers :
And here we meet with four forts of Camphire-trees,
the beft whereof were tranfplanted from Borneo,
the other three came from Sumatra, China and Ja-
pan, and foon grow to the bignefs of a W ainut-tree t
the leaves of a grafs-green, and, being rubb’d be-
tween the fingers, frnell ftrong of Camphire.
36 THEPRESE
CHAP. A great deal ot Hemp alfo is raifed here; the
IV. ftalk whereof is almoft as ftrong as wood. The Hot-
tentots fmoak the feeds and the leaves of it as they do
Tobacco, and fometimes mix it with their Tobacco :
And here the Carduus Benedidlus, or blefled Thiftle,
thrives, and the Clove-gill i flowers, which were
brought from Holland : But the plant of the great-
eft importance is the Cinnamon-tree they have tranf-
planted from Ceylon. This, it feems, the Dutch
can raife in almoft any foil or climate ; and yet the
reft of the European nations fcarce attempt to tranf-
plant it, at leaft to any purpofe : The Englifh Afri-
can company have one of them indeed, in a garden
belonging to one of their forts, on the coaft of Gui-
nea ; and the Portuguefe have planted a walk of them
in the fame country ; but, ’tis faid, they durft not
proceed any farther, left the Dutch fhould come and
take away their country and plantation from them.
But I hope this is not the cafe of the Englifti ; we
are not yet fo much under the dominion of the
Dutch, that we dare not cultivate the fine fpices in
our own plantations : And yet one would think we
were afraid of them, or we fhould never purchafe
Cinnamon ot the Hollander, at what price he is
pleafed to fet upon it, and never attempt to raife this
plant ourfelves. Our Eaft-India Merchants poftibly
are ftill frighted at the tortures their predeceftors fuf-
fered under the Dutch at Amboyna ; and therefore
are determined to fit down contented under the lols
of that valuable branch of their commerce, which
the Hollander, by the moft barbarous violence, de-
prived the Englifh of. But to give fome defcription
of the Cinnamon-tree : The outward bark is rough,
and good for nothing ; but this being taken away,
there is a tender inward bark of a dark green colour,
which being cut off", and dried in the fun, turns
brown, as we fee it here : Within three years the
tree recovers itfelf again, fo as to yield another crop ;
and the oftner it is peel’d, the better the Cinnamon is,
till the tree grows very old.
It is needneft to fpecify every plant the Dutch
have brought to the Cape, having already obferved,
that there is fcarce any fruit-tree, flower- root or
herb, that is of any great value, in Europe or Alia,
but the Dutch have tranfplanted, and which flourifh
in great abundance in their colonies here, unlefs it
be Cloves and Nutmegs, andfuch plants as require a
warmer fun ; and therefore I fhall proceed, in the
next place, to treat of the animals that are found
Quadruped, in this part of Africa, and firft of their quadrupeds.
The Lion, The Lion is frequently feen here, whofe ftrength
and ftately gate have obtain’d him the title of the
king of beafts : His fhin-bones, ’tis faid, after they
are dried, are as hard and folid as a flint, and us’d in
the fame manner to ftrike fire with : When he falls
upon man or beaft, he firft knocks them down with
his paw, and deprives his prey of all fenfation, be-
fore ever he touches it with his teeth, roaring moft
terribly at the time he gives the mortal bfoyy ;
NT STATE
Kolben relates, that when he refided at the Cape, CHAP,
a Soldier, who flood centinel before his Officer’s tent, IV,
was thus knock’d down by a Lion, and carried off ;
and that he knew another Lion knock down a mid-
dle-fiz’d Ox, and jump over a brick wall with him
of a confiderable height. When a Lion is enrag’d
or hungry, he ere&s and fhakes his dreadful mane,
and lafhes his back and fides with his tail, threatning
deftrucftion to all that come in his way ; but this the
traveller feldom difcovers, till ’tis too late to avoid
him ; for the noble brute frequently lies lurking in
thickets and bufhes, till his prey approaches pretty
near him ; but, if he does not fhake his mane, or
move his tail, ’tis faid, a traveller may eafily paft
by him. A Horfe will run full fpeed, if ever he
fees a Lion ; and, if he has a rider upon his back,
will endeavour to throw him, to get away the
fafter : And, indeed, the beft thing a traveller can
do in fuch a cafe, is to quit his Horfe ; for the Lion
will follow the Horfe, and paft by his mafter. I am
almoft afraid to relate another ftory after Mr. Kol-
ben, tho’ he be a traveller of as good ciedit, as
moft I have met with ; for, as he did not fee the
adventure, perhaps he was impofed upon. The
paflage is this : He (ays, two brifk young fellows,
walking in the fields near the Cape, a Lion rulhed
on them from his covert, aiming at one of them
the mortal blow ; but the fellow, jumping nimbly
on one fide, the Lion mifled him : Whereupon the
man catch’d hold of his main with one hand, and,
running the other into his mouth, held the beaft
faft by the tongue, till his comrade fhot him : But,
as I obferv’d before, I muft leave the ftory on this
reverend gentleman’s credit, who relates it as tho’
he believed it himfelf ; however, he might be im-
pofed upon. He adds, that he has eaten of the flefli
of a Lion feveral times ; that it taftes fomething
like venifon, and is very innocent food. It is need-
left to give a particular defcription of this noble ani-
mal, fince we never are without fome of the fpecies
here in England.
The Tyger and Leopard alfo are among the wild The Tygtr,
beafts at the Cape : They are very much alike, only
the Tyger is larger, and diftinguifh’d by rings of
black hair, enclofing yellow fpots ; whereas the black
ftreaks of a Leopard are of the form of a crefcent,
with an opening : The heads of both are much like
that ot a Cat, and they have terrible whifkers :
They feldom run fairly at their prey, but lie con-
cealed in covert, and jump upon it as a Cat does
upon a Moufe : ft he flefli of both is very white and
tender, and, according to fome, preferable to veal.
Sir Edward Winter, Governor of Fort St.
George in the Eaft-Indies, was furpriz’d by a Tyger
as he was hunting ; but, as the beaft flew up at him,
he grafp’d the creature fo clofe in his arms that it
could not breathe ; and, falling with the Tyger in-
to a pond, he drown’d the brute, without receiving
any mannerof harm} for which King Ch aries II.
knighted
OF CAFF
CHAP, knighted him, at his return to England ; and
jV. the family have ever fince carry ’d a Tyger in their
arms. Mr. Kolben alfo relates, that one Bow-
man, a Burgher at the Cape, walking alone in the
fields, a Tyger leap’d up at his throat ; but the
Dutchman feizing the brute, and ftruggling with
him upon the ground, and drawing a knife out of
his pocket, cut the Tyger’s throat ; but was himfelf
fo grievoufly torn and wounded, that it was a great
while before he recover’d. He tells us alfo, that
when he was at the Cape in 1708, an he and (he-
Leopard, with three young ones, enter’d a Sheep-
fold ; and, having kill’d and fuck’d the blood of near
a hundred Sheep, tore a carcafe in three pieces, and
gave each of their young ones a piece : After which,
each of the old Leopards took a carcafe, and were
marching off ; but being way-laid by the owners
and their fervants with arms, the female and the
three young ones were killed ; but the male broke
thro’, and made his efcape.
The Ele- The Elephants of this part of Africa, Kolben
phant. fays are larger than thofe of any other country (but
I believe he is miftaken, thofe of Pegu and Siam are
(aid to be larger) : Their teeth weigh from fixty to
one hundred and twenty pound ; and their ftrength
is fcarce to be conceived. Kolben (ays, one of
them being yok’d to a (hip at the Cape, that was
careening there, fairly drew it along the Strand :
They are from twelve to fifteen foot in height, and
fome fay a great deal more ; the female is much le(s
than the male, and has its breads or dugs between
its fore-legs : Their ufual food is grafs, herbs and
roots, and the tender twigs of trees and (hrubs and,
if they meet with a corn-field, they will devour a
great deal of the grain, as has been related already :
They pull up every thing with their trunk, which
ferves as a hand to feed themfelves ; and with this
they fuck up water, and empty it into their mouths :
But, having defcribed thefe animals already, in treat-
ing of India, in the firft Volume of Modern HiJlory y
it is unneceflary to fay more of them here.
The Rhino- The Rhinoceros alfo is to be met with at the
ceros. Cape. This animal is fomething lefs than the Ele-
phant, but of equal, if not greater, ftrength ; at
leaft, the Elephant runs away and avoids him, when-
ever he difcovers him : His (kin refembles that of
the Elephant, being without hair ; of a dark a(h-
colour, enclining to black, and fo hard that fcarce
any weapon will pierce it ; but he is not arm’d with
fcales, as our Painters frequently reprefent him ; tho’
the fears and fcratches he gets by forcing his way
thro’ the thick woods, look fomething like fcales
at a diftance : He has a fnout like a Hog ; upon
which there grows a folid horn, of a dark-grey co-
lour, that turns upwards a little, being from a foot
, to two foot in length ; with this, when he is en-
rag’d, he rends up the earth, and toftes it over his
head, as he does the (tones that lie in his way, throw-
ing them to a great diftance behind him :. Oil his
R A R I A. 37
fore-head he has another convex horn, almoft of the CM A P„
(hape and fize of a hat-crown : He has the fenfe of IV.
fmelling very quick ; and, when he has the feent of
his prey in the wind, forces his way to it, in a di-
rect line, thro’ the thickeft woods, tearing up eve-
ry thing that obftrudts his paftage, grunting as he
goes like a Hog ; but is difeover’d the fooneft by his
throwing about the (tones, and breaking his way
thro’ the thickets : He feldom falls upon a Man, un~
lefs he has a red coat on ; and then he attacks him
with all his fury, flinging him over his head with
fuch force, that he is kill’d, or render’d infenfible,
by the fall ; and then, according to Kolben, with,
his rough prickly tongue licks the flefh off his bones ;
His eyes are very fmall, and he looks only right for-
ward, not eafily turning his neck ; and tho’ he is
pretty fwift of foot, a traveller, by a fudden turn,
may avoid him ; for then he lofes fight of the man.
Our reverend author alfures us, he has experienced
this himfelf, having met . a Rhinoceros more than
once in all his fury : But this does not feem to agres*
with the obfervation Mr. Kolben makes juft be-
fore, that a Rhinoceros would not attack a Man un-
lefs he was in a red. coat ; for, I prefume, this re-
verend writer wore black. The Rhinoceros does
not feed much on grafs ; but delights more in Broom,
Shrubs or Thirties. The flefh of this bead is fre-
quently eaten ; and his horn, his (kin, and his blood
are ufed in medicine: The horn, Kolben
allures us from his own experience, will not en-
dure the touch of poifon : They make cups of it at
the Cape, tipped with gold and filver ; and if wine
be pour’d into one of them, it will immediately rife
and bubble up, as if it boil’d ; and if there be poi-
ion in it, the cup will fplit : If poifon be put into
one of thefe cups alone, it immediately flies in
peices. They carefully preferve the very chippings of
the horn, being efteem’d a great remedy in Convui-
fions, Fainting-fits, and other difeafes. The blood
alfo is dry’d and preferv’d by their Phyficians, being
of great fervice in obftrucStions.
There are wild Dogs, not unlike Englifh Hounds, Wild Dogs,
that hunt in packs near the Cape, without a Huntf-
man, or any thing to diredt them but their appetites ;
chafing almoft every thing that falls in their way ;
even Lions and Tygers are fometimes attack’d by
them, and over-power’d by their numbers : They
will hurt no man, and travellers are very glad to (ee
them, being allur'd there are no wild beads near
the place where they are. Both the Dutch and the
Hottentots follow thefe Dogs, when they fee them
chacing their prey ; which, when they have run
down, they will fuflfer any man to take it from
them, without fnarling : The flefh the Hottentots
get by this means they eat, and the Dutch fait it up,
and give it to their (laves. But as much friends as
thefe Dogs are to Men, they worry and kill greater
numbers of their Sheep than any other wild animals,
if the Shepherds happen to be out of the way
38 THE PRES
CHAP. Kolb e N relates, he has known them worry above
IV. fourfeore at a time in one flock ; tho’ they don’t eat
‘“‘Wr' up more than five or fix perhaps.
Wolves. There are two forts of Wolves at the Cape ; the
one like the European Wolf, and the other call’d
the Tyger-wolf, fuppofed to be begot between a
Tyger and a Wolf : His head is broad like a Bull-
dog’s ; his nofe and eyes large ; his hair fhagged,
and fpotted like a Tyger’s : He has large claws,
which he draws in like a Cat, and a fhort tail ;
keeps all day in his den, and preys only in the night ;
when he keeps fuch a difmal howling, that he fre-
quently alarms the Hottentot Dogs, who drive him
away ; but if he gets into a flock of Sheep, he ufu-
ally kills two or three of them ; and, having eaten
as much as he cares for, carries off a carcafe. The
Lion, as well as the Leopard and Tyger, frequently
hunt thefe Wolves, and tear them to pieces if they
catch them.
Buffaloes. There are great numbers of Buffaloes in the Hot-
tentot countries, larger than the Buffaloes of Eu-
rope ; being of a brown ifh red, and having Pnort
horns that turn inwards, and almoft meet : Their
hides are fo hard and tough, that a mufket-ball will
fcarce enter them ; if a gun be let off at a Buffaloe,
he will run with the utmoft rage at the man that
fires it ; neither fire nor water will flop him. Kol-
ben relates, that one of thefe creatures jump’d into
the fea after a man that had attack’d him ; and he
had no way to efcape but by diving, till the enraged
beaft loff fight of him. The flefh of a Buffaloe is
not fo tender as that of an Ox.
The Elk. The Elk is alfb found in the Hottentot countries :
He is about five foot in height ; has a fine flender
neck, and a beautiful head, not much unlike that of
a Deer : His horns are about a foot long, rough and
twifted towards the lower part ; but fmooth and
pointed at the ends : The hair of his body fmooth
and foft, and of an afh-colour ; his legs long and
flender, and his tail about a foot long : His flefh is
good either roafted or boil’d, and much like tender
beef : He frequents the mountains, and will climb
the fteepeft rocks with great celerity ; but fometimes
comes down into the valleys, and does confiderable
mifehief to the gardens of the Europeans, who there-
upon fet traps for the beaft, or {hoot him.
A fine wild The European Affes are common at the Cape ;
but there is another wild animal, which goes by the
name of an Afs, which has nothing like that crea-
ture but his long ears ; for he is a well-made, beau-
tiful, lively beaft ; of the ftze of an ordinary fad-
dle-Horfe ; his hair foft and fleek ; and there runs on
the ridge of his back a black ftreak, from his mane
to his tail ; and, from the ridge of his back down to
his belly, fall feveral ftreaks of various colours, form-
ing fo many circles : His head, ears, mane and tail
alfo have ftreaks of white and brown ; and he is
thought to exceed a Horfe in fwiftnefs : Such of them
as are taken alive, are fold at an extravagant price ;
ENT STATE
but there is no inftance of their being broke for the C H A P.
fiddle, or for any other ufe : It is their beauty, and IV.
the difficulty of taking them alive, that makes them
fo much valued. Kolben fays, he has feen great
numbers of them running wild in the Elottentot
countries.
The common Roe-buck and the European Goat Goats,
alfo are found here ; but they have another Goat, of
a fine blue colour, and as large as a Red Deer ; his
beard is long and graceful ; his legs long ; his horns
not fo long as thofe of the common Goat, but fine-
ly turn’d in rings till near the point : Their flefh is
faid to be pretty good, but lean ; and they are oftner
killed for their Ikins, than for food.
There are another fort of Goats, not much dif-
fering in fize or fhape from the former ; fpotted red,
wffiite and brown : Their beards alfo very long, and
of a brown ted.
There is ftill a third fort of the fame fize, with a
ftreak of white from head to tail on their backs, and
other white ftreaks crofting this, and running down
on each fide ; the hair on all other parts of the bo-
dies grey, with little touches of red, and long grey
beards. The flefh of thefe is faid to exceed that of
venifon.
The Dutch have replenifh’d their fettlements with Hogs.
European Hogs, as well as thofe of the Indian black
breed without briftles, whofe bellies almoft touch the
ground : They have very few wild Hogs like thofe
in Europe ; but there is another fort called an Earth-
hog, from his digging himfelf a den, and lying com-
monly under ground ; of a red colour, and toothlefs ;
for which reafon, ’tis faid, he feeds chiefly upon Ants,
which he catches in this manner : He lays himfelf down
among their little hills, and putting out his tongue, which
isofan unreafonable length, the Ants get upon it; and,
being fo clammy that they can’t get off again, he lies
ftill till he has got a good number, and then draws
it in and fwallows them : After which he lays the
fame bait for more. Both Europeans and Hotten-
tots frequently hunt him ; he is a poor defenceleft
creature, having neither teeth or claws, and is eafily
knock’d down with an ordinary club.
The Porcupine is another animal very common at p orC upmes=
the Cape ; the body of it about three foot long, and
two foot high : His head and feet refemble a Hare’s,
and his ears are not unlike thofe of a Man ; when
he is bowel’d, he weighs about twenty pound. But
what is moil remarkable in this animal, is a wood
of quills, with which his back and every part of
him, except his belly, is cover’d : They are about
the length of a Goofe-quill ; but ftreight, hard and
without feathers, and, growing left and left from the
middle to the end, terminate in a fharp point, the
longeft being towards his rump : Thefe quills lie
clofe to his body, unlefs when he is attack’d by man
or beaft ; and then he fets them up and appears of
a round form, not much unlike a Hedge-hog, en-
ciofed with his briftles, and, like the Parthian, fitrhts
z retiring
OF C A F
CHAP. retiring from the foe, at whom he fhoots his pointed
IV. quills, till he is almoft naked ; but can give no dan-
gerous wounds, unleft he happens to hit his purfuers
in the eyes : His quills might poffibly flick in the
flelh of a naked man ; but not go deep enough to
do him any conflderable mifchief. The Europeans
frequently fet him down in an enclofed yard or gar-
den, and run after him in fport, till the creature
has fliot away all his quills at them : The flelh of
a Porcupine is well tafled, and efteem’d wholefome
food.
[Monkeys. They have large Monkeys or Baboons in the Hot-
tentot countries ; but thefe are animals fo well
known every where, that they need not a particu-
lar defcription. They frequently rob the Dutch
gardens at the Cape in troops ; which, ’tis laid, they
manage with a great deal of artifice, fetting their
centinels at every avenue, to prevent furprize, and
planting a line of their comrades, from the orchard,
or garden, to the hills : That they toft the fruit from
one to the other, and thereby make a furprizing dif-
patch in pilfering a garden. When their centinels
dilcover any perlon approaching, they fet up a great
cry, and alarm the reft, who immediately take to
their heels ; and, if there be any young ones amongft
’em, they jump upon the backs of the old ones, and
are carried off : But, ’tis faid, they Ibmetimes get fo
drunk in robbing a vineyard, that they are eafily
taken. The Dutch frequently tame thefe animals,
\ which ferve them in the place of Houfe-dogs, and
are extremely watchful in the night time.
{ a fet. There are fome wild Horfes in the Hottentot
countries ; but I don’t find any of them have been
tam’d or broke by the Dutch. They had indeed
brought over Perfian Horfes, before they difcover’d
them ; which are multiplied to that degree, that
fome European planters have two or three hundred
of the Perfian breed, and many of them thirty or
forty. Thefe Perfian Horfes are generally fmall,
and of a chefnut colour.
a-Cow. There is a creature at the Cape alfo, call’d by the
Dutch a Sea-cow ; but it always feeds on grals a-
, Ihore (according to Kolben) and only runs into
tire fea for its fecurity. The head of this animal
refembles rather that of a Horfe, than a Cow, and
, is called by feveral writers a Sea-horfe. Kolben
affures us, it is as large as a Rhinoceros, and of the
fame colour ; but the legs fomething Ihorter. The
noftrils of the creature are very large, out of which
it fpouts water when it riles out of the fea, or from
the bottom of a river : The legs are ftiort, and all
of a thickneft, and the hoof is not eleven : The tail
is like that of an Elephant, with very little hair on
it ; and it has no hair at all on the body : The fe-
male fuckles its young ones, as another Cow does,
t Kolben relates, that he has frequently i’een them
fuckle their Calves, which were about the fize of
ordinary Sheep. The Ikin of a Sea-cow is tough,
and near an inch thick, fo that a mufket-ball will
F R A R I A. 29
fcarce penetrate it ; and therefore they ufually aim C H A P
at the head, which may be fraeftur’d by a bullet. jv.
On each under-jaw this animal has two large
teeth or tulhes, the one ftreight, and the other crook-
ed, about the thickneft of a Cow’s-horn, and run-
ning a foot and a half out of its mouth ; thefe teeth
weigh, each of them about ten pound, and are ex-
ceeding white, and never change yellow, as the ivory
of Elephants teeth does, and therefore are more va-
luable.
The Sea-cow, railing her head out of the water,
fmells a Man at a conflderable diftance ; and, if fhe
perceives any one near the fhore, drives down again,
ipouting up the water from her noftrils like a Whale :
After which, fhe goes to the bottom, and does not
venture up again a great while : Therefore, if a man
difeovers the head of the beaft above water, he muft
fire that inftant ; fhe certainly dives out of his reach,
if fhe turns her head towards him. When (he is
wounded in a river, or near the fea-ftiore, they fol-
low her in boats by the blood ; and, with hooks and
grapling irons, fifti up the carcafe, which is faid to
be a good load for a waggon : The flefih of this crea-
ture is fo much admired by the Dutch at the Cape,
that they will give twelve or fifteen pence a pound
for it : The leaf and other fat is valued as much as
the lean, being melted and ufed like Butter in cook-
ery, and fome eat it with bread. It is reckon’d alfo
an excellent remedy in cafe of a furfeit, or a redun-
dancy of humours. This animal has been con-
jedlur’d by fome of the learned, to be the Behemoth
in Job ; while others take the Whale, the Ele-
phant, or the Rhinoceros, for the Behemoth ; the
ancients call’d it the Hippopotamus.
The Stinkbingfem, as the Dutch call it, feems to The Stink-
be an animal peculiar to the Hottentot country, and bin 8 fem ’
to have obtained its name from the ftinking ftents
it emits from its pofteriors ; which are fuch, that
neither man or beaft can bear them. This is the
creature’s beft defence when it is purfued : The very
Dogs will defert the chafe, rub their nofes, and howl
when the beaft lets fly ; and a man is perfectly ftifled
with the naufeous ftench. The Dutch fometimes
fhoot it, but no-body dares take it up ; for it has
been found, that, if a perfon but touch the carcafe,
ail the wafhing in the world will not fweeten him
again for fome time ; and no man living can bear
him in his company.
From the four-footed animals, I proceed to de- Fowls and
feribe fome of the moft remarkable of the feather’d bird - 4
race, in the Hottentot countries ; and firft their
Eagles. There is one fort of them, which the Eagles,
Dutch call the Dung-bird, from his tearing out the
guts and entrails of animals. If thefe Eagles find
an Ox or Cow laid down, they fall upon the beaft
in great numbers, make a hole in the belly of it
with their bills and talons, and perfectly fccop out
the infide of it, leaving nothing but a bare fkeleton
cover’d with the hide. The feathers of thefe Ea~
gles
4.0
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, gles are mofl of them black ; but fome of a light
IV. grey : The body of one of them is fomething larger
than a wild Goofe, and the bills large, and bent like
a Hawk’s. When thefe birds are looking for their
prey, they mount up almod out of fight ; and, when
they have difcover’d it, they fall down upon the ani-
mal in an indant, and, by their numbers, overpower
the largel!: cattle.
They have another Eagle in the Hottentot coun-
tries, call’d by the Europeans Aquila Anatoria, or
the Duck-eagle, becaufe he preys upon the Ducks :
And there is dill a third fort, call’d the Bone or
Shell-breaker, that delightfin the flefli of the Land-
tortoife. When this Eagle has feiz’d one of thefe
animals, he carries the unfortunate captive up a
great height ; and, letting his prey fall upon a rock,
breaks the diell in pieces, and has no more trouble
in getting at the meat.
Flamingo*. There is an excellent beautiful fowl at the Cape,
call’d by the Dutch Flamingos, and, by Mr. Ray,
Phaenicopterus, larger than a Swan, and its head and
neck as white as fnow. The upper part of the
wings are of a flame colour, and the kvwer black :
The legs longer than thofe of a Hern, and web-
footed like a Goofe : They ftfh in ponds and rivers
in the day-time, and at night retire to the hills :
They are frequently kill’d by the Europeans at the
Cape, their flefli being edeemed very good. Here
Wild Geefe. are alfo abundance of wild Geefe, that are very eafily
taken ; and their flefli fo good, that tame Geefe are
in no edeem at the Cape.
Oftriches. There is no country that abounds more in OAriches
than that near the Cape : This is the larged fowl
we are acquainted with ; the neck is very long, the
bill fhort and pointed, the legs thick and drong ;
the feet cloven, with which they will drike a very
fmart blow ; their feathers are fometimes black and
fometimes white, and of a very great value in Eu-
rope, being exceeding ornamental : The eggs are as
big as a child’s head ; the hen lays her eggs in the
fand ; but they are not hatch’d by the fand alone, as
fome have given out : ’Tis true, that the Odrich
covers up her eggs with the fand on the ftiore, till
(he fits ; but then the cock and hen take it by turns
to fit on the eggs, and very feldom leave them both
at a time : Neither do they leave their young ones
to ftii ft for themfelves when they are hatch’d ; for
their chickens cannot walk till fome time after they
•are out of the {hell : In this feeble date the old ones
feed them, and, when they can run, if any perfon
attacks their young ones with arms, the old ones
have courage enough to retaliate the injury, and
will put a man hard to it to defend himfelf. The
Odrich cannot fly, but, with the afliflance of its
wings, makes fuch fpeed when it is purfued, that a
man mud be well mounted to overtake it. It has
been faid, that an Odrich will diged pieces of iron
or pebble-dones ; and it is true that an Odrich will
fwallow them, but they always come out as they
went in, without any alteration of the fliape or C H A P,
fize. IV.
There are a great variety of Hawks in the Hot-
tentot countries ; but this being a fport the Dutch Kawks ’
don’t feem to delight in, or the natives know any
thing of, they are never tam’d or taught to fly at
game.
Pheafants are common at the Cape ; and the way Pheafmt?.
of taking them, according to Kolben, very par-
ticular : He fays, that when they fee them feeding,
they advance behind a piece of canvas, on which a
Pheafant is painted, and by this dratagem come fo
near the bird, that they can throw a net over it.
They have alfo, in this part of Africa, Turkeys, Other Fowls.
Peacocks, Ducks, Snipes, Larks, Blackbirds, Thrufh-
es, Finches, Canary-birds, Pigeons, wild and tame
Swallows, Sparrows, and almod every fowl and bird
we meet with in Europe ; but, as thefe are all well
known, they need no particular defeription.
Of the reptiles and infedls about the Cape of Reptiles and
Good Hope their ferpents are the larged, of which ln( ’ efts ‘
they have great variety ; particularly the Afp, a Serpents,
ferpent of an afli colour, fpeckled with red and
yellow fpots ; the head and neck broad, and, near
the eyes, a flefliy protuberance of the bignefs of a
Hazel-nut, fome of them feveral yards in length.
The Eye-ferpent, fo call’d from light fpecks that
appear like eyes on his black fkin. This is alfo call’d
fometimes the Dart-ferpent, from its darting or
{hooting himfelf forward with great fwiftnefs. There
is alfo a Tree-ferpent, which has obtained its name
from winding itfelf round the branches of trees,
which it fo refembles in colour, that men are fre-
quently bitten and furpriz’d by it, taking the crea-
ture for part of the tree.
The Difpafs, fo call’d from the violent third it
occafions in thofe that are bitten by it, alfo is found
here ; as is the Cobre Capelle or Hairy-ferpent, ac-
cording to Kolben, which the reader will find
deferib’d in the firfl volume of Modern Hijiory.
From the head of this ferpent, it has been faid,
that the Bramines of India extract, a done, which
will draw out the poifon from a wound, if any per-
fon is bitten by a ferpent ; but others affirm, there
is no fuch done in this ferpent’s head, but what goes
under the name of a Serpent-done, is a compofition ;
however it has certainly very drange effects. Kol-
ben fays, he law it tried upon a child that was bit-
ten by fome poifonous animal, which fwelled up the
arm prodigioufly ; and the done, being applied to
the wound, duck fad, drinking in the poifon till it
could receive no more, and then dropped off ; and,
after the done was purged in milk, it was applied
again, and this was repeated till all the poifon was
drawn out ; after which, the arm foon healed.
But the mod troublefome ferpents here, are the
Houfe-ferpents, fo call’d from their delighting in
houfes ; and, if they can, they will get into bed to
a man, but will not attempt to bite, unlels he hap-
pens
OF CAFFRARIA.
CHAP, pens to hurt them; and, if they do, their bite is
IV. not mortal : This Serpent is an inch and a half
O-'Y'w' thick, and from an ell to a yard and a half in length.
There is alfo a very fmall Serpent, that harbours
and lays its eggs in the thatch of houfes. Thefe are
about a finger’s length, and the thickneis of a Goofe-
quill : The Water-Snake is of the fame thicknefs,
but about fix inches long.
Kolben, fpeaking of their fea and river in-
fers, mentions a Sea-flea, of the fize and fhape of
a Shrimp, which fixes itfelf on fifh, and flings
them intolerably : And of a Sea-loufe, that refem-
bles a Horfe-fly, and will fling and fuck a fifli to
death, if it can’t rub them off". He fpeaks alio of
a great variety of Sea-worms, fome a yard and a
half in length ; but does not acquaint us, whether
they have any of thofe worms, which are fo prejudi-
cial to fhips, which we meet with in the Straits, and
in the Eaft and Weft-Indies.
Among the land infeds, according to Mr. Kol-
ben, there are fome Ants, that have wings, and
fly; but, in nothing elfe, differ from the common
creeping Ant. Their Bees are exactly like thofe in
Europe ; but the Dutch feldom hive them, having
plenty of honey, on very ealy terms, from the Hot-
tentots, who take it in the woods, or on the tops of
rocks, which is faid to have a better flavour than that
in hives : However, as the Hottentots put it into a
, half-dry ’d fkin, with the hair inwards ; when the
Dutch bring it to the Cape, the Dutchmen muft
have pretty good ftomachs to eat it.
They fwarm alfo with Flies in this part of Africa ;
many of which fling intolerably : And here are
green Flies, which have exactly the fame effect as
Spanifh Flies, and are ufed by their phyficians in
railing blifters.
The Gnats are exceeding troublefome at the Cape,
and the Fleas are no lefs fo, efpecially to the Hotten-
tots, whofe naftinels makes them multiply to that
degree, that they art forced to remove their camp,
and go to a new ground, to avoid them : It is, in
a manner, part of the Dutch litany, it feems, “From
“ Flies, Fleas and the winds, good Lord deliver
“ us.” But, as Kolben obferves, when the
winds begin to rife, it redeems them from the plague
of Flies, as well as the head-ach, and many other
diftempers they are afflicted with in calm weather.
The Grafs-hoppers at the Cape, it feems, do a
-great deal of damage to their corn-fields, orchards
and gardens ; and, to get rid of them, the Dutch
fprinkle the grounds, where they come, with wa-
ter in which tobacco has been fteep’d ; and this,
Kolben allures us, will oblige them to quit the
place.
As to Lice, the lame writer relates, that, tho’
” the Hottentots fwarm with them, they will not live
with a European here, any more than in the Eaft-
Indies, or in any hot latitude ; and, as for Head-lice,
he obferves, the Hottentots fo load their hair with
41
greafe and Cow-dung, that they have none of that CHAP"
fpecies : But I have obferved in the Eaft-Indies, that IV.
the heads of the natives there were very loufy, tho’
neither they nor the Europeans had any on their
bodies ; and, according to Don Quixot’s obferva-
tion to his man San c ho, no body loufy ever pafs’d
the line alive : Tho’ our Sailors fwarm with them
in cold voyages to the Baltick and the North, they
never are troubled with thefe vermin in hot cli-
mates. Bugs, however, are a great torment to the
Dutch at the Cape : The beft remedy they have yet
met with againft them, is the painting their wain-
fcots and bed-pofts with oil colours, in which mer-
cury is mixed ; but this will not always do.
There are abundance of Scorpions at the Cape :
They are between two and three inches long, of
the thicknefs of a fmall finger, green and yellow,
and carry their tails with a fling, open to view, up-
on their backs. This creature creeps very flowly,
and may poflibly have no inclination to mifchief,
never attempting to fling any one, unlels it is in
danger of being crufti’d ; but, if it does fling a man,
the pain is equal to that he would receive from a hot
iron clapt to the part for twelve hours, and makes
him run out of his houfe like a mad Dog ; but, a-
bout twelve hours after, the pain begins to abate,
efpecially if fome oil of Scorpion be applied to the
wound. This I fpeak of the houfe Scorpion, that
is found among dirt and rubbifh ; for the fling of
the black Scorpion, that is found in woods, is faid
to be mortal.
There is alfo a little black Spider, of the bignefs
of a pea, at the Cape, whofe bite is mortal. Kol-
ben relates, that he knew a Negroe-flave killed by
one of thefe infeds ; and that a European boy was
put to a great deal of pain, and in danger of his life,
by the bite of one of them ; but was cured by the
applying the Snake-ftone to the wound, which fuck-
ed out all the poifon.
Wafps are another plague in this country ; but a
brifk gale of wind, which they feldom want, drives
thefe away, as well as the Flies. The Centapedes, or
Hundred-legs, is another troublefome infed, his bite
being as prejudicial as the fling of a Scorpion : It is
about a finger’s length, hairy, and a little thicker
than a Goofe-quill. The Snake-ftone is a remedy
againft this poifon alfo ; and fome fay, a roafted onion
will draw out the poifon.
Weevils or Whules, as the country farmers cal!
them, abound here, and deftroy abundance ol corn
in the granaries ; infomuch that they are forced to
let them remain empty fometimes for feveral years.
Thefe infeds alfo are found on fhip-board, and foon
fpoil the bifcuit when they get into it.
As to that part of Caffraria, which lies on the The Terra
eaftern fide of Africa, and between the Hottentots ^^0.°
nations on the fouth, and the Portuguefe fettlements
of Zanguebar on the north, and ufually call’d the
Terra de Natal : The natives of this country are
G blacker
42
THE PRESENT STATE
Monomoto-
pa and Mo-
nomuegi.
C H A P. blacker than the Hottentots, and have been taught
IV. to cloath themfelves more decently. They have al-
fo fome buildings that may deferve the name of hou-
fes, and traffick with the Portuguefe, and other Eu-
ropean nations that touch on this coaft, bringing
gold and Elephants teeth from the inland countries,
and bartering it for cloathing, ftrong liquors, uten-
The Caffries fils and toys. As to the Caffries upon the weftern
ern coa: ^’ which lie between the Hottentots on the fouth,
and the Portuguefe colonies in Congo on the north ;
including the country of Mataman or Matapan, and
extending to the 1 6th degree of fouth-latitude : This
is all a defart uninhabited coaft, where no European
nation has yet found it worth their while to fettle
colonies, or even factories, producing no article fit
for commerce, or even neceftary provifions ; and
confequently we can know no more of this coaft,
than its defedts already mention’d. And, as for the in-
land countries of Monomotopa and Monomuegi, &c.
which lie between the eaftern and weftern coaft,
and have the Hottentots on the fouth, and the
upper Ethiopia on the north ; all that we know of
them is, that the natives are Pagan Negroes, and
fometimes bring their gold and Elephants teeth to
thofe countries that border upon the fea ; and that
the natives of the fouth-eaft coaft of Africa purchafe
thefe goods of inland people, and barter them again
with the Europeans for cloathing, arms, utenfils,
toys, &c. I proceed therefore to the defcription ot
Congo, the greateft part whereof is at this day fub-
jecl to the Portuguefe.
C H A P. V.
The prefent flo.tc of CONGO:
Containing the prefent fate of the kingdoms of Con-
go, for the mof part fibjedt to the Portuguefe ;
under which are included the countries of Angola,
Congo Proper, and Loango.
O N G O is fituated on the weft-coaft of Afri-
between four degrees and half north, and
ca.
C H A P.
V. _
fixteen degrees fouth latitude ; taking up near twen-
Situationand ty degrees of latitude, and confequently is above
extent. twelve hundred miles in length, from north to fouth ;
but is not of a proportionable breadth, fcarce extend-
ing two hundred miles from the fea into the land, in
any part : It is bounded by the kingdom of Benin
and Nigritia, on the north ; by the inland unknown
countries of Africa, on the eaft ; by Matapan in
Caffraria, on the fouth ; and by the Atlantick ocean,
on the weft.
Angola the The kingdom of Angola, the firft divifion of it,
fauthern part commences atCapeNegro, latitude 1 6 degrees fouth,
and extends northward to 8 degrees fouth latitude,
including feveral final! kingdoms, which our mari-
ners have given various names to, fcarce ever agree-
ing in the fame name for any one country ; and
therefore I thought proper to include them all under CHAP,
the general name of Angola. V.
The chief town of Angola, and indeed of all the
Portuguefe fettlements, on this iicle of Africa, is Paul
St. Paul de Loanda, fituated upon a fmall iiland near <j e Loan’da.
the continent, in i 2 degrees of fouth latitude, a lit-
tle to the northward of the great river Coanza.
This is the feat of the Portuguefe Viceroy : How-
ever, they do not feem to be fo much mailers of the
coaft of Angola, as of the reft of Congo ; for both
the Englifh and Dutch trade thither, and the Eng-
lifir tranfport abundance of flaves from Angola to
America every year.
Congo Proper is fituated to the northward of An- Congo Pro-
gola : The chief town St. Salvador, fituated in the per, (J t d 1 l e - ( [ e ’
latitude of 6 degrees, upon the great river Congo, chief town'
or Zara, about 150 miles from the fea, faid to be St. Salvador.
1 7 miles in compals, and, according to fome, a
great deal more ; but then fields and gardens are in-
cluded, I find, and the houfes are not contiguous.
The Negroe King has a magnificent palace in the
middle of the town, if we may credit the Portu-
guefe, whofe tributary this Prince is ; and the diftridt
belonging to the palace, is fo large, they inform
us, that there are three Chriftian churches in it, be-
fides a cathedral and twelve churches more in the
outward city. The cathedral is built of brick, with-
out ornament on the out-fide, but exceeding rich
within, the Portuguefe relate. There are alfo feve-
ral religious houfes and convents in the place ; and
the number of fouls, Portuguefe and Negroes, in
St. Salvador, ’tis faid, amount to 100000. Both
the cities laft-mentioned are Epifcopal Sees.
In the fubdivifion of Loango, the chief towns Loango, the
are Loango, on the fea-coaft, in 2 degrees fouth la- thl ^ d
titude, and Cape Lopas, half a degree to the fouth- therly
ward of the Equator : Here the Negroe King lives on of Congo,
in the caftle with the Portuguefe Governor, and is
treated as their good ally ; but the Portuguefe are in
reality mafters of this town "and kingdom, as well
as of the reft of Congo, except part of Angola.
Their principal towns and fettlements on the Other towns
of Congo.
and fettle-
ments of the
coaft of Congo, befides thofe already nam’d, are
Great Cafcais, that Hands at the mouth of a navi'- Portuguefe
gable river, which I find no name to : Goango, ft- in Congo,
tuated at the mouth of the great river Zara or Con-
go \ and further fouthward on the coaft, Cape Pul-
merino, Cape Lehdo, Libolo, Benguelas, or Fort
St. Philip (near which the Dutch have a fadfory)
Tortuga, and Andra de Negros. As to the towns Negroe
belonging to the Negroes, moft of them confift of towns,
a few huts, built with clay and reeds, in an irregular
manner ; and as every tribe or clan has its particu-
lar King or Soveraign, his palace is ufually diftin-
guifhed by a fpreading tree before his door, under
which he fits and converfes, or adminifters juftice to
his fubjedfs. But I perceive moft of their towns,
are in or near a grove of trees ; for our Sailors al~
ways conclude, there is a Negroe town, wherever
they
OF G U
Chap, they obferve a tuft of trees upon the coaft : And, as
V. thefe confift of Palms, Cocoa-nut-trees, Oranges,
Lemons, and other fruit-trees, that retain their
leaves and verdure all the year ; fuch dwelling-hou-
fes, how mean foever the materials of their houfes
are, cannot be unpleafant. The Negroe towns, in
fruitful countries, (land very thick, and are exceed-
ing populous, the whole country appearing aim oft
one continued village. As to their peifons, they are
as black as any of the Negroes, but much more civi-
liz’d. The Portuguefe fathers have not only con-
verted molt of the people upon this extenfive coaft
to chriftianity, but taught them to cloath themfelves
like Chriftians, and they now take oft great quanti-
ties of European manufactures.
There are a multitude of Kings or petty Sovereigns
in this country, moft of them in Come kind of fub-
jeiStion to the Portuguefe, who permit them, how-
ever, to govern their own people, according to their
ancient cuftoms. Notwithftanding this country is
fituated under, and on both fides the equator, ’tis not
fo exceflive hot as in fome higher latitudes ; for which
feveral reafons are affigned ; as, i . Becauie their day
is never above twelve hours long: 2. Their rainy
feafon continues four months; viz. from June to
September incluftve, when their rivers, like the
Nile, overflow the level country ; and this renders
Congo no lefs fruitful than Egypt. The Portuguefe
have taught the natives alfo to make the beft of their
lands, and introduced European corn, fruits, and
plants ; and, as the country is very populous, there
is now fcarce a fpot of ground uncultivated.
The Povtu- The Portuguefe have the foie foreign trade in this
guefe ma- coun try, except in fome part of Angola, whither the
country ^ ' Englifh and Dutch refort for Haves. They bring
from thence chiefly (laves. Elephants teeth, wax and
peltry, conftftingof the (kins of Buffaloes and other
beafts, for which they give the natives in return all
manner of cloathing, made of cotton, linnen, or
flight fluffs, tools, utenftls, tobacco, brandy, and
other fpirituous liquors ; and’tisfaid, the Portuguefe
frequently purchafe (laves and teeth here, with the
t gold they bring from Brazil (for there is no gold
found in Congo ;) and that, from this coaft and fome
other fettlements they have in Africa, they do not
fend lefs than 100000 (laves to Brazil.
Negroes pur- The Englifh and Dutch at Angola alfo barter
Knnen, calicoes, flight fluffs, beads, toys, tobacco
' g “ and brandy, for Haves, which are tranfported from
thence to America. Negroes, ’tis Lid, are^ pur-
chas’d cheaper at Angola than in Guinea. Young
Blacks at full growth and in their prime, under three
pounds a head, and boys and women in proportion ;
and thefe poor creatures are pack’d as clofe as Her-
L rings, 7 or 800 of them in a (hip, where they are
1 forced to lie double, almoft the whole voyage, and
kept with no better food than horfe-beans ; tho
their profit, one would think, fhould induce the
1 Merchants to ufe them well ; for a Have, that is pur-
I N E A. 43
chafed for three or four pounds at Angola, is worth CHAP,
twenty or five and twenty in America. V,
Moft of the cattle that are found in Caffraria,
may be feen in Congo, fuch as Cows, Oxen, Buffa- Congo,
loes, Sheep, Goats, Hogs, Deer, Elephants, Lions,
and Tigers. The country alfo produces rice in great
plenty ; and here grows the Palm and Cocoa-nut-
tree, which are not to be met with in Caffraria ;
and, among the many exotick plants the Portuguefe
have brought hither, is the Cinnamon-tree, of which
they have a flourifhing long walk, in a fmall ifland
near the coaft ; but dare not propagate them any
further, left the Dutch fhould come and take their
country from them, as has been obferv’d already.
And now, travelling weftward, according to my
ufual method, I proceed to give a defcription of the
celebrated coaft of Guinea, the gold whereof at- 1
trails fo many European nations thither.
C FI A P. VI.
The prefent fate of G U IN E A :
Comprehending the countries of Benin and the Slave
Coaft, the Gold Coaft, the Ivory Coaft, and the
Grain Coaft.
G UINEA, in its largeft extent, comprehend- CHAP.
ing, 1. Benin and the Slave Coaft ; 2. The VL
Gold Coaft; 3. The Ivory Coaft; and, 4. The
Grain Coaft ; lies between 4 degrees and a half and Its fituation,
1 o degrees and a half north-latitude ; and between the ^divifionl
great river Camarone, on the eaft, and the mouth of
the river Sierra de Leon, on the weft, taking up 30 deg.
of longitude, viz. from 1 5 eaft, to 1 5 weft, of Lon-
don ; which, at 60 miles to a degree, makes it 1 800
miles long. This country is bounded by Nigritia, or
Negroland, on tire north ; by the undifeover’d inland
countries of Africa, on the eaft ; by Congo, and
the Atlantick ocean, on the fouth ; and by the fame
ocean on the weft.
This country, according to fome, obtained the
name of Guinea, becaufe it is hot and dry, the word
fignifying as much in the language of the natives;
but thofe, who derive it from hence, furely never
confider’d, that no country is better water’d, either
with rain from heaven, or with more numerous rivers.
I am therefore inclined to think, that it took its name
from a town call’d Guinhy, which the Portuguefe
touched at when they firft vifited this coaft.
The firft fubdivifion of this country Benin, in Benin and
which I include the Slave Coaft, is bounced by Ni- Coaft t j, e
gritia, or Negroland, on the north ; by the un- firft fubdivi-
known inland parts of Africa, on the eaft ; by Con- fion ’
go, and that part of the Atlantick ocean, call’d the
gulph or bite of Guinea, on the fouth ; and by the
Gold Coaft, on the weft ; lying along the fea-coaft,
from the river Camarone, on the eaft, to die Danifti
fort of Chriftianburgh, near the river Volta, on the
weft • The principal rivers in this divifton, befides
G 2 the
OF GUINEA.
45
Air and iea
tons on the
Guinea Coaft
j A gteatfurf
upon the
Coaft.
Windsi
Rivers,
3ajd air upon
he coaft.
Sherbro fort, to the eaftward of it. I proceed now
to give a more particular account of the coaft of
Guinea.
Travellers ufually make "but two feafons in this
country ; namely, winter and fummer : From April
’ to September inclufive, is their winter, or rainy fea-
fon ; and from October to March inclufive, is their
fummer, and their hotteft, as well as faireft wea-
ther ; tho’ then the Sun is fartheft from them on the
fouth-fide of the equator ; whereas, the coaft of
Guinea lies 5 degrees north. But their wet fealbn
does not always begin juft at the fame time ; nor is
it the fame at all places on this coaft. At fome
times, and in fome places, it begins a month or two
fooner than in others, and is fometimes of a longer,
and at others of a fhorter duration ; however, be-
tween the vernal and the autumnal equinox, they
generally have exceffive rains, attended with violent
ftorms of wind, as well as thunder and lightning ;
and as the winds at this time blow from the fouth-
ward, and there is not one harbour upon the coaft, if
any {hipping happens to be there in thefe ftorms,
they are infallibly run on fhore, unleft they can ftand
out to fea, or get into the mouth of the river of Si-
erra de Leon, when they find them coming on :
And, it feems, there always fits fuch a furf or fwel-
ling-fea on this coaft, that it is very difficult going
on fhore at any time, even during the fair feafon,
efpecially at Whidah.
The mold violent ftorms, or travadoes, are in
July and Auguft, and come from the fouthward :
It is obferv’d alfo, that, during the hot feafon, the
winds are periodical on this coaft, blowing from mid-
night till one or two in the afternoon, from the land ;
and then, drifting to the fouthward, blow from the
fea : And that the fea rages to that degree on this
fhore fome months in the. year, that it looks like
fire, which makes the Sailors ftyle it, The Burn-
ings, at which times it is almoft impoffible to go on
fhore.
The rivers in this country, falling from hie;h
mountains not very far from the coaft, form fo ma-
ny rapid torrents, and in the wet fealbn overflow
the valleys, from whence afcend thick {linking fogs,
that make the country very unhealthful to foreign-
ers ; but what I take to be ftill more pernicious is,
that the European factories always lie near the fea,
and the mouths of the rivers, and, from the Ouze
and falt-marfhes underneath them, ftill more un-
healthful vapours arife : And, ’tis faid, the fifli,
which the Negroes lay upon the fhore till they pu-
trify, do not a little contribute to corrupt the air.
But from what caufe foever it proceeds, few Euro-
peans vifit thefe ftrores, but have a dangerous fit of
hcknefs foon after their arrival, and many of them
are carried off by it.
Their rivers, running but a fliort courfe from north
to fouth, and being made chiefly by the rains, are
not any of them navigable for {hips, from the river
of Sierra de Leon, in the weft, to the river of Be- CHAP,
nin or Formofa, in the eaft; but abound however VI.
with variety of very good fifti, as well as their feas.
It may be obferv’d farther, that, during the rainy
feafon, tho’ the fun be then diredfly over their heads,
the weather is moderately cool, efpecially in the e-
vening. Some relate, that in September, about the
end of the rains, it is really cold ; and tho’ the mid-
dle of the day is exceffive hot in fummer, viz. from
October to March, yet even then the evenings are
cool ; and they have this further relief, that there are
no long days : It muft be nine in the morning before
the intenfe heat begins, and at three or four in the
afternoon it is pretty much abated, the fun not beina
then above two or three hours high.
As to the face of the country, it is agreeably di- Tlie ,ace of
verbified with mountains and valleys, woods and the countIT ’
open fields : The hills adorn’d with trees of an ex-
traordinary height, and the valleys between them
rich, large and extenfive, proper for the cultivation
of all manner of corn and fruits, with villages every-
where agreeably interfpers’d, the country being ex-
ceeding populous : But the moft pleafant and fruit-
ful part of the country, is that about Fida or Whi-
dah, which, from the description of fome travellers,
one would imagine a perfect paradife, if it was not
for the unhealthfulnefs of the place, with regard to
European conftitutions.
It muft be fuppofed, however, in fo extenfive a
coaft, as from the river of Sierra de Leon, to the
river Camarone, there is a great deal of barren de-
fart ground : We find much of this upon the Gold
Coaft ; and other parts of it are fo overflow’d in the
rainy feafon, that the foil will produce fcarce any
thing but rice ; all other corn and. plants almoft are
deftroyed by the annual floods : But then Whidah
and other places make amends for this, by their a-
bundant fertility.
The perfons of the Negroes are fo well known a-
mong us, that it is almoft unneceftarv to deferibe
them : They are generally of a good ftature, well The perfori* -
proportion’d, robuft, able-bodied men ; their com- oftheNe ~
plexion a Alining jet black ; their nofes flat ; their e '° U '
lips thick ; they have large rolling eyes, of which
great part of the white appears, and exceeding even
white fets of teeth ; their hair black, fhort and
curl’d, appearing more like black wool than hair.
The habit of a Negroeisa Paan, or cloth, about Their habits.-
his waift, about 2 foot broad ; and thofe of the better
fort have another cloth of a good length wrapped a-
bout them, and thrown over their fhoulders ; but
yet fo as their arms, legs, and a good part of their
bodies appear naked both of the men and women.
Their ornaments confift of a multitude of rings or Ornaments,
bracelets, of gold, ivory or copper, according to
their circumftances, worn on their arms and legs.,
with necklaces and girdles of coral, one upon ano-
ther ; but the plaiting and adorning their hair takes
up the greateft part of their time, efpecially of the
womens;
4 ^
C H A P.
VI.
Salutations.
Genius and
temper .
Debauch'd
by the Chri-
ftians.
T H E PRESENT S T ATE
women’s : The hair of fome of the Negroes is lon-
ger than that of others ; and they have a way of
pulling it out of the natural curl, and making it
{trait, by hanging weights to it ; after which, they
form it into various fafhions, dreffing it up with lit-
tle thin plates of gold, copper, tinfel, beads, coral and
{hells, that make a glittering {hew : Some of the
women throw a veil over all, to keep off the fcorcb-
ing fun, and fome of the men have caps ; their fifher-
men particularly have them made of (kins or rufhes,
and are very happy if they can get a European hat :
But many of the Negroes go perfectly bare-headed;
and their fcalps, ’tis faid, are fo harden’d by it, that
they are not fenfible of the fun’s intenfe heat.
Their falutations in the inland country are per-
formed by ftretcbing out their hands, bending the
knee, or embracing each other ; and, where a fub-
jeft or inferior perfon addreffes himfelf to his Prince
or fuperior Lord, he proftrates himfelf on his face
before him, till he is bid to rife : As for the people of
the coaft, who have furnifhed themfelves with caps
and hats, they have learnt of the Europeans to falute
their friends by pulling them off. Our Factors ob-
ferve, this people don’t want fenfe, but employ it to
the vileft purpofes ; namely, in defrauding all the
Europeans they deal with, as well as one another.
But our people are fo ingenuous to confeft, that the
Chriftians have\ in a great meafure, contributed to
make them thofe exquifite cheats. The Europeans
firft taught them to adulterate their gold, and mix
copper and other paltry ingredients with it ; and
therefore have no great reafbn to complain of them
on this fcore : They have been made much worfe by
their traffick with us, both in this refpedf, and ma-
ny others. Our Merchants have lent over large
quantities of brandy and fpirits ; and our Fadlors
and Sailors frequently {hew them, that Chriftians get
drunk with them, and commit as many extravagan-
cies, as thofe who never heard of chriftianity : And
tho’ our people reflect upon their women for their
lewdnefs, they fee the Europeans, who viftt their
coafts, as lewd as they can be : They cannot but
obferve, that the profeffors of that religion which
requires the ftridteft juftice, chaftity, and temperance,
are as abandon’d libertines as the Pagans themfelves,
and by that means are confirmed in the vicious ha-
bits we cenfure them for. All the difference is, that
Chriftians do this in defiance of the principles of their
religion ; and the Negroes, in conformity with
theirs, at leaft as to wine and women ; from which
their fuperftitions do not reftrain them, but rather
encourage them in the p raft ice of thofe vices : And
this is, and ever will be, the great obftrueftion to the
propagation of chriftianity in Pagan countries, That
the profeflion and practice of our people are fo widely
different, that the heathen nations can never think
our miftionaries in earneft, when they preach up
virtue, and endeavour to make profelytes of them.
It is obferv’d alfo, that the Negroes in the inland
countries are not near fo vicious and corrupt in their CHAP,
morals, as thofe that converfe with us upon the VI.
There is ftill a more abandon’d race here than the Melatto’s.
Negroes, according to the accounts our Fadtors and
Seamen give of them ; Thefe are the Melatto’s, or
mix’d breed, proceeding from Negroes and Europe-
ans. The Portuguefe, when they firft difeover’d the
fouth-weft coaft of Africa, propagated both their re-
ligion and their fpecies in many parts of it. Thefe
are of a tawny complexion, profefs themfelves Chri-
ftians, but retain many of the fuperftitions of the
Pagan Negroes. They drefs, ’tis faid, like the Por-
tuguefe, but exceed both Negroes and Portuguefe in
their vices. The men are drunken, lewd, thievifh
and treacherous to the laft degree ; and the women
proftitutes to both Negroes and Europeans ; to the
firft, privately, and to the laft, publickly, without
any manner of fhame or reftraint. This vice they
fee countenanced by the practice both of Negroes and
Chriftians. and therefore make no fcruple of indul-
ging themfelves in it, whenever pleafure or profit
tempts them to it. Such are the Chriftians we find
upon the eaftern and weftern coaft of Africa, whole
anceftors were profelyted by the Portuguefe Miffio-
naries : Not that I would aferibe their vicious ha-
bits to the dodlrines the Miftionaries taught ; that
might be agreeable to the Chriftian purity ; but I am
afraid our Factors and Sea-faring men, both Papifts
and Proteftants, have for the moft part been fuch
lewd, drunken, vicious wretches, that thefe unhappy
Melatto’s have either thought thofe crimes none at
all, or venial at leaft : To the diffolute lives there-
fore of the European Chriftians chiefly is to be aferi-
bed the vices of the Melatto’s we cenfure fo feverely.
But, to conclude the character both of Negroes and
Melatto’s, it is agreed, they are both of them very
deficient in point of courage, and both of them ex-
tremely lazy and indolent ; and fome have charg’d
them with the moft barbarous cruelty.
They are obferv’d alfo to be very covetous, and
yet fuch matters of their temper, or fo eafy in all
conditions of life, that no fudden changes or altera-
tions in their fortunes can difturb them. If they lofe
a battle, ’tis faid, they fing and dance, as if they had
gain’d one ; and if a man is deprived of all his ef-
fects and treafure at one ftroke, he appears contented;
it is not to be perceived by his countenance : Which
{hews a great deal of philofophy, or an unufual de-
gree of ftupidity. But I am apt to think, the one
is frequently taken for the other in every nation ;
and therefore, whether this calm, undifturbed man-
ner of theirs in every change of fortune is to be ad-
mir’d or condemn’d, is not eafy to determine : But ,
thus much we may venture to aftert, that the man
that is leaft mov’d at fuch {hocks, is happieft in him-
felf, and leaft troublefome to his friends ; and that
men of the fineft fenfe are generally fooneft mov’d,
and more fubjedt to pafllon than thofe of a heavier
make :
O F G U I N E A. 47
CHAP, make : The firft are apt to have too quick a fenfe of
VI. the confequence of misfortunes, and to aggravate
and multiply them, before reafon comes to their re-
lief : But then, fuch a man, perhaps, will obviate a
difficulty, and behave himfelf better under a calami-
ty, when he has duely confider’d it, than the dull
unthinking mortal.
Their qua- Having given a defcription of the people, I pro-
drupedes. ceec ] to en q U ire into the animals that are found here,
and firft their quaarupedes : Of which the firft in
magnitude is the Elephant. There are found fuch
numbers of thefe monftrous creatures, in that part
of this country call’d the Tooth-Coaft, that there is
more Ivory brought from thence than from any other
part of the world : But we are not to underftand,
that there are no Elephants in the reft of the country,
comprehended under the name of Guinea ; for there
are Elephants in Benin, on the Slave-Coaft, in Proper
Guinea, and the Malaguette or Pepper-Coaft, tho’
not in fo great numbers as are met with on the
Tooth-Coaft. Thofe creatures have been already
delcrib’d, in treating of the Eaft-Indies, Ceylon,
and the country of the Hottentots ; and therefore I
need lay little of them here. Bosman tells us,
that they fometimes come down to the European
forts and factories, in the day-time : That they are
not afraid of fire, or even of guns ; and that their
hides cannot be penetrated by a mufket-bullet : That
one of them that came down to their fort Elmina,
received above 300 fhot before he fell: That mod
of the bullets fir’d at him, were flatted by his im-
penetrable hide, and dropp’d off, as if they had been
fhot againfta wall : However, fome of them hitting
him on the head, he was brought down at laft, and
the Negroes feafted on his carcafe.
They have Bulls and Cows, but no Oxen in this
country, the Negroes applying themfelves very little
to grazing. The flefh of thefe animals is dry and
hard in moft places, and their Sheep, which are
cloathed with hair inftead of wool, make very in-
different food, and yet both the one and the other are
very dear : Their Cows alfo give wretched milk, and
very little of it. They have Goats, Hogs and Deer,
which are much better food than the former. The
Horfes are exceeding fmall, and ufed fometimes for
the faddle, as well as Affes ; but they neither ufe
them or any other cattle for the draught of carria-
ges, or to lay burdens on ; all their goods are carried
on porters backs, if it be 1 00 miles, unlefs they
have the conveniency of water-carriage, which they
have but very little of, their rivers falling from fteep
rocks and mountains, and confequently can be na-
vigated but a very little way.
Here are alfo found Lions, Tigers, Leopards, wild
’ Hogs, Jackalls, wild Dogs, Foxes, and Crocodiles; but
I meet with no travellers that mention Camels in
this part of Africa, tho’ they are fo numerous to the
northward of the river Niger ; the reafon whereof
may be, that neither hilly nor dirty countries (as the
valleys of Guinea are) are proper for’ thefe animals ; CHAP,
whereas they are extremely ufeful in carrying bur- V I.
dens over fandy plains and defarts, and there we meet
with great numbers of them, both in the north ot
Africa and in Afia.
There are feveral forts of wild Cats in Guinea,
and among the reft a Civet-Cat. They have alfo a
Moufe that yields a kind of mufk, but no animals
are more numerous here than Monkeys, of which
one fpecies, Bosman affures us, are not much lets
than Men. He himfelf faw one, he fays, 5 foot
high ; and thefe are fo bold and impudent, that they
will fometimes attack men : But they have another
fort of Monkeys, coal-black, with white beards,
not above 2 foot high, and very pretty ; they are
all very thievifh here, as well as in other places,
plundering gardens and corn-fields, but pretty nice
in their diet, chufing the beft of every kind of grain
and fruit. The Camelion alfo is found in this part
of Africa ; of which animal it is reported, and not
without grounds, that he frequently changes colour.
I have flood and look’d on him a great while, under
a garden-hedge, and, I muft own, he feem’d to me
to vary his colour frequently : It is obferv’d, that
the colour he ufually puts on when he is furpriz’d, is
a fine green, lpotted brown, or yellow ; for, his or-
dinary colour is grey, and the Akin almoft tranfpa-
rent : But Bosman obferves, that they never change
to a red, nor to fome other colours ; though fome
have affirmed they always appear to be of the colour
of the thing that is next them. It is a very fmall
animal, lefsthan a Rat, but bigger confiderably than
a Moufe, and will live feveral months (fome fay
years) without food ; tho’ others are ot opinion
it catches Flies, as fome other creatures do, by put-
ting out its tongue, which is almoft as long as the
body : But the Flies muft light on the Camelion’s
tongue, if he does catch them ; for he is fo exceed-
ing flow that he can overtake nothing by running af-
ter it.
There are, befides thefe, innumerable quadru- Reptiles*-,
pedes in this part of Africa ; for which our travel-
lers wanting names, and having given but odd de-
fcriptions of them, I proceed to their reptiles ; and
firft their Serpents, which are of various kinds, fome
of them of a monftrous fize : And tho’ it be very
certain that venomous reptiles do grow to a great
bignefs, in all countries that are hot and moift, I
muft beg Mr. Bos man’s pardon, if 1 do not be-
lieve there are Serpents that have fwallowed Deer and
Men : For it: is not only incredible, that their bo-
dies fhould grow to fuch a fize as to enclofe the body
of a man ; but the throat of this animal is fo re-
markably narrow, that tho’ a Serpent be of very
large dimenfions, yet it is with a great deal of diffi-
culty that he gets down a fmall Chicken, or even a
Rat: And this Bosman himfelf obferves, though
he tells the ftory of a Serpent’s fwallowing men and
beafts adding, that when he was there, Serpents
43 T H E PRE S
C H A P. of 2 2 foot Song were taken, and, he believed, in
VI. the inland country there might be much bigger ;
'^ V' w however, he admits that the moft venomous Ser-
pents are not a yard Song ; and obferves, that they
are spotted black, white, and yellow : Nor are Ser-
pents only found in the fields and woods here, but
get into their very houfes and bed-chambers ; which
is not much to be wonder’d at, fince one fpecies of
them is worfhipped by the Negroes, cheriftied, and
us’d with more tendernefs than they ftiew to their
own children ; and if any one ftiould ftrike or
wound one of thefe Serpents, the whole country would
rife upon him, and pull him to pieces. The crime
is look’d upon to be unpardonable ; but I fhall have
occafion to treat of this fort more particularly under
the head of religion, and only obferve here, that
the bite of one of thefe Serpents is not mortal.
There are alfo Scorpions in. this country, which
have been deferib’d in treating of the Hottentots :
..But the Toads, mentioned by Bosm an, are as ex-
traordinary in their dimenfions as his Serpents. He
relates, that he has feen them as broad as a plate we
eat on, and that he took them for land-Tortoifes,
when he firft faw them. I remember another wri-
ter, who fays, that their Toads at Bombay in the
Eaft-Indies are as big as Ducks ; but I muft confefs
I never faw any fuch, and am apt to believe, that
author ftretch’d a little ; but my friend Bosm an,
who compares them to Tortoifes, has certainly over-
done it.
Centapedes, or Hundred-legs, are alfo very nume-
rous here, and creep into houfes and bed-chambers.
It is a little, long, flat infect, with abundance of
feet, from whence it obtain’d its name, and its bite
is very painful and venemous, but not mortal. They
have a fpecies of Ants in Guinea that do incredible
mifehief : 7 hey will not only get into beds, and
force a man to get up ; but, if we may believe
Bosm an, there are fuch numerous hofls of them,
that they will feize upon a Sheep or Fowl, and de-
vour it alive : That they will eat their way through
a thick wooden chert, in a night’s time 3 and the
Factors find it very difficult to fecure their goods
from them, and Gnats, and Flies, which are the
plague ot this and other hot countries.
owi% They have plenty of tame fowl, hut wretched
lean, dry fluff: Here are alfo feme Turkeys and
Ducks, firft brought hither by the Portuguefe ; but
plenty of Pheafants, Partridges, wild Ducks, Snipes,
and other wild fowl, natives of the country : They
have alfo a very beautiful bird, of the ftiape of a
Parrot 3 the upper part whereof is red, grey, fky-
colour, and deep blue ; the bread and lower part
green, as are the head, neck, and tail 3 but only
admir’d for its beauty. Here are alfo Eagles, Herons,
Parrots, Parakeets, Hawks, and other birds of prey,
and a vaft variety of feather’d kind, never feen in
Europe 3 which, with other uncommon animals,
would take up a volume alone to deferibe.
ENT STATE
I proceed therefore, in the next place, to their CHAP,
fifti, which are exceeding good and plentiful, both VI.
in their Teas and rivers : The fea particularly affords
a fifh very like our Cod, with Plaice, Flounders,
and other flat fifti. They have alfo Mackerel, Soles,
and Dabs ; Lobfters, Crabs, Shrimps and Prawns :
In their rivers are fine Jacks, a fifh like a Trout,
Mullets, and abundance more, that are very deli-
cious eating. Thefe are the principal fupport of the
Europeans, as well as of the natives, on the coaft ;
for flefh is neither fo cheap, fo good, or fo whole-
fome, as their fifti : In their feas alfo are the Gram-
pus, or final! Whale, the Sword-fifti and the Dog-
fifh, which are of no other ufe but to make oil of.
From the animals in Guinea, I proceed to give Corn and
fome account of their vegetables : They have, in plants,
fome places, Rice, Millet, Maize or Indian Corn,
in great abundance ; tho’ there are other parts of
the country fo fubjetft to floods, that the foil bears
little, except Rice : They have alfo Yams and Po-
tatoes, which ferve the natives often inftead of
bread : And Sugar-canes grow to great perfection,
but not much cultivated by the natives ; and the Eu-
ropeans, having no more land than what lies about
their forts and factories, don’t think it worth their
while to plant them.
The palm-tree is of infinite ufe to the natives, as
they draw wine from the tree, and prefs oil from
its nuts : Thefe abound more in Guinea, than in
any other country. Here alfo is the Cocoa-nut-tree 3
but they do not put it to the many ufes they do in
the Eaft-Indies, contenting themfelves with drink-
ing the milk of the Cocoa when it is young, or eat-
ing the nuts when they are ripe : Of thefe I have
given a particular defeription in the firft volume of
Modern Hiftory , that treats of India, to which I
refer the reader 3 it being the moft generally ufefu!
of any plant that grows.
But to be a little more particular as to the Palm- The Palm-
tree : The body of it, at full growth, is about as treedeferih'd.
thick as a man’s body, and fix foot in height 3 but,
from the trunk, its branches fhoot upwards 20 foot,
and more : The leaves are an ell long, and about
2 inches broad, and terminate in a ftiarp point, much
like the fedge that grows by the Tides of the ponds ;
and thefe branches the natives frequently cover their
huts with. There are a great variety of Palm-trees,
fome of which are not of half the thicknefs of this,
and the liquor, drawn from them, differs in fla-
vour and ftrength.
V/ hen they find a tree old enough to yield a quan-
tity. of wine, they cut off all its branches 3 and,
having let it ftand a few days thus ftripp’d of its or-
naments, they bore a hole in the thickeft part of
the trunk, in which having placed a hollow reed or
pipe, the wine ouzes through it into a pot fet to
receive the liquor, but fo flowly, that they don’t
get above two quarts in 24 hours; but this it will
do for 20 or 3.0 days fucceffively, according to the
goodnels
O F G U
CHAP, goodnefs of the plant ; and, when it has almoft done
VI. dropping, they make a fire at the bottom of it, which
forces out fomething more : After which, the tree
dies, and is good for little but the fire ; tho’, in
other countries, where they content themfelves
with drawing fmall quantities, ’tis faid, a tree will
laft feveral years after it is tapp’d. The Palm is
reckon’d to be in its prime at i o or 12 years
growth; and then may yield 10, 15, or perhaps
near 20 gallons of Wine ; of which an anchor,
or 5 gallons, is ufually fold at about half a crown
Englilh on the coaft, a great deal of it being brought
down from the inland countries, the cheapneft where-
of (hews, that there muft be a vaft number of Palm-
trees in the country. This Wine, when firft drawn,
is extremely pleafant, and yet ftrong ; but the Ne-
groes, who bring it to the coaft, frequently mix and
adulterate it : However, it goes down with the Fifli-
ermen and inferiour people, who drink it more to
raife their fpirits and intoxicate them, than for its
fine flavour ; and perhaps the older and fourer it is,
the ftronger it may be.
They have alfo both fweet and four Orange-trees
upon the coaft, but not many ; I’m apt to think
they were firft planted here by the Portuguefe : But
there are vaft numbers of Lemon-trees, and great
quantities of Lemon, or Lime-juice ; and fmall
pickled Lemons are annually exported to Europe
from Guinea. The Papay-tree alfo is to be met
with all over the coaft ; the trunk whereof is, from
1 foot to 3 foot, in thicknefs ; and, from 1 o to
30 foot, in height, being a tender fpungy wood,
very eafily cut, the fruit growing at firft at the top
of the trunk, without either branches or leaves ;
but, as it grows older, branches {hoot out from the
top, and from them other fmall twigs, with fine
broad leaves, not unlike thofe of the Grape-vine ;
the fruit is about as big as a large Pear, of an oval
figure, green without, and white within ; but, with
lying, turns red, and has within it abundance of lit-
tle white feeds : It ferves the natives for food, but
is fcarce fo good as a Pompion. There is alfo fome
Ginger grows in this country, and the Pifan or
Bananas-tree is found here, which yields a fweet
lufcious pulp ; the fruit is of the fize of a Cucum-
ber, cover’d with a thin yellow rind ; but thefe have
been defcrib’d more than once in treating of India
and the Hottentot countries : There are feveral other
fruits, which refemble our Plumbs, both blue and
white, on the Guinea coaft, but ill-tafted, and fcarce
ever eaten, either by natives or foreigners, any more
than many other fruits that grow naturally on this
coaft. Here are alfo fome Pomegranates, Tamarinds,
the delicious Ananas or Pine-apple, and the fineft
Melons. The Portuguefe endeavour’d to introduce
Grapes ; but there are fcarce any of the Vines that
thrive : However, ’tis obferv’d, that almoft all man-
ner of European roots, herbs and garden-fluff, come
to great perfection here, as the Europeans experi-
V o l. III.
I N E A. 49
ence in their gardens ; and there are feveral forts of C H A P.
Beans, the natural product of the country, that are VI.
pretty good food. O'-vw
But the plant Guinea is moft famous for, is the Guinea Pcp--
Malaguette or Guinea Pepper, which grows F er *
chiefly in that part of it, which has obtained the
name of the Grain or Pepper coaft.
The Guinea Pepper grows on a fhrub, in long,
{lender, red {hells or pods, feparated into four or five
divifions or cells, and cover’d by a white film ; It
grows alfo in fome places like rank graft ; and there
is a fort of Pepper here, call’d Piemento, by us Spa-
nifh Pepper, which grows likewife on fhrubs, of the
height of a Goofberrv-bufh, in great abundance :
It is of two forts, great and fmall, both of them at
firft green, but afterwards red, and the larger in-
clines to black : This fruit is hotter than common
Pepper, efpecially the fmall fort. There is alfo a
very ftrong fort of {linking Tobacco grows on this
coaft, which the Negroes fmoak ; but fo offenfive,
that a European can fcarce bear the fmell of it.
Amongft that variety of foreft-trees, that are Foreff-tress#
found on the Guinea coaft, their timber-trees, ’tis
faid, grow to a prodigious magnitude, and others
are admired for their beauty and the fine {hade they
afford in this hot climate : Of the bodies of fome of
thefe trees hollow’d, their Canoos are made. There
are others, that have a very beautiful grain, ftreak’d
red and yellow, and clouded fit for tables and cabi-
nets ; and others, ’tis faid, fit for marts and yards.
There is alfo the Capot-tree, that bears a fort of
Cotton, which B osman fpeaking of by way of
figure, I prefume (as he does in defcribing the Gui-
nea Toads and Serpents) fays, that a mufket-fhot
will fcarce reach the top of it ; but fore ’tis needlefe
to caution the reader, that this cannot be literally
true : It were to be wifh’d, however, that travellers
and voyage-writers would not {peak in poetical
ftrains, and enlarge at this rate ; it being difficult
fometimes to diftinguifh what is to be taken literally,
and what figuratively. I believe the reader may de-
pend upon it, that Bos man meant no more, ira
the defcription of his monftrous Toads and Serpents,
and of this high tree, than that they were exceeding
large in their kind ; for, if he did intend more, it
is enough to deftroy the credit of his whole book,
which however, at this day, is looked upon as one
of the beft defcriptions we have of Guinea. But
what he intimates of another tree fo large, that feve-
ral thoufand men may be drawn up under the branch-
es of it, if he means one of the fame kind with the
Banian-tree, which is common in India, this may be
true ; for the boughs of the Banian-tree, reaching
down to the ground, take root again, and grow up
into additional bodies ; fo that one of thefe trees fre-
quently form a grove alone : And under thefo it is,
that the Banians worfhip their God, and perform
their penances in India ; which leads me to obferve,
that the Negroes alfo confecrate trees and groves to
H divine
50
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, divine worfhip, or rather worfhip fome particular
VI. trees as gods. But on this I {hall enlarge further
under the head of religion.
Minerals, Having feen what the furface of the earth pro-
duces, I proceed to their Minerals ; of which, ’tis
faid, they have feveral, namely, Iron, Copper, Sil-
ver and Gold ; but none of their mines are wrought ;
and fome have queftion’d, whether there be any" Sil-
ver in the country ; but, as to Gold, Guinea is fup-
pofed to contain more than any other part of the
world, there being fuch vaft treafures walh’d down
from their mountains, and found in their rivers,
whiie the mines yet remain unopen’d : And this it
is, that has drawn fo many European nations hither,
tho ! it be with the extreme!! hazard of their lives.
<Sold, where It has been already obferv’d, that, during the rai-
ftund. ny feafon, the water falls in torrents from the hills,
wafhing away the earth, and fometimes great pieces
of rocks are undermin’d, and come rolling down
the ftream ; which, being thus remov’d, the cavi-
ties, where the Gold before lay conceal’d, are fome-
times difcoverd, and large pieces of this mineral
pick’d out of the holes and clefts of rocks or moun-
tains ; but much more is wafh’d down in little par-
ticles, no bigger than fand, into the rivers ; the for-
mer being call'd Rock gold, and the other Gold dull; :
When the rains abate therefore, and the dry feafon
comes on, both men and women refort to all the
little {Reams, and, gathering up the fand in heaps,
put it into trays and tubs, where they wafh it, till
all the earth and fand is wafhed clean away ; and,
If there be any Gold, its weight fixes it at the bot-
tom of the tub : This they continue to do every
day from morning till noon ; fome of them perhaps
finding the value of fix or feven {hillings, others the
value of fix-pence, and a great many find nothing
at all. But the {{reams, where the Gold is found^
are generally at a diftance 1 rom the fea ; foarce any
of it is to be met with on the fhore, or near the
mouths of rivers : Great part of it comes two or
three hundred miles, and upwards, out of the coun-
try, being brought down by the Negroes at the fea-
fon for trading, when they expert {hipping upon the
coaft. i he Mountain or Rock gold, ’tis obferv’d,
touches better than the duff ; but then there are
abundance of fmall ftones that adhere to it, and oc-
caiion a great lots in the melting ; and therefore the
FaClors chufe rather to purchafe the Gold dull. As
to the reft of their minerals, I meet with no account
Salt. of them ; but I muft not forget their Salt, which is
made by letting the fea-water into {hallow pans in
the dry feafon, till the fun exhales the water, and
then the Salt is left at the bottom : They alfo make
a great deal of Salt by boiling the fea-water, and
furnifh the inland countries with it.
Tr?ae of the And now, having fhewn the produce of the coun-
Gumea coaft. try, and thereby difeover’d the principles of com-
merce, it feems extremely proper, in the next place,
to enter upon a defeription of their trafick with
other nations ; the four great articles whereof are, CHAP,
i. Gold; 2. Slaves; 3. Elephants teeth; and, 4. VI.
Drugs; under which laft I comprehend Guinea
Grains or Pepper, Civet, Cardamums, Indigo, and
Gums of feveral kinds, particularly Gumtragant.
Wax and Red- wood.
Gold it had chiefly on that part of the coaft Gold,
call’d Guinea Proper ; tho’ there is Gold to be met
with in other places : The fame may be faid of the
Tooth coaft and Slave coaft : There are more of
each to be had in the diftriCls that go under thofe
names ; tho’ fome of every fpecies may be met with
from one end of the Guinea coaft to the other, ta-
ken in its largeft extent.
The European Merchants, or Factors, never go
up into the country to purchafe Gold : But the tra-
ding Negroes come down to the forts and factories,
and on board the European {hips, with it ; and are
by Chriftian inftruefion, ’tis laid, become very fharp,
or rather roguifh traders : It feems, we have taught
them to mix Copper, and other ingredients of Tefs
value, both with their Rock gold, and Gold duft ;
and they are. fuch exquifite proficients, that they fre-
quently cheat their mailers who inftrudied them in
the myftery. Some pieces they caft fo artfully, that
quite round, of the thicknefs of a {hilling, the piece
{hall be pure Gold, and perhaps filled up with Copper
or Iron ; but the common falfe Mountain gold is a
mixture of Silver, Copper, and a proportion of Gold
very high colour’d, which makes the cheat not ea-
fily difcernible ; for, being obliged to receive an in-
finite number of little pieces in a pound, it is almoft
lmpoflible to touch every one, and the metal, looking
fo well, is fcarce fufpected. They alfo tinge pow-
der. of Coral fo artificially, that it is impoftible to
diftinguifh it any other way, than by the weight ;
Of this alfo they make a powder, refembling Gold
duft; but chiefly of the filings of Copper, to which
they give a very good tindure ; but all this falfe-
ting’d metal, in a month or two, lofes its luftre.
File way the Factors take to diftinguifti true Gold
from falfe, if it be in large pieces, is to cut it through,
which eafily difeovers what it is ; and, if the pieces
be fmall Mountain gold, they lay them upon a ftone,
and beat them with a hammer ; and, as this is not
practicable in Gold duft, they put the duft into a Cop-
per bafon, winnowing and blowing it, by which
the falfe Gold flies away, leaving the pure Gold be-
hind. The value of Gold, brought from the Gui-
nea coaft one year with another, by all the European
nations that trade thither, is fuppofed to amount to
the value of three hundred thoufand pounds, and
upwards ; of which the Englifh may import one
third, the Dutch another, and the French, Portu-
guese, Danes and Pruflians, another third.
The Slave trade is carried on in much the feme Slave trade,
manner the Gold trade is : The Negroe Factors and
Merchants come down to the coaft with their {laves,
agree with the Europeans for the price of them, and
J the
O F G IJ
A P. the price of the goods they are to take in exchange ;
I ’ 2nd a ft ip is foon difpatch’d, if they act fairly. But,
/■'W if a Merchant delivers any part of his goods before
he has his Haves, they will make him wait a great
* while for them, and fometimes not bring them at
all, unlefs the European Factor finds fome way to
make reprifals : And yet it is found necefiary totruft
thefe people ; for, as they trade with other nations
beyond them, and have not always effects to pur-
chafe flaves, they have no way of getting them fome-
times, unlefs they can be credited with goods to go
to market with, and exchange for flaves in the in-
land country. As Guinea has a multitude of petty
Sovereigns, who are frequently at wars with each
other, the flaves are generally fuch as are taken in
thefe wars, not only men, but women and chil-
dren ; for, where they invade a country with any
fuccefs, they carry all the inhabitants into captivity.
There are alfo a great many others, who are made
flaves for debt, or for fome mifdemeanour ; and not
only the debtor or criminal himfelf lofes his liberty,
but oftentimes his whole family, and all that are re-
lated to him : And, ’tis faid, people fell even their
wives and children where they have offended them,
while others leffen their families, under an apprehen-
sion that they ftall not be able to maintain them ;
and, if a famine, or great fearcity happens, they will
fell themfelves to one another for bread. It is re-
ported, that one of the petty Princes upon this coaft,
on fome ffnall difguft, fold a fcore of his wives to a
Captain of a ftip at once, parting with them with
as little reluctance as a Grazier does with a fcore of
Sheep ; and, in times of full peace, nothing is more
common, than for the Negroes of one nation to
fteal thofe of another, and fell them to the Euro-
peans : There have been inftances alfo, of children
felling their fathers and mothers when they have
been weary of them, and wanted to enjoy what
they had. Thefe are the various ways by which the
unhappy Negroes are frequently reduced from flou-
rifting circumftances to a ftate of flavery, and
brought down to the coaft to be fold to the Mer-
chants of Europe.
The firft bufineft, after a {hip arrives upon the
coaft to trade for flaves, is to pay the duties, and
make a prefent to the King or Governour of that
part of the country, for leave to trade : Then the
King’s flaves are to be taken off at almoft what
price he pleafes to fet upon them, before the Mer-
chant is permitted to deal with his fubje&s. When
the price is agreed on, the European Surgeon views
all the flaves naked, men, women and children ;
and the grown men, that are fuppofed to be above
35 years of age, are ufually excepted to, as are all
that have any lamenefs, or other defects, thofe whofe
fight fails them, and fuch as have the venereal difeafe,
or any other diftemper that is not eafily cured ; and
even the lo{s of a tooth is fometimes made an ob-
jection. The infirm being fet afide, the reft are
I N E A. 51
branded with a hot iron by the Merchant, to diftin- CHAP,
guifh them, and locked up in fome priton, till they VI.
can be fent on board ; for the Europeans have no
forts or factories in many places, where they meet
with the greateft numbers of flaves. The price of
an able-bodied man may be about five pounds, the
women a fifth part left, and the children in propor-
tion to their relpedtive ages. When they are fent
on ftip-board, their former Mafters ftrip them of
every rag, fo that the Merchant receives them all
perfedtiy naked ; and thus they generally remain till
they come to America ; tho’, as they are pack’d
clofe together, fix or feven hundred in a ftip, cold
is the leaft of their hardftiips. The decks are di-
vided fo, that they are forced to lie, or fit double,
on the hard boards, the whole voyage ; and all the
men are loaded with irons, many attempts having
been made, by the flaves on board, to kill the {hip’s
crew, and run the ftip a-ground ; in which fome
of them have fucceeded : Others have jumped over-
board, rather trufting to the mercy of the fea, than
their white mafters, from an apprehenfion, as our
Sailors fuggeft, that they are to be fatted for {laugh-
ter, and devoured by white men. But there feems
to be reafon enough for their attempting to efcape,
without any fuch apprehenfion : To be carried away
from their country, laid in irons, and crouded toge-
ther in difmal dark holes, where they have not room
to Hand, or fit upright, may very well put them
upon attempting to efcape, if they had no other
views, than the refcuing themfelves from thefe bar-
barous mafters, in whofe fervice they cannot but ex-
pend to live very miferably, when they find them-
felves fo hardly ufed at firft. No wonder therefore,
that many of them chufe to hazard their lives, by
endeavouring to efcape, when life, in fuch circum-
ftances, is more to be dreaded than death itfelf ; and
this is furely fuch a traffick as can never be juftified
or defended. Were thefe miferable wretches brought
to Europe, and ufed with humanity ; or were they
difpofed of to Planters in America, that would treat
them as their own fpecies ought to be treated, they
might be no great fufferers by exchanging black for
white mafters : But to fell them again to the cruel
Spaniard to work in his mines, and be ufed worfe
than brutes, mull be condemn’d by every man that
reflects on the practice : And, as I’m informed,
many of our Englilh Planters don’t ufe their flaves
much better, generally agreeing not to make Chrifti-
ans of them, left they ftould underftand, that our
religion teaches us to do as we would be done by 5
and thereupon they ftould expedf to be dealt with
like men, who have the fame God, the fame great
Lord and Mafter. But to return : One would
think, that the exporting flaves thus continually from
Africa to America, ftould difpeople the former ; for
it is computed, that the Pertuguefe alone export a-
bove a hundred thoufand, and the reft of the Euro-
pean nations about the fame number : I queftion
H. 2 whe-
52
THE PRESENT STATE
VI.
CHAP, whether the Englifh do not tranfport fifty thoufand ;
for they are obliged to deliver thirty thoufand to the
Spaniards annually, by the curfed Affiento contract ;
a bargain that furely can never profper, and, poffibly,
inftead of encreafing our wealth and trade, may en-
gage the nation in perpetual broils with the Spaniards.
The Ivory
fijadgi
The next great article of trade to that of Slaves
is Ivory : This may be had in fmall quantities from
one end of the Guinea coaft to the other ; but is
met with chiefly in that part of the country, that
has obtained the name of the Tooth coaft ; and pro-
bably abundance of teeth are brought fome hundreds
of miles out of the country : There are large plains, .
ftis laid, where teeth are found in abundance, which
either belonged to Elephants that died naturally,, or
were killed by people that did not know the ufe of
their teeth ; tho’ fome have conjedtur’d, they fhed.
their teeth, and receive them again ; which, if they
do, it muft be at a very advanced age : For a full,
grown tooth or tufh (of which they have but two,
that grow out of their jaws, and turn up like a
horn) weighs fcmetimes upwards of an hundred
weight, and ordinarily fifty or fixty pounds : But
whether they ihed thefe teeth or not, and to what
age thefe monftrous animals live, is very uncertain ;
all that we know of their age is,, that in India, where
they tame Elephants, and ufe them for travelling,
and in their wars, they live to a very great age ;
having continued in fome families for feveral gene-
rations, and the proprietors only know, that their
fathers and grandfathers were poffefs’d of them.
The. laft article of trade is the Guinea Pepper,
Wax. and Drugs,, which are had chiefly upon the
Grain coaft ; but. what quantities of thefe, or of
teeth, are brought from Guinea,, is uncertain : On-
ly a, late writer computes, that the Englifh, Dutch,
French, Danes and Brandenburghers, export from
Europe to Africa, in the whole, about the value of
A'ca'kulation two hundred thoufand pounds in goods ; and that
they bring from thence annually in Gold, Slaves, Ivo-
ry, Pepper and Drugs, the value of three millions;
and that the Portuguefe are poffefs’d of fuch vaft ter-
ritories and trails of land upon the eaftern, as well
as the weftern coaft of Africa, that they trade for as
much as all the reft of the European nations put to-
gether in flaves and teeth.
The goods, which the Europeans carry to Africa,
and barter for Gold, Slaves, and the reft of the com-
modities above-men'cion’d, are chiefly thefe (viz.)
Callicoes, Cottons, Linen and Woollen-fluffs, Serges,
Perpetuana’s, wrought Iron, Pewter and Brafs ; fuch
as Swords, Knives, Hatchets, Nails, Hammers, Pew-
ter-diflies, Plates, Pots and Cups, Brafs pots, Ket-
tles, and other houfhold utenfils ; Fire-arms, Pow-
der, Shot, Brafs and Glafs toys, Beads, Beugles and
Cowries, or Blackamoor’s teeth, with Brandy, Spi-
rits and Tobacco. Tire Brafs ware, ’tis laid, the
Negroes are infinitely fond of, and will purchafe al-
moit at any rate ; and wrought Pewter, Iron and
Guinea Pep
per and
BrugS.
of the value
of the Gui-
nea trade.
Goody ex-
ported to
Guinea.
Lead, are good articles. There are great quantities C H A Pi
of Powder, Shot, Arms, Cloathing, Liquor and Fur- VI.
niture, alfo lent from Europe annually, for the ufe
of the European forts and factories there.
Having treated of the trade of the Europeans, Artificers ita
with the Guinea coaft, I proceed to enquire into the Guinea ‘
manufactures, traffick and employment of the na-
tives ; and, I perceive, every tribe or family almoft
make their own tools, inftruments and utenfils :
They are all Smiths, Carpenters and Mafons, build-
ing their own houfes, or huts, with wood and clay,,
and thatching them with reeds, or Palmeto branches:
They alfo make their own arms ; fuch as darts, ar-
rows, launces and broad-fwords ; but their fire-arms,,
gun-powder and bullets, they purchafe of the Euro-
peans : They alfo make their inftruments of hufban-
dry, and feveral houfhold utenfils. It is with a fur-
prizing dexterity they form and polifh their fwords,
and heads of darts and fpears, confidering the few
poor tools they work with : Their anvil is only a
flat ftone ; and, till the Europeans taught them the
ufe of hammers, another ftone fupply’d the place of
them : But their Smiths bellows, it feems, have three
pipes or fnouts, which blow up a fire very iliddenly,
and are fiid to be an invention of the natives.
Their Watermen and Fifhermen are but one tribe, Fifhermen*.
and are very numerous upon the coaft ; eight hun-
dred or perhaps a thoufand of them, go out a fifhing
at once : They have hooks, harping-irons and nets,
and all the implements that European Fifhermen ufe ;
and every Canoo, or Boat, is but one piece, made
out of the body of fome large tree ; the largeft 3 o
foot long, and 6 broad : Thefe the Europeans hire,
to carry their merchandize to and from their fhips,
and along the coaft from one factory to another ; but
they have a leffer fort they ufe in fiihing. Their
Canoos, according to their fize,.are rowed, by two,
three, feven, nine, eleven, and fcmetimes fifteenWa-
termen ; for, where there are more than two, you
have always an odd number, becaufe one of them
fleers the boat. Inftead of oars, they row with an
inftrument, fafhion’d like one of our fhovels, with
which theypufh themfelves along, looking the fame,
way they row, and move exceeding fwiftly ; and,
as thefe boats are only a large piece of timber: fcoop’J
hollow, there is no finking of them ; for, if they are
overfet, and turned bottom upwards, as they frequent-
ly are, by the great furf and fwelling feas, upon this
coaft, flill the veflel floats upon the waves ; and the
Watermen fwimming like fo many fpaniels, turn
their canoos, . and get into them again, arriving fafe
aftiore, frequently when the Europeans they carry,
and all their goods, are loft. .
As the Negroes have two harvefts in the year, Their huf-
great part of their time is taken up in digging, plant- key-
ing Rice, and lowing Millet and Maize, or Indian
corn, and planting Yams and Potatoes ; but the
hufbandry is left almoft entirely to the women : Manag’d hy
And, except, in their fisheries, their Carpenters and the women.
Smiths
O F G U
j CHAP. Smiths work, the women go through the drudgery
VI. of every thing : Their wives dig up the ground,
few, plant, make their cloaths and mats, brew the
beer, and drefs their food ; while the hufband loiters
away his time, and does fcarce any one thing towards
the fupport of the family ; fo that the more wives a
man has, the richer he is in Guinea, and the eafier
his circumfhnces are. And feme of the Negroes on
the coaft, ’tis faid, make money of their wives, by
letting them out to others that can pay for their fa-
vours. They make but little diftindtion between
their wives and their flaves ; but feem alike indiffe-
rent to both : However, it is held highly criminal
to meddle with a Negroe’s wife of any quality. But
to return to their husbandry : They have two har-
vefts, as has been obferv’d, of Millet and Maize,
every vear ; one in Auguft, and the other in De-
cember ; but the laft is inconfiderable, it being a
dry time y and, as that fort of corn, call’d Millet,
will not grow without fome moilfure, the Rice
will not grow at all without water ; and therefore
they can have but one harveft of the latter in any
place where they cannot flow their grounds-. And,
as it has been hinted, fome parts of the country pro-
duce only Rice, and others only Millet : But the foil
yields them fuch plentiful crops, that they need ne-
ver have a fcarcity, if they were not the mod im-
provident people in the world ; but they never lay
up any ffores. When they have a plentiful crop of
Rice, the European fhipping fometimes takes it off
their hands ; and, before the next harveft, they are
ftarving: They feidom conhder what they fhall
want themfelves, when they meet with a good mar-
ket for their grain ; infomuch, that they have been
obliged to fell their wives, children and Haves, to the
Europeans for food, or they would have been
ftarved ; and this, in years, w'hen they have had
plentiful, crops.
Home trade As to the traffick of the Negroes among them-
oftheNe- f^l ves ; it conftfts- either in carrying the corn, and
groes. other produce of the refpedtive maratime countries,
from one place to another along the coaft, in their
large canoos, as there happens to be a demand for
it ; or in bartering and exchanging goods with one
another on fhore. Thofe near the coaft exchange
the merchandize they get of the Europeans, with
thofe of the more diftant countries, for Gold, Slaves
and Elephants teeth, which foreigners take Gif’ their
hands, furnifhing them with new fupplies of Eu-
S ropean goods ; and, with thefe, they go to market
in the inland countries again.
The begin- Before I quit this article of trade, it may be pro-
ning of the p er to f a y fomething of the rife and progrefs of this
Guinea tiade. between the Europeans and the Guinea coaft.
1 The Portuguefe were the ftrft that difcover’d the
fouth-weft fhores of Africa in the 15th century ;
and, as the Pope was then thought to have a right
to difpofe of all Pagan countries, they obtained a
grant, from his Hollnefs,. Anno 1 q 4. z , of all coun-
I N E A. 53
tries difcover’d to the fouth and eaft of Cape Baja- CHAP,
dore, which lies on the weftern fide of Africa, la- VI.
titude 27 north. The Pope however afterwards, on
the difcovery of America by Columbus, pub-
lifhed another Bull in favour of the Spaniard, dated
the 3d of May 1493 ; whereby he affign’d and
transferr’d, to the King of Spain and his fucceflors,
all the countries difcover’d, and to be difcover’d,
100 leagues to the weftward and fouthward of the
Azoresand Cape Verd iHands ; which the Portuguefe
looked upon as an infringement of the former grant
to them ; and this bred a mifunderftanding between
thofe two nations : However, they came to an agree-
ment in the year 1493, that the line, mention’d in
the grant to Spain, to be drawn from north to fouth
through the Azores, and the Cape Verd iHands,
fhould be extended 270 leagues farther weftward ;
and that all new difcover’d lands to the weftward of
that line fhould belong to the Spaniard ; and thofe
to the eaftward of it to the Portuguefe : And ac-
cordingly the latter built forts, and fettled colonies on
the eaftern and weftern coafts of Africa, and in the
Eaft-Indies, and remained in the quiet pofleffion of
them, enjoying the foie trade of Africa and the Eaft-
Indies about 100 years without a competitor : No 1
other European nations attempted to interrupt them
in it ; but acquiefced in the Pope’s determination in
afligning America to the Spaniard ; and the difeo-
veries in Africa, and the Eaft-Indies, to the Por-
tuguefe.
The Reformation, however, happening in the
1 6th century, the Englifh and Dutch, and other
Proteftant nations, began to call in queftion the
Pope’s powder of difpofing of Pagan countries ; and,
being ambitious of fharing the Gold of Africa with
the Portuguefe, both the Englifh and Dutch, in the
1 6th century, fent feveral (hips to the coaft of Gui-
nea, where, in imitation of the Portuguefe, they
exchanged toys and trifles with the Negroes for
Gold, and made very advantagious returns : But the
Portuguefe building forts upon the coaft, and keep-
ing the natives in a fort of fubjeddon, that they
could not trade with freedom with any other people,
the Negroes invited the Englifh to fettle among
them ; and, for fome fmall confideration, aflign’d
them places to eredt forts and fadfories upon, that
they might be able to protedl their own trade, as
weft as that of the natives, from the infults and en-
croachments of the Portuguefe ; and the Dutch,
falling upon the Portuguefe fettlements about die
fome time, depriv’d them ot their capital fort of
Elmina, and, at length, drove them from all their
fettlements on the Gold coaft : Whereupon the
Portuguefe removed farther eaftward, and gain-
ed a vaft extent of country, in which they are
not difturbed by the Dutch, or any other na-
tion ; there being little or none of the- fame ?
tempting metal there, tho’ they meet with Haves
in great abundance : But thefe the Dutch have
little
54
CHAP.
VI.
The Dutch
endeavour to
drive the
Englifh from
the Gold
coaft, and
take feme
of their forts
in time of
peace.
T H E PRESE N T S T ATE
little occafion for, having fcarce any plantations in
America.
The Hollander had no fooner driven the Portu-
guefe from the Gold coaft, but he began to con-
trive how he might beat the Englifh, and all other
nations, out of that trade, as "he had from the
fine fpices in the Eaft-Indies, and engrofs this no-
ble mineral to himfelf : Accordingly, by various
artifices, the Dutch fpirited up the natives to fall
upon the Englifh factories and diftrels them, fup-
porting the Negroes under-hand in their hoftile
attempts; and at length, in the year 1664, were
guilty of fuch a piece of treachery towards the
Englifh, who had protected their infant ftate, as
is fcarce to be credited. They had, by treaty, it
feems, agreed to join an Englifh fquadron, to fup-
prefs the Pirates upon the Barbary coaft ; and De
Ruythr, the Dutch Admiral, actually failed to the
Streights with the Englifh, under pretence of put-
ting that project in execution : But then making
an excufe to the Englifh Admiral, that he was or-
der’d another way, he failed to the coaft of Gui-
nea ; and there, with the affiftance of the Ne-
groes, his countrymen had already fpirited up againft
the Englifh, made himfelf matter of feveral Eng-
lifh forts, and particularly of that ftill in their pof-
feffion, which goes by the name of Amfterdam
Port: And, not contented with this, the Dutch
afterwards failed to the iflands belonging to the
Englifh in the Weft-Indies, plunder’d and ravag’d
them in a moft barbarous manner ; and all this, in
a time of full peace, without any manner of pro-
vocation. But the Court of England, having foine
way or other got intelligence of the matter, was fo
fortunate as to make reprifals on a fleet of Hollan-
ders in the Channel ; which however Burnet, and
our Whig hiftorians, clamour wonderfully againft,
becaufe war was not declar’d : The Dutch had be-
fore driven us from the Spice iflands in the Eaft-
Indies ; they were now endeavouring to monopo-
lize the Gold coaft, they plunder’d our plantations
in the Weft-Indies; and yet thefe pacifick gentle-
men would have us fit ftill with our arms a-crofs,
and never attempt to do ourfelves juftice ; and,
when we do, cry out upon it as a breach of the
law of nations ; when the ungrateful Dutch, who
are fo much indebted to this nation, were the ag-
greftors : Which is an undeniable inftance of the
partiality of our admir’d Whig writers, or of their
ignorance, if they were not appriz’d of the true
ftate of the cafe.
I he Dutch had the fame views here, as they
had in the Eaft-Indies : They intended to have
brought fuch a force to Guinea, as fhould have fub-
dued the natives, and excluded all other European
nations from the Gold coaft ; after which, no doubt,
they propofed to have opened the mines where this
glorious metal was lodg’d, and become the foie
matters of them, as the Spaniads are of the Silver
mines in Potofi : But they were forced to relinguifh CHAP,
part of what they had plunder’d the African com- VI,
pany of, the Court of England efpoufing their in-
tereft heartily at that time ; and thereupon this pro-
ject of the Hollanders proved abortive. However,
the African, or Guinea company, received very
great lofTes, from time to time, by the treacherous
practices and depredations of the Dutch, and have
fufFered perhaps yet more by our own Interlopers,
or Separate traders ; which brings me to confider
what has been fo long, and fo warmly controvert-
ed ; namely, whether this branch of our commerce Remarks on
ought to be laid open, or reftained to a particular the trade t0
Company ? It is faid in behalf of the Company, that, Companyf *
it it had not been for the forts they erected there
the Dutch would infallibly have monopoliz’d the
Gold trade, as they have the Spices of India : And
that it feems hard upon them, that, when they have
been at fuch an expence to creel and maintain forts
there, to protect this valuable part of our trade.
Interlopers, who are not at thefe expences, fhould
be flittered to come and underfell them, and run
away with the profit. On the other hand, the Se-
parate traders alledge, that all companies are the
ruin of trade : That their Directors and Managers
mind nothing but enriching themfelves, and making
the fortunes of their relations and dependants, whom
they prefer to he Governors, Faiftors or Captains ;
and that the trade always flitters in fuch hands : Pri-
vate Merchants manage with greater frugality, ma-
king the heft of every thing ; and that, fince the
trade has been laid open to fuch traders as pay ten
per Cent, towards the Company’s charges in main-
taining their forts, the trade has been much im-
proved.
Upon the whole, forts feem abfolutely necefiary
to preferve this trade : If we had no fettlements there,
the Dutch would foon fubdue the natives, and drive
all other nations from that rich coaft ; and therefore
it is but highly reafonable the Separate traders fhould
contribute fufficiently towards maintaining fuch forts;
If ten per Cent, is not enough, they ought to allow
more. On the other hand, if this be done, I know
no reafon why any fubject of England fhould be ex- ‘
eluded from the trade : To fay, that Private traders
are better hufbands, can afford their goods cheaper,
and will always underfell the Company, is a very
weak ohfervation : For why don’t the Company ma-
nage as frugally ? They have always their Gover-
nors, Factors and Ware-houfes, upon the fpot; and
can take all advantages in trade, by laying in com-
modities, when things are cheapeft, at the beft hand,
and providing freight for their fhips againft they ar-
rive ; and confequently may tranfact their affairs to
greater advantage than the Seperate trader can, if they
obferve as good ceconomy : And the cheaper we af-
ford our goods, and the lefs profit we are contented
with, the greater market we fhail have. It is no
matter how much we underfell other nations, fo as
we
OF GUINEA,
CHAP. we are not loofers In the main. I doubt, if the Se-
VI. parate traders did not get away the trade from the
Company, the Dutch would : And furely, it is bet-
ter our own people fhould have it, than foreigners.
It is very well known, fince the African trade has
been laid open, it has vaftly encreafed. If the Eng-
lifh traded for five or fix thoufand Haves upon this
coaft, when the Separate traders were excluded, they
now trade (according to Gee) for thirty or for-
ty thouland; and fo in proportion in other articles
perhaps. But there are fo me gentlemen, I find, not
only for fupporting our prefent fettlements on the
Gold coaft, but for lending fuch a force thither, as might
make us mailers of the country ; by which means
we might, they imagine, poffels our felves of the
Gold mines, and gain an immenfe treafure by work-
ing them, They obferve alfo, that this being about
the fame latitude as the illands, where the Cloves,
Nutmegs, and Cinnamon grow, in the Eaft-Indies,
all thofe fpices might be propagated here.
of 6 ofilf But, as t0 t ' ie P°Feffi n g ourfelves of the Gold
fing the Gold m ' nes 5 I doubt this would require a greater force
mines. than ever it will be thought proper to lend thither :
For not only the natives, who look upon thole moun-
tains as facred, and therefore never pretend to break
into them, would unanimoufly oppofe fuch an at-
tempt ; but they would be join’d by the Dutch, and
the reft of the European nations, who have forts
there ; it being their mutual intereft to prevent fuch
a monopoly. Befides, thofe mines are fuppofed to
lie at a good diftance from the coaft ; and the coun-
try agrees fo ill with Englifh conftitutions, that
we fhould lofe fome thoufands by the diftempers of
the country, before it could be effected, if we had no
other enemy to contend with: And I make no doubt,
ifthe thingwere feafible, the Dutch would have made
fuch a conqueft long before this. We fee they were
about to attempt it in the reign of King Charles
II ; but the refiftance they found they fhould meet
with both from the European nations, and the na-
tives, obliged them to defift, and lay afide the pro-
SfinTfpiLE' 61 ' As to P lantin g the fine fpices here, I very
hue. much queftion whether Cloves or Nutmegs could be
tranfplanted : We have no inftance of their growing
any where, but in the Eaft-Indies, where they were
firft found: The Cinnamon indeed has been tranf-
planted from Ceylon, and will thrive here. But,
as it will probably grow in other parts of Africa, as
well as on the Gold coaft, it would be better to
make the experiment in fome other part of Africa,
where fuch a plantation would be lefs liable to be de-
puted : And, after all. I’m afraid the Cinnamon
would degenerate on being tranfplanted : The tree
might appear as well to the eye ; but the Ipice pof-
fibly would not be lb good : For there are a great
many Cinnamon-trees upon the coaft of Malabar,
very near Ceylon, where the beft Cinnamon grows,
and the trees feem to flourifhas well as in that ifland ;
and yet it is but a baftard Cinnamon they produce,
and never ufed where that of Ceylon can be had : CHAP.
And as for transplanting Tea and Coffee thither, VI.
which the lame gentlemen propole, there is yet no
inftance of Tea growing any-where, but in China
and Japan : Coffee indeed the Dutch have raifed in
Batavia ; but, I am inform’d, it is not comparable
to that of Arabia. All which being duly weigh’d,
I believe the Britilh Court will never facrifice the lives
of fo many men, as fuch an acquifition muft coft,
upon fuch romantic views. I lhall conclude this
head of trade, with fome account of the Negroe
Weights : They have Copper, Gold, fcalesof the form Weights of
of half an Orange fcoopH ; and their weights are ei- Guinea,
ther of Copper, Lead, or Tin ; and, tho’ divided in a
different manner from thofe of the Europeans, upon
reduction agree exactly with them. The Gold weights
made ufe of on the Guinea coaft are, i . The Pefo ;
2. The Angel ; 3. The Bendo ; 4. The Ounce ;
5. The Mark; and, 6. The Pound: The Pefo
is four Angels ; the Bendo two Ounces ; four Ben-
do’s one Mark ; one Mark eight Ounces ; and two
Marks one Pound weight averdupois. Three marks
of pure Gold, are in England 24 ounces, or two
pound troy weight ; which, at four pounds fterling
the ounce, is 96 pounds : But, as the fineft Gold
yields fome advance, it is generally reckon’d, that
three marks of fine gold are worth one hundred
pounds fterling.
The Negroes, like the Hottentots, never exceed- Numbers,
edten in numbering, till the Europeans taught them
to proceed farther : They now lay down a finger
for every ten ; and, when they have laid down all
their fingers, and made one hundred, they begin a-
gain, and fo on.
In Guinea, there are fome fovereign Princes, The Princes
whofe dominions are very extenfive, rich, powerful and States of
and abitrary ; Monarchs limited by no laws, or any Guinea>
other reilraints : And there are a multitude of others,
to whom the Dutch and other Europeans have given
the name of Kings, whofe dominions do not exceed
the bounds of an ordinary parilh, and whofe power
and revenues are proportionably mean. But the lat-
ter feem to me, to be no more than particular Clans
or I rtbes, whofe Chiefs are permitted to bear fome
refemblance to Princes ; to adminifter juftice in their
refpedtive diftridls, and make war upon one another,
when they apprehend themfelves injur’d by any neigh-
bour. But thefe are, in reality, all fubjedl to fome
of the fuperior Monarchs firft mention’d, and no bet-
ter than their vaflals ; obliged to attend them in their
v/ars, to quarter their Soldiers, and to fubmit to fuch
duties and impofitions as are impofed upon them.
We find, indeed, the Dutch Fadlors on this coaft
boafting, that they are fometimes ferved by the fons
of Kings, and retain them in their pay, in the qua-
lity of Footmen : But they might as well be proud
of being ferved by the fon of a petty Conftable. The
vanity of the Dutch may eafily be perceived, when
they give themfelves thefe airs, as well as the hatred
and
THE PRESENT $ T A T E
C H A P. and contempt they have for all Kings. One reafon
VI. of their denominating every little officer a King, is
to fhew, that the high and mighty brutes have Kings
fubject to them. They formerly brought fome fuch
petty Princes from the Eaft-Indies, and confined
them in a barren ifland near the Cape, where they
were forc’d to work, and make lime for the Dutck-
India company, who, in derifion of Kings, gave
this wretched place the name of King-Ifland ; and
I don’t doubt, but they would ferve all the Monarchs
upon earth in the fame manner, if they had them in
their power ; tho’ if it be true, that the fame word
in the Negroe language fignifies a King, and the
Governor of a village of twenty huts, they have the
more colour for giving the title of King to both :
But the Dutch relate farther, that there are fome
republicks on the Guinea coaft like theirs in Hol-
land, and particularly two near their capital fort of
Las Minas, or D’Elmina : But of thefe I (hall treat,
after I have {hewn in what ftate the great Monarchs
on this coaft live ; and particularly the King of Fi-
dah or Whidah. This Prince, in the words of one
of the Dutch Factors, is feared and reverenced by his
Tubjedls as a demi-god, who always appear in his pre-
fence, either kneeling, or proftrate on the ground :
When they attend him in the morning, they pro-
ftrate themfelves before the gate of his palace, kifs the
earth three times, and, clapping their hands together,
ufe fome expreffions that look more like the adora-
tion of fome deity, than complements paid to an
earthly Prince ; and they even tremble at the fight
of him : Fie has his Viceroys, Governors, Gene-
rals, and other officers, as European Princes have,
■of whom he conftantly maintains four or five thou-
fand with meat and drink ; fome of whom frequent-
ly are permitted to eat in his prefence : But no per-
fon whatever is permitted to fee his Majefty eat, or
to know in what part of the palace he fleeps, unleft
his wives, of whom the King feldom has lefs than a
ihoulaod. Thefe continually furround him : Thefe
are his life-guards, and frequently fent on embafties,
and employed in executing fuch commands and fen-
tences as feem much more proper for men ; as to
punifb criminals, pull down their houfes, and the
like. Bosman relates, that, a little before his arri-
vall at Whidah, a Negroe officer of his acquaintance
having been unjuftly accufed to the King, orders
were iffued to demoliftt his houfe, and deftroy all
that he had : Of which the man having received
fome notice, when a detachment of two or three
hundred of the King’s wives came to execute the
fentence, they found him placed near a heap of Gun-
powder, with a lighted match in his hand, profef-
fmg his innocence ; but threatening to blow both
diem, and himfelf up, if they did not give him time
to reprefent his cafe to the King ; which being a-
greed to, he had the good fortune to convince his
Eidaian majefty of his innocence, and to get the fen-
•tenpe reyers’d.
When the King goes abroad al!o, five or fix hun- CHAP,
dred of his wives run before him, or attend him : VI.
He has not, ’tis faid, a Angle man in his train ; but
he fpends the greateli part of his time at home in his
palace, adminiftring juftice to his fubjedts, andtranf-
aifting affairs of ftate ; or converfing with the Eu-
ropean Factors and Merchants, who find him Dual-
ly in a ftate ly hall of audience, richly habited in Gold
and Silver fluffs : His wives alfo, when they attend
him, are richly cloathed and adorned with Gold, Coral
and glittering trifles, efpecially their hair ; and tho*
the King never eats before company, ’tis faid, he will
drink very plentifully both with the Europeans and
his own fubjedts.
The chief Magiftrates under the King are: The Their Nobi-
Cabicero’s, whom he confults in ftate affairs, and ’V-
concerning peace and war ; and, by thefe, he ufual-
!y adminifters jut lice to the people. Travellers make
two claffes of Nobility in every government in Gui- 1
nea : i . The Cabicero’s laft mention’d, who are the
G randees of every kingdom or ftate. 2 . Their in-
ferior nobility, an order of Knights ; who, being
poffeft’d of confiderable fortunes, either by defcent or
purchafe, and, having obtained fome reputation in
their refpetftive countries, are allowed to have feven
trumpets, or hollow Elephants teeth, founded before
them when they go abroad. Every one, who is ini-
tiated into this order, gives a grand entertainment,
and makes prefents to the principal men of the coun-
try, in order to obtain this honour : After which,
he purchafesa fhield and arms, and performs the ce-
remony of lying in arms all night, with his family,
in the open field ; intimating, I prefume, his rea-
dinefs to defend his country: After which, feveral
days are fpent in fealfing and martial exercifes ; and
the new Knight is afterwards allowed to carry two
fhieldsboth in peace and war. But to return to the
King:
I don’t find he wears a crown, or that there is any The defcent
other ceremony at his acceffion, than the {hewing him of thecrowa.
publickly to the people, and facrificing fome animals
to his gods. The eldeft fon is always entitled to his
father’s throne ; the females never fucceed, unleft in
one kingdom upon this coaft : And there have been
inftances of a younger brother’s ufurping tire throne,
when the eldeft has been at a aiftance from court,
by the favour of the people, and taking pofleffion of
the palace, and the King’s wives ; for this, it feems,
goes a great way in fixing a Prince upon the throne,
where die fucceffion is contefted : And the fucceffor
makes no fcruple of enjoying the fame wives his fa-
ther did, unlefs his own mother be amongft them ;
and then fire has a feparate houfe and revenue fettled
on her : And, to his father’s wives, the fon, foon j
after his acceffion, adds many more, being ufually j
prefents made him by his Viceroys and Governors,
of the moft beautiful black virgins in his dominions.
On the death of a King, the government feems to
be diffolved till the fucceffor is proclaim’d ; for the
populace
OF GUINEA,
57
CHAP, populace are fuffered fo plunder their wealthy neigh-
VI. hours, and commit all manner of extravagancies with
impunity, till the new King affumes his authority ;
and therefore the Great men ufe all imaginable dili-
gence to invert him with the regal power.
Revenues. This country of Fida is fo rich, and of fo large
an extent, that the King’s revenues are very confi-
derable. Bos man fays, there are not lefs than
i ooo officers employed in colledling the feveral du-
ties and taxes, who are difpers’d through every part
of his dominions, there being fcarce any thing that
is not taxed. There are three Receivers-General
purely upon the account of the Slave trade, the
King having a Rixdollar (about a Crown) for every
flavethat is fold: And of the fhipping, which comes
upon the coaft to trade, he receives, one with ano-
ther, not lefs than four hundred pounds fterling each ;
and there fometimes does not come lefs than fifty in
a-feafon. But, as it is in other kingdoms, his offi-
cers find means, ’tis faid, to defraud their Prince of
the beft part of his revenues.
Caws. Tho’ there be no written laws in Guinea, they
have particular punifhments appropriated to certain
crimes by cuftom. Murder is ufually punifhed with
death, if the perfon killed was a free-man; but,
for the murder of a Have, a fine only is exa&ed.
Adultery alfo is punifhed with death, where it is
committed with any of the King’s wives, or the
wife of a Great man. Bos man relates, that two
Negroes having been guilty of murder at Whidah,
they were, in purfuance of their fentence, ripped
open alive, their bowels taken out and burnt, and
afterwards their bodies fluff’d with fait, and fixed
upon two flakes in the market-place, where he faw
them : That another Negroe, having been familiar
with one of the King’s wives, was fixed to a flake,
and there flood as a mark, for the Courtiers to throw
their darts and launces at, in the prefence of the la-
dy, the partner of his crime, who alfo faw the of-
fending member cut off and burnt : After which,
they were both tied hand and foot, thrown into a
deep pit, and, after a pot of boiling water was lei-
furely poured on them, the pit was filled up, and
they were buried alive.
Another young Negroe, who had drefs’d himfelf
in the habit of a woman, and lived fome time a-
mong the King’s wives, contriv’d to run away with
one of them, and a rich parcel of goods ; but they
were taken in the attempt : Whereupon the young
fellow was tortur’d, to make him confefs if he had
been familiar with any more of them ; but not be-
ing able to extort a confeffion from him, they were
both burnt in the fame fire.
Thievery is ufually punifhed by a heavy fine and
| reftitution of the ftolen goods ; and, if the offender
has nothing to pay, he is either punifhed with death,
or becomes a have to the injur’d perfon: And fo in
debt, where the party is infolvent, himfelf, his wife
Vol. III.
and children are liable to be fold for Haves, accord- CHAP 0
ing to the fentence in the Gofpel. VI.
Bosman, giving an account of the two little
commonwealths of Axim and Ante, near their fort Republicks.
of d’Elmina, fays, that the Cabicero’s are their So-
vereigns, and take the adminiflration of the govern-
ment upon them in times of peace ; but the reft of
the people are confulted in making war : That the
Cabicero's are guilty of great corruption in the ad-
miniftration of juftice ; and that the party that
bribes higheft, ufually carries his caufe ; and it is not
uncommon, when a caufe is delay’d or given againft
a man, for him to attempt to do himfelf juftice, by
feizing the goods of his enemy or debtor ; and this
fometimes occafions a war between the tribes or
great families, who frequently efpoufe the intereft of
their refpeftive friends.
In this republick, the ftealing of men, as well as The Dutch
the ftealing of cattle, is punifh’d with death ; and I thorfty^ver
find the Dutch have ufurp’d fome fort of authority the natives,
or dominion over the natives fubjedl to thefe com-
monwealths : Whereas no other European nation
pretends to bring the people of this coaft into fub-
jetftion to them (the Dutch attempt it not only here,
but in every part of the world where they get foot-
ing). Their countryman relates, that two Cabice-
ro’s of Axim, men of fome figure in this ftate, ha-
ving been long engaged in an odd dilute, viz.
which of them was Have to the other, the caufe
came by way of appeal before the Dutch Factor at
fort d’Elmina, who took upon him to decide the
caufe ; however, he did it in an amicable manner,
by perfwading them to lay afide their animofities, and
own each other for a free-man ; which they agreed
to, embrac’d, and feem’d perfectly reconcil’d before
they went out of the fort, making the Dutch Judge
handfome prefents for putting an end to the ftrife ;
but, before two months were elaps’d, one of the
parties hir’d two aflaffins to murder the other, which
they effected by {hooting him through the head. This
the Hollanders looking upon as a contempt of their
jurifdidtion, in order to aflert their authority, fent
fome of their officers to demand the murderers, that
juftice might be executed upon them ; and, the na-
tives refufing to deliver them up, the Hollanders
march’d with an arm’d force into their country,
threatening deftnuftion to their ftate : At which the
Negroes were fo terrify ’d, that they deliver'd the
criminals into the hands of the Dutch ; who were
contented however with a large fine, at the entreaty
of the Negroes. This ftory, related by the chief
Faftor of their capital fort of Elmina, {hews fuffi-
ciently the dominion the Hollanders have ufurp’d
over the natives : And were not the Englilh and
other Europeans poflefs’d of forts in their neigh-
bourhood, whereby they protect the people and
themfelves from their infults, the Hollanders would
tyrannize as much on the coaft of Guinea, as they
I d®
5 b the presents T A 'T £
CHAP, do in the Eaft-Indies, and in a (Port time not only
VI. make {laves of the natives, but drive the reft of the
Europeans out of the country, as they have done
from the Spice iflands and Java ; where the Spaniards,
Portuguefe, and Englifh had fettlements, till they
were treacheroufly and barbaroufly driven from
thence by the Dutch, which the Englifh never can
forget, fb long as there is fuch an ifland as 3 imbOJ?na
in being, and fo long as we, and all the other nati-
ons of Europe, remain depriv’d of the fine fpices by
the ufurpations of the Dutch. It is amazing to me,
that all the Princes of the world fhould tamely fit
down, and fuft’er the Dutch to monopolize fo valua-
ble a branch of trade, and never attempt to recover
their rights, or fo much as to put in for a (hare of
the fine fpices ! I proceed in the next place to en-
quire what arms are uled by the Negroes, their mi-
litary difcipline, and way of making war.
The Arnnsof Before the arrival of the Europeans upon their
•the Negroes - coaft, the Negroes knew nothing of fire-arms ,
bows and arrows, launces, fwords, darts and ihields
conftituted a complete fet of arms ; which were all
made by the natives themfelves, with no better tools
than a ftone for their hammer, and another for their
anvil : Their fwords were very broad, turn’d back
like a hanger, had a wooden guard, and were not a-
bove a yard in length ; and, ’tis faid, the inland Ne-
groes us’d to poifon their darts and arrows ; but this
was never done by thofe we meet with on the Gui-
nea coaft. They cover and defend themfelves very
dexteroufly with their fhields, againft fwords, laun-
ces and darts ; but thefe are of no ufe againft muf-
ket-bullets. Their fhields are of an oval figure, a-
bove 4 foot long and 3 broad, made of light bafket-
work, cover’d with the firin of a Tyger or fome o~
ther animal, fometimes with thick leather gilt ; and
they have copper plates or boifes on them, which
contribute to their defence, and adorn the fhield.
The Dutch have been much cenfur'd for furnifhing
the Negroes with fire-arms and gun-powder ; but
they will fell any thing for money to friend or foe :
and this is now one of the beft articles in the com-
merce of the Europeans with Guinea ; for, fince
the Dutch began to fell them guns and ammunition,
they have been imitated in it by other nations ; and
the Negroes are obferv’d now to be very good markf-
men, having learnt to {hoot {landing, fitting, lying
or running ; but they generally attack the enemy
under cover, if they can, creeping upon the ground,
and firing as they lie upon their bellies, or getting
Their way behind fome tree. Every Chief of a tribe or fa-
of making mily leads on his own people, flaves and dependants ;
but with very little order : They look like fo many
crowds or heaps of men, rather than Soldiers ; tho 5
fometimes their heroes fingle out each other, and
fight hand to hand with their country weapons. But,
jf any of the crowd fires a mufket, he runs out of
the fight to load, and then returns again, if his par-
ty is not routed in the mean time. And here give
tne leave to obferve, how the Soldier is habited when
he marches to the wars : He flicks his broad fword C H A P.
in the cloth he wraps about him, and has a belt of VI.
bandaleers to load his mufket with, and a pouch for
his bullets, a cap on his head made of the fkin of a a
Crocodile, or fome wild animal, which is adorn’d
with red fhells, a bunch of Horfe-hair, and a bright
chain bound like a coronet about his head, and his
body ufualy painted white, which makes him a very
Ihocking figure.
Every able-bodied man is oblig’d to march into
the field for the defence of his country, or at the
command of his Prince ; fo that there are as many
Soldiers as men : But there are, however, fome who
make arms their only profeffion, and let themfelves
out to the neighbouring nations when their own are
at peace. Their Princes alfo form alliances here, as
ours do in Europe ; and, when any power becomes
formidable to the reft, unite in confederacies to reduce
him within bounds. But the moft frequent occafl-
ons of wars are, the depredations of their Great
men upon fome neighbouring nation : Thefe make
excurfions frequently into each others territories in-
time of peace, and carry off a booty ; and, if fa.-
tisfadtion is not given upon demand, the injur’d
party makes reprifals, and their refpedtive tribes or
nations engage in the quarrel : Nay, if a Great man
in one country has a debt owing to him in another,
and payment is delay’d, he falls upon any of the tribe
the debtor belongs to, and carries off at leaft as much
as will fatisfy his debt ; and if the debtor reprefents to
the Prince or State he is fubjedt to, that he does not
owe any fuch debt, or that he has been hardly and
unjuftly dealt with by the creditor, the matter be-
comes a national quarrel, arid they fight it out ; and
the fide that apprehends it felf weakeft, hires foreign
troops, and fometimes whole nations, to affift them ;
infomuch, that in one of thefe private quarrels four
or five tribes, or nations, perhaps engage on each
fide ; and tho’ feveral of the lefler kingdoms and ftates
can’t raife more than 2 or 3 thoufand men, there are
others that can bring 40 or 5 o thoufand men into the
field ; and in the inland country, their Kings can raife
as many more : But ’tis obferv’d, they are all forc’d to .
quit the field during the rainy feafon. Plunder and
prifoners, on whom they fet excefftve high ranfoms,
or the extending their territories, are their principal
views in thefe wars, as well as thofe of Europe.
Before I difmifs this head, it may be proper to take
notice of fome wars, in which the Dutch and En-
glifh have been concern’d on this coaft, and the oc~
cafion of them ; which will further evince the de-
fign of the Dutch to make a conqueft of Guinea,
and feize the Gold mines there to the exclufion of
other nations ; and that they had probably effected
it, if they had not been oppos’d in this project by
the Englifh African Company.
B osman, the chief Fadtor for the Hollanders An attempt
at the capital fort of St. George d’Elmina in Gui-
nea, relates, That the Dutch fent Miners thither, m ; nes
in the year 1.694. who actually attempted to open a defeated.
Gold
OF GUINEA.
39
CHAP. Gold mine, in a certain mountain near the Dutch
VI. ' fort of Vredenburgh, in the kingdom of Commany.
But the Negroes, obferving what the Miners were
about, let them know, that this hill was dedicated
to one of their gods, and mufl not be touch’d. They
reprefented alfo, no doubt, that they had only given
the Dutch leave to erect forts there, for the fecurity
of their effeas ; but never intended to transfer their
country to them, and fuller foreigners to dig and
carry away their Gold : And, when the Dutch ftill
perfifted in their defign, the natives rofe, and fell
upon the workmen, wounding fome, and making
prifoners of others. Whereupon the Hollanders
complained to the King of Commany of the hofti-
lity ; and, receiving no (atisfadtion from him, mar-
ched a party of Soldiers into his country, in order to
compel the Commanians to relinquilh their mines,
and acquiefce in their being wrought by the Dutch ;
but they were fo warmly received by the natives,
that they were glad to retreat to their fort : And the
Commanians, "juftly relenting this attack of the
Hollanders, enter’d into a confederacy with the En-
glifh, in order to defend their country, and particu-
larly their Gold mines, againft any future invafion :
For, it feems, the Commanians had given the En-
glilh leave to eredt a fort in their country, about a
mile from the Dutch fort (which the Hollanders
complain was a great hindrance to the projedls they
had formed) : And, as the Englilh had reafon to be-
lieve their good allies would take the firft opportunity
of depriving them of this fortrefs, in order to pof-
fefs themfelves of the Gold mines, they very readily
confented to come into an alliance with the Com-
manians for their mutual defence. However, I per-
ceive the Englifh concern’d themfelves no otherwife
in the v/ar, than by influencing fome other Negroe
powers to join the King of Commany. The Dutch
alfo advanced five thoufand pounds, as appears from
their own relation ; with which they hired two Ne-
groe nations to aflift them in fubduing the Comma-
nians, not doubting but they fhould meet with the
fame fuccefs their countrymen had done in the year
1687, when they gained feveral victories over the
Commanians, and obliged them to fubmit to fuch
terms as the Hollanders were pleafed to impofe upon
them ; but, the Dutch Governor very imprudently
threatening feveral other nations at the fame time,
they united againft the Hollanders and their allies,
and gave them one of the greateft defeats that ever
was known in that country ; fcarce any of the allies
of the Dutch efcaping alive out of the field : Howe-
ver, the Hollanders did not yet defift from their pro-
led! ; but, finding means to corrupt fome other Ne-
groe powers, and prevail on them to join them, they
engaged in a fecond battle, and received a fecor.d
memorable overthrow. And new, finding that it
was not poflible to fubdue the Commanians, and
difpoflefs the Englifh of their fort, they thought fit
to drop their defign of monopolizing thofe golden
mountains, and ftrike up a peace with the natives.
The Religion of the Guinea Negroes {hall be eon-
fider’d in the next place : And, it feems, they gene-
rally acknowledge one fupreme almighty Being, that
created the univerfe ; and yet pay him no manner of
worfhip or adoration, never praying to him, or gi-
ving him thanks for any thing they enjoy. They
believe he is too far exalted above them, to take any
notice of poor mortals ; and therefore pray and fa-
crince to a multitude of inferior deities ; of which
they have fome in common to whole nations : And
yet every man has a god or more of his ov/n chufing.
Next to the being of God, no principle feems to be
more generally entertain’d in this and other nations
of the world," than that God is too great to be ap-
proach’d and addrefs’d to by men, and has left the
government of the world to inferior deities, that are
ready to hear and anfwer their prayers. The chief
deity of the Fidaians, a confiderable kingdom of
Guinea, is a ferpent of a particular fpecies, whole
bite is not mortal , and is fo well ufed by his vota-
ries, that he fcarce ever attempts to hurt them. 1 hey
addrefs themfelves to this animal on the moft impor-
tant occafions ; as for feafonable weather, the pre-
fervation of their ftate, or whatever elfe concerns
the publick welfare. They have alfo a grand temple
eredfed inFida, dedicated to this ferpent; and a Id-
ler in almoft every village, with Priefts and Prieft-
efles to officiate in them. The King annually makes
prefents and offerings to the great temple, confifting
of gold, cattle, pieces of filk, and all manner of
meat, drink, fruits, and European merchandize, to
obtain a plentiful harveft, and the profperity of his
kingdom; and, if they apprehend any calamity like
to befal them, thefe offerings are frequently re-
peated.
In this temple, ’tis faid, they always keep a fer-
pent, of a monftrous fize, worfhipping the creature
in perfon, and not in effigy : And formerly, the
King ufed to go on pilgrimage with his whole Court,
annually, to adore this ferpent ; but, of late, de-
putes a certain number of his wives to perform this
ad of devotion in his ftead. Once every year it is
pretended, that the virgins, and young women of
the country, are feized by this fpecies of ferpents,
and worked up to a kind of religious frenzy : Where-
upon they are carried to the ferpents temples in the
refpedive villages, and obliged to remain there for a
certain time, till they return to their fenfes. Thefe
are ufually the wives and daughters of the principal
men of the place, who thereupon make prefents to
the Priefts and Priefteftes ; but my author looks upon
the whole to be a pious fraud to get a little money
out of the people : And, it feems, if any one refu
les his wife or daughft
C H A P,
VI.
G'WJ
Religion of
Whidah.
A Serpent
worihipped.
The Sen-
pent’s teir.”
p!e.
r to go to this idol temple,
when they pretend to be thus infpir’d, he does not
only incur the reputation of a prophane perion, and
an enemy to their religion, hut is in danger of
being ruined by the infii
ius
ig e
n;
3 nr
of the
Priefts; And that they mat be iupported by the
J 2 Government
THE PRESENT STATE
60
C H A P. Government in their pretenfions, the King, it Teems,
VI, is allowed to fhare the profits which the Priefts gain
by this pretended infpiration of the females, who,
when they are difmis’d from the ferpents temple,
are required not to divulge what has happened to
them there, under the fevered penalties ; but this
feetns to be needlefs, becaufe the women are fond of
going to thefe temples on fuch occafions, being al-
lowed to take greater liberties there, than they could
at home. To confirm which. Bos man relates,
that one of the natives of his acquaintance, having
a wife that pretended to be feized with this religious
frenzy, humour’d her in it, and offered to conduct
her to the ferpent’s temple; but, infteadof it, con-
vey’d her to the houfe of a European Fadtor, and
gave her to underftand, that he would certainly fell
her for a Have, if the did not immediately lay afide
her mafk, and return to her wits : Whereupon fhe
fell upon her knees, and begged his pardon, promi-
fing never to trouble him with thefe humours any
more, if he would forgive her ; which he readily
granted, on her promifing fhe would never divulge
what had happened to her Prieft; and thus (fays my
author) he faved the trouble and expence of fending
her to that religious mad-houfe : But, had the mat-
ter been difcoverkl, the man would infallibly have
been ruin’d. Another Negroe, of the Gold coaft,
who married a wife at Whidah, laying her in irons
for pretending to counterfeit a religious frenzy, was
adfually poifon’d by the Priefts, when our author was
there, according to his apprehenfions at leaft ; the
man vifibly declining in his health thereupon, of
which he could give no other account. But this
feems to be only a conjecture of Bosman’s, who
appears to have been an enemy to Priefts of all re-
ligions, and to every thing that had any relation to
religion ; for his inference is, “ From hence you
may obferve, that, throughout the world, it is very
“ dangerous to difoblige Ecclefiafticks” ; not ex-
cepting the Priefts of his own church : And, indeed,
few Dutchmen have any other god, but their gain;
at leaft they generally make their fpiritual concerns
fubfervient to their fecular interefts, witnefs their re-
nouncing their Chriftianity at Japan, for a liberty to
trade there, exclufive of all other Chriftian nations.
Certain it is, the Japanefe will fuffer no other Chri-
ftian, Proteftant, or Papift, to trade with them at
this day : And, as the Dutch know themfelves to
have been charged with this fcandalous piece of hy-
pocrify for many years, and have never endeavour’d
to clear themfelves of it, the world now take it for
granted that they cannot : I wifh they would, if
.they are innocent, take an opportunity of refuting
the charge, that I might do them juftice ; for I
would not be inftrumental in conveying down fuch
an afperfion on a whole nation to pofterity, if I did
not think there were too good grounds to believe it.
But to return to the Fidaians : Such is the reverence
they bear to theft ador’d ferpents, that, fhould any
perfon hurt one of them, or but touch him with a CHAP,
ftick, our author affures us, he would be condemn’d VI,
to the flames : He fays, the Englilh, when they firft
traded thither, being ignorant that thefe ferpents
were worfhipp’d by the natives, kill’d one of them
they found in their houfe ; and that the whole coun-
try rofe in arms thereupon, pull’d them in pieces,
and burnt their merchandize and all their effeCts ;
but I muft confefs I do not give entire credit to the
fad, fince our author informs us, it was an old ftory;
and I do not find it mention’d by any other writer.
But Bos man relates, that, when he was at Fida,.
a Negroe, who was a f rreigner, only took one of
thefe brakes gently on a ftick, and carried the crea-
ture out ot his houfe without hurting it : Where-
upon the natives of Fida fet up their great howl, as
they ufually do in cafe of a fire, immediately alarm’d
the whole city ; and it was with great difficulty that
the King of f ida, being made fenfible of the ftran •
ger’s ignorance, faved his life.
The fame writer affures us, that, in hot weather,
thefe ferpents creep out of their holes, into their
houfes, by half dozens, laying themfelves upon their
chairs, benches and tables, and even getting into
their beds when they are afleep ; and they have no
way of getting rid of the vermin, but by calling the
natives to then affiftance, who will gently take them
up in their hands, and carry them out of doors. The
more venomous ferpents, it feems, frequently attack
thefe deified fnakes, and would be too hard for them,
on account of their ftrength and fuperior venom ;
but, the whole country ufually rifing when they fee
the adored animal attack’d by man or beaft,he never
fails to conquer, if the battle happens in view of
any of his votaries. Fhe largeft fize of thefe adored
ferpents are about two yards long, of the bignets of
a man s arm, anti adorn’d with white, brown and
yellow ftreaks. They are great devourers of Rats ;
but, if a fnake of this fize feizes one, his throat is
lb narrow, that it is an hour before he gets the Rat
through into his belly.
Such is the veneration of this people for thefe
crawling, and to us terrible animals, that they will
not hear any thing fpoken in derifion of them, flop-
ping their ears, and running away, if any European
pretends to laugh at their fuperftitious reverence for
them. B osman relates, that a Hog happening to
devour one of thefe fnakes, a proclamation was im-
mediately iflued for deftroying all the Hogs in the
country, and abundance of them were flaughter’d
on the occafion ; but, at the inftance ot feme of
their rich owners, and feme prefents made to the
King, the fevere decree was revok’d : But Bos m a n
affures us, that fo many were flaughter’d, that Hogs-
fleth became very dear while he was there.
1 he next things the fidaians pay divine honours Lofty tress
to, are fine lofty trees and groves. To thefe they ador, - d<
apply in their ficknefs, or on any private misfortune;
and I ought to have taken notice, that all the fer-
pents
OF GUINEA.
I
or under fome
CHAP, pents temples are in feme grove
VI. fpreading tree.
The Sea is another of their principal gods, to
And the Sea. w h om they facrifice when the winds and waves are
fo tempeftuous, that no foreign Merchants can vifit
their coaft ; which ufually happens in July and Au-
guft, and fometimes in other months : Then they
throw in all manner of goods, meat, drink and
cloathing, to appeafe the enraged element.
But, befides thefe publick objects of adoration,
every man has a numerous fet of gods, of his own
chufing, at Fida. Every thing they meet with on
going abroad, animate or inanimate, they introduce
fnto the number, after it has undergone the follow-
ing trial : They pray to it for fomething they (land
in & need of ; and, if they obtain their defire by any
means, they afcribe their fuccefs to the influence of
this new god ; but if they are diiappointed, they
conclude that it cannot or will not help them, and
treat it with contempt, addrefling to it no more :
Which puts me in mind of the Portuguefe, who are
faid to pray very zealoufly to the image ol St. An-
thony, which they carry about them ; but, if
he does not anfwer their expectations, they beat the
image unmercifully, and drag it through every ken-
nel by way of revenge. But to return :
Both Prieft and Prieftefles have an uncommon re-
fpedt fhewn them in the kingdom of Fida or Whi-
dah : Their perfons, and all that belong to them,
are held facred and inviolable ; and tho’ the wives ot
other men are little better than flaves to their huf-
bands, the hufband of a Prieftefs is obliged to be all
obedience at his peril : Both the ecclefiaftical and ci-
vil Government would refent his afluming any au-
thority over fuch a wife ; which makes the natives
very cautious of marrying- a Prieftefs. Nor would
they ever confent, that their wives fhould be ad-
mitted into the order of priefthood, if they could
help it. For, as I apprehend it, there is a certain
tribe amongft them, who are Priefts and Prieftefles
by inheritance ; but then there are others admitted
by that tribe into this order upon fpecial occaftons.
They have imperfect and confus’d notions of Hear
ven and a future State ; and fome of them mention
a local Hell for the punifhment of the wicked, but
feem to regard it as little as Chriftians do. Thus,
having enquir’d into the religion of the t idaians, I
proceed to treat of the opinions of the people ol the
Gold coaft in this article, where our author reftded
many years.
Here the people alfo believe in one fupreme, al-
mighty Being ; but look upon him to be too much
above them, to regard their affairs ; and therefore
addrefs their prayers upon all occaftons to fome inferi-
or deities or demi-gods, as the Greeks ufually did
of old : Some of them believe, that both black and
white men were created by the fupreme God at the
fame time ; while others afcribe the creation to a
great fpider they call Ananfte, Every thing rda-
Religion of
the Negroes
on the Gold
coaft.
ting to religion they denominate Fetiche, as has been CHAP,
obferv’d already ; but to the idol of their hearts, or
favourite god, they give the title of Boflam, and to
this god the beloved wife is always dedicated.
Every Prieft, or Feticheer, have a different god,
to whom the people under his care apply on publick
occaftons or common calamities. When they are de-
bating on war and peace, they bring facrifices, and
confult the god by their Prieft, who fometimes per-
forms the ceremony alone, and returns an anfwer to
thofe who come to enquire of him ; at other times
he cofults the idol in their prefence; from whom
however they expedl no vocal anfwer ; but the Prieft
throws up fome nuts or fmall pieces of leather, and,
as they fall nearer or further from each other, he
foretels good or bad fuccefs to the undertaking.
They take every folemn oath alfo before an idol,
drinking a draught after it, and praying that their
god may ftrike them dead, or the liquor may burft
them, if they do not perform their engagements, or
if the thing be not true which they atteft : However,
it feems, the Prieft has power to abfolve them from
thefe oaths: To prevent which, upon great occaft-
ons they make the Prieft fwear, that he will not ab-
folve the party, or difpenfe with his oath, requiring
the moft dreadful imprecations from the Prieft to con-
firm it : And the Negroes believe that whoever drinks
the dreadful cup with fuch imprecations, and after-
wards breaks it, will infallibly burft or die (bon after.
When the weather is unfeafonable, either exceflive
wet or dry, the whole town, or country, confult
their Prieft how the vengeance of Heaven may be
appeas’d ; and he generally advifes them to ofter cer-
tain facrifices, which is readily comply ’d with : And
every village has a facred grove let apart, where the
facrifices are kill’d, and divine worlhip perform’d;
and thefe they will not fuffer to be profaned or cut
down upon any occafton. But, befides the idol that
belongs to the Piieft, every perfon has his particular
houftrold-god, before whicli he conftantly performs
his devotions on the day of the week he- was born :
This they call their Boflam, as they do the day itfelf,
and drink no wine or ftrong liquor on that day be-
fore fun-fet : They are alio then habited in white,
or their (kins colour’d with a whitilh earth or paint.
There is another day of the week alfo fet apart for
divine worfhip ; when the Poor facrifice Poultry, and
the Rich a Sheep, to their god, without the aflift-
ance of a Prieft, which is eaten by the man and his
friends; but the guts and inwards, boil’d in the blood,
is reckon’d the moft dilicious morfel here, as well as
in Caffraria : And there are few families in Guinea,
but what are obliged, by ancient cuftom ( which drey
think themfelves religioufly bound to perform ) to ab-
ftain from certain kinds of meat ; fome from the
flefh of Goats, others from that of Hogs, and a third
perhaps from tame white Fowls ; and their reipeebve
children and pofterity never deviate from the rules
preferib’d by their anccftors : Among which, at
Acra
62 THE PRES:
CHAP. Acra on the Gold doaft, circumcifion is one ; but,
VI. from whence they received it, Or how long they
have ufed this rite, none amongft them know ; nor
is it ufed by any other nation of Guinea.
What notion they have of the deities they wor-
fhip is uncertain, any further than that they look up-
on them as beings veiled with great power, and
that carefully obferve their behaviour, and reward
and punifh them in this life according to their deme-
rits : They have not any great expeditions, or dread
of futurity, his faid ; the rewards they expeCt, are a
multitude of wives and Haves, health and wealth, and
other profperous circumftances in this world : And
the punifhments they apprehend, are a deprivation
of thefe. The greateft calamity that can befal them,
and what they dread moil, is death : Murder, adul-
tery and theft, according to my author, are ve-
nial crimes, and may be attoned for with Gold, &c.
But their eating forbidden meats, and drinking pro-
hibited liquors, and a negleCt of their holidays, they
think can never be pardon’d, but will ( with delibe-
rate and wilful perjury) be punifh ’d with death.
Moil of them, as has been hinted already, believe
little of future rewards and punifhments ; tho 5 they
feem generally to agree, that the fouls of good men
furvive after death ; and fome few of them talk of a
Paradife not unlike the Elyfian fields, whither good
fpirits are fent ; that is, fuch as have kept their ho-
lidays, inviolably abftain'd from forbidden meats,
and obferved their oaths : And thofe that have been
deficient in any of thefe particulars are drown’d in a
certain river, and a period put to their exiftence ;
but fcarce any of them feem to have any notion of a
wicked man’s being punifhed eternally. Thofe that
have, are fuppofed to have learnt it from the Chrifti-
ans, with whom they have converfed upwards of
■200 years: And there are thofe, that imagine their
fouls, after death, pals into the bodies of white men,
and undergo an almoft unlimited tranfmigration.
Tho’ all the Negroes worfhip fome creature or
other, yet they have not all idols or images in their
houfes ; and fome of the natives of the mountainous
inland country, ’tis faid, worfhip a living man, as
the Tartars near China do ; of whom they relate
ten thoufand miracles, and believe he dooms them
to happinefs or mifery after death, according to their
deferts : They are charged alfo with worfhipping the
Devil, and keeping a folemn feftival, of eight days
continuance, annually to his honour. But Bosman
is of opinion this is a miftake ; he acknowledges in-
deed they hold fuch a feftival ; but, he lays, it is in
order to drive the Devil out of their country.
Seven days are fpent in feafting, finging and danc-
ing, and great liberties are taken with impunity at
that time : They lampoon their fuperiors, and make
ballads on them, committing all manner of extra-
vagancies ; and, on the eighth day in the morning,
they hunt the Devil out of every town and village
with horrid cries and howling, throwing dirt and
2
iNT STATE
ftones after him ; and, when they have continued CHAR
the frolick as long as they fee fit, they return home, VI.
where they find the good woman employ’d in dean-
ing and fcouring all their pots, pans and utenfils, and
purifying them from all uncleannefs they might have
contracted by Satan’s refiding amongft them. They
have no other annual feftivals but this, and another
after harveft, when they facrifice to their gods for
affording them the fruits of the earth : AsTo their
weekly fabbath, fome keep it on a Tuefday, and
others on a Friday, when no perfon is permitted to
go a fifhing ; but they don’t feem very fcrupulous as
to other kinds of work. However, they all abftain
from Wine on their refpeCtive fabbaths, and facrifice
fomething to their gods on that day.
They certainly believe, that their fouls furvive af-
ter death ; not only becaule fome of the gods they
worfhip are thought to have been once great and
virtuous perfons upon earth, but by the numerous
ftones they entertain the Europeans with of appari-
tions or fpirits : Nay, they feem to believe fpeCtres
and apparitions more firmly than any article of their
religion, terrifying themfelves and others with an
apprehenfion of being difturbed by them. Never
any perfon dies, especially if he be a man of figure,
but they believe he appears for feveral nights about
the place where he died ; which does not confift at
all with the notion fome have given us of them,
that they believe the foul dies with the body : Nay,
they aferibe a great power to fuch unimbodied fpi-
rits ; of which Bosman gives the following in-
ftance. He fays, one of their Kings happening to
be kill’d, who was a profefs’d enemy to the Dutch,
and the chief Factor of the Hollanders fort dying
fome few days after, they concluded he had been
fnatch’d away by their deceas’d King, who had a
power of punifhing him in the other world, tho 5
he could not fubdue the Dutch while he was in this
mortal ftate. They feem to have a great deal of
faith in magick or witchcraft, or fomething like it,
endeavouring to revenge themfelves on their ene-
mies by charms and fpells, which they hire a Prieft
to ufe, believing his curfes will have the defir’d
effect : They apply to him alfo for the difeovery of
ftolen goods, which he pretends to help them to by
the aid of good or bad fpirits, but which of them
our author don’t inform us 5 only obferves, that
their Pritfts aCt in a triple capacity, viz. as Prophets,
Conjurers and Phyficians ; and, when medicine does
not anfwer their expectations, they have recourfe to
facrifices and charms ; and the people have fo good
an opinion of them, that, if the Prieft does not re-
cover the patient, or fucceed in what he undertakes,
they impute it to fome defect in the facrifice or them-
felves, or to any thing, rather than the unfkilfulnefs
or inability of the Prieft.
I he next particular I fhail enquire into, is the The Diet of
Diet of the Negroes : And, it feems, they eat but Negroes,
poorly upon the Gold coaft (at ieaft in the opinion of
the
OF GUINEA.
63
r H A P th» Europeans). Millet, boil’d to the confiftence of their ftomachs and bowels, out a fpecies that are CHAP
CHAF. r "V q me frmnrl between the tkin and the flefti, and give the VI.
VI.
vyv
Difeafes of
the Negroes
bread, is their comman food, or Potatoes, Yams,
and other roots in the room of it, well drench d in
Palm oil ; and, if to this they add a few bod’d herbs
and {linking fifh (for they always let them lie upon
the ground till they ftink) the common people think
they live luxurioufly that day : Nor do their fuperiors
eat better, only they allow themfelves a greater quan-
tity of fifh and herbs than the poor can afford. They
have a difh alfo much admir’d by them, which is a
mixture of corn, pafte and Palm oil bod’d toge-
ther, to which they give the name of Malaget, and
is in fome efteem with the Dutch, poffibly becaufe
it may refemble their own Grout. They have alfo
variety of Garden-beans and Pulfe, with Banana s
and other fruits that ferve them for food.
At Benin and the Slave coaft the better fort of
people eat Beef, Mutton and Fowls ; and are fo good
to their poor, ’tis faid, that they are always welcome
to their tables when they want employment, and
cannot provide for themfelves. They are alfo ex-
tremely hofpitable to ftrangers, being proud of no-
thing: more than the character of generous free-heart-
ed people. Dried fifh and roots are the principal
food of the common people at Benin : But, how
meanly foever the Negroes live as to eating, thofe
near the coaft make it up with liquor, ft here is no
part of the Guinea coaft where they don t drink
drams in the morning, and Palm wine in the after-
noon ; and their Chiefs of the towns, or petty Kings,
as the Dutch call them, will meet the meaneft of
their fubjeefs in the market-place of an evening,
and, forming a circle upon the ground, drink to a
very great excefs, being attended by their women
at the fame time, who are no lefsaddified to drink-
ing than the men, and their converfation is ufually
as fmutty as that of a drunken crew of Sailors, which
does not at all offend the modefty of the Negroe
females, who maintain their ground, and fit drink-
ing and fmoaking with the men frequently till morn-
ing. But, I’m apt to think, the Negroes of the
inland country are not fo diftolute a people as thofe
upon the coaft : If foreigners were to make an efti-
mate of the Englifh, from the people of both fixes
they meet with in the fea-port towns, it would not
be much to our advantage. But, befides Wine,
they have a fort of Beer made of Millet, fome ot it
very ftrong ; few of them drink Water, it being
efteem’d very unwholefome here : And they have
alfo the milk of young Cocoa-nuts, which is an
exceeding cooling and refrefhing liquor ; but, as foi
Cow’s milk, I perceive they never drink of it.
Notwithftanding this country is found fo unhealth-
ful for European conftitutions, the natives have but
very few diftempsrs : The Small-pox is the mod
fatal to them of any. This, indeed, fweeps them
away like the Plague, as it generally does all other
people in warm climates : And Worms are an epi-
demical diftemper 5 net fuch as afflict our people in
found between the fkin and the flefti, and give the VI.
patient inexpreffible torment till they are drawn out ;
and this is an operation that lafts a month, and more
fometimes.
As foon as the head of the Worm has broken
through the tumour, and is come a little way of it-
felf, they draw it further, winding it about a ftick
a little at a time ; and, when they find it come hard,
they defift, for fear of breaking it ; and then try at it
again another day, and fo on till they have got it quite
out, and then the patient is at eafe : But, if the
Worm breaks, he endures a great deal of pain ; for
the Worm either rots in the flefti, or breaks out at
another place : Some of the Negroes have 9 or 10
of thefe Worms in them at once, and the Europeans
are not entirely free from them. Thefe Worms are
a yard long, and fometimes as much more : Nor
is this the diftemper of Guinea only, our people,
as well as the natives, are afflidled with it in the
Eaft-Indies. A greedy ravenous Appetite is alfo
reckon’d among the difeafes of the Guinea Negroes,
which proceeds, as fome imagine, from drinking
Palm wine to excefs. The Venereal diftemper is alfo
fatal to many of them, having yet no methods of
cure ; and few of them efcape it amidft fuch num-
bers of common women, who make a trade of let-
ting themfelves out. Wounds in the wars of Mars
are no lefs dangerous than thofe of Venus, efpecially
if there be any {batter’d bones ; for they can cure
nothing but ordinary flefti- wounds, which they do
by applying pultefies of fome falutary herbs to them,.
But tho’ the Negroes are generally healthful, they
l'eldom live to a great age ; one of fifty is efteemed
an old man in this country. As to the remedies for
thefe, and other difeafes, travellers relate, that they
ule green herbs in moft cafes : But what herbs thofe
are, they have not yet inform’d us, poffibly few
Botanifts have made the voyage, it being generally
fo fatal to Europeans. I proceed therefore to enquire Difeafes of
into the diftempers Europeans are principally affliefted ^
with on the Guinea coaft, and the reafons ufually
given for their ill ftate of health here. The diftem-
pers Europeans are moft fubjeFt to, are Fevers, Dy-
fenteries, and the Colick. Bos man aferibes them
to the exceffive heat of the day, and the coldnefs or
the night, the Europeans not being ufed to fuch Hid-
den changes. Another reafon he affigns, is the thick
{linking fogs, that arife from the valleys between
the hills, and from the falt-marfhes near the fea, and
at the mouths of the rivers where their factories are
ufually fituated : Nor does the {linking fifh, which
the natives lay to rot upon the fltoie, contribute a
little to infedf the air, he thinks : And it is- a matter
of fact not to be contefted, that few arrive here, but
are immediately feiz d with a fit of ficknefs, Oi
which abundance die. But he aferibes this, in a
great meafure, to the want of good kitchen phyfick
and good medicines .; and tho’ a great many haften
their
6 a the present state
C H A P. their own deaths by Intemperate living, yet the moft
VL regular men are frequently carried off : Indeed the
Portuguefe, who come from a warmer climate, and
are ufed to another fort of diet than the Englifh and
Dutch, have their healths on all the coaft of Africa
a! molt as well as the natives ; and therefore difcove-
ries in thofe warm latitudes feem much properer
for them, than for the more northern nations. But,
among other caufes that B os m an affigns for the ill
health of the Europeans, is the plague of Flies ;
fuch fwarms of Gnats or Mufkeeto’s are perpetually
buzzing about and flinging them, fo that they can
get no reft night or day : And this is the cafe of all
countries that are hot and moift. Thefe and a thou-
fand other infers are perpetually feafting upon the
blood and flefh of thofe that come amongft them ;
and, as they feem to delight moft in that of foreign-
ers, fo their flings are attended with worfe confe-
quences, than when they attack a native : For the
firft are fo fwell’d up at their arrival, that they can
fcarce be known by their friends ; whereas the na-
tives, and thofe who have been ufed to the country,
feel no fuch effects from their bite or fling. It is
obferved alfo, that warm woody countries, that are
not clear’d, and where the winds have not a free
paffage, are much the worft.
Marriages. I fhall, in the next place, enquire into their Mar-
riage-ceremonies, and the condition of their women
and children : And, I find, the lover or his friends
contrail with the father of the virgin, and that fre-
quently before the girl is capable of making any
choice ; fo that if matrimony confifts in the mutual
confentof the parties, there is no fuel) thing here.
The parents of the bride and bridegroom make the
bargain when they are children, and no fon or daugh-
ter ever pretends to difpute the authority of the fa-
ther in this matter, when they grow up. As foon
as the bride is deemed capable of man iage-joys, fne
is taken home by the hufband, without any other
fortune to recommend her, than her native charms :
For the hufband, it feems, prefer.ts her with her very
cioaths and ornaments, of which he takes a particu-
lar account, becaufe, if fhe mifbehaves herfelf, fhe
is ftripp’d of them, and return’d naked to her friends ;
but, if the man divorces her without any fault of
hers, Ihe carries off her wedding cioaths and jewels.
There is an entertainment for the friends and rela-
tions when the wife is taken home, and (he is buf-
fered to drefs and live at her eafe for fome few days ;
but then fhe is forced to work amongft the reft of
his wives, to dig, plant, and fow the ground ; for
the men leave the hufbandry, as well as the bufinefs
of the houfe, entirely to the women ; and there
feems to be very little difference between their wives
and flaves in this refpect : Therefore no man ftands
upon quality in the choice of a wife ; for, as he de-
hgns to ufe her as a drudge, he will as foon take the
daughter of the meaneft man, as of one of their chiefs.
I hole that live the eafieft amongft them, are the
wives of the Merchants, the dealers in Wine, and CHAP,
the Fifhermen, who have no lands to manure ; for VI,
thefe do fomething towards bringing in a livelihood,
and providing for their families : Whereas the men
of eftates make their wives manure and cultivate
them ; and the more wives they have, the greater
is their flock of Corn, Rice and Plants, which makes
them multiply their wives as faft as they can ; tho’
thofe on the Gold coaft, my author fays, are limited
to twenty ; yet, in the kingdom of Whidah, they
take fome hundreds, and the King feveral thoufands,
who are no more exempted from hufbandry and
other drudgeries, than thofe of private men, except
fome few of his favourites. They have alfo one
wife they call their Boffum, dedicated to their houf-
hold-god, who is exempted from working, and en-
joys many other privileges in the life-time of her
hufband ; but fome fay, it is expedled fhe fhould fol-
low her lord into the other world, when he makes
his exit, as is expected alfo from fome Indian wives ■,
but this does not feem to be much pradlifed of late :
The Boftiim is ufually fome young beautiful Have,
purchafed with a defign of dedicating her to his god,
and with whom he feems under fome obligation of
fpending his time on the night of his birth-day, and
of the other day of the week appropriated to the fer-
vice of their gods. There is alfo another wife, to
whom the affairs of the houfe are entrufted, and the
government of the reft is committed, who is ex-
empted from labour : And thefe two the Negroes
are very jealous of, and endeavour to keep to them-
felves ; but, for the reft, they are not fo much con-
cern’d : The common people will wink at their be-
llowing their favours on other men ; and, indeed,
promote their own dilhonour, provided they can get
money by it : They will, ’tis laid, contrive with
their wives how to draw young fellows into the fnare,
for the fake of the damages they are entitled to, when
another invades their property ; for the meaneft man
does not recover lefs than five or fix pounds fter-
ling, if he can prove the offence ; and they generally
find means to have fome evidence of the fadt, be-
fides the wife’s : For, if the man will take a folemn
oath that he is innocent, and there can be no wit-
nels againft him but the wife (as I underftand
Bos man) he cannot be conv idled.
Upon the Gold coaft, the man and his wife have Defctnt of
not a community of goods, ’tis faid ; but thofe the eftates.
men leaves go to his eldeft brother and his children ;
and thofe of the women to her eldeft brother and
his ifiue : Their refpedlive children do not inherit
the goods of either father or mother. However,
if the father be a fovereign Prince, or Lord of any
town or country, the eldeft lbn fucceeds his father
in thefe commands, tho’ he has nothing of his ef-
fedls, but his arms ; and at Whidah, and other parts
of Guinea, the eldeft fon fucceeds to his father’s
effate and c ft eels, as well as in the governments and
lordlhips he held ; And tho’ the Negroes ufe their
concubines
o F G U 1 N E A. 65
CHAP concubines and female-Haves frequently, as well as girl ; and, as they grow up, they gain a third by CHAR
VI ’ their wives bv contraa ; yet are their children illegi- their employment, or fome great aftion they per- Vi.
timate, and Haves to the heir, if he does not en- form ; as the killing a wild bead, fignalizing them-
franchife them before his death. The multitude of felves in the wars, and the like, in fome places
wives, concubines and Haves thefe people keep, is they circumcife their children ; but this is not per-
for the date and grandeur of the matter, as well as form’d ’till they are five or fix years of age, or more,
on account of the profit of them : Here, as well as They alfo imitate the Jews, in obliging their wo-
in India, a man is edeem’d according to the number men to live feparately from them at certain times;
of women and Haves he keeps to run before him, and are fo fevere upon them in fome parts of Gui-
and to fin? and dance, and divert him when he ap- nea, that they make it a forfeiture of their liberties
pears in publick. But there is one inconvenience in to come into any man’s houfe in luch circumdances.
a man’s having a large family, and numerous de- The women that are unmarried, ’tis faid, take
pendants, in Guinea; that he is anfwerable for all very great liberties, which is no reproach to them
the mifchief and damage they do any one, and obli- upon this coad, neither does it hinder their getting
ged to make it good : Nor do the people here wait, hufbands ; but this is to be underdood .only of the
till they can have judice done them in courts of law ; inferior people : And, as thefe fell their favours as
but, where a man’s Have has done them any injury, dear as they can, Bosman relates, there are others
they immediately make reprilals on the mader ; and purchaied by every townlhip almod, to lupply the
this is frequently the occafion of wars among the neceffities of unmarried men ; and that thefe are o«
different tribes, who ufually efpoufe the caufe of their bliged to admit of the men’s company, whether
feveral friends and relations, as has been hinted already. Haves or others, for the value of a farthing : That
The Negroes of the inland country are much thefe women have huts by the way-fides, where
more jealous of their honour, than thofe upon the they entertain thofe that are difpofed to become their
coad : If any one is familiar with their wives, no- gallants : That they generally get an ill diieafe by
thing lefs than his ruin will fatisfy them : If the of- their converfing with fuch numbers of men, and
fender be a Have, his death mud attone for the crime, become the mod miferable objects in the world ;
in which he ufually undergoes the mod exquifite tor- none thinking it worth while to take any care of
ture ; apd his mader is obliged to pay a confidera- their cure, or to relieve their wants, tho’ thefe crea-
ble fine befides. The woman alfo pays for her wan- tures are mightily carefs’d while they are in their
tonnefs with the forfeit of her life, unlefs her rela- bloom : And the Dutch tell us, that, when they
tions will redeem her with a fwinging fine ; and would bring any of the neighbouring towns to their
where {he has committed the crime with a Have, terms, they (eize thefe ladies of pleafure, and carry
no money will purchafe her peace : She is put to them to their forts, being aflured the natives will
death without mercy, and the mader of the Have fubmit to any thing to obtain their liberty. B os-
obliged to pay the hufband very confiderable dama- man adds, that people here look upon it as an aft of
ges : There have been indances of thofe, who have charity to purchafe fuch young female-fiaves, to re-
been obliged to pay two or three thoufand pounds lieve the neceffities of the publick; and that the
for the offence of a Have, where a Prince or Great rich Negroe women frequently leave fome legacies
man is injur’d ; and thefe ufually affemble their of this kind when they die ; which brings me to
fubjefts and dependants, and do themfelves judice, treat of the behaviour of the Guinea Negroes, on
as in other cafes, engaging the whole country in the the death of their relations, and the folemnity of
quarrel. But, if the man goes adray, the wife has their funerals.
no redrefs, die mud not murmur whenever he When a perfon of any figure dies, his wives, Their fone-
ranges; which feems a little unjud, becaufe the cu- his relations. Haves and dependants, immediately fet rals ‘
dom of the country allows a man women in abun- up a difmal howl : His wives diave their heads,
dance of his own : Whereas twenty or thirty fe- cloath fuch parts of their bodies with rags, as are
males, perhaps a great many more, fliare but one ufually cloathed, and, for the red, colour their black
man amoned them. fkins with a white paint or clay, running about the
They feern to have a great regard to their wo- dreets, and bewailing themfelves like fo many di--
men when they are with child, and make lacrifices drafted creatures ; and this they repeat feveral days
and offerings to their gods when a woman is fird fuccefiively : And, it teems, the people ot Guinea
found pregnant. At the birth of the child the Pried Icarce look upon death to be natural ; but that it is al-
l's fent for, who binds up the head, puts on fome ways a punidnnent inflifted on them by their gods, for
rings and fpells to proteft the infant againd enchant- fome notorious offences. The Pried therefore being
V men-ts, and performs fome religious ceremonies upon fent for, a very drift enquiry is made into the life
the occafion, as our Europeans apprehend at lead : ot the deceas'd ; as, Whether he was ever perjur d ?
And there are two names bedowed upon it, viz. Whether Ire was guilty ot eating prohibited meats ?
the day of the week on which it is born, the grand- Whether he obleiv’d their iabbaths and holidays, or
•father’s name if a bov, and the grandmother’s if a the like ? Bosman lays, the deceas’d is carried
Vol. III. ' K ’ about
66 . T H E PRE
CHAP, about upon men’s {boulders, while the Prieft puts
VI. thefe queftions to him ; and, by fome circumftances
in the pofition of the body, or its inclining one way
or other when the Prieft puts the queftion to him, he
conjectures the caufe of his death, and communicates
it to his relations. There is ftill another way they
ufually imagine he may have been taken off ; and
that is, by the charms or {pells of his enemies : And
accordingly, if any of his enemies have been fufpec-
ted of pracftifing magick, they make no fcruple of
charging him with the death of their friend, and
perhaps endeavour to revenge it.
While the corpfe remains unburied, all the relati-
ons, friends and neighbours, attend it, and join in
the lamentions of the family : It is cuftomary alfo
to bring prefents with them of gold, linnen, good li-
quors, fruits, and other eatables, which feerns the
more reafonable, fmce they are entertaind by the heir
all the time of their ftay. At length the corpfe, be-
ing richly habited, is put into a coffin, with a con-
fiderabie quantity of gold, coral, and other valuable
effects, fuitable to the circumftances of the deceas’d :
He is carried to the burying-place, preceded by great
numbers of Mufketeers, who fire their guns all the
way, and the reft of the people follow the corpfe,
making the air ring with their lamentations, but
obferve no manner of order in the proceffion.
So foon as the corpfe is interr’d, moll of the com-
pany return to the houfe of the deceas’d, which is
now no longer a place of mourning ; for here they
drink and feaft for feveral days fucceffively, congra-
tulating the heir probably on his coming to the pof-
feffion of his eftate.
ficVdo/the* ^ ien a King is buried. Bos man afilires us, fe-
death°ofV veralof his Haves are facrificed, in order to ferve him
Tiing. in the other world ; as are his Boffums, or wives,
dedicated to his gods ; which is another manifeft proof,
that the Negroes believe the foul furvives the body,
and that men have much the fame neceffities, and
enjoy the like ftations in the other world, as they did
in this ; tho’ the latter part of this notion is very
different from the Chriftian’s belief, who make the
virtuous only to be entitled to a place in Paradife:
But what is ftill more to be lamented, than the put-
ting thefe miferable wretches to death, is the pain
they endure in the execution. They pierce and cut
them, as in fport, for feveral hours : Bosman fiys,
he faw eleven put to death in this manner ; and, a-
mongft them, one who had endured themoft exqui-
fite torture, was deliver’d to a little child to cut off
his head, which he was an hour in doing with a hea-
vy broad fword he could hardly lift.
Inftead of a tomb, the Negroes ufually build a
houfe, or plant a garden over the grave ; and, at
Axim, they fet images of clay upon it, which they
walh and clean every year on the anniverfary of the
funeral, when the expence is as great, as at the time
the perfon was buried.
SENT STATE
They are not lefs defirous of being interr’d among CHAP,
their anceftors, than the people of Europe ; and, VI.
when they die at too great a diftance from home to
be removed thither, their relations, however, will
bring home their friend’s head, and fome of his limbs,
particularly if he is kill’d in a foreign war.
There are fome other articles that ftill remain to Language
be fpoke to, fuch as their languages, learning, mu-
fick and diverfions ; but I meet with little on thefe
heads. Bosman tells us, that their language is a
very difagreeable brutal found: That, tho’ the Eu-
ropeans have often endeavour’d to expreft their words
in writing, they have never been able to do it : From
whence I am apt to infer, it is not very different
from that of the Hottentots, who exprets themfelves,
in many inftances, by inarticulate founds, which
travellers compare to the noife of Turkey-cocks:
However, of this fort of language, it feems, there
are many different dialedls, fo different from each o-
ther, that, in the fpace of fixty miles, there are fix
or feven feveral people upon the Gold coaft that
don’t understand one another, according to the fame
writer: And, as for learning, where there is neither
reading or writing, and they know nothing of the
dead languages, or even of the modern of any coun-
try but their own ; nothing of that kind can be ex-
pected from them : They are perfectly igvorant when
their country was firft peopled, and from what na-
tion they derive their original ; but feem to have a
pretty general tradition, that both Black and White
men were created lb at firft by God, and do not af-
cribe their dark complexions to the heat of the Sun,
or to any accident or circumftance in their Situation.
To which fome add another tradition (viz.) that
God, foon after the creation, gave them their choice
ofwifdom or wealth; and that their anceftors chofe
the latter : Whereupon God placed them in Africa ;
but was fo angry with the option they made, that he
doomed them to be fiaves to the White men, on whom
he bellowed wifdom, learning, arts and (ciences,
and gave the Blacks the treafures of Gold ; for, ac-
cording to their notion, learning is appropriated to the
White men, and Gold to the Blacks : That there is •
no Gold to be had out of their country, nor any
learning amongft thofe who inhabit it. Bosman
mentions a Popifh Prieft, that ufed great endeavours
to fet thefe people right in their notions, and make
profelytes of them to Chriftianity ; and, when all his
arguments proved ineffectual, threatened them with
the flames of hell for perfifting in their fuperftitions :
To which they only anfwer’d, that they Ihould be
in as good a condition as their anceftors, who had,
for time immemorial, worlhip’d the fame gods, and
obferved the fame cuftoms.
Their mufical inftruments at Axim, Bosman Mufick.
informs us, are trumpets, made of Elephants teeth,
bor’d through, with which they make a loud, but
difagreeable noife ; and, it feems, it is more for the
honour of the matter, than the mufick, that their
Great .
OF NIGRITIA, ZAARA
CHAP. Great men have thefe inftruments founded before
VI ' them. They have alfo a kind of drum, made of a
wooden bowl, with a Sheep s-fkin ftretch d over it in
the form of a kettle-drum, having two wooden ham-
mers for drum-flicks ; tho’ fometimes they play up-
on them with their bare hands m confort with their
trumpets, which afford no great harmony neither in
the opinion of any but Negroes ; nor is the hollow
iron bell they beat upon at the fame time much more
agreeable : The leaft fhocking of any part of their
mufick, is an inftrument made in the flaape of a harp,
which makes a noife that may be borne with patience.
They have alfo a great variety of other drums and
mu ileal inftruments, very entertaining in their opi-
nion ; but travellers don’t think them worth a de-
feription. They ftng and dance, however, to their
mufick, fuch as it is ; and feem to be as much charm-
ed with it, as Europeans are with the beft voices
and inftruments, and the fineft compofitions of the
Italians.
Some tribes of the Negroes are mightily given to
gaming, and will flake all they have upon the event
,pf the game ; but I don’t find, that they play d at a-
ny other game, than that of Draughts, or fomething
like it, in which they ufed large Beans, till the Eu-
ropeans taught them to play with Cards and Dice :
Their rural fports are either hunting, fliooting or
fifhing ; and game is fo plentiful at Whidah, and
fome other parts of Guinea, that a man may load
himfelf with it in a few hours, ’tis faid ; but they
have no Dogs to hunt or fpring the game for them,
or Horfes to"ride after it, as with us ; Guns, Nets
and Snares, are what they ule on thefe occafions :
But, in fifhing, they want no tackle that the Euro-
peans ufe, as has been related already : And, indeed,
fifhing is the principal employment, as well as di-
verfion, of thofe tribes that lie near the coaft.
C El A P. VII.
fhe Prefent State of Nigritia, Zaara and
Biledulgerid.
T
Containing the Prefent State of Nigritia or Negroe-
land, Zaara or the Defart, and of Biledulgerid
olim Numidia.
C H A P. JVT 1 G R IT I A, or Negroeland, fuppofed to re-
VII. JJN ceive its name from the dark complexion of
the natives, or from the river Niger, that runs through
the middle of it, according to the beft information I
can get of the country, extends from i o degrees to
20 north; and, in longitude, about 3000 miles, as
Geographers conjecture ; bounding it with Cape
f Verd, 1 3 degrees weft of London, and carrying it to
the confines of the Upper Ethiopia, or Abyiftnia,
30 degrees to the eaftward of London : But, fhould
it be admitted, that fome Europeans have gone up
the river Niger, and difeover’d the country for 300
AND BILEDULGERID. 67
mile, to the eaftward of Cape Verd, as they pre- C H A P„
tend ; certain it is, that all the remainder of the 3 000 VII.
miles to the eaftward of that, is perfectly unknown
to the European nations, unlefs what they have ga-
thered from the report of the natives, who are but
poorly qualified to give a defeription of their country :
Neither is the language of feveral of the Negroe na-
tions, who come down to the mouths of the river
Niger to trade with the Europeans, underftood by
them, or even by the natives on the coaft ; and con-
fcquently all the deferiptions we have of the Negroe-
land, above 300 miles to the weftward of Cape Verd
and the Atlantick Ocean, muft be imperfeCt ; I doubt
they can lcarce be reiv’d on in any one particular :
There may be fortv kingdoms and nations of diffe-
rent people, for ought we know, comprehended in
that vaft tradl aflign’d to Negroeland, which our
Geographers continue under that name, for no other
reafon, than that they are very much in the dark,
as to all beyond the mouths of the Niger.
This mighty river empties itfelf into the Atlantick The river
Ocean by feveral mouths ; of which the three largeft Nl £ er<
are, i . The Rio Grande, or Great River ; 2. The
Gambia ; and, The 3 . Senegal : And, as the mouth
of the river Grande lies in 1 1 degrees north latitude,
and the Senegal in 1 6, confequently it is upwards
of 300 miles between the two moft diftant mouths
of this river ; and all the country between, except
the rifing grounds, are annually overflow’d, as the
Delta in Egypt is by the Nile, and much about the
fame time," the heads of the Nile and the Niger not
being very far diftant, and the rains that fwell them
falling at the fame time. The Portuguefe, on the European
firft difeovery of Cape Verd, fixed feveral colonies fettlements
and fettlements on the river Niger ; of which they Uuthsof
ftill retain thofe of Catheco and B:ffeo, on the river the Niger.
Grande : The Englifb have, at this day, two fettle-
ments, one on Charles ifland, and another on James
ifland, in the mouth of the river Gambia, and too
miles farther north: The French have two fettle-
ments, one on the louth, and the other on the north
of Cape Verd, near the mouth of the Senega or Se-
negal, and to the northward of them, on the river
of St. John : The Dutch alfo have fome fettlements ;
all which formerly belong’d to the Portuguefe.
The chief Negroe town, which Hiftorians and Chief towa
Geographers frequently make the capital of a migh- ,°/ n( f eg ^ m
ty empire, isTombut, fituate in 15 degrees north t> ut J
latitude, 6 degrees and a half weftward of London :
But I can’t learn, that this, or anv of their towns,
confiftofany other or better buildings than oui or-
dinarv cottages, having clay walls and thatch J roots.
Such towns or villages as thofe, ’tis faid, ftand pret-
ty thick in that part of the country which the Euro-
peans are acquainted with : And, ’tis thought, if Fruitful
their lands were as well cultivated, they would yield cuuntry "
as good crops of grain, as thofe of Egypt do, which
have the like advantage of being overflow’d annual-
ly by the Nile, as thefe are by the Niger. How-
K. 2 ever,
68
THE P R E S E N T S T ATE
^ ^ ^ ever ’ as . lt; G foil of Negroeland yields great plen- lbme time in it. It has been reported, indeed, that CHAP
NHi. ty of Rice and Millet, Palm-trees, Cocoa-nuts, and there are no Blacks out of Africa ; but probably thofe VII
otlier Iruits, herbs and roots, with flefh, filh writers, who allotted this, had their information
p . anc l f° w l S fo that the natives live very plentifully, from fuch Merchants, or Seamen, as had vifited on-
the natives. to tllc ' r perfons, they are generally of a good fta- ly the coaft of India ; where, ’tis true, there is a
ture, and of hail, robuft conftitutions ; their com- tawny mingled breed ; but even there the greateft
plexionsjhe deepeft black; their hair black, Ihort, numbers of the natives are black, who lie within
and curl’d like wool ; their nofes flat ; their lips thick; the Tropic of Cancer : Indeed the Indian Blacks
and fcarce differing in any thing from thofe of their have not the flat nofes, and thick lips, or the Ihort
neighbours in Guinea; only, as they are much Ids frizled hair of the Negroes: But thefe, I think
vers’d in traffick, it is obferved, they are a plainer have never been reckon’d part of Noah’s curfe.
honefter people. There are fome Mahometans, Another realbn aflign’d for the blacknels of the
and a few Chriftians, which the Portuguese have Negroes, is the heat of the climate; their country
made profelytes of, ’tis faid, upon the coaft, and being fituated within the Torrid Zone. But neither
near the mouths of the rivers : But all the inland Ne- can this be admitted as the foie reafon of it ; for great
groes are ftill Pagans, as thofe of Guinea are ; and part of the continent of America alfo lies within the
probably their cuftoms, rites and ceremonies not ve- Torrid Zone ; and yet there never was a black man
ry different from theirs. The European nations, there, till the Europeans tranfported them thither
that are fettled on this coaft, deal with the natives from Africa.
chiefly for flaves ; tho’ they may Ibmetimes meet
with Gold, Elephants teeth and Drugs, but in no
Cape Verd, great quantities. Cape Verd, which lies in 15 de-
grees of north latitude, near the river Senega, is the
moft wefterly promontory of Africa, as has been ob-
ferved already, and obtained the name of Verd, from
the verdure of the groves of Palm-trees, and other
ever-greens the Portuguefe found upon it at their
arrival on this coaft.
Before I take leave of this land of the Blacks ( for
the nations to the northward are of an olive colour )
it may be proper to take notice of the different opini-
ons of the learned, concerning the reafon of this
dark complexion of the Negroes,
into the^eT- ^ was lon § tlie °P> n i°n of the Chriftians in gene-
fon of diffe- ral, and perhaps of the Jews before them, that all
TxionTand nien were whlte 1:511 after tlie Flood 5 but that Ham,
features. 30 tlie Second fon of Noah, was converted from a white
man, to a black man, by his father’s curling him ;
and that Africa, filling to the lot of this fon, all his
pofterity, who poflefs’d this part of the world, have
remained black ever fince.
But that this curfe of Noah’s was not tlie occafi-
on of fuch a change of complexion is pretty evident :
For firft, the pofterity of Cham, or Ham, if they
poffefs’d Africa, are not all black : The entire no-
thern coaft, from Egypt to the empire of Fez inclu-
five, and for feveral hundred miles to the fouthward,
even as far as tlie Tropic of Cancer, if not further,
are not black, any more than thofe who inhabit to the
fouthward of the Tropic of Capricorn.
2 . The people, in fome parts of Afia, particu-
larly in the peninfula of India, on this fide the river
Ganges, and who are foppofed to be the pofterity of
Seth, the favourite fon, are full as black within the
Tropic of Cancer, as any of the Negroes in Africa:
Nor is there, in the inland country of India, at a
cl-iftance from the coaft, a fingle perfon to be found,
'fiat is not black ; at leaft I never met with one, tho’
I travelled ioo miles in that country, and refided
Others have fuggefted, that the people of Africa,
being of a tawny complexion, between black and
white originally, and not able to make themfelves
as white as their northern neighbours, took great
pains to make themfelves black, as a more defirable
colour than the olive : That they accordingly rub-
bed over their bodies with oil or greafe, mixed with
foot, or fome other black ingredients; and thereby
contributed to render their complexions darker than
they were originally ; and that the women afterwards,,
feeing nothing elfe but black men, brought black
children into the world : And thefe ftreng'chen their
opinions by fome very notable facts. It is obferved
by all travellers, that the Negroes greafe or anoint
themfelves, and their children, continually from the
hour they are born ; and that many of them mix black
ingredients with the oinment : That the Caffries and
Hottentots, beyond the Tropic of Cancer, who are
not naturally of fo dark a complexion as the Negroes
nearer the Line, do adfually darken their Ikins pretty
much, by rubbing them with fat and foot.
Others obferve, that not only the complexions, but
the very features, hair, make and ftature of people
differ, as the country and climate differs, wherein
they were feverally born : And as to the Negroes in
particular, their hair, their lips and nofes, are not
at all like thofe of Afia or Europe, or even thofe who
live in the north of Africa. The Scythians, of old,
and the Tartars and Laplanders, at prefent, are of a
very different make from the people of the fouthern
parts of Europe or Afia : The Tartars are remark-
able for their olive complexions, Iquat make, flat
faces, and little eyes fet deep in their heads. In fome
countries the people are tall, in others fhort ; and not
only the perfons, but the very genius and temper of
men differ, as the foil and climate differ where they
were born. The Spaniard isgraveand fedate, migh-
ty flow and circumfpeel in his actions ; while the
French, are gay and airy, perpetually dancing and
ringing : And this difference, no doubt, proceeds
from
OF NIGRITIA, ZAARA AND BILEDULGERID. 69
iC H A P. from the foil and fituation of the refpe&ive countries ;
VII. for, tranfplant any people from one country to ano-
ther, they will alter or degenerate into the fame kind
of men, in a few generations, as the former inhabi-
tants were. If the Spaniards and French were to
change countries, they would, in a few generations,
alter their perfons and humours; the French would
be Spaniards, and the Spaniards French.
Does not every body fee a remarkable difference
between the French and the Englifh, when the French
ftrft came over hither? And yet, in two or three ge-
nerations, ’tis impofible to diftinguifh the one from
the other. And fo I take it to be in complexion,
as well as in features and humours : Blacks, in a
few generations, would become white, if brought
over hither ; and poffibly White men might become
black, or very near it, if they were planted a few
generations in the heart of Africa, efpecially if pains
were taken to make them fo, by rubbing their chil-
dren with greafe and foot from the time they were
born, as the Africans do.
To fum up all : The Sun, no doubt, goes a great
way towards the darkening the complexion of the
people that inhabit the Torrid Zone ; but then the foil
they live upon, the pains they take to make their chil-
dren ftill blacker, and their women converfing alto-
gether, or chiefly with Black men, every one of thefe
may contribute fomething towards making them fo
exceeding black ; for the Sun alone, it is certain, will
not do it; or the people, who live within the Torrid
Zone in America, would be equally black. And, as
to Noah’s curling his fon Ham, it is evident, this
can be of no weight ; for, as I have obferv’d already,
great part of the people of Africa ( the country his
pofterity are fuppofed to inherit) are not black : And
the people of the Fall- Indies, who are fuppofed to be
the defendants of Seth, the favourite fon, are as
black as any of the Negroes of Africk; tho , tis
true, their hair is long, aud their features much
more engaging than thole of the African Negroes.
If it be ftill doubted, whether the alteration of cli-
mate or foil will have any effect upon the features as
well as complexion, we may remember, that the
Turks, Perfians, Indians and Chinefe, all come o-
riginally from Tartary ( at leaft the fovereigns and go-
verning parts of thofe empires ) ; and yet they do not
at all refemble the Tartars, from whence they de-
fended, at this day, but the people of thofe countries
they refpecftively poftefs’d to the fouthwrd of them ;
which, I believe, will be admitted to amount to a de-
monftration of what has been advanc’d on this head.
Zaara and I proceed, in the next place, to the difcription of
Eted'uJgerid. Zaara ant } Biledulgerid, which are fuppofed to extend
L 1 from the Atlantick Ocean to the eaft, as far as Ethi-
opia Superior ; to run all along parallel to Nigritia ;
and to lie between the 20th and 28th degrees of
north latitude ; being bounded by the territories of
the Emperor of Morocco and Barbary, on the north ;
by Ethiopia, on the eaft; by Nigritia, onthefouth;
and by the Atlantick ocean, on the weft. The north CHAP,
divifion of this country, call’d Biledulgerid in our VII.
maps, the Sailors charts denominate the country of
Gualata ; and to the fouth-divifton, which in our
maps has the name of Zaara, our Mariners give the
name of Arguin, from a town that lies near the
mouth of the river of St. John’s: However, it is a-
greed, that both Biledulgerid and Zaara are barren,
defart countries at this day, with farce any towns in
them ; for which reafon I have thrown them together.
The principal river is that which the Portuguefe
have given the name of Dorada to. There are fome
few lefler ftreams here, but none of them navigable;
and the country is fo very far from being well wa-
ter’d, that, when the caravans crofs it from Moroc-
co to Nigritia, they do not meet with water in feve-
ral days, and are forced to load one half of their Ca-
mels with water and provifions for their fubfiftance.
What is mod remarkable in the people of this The natives
country is, that they are moft of them tawny : Tho’ ot a J ff 5 ren:;
Nigritia lies contiguous to them, there are few Ne- f° 0 ^ the"
groes in it ; neither do the inhabitants agree with the Negroes,
Negroes in their religion, manners or cuftoms. The
inhabitants of this vaft defart, like the Arabs, live
in tents, moving from place to place, as they can
meet with pafture and water for their cattle; and,
like the Arabs, they live chiefly, ’tis faid, by plun-
der and rapine: They are generally Mahometans; OfadifFe-
and probably the defendants of thofe Arabs, or Sa- ^ re,| g loa »
racens, who over-ran all the north of Africa in the *
7th century. Biledulgerid, that now lies wafte, and
almoft uninhabited, was once the celebrated king-
dom of Numidia, then well peopled and fruitful ;
and there are ftill the ruins of ancient palaces and
temples to be met with here ; but every country is
the worfe for being poflefs’d by the Mahometans ;
they neither regard building, or the cultivation of
the foil. Thus we find it in Perfia ; a great part of
which country, by the induftry of the former inha-
bitants, in collecting the little rivulets, and flowing
of their grounds, render’d them as fruitful as ether
foils ; whereas now great part of the fame lands yield
nothing but weeds and briars: And even that fruit-
ful country of Natolia, or the Lefler Afia, where
were fo many flourifhing towns and provinces anci-
ently, is now become a defart. It is true, all foils
are not alike fruitful ; but good hufbands will make
almoft any thing produce a crop by their labour and
induftry ; whereas the carelefsflothful Turk can fcarce
fubftft upon the richeft foil ; nor will he trouble him-
felf to improve his country by trade, how advanta-
gioufly foever it is fituated ; but this is left in a man-
ner entirely to the Chriftians and Jews under their
dominion. As we know very little more of Zaara
and Biledulgerid, than that the country is a defort ;
and that the few people in it live in tents, ranging per-
petually from place to place, and have no fettled ha-
bitation ; I proceed to the difcription of the empire.
of Morocco,
C H A P,
/
THE PRESENT STA T E
C H A P. VIII.
The Prefent State of the Empire of Morocco :
In which are comprehended the Kingdoms or Pro-
vinces of Fez, Morocco and Suz.
C H A p.
VIII.
Situation and
extent of the
empire of
Morocco.
Anciently
Mauritania
Tir.gitana.
Face of the
country.
Rivers and
port towns.
T H E empire of Morocco lies between 2 3 and
36 degrees of north latitude; and between
4 and 9 degrees of weftern longitude, reckoning
fiom the meridian of London ; being bounded by
the Mediterranean, on the north ; by the river Ful-
via, which feparates it from Algiers, on the eaft ;
by Biledulgerid, on the fouth ; and by the Atlan-
tic^ Ocean, on the weft; being upwards of 500
miles in length from the north-eaft to the fouth-
weft, and about 200 miles in breadth. Some ex-
tend this Empire as far fouth as the river Niger, al-
moft making it upwards of 1200 miles from north
to fouth ; but all that tracft of land, from the pro-
vince of Suz to Nigritia, being only a barren defart
inhabited by Arabs, who wander from place to place,
and are under no manner of government, is very
improperly comprehended in the empire of Mo-
rocco.
This empire, now call d IVIorocco from a citv of
that name (on the north part of it at leaft) was the
Mauritania Tingitana of the Romans, and fo deno-
minated from the city of Tingis, now Tangier,
lying on the fouth-fide of the Streights of Gibratter!
I he country is finely diverfified with mountains and
vaft extended plains, moft of them very fruitful,
and pretty well inhabited. 1 he principal mountains
are thole ot Atlas, which lie almoft in the form of
a crelcent between the kingdoms of Morocco and
Suz, and extend from the kingdom of Algier to the
Atlantick ocean. I here are not many woods in it
and thofe there are deftitute of timber.
The chief rivers are, the river Suz, in the king-
dom of Suz, at the mouth whereof ftands the city
Santa Cruz ; the river Rabata, at the mouth where-
of is the piratical town of Sallee ; the river Ceba,
at the mouth whereof lies the piratical towm of
Mamora ; the river Lecus, on which ftands the port-
town ot Lairach : None of thefe rivers are navi-
gable for fhips ; nor will the ports at the mouths of
them admit of large veftels. Arzilla, to the north-
wards of Larrach, is another inconfiderable port-
town ; and the Portuguefe are yet in pofteftion of
Mafignan on the fame coaft to the fouthward :
, he Pc a [. e a ^° tbe ba y s °f Tangier and Tetuan in
me Mediterranean, where fhips may ride during
tome winds, but are very unfafe in others; and the
Spaniards are yet in poffeffion of Ceuta over-againft
Gibralter, and of Penon de Veloz further to the
eaftward : But in none of thefe is there any fafe
harbour. J
Sallee, on the weft coaft of the kingdom of Fez, CHAR
is efteemed the beft port the Emperor of Morocco VIII.
hath : And, tho’ this appears to be a pretty good
harbour when a fliip is got into it ; yet, at a full Sal . Iee > a P'*
tide, there is not above 1 2 foot of water ; and the ratlCaJ P ° n °
bar, at the mouth of it, is feldom to be pafs’d by
any thing but boats and very fmall veftels : And
yet from this place, and Mamora, a little to the
northward of it, do the Pirates of this country per-
petually infeft thefe feas, taking abundance of Chri-
ftims fhips, with their row-boats and fmall craft,
with which they board and overpower merchant-
men that have but few hands : And even our Eaft-
India-men and ftouteft fhips are under great appre-
henfions when they pafs near this coaft ; for, tho’
they have no quarrel with us, they will feize and
cariy in our fhips upon very frivolous pretences,
particularly if they find pafTengers on board of any
other nation they are at war with. J
Ihe air of this country is generally temperate, The a j r of
efpecially on the mountains, and near the fea-coafts, the country,
where they oftener complain of cold than heat : It
freezes fometimes in the winter very hard, and the
tops of the mountains are cover’d with fnow great
Part of the year. However, in the valleys, "their seafons.
v\ inter is but fhort ; and, when it freezes in the
morning, the middle of the day is generally warm.
It freezes haideft in January, as with us ; February
is more moderate, and the weather variable, chang-
ing feveral times the fame day.
In March the north and weft winds blow furi-
oufly ; in which month their trees begin to blofTom ;
I o wards the end of April they have ripe Cherries ;
in May, Figs ; and, in the latter end of June, all
manner of fruit is ripe, except their latter Figs,
which are not ripe till September, ft he fpring (when
the weather is very temperate) is reckon’d to begin
the latter end of February, and end the latter end
of May : Then their fummer begins, and lafts to
the middle of Auguft. This is a pretty hot fealbn,
the air all the while wonderful clear and ferene ;
and it is ufually very unhealthfu], if it happens to
rain in the fummer ; the fun then is parching hot, ,
and occaftons malignant fevers. Their harveft be-
gins in the middle of Auguft, and lafts till the mid-
dle of November ; when their winter begins, and
continues to the middle of February. During this
time, and the beginning of the fpring, they’Tiave
hard gales of wind and ftorms, with fnow, hail and
thunder ; and the eaft and fouth-eaft winds frequent-
ly blaft their fruits in the fpring.
Their rainy weather begins in Ocftober, when
they fow their lands upon the hills ; but, in their
valleys, their feed-time does not begin till February.
I he empire of Morocco being divided into the Pivifion 0 f
three grand provinces or kingdoms of Fez, Morocco the empire,
and Suz ; 1 fhall give a brief defeription of each,
and of the principal towns contained in them.
The
OF THE EMPIRE OF MOROCCO.
CHAP. The kingdom of Fez is bounded by the Medi-
VIII. terranean, on the north ; by the territories of Tan-
gier, on the eaft ; by Morocco, on the fouth ; and
Province of ^j e Atlantick Ocean, on the weft : The chief towns
Fe2 ' whereof are, i. Fez, the metropolis of the empire,
fituated in a plain on a branch of the river Cebu
or Fez, latitude 33, longitude 4 weft of London.
City of Fez. yhis city is rather two cities join’d, the one call’d
Old Fez, and the other New Fez. Old Fez is fi-
tuated the loweft, and has a fmall river running
through it : The town is of a round figure, and
about three miles in circumference : There are be-
tween 50 and 60 mofques, or Mahometan tem-
ples, in it : The houfes of their Great men here, as
in other places, contain feveral fquares : Thofe of
the common people are very mean, and the (hops
like fo many pedlars ftalls : The ftreets narrow and
unpav’d, miferably dirty in winter, and dufty in
fummer : Their inns, that have been fo much cry’d
up, are built in form of a fquare alfo, with lodg-
ing-rooms on the infide : The traveller buys his
own provifion, and drefles it, and has the conveni-
ency of feeding his horfes and cattle before the door
of his lodging in the fquare. So that I find they
pretty much refemble the caravanfera’s, or places
of refrefhment, on the roads in Perfia and T urkey.
The town of Old Fez is defended by a double
wall, and a caftle on each fide of it, fituated upon
an eminence ; but lies very much expofed, being
commanding by fome rifing grounds in the neigh-
bourhood : Their beft defence lies in their num-
bers, being able, ’tis faid, to arm forty thoufand
men.
The new town is feparated from the other only
by a fmall river, and has a double wall round it,
with fquare towers, like thofe ot Old Fez : There
is alfo one tolerable baftion on the walls of the new
town, faid to have been built by an Enghfli Rene-
gado. This town was defign’d as a citadel to
command the old town ; and here the King always
keeps a good body of horfe for that end, whole
principal bufinels it is to coiled!: the corn of the
neighbouring country, and lay it up in the maga-
zines for grinding; of which they have feveral wa-
ter-mills on the rivers that run by the town : Here
are fome palaces of the Kings and Great men, but
run to ruin fince the Court removed to Mequinez ;
and the houfes of the common people have only
clay, or mud walls and thatch’d roofs. The new
town is about a mile and a half in circumference,
and very populous : The gates magnificent, and
make a grand appearance at a diftance ; but a tra-
veller is miferably difappointed when he comes in-
to it, to find little elfe but thatch’d cottages, befides
t the mofques, the magazines, and fome few ruinous
palaces. However, Old Fez is a town of the great-
eft trade of any town in the empire.
!fe}uinez. Mequinez, the prelent refidence of the empire
of Morocco, is fituated in a delightful plain, about
71
a day’s journey to the we ft ward of Fez, and two CHAP,
to the eaftward of Sallee, on the fame river that VIII.
Sallee ftands : The palace and the olive parks about k/"V r ^J
it make a very beautiful appearance at a diftance ;
but neither does Mequinez anfwer the expectations
of the traveller when he comes into it. It is of an
irregular form, about two miles in circumference,
and faid to contain three hundred thoufand fouls :
The ftreets, like thofe of Fez, are dirty in winter,
and dufty in fummer, meanly built, and their tradef-
men have ftalls on fome of the higheft ground in
the town, where they fell their goods : Mequinez
is furrounded by an ordinary wall, and parted by a
road from the Negroe town, which is inhabited by
the King’s black troops (the cavalry, on which he
principally relies) with their families.
The palace lies on the fouth-fide of the city, and
indeed is another city interfpers’d with parks, fields,
canals and gardens : In one quarter whereof is the
Haram, affign’d folely to the ufe of the King’s
women and their guard of Eunuchs : A fecond con-
tains the rooms of ftate and audience ; In a third
quarter are the King’s handicrafts, workmen and
armoury : In a fourth his guards are lodg’d, where
are the artillery and magazines : And in a fifth the
ftables : Every part divided into large fquares ; be-
ing in the whole about three miles in circumference.
And here the walks and pavements are kept exceed-
ing neat, and the galleries frequently adorn’d with
mofaic work. Mr. B L ait h wait, who attend-
ed Mr. Russel, the Englifh Ambaftador to the
Court of Morocco in the year 1727, gives us an
account of that Minifter’s audience at the palace of
Mequinez, which affords us a tolerable idea of the
place and people, as well as of their prince.
He fays, on the day appointed for the audience. The reeqjtfe
a Spaniard, Alcaide (Governor) of the Chriftians, ^
and leveral officers of the palace, came to conduct baflador at
the Ambaftador to Court : That about twelve of Mequinez-,
them mounted, and rode in the following manner : AnnoI 7 2 u‘
The Ambaftador, between the Baflaw who con-
ducted him to Mequinez, and the Baftaw’s brother,
preceded by twenty Muftieteers : The reft of the
Englifh gentlemen accompanied by another of the
Baflaw’s brothers, and fome officers of the Court :
Two of the Arnbaftador’s fervants in liveries on
horfeback ; and after them, the captives and the
Moorifh and Jewifh fervants, who walk’d on foot:
The whole doled with a guard of horfe belonging
to the Baffiaw : However, a drunken Moor of qua-
lity, in the abundance of his zeal, rode in amcngll
them, calling them Chriftian dogs and rogues, pre-
fenting his piece at the Englifh, and it was with
fome difficulty he was perfuaded to go about his
bufinefs : Nor was this infult taken any notice of ;
for, it feems, a flaming zeal for their fuperftition
is an atonement for almoft any crime.
Being enter’d the firft gate of the palace, they all
alighted, and in the fquare within it were found
thirteen
* 7 *>
/ ~
CHAP.
VIII.
"The prefent
made the
Emperor of
Morocco by
the Britifh
(Court.
T H E P R E S E N T STATE
thirteen fine Horfes of the Emperor’s, richly capa-
rifon’d and accoutred, and held by fo many Negroe
grooms for flute. Thefe the Baflaw led them to take a
view of. After which, having pafs’d through two or
three fquares more, they came to the Emperor’s a-
partment ; but in fuch a crowd, that it was with a
great deal of difficulty they arrived there. After
fome time they were conducted into a long gallery ;
the floor and fides whereof were cover’d with fmall
tiles, an inch fquare, of various colours. Blither
his Britirh Majefty’s prefent was brought, and fet
out to the beft advantage ; confiding of a large chry-
ftal fconce with twelve branches 5 eleven bales of
coarfe cloth, each bale containing three pieces 5 three
boxes of fuperfine cloth, containing fifteen pieces ;
one box of French linen, call’d Brittanies ; two
boxes, containing each fourteen loaves of double-
refin’d fugar ; one box of China ware ; one box,
containing eighteen pound of tea ; one box, contain-
ing three large China jars of fweet-meats ; one box
of toys ; one box, with brocades, filver tabbies,
thread fattins, and gold lace ; one cafe, containing
a gun and a pair of piftols; four chefts of Florence ;
and one box, containing hollands and cambricks.
Having waited here about an hour, they were
conduced to an open gallery, which gave them the
profpecfl of a fine meadow within the palace 3 over
the middle of which there was a terrace walk from
one end to the other, thick fhaded with Vines fuppor-
ted by an arch’d frame. Having pais’d in a conti-
tinual crowd ftill a great way farther, they were at
length flopp’d, and given to underftand the Emperor
was in the next room. Whereupon the Baflaw, his
brothers, and feveral other great officers immedi-
ately pull’d off their Alhagues ( their outward vefts )
or habits of diftinction, as well as their flippers, and
each of the Baffaw’s brothers, took a China jar of
fweet-meats, part of the prefent, to carry in to the
Emperor ; and all the reft of the prefent was carried
in, and placed in the Emperor’s fight, before the
Ambaffador was admitted : Then two great doors
were flung open, and they faw his Majefty fitting
under a canopy in an open gallery ; and, at his feet,
his favourite brother Mule y Amsteddy, with
his Prime Minifter Baflaw Empsael, a great fat
Negroe.
The Ambaffador, being led up to the throne,
pull’d oft his hat, and made three bows ; and, ha-
ving deliver’d the King of Great-Britain’s letter,
tied up in a handkerchief, into the Emperor’s own
hand, and a gold watch in another, he put on his
hat, and made a Ipeech, expreffing the great efteem
his Mafter had for his Imperial Majefty, condoling
his father’s death, and congratulating the Emperor’s
acceffion, which was interpreted (my author obferves)
to very little purpofe ; for the Emperor was fo drunk,
he could fcarce hold up his head : However, it feems,
fie underftood fo much by the fpeech and the prefent,
as to be very well pleas’d 3 and anfwer’d buono.
buono , ordering the Alcaide of the Chriftians to fee CHAP,
they did not want Wine and roaft Pigs every day, VIII,
charging his Prime Minifter to let the Chriftian Adi-
nifter (the Ambaflador) have whatever he demanded.
Then the Courtiers proftrated themfelves on their
faces, and crawl’d upon their hands and knees to
kifs his feet : Soon after which, his Majefty’s Eu-
nuchs, finding him much out of order, carried him
away, and the Court retir’d. Ady author fays,
while the Ambaflador waited to be admitted, there
was fuch a noife and difturbance among the drunken
Courtiers, that he could compare it to nothing elfe,
but the common fide of a Jail ; tho’, at their au-
dience, things were a little compofed.
He adds, this Emperor, APuley Hamet Du-
hebby, was upwards of 6 foot high, about 50
years of age, of a fierce countenance, and much
pitted with the fmall-pox ; his face bloated, and his
fore teeth out ; and, being a Malatta of a tawny
complexion, made a very indifferent figure : It be-
ing cold weather, he had a black cloak over a white
Alhague or veft ; his turbant was a green filk fafh,
which hung carelefly about his head, and fhewed he
was drunk. All he had about him worth admiring
was a fine fcimiter in a gold fcabbard, richly fet with
precious ftones.
The Emperor being carried away, the confufion The Am-
among his drunken Courtiers was as great as before ; baff ’ d d or ( ^‘ n<3s
neither was there any care taken to conduH the Am- fuity in get- J
baflador back again to his houfe : They werepuftr’d ting out of
and fhov’d about, and in danger of being trodden the P aIace -
under foot 3 and, inftead of being affifted by the Of-
ficers of the Court, the gates were flrut again!! them,
and extravagant fums demanded for permiffion to
go through them. In the mean time the throng
was very great, and their very buttons were cut oft'
their cloaths before they could get away, and they
expected every minute to be ftripp’d by the mob :
However, by bribing the Porters pretty handfomely,
they were fo fortunate at length to efcape out of the
palace, and get to their houfe. But to return to the
Emperor : It was ufual with him, it feems, to drink Somecha-
with his Minifters, till he fell down dead drunk 3 rafter of the
and then he was carried to bed by his Eunuchs : And, Em P eror ‘
when he waked again, he was fure to give fome ex-
amples of his cruel and fierce difpofition ; infomuch,
that his fervants fled, and dreaded to come near
him 3 and happy was the Minifter who could make
an excufe to be abfent.
While the Englifh Ambaflador was at Mequinez, He murders
he Ihot two men that waited on him, and he en- feveral peo-
deavour’d to kill his Prime Minifter with his own p!e ‘
hand : but this Courtier, keeping out of the way
’till his fury was over, was then taken into favour
again : He commanded two young Jewifh women
to be brought to his bed ; and, when he fent them
home again, hearing that their hufbands had prefu-
med to go to bed them, he order’d their hufbands to
be put to death : Another of his miftreffes difobli-
ging
OF THE EMPIRE OF MOROCCO,
73
CHAP, ging him, he order’d all her teeth to be drawn out ;
VIII. and, enquiring for her afterwards, and being told
(be was not recover’d from the illnefs that operation
had occafion’d, he order’d the man’s teeth, who
drew them, to be pull’d out, and fent her by way
of fatisfa&ion. For any trifling offence, or for his
humour, would he order a man to be tofs’d, that is,
thrown up into the air by four luftv flaves, as high
as they could, and then let fall ' again; whereby
fometimes the perfon was kill’d, and others made
cripples of : And fuch feafts as thefe, it feems, were
his fport and diverfion. From fuch a Court as this
no wonder, therefore, if the Englifh Ambaffador
haften’d to be difmifs’d.
Thede- The demands Mr. Russel was inftrudled to
mandsof the make at t h e Court of Morocco were, To get all
Bnti ourt. ca p t j ves re ]eas’d, as had been taken under Bri-
tifh colours: To get reftitution made to fuch Mer-
chants, whofe (hips had been robb’d by the Sallee
pirates fince the laft peace ; and to confirm that
peace with the prelent Emperor. But he was loon
given to underhand, that there was no reftitution to
be expected from this Court ; and for the captives,
they did confent to releafe about a dozen of them, of
which four were Englifti : And for thefe the Am-
baftador paid a great deal more than their ranfom
could have been valued at. The Prime Minifter,
the favourite Women, and every Officer concern’d
in his difpatches, were brib’d again and again ; nor
was there a lervant about the Court, but was per-
petually begging fomething of him, under pretence
of fome good offices they had done him : However,
at a vaft expence, and with abundance of difficulty,
the following Articles of Peace were agreed on ;
and thofe made by Admiral Stewart with the
fame Court, in the reign of King George I. were
confirm’d.
Additional Articles of Peace
and Commerce,
Be TWEEN the mojl high , and moft renown’ d Prince
George II. by the Grace of God , King of
) Great-Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of
the Faith , &c. and the mojl high and glorious, mighty
and right noble Prince , Mule Y II a m e t I)a-
hebby, B en Mule y Ism a el, Ben Mu-
le y Ze r i p H, BenMui.ey Aly, King and
Emperor of the kingdoms of Fez, Morocco, Taffi-
let, Suz, and all the Algarbe, and its territories
in Africa, &c. Concluded , agreed , and acljujled by
John Russel, Efq ; on the behalf of his Bri-
tan nick Majefly ; and by his Excellency Bajfaw
Ha met, Ben Aly, Ben Abdalla, and
his Imperial Majejlys Admiral of Sallee, Hadge,
f, Abdelcader, Perez, on the behalf of the
Emperor of Fez and Morocco,
The Articles « ARTICLE! That all Moors and Jews,
Corr merce™ 1 U k\- fubjetft to the Emperor of Morocco, ftiall
“be allowed a free traffick, viz. to buy or fell for
Voi. III.
“ thirty days in the city of Gibralter, or ifland of C H AP»
“ Minorca, and not to refide in either place, but VIII.
“ to depart with their effedfs, without lett or mo-
“ leftation, to any part of the faid Emperor of Mo-
“ rocco’s dominions.
“ Article II. That the King of Great- Bn-
“ tain’s fubjedfe, refiding in Barbary, {hall not be
“ oblig’d to appear before the Cadi, or Juftices of
“ the country ; but only the Governor of die place,
<c and his Britannick Majefty’s Conful, are to take
“ cognizance of, and adjuft the differences they may
“ have with the natives of the country.
“ Article III. That the menial fervants of
“ his Britannick Majefty’s fubjedfs, tho’ natives of
“ the country, either Floors or Jews, be exempt
u from taxes of all kinds.
“ Article IV. That all his Britannick Ma-
“ jefty’s fubjedts, as well pailengers as others, taken
“ by any of the Emperor of Fez and Morocco’s
“ Cruifes, on board any foreign III ip or vefiel what-
“ ever, ftiall immediately be fet at liberty, and fent
“ to the city of Gibralter.
“ Article V. That there be perm iffion for
“ buying provifions, and all other neceffaries for his
“ Britannick Majefty’s fleet, or city of Gibralter,
“ at any of the Emperor of Fez and Morocco’s
“ fea-ports, at the market-prices ; and the fame to
“ be {flipped off without paying cuftom, as has been
“ extorted lately, contrary to the treaty of peace
“ fubfifting.
“ Article VI. All other Articles, being fif-
“ teen in number, concluded, agreed, and adj ufted,
“ by the honourable Charles Steward, Efq;
“ on the behalf of his Britannick Majefty, and by
“ his Excellency Baftiaw PIamet, Ben Aly,
“ Ben Abdalla, and his Imperial Majefty’s
“ Treafurer, Mr. Moses Ben Hat tar, a Jew,
“ on the behalf of the faid King of Fez and Mo-
“ rocco, {hall ftand good, and be of the fame force,
“ as in the reigns of the moft high, and moft re-
“ nown’d Prince George I. King of Great Britain,
“ France and Ireland, &c. of glorious memory,
“ and the high and glorious, mighty and right no-
“ ble Prince, Album azar Muley Ismael,
“ late Emperor of Morocco. And it is farther agreed,
“ that all the Articles aforemention’d, as well the
“ fifteen, as thefe additional ones, ftiall, in twenty
“ days after the date hereof, be publifti’d in the Ara-
“ bick language, and affix’d on the gates of all the
“ fea-port towns in his Imperial Majefty’s domini-
“ ons.”
Sign’d and dated at the Court of Mcquinez,
January 1 4. 1 727-8.
Soon after the figning this treaty, the Ambaftador
took leave of the Court of Mequinez, and begun
his journey for Tangier under a Moorifh guard com-
manded by officers, who had money allowed them,
' L ' by
74 THE P R E
CHAP, by their fuperiors, to defray the whole expences of
VIII. the journey ; however, they put it in their pockets,
Wv made the Ambaffador pay his own and their charges
upon the road, and yet forced the country people to
furnifh provifions, without allowing any thing for
them : and, when the Ambaflador came to Tan-
gier, he was under apprehenficns of being detain’d
there by the Baffaw, under pretence of lbme fur-
ther demands : But the Baffaw, being then treating
with the Governor of Gibralter for powder and o-
ther warlike ftores he wanted, was lb good as to per-
mit the Ambaflador to embark for Gibralter, where
he arriv’d the 7 th of February 1727-3. He had been
promis’d two fine Barbary Horfes, and a Lion, by
the Court ofMequinez ; but, it feems they never
intended to gratify him in this particular, unlels he
would have paid double the price of them, as he did
for every thing elfe: And he was very glad to make
his efcape from that barbarous Court without them.
The fevers! But f Q return to the defcription of Mequinez :
the^citycf This city, as has been obferv’d, is divided into fe-
Mequinez. yeral quarters, or rather is feveral cities united :
The palace is a diftinH town : The quarter of the
Moors is another : The Negroe town a third ;
and the Jews have a quarter to themfelves, in which
there does not left than fifteen thoufand of them inha-
bit, being allowed a Shiek, or Governor, of their own
nation : And, tho’ the Princes and Great men in-
fult them fometimes, yet the Government take a
particular care of their protedfion ; for, v/hen Mr.
Russel was there, five Moors were crucified for
murdering a Jew ; and indeed they are fo ufeful
here, that the Government cannot do without them.
Jnl^Mer ^ money affairs, and all foreign trade, are nego-
sWnts. L " tiated and carried on in this country by the Jews ;
their principal employment at Mequinez, is work-
ing in Gold and Silver, changing of money, and
lending it upon ufury : And not only the Jews,
but the Chriftian flaves, have their Alcaide, who
is a Chriftian and their ProteHor, and are allowed
to carry on any bufinefs almoft. Several Chriftian
flaves get money here, and are allowed a property
in it ; in which refpeH their condition is to be pre-
ferred to that of the Moors themfelves.
^ ere a ^° ' S a C° nvent of Spanifh Friars allow’d,
" e<!Umez ‘ that is endow’d with a revenue of five hundred pi-
ftoles a year, for the relief of captives, both with
food and phvfick, for preventing their turning Ma-
hometans : Thefe aifo are under the Emperor’s pro-
tection, on account of their taking care of his fick
flaves, and the prefents they annually make him :
They have an Infirmary capable of entertaining an
hundred perfons ; and to thefe the captives apply
when they are fick, lame, or in any other diftreft.
Tile condi- My author adds, that in the late Emperor Mu-
fHa n n°L C v!r LEY IsM ael’s time the cafe of the Chriftian
Jseie. flaves was a great deal worfe than it is at prefent ;
for he employ’d many of them in his buildings. :
However, their work was not harder than that’ of
2
SENT STATE
our day-labourers. And he gave feveral of them CHAP
licences to keep taverns, on condition of fubfifting VIII,
their poor brethren ; to whom he alfo order’d a daily
allowance of bread: Nor were m afters of fhips, or
thofe who had a little money to bribe the Alcaide,
forc’d to work at all. But further, the Canute,
where the captives are lodg’d, is a much better place
than any of our common prifons : Here every na-
tion has a diftindt apartment, in which are taverns
and a market of all manner of fruit and eatables :
Nor are any of the Moors fuffer’d to difturb them, or
indeed to come into their houfe but upon permiffion.
My author adds, that he law feveral captives at
Mequinez, who liv’d much better than ever they
did in their own country ; and they have not only
the Spanifh convent to go to in their diftrefs, but
whatever money their friends fend over for their
fubfiftance, is faithfully deliver’d them, unle/s they
defraud . one another ; nay, feveral captives have
grown rich here, and carried money out of the coun-
try ; and fome of them, that were at Mequinez when
Mr. Russel was there, kept their mules and their
fervants. Whereupon our author obferves, it is not
fo infupportable a flavery as has been reprefented.
There may have been fome inftances of cruelty to-
wards the captives, but not many ; and they have
themfelves fometimes, by needleft provocations,
drawn on them the ill ufage they met with. They
have alfo this farther fatisfadion, to be flaves only
to the Emperor ; for he referves all the Chriftian
captives that are taken to himfelf, and very rarely
parts with any of them to his fubjects.
T lie moft wretched and abandon’d people at Me- tlie R«*
quinez, are the Renegadoes, who have renounc’d ne S adoes *
Chriftianity, and turn’d Mahometans: Thefe are
defpis’d by the Moors to the laft degree, and deferve
to be fb by every body elle, not only on account of
their changing their religion, but becaufe they prove
the moft vicious, treacherous, diffolute mortals that
the country affords. They are generally entertain’d
in the army, where they are half naked and half
ftarv’d ; unlefs fome few of them, who underftand
engineering or gunnery, or fuch as can be ufeful to •
the Moors in fitting out their piratical veffels at
Sallee : Thefe are pretty much carels’d, and perhaps
contribute more to the making prizes of the {hip-
ping and merchandize belonging to the Chriftians
than the Moors themfelves : They have their own
Alcaide, or Governor, as the Chriftians and Jews
have theirs.
The next town I {hall defcri’oe in the province Tetuan de-
of Fez is Tetuan, which is fituated on the afeent of fcr ‘b’d,
a rock, about eight miles from a Bay of the Medi-
terranean fea, call’d from this place Tetuan Bay,
and is between 20 and 30 miles fouth of Ceuta, and J
about 5 0 fouth-eaft of Tangier. The town is a-
hout a mile long, and half a mile broad, and has a
fine profpedf of the fea and the country beneath it :
The ftreets are narrow, unpav’d and full of dung-
hills,
OF THE EMPIRE
PH AP hills, which makes it a filthy place in winter ; and
VIII ’ vet this is laid to be one of the belt towns in the
country, on account of its being better built than
mofi: others. Their houfes are ufually built about
a little open fquare, with piazza’s fupporting galle-
ries above them ; and in the middle of the fquare
people of fubftance always have a fountain. There
are commonly four rooms on a floor, one on every
fide of the fquare, which have no other light than
what they receive from the great folding-doors that
open into the piazza.
The town of Tetuan contains about thirty thouiand
inhabitants, of which five thoufand at leaft are, Jews,
who have feven fynagogues here ; but, tho their
numbers are fo great, they have not two hundred
houfes amongft them, feveral families living under
the fame roof. They are faid to be very poor, tho
all the trade of the place pafles through their hands ;
for they are the only brokers between Chriftians and
Moors. One thing, which feems particular to this
town, is, that the people walk on the tops of the
houfes, and vifit one another from thence, more
than by the flreets. The town is furrounded with
an ordinary wall, and defended by an old caftle,
confiding of two fquares ; the outward fquare
flank’d with towers, but the walls not cannon proof,
and it is commanded by hills about it. They have
a burying-place, on a hill above the town,, adorn d
with fuch numbers of cupola’s and pyramids, that
it looks like a town itfelf ; but what is beft worth
feeing in Tetuan, is toe Bafiaws palace.
The Baflaw’s The entrance Into this palace is by a cloyfter,
palace. w hich leads to a fpacious fquare, furrounded by a pi-
azza, and in the middle a marble fountain ; the
pavement of the area and the piazza being of a mo-
faic work : On each fide the fquare is one large
room, and in each of the angles a fquare tower of
a confiderable height above the building ; in two of
which are flair-cafes, that lead to the grand apart-
ment above : In the third is a door that leads to a
mofque ; and in the fourth another, through which
, they go into the gardens. On each fide of the gal-
leries above, which run over the piazza, are fine
apartments for the BafTaw’s four wives ; each apart-
ment confifting of five rooms, namely, one large
room, cover’d with a cupola, in the centre of four
lefler rooms ; and through thefe are doors, that lead
to the bagnio’s of the women, and the lodgings of
the female flaves ; but the inner rooms have no o-
ther light, than what they receive by the door of
the great outward room : Both the doors and ceil-
ings of the houfe are very lofty ; and over the wo-
mens aDartment are four noble terrace walks, that
overlook the town, a frightful vale beneath it, the
river, and part of the Mediterranean fea ; and at
the end of each terrace, is a turret with latices,
where the women fit to work, andean fee all that
pafles without being (een : In the evening the ladies
ufually walk in the garden, where feveral of the
OF MOROCCO. 75
walks are {haded with Vines turn’d over arches : CHAP,
the walls of the garden being fo high, that they VIII.
cannot be overlook’d from any part of the town. ^ ~Y ^
This defeription of Tetuan, and the palace, is ta-
ken from Captain Blaithwait, who has alfo
deferib’d another elegant feat of the lame Baflaw in
the neighbourhood of Tetuan: And, as thefe may
ferve as a model of all other houfes of the Moors of
any quality (for they fcarce ever vary in their form}
and will give us the moft advantagious idea of
them, I fhall take leave alfo to fubjoin the follow-
ing account of this country feat.
"This palace {lands in a pleafant valley, about two His country
miles from Tetuan, and confifts of two large fquares fcat '
furrounded by piazza’s, and galleries over them :
In the middle of the outward fquare is a fountain,
and the area, as well as the piazza, pav’d with
Dutch tiles : The inner fquare is much larger than
the firft, to which there is a defeent by feveral
fteps : In the middle of it is a fine fquare parterre,
and in the centre of that a circular bafon, with
Orange-trees and flower-pots about it : There are
four openings to defeend by fteps into the fountain
on one fide, and over-againft thefe four alcoves ; in
one of which the Baflaw frequently fits to fee his
women bath themfelves : Beyond both thefe fquares
is a very large garden, and a wildernefs, confifting
of Orange-trees, Lemon-trees, Figs, Pomegra-
nates, Dates, Tamerinds, and other fruit : in which
are two bowers ; and by the fide of the garden runs
a river, which altogether make it a moft agreeable
retirement. My author obferves, that the Moors of
quality in Barbary have fcarce any pleafures, but
what they take in their women, their houfes, gar-
dens and horfes : Converfation with men is what
they do not relifti at all ; the reafon of which is fup-
pofed to be, that their law prohibits them wine,
without which, good humour, and a fprightly con-
verfation, cannot be long kept up : And this may
be the cafe with fome people poffibly ; but I cannot
help being of opinion, that moft men are in reality
better company without ftrong liquor, than with it.
The next town I {hall defcribe is Tangier, be- Tangier,
caufe it was once ours ; tho’ there is fcarce any thing
in it worth mentioning at prefent. This town is
fituated on a bay of the fea near Cape Spartel, juft
at the entrance of the {freights of Gibralter, on the
African fide : It is built on the declivity of a hill,
which makes it exceffive hot in fummer, the after-
noon fun lying full upon it. When the Englilh
had it, the walls were upwards of a mile in circum-
ference, and they had lines and redoubts that took
in the neighbouring hills, with two caftles, the up-
per and lower, for its defence ; in the former where-
of lived the Englifh Governor, and the Bafiaw at
prefent : And there was a mole built for the fecu-
rity of {hipping, the heads whereof run out 300
fathom into the fea, and were defended by three
batteries of cannon ; but thefe and moft of the
L 2 works
THE PRESENT STATE
76
CHAP, works were blown up, or demolilh’d by the Eng-
VIII. hlh, when they abandon’d tire place, and it is now
' wr V >w ' not very ftrong : There is but one Tingle mofque in
the town, and another in the caftle ; however, it
makes a tolerable appearance from the Tea, the hou-
fes being white, and all in view ; but they have
fcarce any trade. T his, as has been obferv’d, was
the Tingis of the ancients ; and from it this part of
Africa was call’d Mauritania Tingitana. Alphon-
sus the fifth King of Portugal, took it from the
Moors in the year 1463 ; and, in i66z, the Court
of Portugal transferr’d it to Charles II. King
ot England, on his marriage with thePrincefs Ca-
tharine, Infanta of Portugal. The Englifh
kept it twenty-two years, and laid out a great deal of
money on the mole and fortifications ; but the Par-
liament refufing to let tire King have money to
maintain the garrifon, he found himfelf obliged to
quit the place ; though, ’tis agreed, it would have
been of very great fervice to the nation, if we had
been mailers of it in the Lift: wars with France and
Spain.
'Morocco. The kingdom of Morocco, the next divifion of
this empire, is bounded by the kingdom of Fez
towards the north ; by the mountains of Atlas,
on the eaft ; and by the fame mountains, which
feparate it from the province of Suz, on the fouth :
The chief town whereof is Morocco, a large old
city, fituated in a fine plain about the centre of the
kingdom, latitude 3 1 and a half, well longitude
7 degrees. This, in lome of our old writers, is
laid to be one of the greatell cities in the world ;
to contain an hundred thoufand families ; to be ele-
gantly built, efpecially their mofques and palaces :
But all thefe matters appear to have been wonder-
fully magnified ; and, fince the feat of the empire
has been removed from thence, the town is ex-
tremely declin’d ; and as to the fortifications lb much
talk d of, they would not be able to hold out twen-
ty-four hours again!! an army prepared for a fiege.
The reft of the towns mention’d by Geographers
in this province are, Elgiamba, Imegiagen, Imiz-
imzi, Delgumba, Agmet, Teneffa, which have
little in them that deferve a particular delcription,
and are moll of them, indeed, no better than open
villages ; tho lome writers have dignified them with
the name of cities.
Suz. The province of Suz, in which I comprehend
that of Tafilet, is bounded by Morocco, on the
north ; by Biledulgerid, on the eaft and fouth ;
and by the Atlantick ocean, on the weft : The
chief towns whereof are, Taradant and Tafilet ;
tire former the capital of Suz, and the other of the
province of Tafilet : The reft of the towns men-
tion’d In the province of Suz are, MelTa Guargefen,
Tejeat, Garet, Tagovoft, Tedfi, Santa Cruz (a
fea-port) and Illec i But the only town travellers
mention in Eafilet, is the capital of the lame name,
Situated in latitude zt< and a half, longitude 2 de-
grees weft of London. The prefent imperial fa- CHAP
mily came from the province of Tafilet ; M u- VIII
ley Ismael, the late Emperor, was of that
country ; which, lying the fartheft fouth of any
of the territories belonging to this empire, and his
mother being a Negroe, the complexion of the Thecom-
royal family is exceeding dark ; for the inhabi- plex'°nof
tants of this empire differ much in their complex- thenatIves>
ions according to their fituation ; thofe to the fouth-
ward are very tawny, as are alfo the Arabs, who
range about the plains, and live in tents like the
Arabs of Afia ; the Moors and Jews, who live in
towns and on the fea-coaft, are many of them fair 3
and thofe that inhabit the villages on the mountains,
are not of fo dark a complexion as the Arabs : As
to the Blacks, that of late years have had the ad-
minillration of the Government, and compofe their
bell cavalry, thefe being brought from Negroe-
land, or defcended from parents who came from
thence, differ very little from the Guinea Ne-
groes.
I he habit of a Moor is a linen fliirt or frock Habiu,
next his (kin, a pair of drawers, a fifth, and over
all a loofie coat, or veil, of filk or cloth, with
fmall buttons of gold, filver or other metal : Their
arms are bare to the elbow, as well as their legs ;
but people of diftindtion fometimes wear Turkey
leather bufkins, and moll of them fandals or flip-
pers : They {have their heads all but one fingle
lock upon the middle of the crown, and wear a
turbant, which is never pull’d off before their fu-
periors or in their temples ; they exprefs their re-
verence, both to God and Man, by putting off their
flippers, which they leave at the door of the mofque
or palace, when they enter either ; and, when they
attend their Prince in the city, they run bare-foot
after him, if the ftreets are never fo dirty : Their
turbants are of filk or fine linen, feme of them
five or fix ells long, and in their fifth or girdle, un-
der their outward garment, they ufually carry three
fine knives in a filver ficabbard about a foot long,
adorn’d with precious Hones : Their handkerchiefs,
and fuch things as we carry in our pockets, they .
have in their bofoms : They never fhave their
beards, but clip them into form, and keep them
very neat.
The habit of a woman is not very different from
that of a man, except that fhe wears a fine linen
cloth, or caul, on her head inftead of a turbant,
and her drawers are much larger and longer than the
mens : The women alfo, when they go abroad,
have a linen cloth over their faces, with holes in
it for their eyes like a malk : Thofe of quality wear
pendants in their ears, and bracelets on their arms 3
but wrap themfelves up in a white cloth, feveral
ells in length, when they walk in the ftreets ; fo
that little of them is feen : They paint and colour
their hair and eye-brows with burnt Antimony,
endeavouring to make them look as black as pof-
fible.
OF THE EMPIRE OF MOROCCO.
CHAP, fible, and the ends of their fingers are painted blue.
VIII. I have already defcribed the houfes of the Moors,
but not their furniture, which is but mean : They
Furniture. ^ ave ne ither wainfcot nor hangings, neither beds,
chairs, flools, tables or pictures ; they deep upon a
mattrefs on the floor, which, in the houfes of per-
fons of quality is cover’d with carpets, and the mea-
ner people have mats : On thefe they fit crofs-legg d
alfo at their meals, having pillows and cufhions to
lean on. They wafh always before and alter they
eat, wiping on their handkerchief ; but have nei-
Diet. ther table-cloth or napkin. Rice feems to be a
great part of their food here, as well as in the eaft ;
tho’ they eat alfo bread, beef, mutton, veal, fifh
and fowls : Their favourite difh is Cufcufou, which
is fine flour grain’d as large as hemp-feed, and
flew’d with mutton, fowls and roots : When it is
enough, they put the flour thus grain’d into a large
difh, leaving a vacant fpace for the meat and fowls
in the middle, and then pour in the broth. This
difh is very high feafon’d with Garlick, Onions
and fpices, and garnifh'd with whites of eggs.
Their meat is all boil’d and roalled to rags, fo that
they can pull it to pieces with their fingers ; and
this is very neceffary, becaufe they ufe neither knives
nor forks ; but, having wafh’d their hands, every
man tucks up his fleeves, and, putting his hand
into the difh, takes up and fqueezes together a good
handful of all the ingredients, as much as his mouth
with hold ; and confequently their food is neither
very hot when it is brought before them. '1 heir
cups and difhes are of brafs, pewter, earth or tin,
the law prohibiting their ufing gold or filver vef-
fels ; and, as wine alfo is forbidden, they drink no-
thing but water, fometimes mixing it with honey :
If they have a difh of foup or other liquids, they
eat it with a great wooden fpoon, which is handed
round the company. At an entertainment the de-
fert ufually confifts of the fruits of the country,
fuch as Grapes, Oranges, Figs, Pomegranates and
Melons.
Diverfions. They fmoke pretty much, and play at draughts
and chefs ; but never for money ; this being ano-
ther prohibition of their law : And I fhould have
remember’d, that they are as fcrupulous of eating
blood as the Jews ; and therefore cut the throat
quite through of every beafl they kill, and drain
all the blood from it. The company are fometimes
entertain’d with mufick and dancing ; but people
of any fafhion never dance themfelves ; and tho’
their mufick is not very agreeable to an European
ear, they feem extremely pleas’d with it themfelves.
Genius and The Moors are faid to be a covetous, unhofpita-
temper of ble people, intent upon nothing but heaping up
,the Moors. r j c j ies . to 0 b ta j n w hich they will be guilty of the
meaneft things, and flick at no manner of fraud ;
and, as they know themfelves to be fuch treacher-
ous, deceitful wretches, they are very fufpicious of
The Arabs, foreigners. The Arabs alfo have always had the
77
character of a thievifh pilfering generation; and, CHAP r
’tis faid, will even rob and deftroy one another, VIII.
when they have no body elfe to prey upon ; and,
as they perpetually lead a rambling life, are obferv’d
to be of a more tawny complexion, and much thin-
ner and leaner than the Moors. The people, who
inhabit the hills, and who have the leaft to do with
the Court or with traffick, are much the plaineft,
honeflefl people amongfl them, and flill retain a
good fhare of liberty and freedom, the Government
ufing them rather as allies than fubjedts, left they
fhould entirely difown their authority. But to pro-
ceed in the character of the Moors : They are ob-
ferv’d with all their bad qualities to be very dutiful
and obedient to their parents, their princes and
every fuperior ; but, under an arbitrary govern-
ment, where none dares refift on peril of his life,
this may rather be the effect of their fear, than their
virtue. Another thing however they are certainly
to be commended for ; and that is, their reverence
for God and Religion, and whatever is efteem’d fa-
cred amongfl them : They will not fufter thefe to
be burlefqu’d, and made a jeft of by prophane fools,
which is too often conniv’d at among Chriflians,
and fometime encourag’d by thofe who ought to
give a better example ; neither do they imitate us
in fafhionable murder, deflroying each other, like
fools of honour, in duels. ’Tis acknowledg’d they
do not want courage ; and yet their quarrels rare-
ly proceed to blows, and fcarce ever to the taking
away each others lives : Tho’, ’tis obferv’d, they-
have not the fame tendernefs for Jews and Cirri-
ftians, and the enemies of their religion . It feems
to be an univerfal opinion among them, that the
cheating, robbing, and even killing of thefe is me-
ritorious ; and did not the Government, for poli-
tical reafons, rellrain their fubjedls from thefe out-
rages, there would be no living amongfl them for-
one of a different faith. And this leads me to
confider their Laws and the Conftitution of their
Government.
Here, as in all other Mahometan countries, the Laws and
Alchoran, and their comments upon it, are their Government,
only written laws ; and their Cadi’s, and other
Ecclefiaflicks, their only civil magillrates : And tho’
thefe feem to be, in fome inflances, controll’d by
the arbitrary determinations of their Princes, Bal-
faws. Generals and Military officers ; yet the lat-
ter have a very great deference and regard for their
law : And indeed, if their Princes or Governors
are found to defpife and flight their law in any no-
torious inflances, how loyal foever the Moors may
be in all cafes where their religion is not concern’d,
this would be look’d upon as a fufficient ground
for renouncing their authority. The prefent Em-
peror, by his drunkennefs, which their law forbids,
has loft the hearts of the heft part of his fubjecls, and
is maintain’d on the throne purely by the power ot
his Negroe troops, who probably profefs themfelves ^
Mahometans, 1
/
7 § THE PRESENTS T A T E
CH A P. Mahometan?, only becaufe it is the Court religion,
VIII. and are as great lovers of wine as the Prince they
ferve.
Succeffion of The late Emperor Mule y Ismael fat upon
the crov.n. ^ throne f ix ty years; his mother, as has been al-
ready obferv’d, was a Negroe, which poffibly might
make him lets acceptable to his Moorifn fubjedts,
and put him upon eftablifhing the Blacks, and gi-
ving them in a manner the dominion of the coun-
try for his own fecurity. As the crown feems to
be in the difpofal of the reigning Prince, Mule y
Ismael appointed the prefent Emperor Mule y
Ha met, his fon by his favourite wife, to fucceed
him, tho’ he had an elder fon by a former wife,
named Abdelmeleck, who, being Governor
of the province of Suz at the death of Mule y
Ismael, difputed the title of Mule y Hamet,
and, obtaining a vidtory over an army of his Ne-
groes, poflefs’d himfelf of the kingdom, or pro-
vince of Morocco, as well as that of Suz ; but
impolitickly declaring, that he would extirpate all
the Blacks, when he came to the throne, they
united againft him as one man, and the country
has been in a ftate of civil war ever fince ; the
Blacks adhering to Muley Hamet, and the
Moors, that dare declare themfelves, to Abdel-
meleck. As to the more ancient hiftory of this
country, I {hall defer it till I have defcrib’d the
reft of Barbary, and then give it entire.
Their Magiftrates, as has been obferv’d, are ei-
ther Ecclefiafticks, orMilitary officers : Their Cadi’s
are judges of all religious and civil affairs ; and
their Baflaws, Governors, Alcaides, and Military
officers, of what concerns the State or the Army.
If a Moor fhould turn Chriftian, or a Renegado,
after he has profefs’d Mahometanifm, apoftatize
from it, he is burnt without mercy. Murder,
theft and adultery, alfo are generally pun i fif'd with
death ; and their puniftrments for other crimes,
particularly thofe againft the State, are very cruel :
As impaling ; dragging the prifoner through the
ftreets at a Mule’s heels, till all his flcfh is torn off ;
throwing him from a high tower upon iron hooks ;
hanging him upon hooks till he dies ; crucifying
him againft a wall ; and indeed the punifhment,
as well as condemnation of criminals, is in a man-
ner arbitrary. The Emperor, or his Bafiaws, fre-
quently furn executioners, fhoot the offender, or
cut him to pieces with their own hands, or com-
mand others to do it in their prefence.
Hand-forces. As to their military forces, were they affembled
in one place, they would certainly conftitute a ve-
ry numerous and formidable army. It is computed,
that the Black cavalry and infantry do not amount
to lefs than forty thoufand men, and the Moorifh
horfe and foot may be as many ; but, being dif-
pers’d in feveral parts of this large empire, are not
feen in fuch numerous bodies as the Negroes, who
live at Mequinez, and have the guard of the Em-
peror’s perfon : The Blacks are efteemed their beft CHAP,
horfe, and the Europeans have been fenfible of their VIH.
bravery and military fkill, both at Oran and Ceuta :
They have fire-arms, as well as fwords and laun-
ces : Their T roopers ride very ftiort, and their fad-
dies have long peaks before and behind ; Their ftir-
rup-irons are fhap’d to the foot, fo that they can
ftand up and ftrike when they make their blow ;
and no men fhew more dexterity in riding, wheel-
ing or firing : Their Horfes are very fwift, and
beautifully made ; but not fo heavy and ftrong as
ours.
It is their cavalry they chiefly rely upon, both in
their civil wars, and thofe with foreigners. Their
infantry indeed are numerous, and carry fire-arms ;
but are not difeiplin’d, and obferve no manner of
order ; and, as their country is generally open,
know not how to defend themfelves againft a body
of horfe ; five hundred of their foot will fly before
a troop of fifty horfe ; Nor do they underftand how
to attack, or defend a town, which may be the
reafon they have fcarce one place of any ftrength
in the country, and but few guns mounted on the
walls of their towns. They feem very ignorant in
the management of great guns and bombs. Thefe
are altogether left to the fkill of renegado Chri-
ftians, of whom there are feme thoufands in their
armies. They have a train of an hundred and fif-
ty brafs guns in the palace of Mequinez, beiides
feveral mortars, which are fometimes drawn out in
times of danger ; but I don’t find there are any
mounted upon the walls.
As to their {hipping: Captain B L AIT Hw AIT strength at
relates, that, when he was there in the year 1727, fca -
their whole naval force confifted hut of two twenty
gun {hips, the biggeft not above 200 tuns, and a
French brigantine they had taken, with feme few row-
boats ; and yet with thefe, being full of men, do
they iffue out from Sallee and Mamora, which lie
on the Atlantick ocean, near the Streights mouth,
and make prizes of great numbers of Chriftian mer-
chant-fhips, carrying their miferable crews into cap-
tivity. Tho’ they are at peace with Britain, they
make no fcruple of feizing and carrying their {hips
into Sallee, if they find a paffenger on board belong-
ing to a nation at war with them ; however, they
are ufually fo good as to difmifs the {hips, and their
crews, after they have robb’d them of feme of their
merchandize. The charge of thefe piratical cruifers
is borne entirely by private adventurers ; tho’ the
Emperor has a tenth of all the prizes they make, and
all the captives that are taken ; which leads me to
enquire into the Revenues of this Prince.
Thefe arife either from the labour of the huft>and- Revenues of
men, and the fruits of the earth ; or by duties upon the empire,
goods imported and exported : The Emperor has a
tenth of all corn, cattle, fruits and produce of the
foil, as well as the captives ; and a tenth of all the
prizes that are taken. The port-charges ol {hips,
that
OF THE EMPIR
CHAP, that trade to the dominions of the Emperor of Mo-
VIII. rocco, are one barrel of powder for entrance, twelve
ounces for loading and anchorage, and twelve to
the Captain of the port : Veffels, trading to and from
Gibralter, pay but half this duty for loadiug and dif-
charging.
Cuttoms. The duties on goods exported are, on Wax, per
hundredweight, twenty-five ounces ; Tangoult, fix
ditto ; old Copper, twelve ; red Morocco fkins per
half dozen, one ; ditto other colours, two blanquils;
Hides tanned or raw, each two ditto ; Wool, Dates,
Almonds, Gums, Soap, great quintal, three oun-
ces; Tallow, per final! quintal, fix ounces; Mats,
per bale, fix ; Goat-fkins in hair, per bale, fix ;
Calves-fkins drefs’d or raw, one blanquil ; Sheep-
fkins, per half dozen, two : His whole revenue be-
ing eftimated at 500 quintals of filver, each quin-
tal worth three hundred and thirty pounds fterling.
Coin The Coins of this empire are, r . A Fluce, a fmall
copper coin, twenty whereof make a blanquil of
the value of two-pence fterling. A Blanquil is a lit-
tle filver coin, which is made ftill lefs by the Jews
clipping and filing it. The Moors therefore, who
have always fcales in their pockets, never fail to
weigh them ; and, when they are found to be much
diminifh’d in their weight, they are re-coin’d by the
Jews, who are matters of the Mint, by which they
gain a confiderable profit, as they do alfo by ex-
changing the light pieces forthofe that are full weight.
Their Gold coin is a Ducat, refembling the ducat
of Hungary, worth about nine (hillings fterling, and
they ufually give three of them for a moidore. Mer-
chants accompts are kept in ounces, an imaginary
coin, ten of which make a ducat in Merchants ac-
compts ; but, in payments to the Government, ’tis
faid, they will reckon feventeen ounces and a half
for a ducat.
When Gibralter was befieg’d by the Spaniards,
the Moors and Jews, at Tetuan and Tangier, low-
er’d the price of the moidores and other gold coins
the Englifh paid them for provifions, and raifed their
y own filver. They alfo frequently put light money
on the feamen, and then got money of them for
exchanging it again : And, tho’ they will give but
thirty-feven ounces for a moidore upon the fea-coaft,
when foreigners come to traffick with them, they
will give forty-five ounces for a a moidore at Mequi-
nez and the inland towns. Four blankquils, or two-
penny pieces, when full weight, pals for an ounce ;
but their blanquils, being fo very thin, clipp’d and
crack’d, make payments very troublelbme ; for fcarce
any other money paffes, their gold being generally
hoarded up.
Annuls. The Animals of this part of Africa, whether wild
or tame, are much the fame we meet with to the
fouthward, except the Elk, the Elephant, and Rhi-
noceros, which no travellers pretend to meet with in
the empire of Morocco ; and, as they want thefe,
fo they have fome others, that are not to be found in
E OF MOROCCO. 79
the fouth of Africa, particularly Camels, Drome- CHAP,
daries, and that fine breed of horfes call’d Barbs ; VIII.
which, for their beauty and fwiftnels, can fcarce be
parallel’d in the world : As to Buffaloes, Cows,
Oxen, Sheep, Goats, Deer and Hares, they have
great plenty of them : Their delarts alfo are very
much infefted with Lions, Tygers, Leopards, and
Serpents of a prodigious magnitude. But, as to
their Dragons and flying Serpents, that travellers and
voyage-writers of the laft age talk’d i'o much of,
thefe may be put into the lift of their monfters that
never had any exiftence in nature. They have alfo
great numbers of Oftriches, Phealants, Partridges,
Turkeys, and other fowls wild and tame ; and their
feas and rivers abound with fifti. As for domeftick
animals, they keep the greateft number of Dogs of
any people, which make fuch a barking in their
towns all night, that there is no retting for them :
And as thefe are their favourites ; fo Hogs are the a-
verfton of Moors, Arabs and Jews, being prohi-
bited by their refpetftive laws to eat fwine’s fiefh :
Thefe therefore are left entirely to the Chriftians.
On the other hand, ’tis faid, the Moors and Arabs,
will eat the flefh of Camels, and of many other ani-
mals which we refufe.
The mod ufeful creature they have, is the Ca- Camels, thdr
mel, which ferves them not only for meat and drink, u fe fulnefs '
but will carry a burthen of a thou (and weight, and
travel eight or nine days without water, and with ve-
ry little food : Some few balls, made up of barley
pafte, is all they give them on a journey. Thefe
animals are extreamely proper for their landy plains,
feveral of which are many days journey over, and
not a drop of water to be met with ; infomuch, that
they are forced to load one half of the Camels with
water, for the ufe of the merchants and people be-
longing to the caravans they fend into the eaft and
fouth : But, tho’ the Camel carries his burthen with
eafe over a level fandy plain, he is very ill made for
going up hill or down ; nor does ftony or flippeiy
ways fuit with his foft tender feet ; a mile in fuch a
road wearies him more than ten upon the dry fand j
and fometimes after rain, when the ways are flip-
pery, their caravans are forced to lie ftill till they
are dried again, left their Camels (hould flip down
and lame themfelves : Nor are their Horfes to be ad- Horfbe
mir’d only for their beauty and fpeed, but their ufe in
the wars ; being extreamly ready to obey their riders
upon the leaft ftgn in charging, wheeling or retiring ;
fo that the Trooper has his hands very much at liber-
ty, and can make the beft ufe of his arms. The
Roman hiftorians relate, that the Numidians and
Mauritanians, who poflefs’d the coaft of Barbary for-
merly,. made no ufe of bridles, even in an engage-
ment ; but that their cavalry were manag’d altoge-
ther by ftgns, or the voice of their matters : But I
don’t find they ever put their Horfes to drawing, or
carrying burthens. In their hufbandry they plow
with Oxen, and the Camels and Mules are the bead's
/
8o THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. of burthen ; and they have Mules to draw their car-
VIII. riages : The Arabs alfo live pretty much upon the
milk of their Camels, as well as tliat of Cows and
Goats.
Produce of As to the produce of the foil, they have or might
che foil. have vaft quantities of corn, wine and oil: No
country affords better Wheat, Barley or Rice ;
both the French and Spaniards fetch thefe from the
Barbary coaft when they have a fcarcity at home :
And our garrifons of Gibralter and Port-Mahon
have been fupplied with provifions from the African
coaft, tho’ I think the natives of Fez and Morocco
make fome fcruple of fending corn out of their coun-
try, it being prohibited by their law ; buttheTurk-
ifh ports to the eaftward are not fo fqueamifh, it be-
ing one of the beft articles in their trade. The plains
of Fez and Morocco are well planted with the fin-
eft Olives, that yield delicious oil ; and there are no
better Grapes for making wine in the world, as the
Jews at Tetuan experience ; tho’ the cultivation of
Vines is not encourag’d, wine being prohibited
them : However fome of their Great men, who do
not ftand in awe of their Priefts, will drink wine
when they can get it, and that pretty openly. The
Jews alfo diftil fpirits in Barbary, for which they
meet with a quick market, even among the Maho-
metans, who do not, poffibly, look upon this as
wine. However, I find fobriety to be ftill a very
advantagious character among the Turks : The left
a man drinks, the more he is efteem’d ; and there-
fore moft of them chufe to confine themfelves to
Sherbet, Coffee and fmall liquors ; and, when they
have a mind to intoxicate themfelves, do it with O-
pium. But to return to the produce of the foil :
Befides the fruits already mention’d, they have Dates,
Figs, Raifins, Almonds, Apples, Pears, Cherries,
Plums, Citrons, Lemons, Oranges, Pomegranates,
with plenty of roots and herbs, in their kitchen-
gardens ; and their plains produce excellent Hemp
and Flax : As to foreft-trees, I find they have but
few, and fcarce any good timber; poffibly their foil is
not proper for timber, or they take no care to pre-
fcrve it, having very little ufe for any. Here are
fome mines of very fine Copper, but it is not very
plentiful ; and, as for the Gold and Silver mines
mention’d by fome writers, I cannot learn that any
fuch have ever been open’d in this country.
They have no {hipping to carry on a foreign trade
by fea: But the Europeans bring them whatever
they want from abroad ; as Linen and Woollen
cloth, Stuffs, Iron wrought and unwrought, Arms,
Gunpowder, Lead, and the like ; for which they
take in return. Copper, Wax, Hides, Morocco
Leather, Wool (which is very fine) Gums, Soap,
Dates, Almonds and other fruits.
Trade by Their trade by land, is either with Arabia or Ne-
Siai. groeland: To Mecca they fend caravans, confift-
ing of feveral thoufand Camels, Horfes and Mules,
twice every year, partly for traffick, and partly up-
on a religious account ; great numbers of Pilgrims CHAP'
taking that opportunity of paying their devotions to VIII.
their great Prophet. The goods they carry to the
Eaft, are woollen manufactures very fine, Morocco
fkins, Indigo, Cochineal and Oftrich feathers : And
they bring back from thence, Silks, Mullins and
Drugs. By their caravans to Negroeland, they Caravans,
fend Salt, Silk and Woollen manufactures; and
bring back Gold and Ivory in return, but chiefly
Negroes ; for from hence it is, that their Emperor
chiefly recruits his Black cavalry, tho’ there are alfo
great numbers born in the country, for they bring
thofe of both fexes very young from Negroeland ;
the females for breeders, and the males for foldiers
as they grow up : They firft carry a mufket and
ferve on foot, and after fome time are preferr’d to
be Cavaliers. And as thefe have no other hopes or
dependance but the favour of the Emperor, they
prove much the moft dutiful and obfequious of all
his fubjeCts ; and indeed fupport the Prince in his ty-
ranny over the reft, who would not probably have
borne the barbarous cruelties of the two laft reigns,
if they had not been govern’d with a rod of iron in
the hands of thefe Negroes ; who, like other foreign
mercenaries, never enquire into the reafonableneft
of their Prince’s commands, but execute his moft
inhuman decrees without remorfe. But to return
to their caravans : They always go ftrong enough
to defend themfelves againft the wild Arabs of the
defarts in Africa or Afia ; tho’, notwithstanding all
their vigilance, fome of the ftragglers and baggage of-
ten fall into their hands : They are' alfo forc’d to load
one half of their Camels with water, to prevent
perifhing with drought and thirft over thefe exten-
five defarts ; and there is ftill a more dangerous ene-
my, and that is, the fand itfelf: When the winds
rife, the caravan is perfectly blinded with the duft ;
and there have been inftances, both in Africa and
Afia, where whole caravans, and even armies have
been buried alive in the fands. There is no doubt *
alfo, but both men and cattle are fometimes fur-
priz’d by wild beafts, as well as robbers in thofe vaft
defarts. But what I had almoft forgot to mention,
tho’ I have frequently fuffer’d by them myfeif, are
the hot winds : Thefe, blowing over a long trad of
burning fand, are equal almoft to the heat of an o-
ven, and have deftroy’d abundance of Merchants
and Pilgrims : In fhort, if it was not for devotion,
or in expectation of very great gains, no man would
undertake a journey in thefe defarts ; fo great are
the hazards and fatigues they muft of neceffity un-
dergo, and many of them frequently die in the '
voyage. However, as thofe that go to Mecca affure
themfelves of paradife if they die, and have uncom-
mon honours paid them at home if they furvive,
people croud to be taken in to the eaftern caravans :
And the Gold that is found in the fouth, makes them
no lefs eager of undertaking that journey.
As
OF THE EMPIRE OF MOROCCO. Bi
CHAP,
VIII.
Religion.
As to the religion of this country : Having gi- were depriv’d of all they had in the world, and tranf- CHAP,
ven a very full account of the Mahometan fuperfti- ported to Africa, on account of religion, or rather VIII.
tion, in treating of Perfia, Arabia and Turkey, through the avarice of the Spaniards to pofiefs their
in the fir ft volume of Modern Hijiory ; I fhall take eftates. I fay, confidering all thefe things, we can-
but a ftiort view of it here. They are of a differ- not but admire the moderation of thofe Mahome-
ent feel from the Mahometans of Turkey and Al- tans, in fuftering the Spaniards, and other Chriftians
piers, and have alfo a Mufti or High-prieft of their that fall into their hands, to profefs the Chriftian re-
own, who refides at Meauinez : And under him ligion in that country, when nothing lefs than a
are Priefts and Ecclefiafticks in every city and town,
who determine civil as well as ecclefiaftical caufes,
and officiate in their mofques. But, befides thefe,
they have their Saints, or Marabouts, that live retir’d
in the mountains and unfrequented places, for whom
they have fuch a veneration, that, if a criminal can
efcape to their abodes, the Officers of Juftice dare
not feize him, and the Saint frequently procures the
offender’s pardon : Thefe have a very great influ-
ence on all degrees of men ; and fome of them, I
perceive, are temporal as well as fpiritual Lords, hav-
ing whole towns and countries that are their vaffals;
indulging themfelves in a reafbnable number of wives
and concubines, and all the pleafures that the world
affords. But then there are others that live the life
of Hermits, anft ufe great aufterities, going about
in rags and a neglected drefs ; who are, however, no
lefs reverenc’d and ador’d than the others. The peo-
ple proftrate themfelves before thefe Marabouts, ef-
teeming it a great favour to kifs their feet, or but
the hem of their garments ; tho’ Captain Blaith-
wait, who attended the Englifh Ambaffador to
the Court of Morocco, in the year 1727, fays, he
could obferve nothing extraordinary in thefe Mara-
bouts, but an affecSIed gravity and refervednefs, with
fome uncommon agitations, diftorting their coun-
tenances, and rolling their eyes, that people might
imagine they were infpir’d ; which fsems to be pret-
ty near the charafter we have of the firft Quakers,
and their fucceffors in hypocrify the French Pro-
phets : However, the people adore them, and never
prefume to fufpecl the pious fraud ; which is the bet-
ter to be borne, fince thefe pretended Saints make
ufe of their influence to do good offices, and not to
oppofe their weak brethren, or to fleece them of their
money : And it is much eafier for a Proteftant to
live under the government of Morocco, in one ref-
peef, than in any popifti kingdom or ftate ; and that
is, that they compel no man to be of their religion,
but allow every one the free and open excercife of
divine fervice, according to their refpeSlive forms of
worfhip : Nay, they fuft’er their very Haves to have
their priefts and their chappel in the capital city of
the empire ; whereas it is reported, that the Spani-
ards, and fome other Roman catholick kingdoms
and ftates, where the inquifition is eftabliih’d, have
been very fevere upon fuch Moors as have happen’d
to fall into their power, in order to force them to
turn Chriftians: Nor is it poffible for the people of
Barbary to forget how their anceftors were ufed in
Spain, and hew many hundred thouland of them
total extirpation of Mahometans would fatisfy the
Cathclicks of Spain ; and, as fome have obferv’d,
the cruelties of the Turks on the Barbary coaft,
which are lb much complain’d of, are not more to
be dreaded than thofe of the Inquifition : Nor are
there near fo many inftances of the former, as of
the latter.
As the religion of this empire is the feme with Marriage.,
that of other Mahometan countries, fo are their mar-
riages celebrated in the feme manner. The parties
and their friends having agreed upon terms, they
come before the Cadi, or Civil magiftrate, who re-
cords the con tract ; after which, an entertainment
is made, and the bride carried home in great ftate to
her hufband’s houfe, which is the whole of the ce-
remony : And we may be fure it is no part of the
contrail, “ That the man fhall keep no other wo-
man, ” as v/ith us ; becaufe he is allowed four
wives, and as many concubines as he pleafes ; and
the greater the hufband’s quality is, the greater num-
ber of women he keeps ; more for oftentation, and
the ftate of the matter, than for any thing elfe. But
whether it be part of the contrail, that the man
fhall let every wife take her turn in his bed, or whe-
ther the law requires this of him, I can’t tell ; but
it is held a great piece of injuftice to defraud any of
his wives of their due : Hov/ever, I find they make
no great feruple of keeping boys, as well as concu-
bines, and often deal unnaturally by their wives :
But the latter is held to be a fufficient ground for a
divorce; and, ’tis laid, a divorce is not difficult to
obtain on either fide : Only, if the fault be in the
man, the wife is fuffer’d to go off with her cloaths
and jewels ; and, if the woman goes affray, (he is
turned out naked, and indeed feldom efcapes with
her life ; for death is the punifhment of adultery, if
the man will be fetisfied with nothing lefs than the
rigour of the law ; while fodomy with boys is fcarce
deem'd a crime amongft them.
Their funerals alfo are folemniz.’d here, as in o- Funerals,
ther Mahometan countries : Women are hir’d to la-
ment and howl over the corpfe, who tear off their
hair, and cut themfelves till the blood follows. Aff-
ter fome time, the corpfe is carried to the burying-
place, with the head firft, in the ufual drefs, the
Priefts finging as they go, Lailla illalah Mahomet ref-
foul Allah ; “ God is a great God and Mahomet his
Prophet ” ; and, having fet the corpfe upright in the
tomb, with the face towards Mecca, they leave it
in that pofture.
M
As
THE PRESENT STATE
82
CHAP. As to their burying-places : Every perfon, accord-
VIII. ing to his quality, purchafes a piece of ground, a lit-
tie out of town near the highway-fide, which they
enclofe with a wall, and make a kind of flower-
garden of it, erecting a dome, or a fpire, fometimes
over the graves of their deceas’d friends ; and thofe,
who can do no more, place a ftone at the head, and
another at the feet, as in our church-yards ; but
they never bury in their mofques, or within the walls
of a town. 'J he women piouflv vifit the tombs of
their hufbands, or other relations, every Friday ( their
fabbath) carrying thither meat and fruits, which
the poor eat when they are gone : And here, or at
home, the women perform their devotions on that
day, for they are never fuffer’d to enter into a
mofque; nor are they vifited by their Priefts. Pof-
fibly the men don’t trouble themfelves much what
religion they are of, or whether they have any ; for
they expert a feraglio of virgins in paradife, form’d
on purpofe for them, whofe charms will never de-
cay, or fatiate the appetite.
CHAP. IX.
The prefent ft ate of Algiers.
Containing the prefent ftate of the kingdom of Algiers.
CHAP. I H E kingdom of Algiers is bounded by the
IX. JL Mediterranean fea, on the north ; by Tunis
on the eaft ; by the mountains of Atlas, which fe-
In^fxTm'of 1 P erate ft fr° m Biledulgerid, on the fouth ; and by
the kingdom liver Zea, or Mulvia, which divides it from the
of Algiers, kingdom of Fez, on the weft ; extending along the
coafl: of the Mediterranean about 600 miles from
weft to eaft, the breadth various, and very uncer-
tain ; tho’ our beft Geographers place it between
the 30th and 37 th degrees of north latitude.
Rivers. 7 'he principal rivers, which rife in mount Atlas,
and run northward into the Mediterranean, ar
1 . 1 he river Arefgola, or Hartegol, which falls into
the Mediterranean, about feven leagues to the weft-
ward of Oran. 2. Afiafran, which diicharges it-
felf into the fea, five leagues to the weftward of Al-
giers. 3. Chilef, which falls into the fea, near
Moftagan. ^4. Sofaya, which runs into the fea, to
the eaft ward of the city of Algiers. 3. Sef Gomar,
which runs by Conftantina, into the Mediterranean.
6. Zinganor, or Major, which falls into the fea,
near Bugia. And, 7. Mira, which difcharges itfelf
into the Mediterranean, near Arzea. None of thefe
have a very long courfe, rifing but in the mountains
of Atlas, or other hills in this kingdom : nor do I
find that any of them are navigable, at leaft that there
is any navigation upon them ; tho’ there are fome
of them large enough, and would probably be made
navigable, if any other people but the Turks were
pofiefi’d ot them ; and indeed they appear fo very
mdolent here, that they have not one bridge or fer-
ry over any river in the country, but go about fre- CHAP,
quently fome miles to find a ford ; and, if there hap- IX.
pens to fall heavy rains, travellers are forced to
wait, till the waters are down again, before they
can pais them.
This kingdom is ufually divided into five provin- Provinces,
ces, viz. 1. Tremefen, or Telenfin ; 2. Tenez;
3. Algiers; 4. Bugia; and, 5. Conftantina.
The province of Tremefen is bounded by the Tremefea.
Mediterranean, on the north ; by Tenez, on the
eaft ; by Biledulgerid, on the fouth ; and by the
kingdom of Fez, on the weft : The chief towns Towns,
whereof are, Tremefen, Marfalquivir, or Almar-
fa, and Oran.
1. Tremefen is fituated in 34 degrees north lati-
tude, under the fame meridian that London lies,
and is about fixty miles to the fouthward of the Me-
diterranean fea, formerly the capital of a kingdom
of the fame name ; but has been under the domini-
on of the Turks of Algiers thefe hundred years and
more: Hiftorians deferibe it to have been a moll
magnificent city, large, rich and populous, while
it was in its glory, and govern’d by its native prin-
ces. But there feems to be fcarce any thing in it re-
markable at prefent.
2. Marlalquivir, or Almarfa, lies on a bay of MarfalquU
the Mediterranean fea, three or four miles fouth- vir "
weft of Oran, and is efteemedoneof the fafeft roads
on thiscoaft. It was pofefs’d by the Spaniards, till
the Algerines took Oran from them ; but furrender’d
to the Spaniards again, immediately after their re-
taking Oran, in the year 1 73 2.
Oran is fituated on another bay of the Mediter- Oran,
ranean fea, latitude 36 degrees, eaft longitude 1,
about 250 miles weft of Algiers. It lies partly in
a plain, and partly upon the afeent of a hill, and is
about a mile and a half in circumference, as well for-
tified as the ground about it will permit ; but, it
being commanded by fome of the neighbouring bills,
if there be not a garrifon of ten or twelve thoufand
men to defend the avenues, diftant caftles, and re-
doubts, as well as the town itfelf, it cannot fuftain a
long fiege.
The Spanifh coafts and merchant-fhips fufFering'
much from the Corfairs or Rovers of this town, Fer-
dinand, King of Spain, fent over an army, under
the command of his Prime minifter. Cardinal Xi-
menes, in the year 1509, to befiege it; who, hav-
ing a correfpondence with fome of the inhabitants,
when the Moors fallied out with the beft part of the
garrifon againft the Chriftian army, their friends in
the town {hut the gates againft them, and the Car-
dinal obtain’d an eafy conqueft, killing above 4000
Moors, and delivering at the fame time 20000 Chrifi-
tian flaves out of captivity : The Turks of Algiers
made feveral attempts to recover this town from
time to time for near 200 years ; but were always
repuls’d till the year 1708, when they made themfelves
mafters of it, by the treachery or cowardice of the
Governor,
OF ALGIERS.
CHAP. Governor, as the Spaniards give out, and remained
IX. in poffefiion of Oran till the year 1732. But King
Philip, having at this time no other enemy to
contend with, and a fine army of veteran troops,
that had no other employment, embark’d a good
body of them at Alicant, about the middle of June
1732, under the command of the Conde de Mon-
ternar, who landed near Oran, on the 29th of the
fame month, with very little oppofition ; and, ha-
ving afterwards gained the height of the mountains
above Oran, the garrifon abandon’d the place, with-
out waiting to be befieg’d in form : Of which tranf-
adlion we receiv’d repeated advice in our common
news-papers ; but the account the Turks give of
this enterprize affords fome further particulars.
Oran taken They fay, that the Dey of Algiers, believing
by the Spa- t j iat armament of the Spaniards was intended
' againft his capital, did not fend lltch reinforcements
to Oran as he would have done, if he had expected
they would have attempted that city : However,
the Bey or Viceroy of Oran had affembled an army
of twenty thoufand men, for the defence of the
place, moll of them horfe ; with which he did en-
deavour to hinder the defcent of the Spaniards ; but
his troops were diforder’d by the continual fire of
the cannon of the enemy from their men of war
and gallics. Pie attack’d them alio after they were
landed ; but, the ground being unfit for cavalry,
and his horfe (fill galled by the Spanifh artillery, he
was obliged to retire ; and thereupon determined
to wait for a reinforcement of four thoufand Turks,
and fix thoufand Moors, which he daily expedled
from Algiers, before he engaged the Chriftians
again : And, in the mean time, for fear of the
worft, removed all his effects, his treafure, and his
women, out of Oran to a place of fecurity : Where-
upon the garrifon and inhabitants were in the great-
eft confternation ; imagining they Ihould be foon
abandon’d by the Governor, and facrificed to the
Chriftians ; and thereupon pack’d up all that they
had, after the Baffaw’s example, and kindly quit-
ted the town to the Chriftians without a blow ;
leaving in it an hundred and forty-fix pieces of can-
non, befides mortars, and at leaft fifty (hip-loads of
proviftons, which contributed very much towards
the prefervation of the conqueft ; for the fea was
fo tempeftuous they could receive nothing from their
fleet for feveral days.
However, the Baffaw attack’d the Spanifh army
as they were marching into the place ; and, tho’
he found it impoffible then to fave the town, fb
obftinate was the engagement, that the Spaniards
loft near five thoufand men ; and were afterwards
fo harrafs’d by the Turks, before they could put
b the place in a pofture of defence, that great part
of their army was cut off’, and amongft them their
new Governor the Marquis of Santa Cruz, and
feveral of their beft Generals* But to proceed :
83
The next province to the eaftward of Tremefen CHAP,
is that of Tenez, bounded on the north, by the IX.
Mediterranean ; on the eaft, by the province of
Algiers Proper ; on the fouth, by the mountains
of Atlas ; and on the weft, by Tremefen ; extend-
ing about an hundred miles from weft to eaft,
along the coaft of the Mediterranean ; but the
breadth from north to fouth is very uncertain :
The chief towns are Muftagan, Tenez, and Townsi
Sercelli.
Muftagan is fituated at the mouth of a river that Muftagaa.
falls into the Mediterranean, in the mid-way
between Oran and Tenez ; of which I meet with
no particular defeription.
Tenez, the capital of the province, is fituated Tenez.
alfo on the fea-coaft, in 36 degrees odd minutes
north latitude, about 100 miles to the eaftward of
Oran ; and is fuppofed to be the Julia Caefarea of
the antients.
Sercelli, or Serfela, (lands near the fea, latitude Serfda.
37 degrees, between Tenez and Algiers ; ancient-
ly a large populous city, but not very confiderable
at prefent.
The province of Algiers Proper is bounded by Algiers Pro-
file Mediterranean, on the north ; by the province per ‘
of Bugia, on the eaft ; by Biledulgerid, on the fouth ;
and by Tenez, on the weft ; extending, from weft
to eaft, along the coaft of the Mediterranean, up-
wards of two hundred miles, and about four hun-
dred miles from the fame fea to the fouthward :
The chief towns whereof are Algiers the capital, Towns,
and Metafuz, or Temendfaft.
The town of Algiers is fituated in latitude 37, AJgiers.
weft longitude three and a half, on a bay of the
Mediterranean fea, a little to the eaftward of the
river Safran : It is built on the fide of a mountain ;
the houfes flat-roof’d, terrafs’d, and white-walh’d ;
and, fifing gradually from the fea-fhore up the hill,
forms a kind of amphitheatre, and appears very
beautifully on the approaching it by fea ; but this,
like moft other Turkilh towns, looks better at a
diftance than when we are in it : The mofques,
the domes, the fpires, the caftles, and palace (land-
ing in full view, give us a great idea of the place ;
but, as the ftrects are extremely narrow, and the
private houfes but mean, our expedlations are not
anfwer’d when we come to examine it clofely :
However, there is this convenience, that the inha-
bitants can vifit each other from the tops of the
houfes almoft all over the town, without going
into the ftrects. The walls are about a league in
circumference, defended by fome baftions and fquare
towers between them : The port is fecured by a
pier or mole, in length about five hundred paces,
extended from the continent to a fmall rocky ifland,
where (lands a caftle, call’d the Lantern, with three
tier of brals cannon, befides other fortifications,
lately erecled lor its defence, fince the French bom-
bardment : The town has five gates ; and in it:
M 2 ate
Province of
Teaee.
/
/,
*4
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP. are ten great mofques, or Mahometan temples ; fif-
IX. ty leffer mofques, three colleges, and abundance of
fchools, where the children are brought up with
the utmoft prejudice to Chriftianity. It is compu-
ted, there are about an hundred thoufand fouls in
the town.
On the fide of the bay, oppofite to the mole, is
a fort defended by about twenty great guns, call’d
Fort Metafuz, from the cape near which it is fitu-
ated 3 built to command that part of the bay where
the French gallies lay when they bombarded it :
There are alfo two other forts on that fide, where
the Engiifh lay when they bombarded the town,
well furnifh’d with cannon : So that' Algiers is
much better prepared to defend itfelf againft a bom-
bardment, than it was formerly.
On the land fide there is a fortrefs at the very
top of the hill, above the town, call’d A 1 Cafabba ;
and without Bebalweyd- gate are three other forts ;
and a little farther a fourth, called the Emperor’s-
caftle, being fituated upon the hill, where the Em-
peror Charles the Vth had his head-quarters
when he befieged Algiers : But the greateft ftrength
is the numbers and refolution of the natives, brought
up and enur’d to daring and hazardous enterprizes ;
being in a manner in perpetual war with all man-
kind.
The houfes are very clofe throng’d together in
the town, no gardens or vacant fpaces, and many
families in one houfe 3 but their gardens extend a
great way beyond the walls, both on the hills and
in the valleys, affording a moft agreeable profpecl 3
the foil extremely fruitful, and well planted, by
the labour of the Chriftian flaves, who have the
cultivation and management of them for their high
and mighty lords the Janizaries and Burghers of
Algiers.
Metafuz. The town of Metafuz lies upon the lea, about
four leagues to the eaftward of Algiers, and is not
remarkable for any thing that I can meet with, but
being the place where the Emperor Charles V.
embark’d, when he was forced to raife the Siege
of Algiers, and the giving name to a certain cape
or promontory on that coaft.
The next province to the eaftward of Algiers
is Bogia, extending from weft to eaft about thirty
miles along the Mediterranean, and upwards of an
hundred to the fouthward of that fea 3 the chief
towns whereof are, Gigeri, or Gergel, and Bugia.
Gigeri is fituated 14 or 15 leagues north-eaft
of Algiers, upon the Mediterranean fea, remark-
able for little but an old caftle, that Hands upon a
mountain of very difficult accels. Here the French
were fortifying themfelves in the year 1666 3 hut
were driven from thence by the Algerines, and
compell’d to leave their cannon and moft of their
effedls behind them.
Bugia, now the capital of the province, and for-
merly of a kingdom of the fame name, is fitu-
Frovince of
Bogia.
Towns.
Gigeri.
ated at the mouth of the river Major, about twenty CHAP,
leagues to the eaftward of Algiers. The town lies IX,
upon the fide of a hill, and is defended by a caftle
that ftands above it, but not able to protect Hiips
in the river ; for I find, the Engiifh Admiral, Sir
Edward Sprague, in the year 1671, took or
deftroyec} nine Algerine men of war here.
Near the mouth of the river Major, lies the
little ifland of Tabaria, in the pofTeffion of the
Genoefe 5 and which they have fo well fortified,
as to bid defiance to all the power of the Alge-
rines.
The province of Conftantina is the moft eaftern Content™
province of the kingdom of Algiers, being bound- P rovince -
ed by the Mediterranean, on the north ; by the
river Guadilbar, which divides it from Tunis, on
the eaft ; by Biledulgerid, on the fouth ; and by
the province of Bugia on the weft : The chief Towns,
towns whereof are, Conftantina, and Bona.
Conftantina is fituated on a river, about ninety Conftantina.
miles fouth-eaft of Bugia, latitude 3 5 . There are
feme noble ruins found in and about this town 3
but it is remarkable for very little elie at prelent.
Bona, or Hippon, lies on the Mediterranean, Bona,
latitude 37, about ninety miles north-eaft of Ccn-
ftantina ; and near it is a coral fifhery. This town,
among others, was taken by Charles V. in his
expedition againft Tunis, but recover’d by the
Turks not long afterwards. It is faid to be the
place where the famous St. Austin died.
Having given a defcription of the fituation of Face cf the
the provinces and great towns of the kingdom of COJntr F-
Algiers, I proceed to confider the face of the coun-
try ; and I find, that mount Atlas runs through
the fouth part of it, from eaft to weft, from the
kingdom of Tunis to the kingdom of Morocco :
It is alfo very mountainous towards the Mediter-
ranean lea 3 but both hills and valleys are exceeding
fruitful where they are cultivated, abounding in
corn and fruits 3 fuch as Dates, Olives, Figs, Grapes
and Almonds : They have allb good ftore of Wax
and Honey, and their coafts afford great quantities
of Salt.
The Government of Algiers is in reality an ab- Government
folute monarchy at this day, tho’ it has fome ap- A! s ier3 -
pearunce of a mixt Government 3 becaufe the Dey,
or Sovereign, fometimes affembles a Divan, confift-
ing of the chief officers of the State and the Jani-
zaries, and demands their advice in matters of im-
portance 3 but this, it feems, is only to fkreen him
againft popular difcontents 5 for he adds, by his foie
authority, whenever he pleafes. The Dey is in-
deed elective ; his fon never inherits by defcent, and
this eledbion is by the Turkifti army: Thole, who
have no relation to the fword, have nothing to do
in the eledtion. There are frequently feveral can-
didates nam’d upon a vacancy 3 and, when they
have fixed upon one, they all cry out, “ Allah
“ Baric k, God profper you, and {bower down his
“ biddings
OF ALGIERS.
CHAP. “ bleffings upon you ” ; and, whether the perfon
IX. is willing to accept the honour, or not, he is im-
mediately inverted with the Caftan or robe of fo-
vereignty : Then the Cadi is call’d, who declares,
that God has vouchlafed to call him to the govern-
ment of that kingdom ; and that he is to maintain
his fubjecls in their liberties and properties, and
duely adminifter juftice to them ; and exhorts him
to employ his utmoft care for the profperity of his
country : And, ’tis faid, he fits daily, adminifter-
ing juftice from five in the morning till noon, and
from one till four, hearing and determining all cau-
fes that are brought before him, without any affb-
ciates or aftiftants but four fecretaries. However,
matters relating to lands of inheritance, to religion,
or the breaches of their ecclefiaftical and civil laws
(which are the fame among the Turks) are deter-
min’d by the Cadi’s, or Ecclefiaftical judges ; fo
that thefe caufes, determin’d by the Dey, feem to
relate chiefly to the government of the State and the
Militia, or to perfonal debts, and other controvert-
ed matters ; for which the Alchoran has made no
provifion : His judgments are arbitrary, not regu-
lated by laws ; nor is there any appeal from his
tribunal. But, as the military men do not only
elect their Sovereign, but depofe, or put him to
death, whenever they apprehend he does not con-
fult their interert, he is oblig’d to be very cautious
in the decree he makes.
Of the fix Deys that have reign’d fince the year
1700, four have been murder’d, and a fifth re-
fign ’d his government to fave his life. The want
of foccefs in any inftance, almoft infallibly occaficns
a rebellion 5 and ’tis well if the Dey is net lacrific’d
to the fury of the Janizaries, and another eleefted,
in whofe hands they hope their affairs will preiper
better.
Land-forces. The Militia who elec! their Dey, are all natural
Turks or renegado Chriftians, admitted into thofe
troops generally denominated Janizaries, and amount
to about twelve thoufand men : Thefe are, by fome,
ftyl’d the nobility of Algiers ; and certain it is, that
the frequent revolutions that happen at Algiers, are
brought about by this clefs of people chiefly : They
are but few in number indeed, compar’d with the
native Moors ; and yet do they tyrannize over
the natives in a moft infolent manner. On the
contrary, in the empire of Morocco, the Moors
govern every thing, and will not fuffer the Turks
to have any ftiare in the Government. The Moors
here are faid to be a cov/ardly 2nd mean-fpirited
people, in comparifon of the Turks ; who have
defeated armies of them, both in Morocco and Tu-
nis, of irx times their number, and ftorrn’d and
plunder’d both their capitals within a very few
years, compelling their refpeccive Princes to accept
of fuch terms as the Deys of Algiers were [leafed
to impofe on them. The reafon of which fuperi-
ority is fjppos’J to proceed either from that fob-
8 5
million the Turks have always exacted from the C H A P,
Moors, whereby the latter are. in a manner difpi- IX.
rited ; or that the Algerine Turks, being all men '^'/~***
of fword, engag’d perpetually in the moft delperate
fervices by fea and land, and, dreading no dangers,
are an over-match for all their neighbours, who
endeavour to live in peace : But, from what caufe
foever this fuperiority proceeds, it is furprizing to
obferve, that lefs than ten thouland of the Algerine
Turks fliould dare to march through great part of
the empire of Morocco, and make themfelves ma-
fters of the capital city of Fez one year, and after-
wards of Tunis the next. But, ’tis certain, the
native Moors have as great a dread of thefe Pirates
by land, as our defencelels Merchants have of them
at fea, and tremble at the very name of an Algier
Turk : And, tho’ this kingdom confifted at firft
of little more than the lands within view of the
city, by what they have taken from the Kings of
Tunis and Bogia on the eaft, and the Emperor of
Morocco on the weft, we fee it extended, at this
day, 600 miles and upwards in length, and 3 or
4 hundred in breadth, to the fouthward, except
fome few inacceffible hills, where live a wretched
fort of people, that are not worth their conqueft.
But to proceed :
In thefe extenfive territories the Dey has three Three Beys
Viceroys, or Beys ; one in the eaft, another in the or Viceroys,,
weft, and a third in the fouth ; who, in the latter
end of the furrtmer, affemble each of them a fmall
army, with which they make the tour of their re-
fpeclive Governments, to gather in fuch taxes, as
the Dey is pleafed to impofe upon the people ; and,
in cafe any of them refufo payment, the Bey feizes
or deftroys their whole crops of grain and fruits.
In collecting thefe taxes, the refpective Beys are em-
ployed three or four months every year ; and what^
ever the whole country can raife, is brought to Al-
giers for the fupport of the Government, and par-
ticularly the payment of the Janizaries, which muft
be preferr’d to all other fervices, it being very dan-
gerous difobliging that body : But, as money is pretty
fcarce in this country, I find great part of the taxes
are taken in kind, that is, in com, cattle, and fuch
other goods as may be moft ufeful to the Turks at
Algiers ; and the prizes they make at fea, fome
years, equal the revenues they exacPc from the na-
tives at land. Thefe Pirates feem to look upon the
whole world as their tributaries ; or rather, that the
reft of mankind were only made to be Haves to their
pleafures, and ought not to expedf juftice, or com-
mon humanity, at their hands. They agree with
our Fanaticks, that dominion is founded in grace :
That true believers have a right to every thing this
world affords, and, according to Csom WEt’s noti-
on, ought not to be fubjeeft to laws, human or divine,
at leaft in their commerce v/ith reprobates, and in-
fidels, as they efteem all men but themfelves. But,
as Ms been obforvAi, the Turks here do not only
treat
86
THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. treat the Chriftians and Jews with infolence, but
IX, even the Moors, who are of the fame faith : The
meaneft Turkifh foldier will make the wealthieft
Moor give him the way : They are ufed more like
men of quality, than common foldiers : They have
their quartets in fpacious fquares, where they are
maintain’d, and ferv’d by flaves, at the publick ex-
pence : They are duely paid every other moon, and
have the privilege of buying their provifions one third
cheaper than any other of the inhabitants. Befides
thefe, tire Dey of Algiers has feveral thoufand Moors
in his fervice, horfe and foot, and every one of his
Beys commands an army of the fame people, as has
been obferv’d already ; but thefe have no (hare in
the election, or depofmg their Princes ; or are en-
titled to any of the privileges the Turkifh foldiers
enjoy.
Force of the The Algerines are more formidable at fea, than
Ajgermes at any ot her powcr on t ; ie co;i ft 0 f Barbary ; and the
fea-faring people are in great efteem, on account of
the prizes they frequently bring in ; but ftill they
have no fhare in the eledtion of a Dey : The fathers
of the Trinity allure us, that the Algerines have no
Ids than five and twenty fnips of war, from eigh-
teen to fixty guns, befides a multitude of fmaller
cruifing vefiels ; and, as they have very little timber
in the country, nor any naval ftores whatever,
their Ihips are either thofe they take as prize, or
built, and rigg’d out of the materials of fuch fhips
as are taken : However, they never fuffer the num-
ber of their fhips of war to be diminifh’d ; but, if
any of them are loll, or decay’d, they immediately
add as many more.
The Englifh have been at peace with the Alge-
rines ever fince the year 1682: But the Dutch could
not obtain a fettled peace ’till very lately ; in nego-
tiating which, their good friends (the Englifh) aflifted
them, or they would probably have been in a Hate of
war with Algiers at this day : And furely this muft
be afcrib’d to an excefs of goodnefs in the Englilh
nation on many accounts : For firft, the Dutch are
every-where their rivals in trade ; there is fcarce any
part of the world where the Hollander has not en-
deavour’d to fupplant them, and in too many fuc-
ceeded. In the next place, while the Dutch were at
war with Algiers, they were forced to fend ftrong
convoys with their merchant-fhips into the Levant ;
nor could thefe always protect their fhips : They
found it necefi’ary to employ the Englifh in carrying
their goods thither, and confequently the Englifh
were gainers by this war between Holland and Al-
giers ; and yet w>ere we fo very kind and difinte-
rdled, as to make their peace for them, and let
them into the trade again. Whether the Dutch
will ever make any returns for fo fignal a favour,
we (hall fee, if we live long enough ; but their u-
» fual way of requiting a Britifh kindnefs, is by ails
of treachery and injuftice. I queftion whether the
Hollander has not done the trade of England more
mifchief, than ever the Algerines have, particularly CHAP-
in depriving us by violence of the Spice Iflands, which IX.
they keep pofleflion of to this day : Nor were their
cruelties at all fhort of thofe the Turks exercife on
their Chriftian flaves ; for, to deter the Englifh
Merchants from ever coming to the Spice Iflands a-
gain, they burnt off their flefh by inches, and ex-
ercis’d all the tortures upon them they could invent.
Let them never therefore cry out of the piracies of
the Algerines, when they themfelves took not only
our fhips, but our lands (the invaluable Spice Iflands)
from us, and have never made reftitution to this
day ; tho’ they have often promifed it by folemn
treaties : And what aggravates the injury is, that
this was done at a time of full peace, and in the very
next reign after the Queen of England had refcued
them from the oppreffions of the Spaniards. But to
return to the Government of Algiers :
It has been already obferv’d, that the Dey is an
abfolute Sovereign, and in reality knows no fuperior ;
however, the Grand Signior ftill ftyles him Lieute-
nant, and the people, under his jurifdiiftion, fubje&s
to the Porte, as appears by the letter written to the
Dey by the Grand Signior in behalf of the Dutch,
in the year 1719 3 a tranfiation whereof follows.
To the Dey and BaJJa of Algiers , Me HE MED
Baffa , a Prince chofen to enjoy the dignity whereof
he is poffejfor , who has been preferv d by the help of
the mojl High ; and to the mojl learned Mufti , and
you Cadis and Judges abounding with eloquence and
equity ; as likewife to all others among you , who are
replete ' with knowledge ; and to all the Chiefs of
your Militia fighting for the faith ; and alfo to all
our faithful Algerine fubjefts , Health.
E give you to underftand by the tenor A letter
of this noble and fublime Order, that tfie .
“ the Holland Ambaflador, who is now at our nSor""!. the
u High Porte, having reprefented to us, that you Dey of ai-
“ have declared war w’ith Holland without any of the
“ caufe, and that the lame was unjuft, and contrary Dutch.
“ to the articles of thofe treaties which have been
“ granted them by our Porte, with which they are
“ in peace. All which, having been examin’d
“ with attention, we have been inform’d, that the
“ unjuft war, by you declar’d again ft the Hollan-
“ ders, is repugnant to thofe articles the faid Dutch
“ Ambaflador has exhibited ; by which articles it is
“ fpecified, I hat, while they fhall be in peace with
“ our Pligh Porte, no injury fhall be done to their
“ perfons, or their efteSfs, by our fubjeHs of Al-
“ giers, B unis or Tripoli : Neverthelels, you have
“ tranfgrefs’d the treaties, taken from them to the
“ value of fifty thoufand dollars, and their Conful
“ has been oblig’d to retire into France.
“ Having a regard to thole refpefifful remonftran-
“ ces, made by the Holland Ambaflador at the
M threfhold
O F A L
CHAP. “ threfhold of our happy Porte, we have hereto-
IX. “ fore difpatch’d to you our order and intentions
« upon this matter and the effect, not having an-
“ fwer’d what we ought to have expected from loyal
“ and obedient fubjeds, we now fend this prefent
“ order, whereto you are to conform ; which or-
“ der will be deliver’d you by Hassan Aga, one
“ of our Capiji Baftiis. Our intention is, that
“ you fend to Conftantinople two officers, who be-
“ ing commiffion’d to negotiate a peace with the
“ laid Hollanders, (hall exhibit their allegations ;
“ yoi; knowing that fuch fubjeds as difobey their
“ Emperor are criminals, and frequently expos’d to
“ chaftilements fent them down from the moil
“ High, as it is expreffed in the noble Koran :
“ Wherefore, it is better that you preferve to your-
“ felves love and applaufe, than that you incur ha-
“ tred and reproach. For which reafon you are to
“ put in execution what is enjoin’d you by the pre-
“ fent order, at the top whereof is the noble fig-
“ net, to which it behoves you to give credit.”
While this was reading in the Divan, the whole
audience kept a moft refpedful filence ; and, being
ended, the Bafh-Chiaus crisd out, fatha, fatha,
expreffing thereby the refped and fubmiffion where-
with the Emperor’s Firman, or Order, ought to be
They have receiv’d : And it appears, that the Algerines have
little depen- indeed a great veneration for the Grand Signior, as
theGra P nd thc h eac * ot ^ ie ‘ r religion ; but have a dill greater
Signior. for their own intereft, and are not to be moved by
any threats of the Porte, when it pretends to debar
them from exercifing that piratical war with the
European nations, which is the foundation of all
their wealth and grandeur ; for it was not till feme
years afterwards they made peace with Holland ; and
that, at the inftance of the Englilh, as has been ob-
ferv’d already, as well as in confideration of very
rich prefents diftributed among their leading men ;
and indeed, the Algerines, like other people, are
govern’d chiefly by intereft, nothing elfe inclines
them either to peace or war ; if they think they (hall
get moft by peace, they prefer that ; and, it they
propofe greater advantages by war, they will never
liften to a peace.
The Grand Signior had, ’till very lately, a Bafha
always refiding at Algiers, to whom he expeded the
Dey and his fubjeds fhould pay a great regard ; hut,
finding his authority flighted, and that they would
not permit his Bafha to intermeddle in their affairs,
or even allow him a vote in their Divan, he was
pleafed to conftitute the Dev hirnfelf his Baftta, that
he might feem ftill to retain fome authority over
the Algerines : And accordingly we find the prece-
ding letter directed, To the Dey and Bafha of Al-
giers, Mehemed Baffa, who indeed are the fame
The Aga of perfon with two different titles,
ries tlhe ' 23 " The next temporal officer to the Dey, and who
< fficer to the has the gteateft influence in the Algerine Govcrn-
She Dey.
G I E R S. 87
ment, is the Aga, or General of theTurkifh Mi- C H AP.
litia. This is the oldeft officer in the army, who IX.
continues in this port but two months, and then is
fucceeded by the next fenior officer. While he re-
mains Aga of the Militia, the keys of the city are
in his cuftody, all military orders are given out in
his name, and in his palace only, the Turks are pu-
nch'd (according to the decrees of the Dey) whe-
ther by baftanade, imprifonment, or death.
The three chief Ecclefiafticks are extremely re- The Mufti’,
verenc’d by all ; and thefe are the Mufti, the Cadi, Cadl * &s ’
and the Grand Marabout : The firft, the High
Prieft, of their religion : The fecond, the fupreme
Judge in ecclefiaftical caufes, and luch civil matters,
as the military power does not interpofe in ; and the
Grand Marabout, their great living Saint, or Her-
mit, or rather the General of that Order, who pro-
fefs themfelves Hermits or Marabouts ; the laft have
an inconceivable influence both on the Government,
and the affairs of every private man in the kingdom
of Algiers: The three Ecclehafticks may be diftin-
guifh’d by the largenefs of their turbants : They lit
in the Divan, a little below the Dey, on his right
hand ; and, when they enter the afi'embly, he riles
up, and embraces them ; but, tho’ they are advis’d
with on important occafions, they have no vote
here: The Divan, I perceive, conlifts of near two The Dey
thoufand officers and foldiers, and of none but the
Turkifh foldiery. In the electing the Dey, if I am
not miftaken, every man of the Turkifh Militia
has a vote : As to the depofing him, that is done
generally by tumults of the populace : They are not
govern’d by laws, or precedents, in thefe revoluti-
ons ; but by intereft, revenge, ambition, or per-
haps mere caprice ; fo that the reign of the Dey is
generally Ihort, and always precarious, notwith-
ftanding all the arts they ufe to fecure their domi-
nion : And, what is ftill more unfortunate, there is
no defeending from that dignity, without running
an apparent hazard of his life : There is fcarce any
medium between the throne and grave.
The Dey, as has been related already, fits on his Adminiftsa*
tribunal feveral hours every day, to hear the com- 01 iUT
plaints of his fubjeds, and adminifter juftice : The
plaintiff, it feems, always makes his complaint in
perfon (there are no Council, Proctors, Attornics,
or Sollicitors, to manage their caufes lor them) ; and
the defendant or wrong-doer is immediately lum-
mon’d to anfwer the complaint. Upon his appear-
ance, both parties are examin’d upon oath, as well
as the witneffes ; and, it either of the parties appear
to have been guilty of perjury, he immediately re-
ceives 300 baftinadoes with a cudgel, and is oblig d
to make the injur’d perfon fatisfadion forthwith. If
a perfon appears to be indebted to another, he is de-
creed to pay the debt in fuch time as the Dey awards.:
In which if he fails, an officer is order'd to fell his
effeds by audion, and make the creditor fatisfadion ;
and this is done without any manner of charges.
/
THE PRESENT S T A T E
88
CHAP. It" the creditor have no effedfs, or real eftate,
IX. he is imprifon’d ; and, if he have a real eftate, and
fatisfacftion is to be made out of it, the matter is
referred to the Cadi, or ecclefiaftical Judge, who on-
ly can determine matters in relation to lands and in-
Defcent of heritances. And, fince I have mention’d lands, thefe
eftttes. always defcend to the eldeft fon ; and where a perfon
leaves no heirs, all his lands and effedh, or, in other
words, his whole real and perfcnal eftate, are feiz’d
and poftefs’d by the Government.
Punishments. The ufual puniihment at Algiers for offences not
capital, is the baftinado, which confifts often of
fome hundreds of blows over the foies of the feet,
the calves of the legs, the buttocks or belly, with an
unmerciful cudgel. In capital cafes the Turks are
ftrangled with a bow-ftring, which two people pull
different ways with all their ftrength : But the vari-
ous deaths the poor Chriftian Haves, are put to, that
offend thefe barbarous Pirates, are almoft innumera-
ble ; impaling, and burning, or rather roafting,
the unhappy fufferers alive, are but too frequent on
their attempting to make an efcape, efpecially if any
Turk is kill’d in the fcuffle ; but the worft of all
deaths, is the throwing them oft" the walls of the
town upon iron hooks, on which they are catch’d
by the jaws, by the ribs, or fome other part ofi the
body, and hang in the moft exquifite torture for fe-
veral days before they expire ; but this, ’tis laid, has
not been executed for many years : However, I
find there have been inftances of the crucifying Chri-
ftians, and nailing their hands and feet to the walls
within thefe few years ; to which they have been
provok’d by reports that were Ipread of fome of
their Chriftian neighbours having been equally cruel
to the Turks they had taken. And this leads me to
give fome account of the condition of the Chriftian
Haves at Algiers.
Condition of The Corfair, or Pirate, it feems, no fooner takes
f^vesat Al- a p r ; ze? but- h e examines into the quality and cir-
cumftances of all his prifoners ; and, if he imagines
they do not give him a juft account of themfelves
and their comrades, he orders them to be baftinado’d
on the foies of their feet till they do. Having got
what information he can, he brings them on fhore
after he has ftripp’d them almoft naked, and carries
them to the Dey’s houfe, whither the European
Confuls immediately repair, to fee if there be any
of the prifoners who belong to their refpedfive nata-
tions, who are at peace with Algiers ; for, in that
cafe, they re-claim them, provided they were only
paffengers : But, if it be proved the prifoners ferv’d
for pay on board the fhips of any nation at war with
this Government, there is no way to get them re-
leas’d, but by paying the full ranfom.
The matter being fettled between tire Dey and
the Confuls, which of the prifoners (hail be fet at
liberty, and which of them deem’d Haves, the Dey
has his choice of every eighth Have, and generally
takes the Mailers, Surgeons, Carpenters, and moft
uleful men belonging to the rcfpc<5five prizes : And, CHAP,
befides his eighth, he lays claim to all fuch prifoners IX.
as are of any quality, for whom a fwinging ran-
fom may be expected : The reft are left to the Cap-
tor and their Owners, and ufually carried to theBe-
fiftan, or Slave-market, where the Crier proclaims
the quality, the profeffion and circumftances of each
of the unhappy captives, and the refpedlive prices fet
upon them. They are led afterwards to the court
before the Dey’s palace, and fold by auftion in his
prefence to the beft bidder ; but whatever is given
beyond the firft price fet upon them belongs, to the
Government : The Captors and Owners have no
more titan the firft price, which is divided equally
between them.
Thofe Haves, which belong to tire Dey and the
publick, who have no particular profeffion, and can-
not be ferviceable to the State in the building and rig-
gmg of (hips, or in any art or manufacture on fhore,
are put to the moft laborious employments ; as in
drawing carriages with materials for building, re-
moving Hones or rubbifh, cleaning the ftreets and
houfes, carrying the Soldiers baggage, and the like,
and are lock’d up at night in the prifons belonging
to the State ; of which there are three that have ob-
tain’d the name of Bagnio’s : They have each of
them a ring of iron on one ancle, and thofe they
apprehend inclin’d to make their efcape, are fome-
times loaden with chains, in which they are forced
to work all day. However, there are others, it Taverns
feems, when they have got a little money from ke P^7
their friends, or byway of charity, or can borrow
any of the Jews upon an extravagant intereft, are
permitted to keep taverns, paying a certain duty to
the Dey, in proportion to the wine they vend :
And thefe, it feems, are oblig’d to contribute to-
wards the maintenance of their brethren in fervi-
tude, and to the Chriftian chappels that are allow’d
in thefe prifons : And yet, with all the duties and
intereft they are forced to pay, the flaves that keep
thefe taverns ufually get money : There have been
inftances of fome that have got enough to purchafe
their liberties, and carry money away with them ;
for the Government allow their flaves a property in
what they get, and proteCf them in it. Thefe ta-
verns are no better than cellats, and dark ware-
houfes, that have no other light than what they re-
ceive from the door ; and in the fame room ftand
thebuts ct wine, the beds and the tables^ where the
company fit ; but people will make a fhift, with
very poor accommodations, for the fake of a little
good wine 5 and hither Turks, Moors and Chrifti- The Turks
ans refort promifeuoufiy. Very little regard is paid of Algiers
to their great Prophet’s prohibition in Algiers ; only nn ' vvine °
the good Muffulman has fo much refpedl for the Al-
choran even here, that he will not keep a tavern and
diftribute the forbidden liquor to others for the world,
tho’ he makes little fcruple in drinking it. The ma-
nagement of thefe houfes therefore is left entirely .to
the
CHAP.
IX.
Slaves to pri-
vate men.
Female
Oaves,
The ftory (
a virtuous
Spanilh (lavf
as related b
the Fathers
OF ALGIERS. 89
the Chriftians, or Jews ; and the man that keeps a (bowers of tears, invocated the powerful aid of our C HA P<
tavern, tho’ a flave, is empower’d, to ftrip any of his blefled Lady. The pay being over for that day, this IX.
guefls,’ even the Turks themfelves, if they refufe to poor viaim was prefented to the Dey, who made
pay their reckoning ; and in this he is proteaed by her go up into his apartment : There he endeavour’d
the Dev . Every flave belonging to the Govern- to bring her into temper by great promifes, exagge*
ment alfo is allowed three loaves “a day, about the rating the happinefs (he might hope for, in cafe (he
bwnefs of a penny loaf, befides what he earns him- fubmitted to his pleafure ; and as, amidft thefe pro-
felf, or is given him in charity ; for, when the Go- teftations, he attempted to carefs her, this young Either the
vernment have no other employment for them, they creature generoufly repell’d all his cardies, and all Dey under-
are allowed to work in any manufadture they are his violences, telling him, that Ihe would not pur- 5
mailers of, and take the profit of it. Every Fri- chafe his protedion, nor the advantage he offer’d have an in-
day particularly (the Mahometan Sabbath) they are her, at the price of her foul : That Ihe was hi§ teeter,
allowed to work for themfelves, or to reft from Have, and he might condemn her to hard labour,
their labour as they fee fit. which Ihe was ready to undergo ; but that fhe could
The condition of thofe, who are Haves to private not confent to any criminal adions, becaufe (he was
men, depends very much upon the temper of the a Chriftian. She ftill perfever’d in refilling with a
mailer, and their own behaviour. They are em- conftancy equal to the violence Ali Dey continued
ploy’d ’in the bufinefs of the houfe, in trade, huf- offering her, ’till, afliam’d to find himfelf thus baf-
bandry, or gardening, according to their qualificati- fled, after having given her feveral kicks and buffets,
ons, and the bufinefs the mailer has for them to do: he retir’d much incens’d. This was but the prelude.
Ship and Houfe-Carpenters, Sail-makers, Smiths, to what other trials he made her undergo. That
and the like, are very ufeful, and much encou- very evening he return’d to the charge, and found
rao-’d ; and a European Surgeon is a notable Phyfi- her no lefs inflexible than before : Her cries, which
cian among them. * Notwithftanding the dread our refounded even without the palace, made fuch as
people are in of being taken by Turkilh Rovers, heard them, judge what violence was offering her;
many of them live better in their mailers houfes at and it evidently appear’d, that her conftancy was
Algiers, than ever they did in their own countries, not vanquilh’d, when the Dey was feen all in a rage,
being entertain’d rather as companions than fervants, drawing her by the hair from the top to the bottom
where they happen to be good for any thing : Tho’, of his ftair-cafe.
’tis true, fome barbarous mailers ufe their Haves ill, Finding himfelf unable to fucceed in this firftaf-
giving them ill language, and beating them unmer- fault, he changed his battery : He lodg’d her in a
cifully, that they may oblige them to redeem them- handfome chamber, with a Negroe flave to attend
felves at an extravagant price, efpecially where they her, and went often to fee her, making her abun-
are inform’d they are people of fubftance. As to dance of fruitlefs proteftations ; to which hejoynd
female Haves, unlefs their mailers expect a confide- what is moll capable of dazzling young perfons of
rable ranfom for them, they make them their con- that fex, magnificent apparel, coftly jewels, &c.
cubines, or fell them to thofe who want to purchafe But this virtuous maid, more curious to preferve her
fuch conveniences, if they are young. The Popilh nuptial garment without a ftain, retufed them all,
Priefts, who are employ’d for the redemption of Ipite of the Dey’s intreaties, earneft remonftrances
captives, entertain their readers with abundance of and commands, daily repeated for more than a month,
tragical ftories upon this head; of which I lhall To remove her fcruples, he caufed a Chriftian girl,
prefent the reader with one, in the very drefs the fa- of her own country and acquaintance, to be brought
thers have introduc’d it ; which, tho’ it may be true her as a companion ; and who, in her prefence,
in the main, I will not be anfwerable for every cir- made no difficulty of taking from the Dey s hands
cumftance thefe good men are pleas’d to tranfmit to fuch things as he offer’d to our virgin, and there-
us. They relate, that Anna Maria Fern an- with adorn’d herfelf. But this generous maid made
dez, a native of Toledo, aged fixteen, being taken her blufh with confufion, bitterly reproaching her
captive with her mother, and a filler named Flora, bafe compliance, and criminal forgetlulnefs of her
was brought by a Chiaus to the palace, September baptifmal vows. Ali Dey could not but admire
the ill, 1715, while Ali Dey was fuperintending the one, and heartily contemn’d the other, who
>f the pay of his Militia. This young maid being in yielded fo eafily : But that admiration did but add
the court-yard, prepoflels’d with fentiments of her fuel to his paffion ; he imagin d, that the country
’ holy religion, and forefeeing that her youth and air might work fome efted on her, and that amidft:
. beauty were on the point of expofing to very great thofe rural pleafures, Ore might lofe fome of her au-
perils both her faith and her innocency, took advan- fterity, and become more tradable: Spite of all
tage of the confufion, occafion’d by thofe multitudes her refiftance, he forced her to put on a fuit of fins
of Janizaries, and daub’d her face all over with dirt, cloatns, and mount on a Mule, after that counti} fa-
beginning withal to lacerate her cheeks and arms, fhion, in a Racabia, a fort of cage, moll lurnpoi-
having firft recommended herfelf to God, and. with oufly cover’d after their manner ; and therein the
Vol III. ' N was
/
90 THEPRES
CHAR Was condu&ed to his uncle’s garden feat. As fhe
IX. was perfuaded, that the amorous Dey would not
fail following her, and that abroad in the country
her cries would not be heard, fhe made loud lamen-
tations as fhe pafs’d the ftreets of Algiers, that all
people might be witnefles of the violences fhe un-
derwent ; and that fuch Chriftians, as were within
hearing, might be excited to fuccour her, at leaft
with their fervent prayers to the Almighty ; which
fhe ceas’d not calling on them to do for her, implo-
ring with great outcries for God’s afliftance, and
our Hefted Lady’s interceflion.
The Dey’s uncle could not, with all his efforts
and artifices, make any impreflion on the heart
of this young virgin ; all this was much lefs dange-
rous to her, than the prefence of her perfecutor :
Nor had menaces and promifes much force to flagger
her, after the attacks fhe had ablually fuflain’d.
She there found herfelf, as it were, under fhelter ;
nor did fhe begin to tremble, till the Dey, after a
three weeks interval, fent for her home, where he
had already got her mother and filler, in order to
try if he could not, through their means, bring her
to a compliance. He flatter’d them with hopes of
their liberty, in cafe they could engage her to be
more condefcending : But all was in vain ; and this
bringing them together ferved only to make all three
firmer in their fentiments of virtue and religion.
Our apoflolic Vicar, and the Father adminiflrator of
the Gofpel, touch’d at this maiden’s fituation, went
to our Conful, M. Clair am-bault, to con-
fer on the means to put a flop to fo cruel and fo
dangerous a perfecution, and in what terms to at-
tack Am Dey on the affair : They knew what an-
fwer he had return’d to the complaint brought him
Ugainfl a certain patron, who ufed the like com-
pulficn to a Chriflian female Have of his ; he faid,
fhe was his own proper goods, which he might ufe
juft as he pleafed. M. Cl air a m-b ault how-
ever undertook fpeaking to him, and did it with his
ufual difcretion : The Dey reply ’d, that he did not
offer to force his flave to change her religion. Our
Conful return’d very forrowful, as judging from
this anfwer, that Bobba Ali defign’d not to quit
his pretenfions ; and, in effebt, he purfued her with
more artifices and greater violence than ever. This
continued ’till fuch time as the Omnipotent, vouch-
fafing to put a period to the combats of his fervant,
fuddenly changing the Dey’s fury into admiration ;
and that, touch’d with the conftancy of his flave,
he frankly fet her, together with her mother and
filler, at liberty. May the ioth, 1717, they were
all three embark’d on a veffel, wherein ourSpanifh
fathers of the redemption carried off two hundred
and thirty captives whom they had ranfom’d. Of
fuch eftimation is perfevering virtue, fince it cafts a
luftre, which makes it admir’d and recompens’d
even by a paflionate enamour’d Barbarian.
ENT STATE
But to enlarge a little further on the adminiftra- CHAP,
tion of juftice among the Algerines ; for pirates IX.
and ufurpers muft obferve forms of juftice for the
prefervation of their Iawlefs governments, whatever Adminiftra.
rapine and injuftice they are guilty of towards the ^further
reft of mankind. The Moors, Jews and Chrifti- confider’d.
ans, who are freemen, have their refpeblive Judges
of their feveral nations aflign’d them, who are per-
mitted to adminifter juftice among their people (ur-
lefs the crime affe<£ts the State) and thefe are judged
by their feveral laws. Traytors, Houfe-breakers
and Highway-men, are put the moft cruel deaths
here, tho’ their State is fupported by robbery : And
a Moor, who has been guilty of theft, has his right
hand cut off ; which, being hung about his neck,
he is fet upon an Afs, with his face to the beaft’s
tail, and led about the ftreets, a cryer going before
him and proclaiming his offence. Adultery and
robbery are always punifh’d with death ; apoftates
from the eftablifh’d religion are burnt here, as in
other Mahometan countries : And tho’ the Popifh Popift
Priefts, that are flaves at Algiers, are ufed better Pr jefts, how
than other captives generally, their brethren taking us d ‘
care conftantly to remit money to their feveral ma-
ilers, to excufe them from labour ; yet, if any
Chriflian nation is at war with Algiers, the Priefts
are always made the firft facrifice. When the
French bombarded the city in the year 1688, the
Turks fir’d no lefs than forty Frenchmen at the
Fleet, from the mouths of their great guns or mor-
tars ; among whom were the French Conful, and French Core-
the apoftolical Vicar, who had the management of fa! and apo-
the Chriftian-hofpital at Algiers ; but, ’tis faid, the
French Admiral fet them an example, by firing fe- mortars,
veral Turkifh flaves from his mortars into the town :
However, thefe are extraordinary cafes ; generally
Chriflian flaves are treated very well at Algiers,
they neither tempt, or force them to change their
religion ; it is not for their intereft : Their mailers Turk,
had rather they would not turn Mahometans, for do not force
then they lofe the benefit of their ranfom ; neither their
can they fell them to others. Indeed, when a hometaiis/*
Chriflian flave has committed fbme crime that de- .
ferves death, the Dey will fometimes offer him his
life, if he turns Mahometan ; and, if they have
any flaves under twelve years of age, fome rich Muff
fulman will endeavour to bring them up in their
fuperftiiion, cloath them handfomely, and even
adopt them for their children ; but, as for thole
that are grown up, they never attempt to make
them change their religion. ’Tis true, fbme pur-
chafe young girls, on purpofe to make concubines
of them ; and there are others that buy up young
boys for their unnatural luffs : But for the moft
part, it is obferv’d, Chriflian flaves are ufed better
than thofe Chriftians that are at liberty : The latter
are infulted and abufed frequently both by Turks
and Moors ; but they take care how they meddle
with flaves, as their mailers will refejit the affront,
and
OF ALGIERS.
CHAP, and they are forced to make fatis faction if they do
IX. them any injury.
There is much more danger of falling into the
hands of the mountaineers on the coaft, than of
the Algerines ; for the former are not content with
making Chriftian flaves, but make them ferve with
rigour, frequently taking away the life of a Chri-
ftian prifoner, which thofe barbarians look upon as
a meritorious action. But even here I find the peo-
ple much more inclined to preferve their prifoners,
where a good ranfom may be expected, than to de-
ftroy them ; as may be collected from the relation
Laugier de Tassy has given us of the cap-
tivity of young Mifs de Bourk, daughter of the
Count de Bourk, which I chufe to recite, be-
caufe it gives us ibme notion of the mountaineers
of the kingdom of Algiers, and how very little
authority the Dey has over them.
Thecapti- Monfieur De Tassy relates, that the Countefs
vity of Mifs DE Bourk embarked at Cette in Languedoc, on
mongThe 3 " the 23d of October, 1719, in a Genoefe bark, with
(mountaineers. her fon, her daughter, M. L’Abbe de Bourk
her brother-in-law, another Irifh gentleman, with
fix domefticks, two of them men, and four of the
other fex : She was going for Spain to her hufband
Chevalier Tobias, Count de Bourk, a gal-
lant Irifh officer, then in his Catholick Majefty’s
fervice, and who had followed King J ames into
France. On the fecond day of their voyage, being
on the Catalan coaft near Barcelona, the bark was
made prize of by a fmall Algerine : But the Coun-
tefs having a pals from the French court, the Cap-
tain treated her with the utmoft civility and diftinc-
tion, recovering her from the fright file was in, by
afiuring her, that no injury fhould be offer’d either
to herfelf, or any of her retinue. She defined to be
left with her family on board the Genoefe bark ;
which requeft the Corfiair readily granted. He took
into his own fhip the Genoefe equipage, and put in
their ftead a few Turks and Moors to condudl the
bark, which he took in tow, fleering away for
Algiers. But, on the 30th of that month, being
^ near the Barbary coaft, and attack’d by a moft fu-
rious tempeft at N. W. the Corfiair was oblig’d to
cut away the bark, in order to govern his own vefi-
fiel ; that prize not able to keep up with the Alge-
rine, and the wind forcing her towards land, fhe
run a-ground between Bujeya and Jejil, where fhe
was dafh’d in pieces. The Cabails, who, whenever
the northerly winds blow tempeftuoufty, are ex-
tremely attentive to obferve from the tops of their
mountains what paftes. upon the coaft, having fieen
the approach of this velfiel, ran down to the fea-
fide in great numbers to wait for and pillage her :
The Algerines, who fiaved themfelves by fiwim-
» nting, acquainted the chief of thofe Moors, that
there was in the bark a French Princefis. Immedi-
ately fieveral Cabails threw themfelves into the wa-
ter, to fiuve her at leaft , but could only fiave Mifs
9 1
de Bourk, her uncle L’Abbe de Bourk, a CHAP,
chamber-maid, with the two men-fervants ; the IX.
Countefs, with her fon, three women-fiervants, and w r V'-v> f
M. Arthur, her gentleman, were all drown’d :
They made L’Abbe carry the child on his fhoul-
ders, and conduced them all to a place the leaft
acceftible in certain mountains, fiome days journey
from tire fiea. Being arrived there, Mifs deBourk,
her uncle, and one domeftick, were carried to one
tent ; the chamber-maid and fecond domeftick to
another. Next day the Shieks, or Chiefs of the
Adouars or villages, aftembied to confiult on what
was to be done with the prifoners, whether they
fhould write to the Aga of Jejil, to fend informa-
tion to the French Conful at Algiers, that he migh§
ranfom the lady and her retinue ? or whether it
would not be better they fhould wait till the faid
Conful claimed them, and fo get a fum more con-
fiderable ? It was determined to ftay ’till they were
claimed, which obliged Mifs de Bourk (then on-
ly in her tenth year) to write a very moving letter
(November 4.) to the Conful at Algiers ; wherein
fhe acquainted him with her misfortunes and con-
dition : She conjur’d him to redeem her at any
price whatever, and deliver her from the horrors
fhe underwent. The Moors fent this letter to a
certain Marabout near Bujeya, who paftes for a great
faint, and is held in fuch veneration, that when any
one of that country afks a favour, he does it in the
name of God and of the faid Marabout. This
faint immediately difpatch’d away to Algiers a cou-
rier, who deliver’d her letter to the Conful, by whom
it was communicated to M. Dusault, lately ar-
rived there from France, in quality of his moft
Chriftian Majefty’s Envoy-extraordinary.
During this interval, the fon of one of the moft
confiderable Shieks demanded Mifs de Bourk in
marriage of his father, who propofed it to the other
Shieks. Thefe imagin’d he might thereby acquire
vaft riches ; and therefore feveral others of the moft
powerful difputed her with him ; but none obtain-
ed her : And it was finally refolved in their council,
that fhe fhould be ranfom’d.
His moft Chriftian Majefty’s Envoy went inftant-
ly to Mehemet, Dey of Algiers, of whom, in
the ftrongeft and moft prefting terms, he demanded
the liberty of Mifs de Bourk and her retinue;
The Dey anfwer’d, that the Cabails acknowledg’d
not his fovereignty, by reafon he could not reduce
them to obedience in a mountainous cou ntry, which
was inacceffible to all but its inhabitants ; and, when
any Algerine forces were fent thither, in order to
their reduction, they always laid ambufcades, into
which the Turks could not poftibly avoid falling.
He added, that all he could do, was ftridlly and pre-
cifely to enjoyn his Aga’s of Jejil and Bujeya, to
ufe all praHicable means to get thofe Chriftians re-
leas’d, and then ranfom them on the eafieft terms
they were able to obtain. Pie immediately fent
N 2 away
P
THE PRESENT STATE
92
C H A P. aw’ay his orders to that putpofe, joyning therewith
IX. letters for the Marabouts of thofe places, requiring
them to acl in concert with his faid officers. On
the 24th ditto, M. Dusault order’d to fea a
French veflel then in the port of Algiers ; whereon
embark’d Ibrahim Hoja, our nation’s Inter-
preter, to carry thofe difpatches to the Aga’s and
Marabouts : On their receipt thereof they inftant-
3 y took horfe, and rode to that Adouar where Mifs
de Bourk was detain’d : There they negotiated
the ranfom of her, and thofe with her, and procu-
red the releafe of all five for 1300 Algiers current
dollars. But to return to the Chriftian Haves at
Algiers.
LaugierdeTassy obferves, that the F rench
and Spanifh Haves have each of them their Priefts
and chappels at Algiers, where divine fervice is
perform’d after the mode of their refpedlive coun-
tries : That the Jews alfo, who are computed to
be five thoufand families in the town,, have their
lynagogues and their Priefts ; but that Britain, and
the feveral Proteftant nations of Europe, have nei-
No Prote- ther chappels or ecclefiafticks to perform divine
Eafticifa Cle * Ihrvice, tho’ they have Confuls here to take care
■Algiers. of the interefts of their respective nations, and
t ran fact their affairs : But one reafon the Englifh
have no chappel or Prieft here may be, that there
are not many Englifh Haves in the place. We have
been at peace with Algiers thefe fifty or threelcore
years, and no Englifhman can be made a Have, un-
lels he ferves in the fleets of foreigners, who are at
war with the Algerines, for pay ; of which indeed
there are fome, but they are redeemed from time to
time, either by the Government, or by private cha-
Inglift rities. Queen Anne redeem’d feveral in her reign ;
flavesje- King George I. redeem’d 37 ; and his prefent
late years. Majefty i 5 o, and upwards.
Trade of Something fhould be faid of the trade of the Al-
4 Jgters, gerines ; but in truth their trade, by which they
principally fubfift, is piracy and man-ftealing. In
their prizes they find all the merchandize of Europe;
and this, as well as the prifoners, the Captain of the
pirate and his crew divide equally with the owners,
after the Dey has taken the eighth fhare he claims in
every prize. The Jews are the principal Merchants
at Algiers, as they are in every town upon the Bar-
bary coaft, tho’ there are in fome Moorifh Mer-
chants alfo ; but, as to the Turks, they trouble
themfelves with no kind of merchandize but Haves,
arms and ammunition ; They are all of them men
of the fword, and look upon traffick to be beneath
them. The Jews buy the goods found in the prizes,
and retail them at home, or export them again to
foreign markets ; and there are fome few European
fhips that come to Algiers on account of trade, but
meet with little encouragement, unlefs there have
been no prizes made in a great while ; for the Pi-
rates, who come by their goods without paying any
thing for them, mull certainly be able to afford better
penny-worths than the Merchant, who buys his C H A P.
goods. _ IX..
Turkifh veffels, and thofe of the Moors, pay
twenty Piafters, in the port of Algiers, for anclio- Port Cities*
rage, whatever burthen the ftiip is of ; and thofe of
Chriftians, at peace with that nation, pay forty Pi-
afters ; while thofe, who are at war with Algiers,
pay fourfeore Piafters for anchorage : For they take
all foreign ihips into their protection, when they have
enter’d any of their ports, whether they are at peace
with them, or not ; but, if they meet with the
Erne ftiips at fea, even in their return from Algiers,
they look upon them as lawful prize.
The duties on all merchandize imported by
Turks, Moors or jews, are twelve and a half per
Cent. ; and the duties on exportation, two and a
half per Cent. The Englifh, by their treaty in the
year 1703, are to pay but five per Cent, on goods
imported, and two per Cent, on thofe they export ;
and, ’tis faid, the French have had the fame favour
fhewn them : They make even money pay five per
Cent, on importation, except that which is fent for
the redemption of captives, and this. pays but three
per Cent. Wine, Brandy and Spirits pay four Pi-
afters the piece on importation ; and the company of
the Baftion de France (a little ifland the French are
poffefs’d of on the coaft of Algiers) are allowed to
fend two veffels to Algiers every year, without pay-
ing any duties, ’tis faid.
The merchandizes imported, are wrought Silks, Goods im-
Gold and Silver Stuffs, Damafks, Linnen and Wool- pol-
len Cloths, Spices, Copper, Brafs and Tin-ware,
Quick-filver, Arms, Powder and other ammuniti-
on ; Sails and naval ftores, Cochineal, Copperas,
Sugar, Cotton, Galls,Brazil-wood, Red- wood, Alums,
Vermillion, Wine, Brandy, Spirits, Opium, Gums,
Paper, dried Fruit, and other lefs confiderable arti-
cles.
In return for which, the Europeans receive Wax, Goods ex-
fine Wool, Oftrich- feathers, lions of wild Beads, ported ‘
Dates and Chriftian Hayes : Nor is there any kind
of merchandize, but what may be met. with here
fometimes, when they bring in rich prizes.
The Englifh Conful, fays Laugier d eTass y, The Engliffi
is the only Merchant of that nation at Algiers, and frynifli'them
carries on a more advantagious trade than any other n ; tion an a
perfon ; for he furnifhes the Dey with powder, bul- naval ftores.
lets, bombs, arms, anchors, cordage, and all man-
ner of naval ftores, and takes in return corn and
oil, which are of great fervice fometimes to the Bri-
tifh garrifons of Port-Mahon and Gibralter ; and,
’tis faid, no other nation is fuffer’d to carry any
corn out of the country : But there is more than one
reafon for this indulgence, and for keeping fair with
the Englifh 3 for they do not only furnifti the Go-
vernment of Algiers with fuch things as are moft
wanted there ; but, if there {hould happen to be a-
nother rupture with England, the Algerines would
not be able to ftir out of their ports for our Crullers
from
OF ALGIERS.
93
rhe founda-
:ion the
Furkifli go-
icrnment at
Algiers.
from Port-Mahon and Gibralter : They will there-
fore ever have as much refpecf for Britain, as for a-
ny power in Europe, while we retain thofc two
places.
That famous, or rather infamous, Pirate Bar-
barossa, laid the foundation of the Turkifh do-
minion at Algiers, and was the firft that ftyl’d him-
felf King of it : Of which ufurpation I meet with the
following account. The Moors of Spain, having
been driven from that country in the year 1 492, and
tranfported to the coaft of Barbary, took all oppor-
tunities of retaliating the injury that was done them,
and revenging themfelves on the Spaniards, by tak-
ing their merchant-lhips, and plundering the towns
on the coa’fts ; which they very fuccelsful in for
fome years, being well acquainted with the country ;
and they found means, in thefe excurfions, to fur-
prize and carry multitudes of people into captivity :
Whereupon Cardinal Ximenes, prime Minifter
to Ferdinand V. King of Arragon, in order to
reftrain thefe outrages, fitted out a fleet in the year
1505 ; on which having embark’d a body of land-
forces, under the command of Peter, Count of
Navarre, he befieg’d and took the town of Oran on
the coaft of Barbary, then inhabited by Moors who
had been driven from Grenada and Valentia. The
Count afterwards rrtadehimfelf mafter of Bugia, and
feveral other towns upon the fame coaft, together
with the little ifland that lies before the bay of Al-
giers ; whereby he prevented the Moors (hipping go-
ing in or out of that port, and gave the town ap-
prehenfions of falling fuddenly under the dominion
of the Spaniards.
In this diftrefs Prince Selim, then Sovereign of
Algiers, having heard of the fame of Barbaros-
sa, the fuccefsful Turkifh Corfair, fent to defire his
affiftance againft the Spaniards : 1 he Pirate was cruif-
ing in the Mediterranean, when he received the in-
vitation ; and, glad of the opportunity, fent away
18 gallies, and 30 fmall barks to Algiers, march-
ing thither by land himfelf with fuch forces as he
could aflemble on a hidden. The Algerines, recei-
ving advice of his approach, march’d out of town,
with Prince Selim at their head, to welcome their
Deliverer ; and, having conduced him to Algiers,
amidft the loud acclamations of the people, he was
lodg’d in the Prince’s palace. But their joy was not
long-liv’d ; for the Pirate, who, for many years had
made no fcruple of feizing whatever came in his
way, immediately form’d a defign of making him-
felf Sovereign of Algiers ; and, having found means
to aflaffmate Prince Selim privately, caufed him-
felf to be proclaim’d King, maffacring all thofe he
imagin’d might oppofe his defigns Whereupon
moft of the natives abandon'd the place, and left the
ufurper in the peaceable pofleflion of the city ; but,
upon his promifing them his protection, and the en-
joyment of their ancient laws and liberties, they re-
turned to their habitation, and acknowledged him
their Sovereign. They (bon found themfelves how- CHAP
ever under the dominion of a barbarous tyrant, IX. .
who, after he had fortified the place, and fecur’d ■*>
his pofleflion, treated them no better than (laves.
This revolution happen’d at Algiers in the year
1516; and the fon of Prince Selim, flying to
Oran for protection, prevail’d on the Spaniards the
year following to fit out a ftrong fleet, with an ar-
my of 10000 landmen on board, to affift him to re-
cover his right, promifing to acknowledge the King
of Spain for his Sovereign, if he fucceeded : But the
Spanifh fleet, being arrived near Algiers, was dis-
pers’d or (hipwreck’d in a violent (form, and moft
of their forces drown’d, cut in pieces, or made (laves
by the Turks. Barbarossa, puff’d up with
this fuccefs, continued to treat the Moors, both in
town and country, with greater infolence than ever,
which induced the reft of theMoorifti Princes to en-
ter into a confederacy againft the ufurper ; and, hav-
ing chofen the King of Tenez their General, and
affembled 10000 horfe, and a good body of foot,
they took the field, in order to lay fiege to Algiers.
Barbarossa, having intelligence of their mo-
tions, march’d out to meet them with no more than
1000 Turkifh mufketeers, and 500 Moors he could
confide in, and had the good fortune to defeat the
numerous forces of his enemies; who, being with-
out fire-arms, were foon diibrderd by his mufketeers,
efpecially their horfe, on whom they moft relied
After which, the Conqueror enter’d the city of Te-
nez, the King being fled to mount Atlas, and cauf-
ed the inhabitants to proclaim him their King.
There happen’d, about the fame time, an infur-
redfion in the kingdom of Tremefen, which lies ftill
more to the weftward ; and the rebels, hearing of
the furprizing fucceffes of Barbarossa, invited
him to come and deliver them from the oppreflions
they pretended to have fuffer’d under their native
Sovereign, a meftage extremely acceptable to the am-
bitious Turk, who, having fent for a reinforcement of
troops, and his artillery from Algiers, immediately
advanced towards Tremefen ; and, engaging that
King in the plain of Aghad, obtained a compleat
victory, to which his artillery and fmall arms very
much contributed, the Moors having neither the one
or the other, but ftill fought with their old weapons ,
launces, bows and ('words. The King of Treme-
fen, it feerns, efcaped out of the battle, but his trai-
terous fubjedts afterwards murder’d him, and fent
his head to the Conqueror ; who thereupon enter’d the
city of Tremefen in triumph, and was proclaim’d
King. The citizens acknowledg’d hirn their Sove-
reign, and took the oath of allegiance to Barba-
rossa, who now' faw himfelf mafter of three king-
doms within the fpacecf a year, which he had acqui-
red with the affiftance of a handful of men ; only but
as Tremefen was in the neighbourhood of Oran, he
juftly apprehended the Spaniards would not long per-
mit him to enjoy his conquefts in quiet. He enter’d
therefore
r
THE PRESENT STATE
CH AP. therefore into an alliance with Muley Hamet,
IX. Kino; of Fez, the moft powerful of the African Prin-
ceS) w ho was no lefs an enemy to Spain than himfelf ;
and, thus fupported, he did not doubt but he fhould
be able to defend the extenfive territories he had con-
quer’d againft all the pow'er of the Cbriflians : And
he might have judged right, poffibly, if his ally, tire
King of Fez, had been as ready to oppofe the efforts
of the Spaniards, as he was. But Charles the
Vth, coming to take poffeffion of the throne of Spain
about this time, and being implor’d by the Prince
of Tremefen, to affift him in the recovery of his
father’s kingdom out of the hands of Barbaros-
sa, he fent over ioooo men from Spain, under
the command of the Governor of Oran ; who im-
mediately took tire field, and, being joyn’d by a
good body of Moors and Arabs, march’d towards
Tremefen. Whereupon Barbarossa imme-
diately fent to his ally, the King of Fez, to lraften
to his affiftance, and march’d in perfon, with 1500
Turkifh mufketeers, and 5000 Moorifh horfe, to
attend the motions of the Governor of Oran, ’till
he fhould be joyn’d by the King of Fez ; but, being
hemm’d in by the Spaniards, and endeavouring to
break through them in the night-time, lie was cut
in pieces with all his Turkifh infantry. Where-
upon the Governor of Oran continued his march to
Tremefen, and, the citizens opening their gates to
him, the young Prince was reftored to his throne.
Some days after the battle, the King of Fez arriv’d
in the neighbourhood of Tremefen, with an army
of 20000 men; but, hearing of the fuccefs of the
Spaniards, he return’d with more hafte into his coun-
try than he came : Whereby the Spaniards had an
opportunity of recovering both Tenez and Algiers,
if they had followed their blow, and might with
eafe have expell’d the Turks from the coaft of Bar-
bary at that time ; but the Governor of Oran con-
tented himfelf with what he had done, and fent back
the forces to Spain that had been employ’d in this ex-
pedition, at a time when the Turks of Algiers had
given themfelves over for loft. But, finding the
Spaniards made no preparations to attack them, they
proclaim’d Cheredin, the brother of Barba-
rossa, their King, who met with no difturbance
’till the year 1619, when he underftood there was a
general confpiracy of the Moors and Arabs, to free
themfelves from the Turkifh yoke, and recover their
ancient liberties : And, as he was confcious he was
too weak to refift their united forces, efpecially if they
fhou’d be joyn’d by the Spaniards, whom he appre-
hended to be at the bottom of this confpiracy, he
difpatch’d an exprefs to Se lim, the then Grand Sig-
nior ; reprefenting, that all Africa wou’d foon fall
‘under the dominion of the Spaniards, if the Turks
fhou’d be driven from Algiers ; and defiring he wou’d
fend him a ftrong reinforcement of troops, promi-
fing to refign his kingdoms to the Porte, and that
he would for the future, as Bafha, or Viceroy, C H A P.
to the Grand Signior. JX.
The Ottoman Emperor accepted Cheredin ’s '^y^j
offer, and fent zooo Janizaries to his affiftance;
publifhing a proclamation at the fame time, that all
Turks who fhould refort to Algiers, fhould enjoy
the fame privileges there, as the Janizaries did at
Conftantinople ; whereupon all people of defperate
fortunes, and whofe crimes had render’d them ob-
noxious to the Government, immediately enter’d
themfelves in the fervice of Cheredin Barba-
rossa; and, with thefe reinforcements, he was
foon in a condition to defeat all the confpiracies of
the Moors, and render himfelf abfolute mafter of
that part of Barbary : He alfo fubdu’d the ifland the
Spaniards had poffefs’d themfelves of at the mouth of
the bay of Algiers, and by a mole joyn’d it to the
continent ; and having ere&ed a ftrong fortrefs on
the ifland, he enlarg’d his piratical fleet, and fo in-
fefted the coafts of Spain and Italy, that a merchant-
fhip could not ftir out of any port without falling in-
to the hands of his Corfairs. He alfo made frequent
defcents upon the coafts, carrying multitudes of
Chriftians into flavery ; and this at the time when
Charles the Vth, then Emperor of Germany
and King of Spain, was at the height of his glory.
This Prince, now Sovereign of the beft part of
Europe, incens’d to fee his dominions infulted, and
his fubjcxfts daily carried into flavery by thefe rafcal-
ly Pirates, and being incited to extirpate them by
Pope Paul III. as enemies not only to the Chrift-
ian faith, but to all mankind ; the Emperor, in
the year 1541, having affembled a fleet of 500 fail,
including tranfports and gallies, embark’d with an
army of 20000 men and upwards, in Spain ; and
arriving before the bay of Algiers the latter end of
October, landed about two thirds of his army, and
fummon’d the place ; which was upon the point of
furrendring to him, when a fudden ftorm happen’d,
in which great part of his fleet was fhipwreck’d, his
provifions all deftroy’d, and fuch heavy rains at the
fame time fell on the ftiore, that his forces could no
longer keep the field ; whereupon he found himfelf
oblig’d to abandon the enterprize, and reimbark '
what forces he had left, having loft, at leaft, one
third of them, either by fhipwreck or the fword of
the enemy, in his retreat ; tho’, had this enterprize
been undertaken fooner in the year, in all probabi-
lity it had fucceeded, and Charles the Vth had
added Africa to his empire, which was already ex-
tended over the beft part of Europe and America.
But I fhould have taken notice, that fome little
time before this memorable enterprize of Charles
the Vth, the Grand Signior had preferr’d Chere-
din Barbarossa to the honourable poft of Cap-
tain Bafha, and Commander in chief of all the ter-
ritories of Algiers ; but thought fit to appoint Has-
san Aga, the Eunuch, Bafha of the town of Al-
giers, probably to be a check upon Cheredin,
1 and
0 F A L
CHAP, and prevertt his Getting- up again for himfelf. And,
IX. after the death of BarbarossaII. the Porte go-
v-^'Y'w vern’d the kingdom of Algiers by their Balha’s ( as
other provinces of that empire are govern’d) till the
1 7th century, when the Janizaries, or militia of
Algiers, ’tis laid, reprefented to the Grand Signior,
that his Balha’s tyranniz’d over the country, fquan-
der’d away the foldiers pay, and render’d the Govern-
ment of the Turks fo odious there, that the Spani-
ards and Moors were about to unite againft them,
and would infallibly drive the Turks from the coaft
of Barbary, if that Government was not better re-
gulated: They defired therefore, that they might
elefl one of their officers, with the title of Dey, to be
their Governor ; prom ifing thereupon, to raife fup-
plies fufficient to maintain their forces, which would
lave the Porte an immenfe charge ; and that they
would however always acknowledge the Grand Sig-
nior for their Sovereign ; in which propofal, it feems,
the Porte acquiefc’d. They elected a Dey, and un-
der the government of fuch magiftrates of their own
electing they remain at prefent ; but in no part of
the world there are fuch frequent inftances of the peo-
ple’s depofing and murdering their Princes, fcarce any
of them dying a natural death. They reign with ab-
folute authority for a few years, months, or weeks,
and fometimes a few hours puts an end to their do-
minion and their lives ; nor are the Algerines, at
prefent, any otherwife fubjedt to the dominion of the
Grand Signior, than as they acknowledge him the
head of their religion : His orders are very little re-
garded in their territories.
It is amazing that this large kingdom of Algiers
fhould be kept under the mod flavilh fubjedtion by
a body of 12000 Turks only, compofed of the vi-
leftand mod abandon’d wretches on the face of the
eaith ; being chiefly fuch who, to avoid the punish-
ment due to their crimes, have fled from Conftan-
tinople, and other Turk ifh towns and provinces in
the Levant; none of the better fort of Turks ever
retorting hither. And when the ufual number of
^ their militia happens to be leffened by mortality, or
the being made flaves to the Chriftians, they fend to
the Levant, to pick up all the Banditti and Defpe-
radoes they can meet with to recruit their piratical
troops ; taking alfo the renegado Chriftians, and the
Tons of the foldiery, which they have by Moorifh
or Arabian wives, into that body ; for noTurkilh
women ever come to Algiers, looking upon it, as
it really is, a neft of Pirates and Robbers, infolent
daring villains, who are only fit for the converfation
of people like themfelves. Neither Moors or Arabs
are ever admitted into this militia, left they fhou’d
endeavour to free their country from this infupporta-
ble tyranny of the Turks, and drive out their domi-
neering mafters. And tho’ the fon of a Turk and
a Moorifh an,d Arabian wife is admitted into their
militia, thefe are never fuffer’d to enjoy any prefer-
ment or poll in the Government; it being fufpedted
g 1 e R S. 95
they may entertain too great a regard for their friends CHAP*
and relations by the mother’s fide. IX.
To every private foldier of this body, it feems,
they give the title of Effendi, or lord ; and indeed
thefe lordains demand a Pefpedl from the natives e-
qual to that of Princes 5 and out of them are elected
their Deys or Kings, their Aga’s, their Beys or
Viceroys. The Governors of towns, and all officers
of ftate, and this militia, are exempted from all
taxes and duties whatever, feldom punifh’d for any
crimes unlefs thofe againft the State : Nor is any jus-
tice to be obtain’d againft them, where the native
Moors, Arabs, Chriftians or Jews, are parties :
Thefe are forced to fubmit to all manner of injuries
and affronts from the foldiery. They fly the ftreets,
if they fee a Janizary coming, or ftand clofe up t©
the wall in the moil refpedlful pofture, till thqfe
high and mighty robbers pals by them.
While the Dey is fuccefsful, pays the foldiers due-
ly, and does not attempt to invade their privileges,
no Prince is obey’d with more alacrity by his troops;
they refufe no hazards in his fervice : But if things
go never fo little amifs, the fault is immediately
charg’d upon the Dey, and it is well if he be not fa-
crificed to their fury ; which makes molt of their
Princes fo cautious, as not to enter upon any thing
of conlequence, without the concurrence of the Di-
van, or great Council of the foldiery.
Thofe Janizaries, who are unmarried, have much
the greateft privileges : They are lodg’d in fpacious
houles provided by the Government, attended by
flaves, and have the privilege of buying their provi-
fions one third under the market-price, and a great
allowance of bread every day, befides their pay ; but
the married men are excluded from all thefe advan-
tages, being oblig’d to find their own houfes, and
their own provifion for their families out of their
pay : One reafon for difcouraging the foldiers mar-
rying is fuppofed to be, becaufe the Government is
intitled to all the eftate and effects of all thole that
die or are carried into flavery without children : But
the principal is, that the married men are fuppofed
to have more regard to the natives with whom they
intermarry, than the unmarried foidiers; and for
the fame reafon, the fons of the married Janizaries
are not allow’d the privileges of natural Turks, or
ever preferr’d to any poll in the Government, as has
been obferv’d already ; which are fuch difeourage-
ments to their taking wives, that fcarce any Jani-
zaries marry, unlefs the renegadoes that are admit-
ted into that body, who are nor very numerous :
However, all of them are allow’d to purchafe female
flaves, and keep as many concubines as they pleafe,
without any reftraint.
The greateft crime here, next to treafon, if it be
not held a branch of it, is the expreffing any com-
panion or tendernefs for the natives : However, they
employ armies of Moors in feveral parts of the coun-
try, who affift in oppreffing their fellow-fubjedfs.
9 6
C PI A P.
ix.
The e'ett’on
of the Dev,
further
treated of.
The warbe»
tween the
Englifli and
the Alge*
fines.
T H E- PRESENT STATE
and levying the tributes the Dey impofes. And not-
withftanding the tyranny the Turks exercife over
the Moors 'and Arabs ; yet if any Chriftian power
rfrakes an attempt againft their country, they now
feem ready to unite their forces againft fuch inva-
ders, as dreading the government of Chriftians more
than the ufurpations of thofe of the fame, faith.
But to be a little more particular as to the election
of the Dey : He ought, by their conftitution, to be
chofen by the Turkifti militia, without one diffent-
ing voice. "When the throne is vacant, they aftem-
ble at the palace, and the Aga of the foldiery de-
mands who (hall be their Dey ; whereupon every
one calls out for the perfon he is beft affected to; but
till all agree in the choice, they are directed to name
others, till they pitch upon one who is univerfally
approv’d ; and it is not uncommon for them to draw
their fabres, and for the ftrongeft to force the reft to
agree with them : In which contentions, many
are kill’d or wounded. And there are inftances
of a powerful faction electing another Dey, while
the former has been living, and murdering the reign-
ing Dey as he fat upon his tribunal : And in this
cafe, the ufurper feldoni fails to murder all the great
officers and members of the Divan that oppofe him.
Hal y Dey, who was plac’d upon the throne on
the murder of Ibrahim Dey, furnam’d The
Fool, ann. 1710, caus’d no lefs than feventeen
hundred perfons to be murder’d the firft month of
his reign, whom he apprehended to be in a different
intereft. When the Dey happens to be kill’d, his
women are plunder’d of all they have, and reduced
to their primitive ftate, and his children have no-
thing more allow’d them than the pay of a private
foldier, and excluded from all preferment in the
State : But if the Dey dies a natural death (which
rarely happens) they fuffer his women to remain
poffefs’d of what he leaves them. Haly Dey
had the good fortune to reign eight years, viz. from
1710 to 1718, and died in his bed at laft : How-
ever, he was no fooner given over by the Pbyfici-
ans, but a powerful fadion made choice privately
of a fucceflor before he was dead ; and the moment
Haly expired, proclaim’d Mahomet Dey, who
was before High-Treafurer, and he was immedi-
ately inverted with the royal robes : And thereupon,
all the officers of State and the foldiery kifs’d his
hand, and congratulated him on his acceffion, know-
ing it would have been fatal to them to have in-
filled on another election ; though it has happen’d,
that a Dey has been no fooner chofen and placed up-
on the throne, but he has been murder’d there by
the oppofite party. There were, it feems, fome
few years fince, no lefs than fix Deys affaffinated in
four and twenty hours, whofe tomb ftill form a cir-
cle without one of the gates of Algiers.
The Englifli Merchants, as well as thofe of other
nations, have fuffer’d very much by the depredati-
ons of the Algerines. Sir William Mqnson,
in the reign of - King James I-. burnt fome few of C H A P.
their {hips ; Admiral Blake more in the year IX
1655 ; and Sir Tho.mas Allen, in 1668, lay L/’V'NJ
before their town, ’till he compell’d them to make
peace ; but they broke it again in the following
year. In 1670, Captain Beach forced feven of
their frigates on fliore, and burnt them. Sir Ed-
ward Spragge, in 1671, took and deftroy’d
nine of their fliips of war ; and at feveral times, ’tis
computed, the Englifli may have deftroy’d forty or
fifty of thefe rovers; hut one fhip is no fooner loft,
than they fit out another ; and, ’tis faid, not lefs than
three or four hundred Englifh veffels fell into their
hands in a few years. The Englifli and Dutch had
agreed, a little after the reftoration of King
Charles II. to fall upon the Algerines with their
united fleets ; and a fquadron of each nation failed
to the Streights for that pur pole : But, when they
arrived there, the Dutch Admiral treacheroufly fe-
parated from the Englifh, and went and deftroyed
their fettlements on the coaft of Guinea and in the
Weft-Indies, without any provocation ; whereby
the Hollanders appear’d to be a more dangerous kind
of Pirates than the Turks of Algiers, inafmuch as
the Dutch robb’d us, while the two nations were at
peace, and at a time when they had juft enter’d into
a confederacy with us ; while the Algerines were fo
fair, as to declare themfelves our enemies, giving us
an opportunity to prepare for our defence. In 1 68 z,
the Algerines were lb harrafs’d by the fquadrons the
Englifh fent from time to time into the Mediterra-
nean, that they thought fit to make peace with us,
which they have kept pretty well ever fince : While
the treacherous Hollander fuffer’d lufficiently many
years after, by the depredations of the Algerines,
who never kept any peace they made with the Dutch
two years together, ’till very lately, and that they
obtain’d by the mediation of the good-natured for-
giving Englifh, as has been obferv’d already, or they
had been in a ftate of war with thofe rovers to this
day, and perhaps would have been forced to have
relinquifh’d their Turky trade ; which, in that
cafe, muff have devolved upon us.
The fubftance of the principal articles of peace, Articles of
made by Admiral Herbert in the reign of King P«ceconclu»
Charles II. anno 1682, with the Bafha and Dey Algers', ann.
of Algiers, were : 1682.
That the {hips, belonging to Great-Britain,
might come to any port in the kingdom of Algiers,
and traffick there, paying the ufual cuftom of ten
per Cent. ; and for powder, arms, ammunition,
iron, timber and planks for (hipping, cordage, and
all other naval (lores, no duty was to be paid.
That as well the (hips belonging to Great-
Britain, as thofe of Algiers, might freely pals the
leas, and traffick, without any fearch, hindrance or
moleftation from each other ; and that all perfons
and paffengers, of what country foever, with their
money, goods and moveables, to what people or
nation
O F A L
CHAP, nation foever belonging, on board the faid fhips,
IX. fhould be wholly free, and not be flopp’d, taken,
or plunder’d, or receive any damage whatever from
either party.
That the Algier (hips of war, meeting any
Britifh merchant-fhips out of the feas belonging to
his Majefty’s dominions, might fend on board one
Angle boat, with two fitters only, befides the ordi-
nary crew of rovers : And that only the two fitters
fhould enter fuch fhip without leave from the Com-
mander thereof ; who, upon producing a pafs under
the feal of the Admiralty of England or Scotland,
fhould be permitted to proceed freely on his voyage,
and the faid boat fhould immediately depart : And,
in cafe any Britifh man of war fhould meet with
any fhip of Algiers, if the Commander of fuch fhip
fhould produce a pafs firm’d by the Governors of
Algiers, and a certificate from the Englifh Conful
refiding there, fuch fhip of Algiers fhould be fuf-
fer’d to pafs freely.
That no Algerine Commander fhould take
out of any Britifh fhip any pcrfons whatever, to
carry them to be examin’d, or on any other pretence ;
or fhould ufe torture or violence to any perfons that
fhould be on board a Britifh fhip.
That no Britifh fhip, wreck’d on the coaft
of the kingdom of Algiers, fhould be feiz d, or its
crew made flaves ; but the Algerines fhould ufe
their beft endeavour to fave both men and goods.
That no fhip of Algiers fhould ferve the
Corfairs of Sallee, or any other power at war with
Great Britain, and be made ufe of againft his Ma-
jefty’s fubjects.
That no fhip of Algiers fhould cruife in fight
of Tangier, or any other country or place be-
longing to his Majefty, or difturb the peace or com-
merce of the fame.
That if any fhip of Tunis, Tripoli, or Sal-
lee, or of any oth place, fhould bring any fhips,
or goods, belonging to his Majefty’s fubjedls, into
the territories of Algiers, they fhould not be per-
mitted to be fold there.
^ That if a Britifh man of war fhould bring a
prize to any place on the coaft of Alg'Crs, it might
be freely fold or difpofed of there, without paying
any cuftom ; and, if the Commander wanted any
prov ikons, or other things, he might buy them at
the market-price.
When any Britifh man of war fhould appear
before Algiers, proclamation fhould be made to
fecure all Chriftian captives ; after which, if any
Chriftian whatever fhould efcape to fuch fhip of
war, they fhould not be requir’d: Nor the Britifh
Conful, or the Commander of fuch fhip, or any
other fubiecl of Britain, be oblig’d to pay any thing
< for fuch Chriftians.
After the ratification of the faid treaty, no Bri-
tifh fubjedt fhould be bought or fold, or made a
Have in Algiers, on any pretence i and the King ot
Voj.. Tie
G I E R S. _ 97
England, or his fubje&s, might, at any time, re- C H A P.
deem fuch as were flaves at Algiers at the time of IX.
this treaty.
If any fubjedt of Britain dies at Algiers^ the
Government fhall not feize his money or eftedts,
but fufFer his heirs or executors to enjoy them ;
and, if he die without will, the Englifh Conful
fhall pofTefs himfelf of the goods and money of the
deceas’d, for the ufe of his heirs and kindred.
That no Britifh Merchants, trading to, or
refiding at Algiers, fhall be oblig’d to buy any mer-
chandize againft their wills ; nor fhall any of their
fhips be obliged to carry goods, or make a voyage to.
any place, againft their confent : Nor fhall the En-
glifh Conful, or any other Britifh fubjedt, be oblig’d
to pay the debts of any other ot his Majefty s tub-
jedts, unlefs bound for them by a publick a dt.
That no Britifh fubjedt, in the territories of
Algiers, fhall be liable to any other jurildidtion, but
that of the Dey, or Divan, except differences be-
tween themfelves, which fhall be determin’d by the
Conful only.
That ifanyBritifh fubjedt happen to kill, wound
or ftrike a Turk or Moor, he fhall be punifh’d
in the fame manner, and with no greater feve-
rity, than a Turk ought to be (guilty of the fame
offence) ; and, if he efcape, neither the Britifh Con-
ful, or any of his Majefty’s fubjedts, fhall he quefti-
on’d or troubled for it.
That the Englifh Conful fhall enjoy entire
freedom and fafety in his perfcn and eftate ; fhall be
permitted tc choofe his ownTerjiman (Interpreter)
and Broker ; to go on board fhips in the road ; to
have the liberty of the country, and be allow’d a
place to pray in : And that no man lhall do him any
injury by word or deed.
That if any war fhould happen between the
King of Great Britain, and the kingdom of Al-
giers, the Englifh Conful, and all his Majefty’s fub-
jecls refiding there, fhall, at all times, both in peace
and war, have liberty to depart to their own coun-
try, or to any other, in any fhip or veil'd of what
nation foever, with their eftedts, families and fervants.
That no fubjedt of Britain, being a paflenger,
and coming or going with his baggage to or from
any port, fhall be molefted, tho’ he be on board a
fhip or veflel in enmity with Algiers : Nor fhall
any Algerine paflenger, on hoard any fhip in enmity
with Great Britain, be molefted in his perfon or
goods he may have on board fuch fhip.
That when any Britifh man of war, with hfs
Majefty’s flag at the main-top-maft-head, fhall
come to an anchor in the road of Algiers, the Dey
and Regency fhall caufe a falute of twenty-one can-
non, and fuch fhip fhall anfwer it with the fame,
number.
That, after the figning thefe articles, all inju-
ries and damages, fuftain’d on either part, fhall
be forgotten, and this peace fhall continue in force
O for
9» THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, for ever ; and, for all damages committed on either
IX. fide, before notice of this peace, fatisfadlion (hall be
made, and whatever remains in kind fhall be in-
ftantly reftor’d.
In cafe any thing fhall be committed here-
after, contrary to this treaty, it fhall fubftft notwith-
ftanding, and fuch contraventions fhall not occafion
a breach of the peace ; and, if the fault was com-
mitted by private men, they alone fhall be punifh’d
as breakers of the peace, and difturbers of the pub-
lick quiet : And our faith Jhall be our faith , and our
word our word.
Confirm’d and Seal’d, in the prefence of
Almighty God, April the ioth; of
Jesus, 1682; of the Heigira, 1093;
A brir, 1 1 .
This treaty has been renew’d feveral times ; in
April 1686, by Sir Willi am Soame, Bart, in
his voyage to Conftantinople, whither he went Am-
bafiador, from King James II. to the Grand Sig-
nior. It was renew’d again, in 1691, by Thom as
Bake r, Eiq; and, in 1700, by Captain Munden,
and Robert Cole, Efq; then Conful of Algiers,
jointly with fome additional articles (viz.)
I. The peace, made in 1682, is confirm’d, and
more particularly the eighth article ; wherein it is
sxprefs’d, That no fhip, belonging to Algiers, fhould
cruife in fight of any port or place belonging to
Great Britain, or any way difturb the peace or com-
merce of the fame : Nor fhall any Algerine veffel
enter the Englilh channel.
II. No paifes fhall be requir’d from any Englifh
fhip Till the laft of September 1701 : But, after
that time, if any Englifh fhip fhall be feiz’d, not
having a pafs, the goods in fuch fhip fhall be prize :
But the mafter, men and fhip fhall be reftor’d, and
the freight immediately paid to the mafter.
III. Whereas Captain Munden has complain’d,
that he was affronted fome years paft by fome rude
failors at the Mole : It is promifed, that at all times
hereafter, when any Britifh man of war fhall come
to Algiers, order fhall be given to an officer to attend
at the Mole all day during their ftay, to prevent any
inch diforder ; and, it any diforder fhall happen,
the offender fhall be punifh’d with the utmoft fe-
verity.
In the reign of Queen Anne, anno 1703, Ad-
miral By ng, the late Lord Vifcount Torrington,
renew’d the faid peace with Mustafa Dey, and
the two following articles were added (viz.)
I. That whereas the fubjedls of England, by the
faid articles, were to pay ten per Cent, cuftom for
fiich goods as they fhould fell at Algiers : That from
thence-forwards they fhould pay but five per Cent, 3
and for powder, arms, ammunition and naval ftores,
they fhould pay nothing (as was ftipulated by the firft
treaty).
II. All prizes taken by any fubjeo- 7 A P.'
and all {hips built and fitted out in her May f ’ ’ 1 1 , ; - ) T
tations in America, that have not been in Engl. d,
fhall not be molefted, tho’ they hav' no paff s : F ut
a certificate, under the hand of the commanding Of-
ficer, that fhall take fuch prizes ; and a certificate,
under the hands of the Governors or Chiefs of fuch
American colonies or places where fuch fhips were
built or fitted out, fhall be f. fficient paffes.
In the year 1716, Admiral Baker, being or-
der’d to renew the treaties with Tunis, Tripoli and
Algiers, vifited the two former in perfon ; but de-
puted Captain Coningsby Norbury, Com-
mander of the Argyll ; and Captain Nicholas
Eaton, Commander of the Chefter, in conjunfli-
on with Mr. Thom as Thompson (who then
added as Conful in the abfence of his brother Samuel
Thompson, Eiq;) to ratify the former treaties
with Algiers, and conclude the following articles
(viz.)
I. If any demands or pretenfions fhall be depend-
ing between the fubjedds of either party, they fhall
be amicably redrefs’d, and full fatisfaddion made.
II. That as the ifiand of Minorca and city of
Gibralterbavebeenyielded and annex’d to theCrown
of Great Britain ; from th’s time the faid ifiand and
city fhall be deem’d, by the Government of Algiers,
part of the Britifh dominions, and the inhabitants
thereof look’d upon as his Majefty’s natural fubjedds ;
and with their fhips and veffels, wearing Britifh co-
lours, and furnifh’d with proper pafi'es, fhall be per-
mitted to trade freely in any part of the dominions
of Algiers, and have the fame liberties and privile-
ges as any other fubjedds of the Britifh nation : Nor
fhall any of the cruifers of Algiers, cruife within
fight of the ifiand of Minorca and city of Gibralter,
III. That if any Englifh fhip fhall receive paf-
fengers and goods on board belonging to the king-
dom of Algiers, the Englifh fhall defend fuch paf-
fengers and goods, as far as lies in their power, and
not deliver them to their enemies, the faid paffen-
gers and goods being regifter’d in the books of the
Britifh Conful.
CHAP. X.
The prefent fate of Tunis and Tripoli.
T H E kingdom of Tunis is bounded by the Me- CHAP,
diterranean fea, on the north ; by the fame X.
fea and Tripoli, on the eaft ; by mount Atlas, on • — '
the fouth ; and by the river Guadilbarbar, which of
feparates it from the kingdom of Algiers, on the
weft: ; lying between 3 o and 3 7 degrees and a half
north latitude, and extending about 200 miles from
weft to eaft.
The chief rivers are, 1. The Guadilbarbar, al- River*,
ready mention’d, which riling in mount Atlas, runs
northwards, and difeharges itfelf into the Mediter-
ranean
OF TUNIS AND TRIPOLI.
99
CHAP, ranean near the ifland of Tabarca, feparating the
X. kingdom of Tunis from that of Algiers.
z. The Capes, or Capitla, which rifes alfo in the
mountains of Atlas, and runs north- eaft, falling
into the fea near the town of Capes.
3 . Megerada, which riles in mount Atlas, and
running northwards, divides the kingdom of Tunis
alinoft in two equal parts, difcharging itfelf into the
Mediterranean near the town and iiland of Goletta.
(Tv f, wns The chief towns are » *• Cairoan, fituated on
“ 16 ° V the river Megerada, latitude 3 2, faid to be the firft
town the Saracens built in this country, and mod
remarkable at prefent for being the burying-place of
the Mahometan Princes and Great men.
2. Urbs, fituated in a fine plain, on a river that
falls into the Guadilbarbar, latitude 3 5, about 150
miles fouth-weft of Tunis ; chiefly remarkable at
prefent for the marble pillars, images, and other Ro-
man antiquities found here.
3 . Africa, or El Melidia, fituated on the Mediter-
ranean, in latitude 35, 90 miles fouth-eaft of Tunis,
faid to be the Adrumetum of the Romans.
4. Sufa, or Rufpina, fituated partly on a flat, and
partly upon the afcent of a rock on the Mediterra-
nean, 25 miles to the eaftward of Tunis: It lies in
ruins at prefent, and is faid to contain more antiqui-
ties than any town in the kingdom : Here is a fmall
harbour, where the gallies and fmall fliips belong-
ing to Tunis frequently lie.
Tunis city. 5- The city of Tunis, the capital of the king-
dom, fituated on a fine plain near a fpacious lake,
in 36 degrees and a half north latitude, almoftover-
againft the ifland of Sicily, and but a few miles
from the place where the famous city of Carthage
flood.
It is about three or four leagues diftant from the
Mediterranean, a large, populous city, and a place
of fome trade ; the walls about a league in circum-
ference,but of no great ftrength. The Bafha’s palace,
the mofques and bagnio’s are the moft remarkable
things in it. The houfes of the better fort of peo-
ple are built about little fquares, adorn’d with pil-
lars, galleries and fountains; but have no other
light than what they receive from the doors that open
intd the fquares ; and the roofs of the houfes are
flat and terrafs’d, as in other Mahometan countries.
When Charles V. took it in the year 1535, it
Is faid to have contain’d an hundred thoufand men,
befides women and children ; hut this, I prefume,
muft comprehend all fuch Moors as fled thither for
protection on this invafion of the Chriftians : Cer-
tain it is, the numbers are not near fo great at pre-
fent.
6. Goletta, fituate on a little ifland of the fame
name, three or four leagues to the eaftward of Tunis,
and may be look’d upon as the port-town to that ca-
pital. It is defended by two caftles ; one of them
built by Charles V. who took Goletta before he
advanced to Tunis. It was held by the Chriftians
’till 1574, and was ot great tile for reftraining the CHAP,
excurfions of the Turkifh Corfairs or Rovers, after X.
they made themfelves matters of Tunis again.
7. Carthage, now a fmall village, fituate near
Cape Carthage (a promontory in the Mediterranean)
fuppofed to have obtain’d its name from being fitua-
ted near, or on part of the ground whereon the city
of Carthage flood, latitude 36 degrees 40 minutes,
three or four leagues north-eaft of Tunis. Here
are ftill lome ruins of marble and other ftones, and
feveral arches of the Aqueduct Handing that con-
vey’d water to Old Carthage from a hill 30 miles
diftant : But I (hall enlarge further on the deferip-
tion of Ancient Carthage, when I come to give the
hiftory of that empire.
8. Byferta, faid to be the Utica of the Antients, is
fituated in 37 degrees north latitude, on a fine lake
near the fea, about 30 miles to the northward of
Carthage ; laid to be one of the beft harbours the
Tunifeens have for their gallies ; but not capable,
at prefent, of receiving fbips ol any great burthen.
9. Porto Farino, fituated on the Mediterranean,
about the midway between Byferta and Carthage ;
latitude 37.
The kingdom of Tripoli, in which I fhall include Tripoli.
Barca (for tf Barca be not fubjeH to the Balha of
Tripoli, it is fubjedl to no body) is bounded by
the Mediterranean on the north, by Egypt on the
eaft, by Nubia and Biledulgerid on the fouth, and
by the kingdom of Tunis on the weft ; extending
along the Mediterranean from the north-weft to the
fouth-eaft (that is, from Tunis to Egypt) at leaft
1000 miles, and is about 200 miles broad where
broadeft, but in others fcarce 100, lying between
latitude 30 and 33 and a half.
There are no rivers in this country worth men-
tioning. That part of it contiguous to Tunis is
tolerably fruitful ; but all the reft to the eaftward,
as far as Egypt, is only a parch’d barren defart.
The chief towns taken notice of by Geographers,
are, 1. Old Tripoli ; 2. New Tripoli; 3 . Zaara ; Chief towns.
4. Tachore; 5. Mecellat ; 6. Elhama ; and
7. Mahara.
New Tripoli, however, is the only town of any Tripoli city,
note ; which is fituated in a fandy plain near the Me-
diterranean fea, latitude 33, about 60 leagues fouth-
eaft of Tunis. It is a populous town, and fur-
rounded with a wall and outworks ; but the fortifi-
cations very mean. Its greateft ftrength are in the
defperate Pirates that inhabit it ; confifting of the
fame fort of people as inhabit Algiers and ft unis,
very formidable to the honeft trader by fea and land.
The Government of the country refembles that of
Tunis ; the Dey being very much under the influ-
ence of the Balha the Grand Signioi fends thither,
who levies annually a very confiderable tribute on
the natives of this country (as the Balha of Tunis
does on the natives of that kingdom) which is re-
mitted to the Porte : However, in all cafes where
O 2 rh «
100
THE PRES
CHAP, the Bafha does not interpofe, the Dey may be look’d
X. upon as Sovereign of Tripoli.
And as the Government of Tunis and Tripoli is
the fame with that of Algiers (only in that one in-
ftance, that the Dey in the two former, is under
fome fubjeCtion to the Bafha ; whereas the Dey of
Algiers acknowledges no fuperior) : So are the reli-
gion, laws, and cuftoms of the people of T unis and
Tripoli the fame with thofe of Algiers. The go-
verning part are Turks, natives of the Levant, and
Renegadoes, cloatb’d like other Turks, in vefts and
turbants ; their vefts frequently made of Englifh
cloth, and their turbants of filk or linnen : Nor is
the cloathing of the Moors, who live in towns, very
different from theirs. But the Arabs have fcarce any
cloathing, more than a cloth about their waifts, and
ramble from place to place perpetually, to find her-
bage and water for their cattle : And therefore, not
to trouble my readers with a repetition of thefe ar-
ticles, I (hall confine mvfelf in treating of Tunis
and Tripoli, to the three following particulars.
'JSagnio’s. I;. Their bagnio’s, which were not mention’d in
treating of Algiers; 2. The produce of their foil
and their trade ; and 3 . The modern biftory of thefe
countries.
1 . As to their baths, there are in Tunis, Algiers,
and Tripoli, a great number of bagnio’s, mightily
frequented by the Turks, as well upon a religious
account, as for health and pleafure : Their religion
obliging them to wafh before they enter their tem-
ples,, or perform their devotions. And to thefe
bagnio’s foreigners alfo refort, where they are well
accommodated, fweated and rubb’d for a very mo-
derate confideration. Thefe bagnio’s differ in their
dimenfions and the beauty of the building, according
as they are frequented by the better or lower rank of
people ; but their form and management are much
the fame in all. A gentleman is firft brought into
a handfome large room, where he is undrefs'd, and
a towel f -’’d about him ; from thence, he is led into
another room, , moderately warm, and, after fome
little time, into the grand hall (cover’d with a cu-
pola) in the middle whereof is the bath. The floor
is, pav’d with white marble, as are the little rooms or
clofets in the fides of it, where people are wafh’d
and rubb’d : The perfon who comes to be bath’d, is
firft fet down upon a marble bench that runs round
the hall, and is foon fenfible of an extraordinary
heat, which makes him fweat plentifully; then he
is carried into one of the fide rooms or clofets of a
moderate heat, where a linnen cloth being fpread
upon the floor, and his towel taken off, he lies down
at his full length, perfectly naked; then two lufty
Haves, as naked as the patient, come in, and kneel-
ing down, wafh and rub his arms, legs, and every
part of him with a flefn-brufh, taking off all the,
fcurf and roughnefs of the (kin ; then they wafh him
all over again, and after that dry him with clean
towels.. They alfo rub the hairy parts (if they are
ENT STATE
not directed otherwife) with the powder of a certain C IT A P"
earth, which immediately fetches off all tJ e hair; X.
and this ferves inftead of (having: Then they wafh '/yv
and dry the party again, pair his nails, fqueeze and
mould his flefh, and ftretch and pull his limbs with
that violence, that his bones crack again, and thofe
who are not us’d to it, would be apt to think them
all diflocated. This is look’d upon to be exceeding
wholefome ; but if a gentleman don’t like this rough
management, he may he more gently dealt with.
The women have their feveral baths, where they are
attended by fhe-flaves, and no man is permitted to
enter thefe, under the fevereft penalties, upon any
pretence whatever : And indeed perfons of diftindf-
ion always have bagnio’s for themfeives and their
women, in their own houfes.
As to the produce and traffick of Tunis and Tri- Produce and '
poli : Thefe countries breed abundance of Camels traffick of
and fine Horfes, and produce Corn and Olives plen- tlle count 'y'■' , -
ti fully. In Tripoli they have exceeding fine Wool,
and in Tunis a good manufacture of Soap ; and as
Mulberry-trees thrive prodigioufly in both kingdoms,
no country is more proper for filk, tho’ very little
cultivated ; the reafon whereof may he, that the
Turks encourage fcarce any manu failures, andean
come by thefe a much eafier way than by breeding
Silk-worms ; namely, by robbing honeft Merchants
that traffick in thofe feas. However, the Europe-
ans do trade with the people of Tunis and Tripoli
for Corn, Oil, Wool, Soap, Dates, Gftrich feathers, ,
fkins of wild and tame Beafts ; but one of the heft
branches of their commerce here, is Slaves ; the Eu-
ropeon Chriftians, taken by their piratical (hips, they
fet very high ranfoms upon, or force them to ferve
at fea and land in all mauner of employments and
drudgery. They have alfo fome traffick for Negroe
(laves to the fouthward. Their Camels they ufually
(ell in Egypt, and their fine Horfes to the French ;
But they get much more by their piracies, than by
trade ; and indeed this furnifhes them with every
manufacture of Europe, as has been obferv’d already,^
which the Jews, who are very numerous here as
well as in the reft of the towns of Barbary, know
how to make their advantages of, by trafficking with
fuch goods in the country, or exporting them again
to places where there is a demand for them.
The Turks have been rnafters of Tunis ever fince PJodem M--
the year 1532, when He y rad in Barb aross a, ft . my °J ,T U '
Dey of Algiers, a brother and fucceflor of Bar- poi^”
B aross A I. obtain’d the dominion of this king-
dom in much the lame manner as his brother acquir’d .
that of Algiers.. The people of Tunis, it feems,,
invited him thither to deliver them from the op~
preffion they fuffer’d (or pretended to fuffer) under
the administration of their lawful Prince : Where-
upon Hey rad in having made a voyage to the
Porte, and procur’d a large fleet and a ftrpng rein-
fore ment of Janizaries, from thence made a de-
feent near Goletta, the port-town to Tunis, and
advancing
IOI
OF TUNIS AND TRIPOLI.
CHAP, advancing towards the city, Muley Hassan,
X. their King, thought fit to quit his capital without
t w r-y-'« w linking a ftroke, and fuffer Barb ar os sa to take
poffeffion of it. The ufurper remain’d pretty quiet
in his new acquir’d dominion for about three years .
But the depofed Prince applying himfelf to the Em-
peror Charles V. imploring his afliftance to re-
ftore him to his throne, and reprefenting alfo of
what dangerous confequence it would be, to fuffer
the Turks to fettle at Tunis, which lays fo near
Italy and Sicily ; his imperial Majefty embark’d in
perfon, in the year 1535, with a confiderable army,
and made a defcent on the coaft of T unis, where
he took the caftle of Goletta by ftorm, and the city
of Tunis thereupon open’d her gates to him, Bar-
bar ossa abandoning the town when he found
himfelf too weak to refill: the numerous forces of
the Chriftians. Before the ufurper left 1 unis, he
had order’d lome renegadoes to let fire to the gun-
powder, and blow up all the Chriftian Haves which
were lodg’d near that magazine; but in this he was
not obey’d, and the Emperor, ’tis laid, on taking of
the city, fet at liberty no lefs than twenty thoufand
Chriftian Haves, which thefe pirates had carried into
captivity during the three years they were mailers of
the place.
His imperial Majefty having reftor’d Muley
Hass an to his throne, reimbark’d his troops, lea-
vin 0- only a ftrong garrifon of Chriftians in the
eaftde of Goletta : But Muley, it feems, was a-
gain depofed by his rebellious fubjedts the Moors, and
forced to take refuge a fecond time in the Emperor’s
court. Some few years after, the Turks retook
both Goletta and Tunis, and ftill remain poffefs’d
of them, the Tunifeens being always in a ftate of
war with Spain and Italy : Thofe coafts have ever
fince been miferably infefted by them, and multi-
tudes of the natives carried into captivity. They are
alfo frequently at war with the reft of the nations of
Europe, and make prize of all they meet with ;
but the Englifh had the good fortune to clap up a
t peace with them in the year 1682, which has been
renew’d from time to time ; and, in the year 1716,
the following Articles were agreed on, which are ftill
in force.
Articles of peace and commerce between his moji fa creel
Majeffy George, by the grace , &c. and the
moji excellent Lords Ali Bajha , Hass an Ben
Ali Bey, Car a Must af a Dey, the Aga and
the Divan of the moft noble city of Tunis, and the
whole body of the Militia of the faid kingdom, re-
new'd and concluded anno Domini 1716, by John
t Baker, EJq\ Lice- Admiral, tsc.
JVaee with I,
T-urna.
HAT all former grievances and Ioffes,
and other pretenfions between both parties,
fhall be void and of no effedi, and from hence-
forward a firm peace for ever ; free trade and com-
merce fhall be, and continue between the fubje&s C H A P„
of his moft facred Majefty George, King of X.
Great Britain, &c. and the people of the kingdom -''Y’V
of Tunis, and the dominions thereunto belonging :
But that this article fhall not cancel, or make void
any juft debt, either in commerce, or otherwife,
that may be due, from any perfon or perfons, to
others of either party ; but that the fame fhall be
liable to be demanded, and be recoverable as before,,
II. That the fhips of either party fhall have free
liberty to enter into any port or river belonging to
the dominions of either party, paying the duties
only for what they fhall fell, tranfporting the reft
without any trouble or moleftation, and freely en-
joy any other privileges accuftom’d ; and the late
exaction, that has been upon the lading and unla-
ding of goods at Goletta, and the Marine, fhall be
reduced to the ancient cuftoms in thofe cafes.
III. That there fhall not be any feizure of any
fhips of either party at fea, or in port ; but that
they fhall quietly pafs, without any moleftation or
interruption, they displaying their colours : And 9
for prevention of all inconveniences that may hap- 1 -
pen, the fhips of Tunis are to have a certificate,
under the hand and feal of the Britifh Conful, that
they belong to Tunis ; which, being produc’d, the
Englifh fhip fhall admit two men to come on board
them, peaceably to fatisfy themfelves they are En-
glifh ; and, altho’ they have paffengers of other na-
tions on board, they fhall be free, both they and
their effedfs.
IV. That if an Englifh fhip fhall receive on
board any goods or paffengers, belonging to the king-
dom of Tunis, they fhall be bound to defend them
and their goods, fo far as lies in their power, and
not deliver them unto their enemies : And the better
to prevent any unjuft demands being made upon the
Crown of Great Britain, and to avoid difputes and
differences which may arife, all goods and merchan-
dizes, that fhall from henceforward be fhipp’d by
the fubjedts of this Government, either in this port,
or any other whatfoever, on board the fhips or vef-
fels belonging to Great Britain, fhall be firft enter’d
in the office of Cancellaria, before the Britifh Con-
ful refiding at the refpeeftive ports, expreffing the
quantity, quality and value of the goods fo flapp’d,
which "the faid Conful is to certify in the clearance
given to the faid fhip, or veffel, before fhe departs j
to the end, that, if any caufe of complaint lhould
happen hereafter, there may be no greater claim
made on the Britifh nation, than by this method
fhall be proved to be juft and equitable.
V. That if any of the fhips of either party fhall,
by accident of foul weather or otherwife, be caft
away upon any coaft belonging to either party, the
perfons fhall be free, and the goods faved, and de-
liver’d to their lawful proprietors.
VI. That the Engbfh, which do at prefent, or
fhall at - any time hereafter, .inhabit in the city, or
102
THE PRE
CHAP, kingdom of Tunis, fhall have free liberty, when
X. they pleafe, to tranfport themfelves with their fami-
lies and children, tiro’ born in the country.
VII. That the people, belonging to the domini-
ons of either party, fhall not be abufed with iil lan-
guage, or otherwife ill-treated ; but that the parties,
fo offending, fhall be punifh’d feverely according to
their deferts.
VIII. That the Conful, or any other of the
Englifh nation refiding in Tunis, fhall not be
forced to make their addreffes, in any difference,
unto any court of juftice, but to the Bey himfelf,
from whom only they fhall receive judgment ; this.
In cafe the difference fhould happen between a fubjedt
of Great Britain, and another of this Government,
or any other foreign nation : But, if it fhould be
between any two of his Britannick Majefty’s fubjedh,
then it is to be decided by the Britifh Conful only.
IX. That the Conful, or any other of the Britifh
nation, fhall not be liable to pay the debts of any
particular perfon of the nation, unlefs obliged there-
unto under his hand.
X. That as the ifland of Minorca in the Medi-
terranean lea, and the city of Gibralter in Spain,
have been yielded and annex’d to the crown of Great
Britain, as well by the King of Spain, as by all the
feveral Powers of Europe engag’d in the late war :
Now it is hereby agreed, and fully concluded, that,
from this time forward for ever, the faid ifland of
Minorca, and city of Gibralter, fhall be efteem’d,
in every refpedt, by the Government of Tunis to be
part of his Britannick Majefty’s own dominions, and
the inhabitants thereof to be look’d upon as his Ma-
jefty’s natural fubjedls, in the fame manner, as if
they had been born in any part of Great Britain ;
and they, with their fhips and veffels, wearing the
Britifh colours, fhall be permitted freely to trade and
traffick in any part of the kingdom of Tunis, and
fhall pafs without any moleftation whatfover, either
on the leas, or elfewhere, in the fame manner, and
with the fame freedom and privileges as have been fti-
pulated in this and all former treaties, in behalf of
the Britifh nation and fubjedts.
XI. And the better and more firmly to maintain
the good correfpondence and friendfhip, that hath
been fo long and happily eftablifh’d between the
Crown of Great Britain, and the Government of
T unis ; it is hereby agreed and concluded by the par-
ties before mention’d, that none of the fhips or vef-
fels belonging to Tunis, or the dominions thereof,
'fhall be permitted to cruife, or look for prizes of any
nation whatfoever, before or in fight of the afore-
said city of Gibralter, or any of the ports of the
Ifland of Minorca, to hinder or moleft any veffels,
bringing provifions and refreftiments for his Britan-
nick Majefty’s troops and garrifons in thofe places,
or give any difturbance to the trade or commerce
thereof ; and, if any prize fhall be taken by the fhips
o r veffels of T unis, within the fpace of ten miles
5 E N T STATE
of the aforefaid places, it fhall be reftored without CHAP
any difpute. x
XII. I hat all the fhips of war belonging to either
party’s dominions fhall have free liberty to ufe each
other’s ports for wafhing, cleaning or repairing any
of their defeats, and to buy and to fhip off' any lort
of victuals alive or dead, or any other neceffa-
ries, at the price the natives buy at in the market,
without paying cuftom to any officer : And where-
as his Britannick Majefty’s fhips of war do frequent-
ly affemble and harbour in the port of Mahon in the
ifland of Minorca ; if at any time they, or his Ma-
jefty’s troops in garrifon there, fhould be in want of
provifions, and fhould fend from thence to purchale
fupplies in any part of the dominions belonging to
Tunis, they fhall be permitted to buy cattle alive or
dead, and all other kind of provifion, at the prices
they are fold at in the market, and fhall be fuffer’d
to carry them off without paying duty to any officer,
in the fame manner as if his Majefty’s fhips were
themfelves in the port.
XIII. That in cafe any fhips of war, belonging
to the kingdom of Tunis, fhall take, in any of
their enemy’s fhips, any Englifhmen ferving for wa-
ges, they are to be made flaves ; but, if Merchants
or Paffengers, they are to enjoy their liberty and
effedls unmolefted.
XIV. That in cafe any flave in the kingdom of
Tunis, of any nation whatfoever, fhall make his ef-
cape, and get on board any fhip belonging to the
dominions of his facred Majefty the King of Great
Britain, &c. the Conful fhall not be liable to pay
the ranfom, unlefs timely notice be given him to
order that none fuch be entertain’d ; and then, if it
appears that any flave has fo got away, the faid Con-
fid is to pay to his patron the price for which he was
fold in the market ; and, if no price be fet, then to
pay 3 oo dolars, and no more.
XV. And, the better to prevent any difpute, that
may hereafter arife between tire two parties, about
falutes and publick ceremonies, it is hereby agreed
and concluded, that whenever any Flag-officer of
Great Britain fhall arrive in the bay of Tunis, in .
any of his Majefty’s fhips of war, immediately upon
notice given thereof, there fhall be five and twenty
cannon fir’d from the caftles of Goletta, or other
the neareft fortification belonging to Tunis, accord-
ing to cuftom, as a royal falute to his Britannick;
Majefty’s colours, and the fame number fhall be re-
turn’d in anfwer thereto by his Majefty’s fhips ; and
it is hereby ftipulated and agreed, that all ceremo-
nies of honour fhall be allow’d to the Britifh Con-
ful, who refides here, toreprefent, - in every refpedf,
his Majefty’s perfon, equal to any other nation what-
foever, and no other Conful in the kingdom to be
admitted before him in precedency.
XVI. That the fubjedts of his facred Majefty of
Great Britain, & c. either refiding in or trading to
the dominions of Tunis, fhall not, for the time to
come,
OF THE AFRIC
CHAP. come, pay any more than three per Cent, cuftoni, on
X. the value of goods or merchandize, vvh ich they fhall
either bring into, or carry out of this faid kingdom
of Tunis.
XVII. It it moreover agreed, concluded and efta-
blifh’d, that, at whatfoever time it fhall pleafe the
Government of Tunis to reduce the cuftoms of the
French nation to left than they pay at prefent, it
fhall always be obferv’d, that the Britifh cuftoms
fhall be two per Cent, lefs than any agreement that
{hall for the future be made with the faid French,
or than fhall be paid by the fubjebts of France.
XVIII. It is moreover agreed, concluded and ef-
tablifh’d, that in cafe any Britifh fhip or lhips, or
any of the fubjedls of his Majefty of Great Britain,
fhall import, at the port of Tunis, or any other
port of this kingdom, any warlike ftores ; as Can-
nons, Mufkets, Piftols, Cannon-powder o Fine-pow-
der, Bullets, Mails, Anchors, Cables, Pitch, Tar,
or the like; as alfo provifions (viz) Wheat, Barley,
Beans, Oats, Oil, or the like ; for the faid kinds of
merchandize, they fhall not pay any fort of duty or
cuftom whatever.
We, the Parties before-mention’d, having foen
and perufed the preceding Articles, do hereby ap-
prove, ratify and confirm the feveral particulars there-
in mention’d, and they are to remain firm for ever,
without any alteration : In teftimony of which, we
do hereunto fet our hands and feals, in the prefence
of Almighty God, in the noble city of Tunis, the
30th day of Auguft, O. S. and in the year of our
Lord Jesus Christ 1716, being the 26th day
of the moon Ramadam, and the year of the Hejira
1128.
(L.S.) J. Baker (L.S.)(L.S.) ( L.S .)
C H A P. XI.
“The prefent Jiate of the African ifands.
CHAP HT"' ^ E i Hands of Africa ftill remain to be de-
* ' A fcrib’d ; of which the principal are, 1 . Bad-
mar.del ; 2. Zocotara ; 3. T he iflands of Co-
Iflands eaft morro ; 4. Prince Maurice’s ifland, or the Mauri-
of Africa, tius ; 5. The ifland of Bourbon ; and, 6. Mada-
gafcar ; all which lie in the Indian ocean, eaftward
of the continent of Africa.
irtanj 5 On the fouth-weft part of Africa lie, 1. The
fouth-weft ifland of St. Helena ; 2. Afcenfion ; 3. St. Mat-
of Africa, thew ; 4. Annaboa ; 5. St. Thomas ; 6. Princes
ifland ; and, 7. The ifland of Fernando Po.
Ifiandson the On the north- weft part of Africa lie, 1 . The iflands
part of ' aw- Oape Verd ; 2. The Canary iflands; 3. The
ca. iflands of Madera ; and, 4. The A.zores.
1 Babmandel. I he ifland of Bab, or Babel rnandd,elim Diodorus,
lies at the entrance into the Red fea, and forms one
fide of the famous {freight of Babel, or Babmandel :
It is fituated in 1 3 degrees north latitude, and is a-
A N ISLANDS.
bout five miles in circumference. The Ethiopians CHAP,
and Arabians formerly contended with great fury XL
for the pofleflion of it, being a place of the laft im- •**?~\/~**J
portance, as it commanded the entrance into the
Red fea, and preferv’d a communication between
Ethiopia and Arabia ; but fince the Turks have pof-
fefs’d themfelves of both fhores, the ifland is in a
manner deferted, being a fandy barren foil, and af-
fording fcarce any fuftenance for man or beaft.
The ifland of Zocotora, or Socotra, is fituated Zocotora.
in the eaftern ocean in 1 2 degrees north latitude,
3 o leagues to the eaftward of cape Gardefoy, being
about 25 leagues long, and 18 broad. There is
but one town in the ifland, where the Shiek, or
Sovereign, refides ; the reft of the inhabitants live
in cottages difpers’d about the country. There are
two pretty good harbours on the coaft, where Eu-
ropean fhips formerly ufed to put in, when they
were difappointed of their paflage to India by the
monfons : but this feldoms happens now, our Mari-
ners are fo well acquainted, with the winds and fea-
fons in this part of the world. The people of this
ifland are a mixture of Pagans and Mahometans,
and have fcarce any foreign traffick. Their ufual
food is milk, dates, roots, and feme flefh : The
country affords fcarce any merchandize fit for ex-
portation, unlefs it be Frankincenfe, Aloes, and the
gum call’d Dragons-blood.
The iflands of Comorro are five in number, and Comoro
lie between the coaft of Zanguebar, and the north- lllands '
end of the ifland of Madagafoar, from 1 o to 15 de-
grees of fouth latitude: That which is moil fre-
quented, and confequently beft known to the Eu-
ropeans, is the ifland of Johanna, where fhips touch Johanna
for refrefhments in their paflage to Bombay, and the defcrib ’ d *
Malabar coafts of India. This ifland lies in 1 2 de-
grees and an half north latitude, and is 30 miles long,
and 1 5 broad. The people are Negroes of the Ma-
hometan religion, extremely hofpitable, efpecially
to the Englifh. They live under a monarchical
form of government ; from which, it feems, the
females are not excluded. They have great plenty
of black Cattle and Goats ; of Fowls, Rice, Po-
tatoes, Yams, Honey, Wax, Bananoes, Tama-
rinds, Lemons, Oranges, Pine-apples, Cocoa-nuts,
and other fruits. And I find the women, as in
other parts of Africa, are employ’d in hufbandry,
and other laborious works, while the men indulge
their eafe. They are a very plain, inoffenfive peo-
ple ; but do not abound in wealth, and fcarce know
the ufe of arms, or what war means. Neither do
their Kings take ftate upon them, but converfe fa-
miliarly both with their fubjecls, and foreigners.
They have but two towns ; to one whereof our
Mariners have given the name of King’s-Town,
from its being the refidence of their Kings ; and to
the other Queen’s-Town, fome of their Queens
having made it the feat of their Government. Thefe
towns are built with ftone and timber ; but the reft
of
'^3
3 04
e h a p.
XI.
The Tfland
of Prince
Maurice :
or, the
Mauritius.
Bourtoa
Ifland,
THE PRESENT STATE
of their houfes are only mean cottages difpers’d all 30 leagues in circumference ; finely deverfify’d with C Iff A P.
over the country: Their ufual food is Rice boil’d, mountains and plains, foretts, and champain- fields ; XL
Meat, Milk, Roots, and Cocoa-nuts ; and the Milk has plenty of wood and water, and a fruitful foil,
of the young Cocoa-nuts ferves them for drink, as except one part of the ifland, which has been burnt
the fhells do for cups. They are under ftrange ap- up and render’d barren by a vulcano, or fubterrane-
prehenfions of mifchief from the Devil, and burn ous fires. The Portuguefe firft difcover’d it, anno
him in effigy once a year, ’tis laid : They feem alfo 1 545, and (lock’d it with Hogsand Goats, as if they
to abhor the place where any one happens to die ; intended to have made a fettlement heie ; but after-
either out of a dread of departed fpirits, the uni- wards deferred it again. Captain Cattle ton,
venal foible of the common people , or, as others an Engliih Commander, touch’d here in the year
fuggeft, becaufe they look upon the place where any 1613, and was fo taken with the beauty of the
man dies to be polluted ; but, after fome time, they ifland, that he gave it the name of the Englidi Fo-
return to the place again, and inhabit the rooms red : But our Ead-India Company did not think it
where their friends happen’d to draw their lad worth while to fix a colony here. 1 he f rench ai-
breath. terwards took poffeffion of it in the year 1654, and
The red of the iflands of Comorro are much a- gave it the name of Bourbon, and left fome few
bout the fame dimenfions, inhabited by the fame people and (laves there, who afterwards came away
kind of people, and produce the like plants and fruits ; in an Englidi (hip ; however, the h rench dill lay
and therefore it is perfectly unneceffary to enter upon claim to the ifland, tho’ they make little or no u(e
a particular defcription of them. of it, there being no harbour upon the coaft, or
The next ifland I am to defcribe, is that of Prince any thing to induce them to vifit it, but the rrefh
Maurice, or the Mauritius, belonging to the Dutch, provifions they meet with here, on their voyage to
who gave it this name in honour of their Stadtholder and from India ; inch as black Cattle, Hogs, Goats,
Prince Maurice, under whofe adminidration they Tortoifes, tame and wild Fowls, Oranges, Lemons,
made themfelves maders of it. This ifland is fitu- and other fruits, roots and herbs.
ated in 20 degrees fouth latitude, 100 leagues ead The larged of the African iflands, and indeed of Madagafcar.
of Madagafcar ; being of an oval form, and about the whole world, except that of Borneo, is that of
50 leagues in circumference, abounding in woods Madagafcar, call’d by the Portuguefe St. Laurence,
of various kinds, particularly Ebony. There are from its being difcover’d on St. Laurence s day,
alfo abundance of very high mountains, from whence anno 1506; tho’ others fay, it obtain d this name
their rivers fall in torrents. The Dutch have a from Laurence Alm Eid a ((on of Almeida,
fort, and a garrifon of 50 men in the ifland ; be- the Portuguefe Viceroy of the Ead-Indies)^ whodil-
fides which, there may be three or fourfoore families cover’d it : But however that be, Madagafc, orMa-
of Hollanders, who keep abundance of Negroe dagafcar, is the name the natives give it, and by
Haves that are employ’d in hufbandry, and other la- which it is mod commonly known at this day.
borious work. The Dutch found this ifland unin- The ifland of Madagafcar is Situated between the
habited, and confequently uncultivated j nor was 1 2th and 26th degrees of forth latitude, 40 leagues
there any other cattle upon it but Deer and Goats ; ead of the continent or Africa, being about 1000
the Dutch have now introduc’d almod all the plants miles in length from north to fouth, and generally
of Afia and Europe, and well dock’d the ifland with between 2 and 300 miles broad ; only towards the
cattle and poultry : Rice and Pulfe, Sugar-canes and north it grows much narrower, and terminates in a
Tobacco alfo are rais’d here, but in no great quail- point: It is a fruitful country, abounding in cattle,
titles ; nor does the foil feem proper for corn or corn, fifh, fowl, herbs, roots and flowers ; and al-
wine. The Hollanders touch here in their paffage mod all manner of animals and vegetables, that
from the Cape to Batavia ; and, as neither of thefe are to be found on the neighbouring continent of
colonies abound in good timber, it is probable they Africa, may be met with here ; and there are fcarce
are fupplied with it from the Mauritius ; for, ’tis any plants of Afia or Europe, except the fine fpices,
(aid, they have a great many (aw-mills eroded on but Will flourilh here, as the French inform us, who
the rivers in this ifland ; but the reafon the Dutch made the experiment at their fettlement of Fort
firft poffefs’d themfelves of the Mauritius, was for Dauphin. As to the face of the country ; it isuni-
a baiting-place between Europe and India, having verfolly agreed, that it affords a pleafing variety of
no other place to touch at in that long voyage, hills and valleys, woods and champain, and is well
before they were matters of the Cape of Good water’d with fprings and rivers ; and that there are
feveral good harbours upon the coaft : But (fill it is
I come, in the next place, to treat of the ifland found not to produce any kind of merchandize }
of Bourbon, call’d England’s Foreft by the Engli(h, which, for quantity and quality, can induce any
who firtt difcover’d it. This ifland is fituated in 21 one European nation to attempt the conqueft of it,
degrees fouth latitude, about 40 leagues fouth-weft or fix any confiderable colonies here. The Portu-
of Mauritius, It is of an oval figure, and about guefc, Engliih, Dutch and F rench, have fucceffively
endeavour d
OF THE AFRICAN ISLANDS, 105
A P. endeavour’d to difcover fomething that might turn
I. to account : They were long amufed with hopes,
that there were gold and filver mines in the ifland ;
but there feems now to be little hopes of finding
thefe tempting minerals, or the precious ftones that
our voyage-writers talk fo much of, in any quantity.
We purchafe fcarceany thing here but Negroe Haves,
which the natives barter with the European na-
tions for cloathing, hard-ware, tools or toys ; and
here che dripping, bound to and from India, fome-
times furnifh themfelves with water, frefh provifions
and fruits : The natives, efpecially in the inland
country, are generally Negroes, like thofe on the
neighbouring continent ; but there are both White
men and Mulatto's upon the coaft, who fpeak Ara-
bick, and therefore are fuppofed to come from Ara-
bia, as well as becaufe their religion is a mixture of
Mahometifm, Judaifm and Paganifm : But, tho’
they retain circumcifion, and fome other Mahome-
tan rites, thofe who have vifited the ifland, relate,
they have no mofques or temples, or any regular
publick worlhip, tho’ they acknowledge a deity, and
perform fome a£Is of adoration.
The country is Hill divided among!! feveral pet-
ty princes or monarchs, which would make it an
eafy conqueff, did their foil produce any thing to in-
cite the avarice or ambition of the European powers
to attempt it ; and here, as on the continent, the
feveral tribes being frequently at war with each other,
make flaves of their prifoners, whom they barter a-
way, and exchange, with luch merchants as vifit
their coafts, for cloathing, ftrong liquors, and fuch
utenfils and neceffaries as they want : But I don’t find
they wear any other cloathing, than a piece of Cot-
ton, Calicoe, or Linnen cloth about their waiffs,
adorning their arms with bracelets, their necks with
necklaces, and their hair with fome glittering trifles.
Their arms are ftill bows and arrows, darts and laun-
ces, with a fhield for their defence : They feem ter-
ribly afraid of fire-arms: Their houfes are only
round little huts, o or 40 of which form a village:
There is not any thing that can be call’d a town in
t the whole country. They go a fifhing in their feas
and rivers in canoos, made of the bodies of large trees
hollow’d ; and they have alfo larger boats, ’tis faid,
of boards few’d together with cordage made of the
Cocoa-nut-tree, but no ihips.
The places where the Europeans have attempt-
ed to eftablifti fettlements in Madagafcar, are either
at the bay of St. Auftins, on the fouth-weft part of
the ifland ; or at Fort Dauphin, on the fouth eafl part
of the ifland. The Portuguefe, Engliflr and Dutch,
have fucceflively fent detatchments to the bay of St.
Auftins, to explore the country, and then abandon’d
it again; and the French, on the other fide of the
ifland, built Fort Dauphin, placed a garrifon there,
and penetrated far into the country, propofing not
only to make themfelves mafters of this ifland, but
of the navigation of the Indian feas ; but they feem
VOL. III.
at length to be convinc’d, that their project was im* CHAP,
practicable, and only make ufe of fort Dauphin at XI.
prefent, as a place of refrelhment, in their voyages
to and from India.
It was once expeCled, that the Pirates would have Some ac-
made a fettlement in this ifland, and ufurp’d the do- th "
minion of it, having fix or feven lad of {hips, with plates at
which they ufed to infeft the Indian feas, and carry Madagafcar,
their prizes into a place of fecurity, on the north-eaft
part of Madagafcar, where they poftefs’d themfelves
of a harbour of difficult accefs, and defended from
ftorms by the little ifland of St. Mary s, which lies
before it in 17 degrees fouth latitude.
The Court of England, about the year 1700,
fent a fquadron of four men of war, commanded
by Commadore Warren, to drive the Pirates
from thence ; but he, finding it impoflible to come
at them, publifh’d a proclamation, in purfuance of
his inftruClions, offering a pardon to all that would
come in (except Avery their leader) ; but not a
man came over to him. The Commadore after-
wards proceeded to Fort St. George in the Eaft-In-
dies, where the writer of thefe papers faw him. This
gentleman ufed his utmoft diligence to meet with the
Pirates in the feas of India, but to no purpofe ; and,
having left one or two of his fhips on the fhoals
near Malacca, return’d with the reft to England :
However, his expedition had this good effeCI, that
the Pirates durft not ftir out from Madagafcar ; and,
finding they were fo narrowly watch’d, they agreed
to divide what they had got, and difperfe themfelves.
Two of them were afterwards taken by the Dutch
at Malacca ; and, being fent to Fort St. George,
were brought over to England in the Fowland, be-
ing the fame fifip the author came home in the year
1701 : What became of Avery himfelf I could
never learn ; but ’tis probable he is dead, or remains
conceal’d in the ifland of Madagafcar to this time ;
for he can expefit no mercy from any of the Powers
of Europe, if he ftiould fall into their hands; bur,
as for his being in fuch circumftances, as to lay the
foundation of a new Hate or kingdom in this ifland,
this report poffibly deferves but little credit : We
ftiould have heard more of him after fo many years
elaps’d, if he had made any figure there.
I {hall now repafs the Cape of Good Hope, and ^
take a view of the i (lands on the fouth-weft part of ot - Africa,
Africa ; and the firft we meet with in the Atlantick
ocean, in failing from the Cape, is St. Helena, fo St. Helena,
named by the Portuguefe, who difeover’d it on St.
Helen’s day, in the year f 502. 1 his ifland is fitu-
ated in 16 degeees fouth latitude, about 600 leagues
north- weft of the Cape of Good Hope, almoft in the
mid-way between the continents of Africa and A-
merica, but nearer to that of Africa, from whence
it is diftant about 1 200 miles: The winds blowing
always from the fouth eaft a moderate gale, ft is an
exeeding pleafant voyage from the Cape to St. He-
lena, and perform’d in lefs than three weeks, with-
p out
100
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, out handing a tail, or giving the leaf!: trouble to the
teamen. But there is no tailing to this ifland direct -
1 y from the north-ward, the winds always blowing
from the fouth-eaft in thefe teas. When a (hip there-
fore is fent from England to St. Helena, it nrft fails
as far f uthward as the Cape of Good Hope, and
then returns to St. Helena : I queftion whether three
fhips ever made the ifland in going directly from Eu-
rope, fince it has been difcover’d. The ifland is a-
bout 2 1 miles in circumference, and hi<rh land, for
it may be difcern’d at fea at above 20 leagues diftance:
It con lifts indeed of one vaft rock, fteep on every
fide as a church-fteeple, and looks like a caftle in
the middle of the ocean, whofe natural walls are of
that height, that there is no fcaling them, or indeed
any landing on the ifland, but at a fmall valley, cal-
led Chappel- valley, in a bay on the eaft-fide of it,
which is defended by a battery of forty or fifty great
guns, planted even with the water; and the waves
dafhing perpetually on the fhore, it is at all times
difficult landing even here. There is alfo one little
creek behdes, where two or three men may land at
a time ; but this is now defended by a battery of
five or fix guns, and render’d inacceffible. There
is no anchorage any where about the ifland, but at
Chappel- valley bay ; and, as the wind always fits
from the fouth-eaft, if a fhip over-fhoots the ifland
3 iever fo little, fhe cannot recover it again.
A little beyond the landing-place in Chappel-val-
ley, is a fort where the Governor refides with the
garrifbn ; and in the fame valley there is a pretty
town, confiding of forty or fifty houies built after
the Englifh way, whither the people of the ifland re-
fort when any flipping appears, as well to affift in
the defence of the ifland, if they happen to be ene-
mies, as to entertain the feamen, if they are friends:
For the Governor has always fentinels on the higheft
part of the ifland to the windward, who give notice of
tne approach of all (hipping, and guns are thereupon
fired, that every man may refort to his poll. It is
impoffible for any fhip to come in the night-time,
but what has been difcover’d the day before, and
preparations made for her reception, if an enemy.
Notwithstanding the ifland on every fide appears
to be a hard barren rock, yet on the top it is cover’d
with a fine ftaple of earth a foot or a foot and a half
deep, which produces all manner of grain, grafs,
fruits, herbs, roots, and garden-fluff: And the
country, after v/e have afcended the rock, is prettily
diverfified with riling hills and plains, adorn’d with
plantations of fruit-trees, and kitchen-gardens, a-
mong which the houies of the natives are interlper-
fed ; and in the open fields are herds of cattle always
grazing, fome of which are fatted to fupply the (hip-
ping that touches here, and the reft furnifh their da-
ries with milk, butter, and cheefe : They abound
alio in Hogs, Goats, ft urkeys, and all manner of
poultry ; and their leas are well ftor’d with filh.
The greateft misfortune is, that amidft all this afflu-
ence of other things, they have neither bread nor CHAP,
wine of their own growth ; for tho’ the foil is ex- XI.
treamly proper for Wheat, yet the Rats, which har-
bour in the rocks and cannot be deftroy’d, eat up all
the feed before the grain is well out of the ground :
And tho’ their Vines flourifh and afford them Grapes
enough, yet the latitude is too hot for making wine :
As I have obferv’d already, there is no country with-
in the Torrid Zone, where good wine is produc’d ;
neither cold nor very hot countries agree with this
liquor.
All the wine they fpend therefore, they have from
the Canaries, the Madera’s, or the Cape, which is
brought to them in European fhipping, as well as
their flour and malt : And their very houfes are
fome of them brought ready fram’d from England,
there being no timber on the ifland, trees not taking
deep root here for the rock that lies fo near the fur-
face. However, they have under- wood enough for
their neceffary ufes, in this warm climate.
Befides Grapes, they have Plantans, Bananas-figs,
Lemons, and fuch other fruits as hot countries ufu-
ally produce ; and they make a drift to raife Kidney-
beans, and fome other kinds of pulfo in their gardens;
tho’ they cannot preferve theirgrain from the Rats :
And, to fupply the want of bread, they eat Potatoes
and Yams.
There were upon the ifland, when I was on fhore
there, in the year 1701, about two hundred families,
moft of them Englifh, or defoended from Englifh
parents ; tho’ there were fome French refugees a-
mongft them, brought thither to cultivate their
Vines and teach them to make wine ; but in this,
it feems, the heat of the climate prevented their fuc-
ceeding, as has been obferv’d already. Every fa-
mily has its houfe and plantation on the higher part
of the ifland, where they look after their cattle, their
Hogs, Goats, and poultry, fruits and kitchen-gar-
dens : They fcarce ever come down to the town in
Chappel-valley, unlefs it be once a week to church,
or when the fhipping arrives, when moft of the hou-
fes in the valley are converted into punch-houfes, or
lodgings for their guefts, to whom they fell their cat-
tle, poultry, fruits, or garden-ftuff. But the in-
habitants are not fuffer’d to purchafe any merchan-
dize of the fhips that touch here : Whatever they
want of foreign growth or manufacture, they are o-
blig’d to buy at the Company’s ware-houfe, where
they may furnifh themfelves twice every month with
Brandy, European or Cape wines, Batavia Arrack,
Malt, Beer, Sugar, Tea, Coffee, China and Japan
ware ; Linnen, Calicoes, Chints, Muflins, Ribbands,
Woollen cloth and fluffs, and all manner of cloath-
ing ; for which they are allowed fix months credit.
The coin chiefly current here, is Spanifh dollars, or
Englifh money.
There is no place out of England, where the na- Perfons of
tives have fuch frefh ruddy complexions and robuft " t at
conftitutions, as we meet with here. The children na .' '
2 and
OF THE AFRICAN ISLANDS,
The genius
and temper
of the people
and defcendants of white people, in any latitude a-
mono- the Tropics, look like a piece of dough-pafte,
without any manner of colour: But the natives of
St. Helena have generally a good mixture of red and
white, attended with a good degree of health ; which
may be afcrib’d to the following caufes. T. hey live
on the top of a mountain always open to the fea-
breezes that co nftantly blow here: They are ufual-
]y employ’d in the mod healthful exercifes of garden-
ing and hufbandry, and their ifland is frequently re-
freflied with moderate cooling (bowers, and there
are no fens or falt-mar(hes about it to annoy them.
They are ufed alfo to climb the deep hill between the
town in Chappel-valley and their plantation, which
is fo deep, that they are forc’d to have a ladder in the
middle of it, from thence call’d Ladder-hill ; and this
cannot be avoided without going three or lour miles
about ; fo that they' feldom want air or excercife,
the great prefervers of health. As to the genius and
temper of the natives ; they feem’d to me the ho-
' neded, the mod inoffenfive and hofpitable people I
had met with of Englidi extraction, having fcarce
any tinCture of avarice or ambition. I afked fome
of them, if they had no curiodty to fee the red of
the world, of which they had heard fo many fine
things ; and how they could confine themfclves to a
ipot of earth, fcarce feven leagues in circumference,
and feparated from the red ot mankind ? 1 o which
they anfwer’d : They enjoy’d all the neced'aries of
life in great plenty : They were neither parch’d with
excedive heat, or pinch’d with cold : *T hey lived in
perfect (ecurity, in no danger of enemies, of 10b-
bers, wild beads, or rigorous feafons, and were hap-
py in a cotinued date of health : I hat as there w'eie
no rich men amongd them (fcarce any Planter being
worth more than a thoufand dollars) fo there weie
no poor in the ifland ; no man hardly worth lefs than
four hundred dollars, and confequently not oblig’d
to undergo more labour than w T as neceilary to keep
him in health.
That, fliould they tranfport themfclves to any
other country, they underdood their fmall fortunes
would fcarce preferve them from want, and they
fhould be liable to innumerable hazards and hard-
(hips, which they knew nothing of here, but from
the report of their countrymen: And indeed there
is but one inconvenience that I can conceive the na-
tives of St. Helena are liable to ; and tnat is, the
oppreffion of their Governor, which has fometimes
been their cafc ; and this is not eafy to be redreis u,
as the inhabitants have no opportunity of making
their grievances known to thole who are able to re-
lieve them. However, as far as I could learn, they
are generally govern’d with an equal and impartial
hand ; and while they are fo, St. Helena to me is a
paradife, compar’d with any other part of the world.
The reader will pardon me, therefore, that I have
dwelt fo long upon this little (pot of earth, and the
rather as it is inhabited by one of the bed colonies
IO7
of our countrymen, who dill retain the old Englidi C H A Ih
hofpitality and fincerity, the unaffected fimplicity XL
and benevolence our country is fo remarkable for ;
and yet are endow’d with courage and (kill fufficient
to defend their natural fortification (whole walls are
rocks of a furprizing height, and whofe moat is the
vad Atlantick ocean) againd all the Powers of the
known world.
A certain diminutive writer has indeed charg’d the
females of that ifland with fome gallantry with the
officers of our Ead-Indians that go afliore there ; but,
I believe, there is lefs of this pradifed at St. Helena,
than in any other port-town whatever: Nor did
any perfon ever differ here by the (harping and pilfer-
ing tricks of the inhabitants, as the fea-faring men
and paffengers do in almofl every other ifland be-
longing to foreigners ; efpecially thole of the Spani-
ards and Portuguefe, where thole that lie on fliore,
fcarce ever efcap’d being robb’d, and are fometimes
murder’d : On the contrary, I queftion whether
there be any town either in England or out of it,
where there are fewer diforders and outrages com-
mitted than at St. Helena. Here, tho’ the people
appear with an air of freedom not known in ether
governments, yet an exaCt order and difcipline is ob-
serv’d, and an univerfal quiet and fatisfadion feems
to reign in this fortunate ifland.
The Portuguefe, who difcover’d it in 1 502, flor’d
it with blogs, "Goats and Poultry, and ufed to touch
at it for water and frefh provisions in their return
from India ; but I don’t find they ever planted a co-
lony here ; or if they did, having deferted it after-
wards, the Englidi Eaft-India company took pof-
feffion of the ifland in the year 1600, and held it
’till 1673, without interruption, when the Dutch
took it by furprize. However, the Englilh, com- .
mandedby Captain Mukden, recover’d it again
within the fpace of a year, and took three Dutch
Eaft-India drips that lay in the road at the fame
time. The Hollanders had fortified the land-
ing-place, and planted batteries of great guns there
to prevent a defcent ; but the Englidi being acquaint-
ed with a fmall creek where only two men could go
a-breaft, climb’d up to the top of the rocks in the
night-time, and, appearing the next morning at the
backs of the Dutch, they threw down their arms,
and furrendred the ifland without ftriking a ftroke.
But this creek has been dnee fortified, and a battery
of oreat guns planted at the entrance of it; fothat
there is now no place where an enemy can make a
defcent with any probability of fuccels.
The ifland of Afcenfion lies in S degrees fouth . Atofion.,
latitude and aoo leagues and upwards nor h-weft 1 JrKa
of St. Helena. This alfo was difcover’d by the
Portuguefe, on Afcenfion-day, whereupon they gave
it theliame it bears : But I don’t find that they, or
any other nation, have yet thought it worth the
planting. The ifland is 8 or 10 leagues in cir-
cumference, fome of it pretty high land, but very
p 2 barren.
i o8
CHAP, barren. There is fcarce any wood, fruit-trees,
XI. plants, or herbage upon it : However, the European
{hipping ufually call here in their way from India,
and refrelh their half-ftarv’d crew with the flefh
MifehJvT" ot r r° rto ^ es ; f° r abundance of thefe animals fre-
finsinftend of c l uent tbat ‘hand, and the Sailors going on fhore in
feet, and are the night-time, will turn two or three hundred of
IsbTg a IT them on their backs bef ore morning, and are fo
landTortoife. barbarous, fometimcs, as to turn a great many more
than they u(e, leaving them to die and ftink on the
fhore ; for the creature can never get up again if
he is once turn’d upon his back on level ground :
The flefh is white, and looks like veal, being a very
great refrefbment to our Seamen, after they have
fed a year or two upon fait meat, and perhaps have
little or none of that left by that time they arrive
here. The {hip I came home in, had neither meat
nor bifeuit for a confiderable time before we made
the ifland of Alcenfton, nothing but Rice for the
fiilors to cat, who were mightily rejoiced there-
fore when they approach’d that ifland. But the
Captain however refufed to come to an anchor here :
He law fire upon the fhore, and fancied feme Pi-
rates had made them to draw us in, and therefore
made the beft ot his way for England ; where we
had not been long arriv’d, but we heard it was the
Dampier caft famous D am pier and his crew, that made thofe
away ° n this fires upon the Afcenflon? as a fignal of the j r d j_
fh-efs, having been caft away upon that ifland, and
loft their {hip ; and they were, home few days after,
taken up by an Englifh man of war who came that
way, and brought to London, after they had been
out feveral years in attempting infignificant difco-
veries ; for I take Dam pier to have been a man
of no great judgment, and but meanly qualified
for fuch an enterprize, by the account he gave of
his voyage ; and indeed the charges the Govern-
ment was at in equipping him out for this expedi-
tion was entirely thrown away, for want of feme
pmfon of more fkill and experience to condudl the
defign.
St, Matthew. The ifland of St. Matthew is fituated in two de-
grees ol fouth latitude, ioo leagues north-eaft of
Afeenfion, and is about 8 leagues in circumference.
This ifland alfo was difcover’d by the Portuguefe,
who planted it and kept pofleflion of it fohfome
time, but have fince deferted the ifland, and it now
remains uninhabited, having very little to invite
other nations to fettle there, unlefs it be a final] lake
of frefh water.
THE PRESENT STATE
SSS& The next four inands I propofed to take notice
aea. °h vlz - Annabon, St. Thomas, Princes Ifland,
and Fernando Po, are fituated in the Gulph of Gui-
nea, between Congo and Benin, and having been all
difcover d by the Pbrtuguefe, are {fill in pofleflion of
that nation.
Anr»b° n Annabon is fituated in 2 degrees of fouth lati-
tude, 200 miles to the weftward of Congo, being
about 10 leagues in circumference, and mountain-
ous. The name of Annabon, or happy Year, was CHAP.
given it by the Portuguefe, who difcover’d it on XI.
New-year s day, X 5 7 1 . I he Portuguefe have
frill the government and propriety of "the ifland ;
but moft of the inhabitants are Negroes, brought
hither from the continent of Africa," and their de-
fcendants. I here are alfo a mingled breed, call’d
Malottos, and fome Portuguefe:" The ifland a-
bounds in Cattle, Hogs, Poultry, Oranges, Cocoa-
nuts, and fuch other fruits as are ufually found in
hot countries, with Indian Corn and Rice ; and there
is a convenient road for {hips on the lee-fide of the
ifland.
The ifland of St. Thomas is fituated juft under St. Thomas’s
the Equator, between 40 and 50 leagues to the inand>
weftward of the continent of Africa, and 30 north-
eaft of Annabon, being of a round figure, and a-
bout 40 leagues in circumference ; difcover’d by the
Portuguefe the fame year 157 1, on St. Thomas’s-
day. This is the moft confiderable ifland in the
Gulph of Guinea : It is well fupplied with wood and
water, and there is a high mountain in the middle of
it, almoft always cover’d with a cap of clouds.
I he heat and moifture of the air render it ex-
tremely unhealthful to northern conftitutions ; but
the Portuguefe Negroes and Malottos who inhabit
it, tis (aid, live to a good old age : They have plenty
of Indian Corn, Rice and Fruits, and make a good
deal of Sugar. And among other exotick plants
the Portuguefe have introduced here, is that of the
Cinnamon-tree ; but, tis laid, they are afraid of
planting this and the other fine fpices in any quan-
tity in thefe i {lands, left the Dutch fttould come and
take their country from them ; for the Hollanders,
it feems, would make the world believe, that no
nation can have a right to the fine fpices but them-
felves ; tho they acquir’d them by treachery and vi-
olence, driving the Spaniards, Portuguefe and Eng-
lifh from them by the moft unjuft and barbarous
practices that ever any people were guilty of. TheSpa-
niards, it feems, claim d all the difooveries in the
"Weft, by virtue of a grant from the Pope ; and the
Portuguefe thofe of the Eaft, by the like authority : '
But the Dutch, by an uncommon ftrain of mfolence,
piratically feiz’d the Spice-iflands ; and to this day,
by high and mighty violence, a&ually exclude all
otnei nations fiom them, to the everlafting re-
proach of the Engliftr, and the reft of the Euro-
pean nations, who tamely fuffer’d themfelves to be
expell’d by that encroaching people. The chief
town upon the ifland, is call’d St. Thomas, and
{ometimes Pavofan ; containing five or fix hundred
houfes, and is the See of a Bifhop.
Princes ifland is fituated in 2 degrees of north Princes
latitude, about 40 leagues north-eaft of St. Thomas, mandl
and as much to the weftward of the continent of
Africa, and is faid to be the leaft of the iflands in
the Gulph of Guinea. It affords Rice, Indian-
corn, plenty ot fruits, roots and herbs; they
have
OF THE AFRICAN ISLANDS.
ioo
CHAP.
XL
Fernando
ifland.
The Dutch
twice at-
tempted to
drive the
Portuguefe
from thefe
iflands.
Cape Verd
sflands.
St. Jago, the
chief of the
Cape Veld
iflands.
have no want of Cattle, Hogs or Goats; but what
they abound in moft is Sugar-canes.
The ifland of Fernando Po, is fituated in three
and a half degrees of north latitude, i o leagues to
the weftward of the continent, being about 30 miles
long and 20 broad ; and as it is inhabited by the fame
f or t° of people, fo the foil produces much the fame
kind of plants, corn and fruits as the reft of the
iflands in the Gulph of Guinea do. The Portuguese
ufually call at fome of them for refrefhments in their
voyages to and from India, and in their paffage from
Brazil to Africa. The Dutch finding them conve-
niently fituated for trade, and affording plenty of
provifions, twice attempted to drive the Portuguefe
from St. Thomas, and eafily made themfelves ma-
tters of the ifland ; but lofing almoft all their Offi-
cers, Seamen and Soldiers, engag’d in thofe expediti-
ons, by malignant fevers, were oblig’d to abandon
it again, and the Portuguefe ftill remain in the
peaceable poffeffion of thefe iflands ; the unhealth-
fulnefs of the climate being their belt prote&ion
againfe the avarice and ambition of the greedy mo-
nopolizing Hollanders. .
The iilands of Cape Verd, fo named from their
being fituated over-againft that Cape in Negroe-
land, tho’ they lie upwards of 120 leagues to the
weftward of it, were difcover’d by Antony
Noel, a Genoefe, in the ferviceof Portugal, anno
1460, and are about twenty in number ; but fome
of them only barren recks uninhabited : The chief
of them are Bravo, Fogo, St. Jago, Mago, Bona-
viffa, Sal, St. Nicholas, St. Lucia, St. Vincent,
St. Cruz, and St. Antonio, fituated between 14
and 1 9 degrees of north latitude. T he largeft of
them, St. Jago, is of a triangular figure, 50 or 60
leagues in circumference, rocky and mountainous ;
but the valleys produce Indian-corn, Cocoa-nuts,
Oranges, and fuch other fruits, plants and roots as
are common to hot countries : and here we are fup-
plied, in our voyage to India, with Hcgs,^ Goats and
Poultry in- great abundance. Their feas alfo fo abound
with fifh, that I have feen as many dragg’d to fhore
at one haul, as would fill two boats. Hither the
Englifh Flipping ufua'ily refort for water and frefh
provifions, in their voyages outward bound to the
Eaft Indies : They come to an anchor in a bay be-
neath a ruinous fort, fituate on a high rock, near
which there is a pretty large village of Portuguefe
Malottos and Negroes ; but the chief town, which
is a Bifhop’s fee, and the refider.ee of the Governor,
or Viceroy, as fome title him, is three or four
leaugues from thence. None of their towns or forts
are of any great ftrength : And tho’ there are men
enough opon the ifland, and particularly abundance
of Negroes of a good ftature, arm’d with fwords, dag-
gers, and launces, who look upon themfelves to be
no ordinary Cavaliers ; I queftion if an hundred Gre-
nadiers would not be a force fufficient to fubdue the
whole ifland, if it was thought worth the wdnle.
The Portuguefe, who refide here, are fuch as need- CHAP,
fity or poverty has driven hither, and live a lazy in- XL
dolent life, fubfiftingon the fruits and other produce
of the country. Some have reprefented them as a
treacherous and thievifti generation; but from the
ufage I met with amongft them, I muft fay they do
not feera to deferve that character in general : for my
part, I look’d upon the Portuguefe here, to be a
harmlefs inoffenfive people, and, without any ap-
prehenfion of danger, went aftrore at St. Jago with
two or three friends, and lay in one of their villages
all night, where we were entertain’d with all the
good humour and hofpitality imaginable, at a pri-
vate houfe. After we had fupp’d, a carpet was fpread
for us to fleep on : They fung and play’d upon their
country mufick, and in all things fhew’d themfelves
fo ready to oblige us, that I could not help retaining
the good opinion I at firft conceiv’d of them ; tho
Governor Pitts, and the Officers of the fhip, re-
prov’d us very fharply for lying on fhore, telling us,
it was a thoufand to one, but our throats had been
cut before morning ; and indeed, as to the Negroes,
we had fome inftances afterwards of their being giv-
en to thieving and pilfering what they- could get :
but I look upon it, we were pretty fafe under the
prote&ion of their mzfters, the Portuguefe.
’Tis true, our Seamen too often get drunk, and Great caut?..
abufe the inhabitants where they land ; and then the
next Europeans that come on fhore are ill-treated, on ihore in
and perhaps made prifoners, or murder’d by way of
retaliation. A friend of mine, Mr. Alex ander,
and a dozen more, were cut in pieces on going a-
fhore in another Eaft India voyage, without giving
any offence to the people ; but this was certainly to
revenge fome outrages that had been committed by
others, or to defend themfelves againft fome mif-
chief they might apprehend from the boat’s crew.
I was myfelf in the extreameft danger from the Ne-
groes here, upon a difference that arofe concerning
a little matter we were trafficking for ; twenty of
them, at leaft, drew their penyards, and were a-
bout to ftrike, when one, who teem’d to have fome
authority amongft them, perfwaded them to delift,
and accommodated the matter, otherwife I had re-
ceiv’d as many wounds asCiESAR in the fenate :
But this made me very cautious ever after, of giving
the natives, where we came, any provocation, or
trufting myfelf too much in their power : And, in-
deed, it behoves every man to be very much upon
his guard, that viftts diftant countries : We may
efcape nineteen times, and mifearry the twentieth :
And there is no concluding, that people may be tra-
iled in afecond voyage, becaufe we have met with
good ufage from them in a former. We don’t
know what provocations they may have had from o-
ther travellers in the mean time; or in what light
their Priefts, or other defigning people, may have
reprefented us : We know there are Mahometans,
that think they do honour to their Prophet, by in-
fill ting.
I 10
THE PRESEN T S T A T E
C H A P. fulting and murdering of Chriftians: And there are
XI, Roman crtholick Priefts that teach their votaries we
are infidels, and deferve to be extirpated from off the
face of the earth. At thefe very iflands of Cape
Verd, the people were furpriz’d to find we believed
in Jesus Christ; their Priefts having affured
them, we were as great enemies to Chriftianity, as
Turks or Jews : and, under fuch prejudices, we
mull not wonder at any ill ufage we meet with from
the natives.
Wed India J have obferv’d already, that our outward bound
Salt 5 at Sal" ^aft India fhips touch at the ifland of St. Jago for
a'nd Mago. water and frefh provihons : It may may be proper
to obferve alfo, that abundance of Englifh fliips call
at the iflands of Sal mdMigo, in their way to our
plantations in America for Salt ; but I don’t know
any thing elfe thefe iflands are remarkable for, unlefs
it be a vulcano in one of them ; which from thence
has obtain’d the name of Hogo : And I mull not
Grampus, or forget the great number of Grampus’s, a Ipecies of
about Cape w hales, we met with here, 70 or 8 o root m length.
Verd iflands. Thefe lay very quietly clofe by our fhipswhile we were
at anchor under St. Jago, and might eafily have been
taken, if we had been prepared for fuch fport. Give
me leave to mention another particular in this voy-
age to the Cape V erd iflands, and that is, the fudden
The fuddcn alteration of the weather we experienc’d here. We
the weather out theThames the 3 oth of January, 1 698-9,
and feafons being an extreme cold winter, the river full of ice ;
h e e r e Fe ' CeiV d an d within the fpace of a month arriv’d at St. Jago,
voyage to^ * n G degrees of north latitude, where we found it fo
India. warm, that the men all lay naked upon their chefts,
not being able to endure any cloaths on : And when
we came a-fhore, we found groves and gardens of
ever-green and ripe fruits ; a ferene air ; and every
thing almoft that could afford delight to people juft
arriv’d from a frozen region. The fudden change
from a cold to a warm country, from winter to
fummer, from naked trees deftitute of leaves and
fruit, and a land cover’d with fnow and ice, to a
place where Oranges and all the fruits of the earth
dilplay’d their beauties, and were ready for gathe-
ring, was fuch an agreeable change in a little more
than the compafs of three weeks, that it exceeded
any metamorphofis that is to be met with in the moll
romantick relations. xA.n unufual gaiety feem’d to
poftels all the Chip’s company ; nothing but mirth
and good-humour reign’d amongft us ; even our
furlv Tars feem’d transform’d into fociable creatures.
The Canary I come in the next place to defcribe the Canaries,
anciently call’d the Fortunate Iflands, being feven
in number, and iituated between the 27th and 29th
degrees of northern latitude, and between the 1 2th
and the 21ft degrees of weftern longitude, reckon-
ing from the meridian of London ; the mod eaft-
erly of thefe iflands lying about 50 leagues weft of
Cape Non, in the empire of Morocco.
They are faid, by feme, to be call’d Canes, or
Canaries, from the great number of Dogs found here
iflands.
when they were difcover’d : Others derive the name CHAP
ftom the Canaanites, the anceftorsof the Carthagi- jgj
mans, who are fuppofed to have firft planted them, .H,
and given them the name of their mother country ; V
but whether eitherof thefe ought to be accepted, is
much to be doubted : I look upon them to be uncer-
tain guefles, that we have very little foundation for ;
and therefore proceed to the defcription of the par-
ticular iflands. And firft of Ferro, the moft weft- p erro
erly ifland of the Canaries, fituate in 27 degrees odd
m mutes north latitude, and, till lately, made the
firft meridian by moft nations. It is about feven or
eight leagues in circumference and high land, but has
fome fruitful valleys that afford plenty of corn, good
pafture, fugar-canes and fruits, but there are no
fp rings or rivers ; all the frefh water the natives have,
is preferv’d in citterns, or fetch’d from the neighbou-
ring iflands: The romantick ftory of a tree here,
that fheds incredible quantities of water, has been
long exploded.
2. 1 he ifland of Palma, fituated 1 o or 1 2 leagues p 3 | m i
noi tn-eaft of Ferro, and about the fame dimenfions,
but remarkable for affording large quantities of the
heft wine of all the Canaries, ufuallv call’d Palm-
Sack.
3 • Gomera, another final] ifland, about r o leagues Corners,
to the eaftward of Ferro, faid to abound in corn
and delicious fruits, but affords very little wine.
4. I eneriffe, fituate in 28 degrees north latitude, Teneriffe.
about 20 leagues to the eaftward of Ferro, and is a-
bout 40 leagues in circumference. This ifland af-
fords corn, wine and fruits, in great abundance, tbo’
’tis pretty much encumber’d with rocks and moun-
tains ; of which the moft remarkable is, the fa-
mous Pico of Teneriffe, fuppofed to be one of the
higheft mountains in the world : Some writers have The height
made it 1 5 miles, others 5 miles high perpendicular ; of the Peak,
but thofe, who make it about 2 miles in perpendi-
cular height, feem to come neareft the truth. Cer-
tain it is, that the uppm part of it, which is in the
form of a fugar-loaf, and white, may be feen plainly
above the clouds, at 1 20 miles diftance. I think
I can affirm, I have feen it thus far at leaft, as di-
ftinffly as if I had been at the top of it. When
the lhip lay clofe to the ifland, indeed, the clouds in-
tercepted our fight of the top; but after more than
four and twenty hours fail from it, with a brifk gale
of wind, whether it was from the purity of the air,
or other caufes, we all faw it with the naked eye, as
plainly as if it had lain within half a mile of us.
Some Englifh gentlemen, that had the curiofity
to vifit this amazing mountain, relate, that they fet
out from Oratavia, one of the principal towns in the
ifland ; and that, having pafs’d over feveral rugged
hills and fandy plains, they came at length to the
foot of the Peak, where they found vaft pieces of
rocks and ftones, that feemed to have tumbled down
from the upper part of it : That having afcended
the mountain about a mile, they were obliged to
quit
1 1 1
OF THE AFRICAN ISLANDS.
:hap.
xi.
The Peak
liuppofed to
:>» rais'd by
aft earth-
quake.
quit their horfes, and climb up the hill on foot : and,
having travers’d a fleep black rock about a mile,
they found the top of the rock as flat as a pavement ;
and here the air was fo cold, that they were forced
to keep great fires all night. The next morning
they travelled from the black rocks up that part of
the mountain call’d the Sugar-loaf, which is ex-
ceeding fleep, and the foil a deep white land, which
made it very difficult travelling : That when they
came near the top of the Peak, the wind was very
high, and a continual breathing of a hot fulphureous
vapour i fiued from the hill, which fcorch’d their fa-
ces, and made them fore : That on the top of the
Peak was a large bafon or caldron, as ’tis ufually
call’d, about a mufket-fhot over, and four yards deep;
the brim whereof, on which they flood, not above
a yard broad : That within this vafe were fmall loofe
flones, mix’d with fulphur and fand, thatfentouta
hot fuffccating fleam : That from the Peak, they
had a dear view of the Grand Canary, Palma,
Gomera, and even of Ferro, which is 20 leagues
diflant from the Peak. They relate, that there was
a great deal of fnow and ice about two thirds of the
way up, but at the very top none at all, which is
afcrib’d to the heat that iffues from the caldron and
the adjacent earth. They met with no trees, fhrubs
or bufhes, in their pafiage, only feme few Pines.
Others, who have had the curiofity to view the
Peak, tell us, that in the firfl day’s journey, they
came to 2 lodge about two thirds up the hill, and
refled there all night : That the fecond day, they
went up to the top of the Peak, and return’d to the
fame lodge ; and that the third day, they came
back to the city of Oratavia, from whence they fet
out, making the whole journey an adventure of
three days fpent in continual labour and fatigue, and
no fmall hazard, in palling fo fuddenly from excef-
five heat, at the bottom of the hill, to extreme
cold on the black rock ; and then again into the hot
fleams that ifTued from the top of the mountain.
In Dr. Sprat’s hiflory of the Royal Society , he
gives us an account of a Merchant, who was alfo
a Phyfician, and had lived upon this ifland twenty
years, who declared it as his opinion, that the whole
ifland, being mightily impregnated with brimflone,
did formerly take fire, and blow up mofl part of it,
there appearing feveral mountains of huge flones,
calcin’d and burnt about the ifland, efpecially in the
fouth-wefl part of it ; and thefe, he thinks, were
railed out of the bowels of the earth, at the time
of that conflagration. He adds, that the greatefl
quantity of fulphur, lying about the centre of the
ifland, occafion’d the raifing of the Peak to the pre-
fent height ; for thefe calcin’d rocks lie 3 or 4 miles
round the bottom of it : That from the Peak, to
the fouth-wefl, almofl as far as the fhore, are flill
the trails of the rivers of Brimflone and melted oar
that ran that way, and have lb ruined the foil where
they flow’d, that it will produce nothing but Broom :
That fomeof the calcin’d rocks refemble Iron oar, CHAP,
fome Silver, and others Copper oar : That in the XL
fouth-wefl part of the ifland are high mountains of ^ ~Y~ ^
a bluifh earth, and flones which have a yellow rufl on
them, like that of Copper and Vitriol; and that
there are feveral fprings of vitriolate water here.
This Phyfician relates alfo, that while he was at Te-
neriffe, a vulcano broke out in the ifland of Palma,
which occafion’d a violent earthquake in Teneriffe,
where they heard the noife of flaming Brimflone,
and that it refembled thunder : That they faw the
fire very plainly in the night-time for fix weeks to-
gether. Certain it is, that about Chriftmas 1704,
feveral vulcano’s burfl out in this ifland of Tene-
riffe, which did not only occafion a mofl terrible
earthquake, but whole towns were fwallowed up,
or overturn’d, with many thoufands of people in
them, by thofe torrents of fulphur and metallick
oar that iffued from thofe vulcano’s, and the fineft
country in the world, great part of it by that means
converted into a barren defart.
The chief towns in Teneriffe are, i.St. Chri- Chief towns,
flooal de la Laguna, or St. Chriflopher’s of the
Lake ; 2 . Oratavia, already mention’d ; and, 3 . Santa
Cruz.
St. Chriflopher’s is, by fome, flyl’d the capital of St. Chrilto*
the Canary iflands, and the feat of the Viceroy. P hers “
It flands partly on the fide of a hill, and partly on
a plain, and is a pretty large compacl town, having
two parifh-churches, and feveral convents, hofpi-
tals and chappels : The houfes of people of condition
have large gardens and orchards of Palms, Oranges,
and Citrons, and other fruits belonging to them, and
the whole country about it abounds with vineyards :
On one fide of the town is a fine plain of 3 or 4
leagues in length ; and on the eaft a lake, from,
whence it receives its name, and it is conflantly re-
frefhed with fine cooling breezes from the fea.
Oratavia is a port-town on the north- weft part of OratavIaG
the ifland, faid to be a place of the greatefl trade ; and,
on that account, the refidenceof the foreign Con-
fuls and Merchants : It has one parifh-church, and
feveral convents and chappels, and is a town of the
belt trade in the ifland.
Santa Cruz is a little town, fituated in a bay on Santa Crus,
the eafl-fide of the ifland, defended by two forts,
and feveral batteries of great guns; which could not,
however, prevent Admiral Brake’s deflroying 16
Spanifh galleons, lying here in the year 1657, then
look’d upon to be one of the mofl hardy enterpri-
zes that ever was executed, no Sea-officer before him
having attempted to attack a fleet under the pro-
tection of cattles and batteries on fhore, tho’ no-
thing was more frequent in the late wars with France .
and Spain.
5. The ifland, call’d the Grand Canary, lies a- The Grand
bout 13 or 14 leagues fouth-eaft of Teneriffe, be- Canary,
tween 27 and 28 degrees of north latitude, and is
about 50 leagues in circumference, being a more
level
1 12
THE P R E S E N T S T A T E
CHAP, level and a more fruitful country than that of Te-
XI. neriffe. The chief town is call’d Palma, and by
fome Canaria, and is fituated a little diftance from
PaliM t0Wli ‘* ^ ie *" ea ’ in the north part of the ifland, faid to be a
large clean pleafant town, and to enjoy a ferene
temperate air : It is the refidence of the Governor,
the fee of a Bifhop, and has a beautiful cathedral,
richly adorn’d, befides feveral other churches and
convents ; the country about it abounding in corn,
wine, fruits, cattle, game, fine paftures, fifh and
fowl. Their fields alfo afford a great variety of
flowers, and their groves echo with the mufick of
thofe birds we fo much admire here, and from this
ifland call’d Canary-birds, being preferable to thofe
of the fame kind in Germany, tho’ the latter are
more likely to live in England, as they come from
a climate not fo warm as that of the Canaries.
Forte Ven- 6. Forte Ventura, or the ifland of Good For-
tura. tune, fituated between the Grand Canary and the
-continent of Africa, a long ifland, ftretching from
weft to eaft, but very narrow. It abounds in corn,
fruits, cattle, fifh and fowl, but chiefly in Goats,
which ferve them for food, and they drive a great
trade with their fkins ; but I find this ifland affords
little or no wine.
IiMcerota, 7- Lancerota lies a little to the northward of Forte
Ventura, and is faid to produce plenty of all things
but wine : It is one of the leaft of the Canaries,
and has no town of any note in it : That which is the
molt confiderable, bears the fame name with the
ifland. Befides thefe, there are fome other ftnall
iflands in thefe feas, particularly one call’d the Salva-
ges, in 30 degrees; but travellers have not thought
them worth a particular defcription.
Thefe Thefe iflands were very properly call’d, The
iflands a per- Fortunate iflands, by the antients ; for, by the
fcc.paradife. concurrent teftimony of travellers, there never was
a richer foil, or a more agreeable fituation : There
is nothing definable in life, but what is to be met
with in this terreftrial paradife ; corn, wine and
oil, flefh, fifh and fowl, abound in them, and that
the moft exquifite in every kind. As to the rich-
nefs of their wines, they are not to be parallel’d,
as every one can teftify, who has ever tafted of
the genuine Canary and Palm-fack; and of thefe,
’tis computed, they do not fend lefs than ten thou-
fand hogfheads annually to Great Britain.
But this is not all : The natives of thefe iflands
generally enjoy a clear ferene fky and temperate air ;
for, tho’ they lie in a warm climate, they are fo
conftantly refrelhed with breezes from the fea, that
the noon-day heat? are very tolerable, and their
evenings and mornings inexpreflibly pleafant. They
are never fenfibleof pinching cold, or rigorous fea-
fons. The pooreft people here know no want of
cloathing, firing, fruits or wine : And if fields, co-
ver’d with a variety of beautiful and fragrant flow-
ers, and the mufical notes of thofe birds, which all
the world admire, afford an agreeable pleaiure;
thefe are what every native of the Canaries enjoy, CHAP,
and without any expence or trouble to procure XL
them.
But ftill it muft be eonfefs’d, there are fome things •
to be met with even here, that are a great alloy to
this feeming happinefs. They that have feen or
heard of thofe terrible vulcano’s and earthquakes,
thofe rivers of brimftone, and melted oar, that
have fvvallow’d fo many towns and villages, muft e-
ver live in dread of the direful cataftrophe : The
more pleafant and delightful the prefent fcene ap-
pears, the quicker muft their apprehenfions be of the
terrible deftrudfion thefe iflands are ever fubjedt to :
And, perhaps, there is no part of the earth that ap-
pears very definable, but has fomething to balance
the pleafure it affords, and put us in mind that we
are not to expedf unmix’d or durable pleafures on this
fide the grave. The beauties of the creation are fuf-
ficient indeed to convince every man, that God can
make us exquiiitely happy. But the uncertain te-
nure, by which we hold all we enjoy in this world,
is alfo fufficient to inform us, we muft look for hap-
pinefs fomewhere elfe.
Thefe iflands, it is generally believ’d, were firfl: The firft
difcover’d and planted by the Carthaginians ; and it i fc r 0Ve ( P °1
is held by fome, that the Romans alfo were well
acquainted with them : But of this I make feme
doubt; for certain it is, the people of thefe iflands
had no manner of communication with the continent
for many hundred years ; and it is evident the Ro-
mans, who never minded navigation or foreing com-
merce, neglected many of the Carthaginian plan-
tations and fettlements, even upon the continent of
Africa, and much more thofe in diftant iflands. The
Romans either defpifed traffick, or had no genius for
it. The diftant parts of the world had not fo long
remain’d ftraogers to each other, if the Romans had
not unfortunately deftroy’d the Carthaginian ftate,
and difcouraged all remote difcoveries. We are
taught, indeed, to look upon the Romans as a great
people ; but what did their greatnefs confift in? Was
it not in carrying war and devaluation into every
country? in putting fetters upon the reft of man-
kind, and deftroying all manner of commerce ? In-
ftead of applying themfelves to the improvement of
trade and manufacture, they enrich’d themfelves by
rapine and robbery, plundering the induftrious part
of mankind of what they had acquir’d by their la-
bour and ingenuity. But to return. It is a further
argument, that the Romans were never acquainted
with the Canary iflands ; that they lay conceal’d or
unknown to the reft of the world for feveral centu-
ries after the decline of the Roman empire; and,
on their being difcover’d again in the 15 th cen-
tury, there were found no Roman antiquities : Nor
had the cuftoms and manners, or language of the in-
habitants, any refemblance to thofe of the Romans.
Their cufiom of preferving their dead friends in caves,
and keeping them from generation to generation
entire
OF THE AFRICAN ISLANDS.
S H A P. entire and uncorrupted, would much rather incline us
~ XI. to believe they defcended from the Egyptians, or
fome other people of Africk : But however that be,
John, King of Caftile, having intelligence that
there were fuch iflands, it feems, employed John
de Betancour, a French gentleman in his fer-
vice, to take poffeflion of them, about the year 1405,
who fucceeding in this expedition, the propriety of
three of them was conferr’d onBETANCOURby that
King, and he refided there all his life-time as Sove-
reign of the Canaries ; but the pofterity of Bf. t a n-
c 0 u R afterwards reconvey’d them to the Crown of
Caftile ; and, when they were found to be of con-
fequence, the King of Caftile procur’d a grant from
the Pope of them, and the Spaniards remain in pof-
feffion of them to this day.
The Madera The Madera iflands are fituated between 3 2 and
iflands. ^ degrees of north latitude, and in 16 degrees of
weftern longitude, about 100 leagues north of the
Canaries, and as many to the weftward of Sallee,
in the kindgom of Fez.
The largeft of them, call’d Madera by the Por-
tuguefe, from its being cover’d with wood when it
was difcover’d, is about 40 leagues in circumference,
confifting of fine rifing hills and fruitful valleys,
well watered by the rivulets that fall from the moun-
tains ; tho’ abounding much more in wine than
corn ; for of wine, they annually export to the
Weft-Indies, or Europe, feveral thoufand hogfheads;
but of corn, they have frequently a very great fcar-
citv : They make feveral forts of wine, one call’d
Malmfey, a very rich wine ; a white fort ; and a
a third like Tent, not fit to be drank unmix’d ; but
of thefe they have no great quantities. The Ma-
dera wine we uiually drink, and which this ifland
yields mod of, is a pale wine of the colour of Cham-
paign, or good Small-beer, and is not very ftrong.
The climate here is more temperate than that of the
Canaries ; but they do not enjoy fo clear a fky, or
that plenty of corn and fruits : However, in one re-
fpeCc they are to be preferr’d to the Canaries, that
they are not fo fubjedt to vulcanos and earthquakes;
and, ’tis faid, no venomous animal will live here.
Chief towns. The chief towns are Funchal, Santa Cruz, and
Funchal. Manchico. Funchal, the capital, is fituated in a
bay, at the fouth-eaft part of the ifland : It is the
jeat of the Governor, a bifhoprick, and has a cathe-
dral and three parifh-churches in it, be ides feveral
convents and chappels, of which the Jefuits (who
feem to influence all affairs in thefe iflands) is much
the moil beautiful and magnificent : So bigotted are
the Roman Cathohcks here, that they will not allow
a Proteftant any burial, without paying very dear
for the per million, as our Merchants and Fadlors,
who refide here, have experienc’d : And however
pleafant the Canary iflands and Madera may be, the
Inquifition, that reigns in both, mull make them no
very defirable refidence for any, but thofe who can
refign their consciences and underftandings entirely
VOL. III.
to the diredlion of the Jefuits. The vulcano’s of the C PI A P
Canaries are not more terrible to the natives, than XI.
thefe Fathers, arm’d with the authority of the Inqui-
fition, are to theProteftants that refide amongft them.
’Tis certain, we meet with better quarter among
Turks and Pagans, than we do amongft bigotted
Roman Catholicks : And ’tis obferv’d, that the fur-
ther they are removed from Rome, the more zea-
lous and cruel they are. In Rome, and the great
towns of Italy, we converfe with all manner of li-
berty and freedom, and are fcarce in any danger of
the Inquifition ; but where the Jefuits find themfelves
remote from the feat of the Government, and in a
manner out of the eye of the world, there is not a
more infupportable tyranny upon the face of the
earth than thofe are fubjeff to that refufe to fubmit
to their ufurp’d dominion over the coniciences of
men. But to return from this digreffion. The town Santa Cwz.
of Santa Cruz is fituated on the north-eaft part of
the ifland, and that of Manchico on the fouth-weft ;
but I meet with no further defcription of them :
The reft of the natives live at their plantations and
vineyards, that are difpers’d all over the country,
and make it look like one continued garden.
This defirable ifland, according to the moft of our Madera faii
Englifh writers, was difcover’d by one Robert £y C °
Manchin, or Masham, a native of Briftol, Captain Ma-
and Captain of a merchant-fhip of that port, in the ^am of Bn-
year 1344; but the ftory is told fo many different 0 °
ways, and has fo much the air of a romance, that
I cannot give much credit to it ; tho’ I could not
avoid mentioning the talc, becaufe it is found in every
author almoft that has written of this country.
Some relate that this Captain had a beautiful miftrefs
at Briftol, whofe relations being againft his marry-
ing of her, they agreed to go over to France toge-
ther ; but were driven by ftrefs of weather to this
ifland, where the Captain and his Miftrefs being on
fhore, their (hip was forc’d to fea in a ftorm, and
taken by the Moors of Morocco, who made the
crew flaves ; and that fome of the Englifh Seamen
giving an account of the adventures to aPortuguefe
Pilot, who was then alfo a Have in Morocco, and
afterwards redeem’d. I he Court of Portugal, upon
information, fitted out fome (hips, and took poffeflion
of the ifland, where they found a tomb or monu-
ment that Captain Masham had erefted to the
memory of his Miftref;, who died before him :
Others relate, that the Lady was the Captain’s wife,
that fhe fell fick and was buried here, and that af-
terwards the Captain himfelf, being taken prifoner
by the Moors, acquainted a Portuguefe Pilot with
the difeovery he had made himfelf; who, upon his
return home, put the Court of Portugal upon fit-
ting out a fleet to take poffeflion of the ifland. But
however that was, it feems to be agreed, that the
Portuguefe did not plant this ifland, or fend any co-
lonies 0 thi.her till the year 1 pre (which was above
fourfeore years after the pretended difeovery of it by
Captain
THE PRESENT STATE
1 14
CHAP. Captain Mas ham) and that when they came thi-
XI. ther, they found the ifland cover’d with thick woods,
and without inhabitants ; but burning down the
woods, the a fnes render’d the foil exceeding fruitful
and proper for vineyards, which have been cultiva-
ted with great care and induftry ever fince : Corn
alfo, ’tis laid, yielded at firft an encreafe of fixty or
feventy bufneis for one ; but after the virtue of the
afhes, with which the ground was at firft fo well
improv’d, was fpent, it yielded but indifferent crops
of grain, and of late years there is often a fcarcity
of it in the ifland.
PortoSanao. The next in magnitude, of the Madera iflands,
is that of Porto Sancto, fituate 6 or 8 leagues N.E. of
Madera Proper. It is about 5 or 6 leagues in circum-
ference, abounds in the fame kind of wine and
fruits as the former. There are feveral other fmall
rocks or iflands lie about it, which go under the
name of the Maderas ; but I don’t find they are ei-
ther inhabited or cultivated. The Madera’s ftill re-
main under the dominion of the Portuguefe.
The Azores. The laft iflands I fhall deferibe here, are the Azo-
res, or Weftern Iflands ; not that they are properly
African, but rather European iflands ; but, lying in
the fame fea with the Madera’s, and belonging to the
Portuguefe as the former, they may very properly be
defcrib’d here, efpecially fince they were omitted in
the fecond volume of Modern Hifiory , which treats
of the prefent ftate of Spain and Portugal.
Situation of The Azores, fometimes call'd the Tercera’s, and
the Azores. at ot h ers the Weftern Iflands, are nine in number,
fituated between the 36th and the 40th degrees of
latitude, and between the 23d and 3 2d decrees of
weft longitude, 300 leagues to the weftward of Por-
tugal, and upwards of 3 00 leagues to the eaft ward
of Newfoundland ; and, confequently, lie almoft in
the mid- way between Europe and America : They
ftretch from eaft to weft, St. Michael’s and St. Ma-
StMichael’s. ry’s lying the mod eafterly. St. Michael’s is the lar-
geftofall the Azores, being about 30 leagues in cir-
cumference. This ifland, like the reft, is pretty
mountainous, but produces plenty of corn, fruits,
cattel, fifti and fowl, and they have a thin fort of
wine : Their greateft wants are Oil and Salt. This
ifland was plunder’d, and feveral Spanifti and Por-
tuguefe fhips taken here, in the wars between En-
gland and Spain, in the reign of QueenELizABETH,
particularly by the Earl of Cumberland, and
afterwards by the Earl of Esse x, in the year 1 5 89,
when the latter plunder’d the enemy of four thoufand
dollars, befides a great deal of rich merchandize ; and
Sir Walter Ralegh alfo brought home a con-
fiderable booty from hence in the fame war. St. Ma-
3t. Mary’s, ry’s is a fmall ifland to the fouthward of St. Michael’s,
and produces much the fame animals and vegetables.
Twcera, Tercera, faid to be fo named from its being the
third ifland in the paflage from Portugal to America,
is efteemed the chief of all the iflands, on account
of its having a tolerable good harbour, and being
the feat of the Governor, tho’ it is not fo large as C FI A P.
that of St. Michael’s, being not more than 1 8 or XI.
20 leagues in circumference : It is pretty much en- Vyv
cumber’d with rocks and mountains ; but affords,
however, plenty of good corn, pafture, and an ex-
cellent breed of cattel ; and has alfo pretty many
vineyards. The chief town, the capital of all the Chief town,
iflands, is call’d Angra, and fituated on a hay of Angra.
the fea, that forms the harbour on the fouth-fide of
the ifland, being defended by a caftle fituated on a
rock at the entrance of the bay. This is faid to be
the only tolerable harbour in thefe iflands ; and here
the Portuguefe fleets conftantly call, in their paflage
to ana from their plantations in Brazil, Africa and
India, and meet with plentiful fupplies of provifi-
ons, which is the only reafon of their keeping them ;
for I don’t find they have any kind of merchandize
to export, but corn or cattel, which they barter
with their countrymen, that call here for cloathing
and other neceflaries. Angra is a Bifliop’s fee, as
well as the feat of the Viceroy or Governor. The
iflands of Gratiofa, St. George, Pico and Fayall, lie Grat’ofa,
fcuth-weft of Tercera ; but have nothing in them St Geor S e s
that deferves a particular defcription, unlels it be,
that Pico received its name from fuch another peak
or pyramidal mountain as has been defcrib’d in Te-
neriffe, and is fuppofed to have been rais’d by the
like means, namely by earthquakes, to which thefe
iflands are fubject, as well as the Canaries.
The mod weflerly of all the Azores, and theleaft,
are the two iflands of Flores and Corvo, which were Flores and
long uninhabited after the reft were planted : Nor Corvo.
would the Portuguefe ever have poflefs’d them, but
to prevent other nations getting them into their pow-
er, and difturbing their enjoyment of the reft ; for
there is very little upon thefe iflands to invite any
nation to fettle there, unlefs a fine furface, adorn’d
with a variety of beautiful flowers, from whence
the mod foutherly of them obtained the name of
Flores. The air of thefe iflands is faid to be very
warm by feme, and by others very fharp. If I may
judge of it, from what it feemed to be the latter end
of April, in our return from the Eaft-Indies, it is ex-
ceeding cool. The cold blafts, that came off of them, Thofe wh«
had a very extraordinary effect upon our fh ip’s com- corr ‘ e from
pany : They fhiver’d, and wrapp’d themfelves up,
as in the depth of winter; and, tho’ a little before cold in the
our Seamen appeared to have frefh hale complexi- htitudeof4 °*
ons, they loft them on a hidden, and appeared of a
dead yellowifh eaft, as if they had the jaundice:
But poffibly the having failed fo long in the Torrid
Zone, made us the more fenfible of the alteration
of the air ; and indeed we were fo foftened by li-
ving in a hot climate, that we never enjoyed our
felves after we came into the latitude 40. It was j
the middle of May, when we arrived in England ;
and tho’ every body had left off fires, and began to
complain of heat, we v/ere ready to ftarve with
cold : Nor did this extreme tendernefs wear off for
feveral
OF THE AFRICAN ISLANDS.
”5
The mif-
takes i f the
moft fkilful
Seamen in
feveral years. Give me leave to make another ob-
fervation on my voyage to and from India ; and
that is on the uncertainty our beft Seamen are un-
der in long voyages : We had feme of the moft
jfkilful artifts on board, and thofe that had gone the
fame voyage feveral times ; and yet it was common
long voyages. wjth t j iem to be miftaken ico miles and more in
their accounts. We had not been out much above
a fortnight, when one morning, to our great fur-
prize, we found ourfelves between the Grand Ca-
nary’and Teneriffe; and we might as well have
been caft away on one of thofe lfiands, for no-body
dreamt we had been within 40 leagues of them :
Indeed, we had been driven ever the Eay of Bifcay
in a ftorm, and it continued dark weather, with
hard rales of wind afterward?, fo that we could take
no obfervation by the fun ; and nothing is fo deceit-
ful, as the log, in ftormy weather ; for the wind
drives it after thefl-iip, and there is no gueffing what
way fhe makes. But we were ftill more miftaken,
when we came near the coaft of India : Thofe, who
pretended to moft (kill in navigation, affined us, we
were not within ) 00 leagues of the ifiand of Cey-
lon, when we plainly fmelt the Cinnamon-groves
upon it in the night-time, and the next morning
f aw the ifland with the naked eye ; but this alfo
happened at a time when we had cloudy weather,
and could have no obfervation, and we had feen no
land after we pafs’d the Cape of Good Hope, from
whence we took our departure for India. This the
reader, I hope, will not look upon as a ufelefs di-
greffion in treating of the African iflands, which lie
fo much in our way to and from the Eaft- Indies.
CHAP. XII.
fhe ancient hiftory of Africa.
CHAP T Proceed, in the next place, to give an abftraft
XII J- of the ancient hiftory of Africa, according to
my method in treating of other parts of the world.
The ancient hiftory of Egypt has been already
given in the fir ft volume of Modern Hiftory. The
next people that made a figure in Africa, were the
Egypt firft Phenicians or Canaanites : ft here is no doubt but all
planted, and t j, e nort y, coaft of the Mediterranean, as fur as the
thTrefuT Atlantick ocean, was firft peopled from Egypt, to
Africa, which it lay contiguous ; for it is agreed by all, that
when the Phenicians arriv’d on the African coaft, af-
ter they were driven out of their country by Joshua
and the Ifraelites, they found inhabitants there be-
fore them, and enter’d into treaties with that peo-
ple, obtaining leave of them to traffick and fettle in
that part of the country where Carthage afterwards
l flood, now call’d the kingdom of Tunis, and by the
Romans Africa Proper.
blither the Tyrians or Phenicians firft fent a co-
lony, that built the town ot Utica. Ehe founda-
tion of Carthage, by another colony of Tyrians
or Phenicians, is fuppofed to be much later (viz.) CHAP,
about the year of the world 3 1 20 ; 13 5 years be- XII.
fore the building of Rome, and 883 before Christ,
Carthage is generally held to have been built by Carthage
Dido, or Elisha, a Tyrian Princefs, who fled built by the
from her brother Pygmalion, King of Tyrus,
to Africa, on the following occafton : She had mar- The ftory of
ried a near relation, call’d Acerb as, and fome- Dido,
times Sic h;e us, who was very rich ; and Pyg-
malion, as the ftory goes, caufed him to be af-
faffinated, in order to poflefs himfelf of his great
wealth: But his After Dido defeated his principal
defign ; for, having provided feveral (hips to carry
her ofF, fhe fled, with all her late hufband’s effefts,
to Africa, before Pygmalion had an opportunity
of getting them into his hands ; and very probably
made choice of this part of Africa to refide in, be-
caufe there was a colony of Tyrians fettled at Utica
already. But, however that was, fhe purchafed
lands here of the natives, on which fhe built a city,
calling it Carthada, Carthage, or the New town (as
the word fignifies in the Phenician or Hebrew lan-
guages) in oppoiition to Utica, wbicn had been built
feme time before by her countrymen, and in this
refpedl might be call’d, the Old town. The remain-
ing part of the ftory ( in which I doubt there is a
mixture of romance) informs us, that Jar b as.
King of Getulia, afterwards made love to Dido,
and threaten’d war in cafe fhe refufed to marry him ;
But fhe, having made a vow to Sich^eus, her
firft hufband, never to marry again, prepared her
funeral pile; and afeending it, when J areas
came again to make his addrefles to her, fhe drey/
a ponyard, and gave herfelf a mortal wound, as the
only means fine had left to put an end to his dedefted
courtfhip. But whatever of novel there may be in
this, there is no doubt to be made, that Virgil
excercis’d his poetical vein, when he made his hero
FEneas cotemporary with Dido ; the deftn diion
of Troy being generally held to have happen’d three
hundred years before the building of Carthage.
The firft wars Carthage was engaged in, ’tisfaid, The firft
were occafion’d by their refufiug the annual tribute ^ a " e ° f ^
they had agreed to pay the Prince of the country,
when they obtained leave to build their city ; but in with the
this they had fuch ill fuccefs, that the Africans ob- Aficans.
liged them to enter into new engagements to pay it:
However, upon receiving frefh fupplies and rein-
forcements from Tyre, their mother-country, they
were not only enabled to difpute the tribute again
with the Africans, but to carry their arms ftill far-
ther.
Their next wars were with the city of Cyrene, with the
which flood between Carthage and Egypt, in that Cyrenians.
part of the country now call’d Barca. Carthage and
Cyrene, it feems, were at a variance about the li-
mits of their refpedtive territories, which occafion’d
a war between the twoftates; ’till at length both
fides agreed, that their bounds fliould be afeertain’d
O 2 in
i j6
C H A P.
XII.
v ^ r Y'*-'
THE ANCIENT HISTORY
Their wars
with the
Mauritani-
ans and Nu
midians.
They con-
quer Sardi-
nia, and the
iflands of
Baleares,
They carry
their arms
into Spain.
Their wars
in Siciiy.
in the following manner; viz. That two men
fhould fet out at the fame hour from either city,
and wherever they happen’d to meet, that Ihould
be the boundary ot their feveral States : The two
Carthaginians, pitch’d upon for this fervice, were
brothers, named Phil zeni, who being fwifter of
foot than their adverfaries, the Cyrenians pretended
there was foul play, and would not {land to the a-
greemer.t, unlefs the two brothers, as an evidence
ot their fair dealing, would be content to be buried
alive in the place where they met; which, ’t is faid
they confented to, and the Carthaginians e red ted a
pillar upon the fpot, and two altars, on which they
facrific’d and paid divine honours to the heroick bro-
thers : But whether we are to give entire credit to
this ftory or not, certain it is, two altars were erec-
ted and remain’d many years on the borders of the
two ftates, which were call’d “ The altars of the
Phil^eni And we may obferve, both from fa-
cred and prophane hiftory, that nothing was more
common among the antients than the erecting al-
tars, and facrificing upon them at the conclufion of
a treaty, or on any memorable event ; and there-
fore ’tis probable the fubftance of the ftory is true,
whatever foundation there may be for that part of
it relating to the burying the two brothers alive near
thefe altars. This war being ended, the Carthagi-
nians carry ’d their arms to the weftward, and fub-
du’d all the nations as far as the Atlantick ocean, or
made them tributary to their ftate; fo that they
were in reality Sovereigns of all the northern coaft
of Africa, to the weftward of Cyrene or Barca;
and, in the opinion of fome writers, of the weft
coaft of Africa, as far as Cape Verd, which lies in
15 degrees north latitude: Nor were the conquefts
of the Carthaginians confin’d to the continent of
Africa; they made themfolves mafters of Sardinia,
and the Baleares, or the lflands of Majorca, Minor-
ca, and Ivica, from whence they found an eafy
pafiage into Spain, whither they were firft invited by
the city of Cadiz, an ancient colony of the Tyrians
their countrymen. This city, it leans, was at war
with the Spaniards, and, being hard prefs’d, call’d
in the Carthaginians to their affiftance, who not on-
ly defended their allies, but carried on an offenfive
war in the Spanifh territories; and that people, be-
ing divided into feveral little kingdoms and ftates,
became an eafy conqueft to their enemies ; great part
of South Spain became fubjedt to the Carthaginians,
and even the city of Cadiz, that call’d them in, was
oblig’d to fubmit to their dominion; the ufual fate of
thofe who introduce armies of foreigners into their
country.
The time when the Carthaginians firft attempt-
ed to make conquefts in Sicily, is not exadtly known :
But it appears from a treaty they made with the Ro-
mans, the fame year Kings were excluded from that
Government, and Confuls inftituted, that the Cartha-
ginians were then in polMion of part of Sicily, as
of Africa and Sardinia; and, by this treaty, CHAP.
XII.
G"V\J
well as
the Romans agreed not to fail further weftward than
the fair promontory near Carthage, which the Car-
thaginians, even then, infilled on, as being under
an apprehenfion the Romans might one day encroach
upon their territories, and give them fome diftur-
bance.
About 264 years after the building of Rome, and Their confe.
484 years before Christ, the Carthaginians enter’d with
into an alliance with Xerxes, K ing of Perfia, a- fZT
gainft Greece. And while Xerxes march’d with Greece.
a prodigious army to attack the Greeks upon the con-
tinent, the Carthaginians tranfported an army of
three hundred thoufand men into Sicily ( if the num-
bers bent enlarg d ) in expectation of reducing the
remainder of the Grecian cities in that illand under
their dominion : But this great army was defeated
and cut to pieces, ’tis find, on the fame day that me-
morable aCtion happen’d at Thermopylae, where
three hundred Spartans difputed the pafiage into
Greece, with that numerous army of Pcrfians com-
manded by Xerxes, and put a ftop to his progrefs,
tho’ moft of them loft their lives in the defence of
that pals.
The Carthaginians made another attempt to fub-
due the Grecian cities in Sicily, in the 356th year
°f Rome, and met with great fuccefs, being upon
the point of taking Syracufe, the capital of the Gre-
cian cities in Sicily, when the plague broke into their
army, and deftroying the greateft part of them, the
remainder perifh’d by the fwords of the Syracufians ;
which occafton’d an infurreClion in Africa ; no lefs A .
than two hundred thoufand of the male-contents laid reffi"n of
liege to Carthage itfolf ; but the rebels being defti- Africans
tute of provifions, and difagreeing about the com- rupprefs ’ d -
mand of this body, foon difperfed, and deliver’d the
Government from the ruin that threatened them.
In the year 400, after the foundation of Rome, c .
we meet with another treaty between that city and Rome In
the Carthaginians, for their mutual defence : And aliiance -
about the fame time the Carthaginians made fur-
ther attempts to reduce the Grecian cities in Sicily • A further
but Timoleon coming with a body of Corinthians StVe
to t "leir a nuance, obtain d a vidtory over them, and Grecian cities
again defeated their defign : After which, A g a - in Sici]y>
thocles, the Syracufian General, carried the
war into Africa, and, in confederacy with fome of
the Aliican Princes, laid fiege to Carthage, and bid
fair for the total fubverfion of their State. While
the Carthaginians were in this diftrefs, it was that The Creek*
an Ambaflador arnv d from Tyre, to negotiate for carr y the
a reinforcement of troops, to enable them ‘to defend 7 " int0
themfolves againft Alexander the Great, who
not long after laid that city in afhes, and deftroy’d Tyrede-
every man in the place ; and all that the Carthagi- ftroy ’ d b y
mans was to do for their mother city, was to remove £cnZ
the women and children, font them from Tyre, and
afford them a refuge in their country. In the mean
time, the Carthaginians looking upon the calamities
that
I 17
OF AFRICA.
-HAP. that befel them to proceed from the wrath of hea- in feveral engagements there by the Romans, and CH AP.
" XII ven for fome omiffions in their religious worfhip, oblig’d to quit that country alfo. . .
and particularly in not facrificing a certain number And now the Romans, having no enemies in I-
rhe Cartha- of ch ‘; ldren of the be ft quality annually to Satur n, taly, began to think of enlarging their empire by fo-
L n eXir aCn ' as their fuperftition requir’d, and fubftituting the reign conquefts It ,s very probable they had for
:hndren to children of flaves and poor people, purchafed tor that fome time carl: then eyes on the fruitful nland oi 01-
5at . ur ” in en d in their (lead : To appeafe the anger of that cily, feparated from the continent by a narrow ftrait,
the ‘ eoJ ’ therefore, they facrificed two hundred children and only waited for a pretence to invade it ; when
of the beft rank ; and three hundred perfons more, fome Sicilian rebels feizmg on the important city of
’tis faid offer’d themfelves voluntarily to be facri- Meffina, and offering to deliver it up to the Romans,
fired to atone for the nretended negkA. This is a that people, notwitbftandmg their mighty pretences The Ro-
farther evidence, that the Carthaginians were def- to honour and juft, ce, did not fcruple _ to break
cended from the Canaanites or Phemcians, who ufed through their alliance witn the Carthaginians, and re b e is againft
to facrifice their children to Moloch, particularly fend over a reinforcement of troops to fupport thofe the Cartha-
in their diftrefs ; facred hiftory taking notice of a rebels which occafion’d that war between the Ro- 6 tmans *
Kino- that facrificed his eldeft fon upon the walls, mans and Carthaginians, uffually call’d “ The firft
when the city he was Sovereign of, was in danger of “ Punick war,” begun Ann. M . 3 / 3 ? 5 after the
being taken. But to return to the hiftory. Not- building of Rome, and before Christ,
withftanding this bloody facrifice of fo many children 266 years.
and innocent men, the affairs of the Carthaginians As the Roman people made arms their profeflion,
grew ftill more defperate ; Bom XL car their Gene- and, from the infancy of their State, had been ext-
ra], taking advantage of the diftrefs of the State, in gaged in warlike contefts with their neighbours, they
ord’er to raife himfelf to the Sovereign power, fomen- are univerfally acknowledg’d to have been excellent
ted an infurreeftion within the city while their ene- Soldiers. We find, in the Sicilian war, the Car-
mie< prefs’d them from without : But they had, at thaginians were not able to keep the field againft
length, the good fortune to difperfe the rebels by of- them, but retir’d into fuch ftrong towns as were
ferirw a parefon to all that would return to their du- fituated near the fea, which they could relieve from
ty; °and Bomilcar being thereupon deferred, time to time with their fleets, the Romans having
was crucified, and put to the moil exquifite torture : yet no Chipping to oppofe them ; and thus the war
A rebellion And, while he hung upon the crofi, ’tis find, he re- was like to prove endlefs. Phe Carthaginians a-
in Carthage * h , d the Government with breach of faith, in bounded in wealth as well as Chipping, and were a-
UPPr£S ’ punching him after they had proclaim’d an indem- hie to defend the maratime places againft the whole
nity ; and with ingratitude, in putting to death ma- power of the Romans, who found themfelves ex-
ny of their braveft Generals, after a long feries of haufted both of men and money by the continuance
eminent fe: vices ; which, it feems, was frequently of the war, while Carthage rather grew rich by traf-
done, if f.iccefs did not attend their arms, unlefs the ficking with every nation.
Genera] prevented the difgrace by being his own The Romans, therefore, faw it abfolutely necef-
executioner ; of which there are alfo feveral inftan- fary to difpute the dominion of the fea with Carthage ;
ces in the hiftory of Carthage. without which, they found their foreign conquefts
The Greeks This rebellion being fortunately iuppreis’d, a mif- muft remain at a ftand ; and, collecting naval ftores
abandon A- u nt | er fif- an d i n g happen’d about the fame time, be- from every quarter, offer’d the higheft rewards and
rKa * tween Agathocles the Grecian General, and encouragements to fuch Ship-builders as would afford
his African allies: Whereupon he rais’d the fiege them their affiftance: And, as they were at that
of Carthage, and tranfported himfelf to Sicily ; af- time poffefs’d of feveral cities and port-towns in Si-
te r which^ the Carthaginians recover’d all the pla- cily, and in alliance with many Grecian States,
ces they had loft, and eftabliih’d their empire again fuch crowds of workmen offer’d their fervice, and
over the African Princes. And now Sicily, as well their own people ufed fuch application and diligence,
as Italy, being threaten’d with an invafion by Py R- that within a very few months, they built or hired a The Ro „
rhus, King of Epirus, the Carthaginians renew’d fleet almoft as numerous as that of the Carthagi- mans build a
An alliance their confederacy with the Romans for the preferva- nians, and engaged abundance of foreign Mariners Let *
CanhT-e tion of their territories in that ifland. Pyrrhus, in their fervice : But, ftill confcious that the Cartha-
and Rome, however, made a defeent with his forces in Sicily, ginians muft have a confiderable advantage of them,
againft Pyr- ant ] reduc’d all the towns belonging to the Cartha- by their fkill and dexterity in failing whenever they
rhu3 ' ginians, except Lilybseum ; but this place making came to an engagement, they contriv’d a machine Their ma~
> Pyrrhus ob- a vigorous defence, and the Romans gaining fome or engine, by which they might grapple with the
lig’dtoa- advantages over the force of Pyrrhus in Ttaly, enemy’s fhips, and deprive tnem of all advantages w ; t h the
both°lra' v he was forced to abandon all his conquefts in Sicily, of their fails. This, it feems, was a great piece of "emy’s
and Sicily, and return thither : Nor was he able to reftore his timber, arm’d with hooks and chains, which they
affairs on the continent, being afterwards defeated let-down with puliies into the enemy’s fhips on ap-
proaching
t 1 8 THE ANCIENT HISTORY
CHAP, preaching diem, and which it was impoflfible for a
XII. veil'd to difengage itfelf from, without mattering
W—'v/'w the 111 ip’s crew that attack’d her.
Thus prepar’d, the Romans, under the command
of Duillus, puttofea with an hundred and twen-
ty gallies (the only {hipping of thofe days) and be-
ing met by the Carthaginian fleet, confiding of an
hundred and thirty veffels, commanded by Han-
nibal their Admiral, near Myla, they foon came
to a clofe engagement ; for the Carthaginians look-
ing upon the Romans as a very contemptible enemy
at fea, advanc’d towards them with an affurance of
"viiSfory : And the Romans, on the other hand, hav-
ing no hopes but in their new invented grapples,
made equal hafte to join battle.
The Carthaginians were a little furpriz’d to fee
the Romans advance fo refolutely, and flill more
when they began to play their engines ; but when
they found themfelves fo fattened to the enemy’s
fhips, that they could make no ufe either of oars or
fails, but were forc'd to fight as upon firm land ;
Their firft they were confounded and difpirited, and the Ro-
na.alv.Aory mans gain’d an eafy victory over them, taking no
t h 3 ginians. lets than fourfcore fail, and among them the Admi-
ral’s galley, Han nib a.l himfelf narrowly efcaping
in his boat.
This v ictcry was the more acceptable to the. Ro-
mans, as it was in a manner unexpected. They
were overjoy’d at the fuccefs of their fleet, and im-
mediately decreed their Admiral Duillus a naval
triumph ; which W2S the firft of that kind that had
been feen in Rome. They alfo erected a Roftral
pillar to his honour, with an infcription containing
the particulars of the engagement. (Thefe pillars
were ftyl’d Roftratae, from the heads or beaks of
fhips that adorn’d them.) But to return to our
hiftory. The Carthaginians were fo difcourag’d by
this defeat, that they fuffer’d the Romans to lord it
in theMediterranean for two yearswithout controul :
But being informed, that their enemies were about
to bring the war home to their own doors, and
make a defcent on the coaft of Africa., they exerted
themfelves once more, and equip’d a fleet confifting
of an hundred and fifty gallies, mann’d by an hun-
dred and fifty thoufand men, with which they put
to fea in order to recover the dominion of the Me-
diterranean : But being met by the Romans, who,
according to their accounts, had not fo many gal-
The Ro- lies by twenty, they receiv’d another memorable
mans obtain q e f eat 5 no ] e r s than fixty of their veffels being taken
vafoaoiy by the Romans, who, on their fide, had twenty-
over the Car- four gallies deftroy’d ; which ftiews, that this victory
thagmians. wag not obtain’d fo eafily as the former ; tho’ the
Romans had now more experience in maritime af-
fairs, and probably had more Grecian Mariners in
their fervice. The Carthaginians were better provided
againft the grappling-irons of the enemy in this
fight than in the laft, which made their lofs the lefs ;
for no ftraiagem in war, has that eftocl the fecond
time as it has the firft : The novelty and furprize the CHAP,
engine gave on the firft trial, contributed, no doubt, XII.
in a great meafure, to the defeat of the Carthaginians. ^ ■
Before I proceed further in this hiftory, give me Remarks on
leave to take notice of the partiality of the Roman this fuccefi
Hiftorians, and of iuch Grecians romaniz’d, as have Ro "
wrote the hiftory of thefe wars ; who infinuate, that
the Romans themfelves, without foreign affiftance,
in the fpace of a few months, built and mann’d that
fleet with which they obtain’d the firft vidfory over
the Carthaginians ; when it is evident, from their
own writings, that the Romans were then in pof-
feflion of the beft part of the ifland of Sicily, and
in alliance with feveral Grecian States, that would,
no doubt did, furnifh them with great part of the
Ships and Mariners in their fervice. It is pretended,
indeed, to ferve a turn, and reflect the greater ho-
nour on the Roman State, that there was at that i
time no other naval power but that of Carthage :
But the very fame writers, in other parts of their
works, take notice, that the Greeks in Sicily, aftift-
ed by their countrymen on the continent, had often
engaged the Carthaginians at lea with fuccefs, before
the wars happen’d between them and Rome. It
does not feem fo ftrange and miraculous, therefore,
that the Romans, in confederacy with the Syracu-
fians and other Grecian cities (who were alone a
match for the Carthaginians) fihould, when united
with them, gain an advantage of the Carthaginian
fleet. But to proceed. The Romans, after their The Romans
fecond naval vkftory, embark’d a numerous army 111 vade Af *
under the command of M. Atilius Regulus, nca ’
and L. Manlius their Confuls, who had com-
manded as Admirals in the laft fea engagement, and
made a defeent on the coaft of Africa : Whereupon
the Carthaginians quitting the field, and retiring into
their ftrong towns, the Romans laid fiege to Clypea,
one of their fea-ports, and took it ; after which,
they ravag’d all the open country, and took twenty
thoufand prifoners, befides vaft flocks and herds of
cattle ; of which, advice being fent to Rome, the
Senate order’d, that Regulus ftiould remain in
Africa with a body of fifteen thoufand foot, and five
hundred horfe, with forty gallies to attend his mo-
tions, and that the reft of the fleet and army, with
the other Conflil, fhould return to Italy : Such a con-
tempt did the Romans entertain for the Carthagi-
nians at this time, that they thought an army of
fifteen thoufand men fufficient to make head againft
all the forces of that State : And with thefe, did TheRomans
Regulus venture to form the fiege of Adis, one over ‘ runtiut
of the ftrongeft fortreftes in Africa, and actually de- country ‘
feated an army fent to the relief of the place. He
afterwards made himfelf matter of near two hundred
towns, and among the reft, of Tunis, fttuated with-
in 2 or 3 leagues of Carthage ; and the Numidians
invading the Carthaginian territories at the fame
time, they were reduc’d to the laft extremity, and Carthage de-
offer’d the Roman General very advantageous terms fltes P eate “
of
OF AFRICA.
1 19
CHAP.
XII.
Regulus re-
jefts their
offers.
The fable of
a monftrous
Serpent.
Regulus de-
feated and
madeprifoner
by the Car-
thaginians.
of peace '. But ho, puff’d up with his fuccels, tis laid,
would hear of no other conditions than their being
made a province of Rome ; infolently telling their
Ambaffadors (as ’tis faid) That they « ought either
« to conquer like brave men, or learn to lubmit to
“ the vidtor.” _
During this treaty, according to Livy, the Ko-
man army encountered a monfter of a Serpent in
paffing a river, which terrified them more than all
the forces of the Carthaginians ; feveral Soldiers
being devour’d by this terrible animal, whofe (kin,
’tis faid, no dart could penetrate ; and it was long
before they could deftroy him with ftones thrown
from their military engines ; adding, that the river
was dy’d with the blood of this Serpent when he was
kill’d ; and that the flench of his dead carcafe fo in-
fected the air, that the army was oblig’d to remove
their camp ; and that the fkm or the creature being
fent to Rome, was i 20 toot long : A relation which
it is impoffible for any man to give entire credit to ;
and yet, perhaps, we ought not to reject: every part
of the ftory. It is very probable from the creature’s
being found on the banks of a river, and having
an impenetrable fkm, that, inftead of being a Ser-
pent, it was a Crocodile ; which is an amphibious
animal, and his fcales impenetrable by darts or ar-
rows : But, inftead of being 120 foot in length, I
muft beg leave to reduce it to 20 foot, the ufual
length of a full-grown Crocodile, and omit the
Figure of 1 , which was very probably inferted by
miftake : beftdes, there are feveral undeniable in-
fiances of a Crocodile’s devouring a peifon whole,
but not one of a man’s being fwallow d by a Snake ;
which has the lead: throat, in proportion, of any
animal whatever, except a Whale.
To return to our hiftory. Regulus refufing
to grant Carthage any other terms than thofe of an
abfolute fubmiffion to Rome ; they prepared for a
vigorous defence, and, having received a imall re-
inforcement of troops from Greece, under the com-
mand of Xant ip pus, a celebrated Spartan Gene-
ral, they took the field, and, giving battle to the
Romans, entirely defeated them : Regulus, with
five hundred more, were made prifoners ; about
two thoufand efcaped to Clypea, and all the reft
were kill’d on the fpot ; the greateft execution be-
ing done by the Elephants, of which the Carthagi-
nians had an hundred in their army.
The Romans, having receiv’d this defeat in Africa,
lent no more forces thither, notwitbftanding they ob-
tain’d a third vidlory over the Carthaginians at fea,
and took an hundred!, and fourteen of their fbips :
They contented themfelves with bringing off the
two thoufand Romans that had retired out of the
battle to Clypea. In the mean time the Carthagi-
nians permitted Regulus to go to Rome and pro-
pofe an exchange of prifoners, upon his taking an
oath to return and furrender himfelf again it he did
not meet with fuccets. And here the Roman hifto-
rians take an opportunity of applauding the courage C H A P ,
and fincerity of Regulus beyond meafure ; and, Xil,
from him, would have us make an eftimate of the
refolution and veracity of his countrymen. They
tell us, that notwitbftanding Regulus knew he
muft undergo the greateft torments on his return to
Carthage, if he did not fucceed in this negotiation,
and muft never fee his family or his country more ;
he advifed the Senate not to confent to an exchange
of prifoners ; for that it would be an ill example to
fhew fo much favour to their troops, who had cow-
ardly furrenaer’d themfelves pr foners to the enemy ?
that thev were unworthy the compaffion of their
country : And for himfelf, who was in the decline
of life, his lofs was nothing, if compar’d wdth the
number of the Carthaginian Generals and Officers,
in the flower of their age, who were in their hands,
and might be capable of doing Rome abundance of
mifchief if they were permitted to return home.
And the Senate agreeing with him in that opinion,
Regulus return’d to Carthage, where he was ciu-^
cified, and underwent the moft exquifite tortures, if
we may credit fome writers.
But I find it is very much doubted, whether the The ftory o§
. . . . ~ J 1 .1 . _n the cruelties
facfts on which the Roman hiftorians lay the greateft ^ercifed on
ftrefs in this relation are true ; for that Polybius, Regulus very
efteemed the heft author that writes of thefe wars, doubtful,
fays not one word of the fufferings of Regulus
after his return to Carthage : And Diodorus
Siculus, another hiftorian, fpeaking of the cap-
tivity and death of Regulus, only fays, that his
wife was incens’d when (he heard of his death, be-
caufe fire thought it might be occafion’d by ill ufage,
and therefore incited her fons to revenge their fa-
ther’s fate on two noble Carthaginian captives the
Senate had put into her hands to exchange againft
her hufband : And that one of them was actually
kill’d hy the feverities exercis’d upon him ; which
the Senate expiefs’d their abhorrence of, and took
the furvivor out of her cuftody, which, it is pre-
fumed, they would not have done, if Regulus
had fuffer’d thofe tortures which their hiftorians and
poets feign : And, indeed, ’tis conjeftnr d by fome,
that the wife of Regulus invented thefe ftories,
to excufe her cruelty to the captives under her power 5
and that they obtain’d credit on very {lender evi-
dence, frnce they tended to afperfe the Carthaginians,
with whom the Romans had a perpetual national
quarrel Another thing that weighs with me, is,
that Regulus is made to fay in his fpeech to the
Senate, That “ the Roman captives did rot deferve
“ their compaffion, becaufe they had flirrender’d
“ cowardly to their enemies” ; whereas it appears,
that the Romans fought it out to the laft, and did not
furrender ’till all but five hundred of them were cut in
pieces, and thefe in the company, and very probably ^
by the command, of that very General, when he
found all further refiftance vain, and to no purpofe.
Beftdes, it muft be the moft impolitick thing in the
world.
1
120
THE ANCIENT HISTORY
L'-y^w
Articles of
arid Cartha
ginians,
The wars of
CHAP, world, to torture their prifoners, while fb many
XII. prifoners of the firft quality of their own people re-
main’d in the hands of the Romans, on whom their
enemies might have gratified their revenge. But
this is not the only partial relation we meet with in
the Roman hiftorians, framed to calumniate their
enemies, and refledt honour on their nation.
The war in Sicily was ftill carried on with great
vigour on both Tides ; notwithftanding the Romans
obtain’d a great vidlory there, and took above an
hundred and twenty Elephants from the Carthagi-
nians in one engagement. TheydefendedLilybaeum,
and Tome other port-towns for feveral years ; but
finding themfelves at length over-power’d, Amil-
c ar, furnamed Barcas, the Carthaginian Gene-
ral in that ifland, was order’d to make the beft
t^Romlns" terms h . e could ’ accordingly he concluded a
peace with Rome, A. M. 3762, upon the following
terms, (viz.) “ That the Carthaginians fhould eva-
“ cuate Sicily, and no more make war upon the
“ Syracufians, or their allies : That they fhould re-
“ leafe all the Roman prifoners that they had taken,
“ without ranfom, and pay them three thoufand
“ two hundred Euboic talents of filver (fomething
“ more than half a million fielding) within the fpace
“ of ten years.” And thus ended the firft Punick
or Carthaginian war, which had lafled four and
twenty years.
thp Cartha The Carthaginians treafure being pretty much
ginianswith exhaufted by To many years expence, and the vafl
their mer- Ioffes they had fuflain’d, and being ftill oblig’d to
S AfJicj rCeS ^ prodigious fums to the Romans, they were very
backward in paying and difbanding the mercenary
troops in their fervice ; but, putting them into quar-
ters of refrefhment on their return from Sicily, de-
ftred they would be content with a bare fubfiftence,
’till the State was in a condition to difcharge them ;
and even propofed, ’tis faid, their accepting a part of
their pay inftead of the whole ; which incenfed the
Soldiery to that degree, who expedted to have been
difmifs’d with honour, and to have return’d to their
refpedlive countries after To many years of hard fer-
vice, that it occafion’d a general mutiny amongft
them : They afiembled to the number of twenty
thoufand men, and, having taken poffeffion of Tunis,
invited the reft of their brethren to join them. The
States of Carthage, now too late feeing their error,
deputed Gisgo, one of their moll popular Gene-
rals, to offer the male-contents any manner of fitif-
fadlion ; and, tho’ their demands appear’d very high,
he was upon the point of concluding a treaty with
them, when Spendius and Matho, two of the
moft adlive mutineers, defpairing of a pardon, re-
prefented to the multitude, that there was no mill-
ing to their Governors on thefe occafions : If they
once laid down their arms, they mull expedt to be
call’d to a fevere account : There was no medium
between death and victory, as the cafe flood. Which
feditious harangue, had fuch an effect upon the mul-
titude, that they immediately broke off the treaty, CHAP.
chofe Spendius and Matho their Generals, and,
having feiz’d the treafure that Cisco brought with
him to pay off the army, made him and his atten-
dants prifoners : And, not long after, all the towns
in Africa, except Utica and Hippacra, declared for
the rebels ; to which they were provok’d by the
heavy taxes they had long borne, and of which they
could not hope to fee an end, while the State was
oblig’d to make fuch large payments to foreigners as
well as other domeftick creditors.
XI I.
The Carthaginians, on the other hand, having
ftill a referve of treafure, armed all their citizens,
and took other mercenaries into their pay ; and,
conftituting the celebrated Amilcar (Barcas)
their Genera], compell’d the rebels to raife the ftege
of Utica, which they had in veiled : Amilcar,
afterwards, defeated a confiderable body of the rebels
forces, making great numbers of them prifoners ;
but, inftead of exercifing the feverity that was ex-
pedted upon the captives, he endeavour’d to reclaim
them by an unexampled clemency, lifting many of
them in his own troops, and fuff'ering the reft to
return to their dwellings. The Chiefs of the rebels,
fearing this gentle ufige might occafion a general
defortion of their forces, incited them to commit fuch
barbarous adtions as might make them defpair of
ever being reconciled to the State ; and particularly
upon torturing Gisgo the General, and the reft
of the prifoners they had in their hands, whom they
put to the moft cruel deaths, under pretence of their
holding a correfpondence with Carthage. Utica and
Hippacra alfo revolted at the fame time, and fieri-
ficed their Governors to their fury, which encourag’d
the rebels to lay fiege to Carthage ; but they were
forced to raife it by Amilcar, who alfo defeated a
great body of their forces, and, cutting off their
provifions, reduc’d them to the fatal neceffity of eat-
ing one another : 'Whereupon the multitude com-
pelled theirChiefs to enter into a treaty with Am il-
car, who agreed. That upon furrendering their
arms, they fhould be fuffer’d to return heme, except
ten of them, who were to be left to the mercy of the
State. But the Carthaginians refufing to confirm the
treaty, the rebels refolved to fell their lives as dear
as they could, and a battle enfuing, moft of them
were cut in pieces, or trodden under foot by the Ele-
phants : Part of the rebels, however, made good
their retreat to Tunis, which they determin’d to de-
fend to the laft extremity. Whereupon Amilcar
invefting the place, caufed Spendius, one of their
Chiefs, and feveral other prifoners he had taken, to
be crucified in fight of the town : On the other
hand, Matho, the other Rebel Chief, who com-
manded in Tunis, having in a filly furpriz’d Han- -j
nibal, one of the Carthaginian Generals, and
feveral of his men, order’d them to be crucified on
the walls, by way of retalliation, in the fight of
Amilcar and his army. But Matho himfelf
being
121
OF AFRICA.
CHAP.
XII.
TheRomans
feize' Sar-
dinia,
And compel
the Cartha-
ginians to
confirm it
to them ;
Who medi-
tate revenge.
Amilcar
makes great
additions to
the Cartha-
ginian ter-
ritories in
Spain.
He is kill’d,
itnd fucceed-
ed by Afdru-
bal.
being foon after taken, together with the town of
Tunis, he paid dear for all the treachery and bar-
barity he had been the occafion of, fuffering the
moft exquifite torments before he was put to death.
Thus an end was put to the African war, one of
the cruelleft that ever was known in any age, after
it had lafted three years and upwards : This war
was not fimfh’d, when the Carthaginian mercenaries
in Sardinia mutinied alfo for their pay, and calling
in the Romans to their affiftance, a&ually expell’d
their matters from that ifland. And when the Car-
thaginians fent forces thither to recover it again, the
Romans declar’d, they fhould look upon fuch adds
of hoftility as a declaration of war againft their State ;
and, taking advantage of the low circumftances the
Carthaginians were then in, compell’d them not
only to make a ceftion of that ittand to Rome, but
to pay them two hundred talents for a confirmation
of the peace, which the Carthaginians, on their
part, had never violated. This is another notorious
inftance^that the Roman faith was no more to be re-
lied on than Punick honour, when intereft prompt-
ed them to break through their treaties..
Nor were the Carthaginians infenfible of the
outrage that was done them by the Romans, in pro-
tecting their rebel troops, and taking their country
from them : From this time, therefore, they made
preparations to recover the Ioffes they had fuftain’d,
and revenge the repeated affronts they had receiv’d
from that haughty nation.
And, as it was neceffary in the firft place to fe-
cure their territories in Spain, and form alliances
with the Princes of Gaul as well as Spain, before
they could think of attacking the Romans, Amil-
car, father of the celebrated Hannibal, was
conftituted Viceroy of their European dominions,
who fubdu’d feveral Princes that had enter’d into an
alliance with the Romans, and brought over others
to the fide of Carthage by his infinuating addrefs :
But while he was thus employ’d in promoting the
intereft of Carthage, he was unfortunately kill’d in
an engagement with the enemy. T o him fiicceed-
ed Asudrubal, his fon-in-law, who was no lefs
fuccefiful in enlarging the Carthaginian territories in
Spain than his predeceffor ; and built the town of
New Carthage, or Carthagena, in Spain, almoft
over-againft Old Carthage : Nor were the Romans
idle all this time, but endeavour’d to draw over the
Gauls and the Spaniards to their party ; and, in a
manner, fecur’d all that part of Spain to the eaft-
ward of the river Ebro in their intereft. At length
tire two States of Rome and Carthage came to the
following agreement, (viz.) That the river Iberus,
or Ebro, in Catalonia, fliould be the boundary be-
tween the Carthaginians and Romans, and their re-
fpeftiye allies ; only the city of Saguntum, on the
weft fide of the Ebro, being in alliance with the
Romans, was included in this treaty.
VOL. III.
Asdrubal, having adfted as General in opainCH AP,
with great honour eight years, was affaffmated by XIE
one of the Gauls, who had receiv’d fome affront
from him. Whereupon Hannibal, the fon ofHannM
Amilcar, now about three and twenty years of ™ a ra j in '
age, having ferv’d in Spain fome years under As dru- Spain.
bal, was conftituted General on that fide. This
great man, for fome time, kept his army in per- Succefsful i.i
petual adfion by invading and reducing fuch of the t h 7 sp”ntfh
Spaniih Princes as were not in alliance with Rome : Princes.
But having form’d a defign of humbling that proud
State, he afterwards laid fiege to Saguntum, on pre- Befieges Sa-
tence of their encroaching on the Carthaginian allies. guntum ‘
The Saguntines, apprehenfive of their danger,
immediately difpatch’d an exprefs to Rome, im-
ploring fpeedy fuccour ; but the Romans contented
themlelves with fending a deputation to Hanni-
bal, requiring him to raife the fiege, and, in cafe
he refufed, order’d their Ambafiadors to go to Car-
thage and complain of this hoftility : But while
they fpent their time in fruidefs negotiations, Han-
nibal took the city by ftorm, and gave the plun- Saguncum
der of it to his foldiers, which was very confiderable : 5
However, fome writers relate, that the principal
inhabitants, before the enemy enter’d the town, burnt
themfelves, their wives and children, together with
all their rich effects, in one common fire, rather
than fall into the hands of the Carthaginians. But
however that was, the R.omans immediately de-
manded, that Hannibal might be deliver’d up
to them, for having violated the peace between the
two nations. And when the Senate of Carthage
juftified the condudl of their General, the Romans
declar’d war againft them : And thus began the fe- The lecond
cond Punick war, in the year of Rome 535, being Pumck viar °
201 years before Christ.
Hannibal affembled an army of an hundred
thoufand men the following fpring, and declar’d his
intentions of marching through Gaul diredfty to
Italy; and accordingly, leaving his brother Asdru-
bal with fiteen thoufand men in Spain, he began Hannibd
begins his
march for
his march from Carthagena ; but fpent moft part ^
of this fummer, in making alliances with the Princes Italy"
of Gaul, or fubduing fuch of them as oppofed the
enterprize, and did not arrive at the foot of the
Alps, which divide France from Italy, ’till the mid-
dle of October, when his army appears to have
been fo leffen’d by the detachments he had made, or
the Ioffes he had fuftain’d, that it fcarce amounted
to forty thoufand men ; tho’ it does not appear that He pafib®
the Romans once attempted to obftrueft his march, the Alps *
no not at the paffage of the Alps, which took him
up fifteen days. Perhaps they imagin’d, that H a n-
nibal had no further view than to enlarge the
Carthaginian empire, by adding to it that part of
Spain to the eaftward of the Ebro, or perhaps
fome part of Gaul. And this feerns the more pro-
bable, becaufe they made great preparations to dif-
R pute
122
CHAP.
XII.
THE ANCIENT HISTORY
His army
mightily
diminiih’d.
He takes
Turin by
ftorm.
The Gauls
join him.
Hannibal
defeats
P. Scipio.
He gains
another
vidtory over
Sempronius.
pute Eaft-Spain with him ; and were ibrpriz’d when
they heard he had pa s d the Rhone. It is Rid alio,
that the marching an army over the Alps was, ’till
that time, hell to be impracticable ; which might
be a further realbn for their making no provifion
to receive him on that hde. But to return to the
hiftory. Hannibal, having pals’d the Alps, and
mufter d his army in the plains of Piedmont, found
it ftill more diminifh’d. He had here but twelve
thouland Alrican foot, eight thoufand Spaniards, and
ire thouland horfe, moll of them Numidians, in
all, hx and twenty thouland men ; a fmall army to
invade the moft pov/erful nation then in being.
Having given his army fome refrefhment after their
fatigues in palling the Alps, lie popofed an alliance
with the Gauls, who then inhabited Piedmont,
which being flighted, he laid liege to their captital
city (7 urin) and took it by llorm in three days,
giving the plunder of it to his foldiers. Whereupon
all the neighbouring Gauls came in and made their
fubmiffion, and feveral of their Princes enter’d into
a confederacy with the State of Carthage, which
gave him an opportunity of recruiting and encreafing
his army to forty thoufand men and upwards, and
provifions were afterwards brought to his camp in
great plenty. T’heRomans, finding the Carthaginian
army daily encreafed by the addition of frefh forces
from Gaul, order’d P. Scipio the Conful to ad-
vance with all diligence, and give the enemy battle ;
and the other Conful, Sempronius, was com-
manded to return from Sicily, whither he had
tranfported his army with an intention to have made
a defeent in Africa from thence.
P. Scipio hereupon pafs’d the Po, and advanc’d
within fight of the Carthaginian army, which lay
encamp’d on the banks of the Tefin : And as both
Tides had their reafons for coming to a Ipeedy en-
gagement ; the Carthaginians, to encourage their
new allies, and confirm them in their intereft ; and
the Romans, to prevent the enemy’s penetrating into
their country, and making it the leat of war ; a
battle loon after was fought, wherein P. Scipio
receiv’d a dangerous wound, and his army was de-
feated ; which the Romans imputed chiefly to the
fuperiority and dexterity of the Numidian horfe,
which furrounded their troop;, and fell upon them
in flank and rear. Scipio, however, made good
his retreat over the Po, and, by breaking down
the bridges on that river, put a flop to the purfuit
of the enemy for fome time. Scipio, it feems,
was once taken prifoner in this battle, but releafed
by the bravery of his foil Scipio, afterwards fur-
named Afrxcanus, then feventeen years of age.
And now Se M p r o N i us, the other Conful, hav-
ing join’d Scipio, and their united army amount-
ing to about forty thoufand men, another battle was
fought in the middle of winter near Placentia, in
which the Romans were again defeated by falling
into an ambufeade which the enemy had prepar’d
for them, and the Confuls, with their broken troops,
conlifling of about ten thoufand men, retreated into
Placentia ; but, by the hardfhips of this winter’s
campaign, Hannibal, ’tis laid, loft great num-
bers of h s Horfes, and all his Elephants but one, on
which he himfelf ufually rode. Hannibal alfo
loft one of his eyes about this time, occafion’d, as
tis faid, by the conftant fatigue and hardfhips he
underwent night and day in this rigorous feafon.
Early the next fpring, Hannibal attempted to
pafs the Appennine mountains, with a defign to have
penetrated as far as Rome, before his enemies were
recover'd from their confternation ; but the fnows
were yet fo deep, and the weather fo tempeftuous on
thofe mountains, that he v/as compell’d to return
with his army to Placentia, where he fought ano-
ther battle with Sempronius, in which neither
fide gain’d any great advantage ; tho’, ’tis proba-
ble, the Carthaginians had the advantage ; for
Cn.Servilius and C. Flaminius being chofen
Confuls, Hannibal loon after advanced into
I ufcany, and having drawn the Conful Flami-
nius into an ambufeade near the lake of Thrafy-
mene, obtain’d another victory over the enemy, the
Conful, Flaminius, being kill’d upon the fpot
with the greateft part of his forces ; only fix thou-
land of them made their retreat in a body, and thefe
were oblig’d to furrender prifoners the next day.
In this battle fixteen thoufand Romans were flain,
and only ten thoufand run-aways made a fhift to
efcape by different ways to Rome.
As to the Latins, who were made prifoners in
this battle, Hannibal gave them their liberty,
and was fo happy in cultivating a friendfhip with
this people, and the reft of the allies of Rome,
that he was enabled to fupport himfelf many years
in Italy, when fcarce any fupplies or reinforcements
were fent him from Carthage.
Hannibal, after the viflory of Tbrafymene,
march’d his troops into that fine country, call’d the
Campania of Rome, which he plunder’d from one
end to the ether, and laid in a good ftock of provi-
fions againft the enfuing winter 5 but, as he was
retiring with his booty, the celebrated Fabius,
now conftituted Di&ator (a General of tlie moft
confummate prudence and conduct, who would never
engage an enemy, but where he had a manifeft ad-
vantage) furrounded the Carthaginians in an en-
clofed country, and poflefs’d himfelf of all the paftes,
fo that it appear’d almoft impoffible for them to ex-
tricate themfelves. But Hannibal furmounted
this difficulty, ’tis laid, by the following ftratagem :
Fie caufed torches and firebrands to be faftened to
the horns of two hundred Oxen, 'and ordering them
to be driven up the adjacent mountains in the night-
time : The Romans imagin’d, that the enemy’s army
was making their retreat that way ; and, quitting
the pafies to follow them, Hannibal gain’d an
opportunity of getting out of thofe defiles.
CHAP,
XII.
Hannibal
lofes his
Elephant!
and fome
Horfes.
He is pre-
vented paf-
iing the
Appennine
by ftorrns.
A third
battle.
Hannibal
obtains ano-
ther vidtory.
He courts
the Latins.
Hannibal
furrounded
by Fabius.
Extricates
himfelf by
a ftratagem.
The
OF AFRICA,
12 '
rhe Romans
■aife great
"orces to
jrive Hanni-
bal out of
Italy.
The battle
®f Cannae.
The great
lofs of the
Romans.
Hannibal
cenfur’d for
not purfuing
his victory.
The next year, being the third campaign after
Hannibal’s entering Italy, the Romans determin’d
to make one grand effort to drive the enemy out
of their country ; when ( Ferentius VaRRO
and L. ASmilius Paulus being Confuls) they
raifed eight legions inftead of four, their ufual num-
ber, confifting of five thoufand foot and four hun-
dred horfe each : To which were added about ten
thoufand horfe, and forty thoufand foot of their al-
lies, making in all near an hundred thoufand men ;
whereas the Carthaginians were not computed to
amount to more than forty thoufand men : Which
fuperiority, ’tis laid, gave Varro, one of the
Confuls, fuch an affurance of vidfory, that he de-
clared, before he left Rome, he would fall upon
the enemy wherever he found him, and put an end
to the war at once. Accordingly, on a day when
it was his turn to command (for the Confuls com-
manded alternately) coming up with Hannibal’s
army, which he found drawn up in battalia, on a
fine plain near Cannae, he gave the fignal of battle,
and a very fierce encounter followed, in which the
Romans received a memorable defeat ; which is
generally afcrib’d to two caufes, the goodnefs of
the Carthaginian horfe, and the duft: that drove in
clouds in the faces of the Romans : For the fagacious
Hannibal, ’tis faid, obferving that the wind
Vulturnus rofe from the fouth-eaft ccnftantly at a
certain hour every day, and that the plain, on which
the engagement happen’d, was a deep fand, he drew
up his forces in fuch a manner, as to have the wind
in his back, and confequently in the faces of his ene-
mies, who were blinded and diforder’d by the duft,
not being able to difcern friends from foes. But to
whatever caufe this important victory is to be afcrib’d,
Rome never received fo great an overthrow : For
iEMiLius, one of the Confuls, was kill’d on the
fpot ; as were two Quaeftors, one and twenty Mili-
tary Tribunes, feveral others that had been Confuls
or Praetors, tourfcore Senators, and between forty
and fifty thoufand Officers and Soldiers beftdes, ac-
cording to thofe who fpeak moft modeftly of the
lofs ; and above ten thoufand more, that had been
left to guard the camp, furrender’d themfelves pri-
soners immediately alter the battle. Tis related,
that Hannibal lent to Carthage a bufhel (fome
fay three bufhels) of gold rings, which v/ere taken
off the fingers of the Roman Nobility and Knights
that fell in this engagement : Nor was this vidtory
obtained without lofs, there being kill’d of Hanni-
bal’s infantry fix thoufand five hundred, of which
four thoufand were Gauls, and fifteen hundred Spa-
niards and Africans ; but he did not lofe above tv/o
hundred horfe. Varro, the furviving Conful,
fled with feventy horfe only to V enufia, and about
four thoufand more efcaped to other towns.
PIannib al is cenfur’d by fome writers, for not
advancing immediately to Rome on the obtaining
this victory, it being iuggefted that that city would
probably have furrender’d in the confternation they C H A P.
were in on the lofs of this battle. But Han ni- XII.
b a L was certainly a better judge of the matter,
than any of thofe that take upon them to cenlare
him : Nor
is it
to be conceived how any man,
who was not upon the lpot, ana acquainted with
the circumftances of the cafe, fhould be able to
pafs judgment on his conduct, efpecially u it— he
confider’d, that few Generals (much lefs Hiftorians)
are qualified to corredx lo great a pioficient in the
art of war.
And indeed, at this diftance of time, a man o.
ordinary fenfe may fuggeft a great many things, But his con*
that will Efficiently juftify the conduft of that J“ 4 h ™ s
General in this particular : As that his army re- deferve ap-
quired fome reft and refrethment after fo obftinate phufe.
an engagement : That, as between ux and ieven
thoufand of his men were kill’d in the battle, ac-
cording to the ufual way of computation, there muft
be twice as many wounded ; and confequently he
had not above twenty thoufand effective men re-
maining, with which it was fcarce practicable to
invert a city of that magnitude, and fo compleatly
fortified as Rome then was, efpecially if we reflect,
that its inhabitants are fuppofed to amount to above
a million of fouls : ft hat their Nobility, Gentiy
and Citizens, were all bred to arms from their in-
fancy, and moft of them had no other pioieffion.
If we confider Rome in this light, it is not to be
fuppofed, that they would have been lo teriified at
the approach of twenty thoufand men, as to have
furrender’d immediately ; and, if they had not, it
is ftill more abfurd to fuppofe, that twenty thoufand
men could have reduced fuch a city.
Hannibal therefore, inftead of attempting Hannto^
what he knew to be impracticable, made ufe of his t j ie towns 0 f
prefent good fortune to influence the allies of Rome Naples and
to join him ; and marching to the fouthward, Slcl T
Capua, and moft part of what is now called Naples,
with feveral towns of Sicily, declared for him, and
renounced their alliance with the Romans ; which
gave him an opportunity of importing corn, and
other proviftons from Sicily, for the uie of his army
during the winter, which would otherwife have
been reduced to great diftrefs, all the country about
Fome having been deftroyed : Hannibal aifo
difpatch’d h\s brother Mago to Carthage with the
news of his victory, and to defire a further reinforce-
ment of troops to compleat the conqueft of Italy.
In the mean time, he fent his army into winter-
quarters in the Campania of Rome and Naples, theCampa-
taking up his own refidence in the city of Capua ; .of Rome
which is feverely cenfur’d alfo by fome writers, who p
tell us, that his army was fo foften’d and enervated,
by living luxurioufly this winter in that charming
country, 0 that they had no longer the air otyrefo-
lution of foldiers, but became perfectly effeminate,
and unfit for the fatigues of war ; which is finely [ e r . s w ™ h
the moft ridiculous charge that ever was brought mi j ufljy cen-
R 2 againft lur’d.
124 .
CHAP.
XII.
the ancient history
again# a General, and fhews how unqualified ftu-
dious men fometimes are to pafs a judgment on
military affairs.
Can any man believe, that a Soldier’s lying in a
Hoth the
Scipios de-
feated, and
till'd in
Spain.
Afdrubal
marches in-
to Italy,
Afdrubal
defeated, and
till’d in
Italy,
1 i • . . ci ill
warm lodging, and eating and drinking well two ed
or three months in the winter feafon, fhould make
him lefs fit for fervice, than he was before ? Did
not the Officers and Soldiers of the Allies, as well
as thole of France, do the fame thing every winter
during the two laftlong wars ? And yet I believe no
man will pretend they were the lefs fit for a&ion
the enfuing campaign : Want and hardfliip fre-
quently deftroys the Soldiers in a rigorous winter ;
but ’tis very feldom they are hurt by too great plenty’.
Befides, we find Hannibal had a double rea-
fon to quarter his army in the Campania of Rome
and Naples ; firft, to keep both Naples and Sicily firm
to his intereft ; and, fecondly, that he might receive
fupplies from thole countries, which were not ex-
haufted by the marches and counter- marches of the
refpedftive armies, as the more northern parts of I-
taly had been. The reader will forgive my dwelling
on thefe particulars, when he refledfs how gentlemen
are taught to declaim again# this great man Nor quar-
tering his army in a plentiful country, and not ftorm-
mg Rome immediately after the battle of Cannte.
I fhall not relate every action between the Ro-
mans and the Carthaginians ; only oblerve, that as
Hannibal expedled his brother Asdrubal
vyith a great reinforcement from Spain, to enable
him to finifh the conqueft of Italy ; fo the Romans
fent large detachments thither under the command
of Cn e i us and Publius Scipio, to put a flop
to Asdrubal’s march; which they did for fome
years, but were afterwards both defeated by the
Carthaginians, and loft their lives in that lervice :
^Thereupon Asdrubal, in the eleventh year of
tne war, march d with an army of feventy thouland
men and upwards, through France into Italy, pafs’d
the Alps, and advanced as far as Placentia, in order
to join Hannibal; but, while he was engaged
in the fiege of that city, the Remans intercepted "an
exprefs he had fent to that General ; and being there-
by fully acquainted with the number and condition
of Asdrubal’s troops, the two Confuls fudden-
ly united their forces, and fell upon him before
Hannibal had any notice of their motions. As-
drubal was kill’d in the battle, with upwards
of fifty thouiand of his men, according to the Ro-
mans account of the afilion ; and Hannibal,
who juft before expeded to have finifh’d the con-
queft of Italy this campaign, now found it difficult
to maintain his ground in that country : However,
he did not yet defpair ; but, fending for frefh rein-
forcements from Spain and Africa, fo difpofed of
his Doops, that he might be able to wait their ar-
rival : And, it feems, he took care to poft his ar-
my in^luch a manner, and was fo much fupenor to
any ot the Roman Generals in point of military
ikdl, that, tho their forces were double the number CHAP
of the Carthaginians, they found the driving him out XII
of. Italy impradticable. Whereupon they deter-
miffd to encreafe their army in Spain, and appoint- TheRoN'
Publius Cornelius
- Scipio (the fon of
1 ublius Scipio, who loft his life there a little forces in
before) General of their forces on that fide, propof- s P ain <
mg by that means to put a flop to the Carthagini-
ans making any further levies there, and recruiting
Hannibal’s army from thence.
rJV H r A , X ^ a ? A ^ rican Priftce, apprehending him- Syp baxen-
el ill ufed by the Carthaginians, about this time, ters into ai-
ofter d to enter into an alliance with the Romans ; Jiance wit!l
whereupon Scipio went over to Africa, and fign’d
a treaty with him, and he proved very ufeful to this.
General in the Spanifti war for fome time : But the Detects
Carthaginians finding means to reconcile Syphax them again,
to them, he afterwards became one of the moft for-
midable enemies the Romans had ; however, this
lofs was amply made up by the revolt of Masinis- ,
sa (a much more potent Numidian Prince) to the eXs'il
Romans, by whofe affiftance Scipio reduced a j] alliance with
the places belonging to the Carthaginians in Spain. the Romans -
That which gave Scipio the greateft advantage „ ■ • .
m Spain, I perceive, was Mago’s marching from ces Spain. U *
tnence to Italy, in the i yth year of the war, with Ma S° mar *
a great reinforcement of troops, to join Hanni-
bal; for that General forefaw, if he fubdued ^
Rome, that Spain, and all other places the Romans
poffefs d than (elves of, muft return again to the
obedience of Carthage. Scipio, on the other hand, Scipiocarries
3e ieving, that the readieft way to relieve his coun- the war into
try, was to make Africa the feat of war, tranfpor- AfHca ; an< b
ted his army thither; and, being join’d by Masi- rlatlel}
nissa and his Numidians, gained a memorable ^fofiniiTa,
v iefory over the Carthaginians, and Syphax their S r asrea£
confederate, who was made priioner in the engage- Syphax ta-
ment. Sc i pio afterwards took the important town ken by ths
of Utica : Whereupon the Carthaginians thought Romans *
fit to make the Roman General fome overtures of
peace. ButociPio, elated with his (ucceffes, would
grant them no other terms, but thofe of withdraw-
ing tneir foices out of Italy ; never mtermedling a-
gain in the aftans of Spain ; delivering up all their
Ripping, except twenty veft'els, to the Romans ;
paying down fifteen thoufand talents, with fome lefs
material articles. And the Carthaginians foemed to A truce he-
acquiefoe in them, only defiring they might have a tween Rome
truce, ’till they could fend to Rome, and ftry to get £ Car '
fome alteration of the terms in their favour; andln Se '
the mean time fent orders to Hannibal to eva- Hannibal
cuate Italy, and return homei VFlnch, it feems, cornm anded
he received with the utmoft regret ; for, being join’d
by Mago, he look’d -upon himfelf, at this time,
to have been in a condition to have compleated the
conqueft of Italy, and probably had effe&ed it, if
the Carthaginian army in Africa had flood upon the
defenfive, and not received that terrible defeat, when
Syphax was mad e prifoner . H a n n i b a l , how-
ever.
CHAP.
XII.
The Cartha-
ginians break
the truce.
Scipio ob-
tains a vi-
ftory over
Hannibai.
The Car-
thaginians
make freih
overtures of
peace.
The morti-
fying terms
impofed on
them.
The Car
thaginian
Beet burnt,
The end of
the fecond
Punick
war.
J
I Hannibal re-
j forms the
j civil govern-
ment of Car-
tage,
OF AFRICA.
125
ever, thought fit to obey his matters, and return,
quitting that fine country he had been contending
for near fixteen years, and abandoning his allies, the
Gauls, as well as the Italians who had join’d him,
to the mercy of the Romans, which gave him a
moft fenfible mortification ; infomuch that, ’tis faid,
he was Icarce mailer of himfelf when he embark’d
his troops.
During the ceffation of arms ( as the Romans re-
late) a great fleet of theirs happening to be driven
on the coaft of Carthage, many of their fhips were
taken by the enemy, and carried into that port ;
which being reclaim’d by Scipio (after the arrival
of Hannibal) that State refufed to reftore them.
Whereupon hoftilities were again renew’d ; and a
battle being fought not long after, Scipio obtain d
a complete victory by the afliftance ofMASiNis-
sa : Hannibal, however, made good his re-
treat to Carthage, having loft twenty thoufand men
in the engagement. The Romans afterwards con-
tinued their march to inveft that capital, and in their
way were met by Deputies from Carthage with frefh
overtures of peace ; and v/ere content, after fome
debate, to fubmit to the following mortifying terms.
That they fhould deliver up all their fhips to the
Romans, except ten : That they fhould deliver up
all their allies that were in Carthage, as well as all
deferters and prifoners : That they fnould deliver up
their Elephants, and tame no more : That they
fhould not make war out of Africa, nor in it, with-
out the leave of the Romans : That they fhould re-
ftore to Masinissa all that he, or his anceftors
had been poflefs’d of : That they fhould pay ten
thoufand Euboic talents of filver at fifty annual pay-
ments, and give an hundred hoftages for performance
of thefe conditions ; in conftderation whereof, the
Romans granted they fhould remain a free people,
govern’d by their own laws, and enjoy all the towns
and territories they poffefs’d in Africa before the
war.
Upon the conclufion of this treaty, the Cartha-
ginians deliver’d up five hundred fhips to Scipio,
which he burnt in view of the town. He alfo
ftruck oft' the heads of the Chiefs of their Italian al-
lies, and hang’d up all the deferters : After which,
he return’d to Rome with his army, where a moft
magnificent triumph was decreed him, together with
the furname of Africanus. And thus ended
the fecond Punick war, after it had lafted feventeen
years. On the conclufion of this peace, Hanni-
bal was employ’d in reducing fome parts of Afri-
ca that had revolted from Carthage : But the Ro-
mans, ftill jealous of his being at the head of an ar-
my, requir’d he fhould be recall’d, and not inter-
meddle with military affairs. Whereupon return-
ing to Carthage, he was conftituted Praetor ; and
the reformation of the civil government, and of
. the treafury, was committed to his care : In which
charges he acquitted himfelf with no lefs honour than
He is charg’d
with cor-
refponding
with the
enemies of
he had obtain’d in the field. But his enemies charg- C PI A P r
ing him with holding a correfpondence with Anti- XII.
ochus, King of Syria, againft the Romans, the
Senate of Rome fent a deputation to Carthage, re-
quiring that General fhould be deliver’d up to them :
Whereupon he embark’d fuddenly for Phaenicia,
from thence he went to the Court of Antiochus,
and prevented his being feiz’d ; for the Carthagini- Takes re-
ans would have delivered up Hannibal and half the
their Nobility, rather than have hazarded another Antiochus.
war with the Romans. Hannibal was at firft
receiv’d with great marks of efteem by Antio-
chus, who was then entering into a war with the
Romans ; but he afterwards entertain’d a jealoufy
of this great man, and meeting with ill fuccefs in
that war, in order to procure the better peace of
Rome, he ftipulated to deliver up his gueft to the g ; ng
Romans ; which Hannibal receiving timely no- liver him up
tice of, retir’d to the ifland of Crete; and carrying toRome » hc
a confiderahle treafure with him, was in danger Crete,
there of being murder’d for it by thofe unhofpitable Where he
iflanders, from whom he made his efcape by an in- ls f ’ n . nger
genious llratagem. derU
He afterwards fled for refuge to the Court of He refhrts to
Prusias, King of Bithynia, who being then en-
gag’d in a war with Eumenes, King of Perga-
mos, PIannibal was exceeding ufeful to him:
Plowever, upon the application of the Romans, who promt'-
Prusias promifed to deliver up PIannibal to lingtode-
them ; which, when the old General underftood,
he put an end to his life by drinking aglafs of poi- he takes 1
fon, being then feventy years of age. The fame s Ia(s of P°y-
year alfo died his great rival Scipio, in a kind of s ° c " pio d!es fn
voluntary banifhment ; being oblig’d to fly his banilhmenc
country, to avoid malicious impeachments, not-
the fame
year.
withftanding the important fer vices he had done the
Roman State. But to return to Carthage: TheTbewarsof
Romans not only oblig’d that State to reftore to Carthage
Masinissa all the ’territories he poffefs’d before
the war, but conferrd on him alfo thofe of Sy-
P h ax, with which, however, his ambition was
not fatisfy’d, but he feiz’d feveral cities belonging to
the Carthaginians : Whereupon they appeal'd to the He is fup-
Romans, who promifed to redrefs the injury ; but ported by the
under-hand encourag’d Masinissa in his encroach- Romans “
ments, in order to keep the Carthaginians low, and
prevent that State’s riling to its former grandeur ;
and obferving, at length, that notwithftanding all op-
preffions and difeouragements, Carthage ftill en- Carthage be--
creas’d in wealth and power, it was .determin'd by £ms £0 revlve
the Romans, abfolutely to deftroy their State, and
raze the city, they lo much dreaded, to the ground :
They remember’d, with horror, how Hannibal, TheRomans
for fixteen years, had ravag’d their country, and bf r ° lv h t0 . d ” < ’
brought them to the brmx of ruin, and could not state. -
be eafy while Carthage was in being. For many
years were fpeeches made in the Roman Senate a-
gainft the imprudence of luffering that State to rife
again.; and it is obfeiv’dof Cato, that he fcarce
ended
126
C H A P
XII.
T H E A N CIENT H I STORY
.Make a de-
feat in Afri-
ca with a
great army.
Perfuade the
Carthagini-
ans to deliver
up all their
arms, then
declare they
would deftroy
their citv.
Which oc-
cafions the
third Punicl
war.
Scipio takes
Carthage by
ftorm, and
burns it.
Rebuilt by
Julius, or
Augulius
Csfar.
ended a Speech In relation to that debate for many
years, without thefe memorable words, Delenda eft
Carthago : Carthage mull be deftroy’d. Nor was
that State ignorant of what was intended againft
them. They endeavour’d, therefore, by the moil
abjedt fubmiffions to avert their ruin ; but all to no
purpofe : The Romans affembled a numerous army,
which was tranfported to Africa, under the com-
mand of L. Martius and M. Manlius Nje-
pos, their Confuls ; who having wheadled them to
deliver up all their arms and engines of war, under
pretence of granting them the peace they demanded,
the Roman Generals then inform’d them, That it
was the pleafure of the Senate they fhould evacuate
Carthage, and remove to feme other part of their
territories, at a diftance from the fea, for they
were commanded to deftroy their city ; which
throwing the Carthaginian Ambafiadors into the
utmoft conifer nation, they only defir’d they might
return to the city and confult their principals, be-
fore they gave a peremptory anfwer. This requeft
the Roman Generals thought fit to indulge them
in, not imagining, after they had parted with
their arms, they would think of defending them-
felves : But the Carthaginians, being now reduced to
defpair, and refolving to hazard their lives, and all
that v/as dear to them, rather than fee their city
deftroy’d, fell immediately to forging of new arms,
and providing all manner of inftruments of war ;
infomuch, that when the Romans approach’d the
city, they found it would be a work of feme
time to reduce it : And indeed, the firft year very
little was done towards taking the town, feveral
brifk fallies being made, in which the Romans buf-
fer'd much.
The following year Scipio, grandfon, by adop-
tion, of the celebrated Scipio Africa nus,
who put an end to the fecond Punick war, being
elected Conful, and commanding the Roman army
before Carthage, batter’d the town with great fury,
and gave the befieged little reft. However, they
held out two years more againft all the power of
the Romans, and the ftratagems of their ableft Ge-
nerals ; but the third year, the city was taken by
ftorm, when S cipio refign’d every thing to the
plunder of the Soldiers, except the plate and orna-
ments of the temples ; and afterwards commanding it
to be fet on fire in feveral places, it continued burn-
ing for feventeen days, and orders were given by the
Senate of Rome, that it fhould never be built or inha-
bited again ; and that the cities alfo fhould be razed
that had continued in the intereft of Carthage during
this war. Dreadful imprecations alfo were made a-
gainft thofe who fhould rebuild Carthage ; to avoid
which, ’tis faid, when Augustus Coesar erect-
ed the new town, to which was given the name of
Carthage, it was built upon another fpot of ground
near the former ; and this afterwards arriv’d to be a
noble populous city, die capital of Africa, and fo
remained for 700 years, ’till deftroy’d by the Sara- CHAP
cens ; but not comparable either in dimenfions, XII
ftrength or beauty, to the old town ; of which we
meet with the following particulars relating to the
defcription of it.
I hat it was fituated on three hills in a peninfula, Somedefcrip-
almoft furrounded by the fea, and was in reality tI ' on of Old
three towns united in one ; the whole 22 miles in Se town
circumference, and contained two harbours within in one. WnS
its works ; one for their men of war, and another
for the merchant-fhips and that it was on all Tides
furrounded by rocks: That on the ifthmus, towards
the continent, flood the citadel, call’d Byrfa, de- Byrfa.
fended by a triple wall, and towers at proper di-
ftances : I hat the walls were two ftories high,
built upon arches , and that in the lower arches were
kept three hundred Elephants, with their provifions
and warlike accoutrements : In the upper arches were
ftore-houfcs and ftables for four thoufand horfe, and
barracks for twenty thoufand foot : That the city,
properly fo call’d, lay almoft round the citadel, and
was named Megara ; and the harbour, which was a Megara.
double one, as has been obferv’d already, being di-
vided by a little ifland, call’d Cotbon, was inhabited Cothon.
chiefly by Seamen : That the whole town contained
feven hundred thoufand louls, when the Romans in-
veftedit ; and that there was found in the place, when
it was taken, four hundred and feventy thoufand
pound weight of filver, belides what was plunder’d
by private foldiers, and confumed in the fire. Car- Carthage de-
thage was deftroy’d 60 j years after the building of ftr °y' d about
Rome, and before Christ 146 years. A 6
And now, before I difmffs the hiftory of the
Carthaginians, it may be proper to enquire into the The genius
genius and temper, the religion and policy, of that and temper of
once famous nation. theCartha-
The character which the Romans, their ene-
mks, give of them, is not to their advantage ; nor
can it be exported it fhould : They charge them
with craft, covetoufnefs and treachery ; infomuch,
that Punick faith was become a proverbial phrafe at
Rome : They will not allow this people one good
quality, except induftry. But it appears, however,
that they had a mighty genius for navigation and
roreign countries, made more difcoveries, and fet-
tled more colonies, than all the nations in the world
befides ; and one would think the Romans might
have allow’d them courage in military fkill, when
they buffered fo much from thefe talents, and could
never think themfelves fafe, ’till Carthage was de-
ftroy’d : As they were a trading people, they might
put up many affronts, rather than engage in war,
which muff interrupt their commerce ; but, when
they found themfelves opprefs’d, and did ex-
ert themfelves, Spain, Italy, and Sicily, as well
as Africa, were witneffes of the bravery and
condudl of their Generals ; and the noble defence
of their capital for three years after the Romans
had treacheroufly feiz’d their arms, fufficiently rna-
nifefts
ginians»
CHAP.
XII.
U'N'V
Religion of
the Cartha-
ginians
They facri-
fice their
children to
Saturn.
F
O F A
nifefls, that they were not fo difpirited upon every
misfortune, as to negledt their defence, as the Ro-
man authors infmuate : And indeed they appear to
me to have been a brave, wife, frugal and diligent
people. ’Tis true, their great commerce, and
adtive genius, render’d them the moft powerful na-
tion in Africa ; and they had an ambition of keep-
ing the neighbouring powers under their fubjepiion 5
but this is no more than what all other people in the
like circumftances have done,efpecially the Romans :
And this may be obferv’d in favour of the Cartha-
ginians, which cannot be laid of the former, that
they improved the trade and manufactures of every
country where they came, and fupplied one part of
the world with what the other wanted ; whereas
the Romans deftroy’a all trade and commerce, and
fubfifted chiefly on the fpoilsof others.
The religion of the Carthaginians appears to have
been the fame with that of the Canaanites or Phoe-
nicians, from whom they defcended : They wor-
Ihip’d a multitude of deities, as Monfieur Rollin
obferves from the preamble of a treaty they conclu-
ded with Philip of Macedon ; wherein it is recited
tobemade. In theprefenceof Jupiter, Juno and
Apollo : In the prefence of the Demon or Genius
of Carthage: In the prefence of Hercules,Mars,
Triton and Neptune, and all the confederate
gods of Carthage : In the prefence of the fun, moon,
and earth, rivers, meadows, waters, &c. But the
gods chiefly invoked by them, were the Moon
(call’d Caeleftis,and fometimes Urania) and Saturn,
call’d Molock in facred hiftory ; to which laft they
facrificed their children, fometimes burning them in
fires, and at others in a brazen flatue of Saturn,
heated for that pur t :ofe, founding at the fame time
drums and trumpets, that they might not hear their
cries ; and it was look’d upon as a piece of heroifm
in their mothers to affift at thefe facrifices with dry
eyes, and even without a groan or figh, the facrifice
not being thought acceptable to Saturn, if offer’d
with any reludfance. But, as the longed: cuftcm
could not perfectly eradicate the horror thefe unna-
tural rites created, they were ufually contented with
making their children pafs through the fire ; in
which, however, they fometimes perifh’d : And
ft ill, in any great diftrefs, they actually burnt them,
making choice of the fined: and nobleft youths their
nation bred.
In a dubious battle, or in expectation of a city’s
being taken and ftorm’d, they have lacrificed chil-
dren, to this infernal fury, from morning ’till even-
ing ; a cruelty fo detefted by the reft of mankind,
that we find Princes, in their treaties with this nati-
on, infilling, they ftiould offer no more human fa-
crifices : And this was probably one of thofe horrid
crimes for which the Canaanites, their anceftors,
were extirpated ; and which brought down that ter-
rible ruin on the Carthaginian State.
F R I C A.
The chief Magiftrates in this common-wealth,
were the two Suffetes, laid to refemble the Roman
Confuls, and fometimes ftyl’d Kings : They were
eledled annually, it feems ; but it does not appear
by whom. Thefe aflembled the Senate, and prefi-
ded in it, and had fometimes the fupreme command
in military, as well as civil affairs ; and, when
they refign’d that office, they were Prretors of courfe,
and thereby retain’d a very great authority, even
that of calling both the Judges and Officers of the
publick revenues to an account, and of propofing
new laws. The Senate confifted of men of the firft
quality ; but whether they fat there by election or
inheritance, or what their numbers were, does not
appear any further, than that feveral hundreds en-
joy’d this dignity. The Senate was the laft refort
in all appeals ; here laws were framed ; Ambafla-
dors had their audience, and refolutions taken as to
peace and war: But, when the Senate could not
agree, the matter was brought before the People, or
rather a reprefentative of the people ; but by whom
appointed or elected does not appear.
T here was alfo another member of this State,
call’d the tribunal of one hundred, tho’ it confifted
of an hundred and four perfons defied out of the
Senate. Thefe were empower’d to call their Ge-
nerals to account, whofe power for a great while
was almoft unlimited ; and of thefe hundred, were
five that form’d a kind of fecret committee, and
added very arbitrarily. They had alfo a power to fill
up all vacancies that happen’d in the council of an
hundred, or in their own number.
No perfon was admitted to any poft in this Go-
vernment, who had not an eftate that might be
fuppofed fufficient to fet him above all temptations
to do a mean thing, or betray his truft : Nor was
any one buffer’d to purchafe a place, it being pre-
fum’d, that thofe that bought would fell again, and
reimburfe themfelves pethaps by fome failure in their
duty. As to the reft of the Powers of Africa, who
had been tributaries to Caivhage, namely Masi-
nissa, Syphax, and their fucceftors, Kings of
Numidia, and Juba, and the reft of the Princes of
Mauritania, who had call’d in, and affifted the Ro-
mans in deftroying Carthage; thefe were for fome
time buffer'd to enjoy a kind of independency ; but
at length, with the reft of the then known parts of
Africa, became fubjeff to Rome, and received the
Chnftian religion very early. There were feveral
hundred bilhopricks in Africa in the 3d and 4th cen-
turies, of which the Archbifhop of Carthage was
Primate; the celebrated St. Austin, Tertul-
lian and St. Cyprian, with many other Pre-
lates renown’d in ecclefiaftical hiftory, adorn’d this
church : But the Vandals, a barbarous northern peo-
ple, with their neighbours the Suevi and Alans, ha-
ving forc’d their way into France and Spain, and be-
ing afterwards driven from thence by the Goths,
another
The govern-
ment of Car-
thage.
The Suffe-
tes.
The Senate,
The People,
The council
of one hun-
dred.
Of five.
Qualificati-
ons for pofts.
The reft of
the Powers
of Africa
made fubjeft
to Rome.
Cbr’ftianity
ftairiihes
here.
TheVandalj
fubdue the
Roman ter-
ritories in
Africa,
I
.28
THE ANGIEN
CHAP, nother northern nation* tranfported themfelves from
XII, Spain into Africa, about the year of our Lord 427
(Genserir as being their King) and fubdued great
part of the country poffefs’d by the Romans. The
Vandals appear to have been Chriffians indeed, but
of the Arrian feci ; and therefore expell'd all theor-
The Romans rhodox Chriffians. They had the dominion of this
part of Africa '’till the year 534, when Belisa-
r 1 us, the Emperor Justinian’s General, ob-
tain’d a compleat vibtory overGiLiMAR their laft
King, and thereby recover’d ail the Roman provin-
ces. Whereupon Justinian made Africa a Prae-
febture ; whereas formerly it ufed to be fubjebl to the
PraAebtus Pnetono of Italy, and it remain’d united
to the Roman empire, Othman, the third Ca-
liph of the Saracens, in the year 1647, fubdued all
Of the iefi
of the Arri-
PnS.
recover
Africa
from the
Vandals,
T HISTOR Y, &c.
the north of Africa from the Red fea to the Atlan- CHAP
tick ocean. I he Saracens afterwards conquer’d al- XII
moft all Spain; and both there, and in Africa,
erebled abundance of petty kingdoms. Thofe in TheSarace ns
Africa were at length aimofl all reduced under the Saand
dominion of the Emperor of Morocco, the moftpo-
tent of all the Saracen Sovereigns in Africa : But ™L n ? rtil
fince the erebling the kingdom of Algiers by the now under
l urks, in the manner already related, the empire t}ie dornini °n
of Morocco is reduced into very narrow bounds, ex- plro^of
tending no farther along the Mediterranean, than Morocco,
from the {freights of Gibralter, to the river Mul- the P eyof
yia . All the left of tne Barbary coafl, from thence th^Beysof*
to Egypt, is fubjecT to the Turks of Algiers, Tunis Tunis and
or Tripoli, w Tripoli
Ccur/e of Hie Hl/ondJ, and Hu CUHrrennufumj, Jefii 0
^fonfoons ^flonrem Hu Coafts of India ,Chma,&c.
CA.NAJ) A. or
Ne~W j?RAlsrc
N O R T
JHoXje.HuH Hu Arrows H/urv Hu t
JhMvHu'Htmu of if l/tarflvhen i /
kNew Pound.
Lend
A fuw of Ale General TradeAvind S.Monfoons ^Shifting-
Winds.^fCoafting-Wincls, Airouc^t ij WORLD, h crwlfc,
nean
art/i<
ratuuama
i Bahama I
Bilcdulgerid
|Ladrone
iuconia Iflands
Jamaica
•Arabi
> SjMs
fx ■
The
mdanao
UlCO
tart a
& unadi i(£)
tticom
JHcrLd)
■rui/'/e
HHhutt
^ ‘ ‘/I f •-f'&'.'rri'.
WsstIVA,
cfland
Variatia
■latioi
lot . 3 I
THE
PRESENT STATE
O F
CHAP. I.
Of the name , and feveral grand divifions of America.
CHAP.
I.
The name.
America
fubjeft to
four Euro-
pean Princes.
The Spani/h
dominions
in America.
T H E natives of this new world had no gene-
ral name for their country when the Spa-
niards arriv’d amongft them in the 15 th
century ; but the mod confiderable empire
in North America, went under the name of Mex-
ico, and that in the fouth, under the name of Peru.
Americus Vespusius, who difcover’d the eaft-
ern coaft of South America, had the honour firft of
communicating his name to the whole continent,
which it retains to this day.
As the greateft and bell part of America is now
under the dominion of four European Monarchs ;
namely, of the Kings of Spain, Portugal, Great
Britain and France, I fhall throw the whole into
four grand divifions, and treat of them as fubjedl to
one or other of thefe four Princes ; tho’ it muft be
confefs’d, many nations of the inland Indians ftill re-
tain their original freedom, and own no fiibjedlion to
any foreign power: And there are fome fmall fettle-
ments in America belonging to the Dutch, the
Dane, and other European powers ; but thefe will
be taken notice of, and defcrib’d in treating of thofe
countries that liecontiguous to one or the other of the
abovefaid four grand divifions refpedlively. And
firft, I {hall defcribe the Spanifh dominions in Ame-
rica, which comprehend, 1. Old Mexico, or New
Spain; 2s New Mexico ; and 3. Florida (in North
America); 4. Terra Firma ; 3. Peru; 6. Chili;
7. Patagonia, or, the Terra Magellenica ; 8, Pa-
ragua, or La Plata ; 9. the country of the Ama-
zons; and, 10. the iflands belonging to Spain, both
in North and South America.
I he Span iili territories upon the continent liecon-
tiguous, and, according to their accounts, extend
from 45 degrees north latitude to the Streights of
Vol. III.
Magellan, which lie in 54 degrees of fouth latitude) CHAP,
and, confequently, take up 99 degrees of latitudes I,
which, allowing 70 miles to a degree, makes the —
length near 7000 miles ; but the breadth is very un-
equal, and, in many places, very uncertain : How-
ever, thus much is certain, that in fome parts, the
Spanifh America is near 1 500 miles broad, and in
others, not 100 miles broad.
2. The fecond grand divifion of America is that The dann-^
under the dominion of Portugal, which confifts of ° ° r
the country of Brafil, extending from the mouth of
the river Amazon, under the Equator, to the mouth
of the river La Plata, which lies in 35 degrees of
fouth latitude; being 2400 miles and upwards, if
we meafure in a diredl line, from north to fouth ;
but if we take in the winding of the fhores, Brafil
will be found to have a fea-coaft of near 4000 miles,
tho’ it is not 200 miles broad in many places. Nei-
ther the Spanifh or Portuguefe America extend to any
great difiance from the fea-coaft ; tho’ thefe Powers
lay claim to the whole continent of South Ame-
rica. The natives, who live 2 or 300 miles from
the fea-coaft, fcarce own any fubjedtion to either of
them.
2. The third grand divifion of America is that The Britiffe
under the dominion of the King of Great Britain; dominion
which lies along the eaftern coaft of North Ame- e *
rica, from 3 1 degrees to 5 1 north latitude, com-
prehending, 1 . Carolina (in which Georgia is inclu-
ded) ; 2. Virginia; 3. Maryland; 4. Penfilvania;
5. New Jerfey ; 6. New York ; 7. New England;
8. New Scotland and New Britain ; 9. the iflands
belonging to Great Britain ; and, laftly, Hudfon’s
Bay, which lies moft to the northward of any of
our fettlements, and is detach’d from the re ft.
130
CHAP.
I.
The territo-
ries claim’d
s>y France.
THE PRESENT STATE
‘TheSparmrds
and English
more right
to Florida
than the
■French.
The maps
of tbefe
countries
■ought to be
corre&ed.
The Britifh dominions, that lie contiguous on the
continent, run from the fouth-weft to the north-
eaft, and are upwards of 1500 miles in length, but
in breadth fcarce 200 in many places.
4. The fourth grand divifion of America is that
which the French pretend is fubjedl to them ; and,
according to their maps, extends from the north fide
of the Gulph of Mexico or Florida, to the north of
Canada, that is from the latitude of 28 to 52 de-
grees and upwards of northern latitude ; fo that they
would have us believe, their territories extend near
1700 miles in length from north to fouth, and are
little lefs in breadth from eaft to weft, for their
maps lay them down between the Britifh dominions
on the eaft, and New Mexico on the weft, compre-
hending mod part of Florida and Canada, to which
their Geographers have given the name of Louifiana
and New France.
But Florida and Canada may with much more
propriety be affigned to the Spaniards and the En-
glifh, than to the French ; for the Spaniards firft
difcovered and made fettlements in South Florida,
fome of which they poftefs at this dav, as they do
the entire weft fide of Florida and Canada : The
Englifh, on the other hand, have been long poflefs’d
of Virginia and Carolina, which were originally
part of Florida, and of feveral places in Canada ;
while the French have only two or three little fet-
tlements on the Gulph of Florida or Mexico, near
the mouth of the river Mifliftippi, to entitle them
to Florida ; and a man may travel fome hundreds of
miles, both in Florida and Canada, without meet-
ing with a French fettlement, or even with a fingle
Frenchman. To lay the truth, very few of die
Indians of Florida or Canada are yet fubjedf to any
European power ; and a very fmall part of their
country the property of any foreigner. The only
juft and legal way of becoming proprietors of any
part of either, is by treaty with the natives, and
giving them what they efteem a valuable confidera-
tion for it ; as our adventurers in Georgia actually
do for whatever they intend to plant or cultivate.
W e are extremely weak, in aftigning this fine
country, containing a fquareof 1 900 miles of a fide,
to France, which lies on the back of all the Britifh
fettlements ; and that for no other reafon, than that
the French have aflurance enough to lay claim to it,
efpecially fince this claim, if it be allow’d, muft for
ever exclude us from extending our fettlements to
the weftward : I hope, therefore, our Britifh Geo-
graphers will be commanded by their fuperiors, to
blot Louifiana and New France out of their maps,
and reftore the primitive names of Florida and Ca-
nada to thofe countries ; and that they {hall not be
fuffer’d ftupidly to follow the French geography, and
give that people a colour for their encroachments on
the Britifh plantations.
France already looks upon the great rivers of
Mifliftippi and St. Laurence as her own, and will,
no doubt, if ever it is in her power, fwallow up all C H A P,
thofe countries that border upon them, or which lie I
between the mouths of thofe two rivers, in which
fpace lie moft of the Britifh dominions on the conti-
nent of America. But I (hall further explain the
dangerous confequences of permitting fuch an alte-
ration in our maps, when I come to treat of Flo-
rida and Canada, and the Englifh dominions that
lie contiguous to thofe countries": In the mean time,
I fhall apply myfelf to enquire into the prefent ftate
of the Spanifn territories in America, deferibing the
feveral fubdivifions of that empire ; and firft treat of
that of Mexico, or New Spain.
CHAP. II.
The prefent fate of Mexico :
Deferibing the ftuation and extent of Mexico, or
New Spain ; and the face of the country.
E X I C O is bounded by New Mexico or (p 1 tt a p
Granada, and Florida, on the north ; by the t-t
Gulph of Mexico, and the North fea, on the north-
eait ; by f erra I* irma Proper, in South America, on The fitua-
the fouth-eaft; and by the Pacific!: Ocean, or South- tion a " d ex '
fea, on the fouth-weft ; and lies between 7 degrees iro. t0
and 2 8 degrees of north-latitude; and between the
83d and 1 1 6th degrees of weftern longitude from
the meridian of London, ftretebing along the South-
fea 2000 miles and upwards ; and on the Nortb-fea,
and the Gulph of Mexico, more than 1500 miles;
but the breadth is very unequal ; for upon the con-
fines of New Mexico, where it extends from the
Gulph of California on the weft, to Florida on the
eaft, it is upwards of 600 miles broad ; and in the
province of Veragua, from the North-fea on the
north-eaft, to the South-fea on the fouth-weft, be-
ing the narroweft part of the iftbmus, it is very
little more than 60 miles broad ; and the form is fo
irregular, that it can only be comprehended by a
view of the following map of Mexico.
Mexico is very much encumber’d with moun- The face of
tains, which are, for the moft part, cover’d with the country,
woods; but there are a chain of hills higher thanufual, Mountains,
that run almoft the whole length of it, from the
fouth-eaft to the north-weft : From thefe we de-
feend to other hills, on either fide confiderably low-
er ; and between the hills, are many fine fruitful
valleys, but fcarce any plains of a confiderable ex- Valleys,
tent. Which way foever we turn our eyes, the
profpedl is bounded by hills and woods, ’till we come
near the North, or South-feas: But the lands, near
the fea-coaft, efpecialiy on the North-fea, are fo fiat Flat country,
and low, that they lie under water great part of the
rainy feafon ; and upon thefe morafles and bogs, are
thickets of Bambou canes, mangroves, thorns and
briars, fo clofely mix’d and interwoven, that it is
almoft
I
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OF MEXICO.
131
CHAP, almoft impoffible to penetrate them, without cut-
II. ting a way through with a hatchet. There are, in-
deed, home Tandy bays, where it is tolerable land-
ing ; but there is much more of the mangrove land,
where a man muft wade up to the middle in mud,
before he can get to the dry ground. Beyond the
mangroves, indeed, we meet with fine favannahs or
meadows, lying between little rifing hills ; and on
the north- weft coaft of the South-fea, near the Gulph
of California, the mountains come almoft clofe to
the {bore ; and there is none of thefe moraftes or
mangrove lands, that we find in other places.
And it is very remarkable, that the mountains on
the weft fide of Mexico, are moft of them vulca-
no’s, from whence fire and fmoke are perpetually if-
iuing ; and this is fuppofed to be the occafion of thofe
frequent earthquakes that happen on this coaft, in
which, whole towns are fometimes buried.
Woods. Upon thefe mountains, there is a great variety of
fine, large timber, and little or no underwood : A
man may ride through them without any difficulty ;
whereas the woods upon the coaft in the flat coun-
try, are fo full of bufhes and underwood, that there
is fcarce any breaking through them, as has been ob-
ferv’d already.
Vulcano’s
and earth-
quakes.
CH AP.
III.
The feas of
Mexico.
The chief
bays and
gulphs on
the north-
lide.
Cape Con-
decedo.
Cape Catorh.
Cape Hondu-
ras.
Cape Came-
ron.
Cape Gratia
Dios.
Gulphs on
the fouth-
fide.
Cape Blanco
Cape Cori-
entes.
Lake of Ni-
caragua.
Lake of
Mexico.
C H A P. III.
Of the feas , gulphs , or hays , capes , lakes , rivers
and fprings , in Mexico.
H E feas of Mexico are, either the Gulph of
Mexico, and the North-fea, on the north-
eaft, or the Pacific Ocean, on the fouth-weft.
In the Gulph of Mexico, lies the famous Bay of
Campeachy, between 18 and 20 degrees north lati-
tude, where the greateft quantities of Logwcod.are
cut. And between Jucatan and Honduras, is ano-
ther great bay, call'd the Gulph of Honduras, lying
between the 15 th and 18th degree of north latitude.
The chief capes in thefe feas, are, 1 . Cape Con-
decedo; and 2. Cape Catorh : The firft the north-
weft, and the other the north-eaft point of Juca-
tan ; 3. Cape Honduras; 4. Cape Cameron, on
the north of the province of Honduras; and, 5. Cape
Gratia Dios, being the north-eaft point, a promon-
tory of the fame province. In the Pacific Ocean,
are the Gulph of Salinas, or Nicoya, in 1 o degrees
north latitude ; and the Gulph of Amapalla, in 1 2
degrees north latitude : and the Capes are, Cape
Blanco, in 9 degrees north latitude, and Cape Co-
rientes, in 20 degrees north latitude.
The chief lakes are, that of Nicaragua, in the
province of the fame name, which has a communi-
cation with the North-fea by the river of Nicara-
gua ; and the other way extends almoft to the South-
fea : And, 2. the Lake of Mexico, in which the Me-
tropolis ftands. Thefe, and the reft of the lakes with
which this country abounds, will be more particu-
larly deferib’d in treating of the refpeefive provinces. CHAP,
The principal rivers in Mexico are, 1 . the North III.
river, which rifes in New Mexico ; and, after run-
ning a very long courfe to the fouth-eaft, falls into ^^North-
the Gulph of Mexico, in 26 degrees north latitude. r i ver .
2. The river of Panuco, or Tompeque, which Pancuo river
rifes very far within the land, and running eaft-
ward, falls into the Gulph of Mexico, in 2 3 de-
grees, 50 minutes, north latitude.
3 . The river Alvarado, compofed of three rivers, Alwad®
which, rifing in different parts of the country, unite nver °
their ftreams, and fall into the Gulph of Mexico, in
1 9 degrees north-latitude, 6 leagues to the eaftward
of Vera Cruz.
4. Tobafco river, which rifing not far from the Tobafco T
South-fea, runs to the north-eaft, and falls into the ver “
Bay of Campeachy, in 1 9 degrees north latitude to
the eaftward of Tobafco river.
5. The river Xagua, which rifes in the province Xagua,
of Honduras, and, taking its courfe to the north-
eaft, falls into the North-fea, near Cape Gratia Dios,
in 1 4 degrees, odd minutes, north latitude. And,
6. The river Yara, which rifing in theprovince Yararlver.-
of Nicaragua, to the northward of the lake of that
name, runs eaft, and falls into the North-fea, in
1 3 degrees north latitude. Thefe rivers are mode-
rately large, and would be navigable fome of them s
for great fhips, if they were not choak’d up with
bars of fand at their entrance. However, boats
and final 1 veftels may enter them, and frequently do
fail up them many miles.
There are a multitude of other rivers, which ri-
fing in the neighbouring hills, fall into the Gulph oi
Mexico, and the North-fea, efpecially during the
rainy feafon : Thefe over-flow all the low lands ;
but when fair weather returns, they are dried up,
and fcarce any frefh water is to be met with, in many
places.
The chief rivers of Mexico, which falls into the Rofario «=*
South-fea, are, 1 . Rofario, which runs from eaft to ver °
weft, and falls into the South-fea, in 22 degrees, 51
minutes fouth latitude : Some gold mines lying
within two or three leagues of this river, the fands
of it are rich in gold.
2. The river Teguantipique, which rifes not far Teguanti»
from the North-fea, and running weftward, falls PN ue<
into the South-fea in 1 5 degrees, odd minutes, north
latitude, near a town of the fame name.
3 . The river Lempa, faid to be the largeft in this Lempa rivet,
country, runs from north to fouth, and falls into
the South-fea in 13 degrees, odd minutes, north la-
titude, near the town of Trinidad.
As to hot baths and medicinal fprings, Mexico a-
bounds with them ; efpecially thofe places which lie
near the burning mountains : And, in the dry fea-
fon, the waters of many of their lakes and rivers are
fait or brackifh ; but their waters will be treated of
more particularly in the refpeAive provinces where
they lie.
S a
C H A P.
J32 THE P R E
CHAP. IV.
Of the winds and tides , the temperature of the air 3
and feafons of Mexico.
|N every ocean, whether the Indian, Atlantic,
or Pacific Ocean, the wind continually blows
Winds of fr orn e aft to weft, between the latitudes of 30 north
Mexico. and fouth (a little diftance from land) ; only to the
Trade winds, northward of the Equator it inclines north-eaft, and
to the fouthward of the Equator, fouth-eaft ; to
which rule there is only this exception, that under the
tYe^uator 1 " ^ Ine ’ ant ^ f° r two or three degrees on each fide, the
e l 3 uator - winds are variable, and perpetually changing ; and
fometimes there is fo little wind, and fuch calms,
under the Line, that a fhip fhall not fail a league
In a month’s time.
However, upon every coaft, almoft, within the la-
titude of 30 north or fouth, there are other periodical
winds and ftorms that return at certain feafons of
^anTland ^ y ear ’ Munfoons ; and there are, during
ireezes, * ^ le f air feafon, land and fea breezes, which con-
ftantly take their turns at ftated hours every day, and
particularly upon the north and fouth coaft of Mexi-
co, the country I am now deferibing.
The land breezes begin here late in the evening,
and blow ’till fix or feven the next morning, when
they die away infenfibly ; and from that time ’till
near noon, it is generally calm. About noon the
fea breeze rifes, and refrefhes the inhabitants, who
would, otherwife, faint with heat ; the forenoon,
therefore, is much the hotteft time of the day with-
in the Tropics. But the land winds are not hot
in Mexico, as they are in the Eaft-Indies, where
they blow over a long trail of burning fund : On
the contrary, ’tis obferv’d, that the winds, which
blow from the mountains in the middle of this
country, are colder than thofe that come from the
fea.
There are fome hours difference on different coafts,
as to the rifing of the fea and land breezes. In fome
p.'ases the fea breezes begin at nine or ten o’clock,
or at eleven at fartheft ; but at others, they do not
fet in ’till one in the afternoon : In like manner, the
land breezes begin fome hours before midnight on
fome coafts, and not ’till after midnight on others.
And it is obferv’d, that thefe fea and land breezes
very feldom blow direifly on or off the ftiore, but ob-
liquely ; as where the coaft runs north and fouth,
thefe winds blow from the north-weft, or north-
eaft ; and in fouth latitude, from the fouth-weft or
fouth-eaft : And Mr. Dampier, I perceive, takes
the fea breezes to be nothing elfe but the true trade-
wind, which always blows from the north-eaft or
the fouth-eaft, or pretty near thofe points ; and that
thefe winds only ceafe blowing upon the coaft for
about twelve hours every night, when the land
wind prevails : For he obferves, that fuch promon-
SENT STATE
tories and head-lands as run far out into the fea, CHAP,
have much more of the fea breeze than bays and IV.
creeks, which are almoft furrounded by the land ;
and, confequently, fuch parts of the coaft are much
hotter than thofe that lie open to the ocean.
The rainy feafon, which begins ufually in May, Storm?,
and lafts ’till September, is introduced with thun-
der and lightening, tornadoes and hurricanes, when
the wind blows almoft from every point of the com-
pals ; but the worft weather is in June and July.
Dampier informs us alfo, that there are ftrong
north winds that blow in the Gulph of Mexico, and
in the Bays of Campeachy and Honduras, between
the months of Odober and March, about the full
and change of the Moon, and are moft violent in
December and January,
As to tides, Dampier obferves, there are no Tides,
places in the ocean without them ; but that they
rife higheft, and run ftrongeft, in narrow channels,
bays and creeks, or up the mouths of rivers ; and
that on fuch coafts as have no bays or rivers, the
tides are but weak, and fcarce perceptible : That in
the Bay of Campeachy, in the Gulph of Mexico,
the tide runs very ftrong, but does not rife more
than fix or feven toot : On the other hand, in the
Gulph of St. Michael’s, on the coaft of the South-
fea, he obferv’d the tides rofe eighteen or twenty
foot, while, in (mall iflands at a diftance from the
continent, it fearce rifes a foot and a half.
It is obferv’d, that as the tun approaches either of Wet and dry
the Tropics, it carries wet weather fo far with it; feafons<
and when it is fartheft from either Tropic, then the
weather is fair under that Tropic. On the contrary,
thofe people who live without the T ropics,have their
fair weather when the fun is neareft them, and wet
weather when it is at the greateft diftance from
them.
In Mexico, their rainy feafon begins in April or
May, and lafts ’till September, and fometimes lon-
ger. It begins, as has been obferv’d, with torna-
does, or tempefts, firft one in a day, afterwards
more, encreafing ’till the month of June, and then it
rains for two months every day, great part of the four
and twenty hours; but lets in the morning, and in the
day-time, than in the night : Thofe, therefore, that
are oblig’d to travel during this feafon, fet out early
in the morning, that they may come to an end of
their journey before the rain begins. And it is ob-
ferv’d, that the rains continue much longer in bays
upon the fea-coafts, and particularly in the Bays of
Campeachy and Honduras, than on capes and head-
lands, and higher up the country. In fome bays,
’tis faid, the rainy feafon continues near two thirds of
the year.
Thefe rains, which overflow all the flat coun- Temperature
try, the land and fea breezes that blow alternately, tll<: air “
and their numerous lakes, render the air cool, and
make even the Torrid Zone habitable and pleafant ;
the heats whereof would otherwife have been as in-
fupportable
CHAP.
IV.
Seed time
and harveft.
C H A P.
V.
/"x_y
Provinces.
Guadalajara
Audience.
*
Subdivifions
of it.
Guadalajara
Proper.
Guadalajara
City.
OF MEXICO,
J 33
fupportable as the antients imagined them. The
cooleft part of the year is in the months of July and
Auguft, when the low lands lie under water : Then
the natives really complain of cold, morning and
evening, as they do in the fucceeding months ’till
February ; though the weather then feems very
moderate to an European conftitution. The tops
of the higheft mountains are indeed fometimes very
cold, being cover’d with fnow even in 1 6 or r 8
degrees of north latitude ; but here are very few
towns. The people chufe to rehde on thofe emi-
nences between the mountains and the flat country,
where the air is moil agreeable, and the earth mod
fruitful. The hotteft time of the year is in Febru-
ary, March, and the beginning of April ; for then
the fun is feldom obfcur’d by clouds, the waters are
every where dried up, and it is very difficult then
to meet with frefh water in fome places.
The chief feafon for lowing, or rather planting
their Indian-corn, tho’ it will grow and come to
maturity at any time almoft, is in May and June
(the beginning of the rainy feafon) and they reap
it in Odlober, when the rains are over ; their trees
are ever green, and their fruits bloflom and ripen
almoft all the year round : But I fhall enlarge on
this article, when I come to treat of their plants,
corn and hufbandry.
CHAP. V.
Of the provinces Mexico is divided into , its fubdi-
vifons , and chief towns , tvith their publick and
private buildings and furniture .
]\ EX I CO, or New Spain, is divided into
JlVjL three Audiences ; viz. i . The Audience of
Guadalajara, or New Galicia ; 2. The Audience
of Mexico; and, 3. The Audience of Gua-
timala.
The Audience of Guadalajara, or Galicia, is
bounded by New Mexico on the north-weft, by the
Gulph of Mexico on the eaft, by the Audience of
Mexico on the louth-eaft, and by the South-fea and
the Gulph of California on the fouth-weft, being
800 miles in length, and generally 500 or 600
milt# broad, and is fubdivided into the following feven
provinces; viz. 1. Guadalajara Proper; 2. Za-
catecas; 3. New Bifcay ; 4. Cinoloa ; 5. Culia-
can ; 6. Chametlan ; and, 7. Xalifco.
1 . The province of Guadalajara Proper is bound-
ed by New Mexico towards the north, by Mexico
Audience on the fouth-eaft, and by the Pacific
Ocean on the weft. It is a plentiful country, and
hath fevera! filver mines in it. The chief town is
Guadalajara, fituated on a river of the fame name,
in 20 degrees, odd minutes, north latitude, 108 de-
grees weft of London. It is the capital of the whole
Audience, the feat of their courts of Juftice, and
a Biihop’s fee. There are feveral churches in it,
befides the cathedral, and fome monafteries and CHAP,
nunneries ; but I meet with no further defcription V.
of this place.
2. The province of Zacatecas, bounded by New Zacatecas
Bifcay on the north, by Mexico Proper and Panuco P rovince *
on the eaft, by Guadalajara on the fouth, and by
Chametlan and Culiacan on the weft. The chief
towns whereof are, 1 . Zacatecas, fituated 40 leagues Zacatecas
north of Guadalajara, and about 80 north- weft of town '
the city of Mexico. The town confifts of five or
fix hundred houfes, and the Spaniards keep a good
garrifon in it to defend their filver mines. 2. Nom- Nombre
bre de Dios, a large, populous town, fituated in Dios town.
25 degrees north latitude, and 109 degrees weft of
London ; and, 3 . Durango, fituated at the conflux Durango,
of feveral rivers, 8 leagues north- weft of Nombre
de Dios.
The eaft part of this province has plenty of corn
and fruit, and the weft is no lefs famous for its
filver mines
3. The province of New Bifcay, bounded by New Bifcay
New Mexico on the north, by part of Florida and P' ov,inc,; ”
Panuco on the eaft, by Zacatecas on the fouth, and
by Culiacan on the weft. The chief towns where-
of are, 1. St. Barbara, fituated in 26 degrees north St. Barbara
latitude, 1 08 degrees weft of London ; and, 2. St. st W J..h n ’s
John’s, fituated 70 miles north of St. Barbara. town.
This province alfo is rich in filver mines.
4. The province of Cinoloa, bounded by New Cinoloa pro-
Mexico on the north-eaft and the north-weft, by ' ,ince '
Culiacan on the fouth-eaft, and by the Gulph of Ca-
lifornia on the fouth-weft : The chief town whereof Cinoloa
is Cinoloa, fituated in 26 degrees, odd minutes, town *
north latitude, and 1 1 2 degrees weft longitude :
In this province are rich pafture grounds well wa-
ter’d with the rivulets that fall from the mountains ;
and here is great plenty of Cotton.
5. ft he province of Culiacan, bounded by New Culiacan
Bifcay and Zacatecas on the north-eaft ; by Cino- P rovince ’
loa on the north-weft ; by Chametlan on the fouth-
eaft ; and by the Gulph of California on the fouth-
weft : The chief town whereof is Culiacan, fitua- Culiacan
ted in 24 degrees, odd minutes, north latitude, and town>
in 1 1 2 degrees of weft longitude.
6. The province of Chametlan, bounded by Za- Chametlan
catecas on the north-eaft ; by Culiacan on the P rovin «.
north-weft ; by Xalifco and Guadalajara on the
fouth-eaft ; and the South-fea on the fouth-weft :
The chief town whereof is St. Sebaftian, fituated St. Sebaftian
on a river of the fame name, about 40 miles to the town -
eaftward of the South-fea, in 2 3 degrees of north-
latitude.
This province hath both gold and filver mines in if.
7. The province of Xalifco is bounded by Gua- Xalifco pro-
dalajara and Chametlan on the north ; by Mech O- vince.
acan on the eaft; and by the South-fea on the fouth
and weft : The chief towns whereof are, 1 . Xa- Xalifco town,
lifco, fituated near the South-fea, in 20 degrees
fouth latitude, weft longitude 1 1 r ; 2. Compo-
-? -i A
1 oft
CPI A P
V.
Compoltella
t'iwn.
Santa Peca-
gue town.
T H E P R E8ENT STATE
■Mexico Au
lienee.
Its fubdivifi-
ons.
Mexico Pro
per.
•Mexico city
ftelh, fituated alio near the South-fea, about 20
leagues to the northward of Xalifco, a rich town
lying in the neighbourhood of feyeral hirer mines ;
1. Santa Pecaque, wdtere the Spaniards of Compo-
- ftella keep a great many hundred of haves, that work
in their hi ver mines. This town, Dampier re-
lates, the Buccaneers (among whom he lerved) plun-
der’d in the year 1686; but being attack’d by a
great body of Spamfh horle, they loft fifty of their
men.
The Audience of Mexico is bounded by that of
Guadalajara on the north-weft; by the Gulph of
Mexico on the eaft ; by the Audience of Guati-
mala on the fouth-eaft ; and by the South-fea on
the fouth-weft ; and contains nine provinces; viz.
1. Mexico Proper ; 2. Mechoacan; 3. Panuco-
4. Tlafcala ; 5 . Guaxaca; 6. Tabafco ; 7. J u _
catan ; 8. whiapa ; and, 9. Soconufco. The pro-
vince of Mexico P roper is bounded by Panuco on
the north, ^ 1 lafcala on the eaft, by Mechoacan to-
wards the fouth, and Xalifco on the weft.
1 his province is faid to exceed all the provinces
of America, in fpacious extenfive vallies, in the
richnefs of its arable lands, pafturage and variety of
fruits . The great lakes and rivers, and the neigh-
bourhood of the fea, alfo furnifh them with plenty
of excellent fifh ; and give them great advantages
in trade, both foreign and domeftick. The chief
towns of Mexico Proper are, r. Mexico, the me-
tropolis of the whole viceroyalty now, and ancient-
ly of the empire of Mexico, fituated in 20 degrees
of north latitude, 103 degrees weft of London ;
in a fpacious lake, that lies on the eaft fide of a val-
ley, about 1 4 Spanifh leagues in length, 7 in
breadth, and upwards of 40 in compafs ;°the valley
being furrounded by mountains on all fides, which
in the loweft part are 42500 yards above the lake,
according toGEMELLi Careri, who was upon
the fpot ; but lurely there muft be a cypher too
much in this account : For, if he means" perpendi-
cular height, the loweft mountains cannot be more
than 4250 yards above tire level of the lake.
The town is a perfed fquare, each fide half a
league ; and,confequently, the circumference of the
whole about two leagues. There is a great fquare,
or parade, in the middle of it, from whence the
ftreets run quite through the town in a direef line,
either north and fouth, or eaft and weft, crofting’
each other at right angles ; fo that the length and
breadth of the place may be difcern’d at the corner
of any ftreet. ft hey are all wide, and well paved,
but generally dirty. The town ftands, great part
of it, upon a bog or morafs, which occafions the
roundations of fome of them to fink ; and, what
is ftill worfe, there are fo many rivers that fall from
the mountains into the lake, that the town is often in
danger of being overflowed ; many of the houfes and
inhabitants have been aftually fwept away by floods,
tho they have been at a vaft expence in making
canals, dikes and
fiuices to carry off the waters. CHAP
1 hey have fometimes found the hazard and mcon-
vemencies of their fituation fo great, that it has been
debated, whether they fhould not abandon the city
and build another upon better ground. But they have
hitherto been diverted from that refolution by feve-
ral coriiiderations : 1 . By the vaft expence it would
be, to build fuch another city : 2. By the coolnefs
7 th< - fituation, occafioned by the "lake, which
they fhould want on higher ground : And, laftly,
by the natural ftrength of the city, there being no
approaching it but by the five caufeys that have been
made between the city and the main land. This
the ancient Mexicans, as well as the Spaniards,
Jookd upon to be fo great a fecurity, that they ne-
ver erected walls or gates about it. The churches
and houfes are built of ftone or brick, three ftories
high, where the ground will bear it : but they
cannot lay their foundations very deep, for the rea-
fons already mention’d. Mexico is an archbifhop-
rick ; and there are in it, befides the cathedra] and pa-
lochial churches, twenty-nine monafteries, and two
and twenty nunneries, and contains, as is com-
puted, about one hundred thoufand inhabitants.
But, as moft of the lands in the neighbourhood be-
long to the churches and religious houfes, whicli are
all vaftly rich, there are not many Spanifh noble-
men and gentlemen in the place ; and among the
meaner fort of people, the Spaniards do not feem to
make a tenth part of the inhabitants. The bulk of
the people are Blacks or Mulattoes ; there having
been abundance of Black flaves brought thither^
who by one means or other obtain’d their freedom’
and married with the natives : Their defendants
are very numerous. There is alfo a ftrange mix-
tuie of Spanifli and Indian blood. The pure Spa-
niards, and thole that are defeended from Spanifh
anceftors on both fides, are a very fmall number,
both here and in other towns of Mexico. But I
fhall not enlarge on this head here, having referv’d
a chapter on purpofe to treat of the prefent inhabi-
tants of Mexico.
Neither fhall I dwell upon their trade and manu-
factures, having aftxgned a particular chapter to treat
of thefe : 1 fhall only obferve, that the value of
their merchandize is not to be computed ; this being
the great mart for all goods brought from the Eaft-
Indies or Europe. Thofe of the Eaft-Indies they
receive from Acapulco, a fea-port on the South-fea ;
and thofe of Europe from La Vera Cruz, fituated
on the North-fea : And their own native treafures.
Gold, Silver, precious Stones, &c. added to the
former, make the fhops and markets of Mexico the
ricbeft that are to be found in any town in the
world.
Their churches and monafteries are proportiona-
bly rich and fplendid, and their revenues furprifingly
great. The cathedral, like moft others, is built°in
fonn of a crofs, lofty and fpacious ; the painting.
V.
OF ME
) H A P. gilding and carving exquifite ; and it contains abun-
V. dance of fline altars and chapels on each fide, the
high altar ftanding in the middle of the choir. The
revenues belonging to the Archbifhop, Dean and
Chapter, and other Ecclefiafticks of this cathedral,
are equal to the beauty and magnificence of the
buildings. There are belonging to it nine Canons,
five dignified Priefts, viz. the Dean, Arch-deacon,
School-mafter, Chanter and Treafurer ; fix Demi-
canons,and fixHalf-Demi-canons,one head Sacriftan,
four Curates chofen by the Viceroy, twelve roy-
al Chaplains elected by the Chapter, and eight o-
thers. The Archbifhop’s conftant annual revenue
(befides cafual fines, &c. which amount to near as
much) is fixty thoufand pieces of eight, near fifteen
thoufand pounds fterling per annum. The Dean’s
revenue is eleven thoufand pieces of eight per annum,
and the other four dignified Priefts have eight thou-
fand per annum each ; the Canons fix thoufand 5 the
Demi-canons five thoufand ; the Half Demi-ca-
nons three thoufand ; each Curate four thoufand ;
every Chaplain three hundred, and the inferior officers
and attendants in proportion. All the Ecclefiafticks
belonging to this church are three hundred in num-
ber ; and it is computed, the entire annual revenue
of the cathedral of Mexico, amounts to three hun-
dred thoufand pieces of eight (each piece four dril-
lings and fix pence englifh) ; at leaft, this was the
ftate of it in the year 1698, about forty years fince,
as Gemelli Cap. eri relates, who was then up-
on the fpot, and is efteemed one of the moft judi-
cious and faithful writers that ever travell’d.
What is moft remarkable befides in Mexico, is
the vaft fpacious market-place, or fquare, in the
middle of the town ; on one fide whereof runs a
cloifter, under which are fome of the richeft fhops
in the world ; and on the other, ftands the magnifi-
cent palace of the Viceroy, built about a large
fquare ; the principal front to the market-place not
inferior to that of Naples, in which the courts of
Juftice are held.
The palace of the Marquis De Valle, the fuc-
cefi’or of the celebrated Cortez, who conquer’d
Mexico, is built on the ground where one of the pa-
laces of the Emperor Montezum a flood, and ad-
mir’d for its dimenftons and ftrucbure.
Befide the churches and monafteries in this city,
there are feveral hofpitals richly endow’d ; among
the reft, there is one for young maids that are
orphans, who are maintain’d handfomely while
they live fingle, and allowed five hundred pieces of
eight each when they marry. There is another
hofpital eredled for thofe who have been unfortunate
i’ in venereal encounters, which has a revenue of thirty-
fix thoufand pieces of eight per annum, and is a
royal foundation ; and there is a third hofpital only
for fick Priefts : And Gemelli relates, that when
he was in this city, the Archbifhop, Dr. Francis
D’Aguar, gave that year all his revenues to the
poor, and an hundred thoufand pieces of eight more :
XICO, 135
For, I find, in this rich city, there are a multitude of C H A P.
wretched objedts ; but none poorer than the Spani- V.
ards themfelves, who are above working, tho’ not
above thieving, it feems : For the fame writer re-
lates, that he faw the Viceroy fitting on his tribunal,
affifted by five other Judges, and that there were
brought before him no lefs than four hundred Spani-
ards for theft ; adding, that tho’ a ftranger be never
fo much upon his guard, it is difficult for him to get
out of the city without lofing either bis money or
eff'edts : That, as thefe idle Spaniards apply themfelves
to no other bufinefs but lying, fharping, and cheating,
they are fuch mailers of thefe arts, that no honeil
man can defend himfelf againft them : They chufe
this way of life rather than bufinefs ; tho’ all that
will work are better paid for their labour here than
in any place in the world.
The feveral trades, I perceive, have their re-
spective flreets or quarters. There is a fpacious
fireet, which runs from the market, where the Gold-
fmiths expofe their rich goods to fale ; and here are
to be feen, ’tis faid, the value of many millions of
Gold, Silver and Jewels. The fireet of St. Auflin,
where the Mercers expofe their rich Silks to fale, has
a very grand and beautiful appearance ; and the fireet
called Tacu’oa, where thofe tradefmen refide that
deal in Brafs, Steel, and Iron ware, is very long
and fpacious : But the fireet called Eagle-ftreet, in-
habited by the Nobility, Gentry, and great Law-
yers, is laid to excel all the reft in magnificence.
Plere are no ordinary houfes or tradefmens fhops- in-
termix’d with them ; and in this fireet ftands the
Marquis d’ Valle’s fine palace, already men-
tion’d.
There is alfo a pleafant Park, well planted, and
adorn’d with fountains and water-works ; whither,
the quality of both fexes, and the gay part of the
town refort every evening, fome in coaches, and
others on horfeback : And here the young Cavaliers
endeavour to recommend themfelves to the Ladies,
by feats of activity and horfemanfhip. Several hun-
dreds of coaches are frequently feen here, with nu-
merous retinues of Black flaves, in the richeft li-
veries, moving gently along, backwards and for-
wards, as at the Ring in Hyde-Park.
Another diverfion of the citizens is fifhing in
boats upon the lake, whither they carry wine and
cold provifions to regale themfelves with upon the
water : And this brings me to give fome deferip-
tion of the Lake, on the wefl-fide whereof Mexico The Jakes of
is fituated. This lake is about five leagues in length, MexlC0 *
from north to South ; but the breadth is very un-
equal ; the greateft breadth is Something more than
four leagues ; but the north-end of it is Scarce half
fo broad. North of this lake, there are three others,
which have a communication with it by rivers
or canals ; and on the South there are two other
lakes, divided from it only by a caufey. There are
feveral rivers that rife in the adjacent mountains, and
fall into thefe lakes, on the eall and weft ; which
136 THE PRES
C H A P. are the occafion of thofe terrible inundations fome
V. years in the rainy feafon. The waters of thefe lakes
are not fit for all ufes ; one of them is fo fait, that
they make Salt of the waters : And tho’ fome tra-
vellers relate, that in feveral places they are fweet
and wholefome ; yet, I perceive, the water they
drink is brought from a mountain that lies a good
diftance from the town, by a fpacious aqueduct, fup-
ported by arches.
The neighbourhood of Mexico is render’d ex-
tremely pleafant, by the numerous palaces, country-
feats, monafteries, and villages, either on the ifiands
in the lakes, or on the banks of the feveral lakes
within view of the city ; to which the citizens re-
fort in boats, when they are difpofed to retire from
the hurry of the town.
Acapulco T he fecond town I (hall defcribe in Mexico Pro-
per is Acapulco, a celebrated port on the South-fea,
in 17 degrees north latitude, and in 102 degrees of
weftern longitude ; about two hundred and forty
miles to the fouthward of the city of Mexico. At
this port all the merchandize of Europe and America
is (hipp’d for China and the Philippine ifiands in the
Eaft-Indies 3 and here the (hips annually arrive in
January from China, the Eaft-Indies, and Peru,
with the merchandize of thofe countries ; which
makes the Fair that is held here at that time one of
the greateft in the world. Gemelli, who v/as
upon the fpot, fays, that fome millions of pieces of
eight are return’d here during the Fair. But tho’
it is then crowded with wealthy Merchants, it has
at other times the appearance of a mean village.
Except the caftle and the harbour, there is little
worth notice ; the town confiding only of two or
three hundred thatch’d houfes, inhabited by Blacks
and Mulattoes, a religious cloifter or two, and an
hofpital. The town lies at the foot of fome high
mountains, which cover it on the eaft, and render
it very unhealthful. The Spaniards therefore, and
even the Governor himfelf, defert the place as foon
as the Fair is over. The harbour indeed, is an
excellent one, very fecure and fpacious ; it has a
narrow winding entrance, defended by platforms of
great guns ; and within is inclofed by high moun-
tains, that furround it like a wall, and fo deep, that
the (hipping may come up clofe to the fhore, and
be faften’d to the trees on the beach. The Go-
vernor of the caftle, who is alfo the chiefoCivil
Magiftrate in this part of the country, makes his
poft worth twenty thoufand pieces of eight per an-
num, arifing chiefly from the profits of the Fair.
The Comptroller of the Cuftoms makes little left ;
and the Curate (the Parfon of the place) whofe ftated
revenue is no more than one hundred and eighty
pieces of eight per annum, makes fourteen thoufand
frequently ; for he extorts moft extravagant fees from
the friends of fuch rich Merchants as die there, or
on board the drips that arrive at Acapulco, and are
buried there. Gemelli relates, that this Fried
E N T STATE
will not be fatisfied fometimes with lefs than a thou- CHAP
band pieces of eight for his burial-fees. It is ex- V,
ceffive dear living in this place during the Fair ;
the Negroe Porters expecft three pieces of eight a
day for carrying goods, and people pay a dollar a
day for their ordinary : Inns, it feems, there are
none in the place ; or rather, all the houfes in the
town are inns during the Fair ; the people making
it their bufinefs to accommodate ftrangers with lodg-
ings ; but there are multitudes that lie in huts and
tents for want of room in the town.
Two leagues to the fouthward of this place is Port Mar-
another port, called Port Marquis, where (hipping quis town,
fometimes puts in ; but the town confifts only of a
few f ifbermens huts, and the harbour is neither fo
commodious or fecure as the former.
The laft town I (hall mention in the province p ac huca
of Mexico is Pachuca, which having feveral rich town,
filver mines near it, the (liver is refined here, and
caft into pigs or bars, fit for tranfportation. The
town is fituated about 60 miles north of the city of
Mexico.
The province of Mechoacan is bounded by Pa- Mechoacan
nuco on the north, by Mexico Proper on the eaft, P rovince *
by the South-fea toward the fouth, and by Guada-
lajara on the weft. In this province alfo are mines
of Gold, Silver, and Copper ; and the country
produces Cotton and Cocao Nuts, of which Cho-
colate is made : It affords good corn and pafturage
alfo ; and, being v/ell water’d with rivers and
fprings, is efteem’d one of the moft pleafant and
healthful provinces in the Audience of Mexico. The
chief towns are, 1 . Mechoacan the capital, fituate
in 20 degrees north latitude, and in 105 degrees
weft longitude, upon the fide of a lake ; and is a-
bout 150 miles to the weftward of the city of
Mexico : It is a Bifhop’s fee, Suffragan to the
Archfnifhop of Mexico ; but I meet with no farther
defcription of it. 2 . Colima, fituate in 1 8 degrees Colima
north latitude, not far from the coaft of the South- town *
fea : The town is faid to be rich and fpacious, and
to (land upon a river in one of the moft pleafant
and fruitful vallies of this province, near which is
a vulcano, the flames whereof are feen at fea.
7. Navidad, or the Port of Nativity, fituate on the Navidad
South-fea, a little to the weftward of Colima, in town.
1 8 degrees nortli latitude. This is a good harbour ;
and, the neighbouring country affording timber, the
Spaniards build fome of the iargeft (lfips here they
have in the South-fea.
The province of Panuco is hounded by part of Pa nuco
Florida on the north ; by the Gulph of Mexico on P rovlnce * j
the eaft ; by Tlafcala and Mexico Proper on the
fouth 5 and by Mechoacan and Guadalajara on the
weft. This province lias fome Silver mines 3 is (
tolerably fertile on the fouth next to Mexico ; and
the Spaniards ufed to make a great deal of Salt in
that part of it which lies on the Gulph of Mexico.
The chief towns are, 1 . St. Lewis de Tampice, ^ampicT * ;
which town.
CHAP.
V.
St. Eltevan,
or Panuco
town.
St. Jrgo
town.
Potofi town.
Tlafcala pro'
vince.
'Tlafcala
town.
ilLos Angelos
town.
t
OF M E X I C O.
J 37
which lies juft under the Tropic of Cancer, in
ioi degrees of weft longitude, and on the north
fide of the river of Panuco, near its mouth.
2. St. Eftevan Puerto, formerly call’d Panuco, the
capital of the province, fituated on the fouth-ftde
of the river Panuco. 3, St. J ago de los Valles,
fituated 5 leagues fouth-weft of St. Eftevan. This
town is moft taken notice of for the falt-works
near it, and the garrifon the Spaniards have here to
awe the natives. 4. The laft town I {hall men-
tion is St Lewis de Potofi, an inland place to the
north- weft of St. Jago de los Valles, probably na-
med Potofi, from a Silver mine near it, refembling
that of Potofi in Peru.
The province of Tlafcala, or Los Angelos, is
bounded by Panuco on the north ; by the Gulph
of Mexico on the eaft ; by Guaxaca and the South-
fea on the fouth ; and by Mechoacan and Mexico
Proper on the weft. This province is faid to be the
beft peopled by Indians of any in Mexico ; the na-
tives having been exempted from tribute, and well
ufed by the Spaniards, on account of their joining
Cortez, and afiifting him in his conqueft of Mexico.
It is a plentiful country, abounding in fugar, corn,
cattle and rich paftures ; nor is there any want of
venilon or wild-fowl : Here are alfo fome Silver
mines. Copperas, Allum, liquid Amber, and fra-
grant Gums ; with abundance of Cochineel. T he
province is alfo well water’d with rivers, the chief
whereof is that of Zahnah, or Zacadula, which
runs almoft the whole length of the province, fre-
quently overflows the flat country, and falls into the
South-fea to the weftward of Acapulco. The chief
towns are, 1 . Tlafcala, fi'cuate in 1 9 degrees, odd
minutes, north latitude, in a fruitful plain, 20 leagues
to the eaft ward of the city of Mexico ; once a large
populous place, capital of the province ; but now
dwindled to a village, having little remarkable
in it but a monaftery of Francifcans. 2. Puelba
de los Angelos, or the city of Angels, fituate in
1 9 degrees .of north latitude, on the banks of the
■river Zacatula, in a fine valley, 25 leagues to the
eaftward of Mexico. The buildings are chiefly of
ftone, and the form of it like that of other Spanifh
towns.: A fpacious fquare in the middle, from
whence run the principal ltreets in a diredl line,
which are crofs’d by others at right angles. The
great fquare is encompafs’d on three fides with a
ftately uniform piazza, under which are the (hops of
the principal tradeim.cn and on the fourth fide of
the fquare is the cathedral, with a moft beautiful
front : This is, in every refpetft, a finer fquare than
that of Mexico, according to Gemelli, who
view’d both of them. The ftreets alfo are much
cleaner ; and there are a great many beautiful and
magnificent parochial and conventual churches, with
feveral rich monafteries and nunneries : But fome
parts of this fine town, I perceive, are fubjedl to
jnundations, as well as Mexico. It is the fce of a
VOL. III.
Biihop, Suffragan to the Archbifhop of Mexico, CHAP,
whofe annual revenue is fourfcore thoufand pieces V.
of eight per annum ; and there are two hundred
thoufand more paid annually to the Canons and
Officers of tire church ; the whole revenues whereof
amount to three hundred thoufand pieces of eight
per annum. The people of this city in general are
exceeding wealthy ; tho’ the Laity, in this part of
the world, cannot pretend to vie with the Clergy,
either in eftates or influence. 3. VeraCruz, or VeraCruz,
Ulva, fituate in the Gulph of Mexico, in 1 8 degrees, or ulva
odd minutes, north latitude, and in 1 00 degrees of ‘
weftern longitude, lying about flxty-five or feventy
leagues Ibuth-eaft of the city of Mexico, in a bar-
ren Tandy plain ; but confiderable upon account of
an excellent harbour, defended by its natural fitua-
tion within the rocks, and by a caftie and forts at
the entrance : It is alfo of importance, on account
of the Flotilla’s retorting hither to receive the Gold
and Silver found in the mines of Mexico ; and its
being a mart for all manner of merchandize and
rich goods that are brought hither to the Fair from
China, Eaft-Indies, Peru, and Europe.
The town extends itfelf from eaft to weft, being
much longer than broad ; but it is not more than
half a league in circumference. The walls are of
very little ufe, the fands being level with the tops of
them in many places ; but the caftie and forts are fo
fituated, as to be a defence to the (hips in the har-
bour. The air is very unhealthful, efpecially du-
ring the north-winds, which blow frequently on
this coaft. The place is alfo very poor, being in-
habited by Blacks and Mulattoes, and fome few Spa-
niards ; unlefs when the Flota is there, and then
vaft multitudes refort to Vera Cruz from all parts,
living in little huts or tents while the fleet remains
there ; but, upon the departure of the fleet, all peo-
ple of fubftance retire into the country, as well on
account of their healths, as becaufe their effects are
not in any fecurity there, the town having been fe-
veral times plunder’d by Buccaneers or Pirates. I
don’t find there is more than one parifh-church in
the place, but there are fome convents and an hof-
pita! that have churches belonging to them. The
houfcs are, for the moft part, thatch’d cottages; the
owners moft of them fifhermen. The ordinary
garrifon the Spaniards have here, confifts of a troop
of fixty horfe, and two companies of foot ; which
are fcarce fufficient to defend the town again!! the
Buccaneers. It was near this place, viz. at Ulva, Vha, or
or old Vera Cruz, that Cortez landed, when he ^, Vers
enter’d on the conqueft of Mexico ; but the old
town, not having fo commodious an harbour, was
deferted ; and there are now fcarce any remains of
it. The province of Guaxaca, or Guaxata, is Guaxaca
bounded by the North-lea on the north ; by Tabalco province,
on the eaft ; by the South-fea on the fouth ; and
by Tlafcala, or Los Angelos, towards the welt
The chief towns are, 1 . Spirito Sandto, fituate SpiritoSanft®
'I’ In town.
i 3 8
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, in 17 degrees, odd minutes, north latitude, and in
V. 97 degrees of weftern longitude, at the foot of cer-
ta ’ n mounta * ns near the South-fea. 2. Guax-
Mvva ata, the capital, fituate in a fine valley on the
banks of the river Alvarado, about twenty leagues
to the louthward of La Vera Cruz : It is a Bifhop’s
fee. Suffragan of Mexico, and faid to be a rich,
well built town, and the country about it full of
Guatulco villages. 3. Guatulco, or Aquatu'lco, fituate on
jaioDur, the South-fea, in 1 5 degrees and a half north lati-
tude, and 9 8 degrees of wefiern longitude, once
a good Spanifh town ; but, having been frequently
plunder’d by Enemies and Pirates, was totally de-
ferted ; and there is now fcarce any remains of the
town but a fmall chappel, and is only mention’d
here for its excellent harbour, which, our Seamen
relate, is one of the moft commodious on the
TecoantI- coaft of Mexico. 4. Tecoantipeque,. fituated to
the eaftward of Guatulco, on a river that falls into
the South-fea, faid to be a well built town ; but
has been plunder’d, I perceive, more ' than once by
the Buckaneers.
The air of this province is good, and the lands
fruitful : They have great numbers of Horfes,
Mules, Sheep and Oxen 3 and, abounding in Mul-
berry - trees, make more Silk than any part of
Mexico. Here are alfo rich mines of Gold and
Silver, and Gold Sands in feveral of their rivers.
It produces Caffia, Cochineel, Corn, Cotton, Sugar,
Cocoa-nuts, Plantains, and a variety of other fruits.
The province is mountainous, like the reft of Mex-
ico 3 but has feveral fine vallies in it, particularly
that of Guaxaca, which is 1 6 leagues in length,
and full of villages ; and, the country extending
both to the North and the South-feas, is extremely
well fituated for trade.
Tabafco pro- The province of Tabafco is bounded by the Bay
of Campeachy on the north ; by Jucatan on the
eaft ; by Chiapa on the fouth ; and by Guaxaca
on the weft ; and was heretofore deem’d a part of
Jucatan. As moft part of this province lies on the
Bay of Campeachy, where the Logwood grows which
our Dyers ufe, the land is generally fo flat and low,
that it remains under water great part of the year.
Dam pier relates, that it rains nine months in
the year here ; and that the Logwood-cutters work
in the water ufually up to their knees, when they
fell thofe trees ; and they can fcarce find a dry piece
of ground to build their huts on ; that there are
woods and thickets of Mangrooves, Bambow-canes
and Briars on the coaft, that grow in the water a
yard deep, and are almoft impenetrable : However,
farther up in the country, are fine favannahs, or
meadow-grounds, and gentle rifing hills on the fides
of them, planted with Guava’s, Cocoa-nut-trees,
and other fruits 3 and hills beyond them, on which
grow
- - — j 7
- - Cedar, Brazil-wood, and other good timber,
in the vallies between the hills, they have Indian-
corn, Rice, Barley, and ail manner of garden fluff j
and the Spaniards have introduced Grapes, Figs, CHA
Lemons, Oranges, and other European fruits : Here V.
are alfo found Deer, and a fpecies of wild Hoes, vys
proper to America, and almoft all forts of Euro-
pean cattle. But, tho’ the fea-coafis of this pro-
vince are overflow’d fix or feven months of the
year, it is fo hot and dry there for three months,
viz. in February, March, and April, that there is’
fcarce any enduring it, or any frefh water to be
found ; which makes the country very unhealthful,
and is the reafon, poffibly, that there are no towns
near the coaft ; for, as for Tabafco, fo much talk’d
of, I find fcarce any traces of it, only a large river
ol that name ; on the banks whereof are fome
ftraggling Indian houfes, and Fifhermens huts ;
but nothing that has the appearance of a town.
Dam pier, who lived among the Jamaica Log-
wood-cutters a great while, in the Bay of Cam-
peachy, allures us, there is not fo much as an Indian
village, much left a Spanifh town, within four or
fi ve leagues oi the coaft, in the Bay of Campeachy,
lor feveral hundred miles. He adds, that it is very
plealant failing up the river Tabafco, the banks
being planted with tall Cabbage-trees an hundred
loot high, and with the largeft Cotton and other
rimber-trees, that are to be met with any where :
That, eight leagues up the river, the Spaniards have
a breaft-work and a fmall guard to watch the Buc-
caneers, who fometimes venture up, and have a£Iu-
ally plunder’d the town call’d Villa de Mole, which
lies four leagues higher than the breaft-work ; and
this feenis to me to be the chief town in the coun-
try 3 for he tells us, here is a fort and a church
in it, and that it is inhabited by Spaniards and In-
dians : That thus far the fhips come up with Euro-
pean goods in the months of November or De-
cember, and ftay here till June or July, taking
Cocoa and other native commodities in return^
That all the Merchants and Tradefmen in the
country refort hither at Chriftmas, which very much
enriches the place. He mentions alfo the town of
Eftape, lying on the fame river, four leagues be-
yond Villa de Mole ; laid to be a town of pretty
good trade, and of fuch force, that it repulfod Cap-
tain He wet, when he attack’d it with two hun-
dred defperate Buccaneers. He mentions a flourilh-
ing town, call’d Halpo, dfo higher up the river of
Tabafco.
The province of Jucatan, or Yucatan, is a pe- Jucatan pre=.
ninfula, fituated in the Gulph oi JMexico, between
the Bays of Campeachy and Honduras : The ifth-
mus whereof has the provinces of Tabafco and
Chiapa on the weft. This peninfula extends from
1 6 to z 1 degrees, odd minutes, north latitude, and
lies between the 89th and 94th degrees of weft lon-
gitude : It is generally flat, low land, foarce any
hills, unlefs in the weftern part of it, near the
ifthmus : It is now thinly inhabited, efpeciallv near
the coafts 3 tho’ it was very full of people before
the
CHAP.
V.
■Campeachy
town.
Merida
town.
Valladolid
town.
Cozumel
ifland.
Chiapa pro-
vince.
■Chiapa town.
Soconufco
-province.
'Swonufco
: 'town,
OF MEXICO,
*39
the Spaniards deftroy’d the natives. This country
is not agreeable to European conftitutions, the air
being exceffive hot, and the lands near the coaft
frequently under water. The chief produce of the
country is Cotton, Salt, and Logwood ; and the
Indians employ themfelves pretty much in hilling.
The onlv Spanifh town on this extenhve coaft is
Campeachy, fituate on the weft-hde of the penin-
fula, in 19 degrees odd minutes north latitude : It
hands in a bending of the land, but open to the
fea ; and, being built of ftone, and furrounded with
a good wall, makes a fine appearance : It has a
citadel for its defence ; notwithstanding which, it
has been twice taken by the Buccaneers, viz. in
the years 1650, and 1678 ; the laft time by fur-
prize, the Buccaneers enter’d the gates in the day-
time without oppofttion, the Spaniards looking up-
on them to be a party of their own garrifon, re-
turn’d from an expedition out of the country.
There are two inland Spanifh towns of fome note
in Jucatan, viz. Merida and Valladolid. The town
of Merida is fituated in 20 degrees, odd minutes,
north latitude, between thirty and forty miles from
the North-fea, and is a Bifhop’s fee ; but I meet
with no farther defcription of it. The town of
Valladolid is fituated on the eaft-fide of the penin-
fula, in 19 degrees, odd minutes, north latitude, about
thirty miles within land, and forty to the weftward
of the ifland of Cozumel.
The province of Chiapa is an inland country,
bounded by Tabaico on the north ; by Jucatan on
the eaft ; and by Soconufco on the fouth : It is
mountainous, but well wooded and water’d, and
has feveral fruitful vallies, where they feed great
herds of cattel ; and they have a pretty brifk trade
with the neighbouring provinces. The chief town
is Chiapa, or Cividad Real, fituate in 1 6 degrees,
odd minutes, of north latitude, in a plain furrounded
by mountains, at an equal diftance almoft from the
North and South-fea : It is a Bifhop’s fee, and the
feat of their courts of Juftice ; and there are fome
monafteries in the town ; but I don’t find it is cither
rich or populous. There is another tov/n call’d
Chiapa de los Indos, becaufe it is inhabited by the
natives, the largeft Indian town in the country,
and fituate about 1 2 leagues from Spanifh Chiapa.
The province of Soconufco is bounded by Chiapa
on the north ; by Guatimala towards the eaft ; and
by the South-fea on the fouth and weft : It lies
along the coaft of the South-fea for above an hun-
dred miles, and is not a very fruitful country ;
neither do they feem to have much trade : Our
Seamen obferve, that it is very mountainous ; and
that the higheft mountain, which is a vulcaxio,
goes by the name of Soconufco : That to the fouth-
eaft of this vulcano runs a river, on the banks
whereof is fituated a large Indian town ; and that
both the town and the river take their names from
the vulcano.
The Audience of Guatimala is bounded by that CHAR,
of Mexico on the north- weft ; by the North-fea
on the north-eaft ; by the province of Darien, or
Terra-ftrrna Proper, in South- America, on the
fouth-eaft ; and by the South-fea on the fouth-weft 1
being about 1000 miles in length from the north-
weft to the fouth-eaft ; but fcarce half fo broad in
any part, and in fome not 1 00 miles broad. This
Audience is fubdivided into fix provinces ; viz. 1 .V era Subdivifioa
Paz ; 2. Guatimala Proper ; 3. Honduras ; 4. Ni- ot il: ’
caragua ; 5. Cofta Rica ; and 6. Veragua.
The province of Vera Paz is bounded by the Vera Par
Gulph of Honduras and Jucatan on the north; by province,
the province of Honduras on the eaft ; by Guatimala
Proper on the fouth ; and by Chiapa towards the weft.
It is faid to have had the name of Vera Paz, or
T rue Peace, given it by the Spaniards ; becaufe the
natives fubmitted, and made peace with them volun-
tarily. It is a woody mountainous country, fubjedf
to earthquakes, and neither fruitful or populous.
The Spaniards mention two towns; viz. Vera Paz, Vera Paz s
or Co ban
town, and
or Coban, and St. Peter’s, both of them fituated a
little to the fouthward of the Bay of Honduras ; St. Peter's,
but travellers have not thought them worth a par-
ticular defcription. Coban, or Vera Paz, is found
in our maps, in 1 5 degrees north latitude, and St.
Peter’s a little to the fouth-eaft of it.
The province of Guatimala Proper is bounded Guay' mate
by Vera Paz towards the north ; by Nicaragua and P rovinc? *
Honduras on the eaft ; and by the South-fea on the
fouth-weft. It is a mountainous country, every
mountain almoft a vulcano, and fubjeCt to earth-
quakes and fiery eruptions ; asDAMPiER, Captain
Rogers, and others relate, who were very well
acquainted with the coaft. There are, however,
many fruitful valleys, abounding in corn and pa-
fturage, and rich drugs for dying ; viz, Indico,
Otta, Silvefter, and Cochineel ; and great herds of
cattle ; feveral Sugar plantations, and fome Silver
mines ; and, as it lies along the coaft of the South-
fea, is well fupplied with fifh. It is agreed, by all,
to be an exceeding fruitful country ; nor are the
heats fo intolerable as might be expected between
the Tropics, the earth being refrefhed by the annual
rains, and the land and fea-breezes, which fucceed
each other every day at ftated hours. The chief
towns are, 1 . Guatimala, or St. Jago de Guati- Guatimala
mala, the capital, fituate in 1 4 degrees north lati- town -
tude, 8 or 9 leagues from the South-fea. There is a Guatimala
famous mountain, with two tops, 2 or 3 leagues
from this city ; out of one of which blues water,
and out of the other, fire. At the bottom of this
mountain flood the old town of Guatimala, once
deftroy’d by a fiery eruption, and a fecond time by
water iffuing from the other head ; which induced
the Spaniards to build the new city 3 leagues from,
thence : .However, at this diftance, the town is
fometimes cover’d with sihes from the fiery vulcano,
which throws out Hones and pieces of rocks as big
T z as
vulcano.
140
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP.
V.
v>/V
Trinidad
town,
St. Mi-
chael’s, a
fort-town.
Amapalla
town*
Honduras
province.
"Valladolid
sown,
Truxillo
town.
Gracias a
Dios,
as a houfe, and is obferved to burn moil fiercely du-
ring the rainy feafon. The new town lies on a ri-
ver in a fine valley, and is one of the largeft cities
in Spanifh America, containing upwards of eight
thoufand families : It is the feat of the Prefident,
and of the courts of Juftice of this Audience; a Bi-
lhop’s fee. Suffragan of Mexico; a univerfity ; and
has feveral fine monafteries : The cathedral and pa-
rochial churches alfo are exceeding rich. 2. Tri-
nidad, or Sonfonate, a port-team, fituate on the
Bay of the Souch-fea, 100 miles fouth-eaft of Gua-
timala, in 1 3 degrees north latitude: It confifts of
four or five hundred Spanifh families, befides Mu-
latto® and Indians, and has five churches. 3. St.
Michael’s, another port-town to the eaftward of
Sonfonate, having feven or eight hundred houfes,
and feveral fine churches ; and near it is a great vul-
cano, call’d The vulcano of St. Michael’s ; beyond
which is a large lake, the banks whereof are Well
inhabited by Spaniards, Mulattoes, and Indians.
4. Amapalla, fituate on a fine bay to the eaftward
of St. Michael s ; in which are above an hundred
Spanifh families, who have a brifk trade for their
Coch ineel, Cocoa, Hides, Indico, Nc.
The province of Honduras, or Comaiagua, is
bounded by the Gulph of Honduras and the North-
fea on the north and eaft ; by Guatimala Proper and
Nicaragua on the fouth ; and by Vera Paz on the
weft. T he air of this country is faid to be general-
ly good, and the foil rich in corn and pafturage, oc-
cafioned by the annual floods of their numerous ri-
vers, and was exceedingly populous, ’till the natives
were deftroy’d by the Spaniards, who tortured and
put many of them to death, ’tis faid, to make them
difeover their Gold and Silver, and kill’d many more,
by obliging them to work in the mines, and carry
burthens beyond their ftrength. It is even laid, in
a letter to Charles V. written by the Bifhop of
Chiapa, that the Spaniards murder’d two millions of
people in this province ; but this account muft cer-
tainly be very extravagant, there being fcarce fo ma-
ny people in it, it it be true, as moft writers agree,
that America was not fo well peopled as Europe,
when the Spaniards came thither. The chief towns
are, 1. Valladolid, or Comaiagua, fituate in ^de-
grees of north latitude, and 91 degrees of weftern
longitude, in a pleafant valley, on the weft-fide of
a river, which falls into the Gulph of Honduras, 80
miles north of the town. Here the Silver is refined,
which is dug in the adjacent mountains. It is the
rei id cnee of the Governor of the province, and a
Bi (hop’s fee, Suffragan of Mexico. 2. Truxillo,
fituate in i 5 degrees, odd minutes, north latitude, cn
a bay or the fea, on tire north-fide of the province :
in ftands on an eminence between two rivers, the
mouths whereof, and fome illands that lie before it,
rorrn the harbour, which is defended by a caftle ;
but the place has however been plunder’d feveral :
times by the Buccaneers. 3. Gracias a Dios, fitu-
ated at the mouth of a river near the north-eaft C H A P,
Cape, or Promontory of Honduras. It ftands on a y,
mountain near a fine fruitful valley, and hath fome
Gold mines in tire neighbourhood" of it.
The province of Nicaragua is bounded by Hon- Nicaragua
d uras on the north, by the North-fea on the eaft, by P rsvince -
Cofta Rica towards the fouth-eaft, and by the South-
iea on the fouth-weft : 7 his country confifts of
mountains, vallies, and fpacious lakes, with fine
favannahs or meadows, in which feed numerous
herds of cattle : They have alfo Sugar plantations,
and a variety of pleafant fruits : And their conftant
fea and land-breezes, with that extenfive lake, that'
runs quite crofs it, renders this province cool and
healthful ; infomuch, that fome of our countrymen,
that have refided here, call it the paradife of the In-
dies : But the vulcano’s in their mountains, and
the earthquakes occafion’d by them, too often dif-
tutb their repole. I he weft end of the great lake Nicaragua? j
I have mentioned, lies within a few leagues of the lake-
South-fea, and ftretching to the weftward, falls into
the North-fea by a narrow channel, ufually call’d the
river ot Nicaragua ; but this channel, it feems, is
fo obftrufited by rocks, and the river falls down fuch
precipices frequently, that the navigation is fcarce
practicable : Nor do the Spaniards care to move thefe
obftruCtions, left fome other nations Ihould find a
way through this lake to their fettlements on the
South-fea ; for the head of the lake is not more than
four or five leagues diftant from the South-fea. It
is of a good depth after palling the narrow channel
from the North-fea, and upwards of an 1 00 miles
in length, and thirty or forty in breadth : It ebbs
and flows like the fea, and the banks of it are pretty
well inhabited, on account of the plenty of good
fifh in it, and other conveniencies ; but it is pretty
much infefted by Crocodiles and Alligators.
The chief towns in this province are, r . The Leon town,
city of Leon, fituate towards the weft end of the
laid lake, in 1 1 degrees and a half of north latitude,
about 20 miles to the eaftward of cbe Soutb-lea : It
ftands in a plain at the foot of a piqued mountain,
call’d. The vulcano of Leon. It is a Bifbop’s fee; •
and, befides the cathedral, has feveral churches and
monafteries, and about a thoufand houfes, whereof
the Governor’s and fome of the principal inhabitants
make a grand appearance ; but they are moft of them
low built on account of earthquakes. The riches of
the place has tempted the Buccaneers to plunder it
feveral times, and particularly the crew that Dam-
pier fail’d with in the year 16 84, who fet fire to
the place, on the Governor’s refilling them a fum of
money : And, perhaps, the eafinels of accefs to this
city, was one great inducement to their attempting
it ; for Dam pier relates, that the way to it lay
through fine level favannahs or meadows : Nor does
he mention any fortifications about it, only fome
breaft-works in the way thither. 2. Ria Lexa, or Ria Lexa
Rea Lejoj fituate on the South-fea, being the port- town<
town
OF MEXICO.
141
t H A P. town to the city of Leon, and fituate 20 miles
V. weft of it. The town ftands in a plain on a fmall
river, is pretty large, and, according to Dam-
pier, has three churches and an hofpital ; but is
a very fickly place, on account of the creeks and
falt-marfhes that lie about it, and occafion a very
Grenada naufeous fmell. 3. Granada, fituate on the fouth-
town. f !C ] e D f th e Jake Q f Nicaragua, about 60 miles fouth -
eaft of Leon, a good trading town, with forne for-
tifications about it ; and yet it was taken and plun-
St. John’s, der’d by the Buccaneers in the year 1686. 4. St.
John’s, fituate on the north-fide of the river of Ni-
caragua, about 100 miles to the weftward of the
North- fea ; but I meet with no farther difcription
of it.
Cofta Rica The province of Cofta Rica, or the Rich coaft,
province. j s hounded by Nicaragua on the north ; by the
North-fea on the eaft ; by Veragua on the fouth-
eaft ; and by the South-fea on the fouth-weft ; ex-
tending 200 miles along the South-fea coaft, and
about 60 miles along the coaft of the North-fea.
This is a mountainous barren country ; but inex-
preffibly rich in Gold and Silver mines, from whence
its (Lores obtain’d the name of the rich coaft. The
Nicoya chief towns are, 1. Nicoya, fituated 30 miles to the
eaftward of a bay of the South-fea, to which, how-
ever, it gives its name, and lies in 1 o degrees, odd
minutes, north latitude, confiding of about fourfcore
houfes. The bay is much frequented by the Spa-
nifti (hipping, being a commodious harbour, and
feveral rivers falling into it; but what is moft con-
fiderable, is a Pearl fiftiery the Spaniards have here,
which yields them a confiderable profit : This may
well be called the rich coaft, therefore, when the
fea and the land yield fuch valuable treafures. All our
Seamen take notice of the mountains near this coaft,
both on account of their vaft height, and the figure
they make at fea : They are called The crown
The crown mountains, and are five or fix ridges of hills, gra-
jnountains. f Lir mounting each other, and refembling a
crown at a diftance. But to return to the town of
Nicoya : This alfo was taken and plunder’d by the
Buccaneers in the year 1687, who extorted a con-
fiderable fum from the Governor, for not fetting it
on fire ; fo exceeding weak do the Spaniards appear
to be in thefe parts. 2. The fecond town I (hall
Carthage mention, is Carthage, the capital, which is fituated
town. a lf Q or m j] es w ithin the land to the eaftward
of Nicoya ; but I meet with no farther defcription
of it : As it is a barren country, there are few
towns in it, and thofe are not very confiderable.
Veragua The province of Veragua is bounded by the
province. North-fea on the north ; by the province of Da-
rien, or Terra-firma Proper in fouth America, and
• by the Gulph of Panama on the eaft ; by the South-
fea on the fouth, and by Cofta Rica on the weft.
This is a mountainous barren country ; but then
their mountains are well cloath’d with timber, and
near the coaft of the North and South-feas, the land
is low and incumber’d wirh thickets of Mangroves CHAP,
and Bamboa-canes, and generally very unhealthful ; V.
but they have mines of Gold and Silver, not inferior
to thofe of Cofta Rica ; and in their rivers, which
fall from the mountains, is frequently found Gold-
duft : But the courfe of their rivers is very fhort and
rapid, efpecially thofe that fall into the North-fea,
the mountains lying very near that fhore; nor are
they far from the coaft of the South-fea. The chief
towns are, 1 . Santa Fe, or St. Faith’s, fituate in the Santa Fe
middle of the province, in 9 degrees of north lati- town,
tude, and 83 degrees of weftern longitude; where,
’tis faid, the Spaniards melt their Gold into bars ; but
their capital is faid to be, 2. The town of Concep- Conception
tion, fituate on a bay of the North-fea, 40 miles town,
north of Santa Fe ; but I meet with no farther de-
feription of either of thefe towns. 3. Puebla Nova, p ue bla No-
or New Town, fituate at the mouth of a river, va.
which runs into the South-fea, encompafl’ed with
bogs and morafies ; faid to be a large place, but of no
force, being taken by a crew of Buccaneers, with
whom Dampier fail’d in the year 1685. 4. Cbi- Chiriquj
riqui, fituate on a river, that falls into the South- town -
fea, about 3 miles from its mouth, and upwards of
40 miles to the weftward of Puebla Nova. This
town alio was taken by the Buccaneers in 1686.
As was, 5.LaVillia, on the feme coaft, where the La Villi*
Buccaneers fur priz'd three hundred Spaniards in the t0 ' vn *
church at high-mafs, and poflels’d themfelves of a
vaft treafure in bullion and rich merchandize ; but
falling into an ambufcade afterwards, loft moft part
of their plunder ; however, they carried off their
prifoners, and had upwards of ten thoufend pieces of
eight paid them for their ranfom.
Having given a defcription of modern Mexico,
and feme of the chief Spaniih towns; I proceed to
defcribe the towns and villages of the Indians, both
ancient and modern, with the form of their houfes,.
and the materials, of which they were, or are built,
with their furniture, as far as we can learn thefe
particulars from the firft difcoverers, or from tra-
vellers that have lately vifited thofe countries ; and
firft J fhall treat of the city of Old Mexico.
What the form of the old city was, no author, OH Mexico
that I have met with, attempts to defcribe, any defcrib’d.
more than the dimenfions: But, as it flood on the
fame ground the prefent city ftands on, there is rea-
fon to believe it was fquare, as modern Mexico is, or
pretty near that figure ; and the dimenfions may be
gather’d from the number of families that refided in
it, which the hiftories of that conqueft make to be
about fixty thoufend. Thefe hiftories inform us
alfo, that there was a vaft fquare in the middle of
the city, which, in the time of their great Fair, con-
tain’d an hundred thoufand people, that refortecl
thither with their goods and merchandizes, and
lodged in the booths and tents they erected in that
fquare : That the town was divided into two parts 3
the one inhabited by the Court, the Nobility, and
per fens
A 2
T H E PRESENT STATE
CHAP, perfons of diftinclion ; and the other by Tradefmen
V. and people of inferior rank : That the former was
much the largeft part ; where the ftreets were fpa-
Eul ' dinss ' cions, the houfes of white hewn ftone, one ftory
high ; and that they had flat roofs adorn’d with bat-
Purnitiire. tlements : That their cielings were of Cedar, Cy-
preis, or other odoriferous wood ; and their hangings
were either of furs and beautiful feathers, or painted
cotton linen, with a variety of figures of birds, beafts,
or plants. The only furniture mention’d befides, are
their beds and chairs, which do not feem fuitable to
the reft ; for their beds were no better than mats,
and their chairs of wood; nor were any of the No-
bility ferved in plate ; This was the prerogative on-
ly of the Emperor, the reft eat out of earthen difhes.
The only publick buildings writers give us any
Pinceji defcription of, are the Emperor’s palaces, and their
temples; and thefe deferiptions are not fo full as
could be wifh’d.
The palace where Mont k zu m a, thelaft Em-
peror refided, f jfficiently fhew’d the magnificence of
that Prince, fays the Hiflory of the Conquejl : The
pile was fo very large, that it open’d with thirty
gates, into as many different ftreets ; the principal
front making one fide of the great fquare above -
mention’d. The materials of this building were
polifh’d Jafper, black, red and white; and over each
gate, in a large ftiield, were the arms of Monte-
zuma, being a Griffin, half Eagle and half Lion,
with the wings extended, and a Tiger in his talons.
T his palace confifted of feveral fquare courts, fo
vaftly extenfive, that here were apartments for three
thoufand of his women, and a proportionable num-
ber of other domefticks; and might rather he ftyled
a feparate city, than a palace.
The palace affign’d to C o r t e z and his army was
vaftly large, containing commodious rooms and a-
partments for his five hundred Spaniards, and for fe-
veral thoufand Tlafcalans, his Indian allies ; the
whole being furrounded with a thick ftone-wall, and
flank’d with ftately towers, at convenient diftances.
In feveral of the ftreets of Mexico were canals, with
bridges over them, and many thoufand boats ply’d
upon the water to bring in provihons, and for the
fervice or pleafure of the inhabitants. There were
two vaft aqueduefts alfo made by the Emperor Mon-
tezuma, which brought in frefti water from a
mountain 3 miles diftance, fupplying the palaces and
the numerous fountains in the high ftreets with
water.
Befides the two palaces already mention’d, Mon-
tezuma had feveral pleafure-houfes in and about
the city : In one of which were great galleries, fbp-
ported by pillars of jafper, in which were kept every
fpecies of land-fowls and birds that Mexico produ-
ced : The fea- fowls were preferved and fed in refer-
voirs of fait water ; and thofe that were bred in
lakes and rivers, in others of frefti water; and fo
numerous were the feather’d race of all kinds, that
it is faid to be the bufinefs of three hundred men to C H A p
feed and look after them. y
In another fquare, of the lame palace, were kept
all manner of wild beafts, in their refpetlive dens
and cages, in a moft regular order ; and in another
part of this palace were apartments for dwarfs and
monfters, fools and naturals, of the human fpecies,
kept for the fport or fervice of the Court.
Here were alfo armories, well replenifh’d with
armour, and all manner of Indian weapons; of
wdiichl final! give a particular account under another
head : And in the fame quarter were feen the artifi-
cers at work that form’d and clean’d thefe arms.
All thefe palaces had fpacious and elegant gardens,
not planted with fruic, but laid out in fine fhady
walks, beds of fragrant and medicinal herbs, and
parterres of beautiful flowers ; with magnificent
fummer-houfes, bagnio’s, arbours, and fountains,
that might have vied with any thing of that kind in
Europe in thofe days.
But there was a building, in the moft folitary
part of thefe gardens, which furprized the Spaniards,
tis faid, more than any thing they met with ; and
that was an edifice, call’d The Houfe of Sorrow ; to
which the Emperor ufed to retire on the death of lu's
near relations, or on any calamity, publick or pri-
vate : It was fo contrived, as to infpire thofe that
approached it with gloomy melancholy thoughts ;
the roof, the ceiling, and Hues were black ; and only
light enough let in to difeover the difmal obfeurity.
Elere he ufed to remain till the time of mourning
and humiliation were over ; and here, if we may
credit thofe authors who writ the Conqucji of Mex-
ico, Montezuma ufed to converfe familiarly with
the Prince of darknefs: But thofe who read thefe
gentlemen, are at liberty to believe as much or as
little as they pleafe of fj.ch relations.
I come, in the next place, to the defcription of Temples,
the Mexican temples, the principal whereof was
dedicated to 2i2lt3tipUfii!, the God of War;
I his flood on a fpacious fquare, furrounded by a
wall of hewn ftone, wrought on the ouefide with
various knots of twifted ferpents : At a little diftance •
from the principal gate was a place of worfhip,
built of ftone, and afeended on the outfide by thirty
fteps, on the top whereof was a long flat roof, and
the front of it adorn d with the fculls of men that
had been facrificed, placed in rows one above ano-
ther, which half cover’d this edifice.
On each fide of the grand fquare was a magnifi-
cent gate, and over every one of them four ftatues,
fuppofed to reprefent feme fubordinate deities ; for
all that enter’d the gates feem’u to adore them. Un-
der the wall, on the infide, were the apartments of
the Priefts, and of their officers and fervants ; and
yet the fquare was fo very extenfive, that there was
room lei t for eight or ten thoufand perfons to dance
on their folemn feftivals.
-In
PTTZZIPUTSZI
$//K/fr/tAss>*
*
"• 'I
CHAP.
V.
ij Some other
ancient
towns de-
j.Jcribed,
l
O F M E X I C O.
143
In the middle of the fquare was an edifice of a
pyramidal form; three fides whereof were fmooth,
and the fourth contain’d an hundred and twenty
ftone fteps, by which they afcended to the top, that
was a flat of 40 foot fquare, laid with Jaiper of all
colours. The rails, or balluftrade, that furrounded
this, were of a ferpentine form, cover’d with a
ftone as black as jet, and join d with a red and white
cement, that was very ornamental.
On each fide, within the rails, was a marble fta-
tue, fupporting a vaft candleftick, and between them
a green ftone, five fpans high from the floor, which
terminated in a point ; and on this they extended
the human victims they facrificed, throwing them
on their backs, and ripping them open with knives
made of flint ; after which, they tore out their
hearts, and offer’d them to their idols : For, on the
farther fide, oppofite to the flairs, flood a chappel of
exquifite materials and architecture, where the idol
was placed on an altar. This image v/as of human
form, and fat on a throne, fuftained by an azure
globe, which they called heaven; from the fides
whereof iffued four rods, their ends refembling the
heads of ferpents : On the head of the image was a
helmet, adorn’d with plumes of various colours ; its
countenance was fevere and terrible, and much de-
formed by two blue bands, which bound the fore-
head and the nofe ; in the right hand it held a twi-
ning ferpent, that ferved for a ftaff ; and in the left
four arrows, which were revered as the gift of hea-
ven : It bore a fhield alfo, adorn’d with fine white
plumes in the form of a crofs. On the left hand was
another chappel of the fame form, in which was
'the image of SElalOffe, another of their gods ;
refembling the former however in every refpedt :
They were efteemed friends, or rather fo intimately
united, that they afcribed to them the fame attri-
butes, and paid them the fame honours. The walls
and altars of thefe chappels were immenfely rich,
cover’d with jewels and precious (tones, fet on fea-
thers of various colours.
There were eight of thefe temples in Mexico, of
the like architecture and equal wealth, befides two
thoufand fmall ones, dedicated to as many different
gods; every ftreet having its tutelary deity ; every
diftrefs or calamity its particular altar, to which they
had recourfe for a remedy of their feveral fufferings :
But, having referved a chapter on purpole to treat
of their religion, I forbear enlarging on that fubject
here.
Thofe, who have written the Conquejl of Mex-
ico, have given us an account of feveral other no-
ble cities and towns in that empire, whole buildings
were little inferior to the capital ; particularly Iz-
tacpalapa, fituate on an ifland in the lake about two
leagues from Mexico, and with which it had a com-
munication by a fpacious ftone caufey. The Spani-
ards, who pafi’d through this city in their firft march
to. Mexico, relate, that it confifted of ten thoufand
houfes, many of which were built like thofe of Mex- CHAP.
ico, with flat roofs, battlements, and cedar cielings; V,
and that the rooms of the Cacique’s palace were
hung with cotton linen finely painted : That, among
other curiofities in his garden, he had a fquare refer-
voir of ftone, with flairs on every fide going down
to the bottom, each fide containing four hundred
paces. Another city they pafs’d through, call’d Cho-
lula, which for beauty they compared to Valladolid
in Spain, and affure us, that it contained twenty
thoufand fouls, and had fuburbs of equal dimenfions.
1 he city of Tlalcala alfo, they inform us, was
built with ftone and brick, and the houfes had flat
roofs, with battlements of terrafles, like thofe of
Mexico : That it was fituated on four eminencies,
which were united and defended by a ftone wall :
So well were thefe people verfed in architecture in
thofe days; and yet I do not find that there are
any towns in the country now built of brick or ftone,
except thofe in poftelfion of the Spaniards. I pro-
ceed therefore, in the laft place, to deferibe the
towns there are in Mexico at this day, inhabited by
fuch Indians as are not come into the Spanifh modes
of building, with the form of their houfes and their
furniture.
Even thofe Indians, that have fubmitted to the Indian
Spaniards, and embraced their religion (if they have townSl
not intermarried with them, and are not inhabitants
of their great towns) live in thatch’d cottages, and
obferve very little regularity in laying out their
ftreets ; their houfes neither Hand contiguous, or in
any order, but are difperfed here and there, as in
our villages, every one having his feparate planta-
tion ; only they have one common guard-houfe, or
fort, fituate on an eminence, whither they refort on
the approach of an enemy, or when they affemble
in council.
They never lay any deep foundations ; their hou-
fes Hand in a manner upon the furface of the ground :
They fet up fmall ports, feven or eight foot high,
two or three foot afunder ; and, having fplinter’d
up the intervals, cover them with clay : The roof is
made like that of an ordinary barn, and cover’d
ufually with Palmeto leaves : The length of the
building is about 24 foot, and half as broad as it is
long: The fire-hearth is in the middle of the houfe,
and they have a hole over it to let out the (moke,
but no chimneys: They build but one floor, and
have no partitions; all the houfe is but one room :
Inftead of beds they ufe hammocks, which are hung
up on the principal beam, from one end to the other
of the houfe ; nor have they any other feats or tables,
but blocks of wood: Their furniture confifts of pots
and pans, and other kitchen utenfils, with Gala-
bafhes or Gourds of an uncommon fize to hold their
liquor ; and their arms, bows, arrows, launces,
darts, and quivers, with their tools, are hung round
the cottage as ornaments,
Their
144
T II E
PRESENT
STATE
1 heir guard-houfe is about i 30 foot long, and 25
broad ; the walls 9 or 1 o foot high, and the top of
the roof about 20 foot in height, and thatch’d with
Palmeto leaves, as the private houfes are ; but they
have narrow loop-holes on the fides, from whence
they can annoy an enemy with their arrows. Thefe
houfes, as has been obferved, are generally fituated
on an eminence ; and the ground is cleared of wood
and fhrubs for a good fpace about them, that an
enemy may find no (belter from their arrows, or
any place to lie concealed. They have ftrong doors
to defend the entrance to thefe houfes ; but the Spa-
niards, it feems, eafilv burn down thefe little for-
treffes, by (hooting flaming arrows into the thatch.
C H A P. VI.
Of the perfons and habits of the Mexicans; of their
genius and temper , arts , manufactures , diet , ex-
ert ifes, and diverfions.
Negroe
common-
wealths.
The per Tons
of the In-
dians.
T HERE is at prefent a great variety of inha-
bitants in Mexico ; viz. 1 . The native In-
dians ; 2. The Spaniards, and other Europeans;
3. The defendants of the Spaniards unmix’d, who
are called Crioli ; 4. The Mefti ces, or Mefties, the
i flue of a Spaniard and an American ; 5. The Fine
Mefties, the iffue of fuch iffue ; 6. The Terceroons
dez Indies, the children of the laft, intermarried
with pure Spaniards ; 7. The Quarteroons dez
Indies, whole pofterity are allow’d the fame pri-
vileges as pure Spaniards. The Blacks alfo are pretty
numerous, having been carried over to the Indies
from Africa, and by one means or other obtained
their freedom. The iffue of a Spaniard (or other
European) by one of thefe female Negroes, is call’d
a Mulattoe : The defendants of thefe alfo are call’d
Mulattoes, tho’ again intermarried v/ith Spaniards,
and as white as the Spaniards themfelves ; and can
never enjoy the privileges of Spaniards, unlefs they
can conceal their defcent, which they frequently do,
by removing from the place of their nativity. And
there is alfo a mingled breed of Negroes and Indi-
ans, whole defeendants are ever excluded from the
privileges of Spaniards ’till their anceftors are for-
gotten: But, befide thefe, there are feme common-
wealths of Blacks, in feveral parts of Mexico, that
own no fubjedlion to the Spaniards : Thefe were con-
ftituted out ol the Negroes that run away from their
mafters into the woodsand mountains; and, at length,
became fo formidable, that the Spaniards were forced
to enter into treaties with them, and grant them
their liberties, and permit them to be govern’d by
their own Magiftrates, on condition they would put
a flop to their depredations.
I proceed, in the next place, to ddcribe the per-
lons and habits of the native Mexicans.
The Indians, I find, are generally of a middle
ftature, and their complexions a deep olive, darker
than that of the Portuguefe : The men have ftreight CHAP
VI.
W'V'vl
clean limbs, are big-boned, and well-fhaped, icarce
a crooked or deformed perion is to be found among
them : They are nimble and adlive, and run very
fwiftly : The women are moderately fat, and well-
fhaped; and the faces, both of men and women
(who have not taken pains to alter the natural Ihape)
are round : Their eyes large, either black or grey,
lively and fparkling : Their foreheads are high ;
their nofes (hort; the mouth of a moderate fiy.e ;
their bps thin ; their chins and cheeks well propor-
tion’d ; and all of them have fine fets of teeth : The
features both of men and women generally good.
In the wearing their hair, which is always black,
they differ very much ; in feme places the men wear
it Ihort, and the women long ; and in others it is
juft the reverfe : Some are proud of having long
hair hang down their backs; others wear it ftiort,
juft below their ears, anj home tie it up behind ;
but all agree in buffering no hair to remain upon
them, unlefs the hair of their heads, and over their
eyes; the reft is pull’d off by tweazers as loon as
ever it appears, which is the bufinefs of the old wo-
men, it feems ; infomuch, that the Spaniards did
.not find a beard in the country, or any hair below
the waift, when they arrived among them. There
are fome nations of Indians that take abundance of
pains to render their countenances deform’d ; they
do not only flat the nofes of their new born infants,
but fo prefs and fqueeze their heads between two
boards, that they make them perfectly flat ; while
others endeavour to mould their tender fkulls into the
fhape of a fugar-loaf: And there are fcarceanyof
them but disfigure their faces and bodies with paint,
and rub themfelves over with oil or fat : They be-
gin to anoint and pamt their children very young,
and the women are the operators : The colours they
chiefly affeft are a lively red, blue or yellow ; and
fometimes they make the figures of men, beafts,
birds, or plants, on every part of the body, but
chiefly on the face: They draw thefe figures on the
(kin with wooden pencils, gnaw’d at the end to the
foftnefs of a brulh ; renewing the paint from time
to time, ’till the colours are fix’d : 'But the way they
often take to render the figures laftingand indelible,
is by pricking the (It in with a thorn ’till the blood
follows, and then rubbing the paint in with their
hands : Some nations of Mexicans, when they go
to the wars, paint their faces red, and their bodies
with other colours, according to their feveral fan-
cies ; but this is uiually wafti’d oft’ at night, and re-
new’d every morning.
As to their habits, moft of the Mexican nations The habits
wear fome habit or other ; but there are Indians that
go perfectly naked. Gim e lli relates, that he fa w UnS '
fome of the Chicbimecas, when he was at Mexico,
who had no part of their bodies covered, but their
nudities ; all the reft of the body was naked, and
ftuin’d with feveral colours : That their faces were
ftreak’d
t
i
1
*
O F M E :
CHAP, {freak'd with black lines, made by pricking the {kin,
■VI. and rubbing in the black liquor : That fome of thefe
wore Stags fkulls on their heads with the horns on ;
others had a Lion’s, a Tyger’s, or a Wolf s head upon
their own, fatten’d about their necks with part of
the beaft’s {kin : Thefe are worn as triumphs of
their victories over thofe animals. But they aie
ambitious of nothing fo much as of killing a Spani-
ard, that they may fix his head on their own, and
triumph in the deftru£tion of their moil dreaded
enemy.
There is another nation in Veragua, where the
men cloath nothing but the Penis, which the infe-
rior people wrap up in a leaf, and thofe of better
quality inclofe in a cafe of gold and filver, of the
faflnon of a cone or extinguifher, and adorn it with
jewels, letting the Scrotum hang over in full view :
But even thefe people, on feftivals, and other fo-
Jemn occafions, have a white or black cotton gar-
ment, like a Plowman’s frock, that reaches down
to their heels ; and if an European gives them a
fliirt, or any other cloathing, they immediately put
it on, and reckon themfelves very fine. But if they
Ornaments, have no cloaths, they feldom want ornaments for
the face, ears, and neck, befides the painting of
their fkins, already mentioned. The men have
always a thin plate of gold or filver, hanging over
their" lips, of an oval figure, and a piece being cut
out of the upper fide, it is almott of the form ot a
crefcent, the points whereof gently pinch the bridle
of the nofe, and fatten it on ; the middle of this
plate is about the thicknefs of a guinea, and grows
gradually thinner towards the edges. This is the
fize of the plate they wear when they afiemble in
council, or at a feftival ; but they have one much
lefs, that does not reach their lips, which they wear
at other times.
The women, inftead of a plate, wear a ring of
the like fize, which goes through the bridle of the
nofe, and by its weight fometimes draws it down to
the mouth. Both men and women lay the larger
j. ornaments afide while they are eating at an enter-
tainment, and then put them on again, and the lef-
fer fort do not hinder their eating. Their Great
men alfo wear two gold plates, of the (hape ot an
heart, a fpan long, at each ear, being faftend to it
by a gold ring, which ftretches the ear to an immo-
derate fize, and occafion’d Columbus to give this
province the name of The country of Ears. They
alfo wear a kind of coronet or bandage of gold or
filver about their heads, eight or nine inches broad,
and indented on the upper fide ; others have only a
bandage of cane painted red, ftuck round with beau-
tiful feathers {landing upright : And almott all the
1 Indians of both fexes wear firings or chains of beads,
teeth, {hells, and other toys, hanging from the
neck down to their breafts : Every perfon almott has
three or four hundred of thefe chains on, and the
larger and heavier they are, the more ornamental $
V o L. III.
u c o. us
the meaneft woman, when five is drefi’d, has fifteen cr C H A P>
twenty pound weight of thefe firings, fome carry VI.
thirty, and the men as much more : But thefe are
worn only at fettivals, and on lolemn occafions.
The women carry the men’s ornaments in bafkets
on their {boulders to their attemblies, where they
put them on, and will dance with that weight about
them : The women, befides their ear-rings and
necklaces, have fome of them bracelets of the fame
materials on their arms.
As to the Mexicans, that liv’d in towns when Habits of the
the Spaniards arriv’d there, they had moft of them ^^dcans.
fome cloathing, altho’ thofe that inhabited the coun-
try, had little or no cloathing, any more than they
have at this day. What the general habit of the
Mexicans was, when the Spaniards firft came among
them, I don’t find any where particularly deferib’d.
They tell us, indeed, that Montezuma the
Emperor, when he met Cortez at his entrance
into Mexico, had on a robe of fine painted cotton
linnen, that trail’d upon the ground, and was co-
ver’d in a manner with glittering jewels, and preci-
ous ftones ; that he wore a crown of gold, in form
of a mitre, had fhoes of hammer’d gold, and a kind
of Roman bufkin about his legs.
The Spaniards alfo relate, that the High-prieft
wore on his head a crown of beautiful feathers of
various colours, with golden pendants, enrich’d with
emeralds at his ears, and that he was cloath’d in a
veft, and a fine fcarlet robe over it ; and in the
pictures thev have given us of the Priefts, it appears,
they had fandals on their feet, but their legs were
bare, which makes it reafonable to believe, that the
generality of the people, even in their capital city,
wore neither {lockings or {hoes, if the reft ot their
bodies were cloath’d ; and in other pictures they
have given us the upper part of the body naked.
I proceed in the next place to {hew how the In-
dians are cloath’d, that live in the Spanifh tov/ns, or a „s t '
are under their government ; and thefe Gemelli
Careri informs us, wear a ftiort waiftcoat and
wide breeches, with a Ihort cloak of various colours
over all ; and fome of them have fendals on their
feet, but go bare-legg’d ; that the women wear a
waiftcoat of cotton linnen, over which they have a
frock or fhift, and a ftrait petticoat of various co-
lours ; and when they go abroad, have another cloth
wrapped about them.
That the Meftige, Mulatto and Black women, ofthiBhck?
who make the greateft part of the Mexican women, ^ Mulat "
not being allow’d to wear veils, or cloath them-
felves after the Spanlfti fafhion, and defpifing the
Indian habit, go in an extravagant drefs, wearing a
kind of petticoat about their fhoulders, like a cloak.
Mr. Dam pier relates, that the country Indians,
who are civiliz’d, in fome provinces wear a ftiort
waiftcoat and breeches, and have a Palm-leaf for a
hat, which is their holiday-drefs ; that they have no
ftioes or {lockings, nor do they wear fo much as a
U waiftcoat,
146 THE PRE!
C Ii A P. waiftcoat on working-days ; that the women have
VI. a cotton linnen petticoat, and a kind of frock, that
readies down to their knees, the bofom whereof is
open and finely work’d ; that they tie their hair up
in a knot behind, and in this drefs they think them-
felves very fine. He does not inform us, whether
they have any other covering for their heads, be-
fides their hair.
The fenius As to the genius and temper of the Mexicans, it
odheMexi- f 2£rnSj there is a wide difference between what
they were when the Spaniards arrived amongft them,
and what we find them to be at this day : They are
far from being improv’d either in arts or morals.
The firft adventurers inform us, that they were a
wonderful ingenious people, inoffenfive and hofpita-
ble; and, except in the matter of human facrifices,
and their idolatrous worfhip, which their fuperftition
requir’d, there was very little reformation wanting;
nay, we are affured, that the generality of the people
detefted thefe facrifices, and were weary of their
_ , fuperftition.
Good artifi* tv .1 . -
?ers , it appears, they were no mean artificers in paint-
ing, ftatuary and building: That they ufed both
the pencil, and the beautiful feathers of birds, in
drawing and forming of pictures ; and without any
manner of iron tool, hew’d out vaft pillars and flabs
of marble out of the rock, and polifh’d them, as
they did feveral precious ftones and jewels ; that
they made arms, defenfive and offenfive ; wrought
mines of gold, filver and copper, melted and fepa-
rated thefe metals, and afterwards wrought them
into plates and veflels ; and all this, as has been ob-
ferv’d, without being acquainted with iron. We
find alfo, that they built great towns, removed ftones
of prodigious fize from place to place ; and yet had
no horfes, oxen or other cattle for draught, but all
their carriages were drawn by men. They had alfo
images of gold and filver, wood and ftone, and yet
not an iron tool to work with. And how did they
carve and engrave, paint and build, remains very
much a fecret to us. The Spaniards were fo intent
upon plundering their gold and filver, that they neg-
lected to make proper obfervations on thefe articles ;
at leaft, they did not think fit to tranfmit thefe
matters to pofterity : We have only lame and im-
perfect accounts of the arts and manufactures of the
Indians ; we only know, that there were magnifi-
cent buildings, images, pictures, vefiels, and uten-
fils of gold, filver, earth and wood ; but how they
form’d them without the help of iron tools, is, in
a great meafure, a myftery to us. We know, in-
deed, that fharp flints ferved them inftead of axes,
knives and fwords : That with thefe they form’d
the edges of thefe tools ; but how they could grave
or carve their hardeft ftones with fuch inftruments,
is paft my apprehenfion ; and, tho’ I don’t fuppofe
they excelled, or even equalled the Europeans in
building, carving, or painting, yet it (hews a vaft
genius and uncommon application, that they were
SENT STATE
able, in fuch circumftances, and with no better in- CHAP,
ftruments, to perform any thing of this kind. yj
It may be objected here, perhaps, that if the In-
dians were fuch ingenious artifts two or three hun-
dred years ago, it is ftrange that there is now none
of them left. To which I anfwer, as to the mat-
ter of fad, that they had fuch buildings, images,
pidures, and utenfils, is averred and confirmed by
the concurrent teftimony of many thoufands of eye-
witneftes, and was never controverted or denied by
any adventurer or traveller that has vifited thofe
countries. And there are fufficient reafons to be gi-
ven for the negled and difufe of thefe arts at this
day : In the firft place, the Spaniards, under pretence
of zeal for deftroying the temples and idols of the
Mexicans, but, in reality, that none of the gold
and filver, and other treafures of the Mexicans
might be concealed from them, pull’d down and de-
molifh’d every town where thefe arts flourifh’d, and
moft of the people of thofe towns, leaving fcarce
any remains of their antiquities. Secondly, they
reduc’d the natives to the rnoft abject flavery, com-
pelling thofe they left alive, to work in the mines,
and fupply the place of hearts of burthen ; by which
means they deftroy’d more of them than they had
done by the fword, and entirely difeourag’d the reft
from attempting to preferve or improve any art or
fcience among them : And, thirdly, fince the Eu-
ropeans poflefs’d themfelves of thofe countries, and
have been provided with all manner of tools and in-
ftruments to perform thefe things in a better man-
ner than the Indians could be fuppofed to do under
fo many difadvantages, it is no wonder, that the
natives neglected the working in that manner they
were ufed to before, and threw away their country
tools and implements, for thofe which were fo
much better adapted to the purpofes above-men-
tioned.
As to the virtues of the ancient Mexicans, they
do not feem to have been defective either in point
of temperance, fortitude, or military fkill : Both
their policy and ftratagems were admirable, confi-
dering the difadvantages under which they labour’d ; .
and that they had an enemy to oppofe, verfed in the
modern art of war ; poffefs’d of gun-powder, ar-
tillery, arms, armour and horfes, which the Indians
had never feen or heard of ’till then.
The principal manufacture of the ancient Mexi- Manufae-
cans was cotton linnen, which they fpun and wove, tureSl
and afterwards painted with the figures of men,
animals, trees, flowers, &c. Thefe they always
made fit and proportionable for the ufes they de-
fign’d them, and never cut any of their linnen.
They ufed the finews of animals inftead of thread,
and bones inftead of needles. The feather manu-
facture alfo was very great : They ftripp’d and plun-
der’d every feather’d animal, to make their pictures,
and adorn their houfes or their perfons. Architecture
alfo muft be deem’d another of their arts in towns,
and
CHAP.
VI.
Ur'Y's-/
The Mexi-
cans degene-
rated*
OF MEXICO.
147
and almoft every man made his own arms. They had
no other veflels upon the water in their Teas, lakes
or rivers, but canoes or periagoes, which only dif-
fer in their dimenftons : They are both of them
made out of the body of a tree, and carry from
three men to threefcore. They firft hew d one fide
of the tree fiat with their flint hatchets, and then
burnt it hollow with coals, fmooth d it, and formed
the ends fomething like a boat, which they pufh d
along with fmall flat ftaves, but knew nothing of
either fails or oars. Thefe kind of veflels are found
very ufeful to this day, and they have now a much
eafier way of framing them by the help of Europe-
an tools. Their (kill in phyfick, their diicaies, and
methods of pure, will be treated of under ano-
ther head.
I proceed, in the next place, to fhew how the
• modern Mexicans are degenerated from their an-
ceftors. Gemelli Careri relates, that the
prefent Mexicans are cowardly and cruel That
they have no fenfe of honour, are drown’d in vice,
and die without any concern or apprehenfions of fu-
turity ; but feems to intimate, that the hard ufage
of the Spaniards is the occafon of this change :
For he fays, they make them work in their mines,
and treat them worfe than flaves ; nay, that they
fuffer the Negroe flaves to abufe and infult them ;
and, if they happen to get any thing by their labour,
the rapacious Spanifh Governors and Officers take
it from them : And it is no wonder that this ufage
has made them perfectly carelefs ; for to what pur-
pofe fhould a man labour for what he can never pof-
fefs fecurely ? Or why fhould he be concern’d at dy-
ing, when it relieves him from fomething worfe
than death ? But Gemelli adds, that the Mu-
lattoes in Mexico, which are the mod numerous
body of people in that city, are ftill worfe than the
Indians, greater cheats and thieves than the former ;
and, in fhort, that there is not one honeft, fair-
dealing man in an hundred amongft them : Nor
does Gemelli give the Spaniards themfelves, that
refide in that city, a better charadfer : For he fays,
he faw four hundred Spaniards brought before a
court of Juftice there for theft, at one time : That
they are many of them idle, flothful vagabonds,
and turn (harpers to get a livelihood ; and that it
is almoft impoflible for a ftranger to efcape being
robb’d by them. Whether the Meftizes, or mixed
breed, have better morals, he does not inform us ;
but furely there muft be fome of better principles
amongft them, or it would be impoflible for the
Government to fubfift long. Thus much, how-
ever, may be concluded from the relations of all
Mexi
ICO,
t j
travellers, that the prefent inhabitants
of what nation, tribe, or denomination foever, are
more vicious and effeminate than the Indians which
the Spaniards found there, and might be beaten out
©f that country with as much eafe almoft as the
ancient Spaniards made that conqueft, if they weie C H A 1 .
not 'to be fupported or reinforced from Europe. \ 1 .
I come, in the next place, to enquire into the
character of the Indians in the open country, that the Indians
do not live in towns, and have ftill preferved their that have
liberties, of which there are yet great numbers ; P^ed^
and many more that only obey them occafionally, t - eSu
when they happen to refide in the neighbourhood
of the Spanifh towns, or are oblig’d to yield a forced
obedience when the Spanifh troops are amongft
them. Thefe, Dam pier and other late adven-
turers inform us, are people of great humanity, ftill
brave, generous, adfive, and unacquainted with the
fordid vices of thofe that live in towns, whom the
Europeans have corrupted. Dam pier, in his
Second Volume, Part II. p. 115, fays of the In-
dians, they are an inoffenflve people, kind to {(ran-
gers, and even to the Spaniards, who ufe them
worfe than flaves, when they get them into their
power ; thofe of the open country (pending great
part of their time in hunting, (hooting, or fifhing,
as the ancients did : Every man builds his own houfe,
and makes his own arms, tools, and implements of
hufbandry. They cultivate but little ground, plant-
ing juft enough Indian-corn, roots and fruit, to ferve
the neceffities of the family ; and thefe plantations
are the bufinefs of the women altogether, after the
men have cleared the ground. The women alfo
fpin, and weave their cotton linnen. They do all
the houfhold bufinefs ; and, what is ftill harder upon
them, they carry the baggage upon a march, and
ferve their hufbands inftead of porters and pack-
horfes ; and that with all imaginable chearfulnefs
and alacrity. They are never known to murmur
or fpeak difrefpedffully to their hufbands ; nor is a
man ever heard to give his wife any hard ill-natur’d
language : On the contrary, they are admir’d by our
people for the mutual love and kindnefs that feems
to reign in their families : But more of this under
the head of marriage.
I proceed, in the next place, to treat of their The diet
diet, exercife, feftivals and diverfions, which willed «er-^
difeover more of the temper and difpofition of thefe Indian6a
Indians, who ftill enjoy their liberties. Their prin-
cipal food is either Indian-corn, parch’d and ground
into flour, and made into thin cakes ; fruit,
particularly Plantains, roots, and fometimes fifli,
wild Hogs, Deer, or other venifon. T 'hey go out
a hunting and fhooting frequently in companies a
week or a fortnight for food, every man carrying
with him his bow and arrows, or a gun, if he can
procure one, a fpear, a hatchet, and a long knife.
Each man alfo takes a dog or two with him to beat
for game. Some women alio go with them to carry
their proviflons, namely, roafled Plantains, Bona-
noes, Yams, Potatoes, and the flour of Caflavi
roots ; which will be deferib’d hereafter : 1 hey
carry alfo in their bafkets parch’d Indian-corn ground
U z to
*4$ T HE PRES
C H A P. to flour, with Calabafhes or Gourds for their drink.
VI. and pipkins to drefs their food. The beads tficyl
hunt, are chiefly Pecary or Warree (two forts of
wild Flogs peculiar to America) and they meet with
great variety of fowls. They lodge at night where-
ever they happen to be at fun-fet, chufing to be
near fome river and on the brow of a hill, if they
can find ft ch a fituation. They hang up their ham-
mocks between the trees, and have fcarce any other
covering, but a Plantain-leaf, only they make a
fire near their hammocks ; they begin their hunt-
ing again at fun-rife the next morning ; their game,
the Pecary and Warree, are not fwift of foot, and
ufually go together in droves of two or three hun-
dred ; but fometimes they hunt a whole day with-
out meeting any : When the beaft is tired or wound-
ed, he will dand at bay with the dogs, ’till the
mafcer comes up ana (hoots him ; after which, the
Indian ftrikes his fpear into the creature,, to let out
the blood, embowels it, and cuts the bead in two
pieces, carrying them on a dick laid crofs his fhoul-
der, to the place where they have appointed their
women to meet them ; here they cut off the head
of the Hog, quarter and flee it. What they in-
tend to preferve, they dry upon a wooden grate
(which is call’d a Barbacue) making a fire of wood-
coals under it ; this they renew for three or four
days, or a week, ’till the meat is as dry as a chip,
and the pieces will keep a great while. The men
are fo good as to aflid the women to carry the veni-
fon home, when they have a great deal of it ; and
when their dock of provifions is almod fpent, they
go out again to look for more.
As to their cookery, whether their fledi is dried
or frefh killed, they cut it into fmall pieces, and
throw it into a pipkin, adding fome roots, green
Plantains, or other fruits, with a great deal of Pep-
per, dewing them together feven or eight hours,
and not fuffering them to boil ; this reduces all the
ingredients to a pulp or hotch-potch, and is for their
fet-meal at noon. When it is poured out into an
earthen-difh or calabafh, and being fet upon a
wooden-block, that ferves them for a table, they
fit round it on lefier blocks, every one having a
calabafh of water Handing by him on the ground,
into which they frequently dip their fingers while
they are eating (thefe calabafhes, or gourds, ferve
them for bottles, and, when they are cut in half,
for bowls, bafons, or drinking-cups.) They have
feldom more than one fet-meal, but they eat Plan-
tains and other fruit, raw or roaded, almod all day
long. They have alfo the flour of Indian-wheat,
or of the Callavi-root, with which they fometimes
make a kind of gruel, or elfe make into pade, and
bake as hard as bifcuit ; and either the flour or
bifcuits made of it, they have always by them,
efpecially when they are on a journey, or in hunt-
ing 3 thefe ferving them both for meat and drink,
ENT STATE
mix’d with water and fruit, when they want more CH A p a
fubdantial food. yy
There is fcarce any fledi, fifh, or fowl, but
what the natives of Mexico eat either dew’d or
barbacued, that is, broil’d over a wooden grate,
or upon the coals ; and I don’t perceive they ufe
either knives, forks, or fpoons in eating ; but take
up the dew’d hotch-potch with their right-hand,
and fill their mouths with it ; and the broil’d fledi
they tear oft' the bones with their teeth, unlefs thofe,.
that have learn’d better of the Europeans, and con-
form themfelves to Spanidi cudoms. Every thing
they eat is high-feafon’d with Pepper, and Salt too,
if they can get it ; but, as fait is fcarce in many
places, they are content with droaking their meat
upon a lump of Salt, before they put it into their
mouths.
As to Chocolate, this ferves both for meat and
drink, in almod every province of Mexico, both
among the civiliz’d and barbarous Indians, if they
can get it ; but this is fo much ufed by the Spaniards,
and fo much of it exported to Europe, that it is
pretty fcarce among the Fored Indians.
They have a great vatiety of liquors : The rea-
died and mod ordinary drink is water, with the
flour of Indian-corn infufed in it, and drunk off
prefently : This, Dam pier fays, the natives call
Pofole, and the Englidi, Poor foul, becaufe it juft
ferves to keep them alive on a march, when they
can get no other provifion.
Againd an entertainment, they frequently deep
twenty or thirty bafkets of Indian-corn, and after
the water is impregnated, the women chew more
of the fame corn and (pit into it, which ferments
and works the liquor like yead ; and when it has
done working, they draw the liquor clear off, and
it proves very intoxicating, but taftes pretty much
like four fmall-beer.
Miflaw is another liquor, and of this they have
two forts ; one made of Plantains frefh gather’d,
and the other of dried ones ; the fird they road,
and pilling off the rind, mafb them in a bowl of
water ’till they are diffolved, and then drink the’
mixt liquor ; the other is made of cakes, or lumps
of Plantains dry’d over a flow fire ; this they carry
with them on journeys, and drink it, diffolv’d in
water. Green and half-ripe Plantains they alfo eat
indead of bread, boiling or reading them fird, as
they do alfo Yams and Potatoes. The Caffavi-root,
already mention’d, of which the Indians make
bread, is fird boil’d and fqueez’d, then dried, ground :
and made into pade or bifcuit ; and tho’ this kind
of bread is very wholefome, when it is thus cook’d,
yet if it be eaten before it is boil’d, and the juice,
fqueez’d from it, it is rank poifon. As for greeji
herbs and fallads, I don’t find the Indians of the. open
country eat any. As their Pine-apples are one of
the mod delicious fruits of America, an infufion of
thefe
CHAP.
VI.
Their feaifo.
*
OF MEXICO.
H9
tbefe is one of their beloved liquors ; and indeed they
make drink of all manner of fruits almoft, as well
as grain, adding honey to them at their entertain-
ments. But as to wine, their country affords none ;
for tlrir Grapes will not ripen kindly in the rainy
feafon, and the heats at other times make the liquor
four 5 and this is the reafon, that fcarce any coun-
tries between the Tropics afford good wine.
The Indians fcarce undertake any bufmefs of con-
fequence, without making an entertainment. If
they propofe entering into a war, either with the
Spaniards, or any Indian nation ; their Chiefs are
fummon’d to a confultation, where they eat and
drink plentifully, before they enter on their debates.
A hunting-match, winch faffs ufually feme weeks,
is preceded alfo by a drunken-bout. At weddings,
and other joyful occafions, they have their feafts,
where they continue drinking two or three days, ’till
all the liquor is out : And, as they are very quar-
relfome in their drink, the mafter of tne houfe al-
ways fecures their arms before they begin to be
merry ; for they never go without their arms, if
it be but to next door : They ufually get exceeding
drunk, infomuch that they can neither Hand nor
go ; and, having flept ’till they have recover’d their
fenfes, they move off.
The men, it feems, drink to one another at
meals, as the Europeans do j but never to the wo-
men ; the women always (land by, and wait upon
their hufbands, while they are eating and drinking,
ferving them with liquor ; and, even when they
are at home, the wife does not eat ’till the hufband
has done : But tire females feaft, and are as merry
as the men among themfelves : They are not afraid
of being very drunk neither, ’tis faid.
However, ’till their hufbands are recovered, they
take care to keep fober, and, when they perceive
the men overcome with liquor, they will take them
up, and put them into hammocks, waiting on them,
and fprinkling them with water, ’till they are in a
condition to return home.
Nothing is more univerfally drank in the city
of Mexico" itfelf, and in fuch towns as are under the
dominion of the Spaniards, . than Chocolate. Ge-
melli informs us, that to every pound of the
Cocoa-nut the Europeans add a pound of Sugar, and
an ounce of Cinnamon ; but that neither the Spa-
niards there, nor the Indians, ufe any Venellain it,
looking upon them as unwholefome : But to every
pound of Cocoa they add two ounces of the flour
of Indian-corn, to make it froth. I his drink was
not ufed by the Indians before the Spaniards arrived
there. They diftil a fpirit alfo from a plant called
Magey, which is very intoxicating, and fo generally
drank, that Gemelli tells us, the excile of it
came to eleven hundred thoufand pieces of eight
per annum in Mexico ; that the Indians commit-
ted fuch outrages, when they were intoxicated with
this liquor, that it was prohibited Era time ; but,
while he was at Mexico orders came from the King C HA P,
of Spain to take off the prohibition ; and both Euro- VL
peans and Indians now drink it again.
I mud not forget, that the Indians fmoak as well
as drink, fince it was from them we firf! learnt the
ufe of Tobacco about two hundred years ago ;
but what the natives plant is not fo good as that the
Englifh plant and cure in Virginia : They neither
ur.derftand, nor will take the pains to cultivate it
as our people do ; and, if they taught us to take.
Tobacco, "we taught them to improve it, and the
ufe of pipes ; for the way they fmoak d it, was by
lighting one end of a roll they made with the leaf,
and holding the other end of the roll in their mouths ;
and, when it was half burnt out, they threw the
remainder away : Others contented themfelves with
the fmell of the Tobacco. A boy,, having lighted
one end of the roll, went round the company, and.
blew it in their faces ; and this is done, in fome of
the provinces of Mexico by the natives to this day.
Their principal exercifes, or rather employments,
as has been touch’d already, are hunting, (hooting, "
and fifhing ; for thefe they are in a manner forced
into, in order to make provifion for their families.
Every man breeds up his ion to thefe exerciies ; and
they are fo dexterous at them while they are chil-
dren, that a boy of eight years of age, ’tis faid,
will fplit a cane let up at 20 yards diftance with his
bow and arrow, and hit a bird flying. But the
rnoft dextrous people are the Mofqueto Indians, Muiqaeta*:
natives of the province of Honduras, as all tra- Indian ~
vellers relate. Dam pier fays, thefe people are
tall, well-made, flrong and nimble : That they
are long viiaged, have lank black hair, a ilern look,
are hard-favour’d, and of a dark copper complexion .
That they are bred to throw the lance, harpoon,
and dart, and draw the bow, from their infancy ;
and that they will put by and parry any of thefe
miiflve weapons thrown at them, with a (mail cane,
not bigger than a gun-flick, tho’ the arrows and
darts fly very thick. Thefe people inhabit, on the.
fea-fhore, or the banks of rivers ; and their prin-
cipal employment is to (trike fifh, particularly the
Manatee and Tortoife : The Manatee is what the
ancients called the Sea-horfe, an amphibious animal,
that lives in the. fait- water, but eats weeds and
grafs on Ihore like a Cow ; and from thence, and
from its fize and figure, is frequently called the
Sea-cow. The Englifh Privateers and Buccaneers,
that cruife on the Mexican coaft, have ufually one
or two of thefe Mofqueto men on board, to ftrike
Manatee, . Tortoife, and other fiih ; and they will
take and kill fifh enough to maintain a (hip’s crew
of an hundred men. When they ferve the Englifh, ,.
they learn the ufe of guns, and are exceeding good
markfmen : They are found alfo very brave and
daring in fight, arid will never flinch or give back, .
while they are fupported by the party that enter-
tains them.
They
/
THE PRESENT STATE
150
CHAP. They have converfed fo long with the Englifh,
TI. who frequently bring them to Jamaica that they
^“V"^ will not acknowledge the dominion of the Spaniard,
and frequently declare, they will have no other So-
vereign, but the King of England ; nor have the
Spaniards ever been able to fubdue thefe, and many
other nations, that inhabit Mexico. While they
are at Jamaica, and among the Englifh, they wear
the fame kind of cloaths, and delight to be neat
and clean ; but when they return to their own
country, they put off all their cloaths, and conform
to their country fafhion again, wearing only a fmall
piece of linnen tied round their waifts. But to re-
turn to the exercifes and diverfions of the Indians,
from whence the dexterity of the Mofqueto men
has led me.
They have their dances, and their mufick too,
fuch as it is, wooden drums of the form of a ket-
tle-drum, and a kind of pipes or flagelets, made
of a cane or reed, but very grating to an European
ear. ’Tis obferv’d, they love every thing that
makes a noife, how difagreeable foever the found
is ; they will alfo hum over fomething like a tune,
when they dance ; but I don’t find they delight in
fongs and ballads, as fome other unpol idl’d people
do. They dance thirty or forty in a circle, ftretch-
ing out their hands, and laying them on each
other’s fhoulders : They ftamp and jump, and ufe
the moft antick geftures for feveral hours, ’till they
are heartily v/eary ; and one or two of the com-
pany fometimes ftep out of the ring to make fport
for the reft, fhewing tricks, and feats of aftivity,
throwing up their lances into the air, catching
them again, bending backwards and Springing for-
wards with great agility ; and, when they are in a
moft violent Sweat, will frequently jump into the
water, without taking any manner of cold. And
I fliould have remember’d among their exercifes,
that no men fwim or dive better than the native
Indians. The women have their dances and mu-
fick too, by themfelves ; but never with the men.
As to their religious feftivals, mufick and dancing,
thefe will be taken notice of in the chapter of
religion.
C H A P. VII.
Of the conquejl of Mexico by the Spaniards.
C HAP. T Have already given an account of the difcoveries
VII. and conquefts, made by Columbus, and his
•'rOorTmi ^ JCCe ^' ors 5 ,n Hifpaniola, St. John de Porto Rico,
p f Mexico! J ama ica, Cuba, and fome other American iflands ;
as alfo of the Settlements made by Vos co Nunes
de Balboa, on the ifthmus of Darien on the
continent, and his difcovery of the South-fea in
the year 1513. I Shall proceed in this chapter to
give as juft an account of the conqueft of Mexico,
as can be collected from that variety of authors,
that have written on this fubjeift, wbofe relations CHAP,
differing in many material fails and circum fiances, VII.
it will demand a pretty deal of attention to difcover
what may be relied on, and what ought to be treated
as fiction.
In the year 1515, or 1316, Francis Fer- TheSpa-
nandez de Cordoua, embarking at the ifland niardsfirft
of Cuba with an hundred and twenty men, fet jucatan de-.
fail for Jucatan, a province of Mexico, where he feted,
made a defcent, and was about to have ereiled a
fort, in order to fettle a colony of Spaniards there :
But he buffered himfelf to be furpriz’d by the In-
dians ; and, having twenty men kill’d, thirty more
wounded, among whom was Fernandez him-
felf, and two made prifbners, the reft retired with
fome difficulty to their fhips, and returned to Cuba.
However, thofe that efcaped reporting that they
faw great plenty of Gold among the natives, and
imputing their misfortune more to accident, or the
unfkilfulnefs of their Commander, than to the
courage of their enemies ; and offering to make
a farther attempt on the continent of Mexico,
where they gave out, that inconceivable treafures
were to be found ; the Spaniards of Cuba appeared
impatient to make another experiment, and inform
themfelves whether there were really thofe riches
to be met with as had been reported. Diego Grijalva fent
Velas qjj e z was at this time Governor of the ^ rom 9 ub f a
ifland of Cuba, by the appointment of Don Diego tLTdifcoT
Columbus, or Colon, the fecond Admiral of ver * es on ^
the Indies, and fon of the celebrated Columbus
who ft rid difcover d that new world ; and, obfcrving
the ardour his Soldiers exprefi’d to engage in a frefh
enterprize againft the continent, he fitted out three
fhips and a brigantine, to make farther difcoveries,
giving the command of them to John de Gri-
jalva, his near relation, who fct fail from Cuba
on the 8th of April, 1518; and arriving at Poton-
chan, or Champoton, in Jucatan, where Fer-
nandez de Cordoua had been defeated, took
a fevere revenge on the natives, and then flood far-
ther weftward, ’till lie came to the mouth of the
river Tobufco, in the Gulpb of Mexico. Here
Grijalva landed, and formerly took poffeffion Takes pnf-
of the country for the Emperor Charles V. then feflion of the
King of Caftile ; letting the Indians know, by his th^Ktng^of
Interpreters, that he and his people were the fubjedls Spain,
of a powerful Monarch, Lord of that part of the
world where the fun rifes, from whom he came to
offer them peace, if they would fubmit to his do-
minion.
T o this one of the Chiefs of the Indians anfwer’d,
that they would confult their fuperiors on the offer
of peace, and return an anfwer in a ftiort time ;
but as to their becoming vaffals to a Prince they
had never before heard of, it was not in their
power, as they were already fubjeft to a Sovereign
of their own ; concluding, that they looked upon
it as a very ftrange demand, and then took their
leaves. z Some
OF MEXICO.
151
CHAP. Some little time after, the fame Indians returned,
VII. and acquainted the Spaniards, that their Caciques
L/'V'XJ accepted their offers of peace ; and that they had
Offers the ^ hea.rd of the defeat of their neighbours of Jucatan,
wh^acTepT ’ which had render’d the Chriftians very formidable,
k. One of their principal Caciques alfo brought Gri-
jalva a cor.fiderable prefent, confiding of plumes
of feathers of various colours, robes of cotton
linnen, adorn’d with the figures of animals of beaten
gold : For which Grijalva returned them fuch
European toys and utenfils as were mod acceptable
to them ; and, having taken his leave in a friendly
manner, went on board his fhips again, continuing
his courfe dill farther wedward, ’till he came to the
the river of Flags, where the natives inviting the
Spaniards to land, brought them as much Gold as
amounted to fifteen thoufand Pefo’s ; for which
they took knives, hatchets, combs, beads, and glafs,
in return. Grijalva afterwards vifited the port
greatnefs of Q f g t . J 0 h n J e Ulva ; and from thence failed as
empk*-* 103 " high as Panuco, the mod northern province of
Mexico on that fide, trading with the people as
he went, and underdood from them that they were
fubjeCl to a Monarch called Montezuma, a
Prince pofiefs’d of a vad empire, abounding in gold,
Grijalva re- filver, and rich merchandize ; with which acceptable
Cuba W inteligence lie returned to Cuba, having fent Pedro
de Alvarado before him, with the treafure he
had aquired on the coad of Mexico.
Diego Velasqjjf.z was infinitely rejoiced at
the difcoveries that had been made by Gri j alv a,
and immediately fent over to the Admiral at His-
paniola, and to the Court of Spain, to acquaint
them with the fuccefs of the expedition ; defiring
that he might be made Viceroy of all the countries
he fhould conquer on the continent. But, not-
withstanding the great fervice John de Gri-
jalva had done, Velasquez was fo exafpe-
rated that he had not made a fettlement in Mexico,
that he laid him abide as an improper inftrument to
be concerned in the reducing fo mighty an Empire,
f as that of Mexico had been reprefented to him,
and look’d out for a perfon to command the forces
he was about to fend thither, who had a genius
and courage equal to fo important an enterprize ;
Cortez made and, after much deliberation, pitch’d upon the cele-
Captain Ge- brated Hernando, or Fernando, Cortez,
Mexico!"" 0 ^ to command the fmall army, with which he pro-
pofed to make an entire conqueft of that continent.
Some ac- Hernando Cortez was born at Medellin in
tountof him. Eftramadura, and was fon of Martin Cortez
and Donna Catalina Pizarro, a lady of
noble extraction. He was bred a Scholar, and two
years a Student in the Univerfity of Salamanca ;
• but affeCting a more aCtive way of life, and parti-
cularly fome military employment, he embarked,
in the year 1504, for the ifland of Hifpaniola ;
and went from thence to Cuba, where he was very
inftrumental in the conqueft of that ifland, and ob-
Trafficks
with them
for their
Gold.
Learns the
tained a mighty reputation for military fkill ; and C FI A P,
was, for his lervices, made Alcaide, or chief Ma- VII.
giftrate of St. Jago, the principal town in the ifland ;
wb ich poft he poflefs’d when Diego Velas qjj e z
fixed upon him to command in the Mexican expe-
dition ; Cortez having a little before married
Donna Cat alin a Suarez, a young lady of
a noble family in Cuba.
The relations of Diego Velas qjj ez envying His rivals, -
Cortez the honour of commanding in an ex-
pedition that was like to be attended with a vaft ac-
quifition of wealth, as well as glory, fuggefted to
the Governor, that he could not have fixed upon a
more ambitious or popular man, who would foon
have it in his power, as he had it already in his in-
tentions, to renounce his dependance on the perfon
that raifed him, and fet up for himfelf ; which, at
firft, made but little impreftion ohVelas qjj ez;
but, obferving at length with what eagernefs all the
military men of the ifland crouded to he enrolled un-
der the ftandard of Cortez, he began to alter
his mind ; and, tho’ he had attended that General
to the fea-fide, when he embarked, with all the
marks of refpetft and aftcCfion (on the 1 8th of No-
vember 1518) the fleet was no fooner failed, but
he repented himfelf, and fent orders to the Flavanna,
where they were to touch and take in provifions
and a farther reinforcement of troops, that the fleet
fhould not proceed in the voyage ’till farther orders ;
and that Cortez fhould return to him to St. Jago.
But the Governor’s orders were not obey’d : . The Governor! *
foldiers were fo tranfported with the expectation of
acquiring mountains of gold, and had fuch an opi-
nion of the valour and conduCt of their General,
that they would not confent to the changing of him,
or to the delay of the enterprize, left their hopes
ILould be defeated ; but agreed immediately to fet But proceed
fail, contrary to the pofitive orders of their Gover-
nor Diego Velasqjuez. The General and withftand*.
his Officers, ’tis laid, urged, in their juftification, ing»
that they had, by the encouragement of the Gover-
nor, laid out their whole eftates in making provifion
for this expedition ; and that if it fhould be now -
laid afide, or others employ’d in it, they fhould in-
fallibly be ruined : Even Diego de Ordaz,
and Joan Velasqjjez de Leon, the Go-
vernor’s own relations, declared agair.ft his injuftice
in difappointing them, after they had embarked
all their friends and fortunes, by his command, in
the enterprize. It being agreed by all of them
therefore to proceed in the defign forthwith, Cor-
tez, with a fleet of ten fhips, and between five
and fix hundred foldiers, fet fail from the Havanna
the 1 oth of February 1518-19, and arrived at the He arrives-
ifland of Cozumel, near the eaftern coaft of
Jucatan ; where his troops having plunder’d fome
towns of the Indians, and even their temples, and
taken fever? 1 prifoners, Cortez fhew’d his dife
pleafure at thefe ravages, and order’d every tiling
152
THE PRESENT S T ATE
C H A P. they had taken to be reftorecl, endeavouring to cul-
VII. tivate a good correfpondence with the people of the
ifland. It is related, that the Spaniards found in the
temples on this ifland abundance of rich jewels, that
were employ’d in adorning the images of their gods ;
and forne inftruments for facrifice, made of a mix-
ture of gold and copper : But, as it appeared after-
wards, that all tire knives and edg’d-tools of tire
Mexicans were made of flint, we cannot give en-
tire credit to this part of the relation.
Th» mim- Cortez, muttering his forces in the ifland of
forces. h>S Cozumel, found them to confift of five hundred
and eight Foot-fbldiers, fixteen Horfe, and one
hundred and nine Seamen and Mechanics ; befides
his two Chaplains, John Diaz the Licentiate, and
Father Bartholomew d e O l m e d o, who ac-
companied him in the expedition. The writers of
of this hittory tell us, that the General made a
fpeech to his forces at this mutter ; wherein he faid,
S-Iis^fpeech “ When he confidered the good fortune that had
u ta.m. tt brought them to this ifland, the obftacles they
“ had furmounted, and the difficulties that oppofed
“ the enterprize ; he acknowledged tire hand of
“ God in the work they had undertaken, and pro-
“ mifed himfelf fuccefs from beginnings fo remark-
ably favoured by Divine providence, in their zeal
“ for the fervice of God and their King : That
“ he fliould not leffen the danger of the undertak-
“ ing ; they mutt expecf bloody engagements, a
“ multitude of enemies, and incredible fatigues ;
“ and they mutt proportion their refolution to the
“ difficulty and importance of the enterprize : That
“ they were but few in number, but union added
“ ftrength to armies, and in a manner multiplied
“ their forces ; exhorting them to be all of one
“ mind, and refolve, as one hand, to execute the
“ commands of their Leaders : As for his part, he
“ fhould be ready to hazard his life for the meapeft
“ foldier, and would lead them, by his example, to
“ the execution of his orders ; alluring them, that
t£ he found in himfelf a fnirit fufficient to undertake
<{ the conqueft of the world ; and that this hope
t£ infpired him with an extraordinary impulfe, the
moft promifing of all prefages.” Which fpeech
was received with the loud acclamations of his
troops, who defired he would immediately lead
them on to adlion, and make an experiment of their
affection and zeal for the glorious caufe they were
engaged in.
A Spaniard
ranfom 'd
who was
psifoner in
Jucatan.
1
While Cortez remained in the ifland of Co-
zumel, he was inform’d, by the principal Cacique,
or Prince of the country, that there were fotne men
in the neighbouring province of Jucatan who had
been prifoners there feveral years, and much refem-
bled the Spaniards he had with him : Whereupon
Cortez defired the Cacique to fend fome of his
people with a letter to thofe prifoners, and a pre-
fent to the Prince in whofe power they were, for
their ranfom ; which was done, and the Indians re-
turned to Cozumel, bringing with them Jeronimo CHAP.
de Aguilar, a native of Spain, in Deacon’s VII.
orders. This Ecclehaftic related, that he had been
near eight years in Jucatan, whither he efcaped in a
boat with feveral more, after they had been fhip-
wreck’d in their paffage from Darien to Hifpaniola :
1 hat it was his fortune to fall into the hands of a
certain Cacique, who ufed him hardly for fome
time ; but afterwards advanced him to one of the
beft pofts in his army ; and, by his (kill in military
affairs, the Cacique gained feveral victories over his
enemies ; which had given Jeronimo a great
reputation in Jucatan ; infomuch, that when the
prelent came for his ranfom, the Cacique, in whofe
fervice he was, very readily difmifs’d him. He ad-
ded, that the Indians, he believed, had facrificed the
reft of his company to their gods ; for he did not
know that any of them were living at that time,
except Gonzalo Guerrero, to whom he
had communicated the General’s letter, and endea-
voured to bring him with him ; but Gonzalo
had married a rich Indian wife, by whom he had
three or four children, and chofe to remain with
them in Jucatan, rather than leave them : Which,
if true, is a fufficient confutation of thofe writers,
who relate, that the Indians facrificed the reft of the
Spaniards, who were Ihipwreck’d on the coaft of
Jucatan, to their gods : For can it be believ’d, that
the only remaining Spaniard, if this had been true,
would have chofen to remain in fo barbarous a
country ? Or that both he and Jerom de Agui-
lar fliould meet with fucb good ufage there ?
But to return to the hittory : This Spaniard
Jerom was of infinite fervice to Cortez in
this expedition ; for, having refided fo long in the
country, he was perfectly acquainted with their
ftrength, their way of making war, and with their
language ; which enabled Cortez to make fuch
enquiries as were neceffary to the profecution of the
conqueft when he arrived at the continent. He
had two or three flaves alfo prefented to him by the
Cacique of Cozumel, whom he order’d to be
inftrucled in the Spanifti tongue. Before he left the He demo-
ifland, he exprefs’d his zeal againft the idolatry of j*^ es the f
the natives, by breaking down their idols ; which the Indians,
does not feem very complaifant, after the hofpitable
reception he met with from the iflanders, efpecially
when the Mexican Priefts protefted and exclaimed
againft the outrage, as the greateftc that could be
done to their people : And, after all, Cortez ap-
pears to have had no averfion to images in general ;
for the hiftory relates, he eredted a temple to the
Virgin Mary, in which he left her image and
a crofs, and required the natives of Cozumel to
adore them : So that this great Conqueror and Re-
former only required they fliould exchange their idols
for thofe of his own country. But to proceed :
The forces being reimbarked, Cortez took Sets fall fronra
leave of the ifland of Cozumel on the 4 th of March, Cozuniel »
1518-19 5
OF MEXICO.
>53
CHAP. 1518-19; and, having doubled Cape Catoch, the
VII, moft eafterly promontory of Jucatan, continued his
WY*^ voyage to the mouth of the river Tobafco (or Gri-
jalva) in the Bay of Campeachy ; where he found the
Indians in great numbers on the fhore, threatening
to oppofe his defcent : Whereupon he fent Jerom
de Aguilar to them in a boat, with a flag of
truce; acquainting them, that he was come to con-
firm the peace made with them the year before by
Grijalva; and that if they refufed him a peaceable
entrance into their country, he fhould land by force.
And, when they Hill perfifted to oppofe his defcent,
he fired upon them with his artillery and fmall arms:
Whereupon they turn’d their backs, and fled ; feme
of them to the woods, and others to the town of To-
Cortez lands bafco. After which, he landed his men without
anJalnfa’ oppofition ; but, being obliged to pafs through fome
vidtory over woods and defiles, a body of the enemy, who had
the natives, conceal’d theml'elves therein, furprized and wounded
fome of the Spaniards with their arrows; and Co r-
tez, continuing his march ’till he came to the
town of Tobafco, found it fortified with a kind of
wooden wall, formed with the bodies of trees fixed
like paliladoes, through the intervals whereof they
He takes the fhot their darts and arrows : But his men no fooner
CIty ' came up to the works, and fired their mufkets through
the palliladoes, than the enemy retired to a large
fquare in the middle of the town, where they made
fome Ihew of defending themfelves ; but, upon the
approach of the Spaniards, they retired from thence
alfo, and fled to their friends in the woods. And in
all thefe encounters, which the Spaniards reprefent
as very bloody and obftinate, there were only four-
teen or fifteen of them wounded, and no more than
two of thefe died of their wounds. I don’t doubt
that part of the relation, which informs us that great
numbers of the natives were killed; for it feems to
have been a maxim with Cortez to render him-
felf as terrible to the Mexicans as poflible, in order
to facilitate the conqueft of their country : But it
cannot be fuppofed that the Spaniards met with any
great oppofition, when in a battle, wherein they en-
gaged many thoufands, and {formed the capital city
of the province, only two of their men were killed;
and indeed the fire-arms of the Chriftians were fo
very terrible to the Indians, who had never feen any
thing of that kind ’till the arrival of the Spaniards,
that they could very feldom be brought to make a
ft and within the reach of them.
He obtains a But to return to the hiftory : My author, Don
Hftorv. Antonio de Solis, relates, that the day after the
taking of Tobafco, the Mexicans afiembled an army
of forty thoufand men, with which they attack’d
the Spaniards ; and that the battle feem’d doubtful,
’till Cortez {allied out of a wood, and charged
them in flank with his horfe; by which he obtained
another complete victory. The Indians are repre-
sented in this batde as a very formidable enemy, and
to have attack’d the Spaniards with that bravery,
Vol, III,
that they were fcarce able with their fire-arms to re- C H A P.
pulfe them: And this is related with a view, no VII,
doubt, to magnify the courage and condudf of Cor-
tez and the Chriftians. They relate alfo, that
St. James theApoftle appeared in the battle, on a
white Horfe, and fought for the Spaniards ; infinua-
ting, that nothing left than a miracle could have gi-
ven them the victory over the Indians : Whereas
every one knows, and the Spanifh writers themfelves
confefs in other places, that the Indians durft never
ftand a regular body of Europeans ; but were in the
utmoft confirmation when they were attack’d with
fire-arms or horfe, and efpecially when the artillery
thunder’d upon them, believing that the people they
engaged were rather gods than men ; and confe-
quently there was very little occafion for a miracle,
or indeed for much military {kill or courage, to de-
feat an enemy, when they had fuch advantages on
their fide. Even at this day, now fire-arms are fo
well known, and ufed by every nation almoft, 1
don’t doubt but a thoufand veteran fbldiers of Eu-
rope, attended by a train of artillery, would defeat
an army of an hundred thoufand men either in the
Eaft or Weft-Indies ; the writer of thefe fheets ha-
ving feen three hundred Europeans rout twenty thou-
fand Indians, intrench’d up to the teeth, who wanted
neither horfe, artillery or fmall arms to defend them-
felves, and had the courage to ftand ’till they came
to pufh of pike and bayonet. What then might we
fuppofe a body of veteran foldiers capable of effedl-
ing againft a naked people, that had never feen a
horfe, or heard of gun-powder or artillery, ’till they
faw their forces flaughter’d and tumbled upon heape
by thofe murdering pieces, a mile almoft before
they approach’d them ? The fuccefs of Co rtez and
his Spaniards therefore is not to be wonder’d at ; it
was no more than might reafonably be expected, all
circumftances conlider’d.
The day after the battle, de Solis relates, that The Indians
the Cacique or Prince of Tobafco fent a folemn em-
bafly to Cortez, to implore peace, attended with lue r a
a prefent of fuch fruits and provifions as his country
afforded, together with jewels, plumes, and painted
cotton linnen,and whatever he thought moft accep-
table to the conquerors : That the AmbafLdors ap-
proach’d Cortez as they ufed to do their gods*
with golden pans or cenfers, in which they burnt
aromatic gums, and other incenfe : That the Ca-
cique afterwards came in perfbn, and made his fub-
million, bringing with him twenty beautiful Indian
virgins, which he made Cortez a prefent of:
And one of thefe, whom the General afterwards
caufed to be baptized by the name of Donna Ma-
rina, ferved him, it feems, during the whole ex-
pedition, in the double capacity of concubine and
interpreter ; for fhe was a native of Mexico, a fe-
male of ready wit, and underftood the cuftoms of
the country and the language perfeHly well ; and
indeed to hei merit and addrefs the Spaniards afcribe
X ■ the
i 54
CHAP.
VII.
THE PRESENT STATE
■Cortez em-
barks his
forces again
iHe arrives a
the port of
St. John de
jJlva.
Some ac-
count of
Donna Ma-
rina, concu-
bine and in
terpreter to
Eor tez ,
the fuccefs of their arms in a great meafure. The
hiftorian, however, takes an opportunity, in this
place, to admire the virtue and piety of his hero,
Cortez following in this the precedent fet him by
the antients. But to proceed : When the Cacique
of Tobafco came to-makeJiis fubmiffion, Cortez
let him know, that he came from a powerful Prince ;
and that his principal view was to make them all
happy in this world and the next, by making them
the fubje&s of the fame Sovereign, and converting
them to the true religion. To, which the frighted
Cacique anlwer’d, as the Spaniards tell us, that he
and his people fhould think themfelves happy i-n obey-
ing a King, whofe power and greatnefs appeared
with fuch advantage in the valour of his fubjedfs :
But as to the point of religion, ’tis faid, they gave
little hopes of their converfion. Cortez, being
about to advance ftill farther with his fleet on the
Mexican coaft, was under the greateft concern, we
are told, that he muft leave that people before he
had fully inftrudfed them in the Catholick religion ;
and on Palm-Sunday, the day he had appointed to
embark his troops, he firft caufed an altar to be e-
re£led in the open field ; where he celebrated high
mafs in the prefence of the Indians, and all his troops
march’d in their ranks to the altar, with boughs or
palms in their hands, to celebrate that feftival : The
proceffion Teeming to excite in the natives the utmoft
awe and reverence ; infomuch, that fome of them,
5 tis faid, cried out, “ This muft be a great God
that fuch brave men adore.”
Cortez, having concluded a peace with the
natives of Tobafco, or rather compelled them to
acknowledge the King of Spain for their Sovereign,
embarked his forces, and failed to the weftward ’till
t fie arrived at the port of St. John de Ulva. When
the Spaniards were coming into this port, two pe-
riaguaes, or large canoes, full of Indians, came
into the fleet, and addrefs’d themfelves to the Ge-
neral in a flibmiffive manner; but were not under-
ftood by his interpreter ; which the celebrated Don-
na Marina, the General’s concubine, obferving,
offer’d to become interpreter between the Chriftians
and her country-men the Mexicans. And here the
Spanifh wri ers entertain us with the character and
familv of this Indian damfel ; who, being miftrefs
- to their hero Cortez, and fo inftrumental in the
following conqueft, we muft not wonder that they
derive her pedigree from anceftors of quality and di-
ftindlion. They acknowledge, indeed, that fhe
was flave to the Prince of Tobafco, who pre-
fented her, with fe venal more, to Cortez; but
then they tell us, this happen’d by accident ; fhe
was really the daughter of a Cacique, or Mexican
Prince, tho’ fhe had the misfortune to be taken cap-
tive in the wars, and made a flave : That fhe had
a ready wit, and feveral natural endowments,, which
well agreed with the nobility of her birth : That
•Cort ez took her to his bed for political reafbns ;
and had a fon by her, to whom he gave his own
name, making him a Knight of St. Jago, in con-
fideration of the nobility of bis mother’s birth. But
to return to the hiftory ; Donna Marina fup-
plying the place of Interpreter, the General was in-
formed by the Mexicans, that their Emperor Mon-
tezuma had fent two of his Minifters, viz. Pil-
potoe, Governor of that prov i nee, and Te n t i l e ,
one of his Generals, to know with what intention
the Spaniards vifited his dominions, and to offer
them fuch provifions and accommodations as his
country afforded. To which the General anfwer’d,
that he came as a friend, and to treat of matters of
great importance; defiring a conference with the
Officers Mo ntezuma had fent to receive his pro-
pofals : And, landing with his troops on Good-Fri-
day, he laid out a camp on an advantageous fitua-
tion, fortifying it with trenches and redoubts, and
planting his artillery in fuch a manner as to com-
mand the country round him ; being affifted in this,
work, and in erecting huts and tents to preferve his-
foldiers from the weather, by great numbers of.
Mexicans that the Governor of the province fent to
affift him : For the hiftorian obferves, that the
Mexicans, having heard of the defeat of their coun-
trymen at Tobafco, made a virtue of neceffity, and
thought it prudence to make friends with a people
they durftnot oppole. Nor does de Solis forget,
in this place, to obferve again the great veneration
his hero had for religion ; telling us, that he imme-
diately eredted a chappel, fetting the image of the
blefled Virgin on the altar, and a great crofs at the
entrance, in order to celebrate the approaching fe-
ftival of Eafter ; for “ Religion (fays he) was always
“ his principal care.”
On Eafter-day 1519, Montezuma’s Am-
bafladors came to the camp of the Spaniards, and
were admitted to the prefence of Cortez, who
received them in great ftate: But, before he would
enter upon any bufinefs, the hiftorian relates, he-
went to chappel, and heard divine fervice ; being
attended thither by the Ambafladors, and a croud
of Mexicans, who appeared extremely delighted
with their pompous ceremonies.
Being returned to the General’s tent, he enter-
tained the Ambafladors at dinner in a very fplendid
manner : After which, he informed them, that he.
was come from Don Car l os of Auftria, the great
Monarch of the eaft, to propofe matters of great
importance to their Emperor Mon t ez u m a, and
his fubjedls ; but that it was abfolutely necefiary ho
fhould deliver his meflage perfonally to the Empe-
ror, according to the ufage of all nations; and ho-
ped he fhould be received with the refpeft due to ha
character.
To this the Mexican Minifters anfwered, that
they had orders from their Sovereign, the great
Montezuma, hofpitably to receive and entertain
all ftrangers that arrived on their coafts, and had
1 brought
C HAP,
VIE
He lands,
and fortifies
his oanap.
An em-
bafiy from
Montezuma*
OF MEXICO.
C HAP. brought him a prefent of fuch things as their country
VII. afforded, confiding of fine painted cotton linnen,
beautiful feathers, and plates of wrought gold,
which their fervants were order’d to bring in, and
place in the General’s view : But they gave him to
underftand, at the fame time, that their Emperor
never admitted foreigners to his prefence ; and there-
fore he mud not think of approaching his Court.
Cortez replied, that never any Ambaffadors
were refufed an audience, unlefs it were with a de-
fign to affront the Prince they came from ; and that
he was determined not to leave the country ’till he
had delivered the contents of his embafly to their
Emperor himfelf. Whereupon the Mexican Mi-
niders defired, that he would, however, remain in
his camp ’till they had acquainted their Emperor
with the propofal, and received his commands ; and
they would, in the mean time, fupply his people
with providons, and every thing they wanted.
During this conference, the Spaniards obferved
feme of the Mexicans were very bufy in drawing,
upon cotton cloth, the pictures of the principal Spa-
niards, and whatever they thought remarkable, as
their (hips, arms, artillery, and horfes ; which were
dedgned, they underdood, to be fent to Monte-
zuma, to acquaint him what kind of people, and
of what force the Spaniards were. Of which Cor-
tez being inform’d, defired they would not finifh
their piece ’till he had given thematade of his mi-
litary operations : Whereupon he ordered his forces
to be drawn up in order of battle, and to exhibit a
mock engagement: He ordered alfo his horfe to
mount, and drew their activity and horfemanfhip in
charging, wheeling, and retiring, as in a battle :
Then the fmall arms were order’d to fire, and af-
The Mexi- terwards the artillery. At which the Mexicans
Sft’dat°the were a ftonifh’d ; fome of them actually fled, and
artillery and others fell down with the fright, apprehending they
fmall arms, fhould be dedroy’d by this artificial thunder ; but,
being a little recovered from their condensation, by a
cefiation of the fire, they made feveral additions to the
t pieces they were painting ; wherein they endeavour-
ed to reprefent the amazing fcene they had been
witnedesof: And, having finifh’d it, the Ambaf-
fadors carried the picture, with a prefent Co rthz
had provided for the Emperor, to the Court of Mex-
ico. They returned to Cortez again feven days
after, and brought another magnificent prefent from
Montezuma for the General ; which, they faid,
their Emperor had fent as a tedimony of his refnecd
for the King he came from ; but could not admit of
the Spaniards reforting to his Court.
To which Cortez anfwer’d, hedurff not re-
turn to his Prince ’till he had delivered the meffage
he was fent upon to the Emperor Mo ntezum a ;
giving them to underdand, that he was determined
to profecute his journey to Mexico at all hazards.
Here the hidorian takes an opportunity of giving
us an account of the date of the Mexican Empire
at that time, and of the chara&er of Monte 1 tt- CHAP.
ma. He fays, that the empire was in the mod VII.
flouridling condition it had ever been in : That
Mont e z u m a was then poflels’d of almod all the The ftate of
habitable parts of North America, his dominions w ^nthe
extending above 500 leagues in length, and lying Spaniards ar-
upon the North and South-feas : That Monte- rived
z u m a was the eleventh Emperor, and the fecond
of that name, elected to the throne in confideration
of his great merit, particularly on account of his
courage and military virtues ; and tho’ he affedled
to appear extremely moded and affable before he
arrived at the imperial dignity, he was no fooner in-
veded with it, but he became intolerably proud and
infblent, and would be ferved in his Court only by
his vaflal Princes and Nobility, and was guilty of
great cruelty and oppreffion ; which render’d him
generally hated by his fubjefils, and occafion’d in-
furredtions in feveral parts of the empire. He had Prodigies ani
reign’d fourteen years when Cortez arrived there; prefagesof
the lad of which, they tell us, was full of prefages the Stexlcas
and wonderful portents, which Ihew’d that the de- empire,
ffrudfion of that empire was approaching : That,
when Grijalva and the Spaniards were upon the
Mexican coad the year before, a comet appeared for
feveral nights, of a pyramidal form; and another
was feen at noon-day, refembling a fiery ferpent
with three heads, which ran fwiftly towards the
eafl till it vanifh’d : The lakes of Mexico overflow’d
in an unufual manner, carrying away both houfes
and people; one of their principal temples was burnt
down to the ground, without their knowing from
whence the fire proceeded ; nor was it polfible to
extinguifh the flames : Horrid voices were heard in
the air, and drange oracles pionounced by their
idols, intimating their fudden fall : Monflers of
horrible deformity were taken and brought toM o N-
tezuma, particularly a fowl of a prodigious fize
and make, which had on its head a Ihining plate
like looking-glafs, in which the Emperor faw an
army ot men coming from the ead, and making
terrible havock of his fubje&s : That a country-
man, who had feen a vifion, came to Court, and
boldly told the Emperor, he was commanded by the
gods to warn him of his approaching ruin ; for an
enemy was coming from the farther part of the
world to deflroy both his empire and religion. I
fhall leave the world to give what credit they pleafe
to thefe prodigies and portents ; and only obferve,
that there fearce ever was a revolution in any nation,
but fome fuch intimations of it have been pretended.
The Spaniards feern to give fome countenance to
them ; and affure us, that thefe prodigies induced
the Emperor Monte zum a to deny Cort ez
and his Spaniards leave to approach Mexico ; be-
lieving that thefe were the people, from whom that
deflrudfion was to proceed that had been threaten’d.
While Cor t E z remained in his camp, he or-
der’d his fleet to fail along the Mexican coaft, and
X 2 fent
1 56 THE PRESE
CHAP, fent out parties by land to gain farther intelli-
VII. gence of the ftate of the Mexican empire ; and, in
the mean time, received a meffage from Mo N T E-
zuma, requiring him to depart his dominions, or
he fhould look upon the Spaniards as his enemies,
and treat them as fuch : Which, ’tis faid, occafion’d
a mutiny among his men ; feme of them represent-
ing, that it was the higheft rafhnefs to attempt the
conqueft of fo great an empire with fo fmall a force ;
and intimating, that they expedted to be facrificed
to the avarice and ambition of their General.
Whereupon Cortez pretended he would return
to Cuba, and get a farther reinforcement of troops ;
but finding, on this declaration, a majority of his
foldiers defire- ; of profecuting immediately what
they had lb fort f elv L ’gun, and to be of opinion
they had forces fufficient to deal with the Mexicans
already ; he determined to continue his march to-
The Cac'que wards the capital city of the empire : In which re-
ef Zempoala p 0 ] ut j 0n ] ie W as confirm’d by the Cacique of Zem-
poala, a Prince in the neighbourhood ot Ulva, who
offered to enter into an alliance with the Spaniards
againfi Montezuma, complaining loudly of
his tyranny and oppreffions.
But, before Cortez proceeded farther in this
grand enterprize, he thought it proper to get his
authority eftablifh’d in a better manner than it was
at prefent : He reprefented to his foldiers, that he
had no other commiffion than that which he recei-
ved from Diego Velas qjjez. Governor of
Cuba, which had been recalled ; and therefore pro-
pofed their electing fome one of their Officers to be
General in this expedition, whom they would wil-
lingly obey and fubmit to : For it could not be fup-
pofed, he fhould be able to tranfafl any thing of
confequence, fo long as his title to command them
was precarious, and every one was at liberty whe-
ther they would obey his orders or not. He refigned
the commiffion therefore he had received from
Diego Velas qjj e z, and delivered up his
General’s fluff", defiring they would proceed to an
election, and then withdrew : And, after a very
thort fpace, a majority of the Officers and Soldiers
made choice of Cortez to be their General again;
fome few of the relations of Diego Velas qjj e z
only protefeing againft it, and thele lie obliged to
fubmit to the fuffrages of the reft.
The Spani- The General, being thus eftablifh’d in his com-
tozTTb mand > began his march to the city of Zempoala,
^ the capital of his new ally ; where, arriving in two
or three days, he was received by the Cacique with
the oreateft marks of efteem and affedtion : He in-
formed Cortez, that all the Caciques on that fide
the country were in a manner enflaved by Mon-
tezuma, and fo opprefs’d by his tyranny, that
they were ready to throw off their fubjedlion to that
Prince, and would infallibly join the Spaniards as
foon as they durft declare themfelves : And the Ca-
cique order’d the Spaniards to be quarter’d in the beft
NT STATE
part of the city of Zempoala, fupplying them with CHAP,
plenty of provifions. VII.
The General continuing his march the next dav
for the town of Quibiflan, fituated on the coaft
where he had order’d his fleet to meet him, the
Cacique of Zempoala commanded four hundred In-
dians to carry his baggage, and affift in drawing
the artillery ; for there were neither beafts of bur-
den or draught to be found in the country ; every
thing was done by the ftrength of men.
When the army arrived at Quibiflan, they found They arrive
the town deferted by the inhabitants, who were fled v~ r b a lllani ’
in the utmoft confternation ; but the General fend- Cruz,
ing fome of their countrymen after them, and ac-
quainting them that he intended them no hurt, they
foon returned to their dwellings : And, while Cor-
tez remained in this town, above thirty Caciques
of the mountains came and defired his alliance, of-
fering to reinforce his troops with an hundred thou-
land men, if he would take them under his pro-
tedlion, and affift them in throwing oft that yoke
which Mont ezum a would impofe upon them.
This Cortez readily confented to ; and, as the.
Indians feemed to believe the Spaniards invincible,
and to he rather gods than men, Cortez was
not backward to encourage the notion, looking upon
it as a very likely means to facilitate the redudlion
of that empire ; of which he feemed to have fuch
an affurance at this time, that he took upon him
to decide the differences of the Caciques, or Indian
Princes, as their Sovereign ; and even ventured to
demolifh the temples and images of the Zempoalans, Cortez de-
who facrificed fome of their prifoners ; telling them,
that the God of the Chriftians abominated fuch fa- zempoala.
crifices : Which feems to have been a very bold and
impolitic ftep, if he had not thought himfelf able
to fubdue the Mexicans by pure force ; and was no
doubt afterwards remember’d to his difadvantage.
Nor was he content with this; but he converted Converts one
one of their temples into a Chriftian church, and ° f c ^ e r ^ mt0
eredled an altar in it, on which he placed an image
of the Bleffed Virgin, and celebrated mafs with
great folemnity : And tho’ the Indians did notfeem
inclinable to renounce their own fuperftition, yet
the Catholick hiftorian informs us, they were not
averfe to the admitting the image of the Virgin^
Mary into the number of their idols; and even
defired fhe would be their advocate, that the God of
the Chriftians might protedl them ; of whofe power
they feem’d extremely fenlible.
After this execution on the Mexican idols at New adven-
Zempoala, Cortez returned to Quibiflan, to turers arrrve, ‘
which he gave the name of Vera Cruz, where his
fleet lay at anchor, and found a veffel juft arrived
there from Cuba, with a fmall reinforcement of ten
foldiers and two horfes ; for fuch v/as the opinion
the Spaniards had of the fuccefs of the enterprize
againft Mexico, that they went by Health after
Cortez in fmall parties) and were ready to run
:ha p.
VII.
Eortez fends
:o Spain for
i cc-mmUTion
OF ME
all hazards to join him, hoping to (hare the wealth
of the continent with that Captain. By thefe the
General underftood, that Diego Velasquez,
Governor of Cuba, continued to threaten him ;
and had fent to the Court of Spain to obtain the
King’s com million (for he had only a ccmmiffion
from Don Diego Columbus before) to be
Viceroy of that ifiand, and Captain-General on the
continent, in order to defeat the ambitious projects
of Cortez, and that he might reap the glory and
advantage of the conqueft the Spaniards were about
to make of the empire of Montezuma.
Upon this intelligence, Cortez drew up a let-
ter to the Court of Spain, in the name of his prin-
cipal Officers ; giving an account of the fuccefs of
their expedition, the wealth and fertility of the
country, the town they had fortified, and the feve-
ral Princes and provinces that had
from their Emperor, and enter’d
with the Spaniards : They were
complain of the injuftice of
whofe encouragement they h;
A mutiny
among the
Spaniards.
already revolted
into an alliance
diredfed alfo to
Velas qjj e z, by
1 embarked all their
fortunes in the enterprize, and yet endeavoured to
defeat it, to the irreparable damage of the Crown of
Spain, and of the Chriftian religion, which would
probably be fpread and propagated over this new
world, if they were not prevented profecuting their
defign by the unreafonable oppofition of the Go-
vernor of Cuba.
This letter, with all the gold, jewels, and va-
luable curiofities they had obtained by prefents from
Montezuma, or by traffick with his fubjedh,
were lent to Spain, as a fpecimen of the wealth of
the country, and to fhcw of what importance it
was to fupport Cortez and his fellow-adventu-
rers. In this difpatch alfo was enclofed a petition,
that Cortez might dill continue to be the Ge-
neral and Conductor of the enterprize, inafmuch as
he had already fhewn himfelf extremely well qua-
lified for fuch an undertaking.
But, notwithftanding a majority of the foldiers
appeared to be in the intereft of Cortez; and
others, out of fear of his power, confented to fign
thefe difpatches for Europe ; there was ftill a conii-
derable party in the intereft of Don Diego Ve-
l a sqjjez, and amongft them fome of the principal
Officers, his near relations. John Diaz, one of
the Chaplains of this little army, alfo was found to
favour the Governor of Cuba ; and was for trans-
acting every thing therefore in his name, and by his
authority, who firft formed the defign of invading
Mexico, and largely contributed to it. And when
the difaflre£fced party found they were not able to
carry their point, they enter’d into a confpiracy to
feize one of the (hips, and return to Cuba ; which
was difcover’d the night before it was to have been
executed ; and Corte z, to eftabliftt his authority,
and deter his people from fuch attempts, caufed two
of the conspirators to be put' to death, two more of
X I C O. 157
them were whipped, and one of the principal mari- CHAP,
nets had his foot cut off. The General and Officers VII.
of his party alfo agreed to fetfire to the fleet, after
they had brought the tackling, iron-work and planks hi ° s
on fhore, that might be ufeful to them ; whereby
they render’d it impoffible for any of their people to
defect them for the future, and added an hundred
fearnen to their army.
Thus action Antonio de Solis magnifies to
the Ikies, comparing Cortez to the greateft Cap-
tains of antiquity ; tho’ there does not feem to be a-
ny thing more in it, than this : The General found
he had very little to apprehend from the Mexicans,
who were not only extremely terrified by the fire of
his artillery and final! arms, but fo divided amongft
themfelves, or rather generally difaffected to their
Prince, that there could be little difficulty in fub-
duing the country, if he was not interrupted by the
Governor of Cuba ; for the prevention whereof he
did indeed a very prudent thing in burning his (hips,
that Velasqjiez might have no
intelligence of
no
his motions ; and that his people, having now
poffibility of retreating to Cuba, might join unani-
moufly in profecuting the conqueft, which nothing
but their own divifions could defeat. He found he
was in more danger from the attacks of the Gover-
nor cf Cuba, and the murmurs of the Spaniards,
than from the naked defenceleis Indians ; and de-
ftroy’d his fleet, becaufe the keeping of it was the on-
ly thing that could undo him, and fruftrate his am-
bitious views ; which, tho’ it dilccver’d a good (hare
of cunning, yet I don’t fee any great reafon to cry
up the courage of Cortez upon this occafion ; fox
he knew he fhould have been expofed to much great-
er hazards by having a fleet, than by having none ,
and that the deftruction of it would contribute to
his fecurity more than any ftep he could take.
Soon after the burning of the fleet, appear'd three The Cover-
Spanifh fhips upon the coaft, that came from Don nor of J a ~
Francisco de Gar ay, Governor or Jamaica; c!aim to
who landed a Notary, attended by three witnef- Mfxico,
fes, that were fent to declare and teftify, that the
Governor of Jamaica laid claim to that part of the
coaft where Cortez was, and intended to fettle a
colony there ; requiring him to remove from thencQ:
But Cortez, inftead of complying with the de-
mand, made the Notary, and fix Spaniards more,
prifoners ; and the fhip that brought them thereupon
flood off to fea again. After which, the General,
having finifh’d the fortifications of Vera Cruz, and
left in it a garrifon of an hundred and fifty Spanifti Mexico=
foot, two troopers with their horfes, and a good
number of confederate Indians ; began his march
towards the city of Mexico, with the reft of his for-
ces, confifting of five hundred 'Span ifh foot, fifteen
horfe, and fix field-pieces, which were drawn by
the natives. He was attended alfo in this march by
his allies the neighbouring Caciques, and a nume-
rous army of Indians ; and, having pafs’d fome high
barren
Cortez he»
gins his
march for
1 5 6
T ME PRESENT STATE
CHA P, barren mountains, where he complains his men fuf-
VII. fered a great deal by the cold, the heavy rains they
v -’’"V met with, and the want of provifions, they arrived
'/owtblan at C * ie c ‘ t y of ' Zocothlan ; the Cacique whereof com-
manded a great extent of the country, and received
the Spaniards, ’tis laid, with a great fliew of refcect ;
but did not leem fincere in the friendfhip he pro-
fefs’d : And when the General demanded, if he was
A fubjeCt to the Emperor of Mexico ? He anfwer’d
Cortez and Wlth anot her queftion, viz. “ Is there a man up-
the Cacique, “ on earth, that is not a vafla! and flave to Mon-
“ tezuma ? ” To which, ’tisfaid, Cortez as
haughtily reply ’d, That the Cacique knew very lit-
tle of tire world ; for that he, and the Spaniards with
him, were the fubjeCts of a Prince that command-
ed greater Kings than Montezuma. Still the
Cacique infilled, as the Spanifh hiftorians relate,
that Montezuma was the greateft Prince in
the world : That the Provinces he commanded were
innumerable : That he kept his Court in a city that
was impregnable, founded in the waters, and which
there was no approaching but by caufeys, fortified
with bulwarks and draw-bridges : That his wealth
and the number of his forces were inconceivably
great ; and, laftly, that he facrificed twenty thou-
fand of his enemies, or of his rebellious fubjeCts,
annually to his god;. But, as the laft part of this
pretended fpeech was certainly falfe ; fo the firft part
of it feems exceeding jejune and vain ; and rather
relembles the difputes of fchool-boys contending for
the preference of their refpeCtive fchools, than a con-
ference between two great Generals. As to the
falfity of the Mexicans facrificing fo many thoufands
every year to their gods, we find the Spanifh Bifhop
of Chiapa, who refided in Mexico foon after this
conqueft, declaring, that tho’ there had been hu-
man facrifices in that country, they never facrificed
fifty perfons within the fpace of a year : And, if this
part of the fpeech was falfe, we can have no great
regard to the reft. Indeed, I ant ready to aferibe
this, and moft of the fpeeches we meet with in this
hiftory, to the invention of their hiftorians, who in
this imitate the practice of fome of the antients ;
and, provided their difeourfes are juft, adapted to the
quality and circumftances of the perfons that fpeak,
and the lit bj eel in debate, there may be no great oc-
cafion to cenfure them. But to return to the hifto-
ry : Cortez being advifed to march through the
territories of Tlafcala, an Indian rebublic, that was
ever at war with Montezuma, fent four of the
An embaTy Chiefs of the Zempoalans, his allies, as Ambafla-
to ria.cala, f] orSj to 0 ff cr them peace, and to demand a paflage
through their country : And here the Spanifh hifto-
rians have given us another fpeech, which, they
tell us, the principal Am baflador made to that com-
monwealth, of the following tenor :
^ f P eec {j° f “ Noble, valiant, and potent Tlafcalans, our
fador’s? Jl " “ Sovereign, the Prince of Zempoala, and the
“ Caciques of the mountains, your friends, vvifii
“ you health, a plentiful harveft, and victory over CHAP.
“ your enemies ; and, by us, fend to acquaint you, VIL
that certain invincible men are arrived trom the
“ eaft, who feem a kind of gods : They fail in pa-
laces upon the ocean ; their weapons are thunder
and lightening, the peculiar arms of heaven ; they
profefs themfelves fervants of a God fuperior to
“ ours, that is offended with tyranny and human
“ facrifices ; their Captain ftyles himfelf the Ambaf-
“ fador of a powerful Prince, who fends him to re-
“ form the manners of our country, and deliver the
“ Mexicans from the oppreftions of Montezu-
“ m a, the great enemy of yours and all the neigh-
bouring States ; and only defires a paflage through
“ your country to the Court of that Monarch :
4 ‘ Which the Ambafladors advifed them to admit
“of; alluring them, that thefe foreigners had no
“ other views than the common good of their coun-
“ try, and made no other ufe of the terrible arms
“ they carried, but to promote the welfare of man-
“ kind.”
Whether this fpeech be genuine or no, is not ma-
terial : The reafon of my giving this abftraCt of it
is, to Ihew the glorious pretenfions of the Spaniards
to gain over the Indian natives to their party ; tho’,
after they were fubdued by the affiftance of their own
arms, the conduit of the Spaniards appear’d the ve-
ry reverfe of their declarations.
I his pacific propofal, the fame hiftorians relate. Debates in
being debated in the fenate of Tlafcala, one of the f ena te of
graveft of them, by name Maciscatzin, ob-
ferves, that it had not long fince been declared bv ^ ^ 3
their Priefts, and was generally believed by their
people, that an invincible race of men fliould one
day come from the eaft, who fliould have power
over the elements, be able to live upon the ocean,
and with fire and air fubdue the earth : Men of a
celeftial race ; fo valiant and powerful, that one
fliould be able to vanquilh a thoufand ; and fo good,
as to promote nothing but what was juft, reafonable
and beneficent : ft hat thefe ftrangers refembled the
people their oracles had deferibed, in almoft every
inftance : Their valour thofe of Tobafco had al-
ready experienced, and their goodnefs their allies de-
clared, amongft whom they had refided.
That the comets they had lately feen, foretold
this great event ; and it would be madnefs to op-
pofe a people arm’d with the thunder of the gods,
and whofe lightning pointed out their fu bmiflion.
There was a party, however, in the fenate, led
byXiccNTAL, the Tlafcalan General, who were
of another mind, according to de Solis: They
faid, it was true thefe pretenders to reformation did
come from the eaft ; but it was much to be quefti-
on’d whether thefe were the fame their oracles fore-
told fliould come from thence ; for thofe they ex-
pected were to be of a celeftial race : Their fire-
arms and floating-caftles, which fome called pala-
ces, might be the effeCt of human induftry and in-
vention ;
OF MEXICO,
HAP. vention ; or, perhaps, they might be the illufions
VII. of fome enchantment : Their fuccefs at Tobafco
might be afcribed to furprize, or a panic fear that
poffefs’d that people ; but was by no means to be
looked upon as miraculous : And they fufpected,
that the good ulage the Zempoalans had experienced,
was only the effect of artifice, and in order to
draw in that people to their party ; for they did
not want inftances of the coveteoufnefs, pride and
ambition of thefe foreigners : They had plunder’d
leveral towns on the coafts, and exprefs’d an in-
fatiable third: after the Gold and Silver their country
produced : They contemned and derided their re-
ligion, deftroyed their temples, pulled down their
altars, and blafphemed their gods ; which diffident-
ly evinced, they v/ere far from being of heavenly
extraction : That thofe portents and figns in the
air, which had been fo much infilled on, were the
conftant forerunners of fome dreadful calamity, and
fent as warnings by the gods, that they might pro-
vide againft them : They ought therefore to oppofe
thefe invaders with all their forces, and, by their
fupplications to the gods, endeavour to avert thofe
miferies they were threaten’d with.
I have given an abllradt of thefe fpeeches, to
fhew what the Mexicans thought of the Spaniards
on their arrival among them ; or rather, what the
Spaniards would have us believe the Indians thought
of them : Not that I fuppofe fuch fpeeches were
ever made ; for it was impoffible the Spaniards could
have come to the knowledge of them if they had,
there being no fuch thing as writing among that
people, and the Spaniards at that time perfectly ig-
norant of their language.
But whatever were the debates in the fenate of
Tlafcala, it is evident, they determined to oppofe the
palfage of the Spaniards through their country, ’till
they had made an experiment of their ftrength.
Indeed, they durft not meet this terrible enemy,
whofe arms they refembled to thunder and light-
ning, in a fair field ; but they frequently laid am-
bufcades in the woods and mountains, and, fur-
rounding the ftragglers, killed and wounded fome
of the Spaniards 5 by which they learnt they were
neither invulnerable nor immortal, as they had been
reprelented. However, fuch was the advantage the
Spaniards had in their artillery and horfes, that
the Tlafcalans, finding it in vain to continue the
war, were contented, at length, to accept of peace,
and become mod faithful allies to Cor tez.
The Spaniards, ’tis true, mention feveral great
battles fought with the Tlafcalans, and a variety of
ftratagems ufed on both fides in this war ; and fug-
geft, that the fucceis of the Chriftians was to be
afcribed to a fupernatural power : But there is very
little regard to be given to fuch infinuations ; for
the terror the natives were in at the approach of the
horfe and artillery, was fuch, that they conftantly
ikd when they faw the Chriftians in motion. Be-
The Tlafca-
lans refolve
io oppofe the
Spaniards.
fides, the forces of the Caciques and Indian Princes,
that join’d Cortez, were more numerous than
thofe of Tlafcala, and able to have maintained the
war perhaps againft that people alone ; and we find
few of the Spaniards were hurt in this war : It is
highly probable, therefore, the oppofition Cortez
met with was inconfiderable ; and that a very mo-
derate degree of courage and military conduit wa3
fufficient to drive the frighted defenceiefs Indians
before them. That the flaughter of the Indians of
Tlafcala was great, I fhall not conteft ; for the ex-
ecution of a flying enemy is generally very terrible ;
and the allies of Cortez, no doubt, when they
faw their enemies turn’d their backs, might do much
more execution than the Spaniards themfelves ; in-
afmuch as they were more numerous, and not in-
cumber’d with the heavy arms and armour of the
Chriftians.
When Montezuma received advice, that the
Spaniards had fubdued the Tlafcalans, and were
about to incorporate them in the number of their
allies, he was under the utmoft confternation ; for
he knew them to be the braveft of the Indian na-
tions, and the molt inveterate enemies to his em-
pire : A people, who had long refilled his enemies
alone, and, join’d with thefe invincible ftrangers,
he apprehended would fhake the foundations of bis
throne : He fent another embaffy therefore to
Cortez, to reprefent the Tlafcalans as a treache-
rous and barbarous people, who had no regard to
their treaties, and who would take the firft oppor-
tunity that prefented itfelf of deftroying thofe that
confided in them : But the Spaniards eafily faw
through the defign of Montezuma, in offering
them this advice, and concluded their treaty with
Tlafcala the fooner, hecaufe they found that Prince
fo much dreaded the confederacy they were nego-
ciating.
Montezuma made ftill another effort to di-
vide the Spaniards and the Tlafcalans : He even
offered to pay a yearly tribute to the Spaniards,
confiding of half his revenues, provided they would
break with their new allies, and lay afide their de-
fign of marching to Mexico : But Cortez would
not confent to either of thefe propofitions ; and, re-
ceiving an invitation from the fenate of Tlafcala,
to take up his quarters in their capital, he enter’d
that city in triumph, on the 23d of September,
1519; and had a palace affign’d him, confifting of
leveral courts, large enough to accommodate his
whole army ; and was entertain’d here at the ex-
pence of that republick, who readily confented to
become fellow-fuhjefts of the fame mighty Prince
the Spaniards were. But, when Cortez prefs’d
them to abandon their idols, and embrace the Chri-
ftian religion, they defired to be excufed from fuch
compliances ; and the General could prevail no
farther, than that they fhould fufpend their human
fecrifices. He would, the hiftcrian relates, have
pro-
159
CHAP.
VIL
An alliance
between the
Tlafcalans
and Spa-
niards,
Cortez
marches ttj-
Tlafcala,
1 60
C H A P
VII.
The vulcano
of Popocate-
pec furvey’d.
Montezu-
ma invites
Cortez to
-Mexico.
THE PRESENT STATE
proceeded to demolift their temples and images by every thing by pure force, pretended tnat this fud- C HAP.
force, as be had done at Zemnoala ; but that Father den change in Mont ezuma could ante from no VII.
Bartholomew de Olmedo diffuaced him other motive than treachery ; and, as he had in-
from that raft refolution, which, he reprefented, vited him to continue his march, and take up his
would infallibly unite all the Indian nations againft quarters in Cholula, one of the frontier cities of his
him, and put a flop to the progrefs of their arms. dominions, lie had reafon to fufpeft, that this was
While the Spaniards remained at Tlafcala, the done with a view of furprizing and cutting off the
burning mountain of Popocatepec, which lies about Spaniards, when he ftould have enclofed them in
eight leagues from that city, burnt with great vio- that fortrefs ; and therefoieCoR i hz pretended he
lence, throwing out ftones and aftes that cover’d would take this opportunity to chaftife his treachery
the neighbouring country : And this the Mexicans and infolence 5 that is, he would cut in pieces fome
alfo looked upon as the forerunner of fbme calamity, thoufands of the Mexicans, at his entrance into
But the Spaniards informed them, that this eruption their country, in order to keep up and increafe the
proceeded from natural caufes ; and Diego de dread they had of his arms : And in this projedl,
Ordaz, to (hew his contempt of what the na- they tell us, the Tlafcalans concurred, or rather
tives fo much dreaded, took two of his foldiers along advifed him to, that they might take a full revenge
with him, and climbed up this dreadful vulcano, of their antient enemies the Mexicans, now they
’till he came to the mouth of it, where they faw were reinforced by the invincible Spaniards,
agreatmafs of boiling fulphur, and, haying fatif- Cortez, his own hiftorian relates, (tho’ he
fied their curiofity, returned again to Tlafcala, where knew ot this plot of Montezuma and the
they were given over for loft : And, tho’ it was in Mexicans to cut off the Spaniards at Cholula) con-
reality a very rafh and foolift attempt, yet the Spa- tinned his march thither ; which was certainly very
niards obferve, it was attended with very fortunate imprudent, it he really believed there was fuen a
confequences ; for firft, it raifed in the Indians a confpiracy formed againft him, as he pretended .
vaft opinion of the Spaniards, who were not afraid But, as a precaution, they tell us, he took fix or
to march up to the mouth of this vulcano, which feven thoufand of the 1 lafealans with him, befides Cortez ad-
their own people durft never approach ; and, fe- the Zempoalans, and the forces of his other con-
condly, the Spaniards by this means difeover’d a federates j and, being arrived at the city of Cho-
vaft quantity of fulphur,’ which was of great ufe to lula, he was received with all imaginable marks
them afterwards in making gun-powder, when of efteem and affedhon ; only they defired the
the powder they brought with them was almoft Tlafcalans might quarter without the city, as they
exhaufted. were of a different fe£t in point of religion, and
Cortez, having remained at Tlafcala about their antient enemies : Which Cortez thought
20 days, received another embafiy (rom Monte- fit to confent to ; but diredfed the Tlafcalans to en-
zuma, inviting him to advance to the capital camp fo near the town, that they might join their
city of Mexico ; for, finding the Spaniards were forces with the Spaniards, if there ftould be oc-
now become fo powerful, by their alliance with the cafion. I he fame hiftorians relate, that fuch were
Tlafcalans and other dates, that it was in vain to the joyful acclamations of the Mexicans, on the
oppofc their march, he thought it the leaft evil ot Spaniards entering into this City, that they them-
the two to receive them as friends : He found, if fclves, tho they had entertained a jealouty of a
he perfifted any longer to deny the Spaniards coming confpiracy before, were inclined to thinktfhem fin-
to his capital, they would force their way thither, cere : That the quarters the inagiftrates affign’d
which would occafion a war that might end in the the Spaniards, were four large houfes, contiguous
definition of himfelf and his empire ; whereas, by to each other, fpacious enough to contain the Chri-
entering into an alliance with them, he might not ftians, and all their allies, except the Tlafcalans,
only preferve himfelf, but ftill continue to govern who were fo ported as to have a communication
his dominions, on making feme formal acknow- with their friends ; and that the Spaniards, hav-
led°ments of his dependance on the King of Spain ; ing fortified their quarters, were in no danger of
and that the Spaniards, in this cafe, would rather being forprized. But ftill, they proceed to give us
fupport and protedt him againft the Tlafcalans, a farther relation of this pretended plot of the
and his rebellious fubje£b, than endeavour to weaken Mexicans, to deftroy the Chriftians in this town,
his authority. And there is no doubt, but at this by a general maflacre ; affirming, that a Mexican
time Montezuma and the Mexicans were fo lady difeover’d it to Donna Marina, Cortez s
terrified with the artillery of the Chriftians, and miftrefs, in compaffion to her; and that fome
the formidable alliances they had enter’d into with Priefts of the Mexicans, being examined thereupon,
the natives, that they might have made that Em- confirm’d the truth of it. But, wnatever there CoUez^rnu,
peror tributary to Spain, and put almoft any terms was in the confpiracy of the Indians again t the thoufand
upon him : But Cortez, who ever effedled to Spaniards, all agree, that Cortez and the 1 laica- Mexicans
make himfelf rather feared than loved, and to eftedt Ians fell upon the poor detencelefe citizens of Cio- ate ou
.1 -lula*
1 6 1
C H A P.
VII.
A pretended
>lflracle.
OF MEXICO.
lula, and cut the throats of many thoufands of them,
without the lofs of any of their own people : That
he even fet fire to their temples, which he burnt
with great numbers of Priefts and others, who had
retired thither, either to invoke the protedion of
their gods, or as to fanduaries, which they thought
none would be fo barbarous as to violate. Thus,
fays Antonio de Solis, did Cortez chaftife
the treachery of Mont e z u m a and the Mexicans.
He acknowledges, indeed, that one of their own
hiftorians charges this General with barbarous cruelty
in this and many other maflacres of the like nature ;
fuggefting, that his avarice for the plunder of that
rich city, and his ambition to render himfelf ter-
rible, were the real motives to this butchery : And
we can’t eafily avoid being of that opinion, after
the good Bifhop of Chiapa, who lived upon the
fpot a little after the conqueft, has confirm’d the
truth of it.
Certain it is, this terrible execution had fuch an
-effeft on Montezum a, that he immediately fent
another rich prefent to Cortez, with farther of-
fers of fubmiffion and refignation to his pleafure :
And, I think, there is little room to doubt, but
Cortez expeHed this mafi'acre would be attended
with fome fuch confequences ; and that the profped
of them were the principal motives to that bloody
adion. It is evident, great part of the hiftory of
de Solis is mere fidion : That he has formed
councils, made fpeeches, and contrived ftratagems
for his hero ; for which there was no manner of
occafion, againft fo weak and defenfelefs a people,
frighted out of their fenfes at the difeharge of his
artillery : Nay, he has wrought feveral unneceflary
miracles for the Spaniards ; at which every reafon-
able man muft laugh. And, if thefe relations are
evidently falfe, what regard ought we to have to
other improbable fads he relates, where they are not
confirm’d by the concurrent teftimony of other
writers ? To add another inftanceof a falfe miracle
to thofe I have related already from de Solis :
He tells us, that the Spaniards having eroded a Crofe
on an eminence in the city of Tlafcala, when they
march’d out of that town, a prodigious bright cloud
defended, in form of a pillar, and fettled perpen-
dicularly upon the Crofs, where it remained for three
or four years : That there proceeded from the cloud
fuch a fplendor, as (truck the Indians with a vene-
ration for the Crofs, fhining out in the darkeft
nights, and compelling them to acknowledge, that
the Crofs contained fome Deity ; and that it was
with reafon the Spaniards worfhipped it, and imita-
ted them, by bending the knee before it, and ap-
plying to it for relief in their diftrefles, negleding
their own idols : Which devotion encreafed to that
degree, that the Indian Priefts grew jealous of their
religion, and endeavoured to pull down that mi-
raculous Crofs, and break it in pieces ; but they
always returned extremely terrified, not daring to
VoL„ Ill,
declare the reafon, left they fhould lofe their repu-
tation among the people. Thefe, and a multitude
more of fuch feign’d miracles in the Spanffh hifto-
rians, oblige us to read them with caution ; tho’
de Solis is frequently fo good as to fare us the
trouble of a ftrid examination, and confute him-
felf, by relating impoffible or inconfiftent facts, as
will appear in the courfe of this hiftory. And, after
all, if that conqueft was attended with miracles
that were wrought for the conviction of the Indians,
there had been little occafion for thofe numerous
ftratagems, and that inimitable bravery they aferibe
to their hero Cortez ; much lefs for thofe cruel
maflacres that w’ere exercifed by the Spaniards, un-
der pretence of forcing the Indians into the Chri-
ftian fold. There was finely very little of heavers
in that cruel war, if it may be called a war, which
ravenous Wolves make upon defencelels Sheep :
And if ever religion, or rather fuperitition, was
propagated and eftablifhed by the fword, that of the
Papifts was in America ; their artillery were their
Apoftles, and fire and faggot their Evangelifts, if
we may believe their own hiftorian, the Bifhop of
Chiapa, who refided in Mexico foon after the con-
queft, and came to Spain again to lc licit a ceflation
of thefe barbarities, in compaffion to thofe miierable
people, whom he law deftroy’d by thoufands ; and
was fo happy as to obtain orders from Court to the
Spanifh Governors to treat the Indians with more
humanity.
Cortez, having remained fome days at Cho-
lula after this maffacre, and made the neceflary
preparations for his march, advanced, by eafy ftages,
towards the Court of Mexico, in order to gain far-
ther intelligence, and ftrengthen himfelf by alliances
with the Caciques, or Mexican Princes, great num-
bers of them reforting to him, and complaining of
the tyranny and oppreffion of Montezuma,
their Emperor. Nor was Cortez forry, fays his
hiftorian, to fee thefe humours prevail in the heart
of the country ; “ perfuading himfelf, that a Prince
“ could not be very powerful with fo many marks
“ of a Tyrant, who, by lofing the love of his vaffals,
“ was deftitute of the fureft defence of a King.”
Here we may obferve the force of truth : The very
advocates of Cortez, and the firft adventurers,
acknowledge, that the difaffedion of the Mexicans
was fo univerfal, that Montezum a could not,
without difficulty, have prevented the revolt of his
fubjeds, and a confederacy of the Indian Caciques
againft him, if the Spaniards had not come to their
affiftance : And, confequently, the mighty adions
pretended to be done by thefe adventurers, had very
little to be admired in them ; at leaft, they could
never deferve thofe applaufes that have been bellow-
ed on them ; fince Montezuma’s empire muft
have fallen of itfelf, by their own relation, without
foreign affiftance. Can we think it ft range then,
that it fhould be overturn’d, when the opprefled
Y .Indians
C H A P.
VII
Cortez en»
ters into nevs>
alliances, and
advances to-
wards Mesh
co.
162
CHAP.
VII.
The Ma-
gicians em-
ploy’d by
.Montezuma
to diftrefs
the Spa-
niards.
A pretended
r/ifion.
THE PRESENT STATE
Indians were a /lifted in their revolt by a people verfed
in the European arts of war, and armed with artil-
lery and other advantages, which mull have terrified
and confounded any people, how brave foever, that
had never feen any thing of this kind.
They frequently infinuate, indeed, that nothing
left than miracles and fupernatural aids could have
enabled fuch a handful of men to reduce fo vaft an
empire ; but they forget, on thofe occafions, that
they have inform’d us, that the armies of Indians
that join’d Cortez were equal to thole of Mon-
T E z u M a ; and that his fubjedls were opprefTed,
and prepared for a general revolt. From whence
it appears, that neither miracles, or any great fhare
of courage or conduct, were necellary to bring a-
bout that revolution, which is reprefented as fo
aftoniftiing, that the actions of Alexander,
Czesar, and the greatefc heroes of antiquity, are
not to be compared to it.
The hiftorian proceeds to tell us, that Mon te-
•z u M a had laid another plot to deftroy the Spa-
niards, by leading them into a defart country, full
of defiles and difficult pafies, where he propofed
either to cut them off, or ftarve them ; hut their
Indian allies, it feems, advifed Corte z to take
a different road, whereby he prelerved his army :
That this ftratagem failing, Montezuma com-
manded his Magicians, Necromancers, and all that
were verfed in the black art, to affemble, and
diftrefs his enemies by their enchantments, on pain
of death : That thereupon the Magicians, relying
on the fupport and affiftance of thofe infernal
powers that ufed to favour them, took their poft
on a mountain, in view of the Spanifh army ;
where, beginning to draw circles, and invoke the
Devil (like our European Necromancers) the Prince
of Darknefs appeared to them, in the form of one
of their idols, of a mod terrible countenance ; and
from whom they fuppofed plague and famine, and
other calamities, to proceed ; and, with an angry
look, exceeding the fiercenels of the idol, feem’d
to threaten them. Whereupon they proftrated
themfelves before the infernal fpirit ; but he, re-
gardlels of their devotion, in a diimal tone and
voice, fpoke to them in this manner : “ Unhappy
“ Mexicans, the time is come wherein your en-
iC chantments have loft their force ; and the league
“ between us is diflolved. Tell Montezuma,
“ that, for his tyranny and cruelty, heaven has
“ decreed his ruin : And, that you may in a more
“ lively manner reprefent to him the defolation of
“ his empire, turn your eyes upon that miferable
“ city, already forfaken of her gods.” Having laid
this, the apparition difappear’d, and they beheld their
capital city in flames ; which they found, however,
untouch’d on their return thither.
When this vifion was related to Mont e zu m a,
’tis faid, he was aftonilh’d, and for fome time re-
mained fpeechlefs 1 but, at length, broke out in
the following exclamation : “ What can we do, C H A P»
“ if our gods forfake us ? Let the ftrangers ad- VII.
“ vance, and the heavens fall on us : To hide our- J
“ felves, or turn our backs on the vengeance that
“ threatens, would be diftionourable. I only la-
“ ment the fate of the women and the children,
“ that cannot defend themfelves.” And, when he
had faid this, feem’d ready to diflblve in tears : And
now, finding it in vain to oppofe the march of the
Spaniards any longer, he began to make prepara-
tions for their reception.
Thus, we find, the Spanifti hiftorians have in-
terallied both heaven and hell in the deftruclion of
this unfortunate Emperor, againft whom they had
already arm’d his own fubjedts, and all the neigh-
bouring powers ; which mull render their (hare in
the fubverfion of this empire exceeding final! : A
Prince, terrified by vifions and prodigies, by his
own oracles, by a general infurreclion and con-
federacy againft him, fcarce wanted the artificial,
thunder and military (kill of the Spaniards to com-
plete his ruin. But to proceed :
The Spaniards, continuing their march, were at-
tended by leveral other Caciques and Lords of the
country, who complained of the intolerable op~
prefficns of Montezuma ; telling Cortez,
that they look’d upon him as their Deliverer,
lent from heaven to reftrain and punilh the in-
juftice and cruelty of tyrants: To whom he pro-
mifed his protection ; and, drawing near to Mexico,
in order to ftrike the greater terror into the natives,
he order’d his artillery and fmall arms to be dis-
charged ; and caufed leveral Indians to be fhot, that
approached too near his quarters while he lay in-
camp’d at Amemeca, on the borders of the Mexi-
can Lake.
Here Prince Cacumatzin, the nephew of
Montezuma, attended by the Mexican nobili-
ty, came to the General, and bid him welcome ;
alluring him, that he would meet with a very kind
and honourable reception from the Emperor ; but
intimated, that there having lately been a great
fcarcity of provifions in the city of Mexico, occa- '
fion’d by unfeafonable weather, they could not ac-
commodate him as they defired ; and therefore en-
treated he would defer his entrance into that capi-
tal, if he did not think fit entirely to decline going
thither : But, Cortez appearing determined to
advance, the Prince feemed to acquiefce ; and the
preparations for the reception of the Spaniards were
continued.
Cortez, being arrived at Quitlavaca, a city
fituated on an ifland in the great Lake, 5 or 6
leagues from Mexico ; is faid to have had. fome
apprehenfions,. that the Mexicans Ihould break down
the caufey, and remove the bridges on it ; which
would have very much embarrafs’d him, becaule
he could neither have advanced or retired in that
cafe, efpecially with his horfe and artillery. But
O F M E
3 HAP. the Cacique of Quitlavaca, who appeared to be a
VII. friend of the Spaniards, very much encouraged the
General; telling him, he had nothing to fear ; that
the prodigies in the heavens, the anfwers of the
oracles, and the fame of the great actions and fur-
prizing arms of the Spaniards, had perfectly difpi-
rited their Emperor, and difpofed him to fubmit to
whatever the General would impofe on him ; and
that he was fo far from meditating to impede their
march, that he had given his commands to all the
places, through which the army was to pafs, to
iupply them with provifions, and all other accom-
modations ; and that he would find the people
every-where infinitely rejoiced on his approach,
looking upon him in a manner as their good angel,
and in expectation the Spaniards would anfwer the
character they had conceived of them, and refcue
them from oppreffion.
This is acknowledg’d by all the Spanifh hifto-
rians. How is it poffible then, to form a more
favourable conjuncture, for the Spaniards to have
eftabli fil’d their dominion in Mexico, even with-
out the leaft bloodfhed, if the General, who con-
ducted them, had been equal to the enterprize, or
had had lefs avarice and cruelty in his compofition.
The laft town the Spaniards came to, before they
arrived at Mexico, was Iztacpalapa, which Hands
upon the great caufey leading to that captital, and
is about 2 leagues from thence ; where he was re-
ceived, with all imaginable honours, by the Cacique
and the neighbouring Princes, who prefented him
with a great variety of plumes and fruits, and with
plates of gold, to the value of two thoufand Pefo’s.
The Prince affign’d Cortez his own elegant
Palace alfo for his quarters, and entertained him in
the gardens of it, which, the Spaniards inform us,
were equal in beauty and magnificence to any thing
of that kind in Europe.
Cortez en- The General, having remained here one night,
ters Mexico. £, e aan h[ s march early the next morning, being
the 1 9th of November, 1519, in order to make his
f entry into the metropolis of the empire ; and, as
they drew near it, fays de So Lis in his lofty ftyle,
they faw, with admiration, that great city elevated
vaftly above the reft of the cities of the lake, and
carrying an air of dominion in the pride of her
buildings. Being come within a league of the city,
they were met by four thoufand of the Nobility and
great Officers of State, who, having paid their
complements, advanced before them to the gates of
Mexico, and then made a lane for the army to
march through ; the reft of the people appearing
at the windows and battlements on the tops of the
houfes, which were crowded with them ; but they
were not fuffer’d to ftand in the ftreets, that the
march of the Spaniards and their auxiliaries might
not be impeded or diforder’d.
The army confifted at this time of four hundred
and fifty Spaniards, and fix thoufand Tlafcalans and
X I C O. 163
Indians, who had no fooner enter’d the ftreets of C H A P»
Mexico, but they w'ere met by two hundred Noble- VII.
men of the Emperor’s houfhold, cloathed in one
livery, wdth large plumes of feathers on their heads,
all of the fame fafhion and colour.
Thefe, after meeting and complimenting the
General, fell back alfo, and, dividing themfelves,
made a lane for the Spaniards : ! hen came ano-
ther body of the Nobility, of a fuperior dignity,
who made a more fplendid appearance ; and, in the
midft of them, was the Emperor Mont e zu m a,
carried in a chair of beaten gold, on the {boulders
of his favourite Courtiers, four more of them fu-
ftaining a canopy over his head ; the whole adorned
with beautiful feathers, through which the glitter-
ing gold appeared : He was preceded by three Of-
ficers, with rods of gold, the harbingers of the
Emperor’s approach, on whofe appearance the peo-
ple proftrated themfelves, none daring to look up.
Cortez difmounting when the Emperor drew
near, the Mexican Monarch alighted from his chair, Montezuma,
and carpets were fpread in the ftreet for him to
tread on ; He advanced, according to the Spanifh
hiftorians (who feem to have taken many of the
ceremonies they relate from their own Court) wdth
a flow folemn pace, leaning on the arms of two
Princes, his relations ; and was met bv Cortez
with a becoming hafte, and a moft profound reve-
rence ; which Montezuma anfwer’d, by touch-
ing the ground with his hand, and afterwards railing
it to his lips ; a new and unheard-of condefcenfion,
my author obferves, from Montezuma, who
would fcarce bend a knee to his gods ; and added
to the efteem and veneration his fubje£fs already
had of the Spaniards. The conference between the
Emperor and the General was fhcrt, the hiftorian
relates, at this interview ; neither has he made a
fpeech for either of them on this occafion ; only
tells us, that their fpeeches were fuitable to the oc-
cafion ; and that the Emperor commanded one of
the Princes, his relation, to conduit the General
to the palace affign’d for his refidence ; and then
returned to his own palace.
It was about noon the Spaniards were brought
to the royal houfe appointed for their reception,
which was fo fpacious as to contain all the Europeans
and their auxiliaries : It had thick ftone-walls, they
tell us, flank’d with towers : The roof of the palace
flat, and defended by battlements and breaft-works ;
infomuch, that when the General had planted his
artillery, and placed his guards, it had very much
the appearance of a fortrefs.
Hither Montezuma came the fame evening,
and was received by Cortez in the principal vn s or 610
fquare of the palace ; and that Monarch, having
enter’d the room of ftate, and feated himfelf, or-
der’d a chair for Cort e z ; and a fignal was made
for his Courtiers to retire to the v/all : Whereupon
the Spanifh Officers did the fame ; and Cortez,
Y 2 being
1 64 THE PRES
C HAP. being about to begin a lpeech by his interpreters,
VII. the hiftorian relates, Montezuma prevented
him, and fpake as follows :
His Leech. 44 Illuftrious and valiant Stranger, before you
44 difclofe the important meffage the great Monarch
44 you come from has given you in command, it
44 is necefl'ary fome allowances be made for what
41 fame Ins reported of us on either fide. You
44 may have been inform’d, by fome, that I am
“ one of the immortal gods ; that my wealth is
“ immenfely great, and my palaces cover’d with
44 gold : And, on the other hand, you may have
44 heard, that I am tyrannical, proud and cruel.
14 But both the one and the other have equally im-
44 pofed on you : You fee that I am a mortal of
44 the fame ipecies of other men ; and, tho’ my
44 riches are confiderable, my vaftab make them
“ much more than they are ; and you find, that
44 the walls of my palaces are nothing more than
44 plain lime and ftone. In like manner, no doubt,
44 has the feverity of my government been magni-
44 fied : But fufpend your judgment of the whole,
44 ’till you have had an- opportunity of informing
44 yourfelf concerning it ; and you will find, that
44 what my rebellious fubjedts call oppreffion, is no-
44 thing more than the necefl’ary execution of
44 juftice.
64 After the fame manner have your adfions been
44 reprefented to us. Some fpeak of you as gods ■,
44 affirming, that the wild beafts obey you : That
44 you grafp the thunder in your hands, and com-
44 nrand the elements : While others allure me,
44 you are wicked, revengeful, proud, and tran-
44 fported with an inlatiable thirft after the gold
44 our country produces.
44 I am now fenfible, ye are of the fame com-
44 pofition and form as other men, and diftin-
44 guifh’d from us only by accidents, which the
44 - difference of countries occafions.
44 Thefc beads (Horfes) that obey you, are pro-
r ‘ : - bablv a large fpecies of Deer, that you have
■ 4 tarn and bred up in fuch im perfect knowledge
44 as may be attained by animals : Your arms are
made of a metal indeed unknown to us, and tine
44 -fife you difeharge from them, with iuch an afto-
44 nifhing found, may be fome fecret taught by your
4 Magicians. As to your actions, my ambaffa-
44 dors and fervants inform me, that you are pious,
44 courteous, and govern’d by reafon : That you bear
44 hardfhips with patience and chearfulneis ; and
44 are rattier liberal than covetous: So that we
4 -muff, on both lides, lay afide our prejudices and
” - prepoffeffions, and rely only on-, what our eyes
• 4 and experience teach. Nor need you take any
44 pains to perfuade us, that the great Prince you
,4 ferve is dsfeended from our ancedor Quezal-
44 coal, Lord of the Seven Caves of the Navat-
■ 4 laques, and K ing of the Seven Nations, that gave
4 -beginning to the Mexican empire. We know,
ENT STATE
44 that he departed from this land to conquer new CHAP,
44 regions in the Ead, promifing to return again, VII.
44 and reform our government and manners :
44 And, becaufe you come from the Ead, and your
44 actions manifed you are delcended from this our
44 illudrious progenitor, we have already determin’d
44 to pay you all imaginable honours.”
To this the General anfwer’d, That it was true, Theanfwer-
various were the reports they had heard : Some en- 01 Cortez '
deavour’d to defame and afperfe him, while others
adored him- as a god : But the Spaniards, who
were endued with a penetrating fpirit, eafily law
through the different colours of difeourfe, .and the.
deceit of the heart : That they neither gave credit
to his rebellious fubjedts, or thofe that flatter’d him ;
but came into his prefence affured, that he was a great
Pri nee, and a friend to reafon ; but very well fa-
tisfied, however, that he was mortal, as they them-
felves were : That the beafts which obey’d him were
not Deer, but fierce and generous animals, inclined
to war, and feemed to afpire, with ambition, after .
the fame glory their mafters did.
Their fire-arms were indeed the effedt of human
induftry, and ow’d nothing to the fkill of the Ma-
gician, whole arts were abominated by the Spaniards t.
And thus, having given fome anfwer to the Em-
peror's difeourfe, Cortez proceeded to let him.
know, That he came Ambaffador from the moft .
potent Monarch under the fun, to defire his friend-
fhip and alliance : That there might be a commu-
nication and intercourfe between their refpedtive do-
minions ; and, by that means, the Chriftians might
have an opportunity of convincing them of their
errors : And though, according to their own tradi-
tions, he might claim , a more ablolute power over:
this part of the world, their King only defired to
make ufe of his authority, to inftrudt them in mat-
ters infinitely to their advantage ; to drew the Mexi-
cans that they lived in darknels and error, adoring
in fenfible blocks of wood, the works of mens hands-
and fancies ; whereas there was but one true God, „
the eternal caufe of all things, without beginning
or ending whole infinite power created, out of •
nothing, the wonderful fabrick of the- heavens, the
fun which gave them light, the earth that fuftained
them, and the firft man from whom they proceed-
ed : And this God they were , all under equal obli-
gation to acknowledge and adore ; an obligation im-
printed on their fouls, and of which even the Mexi-
cans could not be wholly ignorant, tho’ they diff
honour’d that almighty Being, by worlhipping de-
vils and impure fpirits, creatures of the fame God,
who, for their ingratitude and rebellion, were
doom’d to. fubterranean fires ; of which their vul-
canoes had an. imperfedt relemblance : That thefe
infernal fpirits, whofe malice and envy render’d them
moft inveterate enemies of mankind, endeavoured,
their perdition, by caufing themfelves to be adored
in their abominable idols : That it was their voice
they
CHAP.
VII.
Montezu-
ma's reply.
Remarks
on thefe
fpseches.
OF MEXICO. 165
they fometimes heard in the anfwers of their oracles, temples and idols by force, before gentle means, and C HA I ,
and their illufions that impofed on their reafon. the arts of perfuafion, had been made ufe of to con- VII.
That thefe myfteries could not be explained at a fin- vert them from their errors, and give them an opi- G'AGVl
gle interview; but the King, whofe fuperiority n ion of the religion propofed to be introduced ; when
they acknowledged, admonifhed them to hear thofe they faw thofe they at firft looked upon as gods or
Fathers whofe bufinefs it was to preach the heavenly angels, rather than men, rapacious and cruel, intent
do&rine : This was the firft and principal thing the upon amaffing gold and treafure, and murdering the
King his mafter commanded him to infift on, as the natives Dy thoufands and ten thoufands, under pietence
moff likely means of eftablilhing a lafting amity ; of plots and confpiracies againft them ; when they
that, being united in principles of religion, their found, by experience, that the Spaniards weie but
alliance might become indiftbluble. men, and were render d defperate by the cruel treat-
The reply Montezuma made to this ha- ment they met with from them; no wonder they
rangue, ’tis ’faid, was, That he accepted the alliance held fail their errors, and endeavoured to free them-
propofed by the King of Spain, the defcendant of felves from a yoke they found intoleiable.
his great anceftor Quezalcoal; but as to the Cortez, and the Spaniards fecm to have pro-
overture that had been made concerning religion, ceeded upon very impolitic and bloody maxims :
he held, that all gods were good, and the God of 1 hey expended, in the firft place, that the Indians
the Spaniards might be what they reprefented. ; but fnoukl immediately entertain and embrace their re-
he faw no reafon to withdraw that veneration the ligion, before they knew any thing of it ; and be-
Mexicans paid to theirs : And, having made Co r- lieved it lawful, if the Indians refufed this, to de-
tez a prefent of gold, jewels, and other valuable ftroy them by all ways imaginable : And according-
curiofities, and diftributed more among his Officers, ly we fhall find, in the courfe of this hiftory, that
that Prince returned to his palace. " they ufed them worfe than they would have ufed
In the firft of thefe fpeeches, the Spanifin hifto- any fpecies of animals ; firft making them their
rians. have made Montezuma fpeak what they flaves, and then deftroying them without mercy ;
thought it was proper for him to fay on fuch an oc- which was not only barbarous, but extremely im-
cafion ; and have fufficiently difcover’d that fub- politic. Fhe Romans, we find, whenever they ex-
miffion Montezuma was then difpofed to pay tended their arms, made even the Princes of the
them: They drew, that the Spaniards were then fo conquer’d nations fubfervient to their defigns, and
high in the opinion of the Mexicans, that they might affift them in eftablilhing their dominion, by con-
have impofed what terms they pleafed upon them, ftituting them Viceroys and Governors under them;
if they had not ftruck upon the only firing that and, by that means, reconciled the people they fub-
could have prevented it ; namely, the demanding a dued to their empire: But the Spaniards rejected, or
hidden and total change in their religion, even at neglected all fuch politic arts ; and feemed to know
this firft conference. Whether the anfwer faid to no other way of fubduing that new world, than by
be made by Co rte z be genuine, or net, is not maflacring and murdering the antient inhabitants ;
very material; but it is evident, from this firft fpeech infomuch, that large provinces and_ iflands were
their writers have put into his mouth, and many perfectly depopulated, and many millions of people
other paflages, as alfo from his demolifhing their deftroy'd, within the fpace of twelve years after tire
temples and images at Cozumel and Zempoala, invafion of Cort ez, as the Spanifh Biinop of Chi—
that he began foolifhly to prejudice the Indians a- apa informs us, who was fo fuccefsful in his appli-
gainft the Spaniards, by infilling on a change of re- cation to the Spanifh Court, as to procure a flop to be
ligion before he had eftablifh’d his authority. Had put to thefe unparallel’d outrages and devaluations,
he once poftefs’d himfelf of the government, which in fbme meafure. But to proceed in our hiftory,
the Emperor Montezuma, and his fubjefts the which will abundantly manifeft the truth or what
Mexicans, in a manner courted him to accept ; he I have here advanced.
might, probably, by reafon, by encouragements and T he Span ilh General, attended by fome of his Thejrft a\i
rewanft, have wrought upon many of the Indians officers and fold iers, went the next day to the palace £ orUZ ,
to have relinquifh’d their fuperftition ; for, tho’ he of Montezuma, and was admitted to an audi-
had not the power of working miracles, the adfions ence. And here again, their hiftorians relate, that
of the Europeans were looked upon as miraculous, Cortez entertained that Prince chiefly on the fub-
and their power invincible : And il to this had jeeft of religion : 1 bat he endeavour d to give him
been added fome examples of that humanity and an opinion of the rites and ceremonies of the Chri-
benevolence which Chriftianity infpires ; bad the In- ftians ; exclaimed againft human facrifices, and how
dians feen them a£t like Chriftians, and manifefted unnatural it was to devour their own Ipecies thus
a real concern for their temporal as well as eternal facrmced : And they tell us, that they prevailed fo
happinefs, the Chriftian religion had, in all probabi- far on him, as to induce him to banifh human flefh
licy, been foon eftablifh’d in that part of the world, from his own table ; tho’ he durft not prohibit Its
But when they faw the Spaniards deftroying their fubjeefts eating of it, or his Priefts the continuing to
1 66
T H E PRESENT STATE
CHAP.
VII.
Montezurru
thews Cortez
the great
temple;
The impoli
tic zeal of
Cortez,
Remarks up-
on it.
offer Fuch facrifices. On the contrary, he main-
tained, That it was no cruelty to offer to his gods
prifoners already condemned to die ; tho’ Cort ez,
and Father Olmedo the Prieft, frequently endea-
vour’d to convince him of the barbarity of the
practice, and of the excellency of the Chriftian re-
ligon : That he ftill infilled, “ That his gods were
“ as good in his country, as the God of the Chri-
4< Ilians was in theirs Nor could he diffemblehis
refentment, when he was prels’d fo clofely on this
fubjeCl,
At another time, Montezuma carried Cor-
tez, Father Olmedo the Prieft, and fomeof the
principal Spanilh Officers, to take a view of the
great temple ; explained to them their rites and ce-
remonies, the deities the images reprefented, and
the ufe of the facred veffels and utenfils, and this
with great reverence and ferioufnels : At which the
Spaniards, their hiftorians inform us, were fo rude
and impolitic, as to laugh and make a jeft of them ;
and that Montezuma thereupon admonifn’d
them to keep within the bounds of decency. But
Cortez, tranfported with great zeal, laid to the
Emperor, “ Permit me, Sir, to fix the Crofs of
“ Christ before thefe images of the devil, and
“ you will fee whether they deferve adoration or
“ contempt.” At which the Priefts were enraged,
and Montezuma himfelf in confufion ; and faid
to the Spaniards, “ You might, at leaft, have
“ fhewn this place the refpeCt you owe to my per-
“ fon And immediately led them out of the
temple ; but returned thither again himfelf, telling
them, he mull alk pardon of his gods for having
fuffer’d them to proceed fo far. And now, it feems,
Cortez and his Priefts were themfelves convinced,
they had taken a wrong ftep in preffing the Empe-
ror fo ftrenucully to change his religion, which only
tended to provoke him, and fix him in his errors ;
and contented themfelves with erecting a chappel,
by his leave, for the exercife of the Chriftian reli-
gion publickly ; in which they placed the image of
our Lady and a Crofs, and celebrated mafs every
day. They add, that Mon t e z u m a and his Court
were frequently prefent at divine fervice, and ad-
mired the humanity of the Chriftian facrifice ;
tho’ they could not be brought to abolilh their
own.
Give me leave juft to remark, in this place, that
the Mexicans did not eat the flelh of thofe that
were facrinced, or ever fed on human flelh ; nor
were human facrifices frequent in Mexico ; tho’,
upon fome feftivals, and extraordinary occafions, it
be admitted, men were fometimes facrificed. The
defign of the Spaniards, in reprefenting thefe people
to be fo very barbarous, was evidently to juftify their
own cruel butcheries on thefe unfortunate Indians, as
will be fhewn under the head of religion. And, in-
deed, with what face could the Spaniards declaim a-
gainlt the worlhip of images, while they wonhip-
ped images themfelves ? Or how could they pretend CHAP,
fuch a deteftation of human facrifices, when they la- VII.
crificed fo many thoufands to their ambition and
avarice ? And, as fome have obferved, might not
the Indians have juftly retorted upon them, That if
they facrificed prifoners taken in war, the Spaniards
every day almoft facrificed and eat their very God,
as they themfelves acknowledg’d. To return to the
hiftory.
Still there continued a great intimacy between
Montezuma and Cortez. If we may cre-
dit the Spanilh hiftorians, Cortez frequently re-
forted to the Mexican Court, and Montezuma
as often viftted the Spanilh quarters, making pre-
fents to the General, and to his Officers and Soldiers,
and exhibiting fhews and entertainments for their
diverfion. The Mexicans ftill treated the Spaniards
with a refpeCl that favour’d of fubmiffion, accord-
ing to my author. Montezuma fpoke of their
King with the fame veneration he mentioned his
own gods ; his Nobility paid a profound refpect to
the Spanilh Officers, and the people bow’d the knee
to the meaneft Spanilh Soldier : But an accident
happen’d, which very much leffen’d the efteem, or
rather dread, the Mexicans at firft entertain’d of
thefe foreigners.
One of that Emperor’s Generals, levying the an-
nual tax impofed on the vaffal Princes in that part
of the country which lay in the neighbourhood of
the Spanilh garrifon of Vera Cruz ; thefe Caciques,
who had thrown off their fubjeClion to the Mexican
empire, and enter’d into an alliance with the Spa-
niards, applied themfelves to John d e Es c a l an- An aaion
TE, Governor of Vera Cruz, for protection ; who between the
thereupon march’d out of that fortrefs, with forty an d Spaniards
Spaniards and three or four thoufand confederate In- near Vera
dians, to their affiftance ; and, tho’ he had the good Cruz *
fortune to defeat the Mexican General, yet one of
the -Spaniards was killed, and his head fent up to
Court ; and the Governor, with five or fix more of
his garrifon, were mortally wounded. Which news
being brought to Cortez, gave him great uneafi-
nefs ; and the more, becaufe he was inform’d, by '
the confederate Indians, that the Mexicans were
confuiting how to drive him out of their territories ;
which they did not apprehend impracticable fince
the engagement near Vera Cruz.
The Spanifh General therefore finding it impoffi-
ble to maintain his authority among the Indians any
longer, without entring on fome addon that might
give them frelh caufe of aftonilhment, fays my au-
thor, and recover that reputation they feemed to have
loft by that unfortunate accident,refolved to feize the
perfonof Montezuma, and bring him prifoner
to his quarters : And, accordingly, at an hour
when the Spaniards were ufed to pay their court to
that Prince, Cortez, having given orders to his
men to arm themfelves without noife, and poffefs
themfelves of all the avenues leading to the palace.
OF MEXICO.
167
CHAP, in fmall parties, that no notice might be taken of
VII. it ; went to the Mexican Court, attended by feve-
ralof his Officers and thirty Soldiers, whofe refolu-
tion he could rely on ; and, being admitted to the
Emperor’s prelence, he complained of the violation
of the peace between them, by one of the Mexican
Generals falling upon his confederates, and after-
wards killing a Spaniard he had taken, in cold
blood. To which Monte zuma anfwer’d, That
if any thing of that nature had been done, it was
without his orders ; and he was ready to make la-
tisfadfion for any injury that might have been done
undefignedly, either to the Spaniards, or their allies.
But Corte z gave him to underftand, that nothing
would fatisfy them but his furrendering himfelf into
their hands, and refiding with them in the palace
affign’d to the Spaniards for their quarters.
Monteuzma, at firft, feem’d aftonifh’d at
the infolent demand, and remain’d for fome time
filent : But, recovering from his furprize, he faid,
That Princes of his rank were not accuftomed to
yield themfelves up to a prifon ; nor would his fub-
jedfs permit this, if he fhould forget his dignity fo
far. Cortez anfwer’d, If he would go along
with them voluntarily, they were not afraid of any
oppofition his fu'jecfs fhould make ; and they would
treat him with all the regard due to his dignity :
He might continue to exercife his authority as for-
merly, and no reftraint fhould be put upon his acti-
ons ; only, for their fecurity, he infilled, that the
Emperor fhould refide amongft them. Monte-
zuma ftill refufingto put himfelf into their hands,
was given to underhand, that if he would not,
they would carry him off by force, or murder him
fnthe perfon t ^' e 7 were & PP 0S ’J : Whereupon he fubmitted to
of Montezu- do, what he found it was impoffible to avoid , and
tm - gave orders to his Officers to prepare for his removal
to the Spanifh quarters, whither he went in the
ufual ftate, and in all appearance voluntarily, unlefs
that he was attended by a company of Spaniards,
that furrounded his chair, under pretence of doing
t him the greater honour : The Spaniards alfo obliged
him to take with him fome of his children, -with
the principal Lords and great Officers of ftate, whom
they detain’d as hoftages for their farther fecurity ;
all w hich could not be effected without a fufpicion,
that they were in reality all captives to the Spani-
ards, and had very near caus’d a general infurredfti-
on to obtain their liberty. But Cortez oblig’d
Montezuma to declare, that his removal was
voluntary, and to give bis orders, that the people
fhould difperfe, which was fubmitted to, poffibly r
left the Spaniards fhould murder their Emperor, and
, ail the Great men they had in their power : And,
ftis faid, that Prince was allow’d to live in the fame
ftate he had done in his own palace for fome time,
attended by his officers and fervants ; and that he
iffued his orders, as if lie had been under no manner
of reftraint ; only the Spaniards ufed that precaution,
as not to admit too many of the Mexicans to enter CHAP,
their quarters at a time, and kept a very ftrief guard VII.
at all the avenues.
And here I cannot but obferve a little inconfi- Fart f ier rev
marks*
ftency in the Spanifh hiftorians, particularly in An-
tonio de Solis, who tells us, “ That Mont r-
“ zuma, neither in his expreffions, or his beha-
“ viour, difeovered the leaft weaknefs under his
“ confinement, or ceafed to maintain the grandeur
“ of an Emperor.” And within twenty lines he
fays, “ The want of fpirit in Monte zu m a, v/as
“ not lefs remarkable, than the boldneft of the
“ Spaniards was furprifing ;” adding, that the hand
of God was upon the hearts of the Mexicans, as
well as their Emperor ; or fo haughty a Prince, and
a warlike nation, exceffively zealous in fupporting
the dignity of their Sovereign, would never have
fubmitted fo tamely, and without attempting his
refeue.
The Spaniards relate alfo, that Montezuma’s
table, during his confinement, was ferv’d with greater
plenty than ufual, and that what was left, was di~
ftributed among the Spanilh foldiers ; that fome of
the heft difhes were font to the General and his
Captains, who were now perfectly known to Mon-
tezuma, and that he would converfe freely and
pleafantly with them; but in fuch a manner, as
was not inconfiftent with majefty : That he {pent
moft of his time, when he was difengag’d from
affairs of ftate, among the Spaniards ; and ufed to
fay, he was not himfelf without them ; and the
refpedt they paid him in return, gave him great fat if-
faction. That he would fometimes play with Cor-
tez at a Mexican game, call’d Toloque, wherein
they bowl’d at certain golden pins, and that he ufed
to diftribute his winnings amongft the Spaniards,
and that he preferv’d the fentiments of a Prince,
even at play. But fometimes they tell us, that
Cort £ z entertained this Prince with more ferious
fubjedfs ; particularly, that his zeal would not per-
mit him to lofe fo fair an opportunity of making the
Emperor his convert : But that all the arguments,
that he, and Father Bartholomew de Ol-
medo, the Prieft, could ufe, had no effedf upon
him ; infomuch, that they were in doubt, whether
he had not ftill fome intercourfe with the Devil 5
the’ it was the general opinion, that after the ap-
pearance of the Crols of Christ in Mexico, all
their infernal invocations loft their force, and the
oracles became filent.
Nor did the Spaniards only teaze this unhappy
Prince, on the point of religion; but they com-
pelled him to iiliie out his orders for apprehending his
General Qualpopoca, who had engaged the
Spaniards near Vera Cruz; and this Gentleman
being brought prifoner to Court, the Spanifh Officers
at a Court-martial condemn’d him to be burnt be-
fore the gates of the palace, with the reft of the
Captains, that were concern’d in that enterprize ;
1 68
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, and left this {hould occafion an infurreflion, and an which they would have us afcribe purely to choice, CH AF 5 .
VII.
Cortez lays
Montezuma
in irons.
attempt be made to refcue Montezuma, Cor-
tez caufed him to be laid in irons that morning the
execution was to be perform’d.
But fuch was Montezuma’s aftonifhment,
when he faw himfelf treated in this ignominious
manner, fays de Solis, that he wanted force to
refill or complain ; and his fervants lamenting their
Emperor’s hard fate, threw themfelves at his feet,
endeavouring to eafe him of the weight of his fet-
ters : And tho’, when he recovered from his firft a-
mazement, he began to exprefs fome impatience ;
yet correcling himfelf, he acquiefced in his misfor-
tunes; acknowledging, they proceeded from the
will of his gods, and waited the event, not without
apprehenfions that there was a defign againfc his life.
But Cortez having feen the execution perform’d,
by which he found, he had ftruck fuch a terror into
the Mexicans, that little was to be fear’d from them,
he returned to Monte zu ma’s appartment, and
order’d his fetters to be taken off; and, as fome wri-
ters relate, fell on his knees, and took them off
with his own hands, for which favour the Emperor
embrac’d and thank’d him. But, what is ftill more
difficult to be believ’d, they allure us, that Cor-
tez gave the Emperor leave to return to his pa-
lace, and that he refufed the offer, out of regard to
the Spaniards ; telling them, he knew very well,
that as foon as he was out of their power, his fub-
jefts would prefs him to take up arms againft them,
to revenge the wrongs he had fuller’d : Nay, the
Spanilh hiftorians positively affirm, that notwith-
ftanding all the injuries and indignities they had of-
fer’d to M ON TEZUM a, he expreffed a more than
ordinary friendihip and regard for them, preferring
their intereft to that of his own fubjedls ; which I
mull take the liberty to fufpend my belief of, ’till
they produce better proofs of it, and ceafe to fpeak
lefs inconfiftently than they do in their accounts of
this enterprize.
And now de Solis relates, that Cortez gave
Montezuma leave to go whither he pleas’d ;
which he feems to contradidl within a very few lines
afterwards; For, he tells us, when that Prince on-
ly defired to perform his devotions in one ot his
temples, it was granted upon certain conditions ;
namely, that he fhould give his royal word to return
to the Spanilh quarters again, and from that day
abolilh human facrifices : And, I make no doubt,
but they infilled on a third, viz. That he fhould
take a guard of Spaniards with him; for they ac-
knowledge, that a body of Spaniards actually at-
tended him to the temple, which they could do with
no other view than fecuring their prifoner ; tho’
PE Solis fays, indeed, it was at the requeft of
Montezuma they went with him ; Nor did he
ever go abroad without a Spanilh guard, or without
afking leave of Cortez, or ever lay one night
out of their quarters, by their own confeffion ;
and his affection to the Spaniards, who had put fuch
indignities upon him. They add, that Cortez ^
was now become his Prime Minifter : That all polls
of honour or profit were difpofed of by him and his
principal Officers, who were courted by the Mexi-
can Nobility, when they faw that no places or pre-
ferments could be had but by their intereft ; which
might be true poffibly : But, furely, it is much more
probable, that Montezuma was influenced more
by his fears, than his affecftion for the Spaniards.
And we may obferve, from hence, that, with all
thefe advantages, C ortez and his Spaniards might
have eftablilh’d their power upon fuch a foundation,
a? could not eafily have been overthrown, without
fuch a deluge of blood as they Ipilt afterwards, if
Cortez had been as able a Politician as he was a
Soldier ; or, if his benevolence and humanity had
exceeded his cruelty and avarice.
He feems to have left fcarce any means untried
for his fecurity and eftablilhment, but the principal ;
namely, the gaining the affections of the Indians,
and the winning them over to his party, as well as to
the Chriftian religion, by a£ls of generofity and be-
neficence. He was fo careful of himfelf, that he
caufod fome brigantines to be built on the Lake
of Mexico; whereby he entirely commanded the
lake and the caufeys leading to the city : And, at
the fame time, he increafed his reputation with the
Mexicans, by the artful management of thofe vef-
fels. The Indians were at this time ignorant of
the ufe of fails and rudders ; and, when they faw
the Spaniards failing not only before the wind, but
upon a wind, and fometimes almcft direClly againft
it ; and that the veflels were fleered this way and
that way with only the turn of a hand, they began
to return to their firft opinion, that the Spaniards
had in reality the command of the elements : And,
indeed, fuch was the opinion the Indians now en-
tertained of the fkfll and power of the Spaniards,
that it was purely their own fault the Mexicans ever
attempted to regain their freedom.
Themoft fatal of all the errors Corte z com- •
mitted, were his repeated attempts, from the very
time he landed, to deftroy the temples and images
of the Mexicans, and force them to receive a new
religion before they knew any thing of it, and be-
fore he was in a condition to force their compliance.
Indeed, religion ought never to be forced upon a
people, how potent Soever their Governors may be :
But to attempt the fubverfion of religion, and the
introducing another by force, in the infancy of a
revolution, was furely the mod impolitic thing in
the world. And, if the attempt was not to be a-
fcribed to weakness in Cortez and his Officers, it
muft be imputed to a much worfe caufe ; namely,
to their avarice and cruelty, who, looking upon
themfelves to be armed with the Pope’s authority,
as well as the King of Spain’s, imagined, that all
the
VII.
OF MEXICO.
CHAP, the wealth of that rich country would be forfeited to
VII, them, if the Mexicans refilled an immediate fub-
million to their demand of becoming Chriftians ;
and that, in fuch a cafe, it was lav/ful to plunder,
enflave and murder them without mercy, and make
all the wealth of Mexico their own. This they
looked upon as the fhorteft way to arrive at what
they principally aimed at ; namely, the acquiring
unbounded treafures. This their futute aftions evi-
dently demonftrate, if any credit is to be given to
their own hiftorians.
Even now, when the Emperor Montezuma
and his fubje&s appeared to be all fubmiffion, and
had in a manner given the reins of government
into the hands of the Spaniards, did they offer them
fuch unneceflary provocations, in the capital city of
the empire, as no people would ever have borne.
They attempted at once, without demanding leave,
or giving any reafon for it, to demolifh all the ima-
ges of their gods, and convert the principal tem-
ples in Mexico into Chriftian churches ; which oc-
cafion’d, as might reafonably be expedited, a gene-
ral infurredtion. The Priefts took up arms, and
the whole city rofe, fays my Spanifh author, in de-
fence of their gods ; and the Spaniards were at
length convinced, by the oppofition they met with,
that it was expedient to admit their idols to remain,
for the prefent, where they flood. However, they
perfifted in crediting a Chriftian chappel in one of
the temples, and placing in it the crofs, and an i-
mage of the bleffed Virgin ; and aditually fung mals
in it with great folemnity: Which the Indian Priefts
agreed not to oppofe, provided their own idols
might be permitted to remain in their temples :
And thus the matter was accommodated between
them, and the tumult appealed. Some of the Spa-
nifla hiftorians defcribe a folemn proceflion alfo, that
was made to the new-eredited chappel when the Po-
pifh images were carried into it ; and give us a
fpeech, faid to be made by Cortez on that occa-
fion, before the crucifix. They tell us alfo of that
General’s working a very great miracle, a little af-
terwards, for the proof of the Chriftian dodtrine :
They fay, that the Mexicans came to him in a tu-
multuous manner, complaining that their gods re-
fufed to fend them rain, becaufe he had introduced
ftrange deities into their temples : And that, to ap-
peafe the people, he told them the God of the Chri-
fti ans would fend them plenty of rain in a very few
hours ; which prediction heaven was pleafed to
fulfil, to the great admiration of Monte z um a
and his fubjedts.
However, thefe pretended miracles were but of
final! fervice to the Spaniards, it feems ; and, had
they been real, the falle politicks or bigotry of
Cortez, in endeavouring to deftroy the Indian
fuperftition, and introduce his own thus precipitately,
prejudiced that people againft him to fuch a degree,
that we hear of nothing but plots and confpiracies
VOL. III.
I69
on the one fide, and cruel butcheries and opprefficmC H VP.
on the other, ’till the Spaniards eftablifhed them- VIE
felves by pure force, and had in a manner extirpated ^
the natives, inftead of converting them to the Chri-
ftian faith.
Their hiftorians relate, that Ca cum Azin, A plot a-
King or Cacique of Tezcuco, and nephew to M 0 N- | ain! * t!e
tezuma, affembling many more of the vaflal pan ‘ iU ' 1 " J
Princes of that empire, reprefen ted to them the ty-
ranny of the Spaniards, who in a manner govern’d
the ftate in the name of their unfortunate Prince,
whom they had made their prifoner, and even loaded
with irons, like a common malefadtor : Nor did he
forget to refledt on the outrages that had been done
to their religion, by deriding and vilifying their
gods, and attempting to demolifti their temples and
images ; concluding, that it was the greateft re-
proach their country could fuffer, tamely to fubmit
to thefe outrages from a handful of foreigners, who
appeared, now they were better acquainted with
them, to be but mortals of the fame fpecies, and
who had no other advantage over them than what
their fire-arms and enchanting magick gave them ;
inciting them to behave themfelves like men, and
deliver their country from this fhameful and intole-
rable flavery : With whom mod of the Caciques
concurr’d; but fome falfe brethren amongft them,
’tis faid, betray’d the confpiracy to Cortez:
WEereupon Cacumazin was made prifoner, and
his brother, a creature of the Spaniards, was made
Cacique of Tezcuco in his ftead; and the reft of
the confpirators were difpers’d, tbo’ not entirely
dilEearten’d ; for this plot, to free themfelves from
the tyranny of the Spaniards, became in alhorttime
more general: And Montezuma, receiving
advice, that his fubjedts were unanimous in their
refolution of reftoring him to his liberty and empire,
and to difmils their haughty guefts the Spaniards,
fummoned the vaflal Princes to Mexico, who came
thither attended with formidable bodies of their
troops; and, in this fituation, he had the courage
to let C ortez know. That, having acknowledged Montezuma
his Mafter the King of Spain the heir of his empire, requires Cor-
and that he held his dominions of him, as defeended toVain 10 ™
from their great anceftor Quiz al coal ; and °
having prepared a rich prefent for that King, to
teftify his fubmiffion and dependence on him ; he
expedted Cortez fhould withdraw from Mexico,
and return to the Prince that lent him, to give
him an account of the fuccefs of his embaffy : And
at the fame time delivered to C 0 R t e z an immenfe
treafure, which he and his fubjedts bad contributed,
in hopes that the avarice of the Spaniards would have
been entirely latisfy’d with it, and that they fhould
enjoy the poffeffion of their country, and what they
had left, in quiet, freed from any farther outrages
or infults. And the Spaniards themfelves intro-
duce Montezuma making the following ftiort
fpeech on this occafion , viz,
Z “ That
f 7 o THE PRESE
C H A P. “ That it was reafonable, Cortez fhould now
VII. “ beo-in to think of his departure, fince he was
“ thus fully difpatch’d : And that the motives or
“ pretences for his flay being ceafed, and he having
this overture. “ received, for the ferviceof the King his Matter,
“ fo favourable an anfwer to his embafty, the vafial
“ Princes would not fail to furmife, that he had
“ ftill farther views, if they faw him perfift in re-
“ maining longer at that Court ; nor would it be
« in his power to fupport and protect the Spaniards
“ againft them.”
And Cortez, it feems, was under fuch ap-
prehenfions, that lie fhould fuddenly be attack’d by
the forces of the whole empire, ii Ire refufed to
comply with this reafonable demand, that he did not
think fit to object any thing againft it ; only dehred
time to build a fleet to tranfport his troops to Spain,
the fleet whichbrought him thither being deftroy’d :
To 'which the Mexicans agreed, and immediately
aftlgn’d him timber, workmen, and labourers, tore-
build h js fhips ; which furnifh’d him with a pre-
tence to ftay fome time longer; and he gave di-
rections to the workmen not to make too much
hafte in equipping the fleet, expecting that a rein-
forcement of troops might in a fhort time arrive
from Spain, and enable him to maintain his ground
againft all the powers of Mexico.
Narvaez " But, while Cortez lived in expectation of a
fent from th friendly fquadron coming to his afliitance, advice
fbodyof 1 was brought, that eleven tall fhips, and feven
Spaniards, to fmaller veflels, with eight hundred Spanifh foot,
reduce Cor- f our £ ore horfe, and twelve pieces of artillery on
board, were arrived on the Mexican coaft, near
VeraCruz; and that they were fent by Diego
Velasquez, Governor of Cuba, to profecute
the conqueft of Mexico, and to make Cortez
and all his men prifoners, that refufed to fubmit to
his authority, and obey Pa m philio de Nar-
vaez, who had the command of the fleet and ar-
my employed in this expedition. To underftand the
reafon whereof, it will be neceffary to look back a
little, and call to mind, that Diego de Velas-
quez, Governor of Cuba, firft formed the defign
of reducing Mexico, and provided a fleet and army,
giving the command thereof to Hernando Cor-
tez,' in order to attempt that conqueft : But being
inform’d, that Cortez had a defign to deprive
him of the glory and advantage of the enterprize,
and fet up for an independancy, Diego Velas-
quez revoked his com miftion, and, beforeCoR-
tez left the ifland of Cuba, required him to re-
linquifh that command, and return. But Cor-
tez and his friends, having embark’d all their for-
tunes in the defign, in hopes of mighty advantages
that would accrue to them in the purfuance of it,
and both foldiersand Teamen having a high opinion
of the valour and conduct of Cor T F. z, they agreed
to fet fail, and proceed in the enterprize ; not-
withftanding the exprefs command of the Governor
NT STATE
of Cuba to the contrary. Whereupon the Gover- C FI A P„
nor fent complaints to Spain, that Co RT E z had VII.
mutiny ’d, and run away with the fhips and forces
defign’d for the reduction of Mexico ; and defired
he might have his commiffion of Lieutenant-Ge-
neral renew’d and confirm’d by that Court; and
that he might be conftituted Lieutenant-General of
all the countries conquer’d, or to be conquer’d, on.
the continent of Mexico (for his former commiffion
was given him by Don Diego Columbus, tire,
fucceflbrof the celebrated Columbus that difco-
vered this new world). And fo good was the inte-
reft of Diego Vel asqjjez in the Court of
Spain, that he received the commiffion he defired :
And, being inform’d of the fuccefs of the Spaniards
under Cortez, and fupported by the commiffion
he had obtained, propofed, by this fecond embarka-
tion, to reap all the glory and advantages he at firft
propofed to himfelf by that conqueft.
On the other hand, Hernando Cortez,
meeting with that incredible fuccefs, that has been
related, and being furnifh’d with a large flhare of
treafure, by the prefents made him by Monte-
zuma and the vaflal Princes, fent the whole, by
two or three of his Officers, in a fhip to the King
of Spain, who was juft embarking for Germany as
they arrived, in order to take upon him the impe-
rial dignity, as he did foon afterwards, by the name
of Charles theVth. The new Emperor was
mightily pleafed with the rich prefent fent him by
Cortez, efpecially as he look’d upon it to be an
earneft of much greater treafures ; and, tho’ he was
not at leifure to attend the bufinefs of the Indies be-
fore he embarked, left orders with his Council to
take the fupporting of Cortez into their confi-
deration. But fuch, it feems, was the intereft of
Diego Velasquez at the Court of Spain, who
had reprefented C ortez as a traitor and deferter,
that nothing was done towards the affifting of him
’till two years afterwards; and the Governor of
Cuba was left topurfue his revenge, which had ve-
ry near loft the Spaniards all they had poflefs’d
themfelves of on the continent of Mexico, as I
{hall, in the next place, proceed to relate.
The royal chamber of Audience at Hifpaniola law
the mifchievous confequences of a diflention among
themfelves, at fo critical a juncture; and repre-
fented to D i e g o V e l a s qu e z, when they heard
he was making preparations to fall upon Cortez,
that this would probably be of pernicious confe-
quence, and deprive them of thofe valuable acquifi-
tions they had already made, and perhaps end in
the ruin of them all : And, when they found Die-
go Velasquez was not to be prevailed on to
•lay a fide the expedition, they fent fome Ecclefiafticks
and Officers with Narvaez, who was conftituted
General of the forces on board the fleet, to medi-
ate an accommodation between him and Cort e z ;
and, if that could not be effefted, to difpofe the
Spaniards
OF M E
CHAP. Spaniards of both armies to a reconciliation, and to
VII. unite in the caufe of their country and their com-
mon Sovereign.
Narvaez and Pamphilio de Narvaez arriving with
the Spaniards his fleet near VeraCruz, fummoned Gonzalo
h r°r\» C a- b3 de Sandoval, who had been appointed Gcrver-
Vera Cruz, norof that fortrefs by Cortez, to furrender: But
Gonzalo was fo far from complying with the
fummons, that he fent thole that came on that er-
rand prifoners to Corte z at Mexico. However,
Narvaez landed Iris forces, and march’d diredtty
to Zempoala; of which Cortez receiving ad-
vice, at firft feem’d thunder-ftruck ; but, recover-
ing from his furprize, relblved to make Narvaez
offers of peace, and propofe the uniting their forces
in the fervice of their Prince. At the fame time
he reprelented to Montezuma, who was al-
ready acquainted with the arrival of Narvaf. z,
that the Spaniards under the command of that Ge-
neral were fubje&s to the King his Matter, and were
come upon a fecond embaffy to induce him to com-
ply with the overtures he had already made ; but
that he fnould difpofe them to return to Spain with
him, fince he had already obtain’d the end of his
embafly.
Cortez pro- To his own men Cortez fuggefted, that he
vides to op- did not doubt to bring the Spaniards Narva e z
pole them. j iac j brought with him over to his party ; and that
they would, in the end, probably prove fuch a re-
inforcement, as would enable him to finitti his con-
queft of that empire: And immediately applied
himfelf to his confederate Indians, to provide him
with fuch forces as might be neceflary, in cafe he
fhould not be able to accommodate matters with
N arvaez. In the mean time, the Spanifh pri-
foners arriving, which Gonsalo de Sando-
val had fent up from Vera Cruz, among whom
were an Eccleilaftick and a Notary, who had been
fent by Narvaez to funrmon that town ; Cor-
tez received them with great civility, and allured
them, the Governor of Vera Cruz had exceeded his
orders in making them prifoners: And, having
fhewn them the great power he exercifed in the
Court of Mexico, he made them very rich pre-
fents ; telling them, that he relied on their good
offices in difpofmg Narvaez to accept the peace
he had offer’d him: After which, he difmifs’d them,
and order’d them to be conducted to that General
with all imaginable refpedt. After thefe, he lent
Father Bartholomew de Olmedo, anEc-
clefiaftick of great reputation, to propofe a treaty
v/ith Narvaez; and, if that did not fucceed, to
found the difpofition of his officers and foldiers, and
incline them to pacific meafures. He furnifh’d the
father alfo with jewels and rich prefents to the prin-
cipal officers, in order to render his negotiation the
more fuccefsful.
Father Bartholomew, on his arrival in the
camp of Narvaez, gave him to underftand, of
XI CO. T7I
what advantage it would he to their Sovereign and CHAP,
their Country to unite their arms ; acquainting him VII.
with the ftate of the conqueff, and the numerous
alliances Corte z had made with the Indian Prin-
ces : But infinuated, that they Ihould, however,
have occatton for their united ftrength, to bring
the Mexicans under their fubjedlion, who were na-
turally brave, and did not want military (kill ; and r
fhould they find there was a mifunderftanding among
the Spaniards, they might probably make their ad-
vantages of it, and deftroy them both, in order to
free themfelves from a foreign yoke.
To which Narvaez, ’tis faid, haughtily re-
ply’d, that Diego deVe lasqjjez had order'd
him to enter into no treaty with the rebels, as he
termed Cortez and his party ; but that his firft
and principal bufinefs was to compel them to return
to their duty ; telling him, that he fhould immedi-
ately proclaim them all traytors, who adhered to
Cortez, having brought fufficient forces with
him to compel their obedience, and finitti the con-
queft of that country.
The Father finding no good to be done upon
Narvaez, apply’d himfelf privately to feveral of
the officers and foldiers, and especially to thofe gen- Cortez cor-
tlemen, who came on purpofe from Hilpanioia, to 'j 16 0i "
mediate a peace, as moil conducive to their Prince’s Narvaez»
intereft ; and dittributed the prefents, he had brought,
with great judgment. The prifoners allb, whom
Cortez had releafed, were very lavifh in his prai-
fes : They deferibed the grandeur and magnificence
of the Mexican Court ; the fway that Cortez
bore in it, and the humanity and courtefy with
which he treated all mankind ; which had fuch an
eftedt on the foldiery, that mod of them appear’d
ready to join Cortez, who had already obtain’d
fo high a character for his valour and conduct, and
given fuch fenfible proofs of his affection for them.
In the mean time it appears, that Montezu- A treaty be-
ma, was carrying on a private negotiation with
Narvaez the Spanifh General, who had given Narvaez,
him to underftand, that he came with a commiffion
from the King of Spain, to call Cortez to an
account for all the violence and extortion he had
committed ; that he and his adherents were fugi-
tives and rebels ; and that he would immediately
advance and reftore his Mexican Majefty to his li-
berty, and the peaceable poflettlon of his dominions,
which, it was evident, Cortez was endeavour-
ing to ufurp. Whereupon M ontezuma made
Narvaez feme very coni iderable prefents, and
fhew’d a difpofition to enter into an alliance with
him for their common defence.
In the mean time, Cortez was not idle ; but Corte? ?n-
as he was much more apprehenfive of the niiichief^Ap”^
he might fuffer from the forces fent againfc him by the Spam-,
the Governor of Cuba, than of the power of the arth ferc .
Mexicans, he apply’d himfelf chiefly to gain the Of-
ftcers of the troops lately arrived,’ by prefents and ca-
Z 2 rettesj
'i 7 2
CHAP.
VII.
He prepares
to take the
field.
Montezu-
ma’s fpeech
to him
thereupon.
The anfwer
of Cortez,
THE PRESENT STATE
relies, which was his principal view, in fending Fa-
ther O l m e d o with offers of peace to N arvaez.
That Father therefore was no fooner return’d to
him, with an account of the fuccefs of his negotiati-
ons ; but he refolv’d to take the field againft his ri-
val, before he had an opportunity of concerting
meafures with Montezuma and the Mexican
Princes, and drawing them over to his party. Ha-
ving affign’d fourfcore Spaniards, therefore, under the
command of Pedro de Alvarado, to keep
garrifon in Mexico, and fecure Montezuma
from making his efcape ; the reft were order’d to be
ready to march at an hour’s warning : But going to
take his leave of his royal prifoner, before he fet out,
De Solis relates, that that Prince fpoke to him in
this manner. He faid, he had for fome time ob-
ferv’d the General to be thoughtful, for which no
doubt he had reafon ; for he had receiv’d repeated
advice, thatNARVAEZ, who commanded the Spa-
niards lately arriv’d, was come with a defign to fup-
plant him; and tho’ his Mexican Majefty did not
much wonder, that there Ihould be private piques
and quarrels between the fubjedts of the fame Prince ;
yet it was ftrange, they Ihould be buffer’d to com-
mand two different armies, and clafh when the in-
tereft of their Prince, and the publick fervice requi-
red a union in their councils and actions: He con-
cluded therefore, that one of them muft be a rebel
to his King.
To which Cortez anfwer’d, as ’tis faid, that
it was true, they were both the fubjedls of the fame
Prince, and they both intended the fervice of their
King and Country ; but were not indeed agreed in
the methods of doing it ; he had refolv’d therefore
to march to Zempoala with the beft part of his for-
ces, in order to cultivate a good underftanding with
Narvaez and his troops; and did not doubt,
either to difpofe tbofe Spaniards to return to their
Ihips, or to treat the fubjetfts of the Mexican em-
pire, as a people, whom the King of Spain had taken
under his protection.
Montezuma commended his defign ; but ob-
ferv’d, that as Narvaez had given out threat-
ening fpeeches, and feem’d to intend his ruin, and
commanded a body of forces of twice his ftrength ;
it would be prudent for Cortez to reinforce his
little army with thirty or forty thoufand Mexicans,
which he would order to affemble forthwith for this
fervice, and direcft his Generals to obey the com-
mands of Cortez : But he wifely refufed the in-
fidious offer, placing but (lender confidence in the
Mexicans, fays the hiftorian. He was cautious of
entertaining auxiliaries, that might command him,
knowing how he Ihould be embar rafted in the day of
battle with a known enemy in front, and preten-
ded friends in flank and rear.
Cortez, having given his orders therefore to
Alvarado, to have a ftriCt eye over Monte-
zuma, and not to fuffer too great numbers of the
Mexicans to refort to him, or any long conferences CHAP,
between them ; and extorted a promife from the VII.
royal prifoner, that he would not attempt an efcape w'-v'W
in his abfence ; telling him, he Ihould foon return
to Mexico, in much better circumftances ; began
his march towards Zempoala ; and taking Tlafcala
in his way, he was received with the higheft honours
by that republick : However, they gave him to
underftand, that they could not affift him with their
troops againft the new-arriv’d Spaniards, whofe hor-
fes and artillery they were not able to refill. Where-
upon he proceeded in his march for Zempoala, tak-
ing an advantageous poft in the neighbourhood of
that city, where he could either treat, or defend
himfelf againft Narvaez, if he Ihould be attack'd.
And firft, he made frefh overtures to that General, Cortez
for accommodating the differences between them, mjkcs ° ver *
and uniting their forces in the fervice of their coun- p “ a 7 e ° t0
try ; and even offer’d, ’tis faid, to relinquifh the Narvaez,
advantages of that conqueft, and go upon fome other
enterprize with his adherents, rather than the King’s
fervice Ihould fuffer. And tho’ Narvaez refuf-
ed to give him any other terms than thofe of furren-
dering at diferetion ; yet the conceffions Cortez
made, had fuch an effedl on the Officers and Sol-
diers, which Narvaez commanded, that Cor-
tez was fenfible, he Ihould meet with but a faint
refiftance from them : And underftanding by fome
deferters, that Narvaez trufted fo much to the
fuperiority of his forces, that he kept but a very neg-
ligent guard, he refolv’d to attempt to furprize his
enemy in the night-time.
Accordingly, in a very dark tempeftuous night, Cortez fur-
when Narvaez leaft expected fuch a vifit, Cor- ^eT/ancT
te z fell upon his quarters, and made him and his makes him
principal Officers prifoners, before they were well P r ‘foner.
awake : Whereupon the reft of his troops flung down Tfie troo P s t
their arms, and moft of them enter’d into the fer- ferve^ndez
vice of Cortez. And here it muft be admitted, Cortez,
that Cortez, by his artful treaties and negotiations
in the firft place, and by his courage and conduit in
defeating an enemy fo much fuperior to him in num-
bers, and efpecially in horfe and artillery, Ihew’d.
himfelf to be a good Soldier ; tho’ he can never be
allow’d to be a very great Statefman, that, with all
his fuccefs and advantages, knew no other way of
eftablilhing himfelf, but by the extirpation of the
defencelefs Indians.
While Cortez was engaged in this expedition Tii e info-
• n r> ° ° A lence of the
againft Narvaez, Pedro de Alvarado, Spaniards
who was left to command the Spaniards in Mexico, left in Mex-
and fecure the perfon of Montezuma, behaved 1C0<
himfelf with that infolence and cruelty, and difeo-
ver’d fuch an infatiable avaritious temper, as united
the whole city againft him : The people became def-
perate, when they found there was no end of his ex-
tortions, and that they were daily plunder’d and
murder’d for their wealth ; their religion derided,
and their very gods defaced and demolifh’d. But
OF MEXICO.
173,
CHAP.
VII.
Alvarado
ma fiacres
and plunders
the Mexi-
can Nobility,
The Mexi-
cans unite
their forces
againft the
Spaniards.
the principal occafion of this infurretfUon at Mexico
was Alvarado’s falling upon the Mexican Nobi-
lity at a religious feftival, when they were mod of
them affcmbled on that occafion, and engaged with
the common people in that folemn dance, call’d Mi-
totes ; wherein all diftindfion is laid abide, and the
whole city, Noblemen, and Plebeians, great and
fmall, join annually in celebrating the day. The
Bilhop of Chiapa relates, that Alvarado, ob-
ferving they had put on their jewels and richeft or-
naments on this occafion, alfembled his Soldiers, and
fell upon them, putting above two thoufand of the
Mexican Nobility to the fword, and plunder’d what-
ever was valuable about them. Nor are the facts
{ either the (laughter or the robbery ) denied by any
of the Spanith hiftorians ; only they endeavour to
juftify the atftion in their ufual way ; that is, by
pretending there was a plot of the Mexicans to de-
ftroy the Spaniards on that day. Some pretend, that
they were incited by Narvaez to fall upon the
Spaniards of Cortez’s party ; and that Monte-
zuma himfelf encourag’d the infurredlion, in the
abfence of that General, to obtain his liberty : While
others affirm, that Montezuma had no (hare in
the confpiracy ; but that his fubjedfs, encouraged by
the declarations of Na RVAEz againft Cortez,
and the abfence of molt of the Spaniards, agreed to
fall upon their quarters, give their Emperor his li-
berty, and free themfelves from the tyranny of the
Spanith garrifon. Others fay, that the Indian Priefts
were at the bottom of the confpiracy, feeing their
religion in danger, and another about to be introdu-
ced ; and all agree, they were very adtive in anima-
ting their people to defend themfelves againft the at-
tacks of the Spaniards. It is alfo agreed, that the
day before this folemn feftival, fome of the Mexi-
can Nobility and Priefts attended Alvarado, ap-
prized him of the affembling of the multitude the
next day, to celebrate the feftival, that he might
not be alarm’d on that occafion ; and actually ob-
tain’d his permiffion before they would refolve on
the folemnization of it : But then fome of them pre-
tend, that arms were difeover’d concealed in the
temples afterwards ; and that the Mexicans only
took the opportunity of this feftival to put the plot
againft the Spaniards in execution.
However, thofe that (peak moft favourably of
this aft ion, acknowledge that Alvarado fell
upon the Mexicans while they were difarm’d ; and
that they did not fall upon the Spaniards : That all
the jewels and rich ornaments of the murder’d No-
bility were carried off by the Spaniards ; and that
Al vara do never made any excufe or apology for
the outrage. Whereupon the Mexicans, expedhng
they (hould all be maffacred if Cortez returned
with a reinforcement of troops, afl'embled from all
parts, and attack’d the Spanifh quarters on every
fide, chufing rather to die with their arms in their
hands, than to be murder’d in cold blood. And,
altho’ they were beaten off by the artillery and fire- CHAP-
arms of the befieged ; yet, as they had cut off all VII.
their provifions, the Mexicans would probably have
ftarved Alvarado, if Cortez had not returned
fuddenly to his relief : He fent therefore exprefs af-
ter exprefs to Cortez, to haften his march ; let-
ting him know, that he {hould be obliged to furren-
der, if he was not fpeedily fupplied and reinforced.
Cortez had juft finifh’d the defeat of Nar- ^mtrT”
vaez, when he received advice of the diftrefs his Mexico,
people were in at Mexico; and, having incorpora-
ted all the troops Nar vae z brought over with his
own, began his march towards Mexico, with a
thoufand Spanifh foot, an hundred horfe, and fe-
veral thoufand confederate Indians; leaving at the
fame time garrifons in the towns of Zempoala and
Vera Cruz. Nor did the Mexicans offer to inter-
rupt his march : They retired, upon his approach,
from the Spanifh quarters, and left that part of the
town deftitute of inhabitants.
Montezuma, ’tis (aid, met the General at his His nfagp oE
return, and congratulated his fuccefs : But he, hav- lv ‘ ontl - zumi '
ing been inform’d of that Emperor’s negotiations
with Narvaez and his own fubjedfs, in his ab-
fence, in order to procure his liberty, turned from
Montezuma with all the contempt imaginable;
not fo much as vouclftafing to fpeak to him. Ber-
nal Diaz, who accompanied Co R T ez in this
expedition, fays, that he now looked upon himfelf
to be powerful enough to fubdue the Mexican em-
pire, without courting Montezu m a or his fub-
jedfs ; and therefore carried every thing with a high
hand, or to that effedt : Which, other hiftorians
obferve, was a very great error ; for, if the Gene-
ral had, on his returning in triumph with fuel: an
addition of forces, enter’d into a treaty with that
Emperorand his Nobility, they would have yielded
to almoft any terms ; and he might have gained the
dominion of that Empire, for the King of Spain his
mafter, without any bloodfhed. But he was too
much elated with his fuccefs, to think of pacific mea-
fures. On the contrary, he refolved to give them Cortez
all manner of provocations, and even to render them j^ 3 * 3
defperate, that he might have a colour to deftroy a CO nquer’d
them, and feize all their pofteffions, whether lands people,
or treafure. He had found a garrifon of fourfeore
Spaniards able to repel the whole force of Mexico ;
and he did not doubt, now he (aw himfelf at the
head of eleven hundred Spanifh horfe and foot, with
a multitude of confederate Indians, he fhould be a-
ble, by force, to reduce the Mexicans, and make
them (laves ; But he was near paying very dear for Revives the.-
his prefumption ; for, fending out a detachment Q f h i fl f ll V es , r
four hundred Spaniards and Tlafealans, in fearch of ' Vlt *’
the enemy, who were retired to the fartheft part of
the city, they were furrounded, and in danger of
having their retreat cut off; and he himfelf, with
the reft of his troops, efcaped very narrowly being
ftarved, or cut in pieces, as will appear in the en-
fuing;
1 74
THE P R E S E N T S T ATE
"They attack
his quarters.
C H A P. fuing relation : For the Mexicans, render’d brave
VII. by their defpair, were not afraid to attack Cortez
in his quarters, tho’ defended by a numerous garri-
fon and a train of artillery : And, when at any time
he made a fally, he found intrenchments in the
ftreets, and the bridges broken down, which ren-
der’d his cavalry in a manner ufelefs ; and, tho’ he
ufually came off victorious, he found he had com-
mitted a very great error, in fhutting himfelf up in
Mexico, from w hence it was almoft: impoffible to
make his retreat, and where he found it impracti-
cable to fetch in prov ifions, the enemy being mafters
of all the caufeys that led to the town, and of all the
boats upon the lake : So that, if his people were not
deftroy’d by the continual attacks of the enemy, they
mufl certainly in time be reduced by famine.
■ He propofes In this diftrefs Cortez thought fit to endeavour
to treat with a reconciliation with Montezuma, and make ufe
of the authority he ftill retained among his fubjedls
to induce them to lay down their arms, and permit
the Spaniards to march out of Mexico ; which, it
was prefumed, they would readily come into, that
they might get rid of a people fo much dreaded, as
well as hated, by them. Accordingly, a parley be-
ing propofed and agreed to, Montezuma appear-
ed on the battlements of the palace ; and, fome of
the Mexican Nobility advancing to hear what over-
tures he would make them, the Spaniards tell us,
their Emperor made a fpeech to his fubjedfs ; where-
in he gently reprimanded them for taking up arms
without his leave, tho’ it was with an intention to
obtain the liberty of their Prince ; declaring, that he
was in reality under no manner of reftraint, but re-
main’d with the Spaniards upon choice : That he
thought himfelf obliged to fhew the Spaniards this
favour, on account of the refpedt they had always
paid him, and out of duty to the Prince that fent
them : That their embafly being difpatch’d, he was
about to difmifs thefe foreigners from his Court ; and
defired his fubjedts would lay down their arms, and
not interrupt their march, and he fhould readily par-
don their having taking up arms, or to that effetSh
and their Indian allies, but they mull engage them
to great difadvantage in the open country, having
nothing to oppofe their horfe and artillery. The
Mexicans refolved therefore not to confent to a
ceffation ot arms ; but readied the overture with
difdain, as being framed only to give their mortal
enemies an opportunity of efcaping out of their
hands, and reinforcing themfelves, to the deftrudlion
of their country : And fome hiftorians lay, they
were fir enraged at the overture, that they Ihot at
their Emperor for making it, and mortally wound-
ed him. Others fay, he was wounded by accident.
On the other hand, the Mexicans gave out, that
the Spaniards murder’d him afterwards in their re-
treat, when they found they could not carry him
oft ; which laft feems to me much the moll proba-
ble opinion.
Cortez, finding the Mexicans wera not to be
amufed with infidious propofals, from what hand
foever they came ; that his provifions were almoft
fpent, and that it would be impracticable to make
his retreat in tire dav-time, refolved to attempt it
in a dark night. Having divided the treafure there-
fore amongft his men, with which they were pretty
well loaded, for it amounted to the value of a mil-
lion of crowns, he ift’ued out of his quarters at
midnight, the weather being extremely tempeftuous,
whereby his march was for fome time concealed ;
but he had not advanced a mile upon the caufey,
before he found himfelf attack’d on every fide by
the Mexicans, both by land and water, the lake
being filled with their canoes, or boats ; and, as
they had broke down the bridges, and cut the caufey
through in feveral places, the Spaniards were in
great danger of being entirely cut off". Cortez
indeed had foreleen this, and provided a portable
bridge to pafs the breaches in the caufey, which was
of great ufe to him in feveral places : But the In-
dians found means to deftroy this bridge before they
were all pafs’d over, and their rear-guard, confift-
ing of two or three hundred Spaniards, and a thou-
fand Tlafcalans, was cut in pieces : They loft alfo
Whether this fpeech is genuine or not, it is evi- their artillery, prifoners, baggage, and treafure.
CHAP.
VIE
He marches
away in the
night.
He is at-
tack’d by
the Mexi-
cans, and
his rear cut
off.
dent, the Mexicans had little regard to it : What-
ever their Emperor’s words were, they knew they
were put into his mouth by the Spaniards, whole
prifoner he was, and tended only to procure them
a fafe retreat ; and they were fenfible, if they loft
the advantage they had, they mull never expedl fuch
another opportunity of getting rid of thefe unwel-
come guefts. They had them now coop’d up in
this fortrefs, where no relief could be brought them,
and from whence it was fcarce poffible for them to
retreat, if the Mexicans broke down the bridges
and caufeys upon the lake, and made fuch ditches
and trenches in the ftreets as the Spaniards them-
ielves had taught them : But forefaw, that if their
enemies ever got over the lake again, they might
ftot only receive frelh reinforcements from Spain
with fix and forty horfes. However, Cortez,
with the beft part of his forces, broke through the
Indians, and efcaped to the other fide of the lake.
Some impute this lofs to the avarice of his foldiers,
who were fo loaded with gold and filver, that
they could fcarce make ufe of their arms ; and pof-
fibly there may be fome truth in it : But, I be-
lieve, every one, who confiders his circumftances,
mull be of opinion, that he was very fortunate in
efcaping fo well. Had the enemy provided a body
of forces to oppofe him on the farther fide of the
lake, he mull inevitably have perifh’d ; but they
did not expedf his dallying out fo fuddenly, efpe-
cially in that tempeftuous feafon ; and therefore
were not provided to attack them.
Recovers the
farther fide
of the lake.
De Solis,
:hap.
vii.
Vfontezuma
tnd his fms
aid to be
nurder’d in
his retreat-
The Mexi-
:ans folem-
nize their
funeral.
They con-
tinue the
purfuit.
r>
'
OF MEXICO.
1 75
De Solis, the hiftorian, endeavours to give us
a very particular account of this action ; admires
the valour and conduct of Cortez and his Offi-
cers, and informs us how every one diftinguifh d
himfelf in this memorable retreat : But, as he fays
juft before, that it was performed in a dark tem-
peftuous night, and in the utmoft hurry and con-
fufion, no great regard is to be given to the particu-
lars he has given us. He proceeds to inform us,
that they arrived, juft as it was day-light, on the
firm land ; and thought themfelves very happy that
there was no army to oppofe them there, and that
they were purfued no farther, ’till they had time
to form and recover themfelves from their confter-
nation.
This good fortune, it feems, was owing to the
campaffion the Mexicans exprefs’d for the two fons
ofMoNTEZUM a, and feveral Princes of the royal
blood, whom they found flaughter’d among the
Spaniards, when the day-light appear’d. The Mexi-
cans relate, that Montezuma himfelf was of
this number ; and that the Spaniards murder’d both
him and his fons, when they found they could not
carry them off. The Spaniards, on the other hand,
fay, that M o N T ftz~u M a was killed before, by the
arrows of the Mexicans ; and that the Princes alfo
were accidentally killed in this engagement, while
it was dark, and they could not diftinguifh friends
from foes. But however that was, it is agreed, the
Princes were found dead, pierced through with many
wounds ; and the Mexicans deferr’d the purfuit ot
the Spaniards, to folemnize the exequies of thofe
two Princes, or of Montezuma himfelf. To
which piece of piety, Cortez, and the Spaniards
who were left alive, in a great meafure, ow’d their
fafety.
The Spaniards, having halted fome time to re-
frefh themfelves, and take care of their wounded
men, continued their march towards ft lalcala, the
country of their faithful allies and confederates : But
they had not advanced many leagues before they
were again overtaken and attack’d by the Mexicans,
at a time when they were fo fatigued and harrafs’d,
that had not Cortez taken poffeffion of a tem-
ple, furrounded by a wall of a large extent, that
very fortunately lay in his way, he would have
found it difficult to have repulfed the enemy. But the
Mexicans, finding they could make no impreffion
on the Spaniards, as they lay entrench’d within
thofe walls, thought fit to found a retreat. How-
ever, Corte z, apprehending hefhould be diftrefs’d
here for want of provifions, began his march again
at midnight, with great filence, in hopes to have
got the ftart of the enemy fo far, that he fhould
have reached the Tlalcalan territories before they
could have overtaken him : But, to his great fur-
prize, being arrived on the top of a very high
mountain, he difcovePd the whole forces of the
Mexicans, confifting (according to their hiftorians)
of two hundred thoufand men, drawn up in battalia, CHAP,
in the valley of Otumba, through which it was VII.
neceftary to pafs, in his way to Tlaicala.
Whereupon Df. Solis relates, Cortez made
only this fhort fpeech to his Officers : “ We must
either die, or conqjjer : The cause
of our God fight for us. And, finding The battle
an uncommon ardour in his foldiers to engage, im- of Otumba.
mediately led them on. The fight, they pretend,
was for (bme time bloody and obftinate ; and that
Cortez, apprehending his men would be wearied
out by the continual fupplies of frefti forces which
the Indians poured in upon him, gave a furprizing
turn to the battle, by attacking the imperial ftan-
dard carried by the Mexican General, who was
furrounded by their Nobility : For, having routed
them, killed the General, and taken the ftandard,
the reft of the troops turned their backs, and fled ;
and were purfued with incredible flaughter by the The Spa-
Tlafcalans, as well as the Spaniards, who made niards V1,a °’
themfelves ample amends, with the fpoils of the
enemy, for the treafure they loft on retiring from
the city of Mexico.
They tell us, indeed, as ufual, that their Pro- They afcrifce
te£Ior, St. James, vifibly fought for them ; and that mi “
they were obliged to a miracle, at laft, ror their
viiffory. But, as they relate, at the fame time,
that the Mexicans durft never oppofe their horfe or
fire-arms, a General of an ordinary capacity might,
one would think, have obtained a victory, armed
with fuch advantages, over the naked defenceldk
Indians, without the help of miracles. And, how-
ever great and decifive this victory is reprefented to Rather a
be, it appears, that Cortez continued his retreat g°“p" at t e h , n
from Mexico, and did not think himfelf fafe ’till a viftory.
he arrived at the country of his friends and con-
federates the Tlafcalans : Nor had he remained Anembafly
Ions here, before an embaffy came to that republick, the
from the new-elected Fmperor Qu e t l av a c a, t ^ lS Tlafca*
to neeotiate a peace between the two nations of Ians.
Mexico andTlafcala, and propofe the uniting their
forces againft their common enemy the Spaniard :
And, tho’ a majority of the Senate agreed to re-
main firm to their alliance with Cortez ; yet
there were thofe amongft them that reprefented it
was no left the intereft of the Tlafcalcans than
of the Mexicans, to drive thefe foreigners out of
their country ; for that they plainly intended the
fubverfion of their religion, as well as government,
and to bring them under the power of an unknown-
arbitrary dominion ; whereas they had hitherto
maintained their freedom, and were never fubjedt
to the will of any Prince whatever.
But, it feems, the Mexicans were more dread- The Tlafc a-:
ed by this republick than the Spaniards ; and the
generality of that people ftiil looked upon the Spa- par H ty 0 f
niards to be lent from heaven to their affiftance Cortez,
againft that ancient enemy of their ftate. The
Ambaffadors from Mexico therefore were difmifc’d,
with
176
CHAP.
VII.
A confede-
racy between
Mexico and
Tepeaca.
Tepeaca fub'
dued by
Cortez.
Veffeis built
for the fiege
of Mexico,
THE PRESENT S T A T E
with Tome marks of contempt, and preparations
made to carry on the war againft that empire, in
confederacy with the Spaniards.
The Mexicans were more fucceftful in their ne-
gotiations with the city and territory of Tepeaca,
a country that lay between Tlafcala and the Spanifh
fort of V era Cruz. They incited this people to take
up arms againfc the Spaniards ; and the Tepeacans,
having concluded an alliance with Mexico, actually
cut off fome fmall parties that Cortez fent from
Tlafcala to Vera Cruz ; inlomuch, that the Gene-
ral found it abfolutely neceffary to reduce Tepeaca,
in order to keep open his communication with the
fea : And, accordingly, both the Spaniards and the
Tlafcalans made preparations to invade Tepeaca.
The Mexicans, on the other hand, fent them a
reinforcement of troops ; and a general battle en-
fued ; wherein Cortez was fo fortunate as to
defeat their united forces. After which, the city
and territory of Tepeaca fubmitted to the Con-
queror, who took a fevere revenge on that unhap-
py people, murdering great numbers of them in
cold blood, and felling the reft for Haves. And a
Spanifh fortrefs v/as creeled at Tepeaca, to which
they gave the name of Segura de la Frontera, or
The Security of the Frontier ; which was the fe-
cond colony the Spaniards fix’d in that part of the
continent. Cortez alfo reduced the city of Gua-
cachula, and feveral other towns, by the affiftance
of his Indian confederates, of whom he had not left
than one hundred thousand in his army at this
time : For Cortez had learnt, from his misfor-
tunes at Mexico, to regulate his conduct. He
found it neceffary now to cultivate a good corre-
fpondence with the Caciques and Princes of the
country, and to take their troops into his fervice,
tho’ he had formerly flighted their affiftance pretty
much. He faw his error alfo in neglecting to pof-
fefs himfelf of fuch towns and pafles as might keep
open his communication with the fea, with his own
people at Vera Cruz, and with his allies. Having
taken a particular furvey therefore of the country,
he made himfelf rnafter of all fuch polls as might
be of advantage to him in reducing the city of
Mexico, which was ever his principal view : And,
as he was fenfible there was no approaching that
city by land, but on the caufeys, which might be
broken down, he order’d thirteen brigantines and
Hoops to be built, which would make him mailer
of the navigation of the lake, and enable him to
attack the town on every fide by water, as well as
land. The timbers and planks of thefe he caufed
to be prepared by the Spanifh Carpenters, affifted
by feveral thoufand Indians, at Vera Cruz ; and
afterwards made the poor natives carry them on
their ihoulders over the mountains to the lake of
Mexico, a journey of near 300 miles ; and here
the brigantines were put together, and launch’d.
While tlyffe veffeis were building, Cortez aftem- CHAP,
bled an army of two hundred thoufand confederate VII.
Indians, and made himfelf rnafter of Tezcuco, and
feveral other confiderable towns upon the lake ; cTe^him-"
where he laid up magazines of ammunition and felf of the j
provifion, to carry on the intended fiege of theP oftsabGut |
capital. He was fo fortunate alfo, before he enter’d Receives a
upon this grand enterprize, to be joined by near reinforce-
three hundred Spaniards from Cuba and Jamaica, ™ ent . °j.
who chofe to follow his fortunes, tho’ they were P
fent out by thofe who were no friends to Cortez,
and with a view of depriving him of the advan-
tage of this conqueft ; and with thefe he received
a fupply of arms and ammunition, and fome re-
cruits of horfes.
Thus prepared and reinforced, Cortez com-
manded a Captain, five and twenty Spaniards, and
twelve Rowers, to go on board each of the thirteen
brigantines : He alfo placed one of his field-pieces
on board every one of the veffeis ; and, while his
fleet failed to take a view of the city, he poffefs’d
himfelf of the three principal caufeys leading thither,
in order to carry on as many attacks by land. All
the Europeans Cortez had in his army at this
time amounted to no more than nine hundred, of
which about two hundred were mufketeers and
croft-bows, eighty-fix were horfe, and the reft
pike-men ; and his train of artillery confifted of
eighteen field-pieces, fifteen whereof were brafs.
The find engagement with the Mexicans happen’d The fiege
upon the water ; for, when the Spaniards approach’d of Mexic0 i
the city with their brigantines, an innumerable commencea ’
fwarm of canoes and periaguoes (Indian boats)
came out of the canals of the city to oppofe them ;
whofe feathers and arms, fays De Solis the bifto-
rian, afforded a profpect both beautiful and terrible.
They feem’d to cover the lake : But the brigantines,
having the advantage of the wind, run in among
the canoes, funk and overfet them at pleafure, hav-
ing fcarce any occafion to make ufe of their arms.
Whereupon thofe canoes that efeaped the firft fhock,
fled, with the utmoft precipitation, back to the city,
whither they were followed by the brigantines, and
feveral great fhot fired into the town, to terrify the
inhabitants. After which, the brigantines retired ;
and the next day fome progreft was made at the
three attacks by land ; but the enemy had made
fuch breaches and intrenchments on the caufeys, as
render’d the approaches very difficult : And, when-
ever the Spaniards advanced to attack them, canoes
full of armed Indians iffued from the town, and
charged them in the flank ; which obliged Cortez
to order fome of the brigantines to fupport his land
forces on the feveral caufeys, and beat off the ca-
noes : He alfo caufed fome thoufand canoes to be
made, and managed by his confederates, that might
follow the Mexicans into the {hallows and creeks,
where his brigantines could not purfue them. But,
notwith-
OF MEXICO.
l 77
CHAP.
VII.
vyv
Cortez re-
puls’d in one
of his at-
tacks, and
taken.
Anotherpre-
tended mira-
cle.
A general
affault.
Mexico ta-
ken.
The Empe-
ror taken.
notwithftanding all thefe precautions, the Spanifh
hiftorians relate, that the Mexicans, by their ftra-
tagems, gained feveral advantages of Cortez.
At one time, they laid an ambufcade of canoes
among the reeds of the lake, and were very near
carrying off fome of his brigantines : At another,
they broke down one of the caufeys, cut off’ his
retreat, and took him prifoner : But he was refcued
out of their hands as they were carrying him away.
However, there were about fixty Spaniards and a
thoufand Tlafcalans killed or taken in this addion,
and many more wounded ; and he was forced to
leave one of his great guns behind him. This mif-
fortune obliged the Spaniards to carry on their at-
tacks with more caution and circumfpecftion for the
future. It is related, that they were forced to be
upon the defenfive after this accident, ’till their
wounded men were recover'd, and they had rein-
forced their army with fome bodies of confederate
Indians. And here again they have recourfe to
miracles ; and tell us, that their wounded men were
healed in a few days, only by applying oil to their
wounds, and repeating fome paffages cut of the
Pfalms over them, which operated bv way of charm.
But their writers are not agreed, whether thefe
cures were to be aferibed to a good or an evil
fpirit : And, I perceive, thefe were oh flefh-
wounds that were thus healed : Ti jpons m
the Indians feldom broke a - bones ■ md ■ y e
knows, that ordinary fielb-woin ds, ey are
kept clean, will heal of thernfelv os trequen-iy, with-
out the affiftance of medicines or miraci s.
And now, the wounded men being recover’d, and
the army of the confederate Indians recruited, fo that
it amounted again to two hundred thoufand men,
Cortez refolved to give a general affault to the
city ; and accordingly, having order’d his forces to
advance at all the three attacks, they filled up the
breeches and trenches that had been made in the
caufeys, and drove the enemy back into the town :
Each body made a lodgment within the city, and
fortified it ; but could not advance far that night, the
enemy having cut trenches, and barricado’d all tire
ftreets.
The next day the Spaniards got more ground ;
and, on the third, repulfed the enemy on every fide,
and advanced to the great fquare in the middle of
the town, where Cortez drew up his united
forces ; the enemy retiring to the farther part of the
town, and fortifying themfelves there. Whereup-
on Cortez thought fit to offer them terms; and
they agreed to treat, with a view of amufing him,
as their hiftorians relate, ’till the Emperor and his
Nobility made their efcape, in their canoes, to
the farther fide of the lake : Of which Cortez
being appriz’d, renew’d the hoftilities, and Gua-
timozin, the Emperor, with the principal
Mexican Nobility, were taken by the brigantines
in the lake, as they were endeavouring to get away.
VOL. III.
Whereupon all the reft of their forces fiung down CHAP,
their arms, anerfubmitted to mercy ; and Cor- VII.
tez took poffe .lion of that capital on the 13th of
Auguft, >521, being the day of St. Hypolito,
who was thereupon made the patron of Mexico.
The Spanifh hiftorians relate, that no lefs than The flaugh-
one hundred thoufand Mexicans fell by the fword in t P of tllc .
the defence of this city, beiides great numbers that this liege,
perifhed by famine, and other calamities : And that
this conqueft was attended with the fubmiffion of
rnoft of the neighbouring provinces, who confented
to acknowledge themfelves fuhjedfs of the King of
Spain (the then Emperor Charles V.)
The city of Mexico being thus reduced, Cor- The fpoils
tez diftributed the plunder among his Soldiers, re- dmded ’
ferving only a fifth, with the moft remarkable cu- P2rt fent t9
riofities, for the King ; which he lent to Spain by theEmperor.
fome of his principal Officers, together with an ac-
count of his conqueft, and the ftate of that coun-
try ; defiring his Ma’efty would confirm the Magi-
ftrates he had appointed to govern that country, with
the grants of the conquer’d lands, andlndian .{fives he
had made, to his Soldiers. Among the rich jewels
Co : tez fan to the Emperor, ’tis laid, there was
a find Emerald of a pyramidal form, as large as the
paim of a man's hand at the biggeft end; a noble
■■ f I., gold and filver vefiels; feveral things call
in gold and filver, viz. beafts, birds, fifties, fruits
and flowers ; bracelets, rings, pendants, and other
ornamental pieces of plate and jewels ; fome of their
idols, Pi ieils veftments of cotton, furs, and feathers
of various colours.
The General requefted his Imperial Majefty
to fend over perfons qualified to furvey the country,
that it might be improved to the beft advantage ;
with Priefts and Miffionaries, for the converfion of
the people ; as alfo cattle, feeds and plants, to im-
prove the lands : But, ’tis faid, he provided particu-
larly againfl the fending over Phyficians or Lawyers.
What could be his reafon againfl fending Phyficians,
is not eafy to be conceived ; but he had certainly all
the reafon in the world to defire that neither Lav’s
nor Lawyers fhould be admitted there, having de-
termined to treat the natives as flaves,and feize both
their perfons and poffeffions, and indeed to ufurp an
arbitrary dominion over both Spaniards and Indians
in that new world.
The provinces that depended on Mexico having
fubmitted to the Spaniards, as has been related al-
ready, Co R t e z fummon’d the more diftant Indian
Princes to come and acknowledge the King of Spain
for their Sovereign ; of whom one of the chief was
the King of Mechoacan, a territory which lies to
the weftward of Mexico, upon the coaft of the
South-fea.
To this Prince Cortez fent Montano, and Mechoaca*
three other Spaniards, attended by twenty Mexican fab,r ‘ lts ‘
Chiefs, with a prefent of European utenfils and
toys ; and, when they came within half a league of
A a Mechoacan
i 7 8 THE PRES
CHAP. Mechoacan, they were met by fourfcore Lords of
VII. the country, each of them attended by ten thoufand
of their vaffals (according to the Spanifh hiftorians)
who let the Spaniards know, that they were come
from their King, to welcome them into their coun-
try : And, when they arrived in the city, a houfe
was appointed for the reception of thefe Ambaffa-
dors ; all manner of provifions and refrefhments,
that the country afforded, were lent in ; and they
were entertained in a very fplendid manner ; which
agrees but ill with the following part of the ftory :
For they tell us, the King himfelf came to the
Spanifh quarters, foon after their arrival, demanded
who they were ? Whence they came ? And what
brought them from fo remote a country ? Whether
they had nothing to eat at home, that they prey’d
upon Arrangers ? And what the Mexicans had done,
that they had deftroy’d their city? Demanding if
they defign’d to do the like by him ? If they did,
he faid, he fhould not tamely fubmit to it, but op-
pofe force to force.
To which the Spaniards anfwer’d. They came
from the Emperor of the Chriftians, to cultivate a
friendfhip with him, to traffick with his people, and
to inftrudf them in the worfhip of the true God.
(Thefe were ever the glorious pretences of the Spa-
niards, tho’ their actions fufficiently fhew they had
bafer views.)
The King of Mechoacan, Here r a relates,
was at this time determined to have facrificed the
Spanifh AmbafTadors ; but that the Mexicans, who
accompanied them, affured that Prince, if he of-
fer’d any violence to their perfons, their General
would infallibly take a fevere revenge on him and his
kingdom ; giving an account of the wonders he had
done in their country with his fire-arms, horfes, ar-
tillery, dec. At which the King was fo aftonifhed,
that he ordered the Spaniards to be treated with the
utmoft refpedl : and, admitting them to an audiencs,
he told them, that he had heard of the fame of their
General, and defired to become fubjefl to the migh-
ty Monarch from whence he came, who com-
manded fuch god-like men : That, in return to
this, embaffy, he fhould fend forne of his principal
Nobility to attend on the General ; and defired
they would take a prefent with them, which he fent
as a teftimony of his efleem and afredfion for that
Great man; and, foon after, as much gold and fil-
ver was fent in as amounted to an hundred thoufand
dollars, befides a great quantity of cloathing, jewels
and ornaments, and a prefent for each of the Am-
baffadors ; with which they returned to Mexico,
attended by the Mechoacan Noblemen who were
fent AmbafTadors to Co r t e z .
The General, to confirm thefe Indians in the
great opinion they had conceived of him, after he
had complimented and entertained the AmbafTadors
in a very fplendid manner, ordered his troops to be
drawn up, and to exercife and fkirmifli before them.
ENT STATE
making feveral difeharges of his artillery and fmall CHAP,
arms, to their great amazement. VII.
The AmbafTadors returning, and making their
report to their Prince of what they had been wit-
neffes of at Mexico, he refolved to pay Cortez
a vifit in perfon ; and, being arrived in that city,
’tis faid, he made a fpeech to the General ; wherein
he acquainted him, he was come to make his fub-
miffion perfonally, and acknowledge his fubjedlion
to the King of Spain, now his and their Sovereign;
and fhould, from that day, he ready to receive his
commands ; defiring they would accept the treafure
he brought with him, as a tribute and earned: of his
future obedience. Whereupon Co rt e z acquaint-
ed him, bow happy be would be in becoming fub-
jcH to fo great an Emperor, who defired nothing
more than his converfion, and to have him inftrudt-
ed in the religion of the Chriftians , and, having
entertained his royal guefl for feveral days, differed
him to return to his own country.
But Cortez focn let the King of Mechoacan Mechoacan
know, that he had a farther view than to make him treated as
acknowledge the King of Spain for his Sovereign ; d
for he commanded Christopher Olid t0 provmce "
march into Mechoacan, with an hundred Spanifh
foot, forty horfe, and feveral thoufand confede-
rate Indians, who were kindly received by that
Prince at firft ; but, when he found they proceeded
to take poffeffion of his chief towns, and treat his
fubjedts as a conquer’d people, he began to ftand up-
on his defence ; for which he was, in the Spanifh
phrafe, feverely chaftifed ; that is, great numbers
of his people were maffacred and murder’d in cold
blood ; And Cortez, having, through this coun-
try, penetrated to the South-fea, erected forts, and
built fhips there, for farther diicoveries on that
fide. Gonzalode Sandoval alfo was fent Other coun-
to fubdue the countries near Tobafco and Tecoan- pies treated
tepee, on theNorth-fea : And Pedro de Alve-
rado, another Commander, was detach’d, with a
body of Spaniards and confederate Indians, to take
poffeffion of the countries bordering upon the vale
of Guaxaca, to the eaftward of Mexico ; who all
fubmitted to the Conqueror.
While Cortez was thus employ’d in reducing
all the country to his obedience, in the name of
the Emperor Ch ar les the Vtb, Chistcher
de Tapia arrived at Vera Cruz, with ji com-
m ill 10 n from that Prince to command all The new
conquefts : But the garrifon Cortez had left
at Vera Cruz fo threaten’d and terrified De
Tapia, that he wes glad to make his efcape, and
leave the General in poffeffion of Mexico. Having
got rid of this rival, Cortez march’d in perfon Panucoiub-
to the province of Panuco, which he obliged to dued *
fubmit to him. Whereupon he divided the coun-
try, and all the Indian inhabitants, among his Offi-
cers and Soldiers, who treated them as flaves. And
this was his pra&icc in every province, whether the.
OF MEXICO. *79
C HAP.
VII.
Cortez con-
firm'd in his
government.
He rebuilds
Mexico.
His own
palace.
The tyranny
and cruelty
of the con-
querors, par-
ticularly of
Alvarado.
people voluntarily fubmitted to him, or were com-
pelled to it by force.
But, notwithftanding this barbarous ufageof the
natives, and his refuting to refign his government
to thofe who were fent to fucceed him in his com-
mand ; fo powerful were the rich prefents he from
time to time fent to the Emperor, and fuch were
the reprefentations made to that Prince in his fa-
vour, that Cortez was declared Captain-Gene-
ral and Governor of New Spain by the Emperor.
The Governors of Hifpaniola and Cuba were com-
manded to reinforce that General, and give him all
polTible affiftance. Whereupon, finding himfelf
now eftablifhed in his command, he let about re-
building the city of Mexico, which he had burnt
and demolifh’d : He affigned places for building
churches, and other publick edifices ; laid out mar-
ket-places, divided the beft part of the ground a-
mong the Spaniards, and the reft among the natives,
giving them encouragement to build and people the
place again : He affign’d one quarter part particu-
larly to Montezuma, a fon of the late Empe-
ror’s, and another to one of the moft popular In-
dian Generals ; and they foon creeled a much finer
town than that which had been deftroy’d, having
now the advantage of iron tools, carriages and en-
gines, which they wanted before. But nothing
could be more magnificent than the palace Cor-
tez erected for himfelf, upon the ground where
Montezuma’s palace formerly flood; about
which, ’tis faid, he ufed feven thoufand beams of
Cedars, fome of them i 20 foot in length : He alfo
provided himfelf with a numerous train of artillery,
confifting of thirty-five pieces of brafs cannon, and
feventy of iron ; which gave the Indians a vaft opi-
nion of his power. But that which was his real
ftrength, and did him moft fervice, both in Mexico
and Europe, was the prodigious wealth he acquired,
by the plunder of all the provinces he became ma-
iler of, and the rich mines of Gold and Silver he
every day dilcovered, or violently took from the
owners.
The provinces of Guatimala, Chiapa, Soconuf-
co, and feveral others bordering upon the South-fea,
had already fubmitted to Cortez, and fent him
prefents by way of tribute. However, under pre-
tence that they were not fincere, and allifted the
enemies of the Spaniards, Alvarado was fent to
chaftife them ; that is, to feize on the country and
inhabitants, maflacre fome, and enilave the reft ;
which he executed with great cruelty, as will ap-
pear hereafter ; and was, for this fervice, made Go-
vernor, or rather Proprietor, of all Guatimala,
and the natives in it, who were treated by this mon-
fter of a man worfe than brutes, fold for Oaves to
work in the mines, and compell’d to carry burdens
beyond their ftrength, ’till they were worn out in
i'uch lervices.
Corte z was generally fortunate in the choice C HAP.
he made of the Commanders he lent to reduce the Mil.
feveral provinces ; but he appears to have been mil-
taken in Christo eherO lid ; for this officer,
elated with fuccefs, threw off his dependance on
Cortez, and was about to fet up for himfelf:
However, he was foon after aftalfinated by fome
of the General’s creatures, and his foldiers thereupon
laid down their arms.
In the mean time, Commillioners came over Commiffio-
from Spain, to enquire into the condudt of Cor- ners appoint -
te z and his lellow-conquerors, as they called them- i nt0 his 0 p-
felves ; repeated complaints having been fent to preffions.
Europe of their cruelties and oppreffions, which
were found to be fo many, and lo manifeft, that
Cortez was removed from his government for
a time, his palace and effects feiz’d, and he was
threaten’d with capital punilhment : To avoid Honduras
which, he affembled his army, and march’d againft J uC f* a £
the large provinces of Honduras and Jucatan ; of Cortez. ^
which he made an entire conqueft, and, in the
end, fo cunningly managed his affairs, by his a-
gents in the Court of Spain, that they agreeing to
pay the Emperor (who wanted money extremely at
that time) two hundred thoufand pieces of eight, he He purcha-
was reftored to the government of Mexico, with ^^Court
the titles of Don and Adelentado, or Lord-Lieute- of Spain,
nant ; had feveral new privileges conferred upon
him, and was allowed to bear the fame arms as the
Emperor of Mexico had borne. Such is the al-
mighty power of gold ; and thus are the greateft
Princes frequently compelled to countenance the
greateft villanies, when they become neceffitous.
And now Cortez adled more defpotically than He hangs
ever ; but, to fhew himfelf impartially cruel, he the Mexican
hanged the Emperor Quatemoc, who was e- mi>ei0! ‘
lefted after the death of Montezuma, with
two other tributary Kings, under pretence they
were forming a confpiracy againft him, tho’ he had
kept them always prifoners, in his own quarters,
from the time that Mexico was taken.
In the year 15Z7, the complaints againft Cor-
tez being revived, the Emperor fent over Lev/ is
Ponce de Leon, as fupreme Judge of New
Spain, to examine the conduct of Cortez : But
this Judge died foon after his arrival, fufpedled to
be poifoned by Corte z, or his creatures. How-
ever, before his death, he appointed Mure de
Aguilar to fucceed him ; but he alfo died foon
after, appointing Alonzo de Estrada his
fucceffor : But Cortez refufed to fubmit to his
judgment ; alledging, that his predeceffor had no
power to appoint a fucceffor. Orders afterwards
arriving from Spain, to confirm Df. Aguilar in
the poll of fupreme Judge, he commanded Cor-
t e z to remove from the city of Mexico, and took
the adminiftration out of his hands; and, fending
over a juft reprefentation of the outrages committed
by that General and his Officers, three other Com-
A a z miffioners
iSo
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP. miflioners were fent to Mexico, to brine; Cortez
VII. to a trial, and it was generally expected he would
have loft his head. But he found means, in fome
^ meafure, to pacify the Court of Spain, and obtained
to Spfn,°and Cave t0 g° over thither, and make his defence be-
buys his peace fore the Emperor : He carried with him fuch a pro-
sgain. digious treafure, that all his faults teem’d to be en-
tirely forgot ; his Majefty countenanced him,
teem’d delighted with his converfation, and to give
credit to every thing he faid ; rewarding and ho-
nouring this barbarous tyrant, inftead of punithing
him ; particularly, his Imperial Majefty made him
a grant of the whole valley of Arifto in Mexico,
with all the towns and villages belonging to it ; in
which he had twenty-four thoufand vaflals : He
created him Marquis of the valley of Guaxaca, and
conftituted him Generaliffimo of all the forces in
New Spain ; tho’ it was thought fit to exclude him
Orders in fa- abfolutely from the civil government: And feveral
-♦our of the orc j e rs were made for the better ufage of the
natives for the future; particularly, that they
fhould not be obliged to carry burdens like pack-
horfes on the road ; and that every Spaniard, who
fnould fo load an Indian, fhould, for the firft of-
fence, forfeit an hundred pieces of eight ; for the
fecond offence, three hundred ; and for the third,
fnould forfeit all his goods : That the Indians fhould
not be compelled to work in the mines, or in their
fortifications or buildings, unlefs for wages, and
that voluntarily : ■ That no Indians fhould be carried
out of their refpedfive countries, tho’ really {laves :
That the Magiftrates fhould have power to deter-
mine who were flaves, and who were not : And
that the Spaniards fhould detain no Indian women
in their houfes, on any pretence whatever. And,
that thefe orders might he the better obfcrved, the
Bifhop of Mexico, and the Superiors of the Domi-
nicans and Francifcans, &c. were made Protecftors
of the Indians ; among whom was the celebrated
Father Bartholomew de Casas, after-
wards Bifhop of Chiapa, who laid the grievances of
the Indians before the Court of Spain, and procured
a redrefs of them in lorne meafure ; tho’, he com-
plains, the Emperor’s orders were very ill obferved
at that diftance. But, from thefe intended regu-
lations, we may gather what the grievances of the
Indians were ; namely, their being obliged to carry
burdens beyond their ftrength ; to work in the
mines, fortifications, and buildings, with fuch ri-
gour, that they perifh’d in the fervice ; that their
women, wives and daughters were taken from
them, and abufed by the luftful Spaniard ; that they
made flaves of the natives without diftinfifion, and
tranfported them to the mines in diftant countries,
where they perifh’d : And it was many years be-
fore thefe abufes were fully redrefs’d, even in thofe
countries that peaceably fubmitted to their domini-
on. As to the natives who fled to the woods and
mountains, they were always very cruelly ufed,
Thrir grie-
7iiJlCC5t
when they fell into the hands of the Spaniards, as
their pofterity are at this day. And it is not very
ftrange, if the Indians have fcmetimes retaliated the
injuries they received from a people that fo violently
and unjuftly expelled them from their country, and
treated them as flaves. But to return to the hi-
ftory.
Before Cortez left Old Spain, he procured all
the grants of the lands and territories of the Indians,
-which he had given to his foldiers, to be confirm’d ;
and, that he might not want employment now the
civil government of Mexico was taken from him,
he was conftituted Governor of all the continent
and iflands he fhould difcover in the South-fea ; and
a twelfth part of fuch difcoveries was granted to
him and his heirs. The General, having taken
his leave of the Emperor, embarked foon after for
N ew Spain, and arrived at VeraCruz in July 1530;
and, not being foffer’d to go to the city of Mexico,
took up his refidence at Tezcuco, fome few leagues
diftant from it, where he had a very great Court,
confifting of his Indian confederates and of his offi-
cers and foldiers, amongft whom he had diftributed
the lands of the fubdued provinces. The General,
before his going to Old Spain, had fent three fhips
through the South-fea to the Moluccoes, or Spice
Iflands, in the Eaft-Indies ; where, his people en-
countering the Portuguefe, who had already got
pofteffion of thofe iflands, his (hips and moft of the
men were deftroy’d, fome few only returning to
Old Spain, with an account of their misfortune.
Before Cortez received advice of this accident,
he fitted out two other fhips on the South-fea, to
make difcoverics towards California and the north-
weft ; but thefe met with no better foccefs than the
fleet lie had fent to the Eaft-Indies, moft of the men
peri'fhing in the attempt. He again fitted out two
fhips more, in the year 1531, to make difcoveries
to the north- weft; hut thefe alfo were as unfortu-
nate as the former. Whereupon Cortez em-
barked on the South-fea himfelf, but did not meet
with better foccefs than thofe he had fent upon dif-
coveries before him: He was obliged to return, af-
ter he had fuftained innumerable hazards and fa-
tigues, without meeting with any thing anfwerable
to the pains and expence he had been at. In the
year 1539, however, Cortez fitted out three
fhips more in the South-fea, which failed to the
north ward ’till they arrived in 50 degrees and _ up-
wards, and his people landed in California and the
oppofite continent, but made no-fettlements : And
the General, having been at a vaft expence in thefe
feveral naval expeditions, went over to Old Spain
again, in the year 1539, in hopes of prevailing on
that Court to reimburfe him his charges : But the
Miniftry, expeffing to have received an increafe,
rather than a diminution of their treafure, from
thefe expeditions, Cortez did not meet with fo
favourable a reception as formerly: The Court be-
gaa
CHAP.
VIE
Cortez at-
tempts new
difcoveries.
He is un-
fuccefsful.
He goes to
Spain, and
is not fufter’d
to return to
Mexico.
OF M E X I C O.
i»i
CHAP.
VIT.
Kis death.
The Bifliop
of Chiapa’s
narrative of
the Spanilh
cruelties, de>
dicated to
PrincePhilip
gan to give credit to the repeated complaints that
had been made againft him ; and tho’ it was not
thought fit to proceed rigoroufly againft the Gene-
ral, fince he had been inftru mental in adding fo
large and wealthy a country to the Crown of Spain,
yet he was never fuffer’d to return to Mexico again ;
and he remained a kind of prifoner at large in the
Emperor’s Court, where he died on the 2d day of
December 1545, in the 6zd year of his age ; and
his body was afterwards tranfported to Mexico^ and
interr’d in the cathedral of that city.
How the Spaniards behaved themfelves towards
the natives on the conqueft (as it was called) of this
new world, will beft appear from the Bilhop of Chi-
apa, abcve-cited, who refided there at the time of
the conqueft, and, during the life of Co RTEZ, ap-
plied himfelf to the Court of Spain, to put a flop to
the barbarous ufage of that people, after he had been
an eye-witnefs of their unparallel’d bufferings.
This Prelate drew up a narrative of thefe tranf-
adfions in the year 1532, which he republifh’d in the
year 1542, when Cortez was at the Court of
• Spain; which he dedicated to Prince Philip, fon
of the Emperor Charles the Vth, and afterwards
" his fuccefior in that kingdom : In which dedication
he puts that Prince in mind, that God, for the be-
nefit of Mankind, had appointed Kings and Princes
to be the Fathers and Protectors of their people ; and
it was to be prefumed, he obferved, if any violences
or injuries were committed in their dominions, and
not redrefs’d, that the Frince had no notice of them ;
it being his intereft to promote the good and wel-
fare of his fubjetfts.
That, confidering the intolerable mifchiefs the
Crown of Spain fuftained in the new world, by the
tyrranny, oppreffion, and unheard-of cruelties of
the Generals and Adventurers, to whom thofe
countries had been granted in propriety refpeftively,
by the name of conquefts ; he fhould think himfelf,
he laid, in fome meafure, guilty of them, if he con-
cealed the lofs of that infinite number of fouls and
bodies he had feen deftroy’d there : That God and
the holy church had committed the government of
that people to the King of Caftile, to the end they
might be converted, and their temporal as well as
fpiritual happinels promoted. That his Majefty
therefore might be truly apprized of the ftate of thofe
countries fince the conqueft, and redrefs their grie-
vances, he had (elected fome few inftances of the
conduit and behaviour of the Great men who had
begg’d thofe conquefts of the Crown ; which he had
caufed to be printed fome years before, and humbly
intreated that Prince to ufe his intereft that none of
thofe countries or iflands might be granted for the
future to any private perfons as their conquefts ; for
that thofe poor innocent people were daily murder’d
and deftroy’d, through the avarice and ambition of
the abovefaid adventurers.
Spaniards ar=
rived there,
and the ge-
nius of thag:
people.
Proceeding in his narrative, the Bifhop obferves, C H A P,
that Hifpaniola and the neighbouring iflands were VII.
full of people, as well as the continent, when the
Spaniards firft difcover’d America: That, as to the how populous
genius and temper of the natives, they had very America was
quick parts, were capable of learning any thing ;
and yet were very meek, inoffenfive, and hofpita-
ble ; void of malice, covetoufnefs, or ambition
very obedient to their fuperiors ; patient and tempe-
rate ; and as their food was plain and fimple, fo they
eat and drank fparingly ; but that they were of a
tender conftitution, not able to endure labour or
hardfhips ; and if they were tranfported to diftant
countries, did not long furvive it.
Upon thefe harmlefs Sheep (in my author’s phrafe) How cruelly
the Spaniards fell, like fo many ravenous Wolves or ’
Tygers, as foon as they arrived amongft them ; and
did not ceafe for forty years ( viz. from the year 1492,
when America was firft difcover’d, to the time our
author wrote, anno 1532) to torture, murder and
deftroy them, by a variety of ftrange and unaccoun-
table cruelties, fuch as were never heard of before ;
infomuch, that of three millions of fouls they found The ifland*
in the ifland of Hifpaniola, there were not, at the dc P°P ulatetJ
time the Bilhop wrote, two hundred native Indians
upon that ifland ; and the neighbouring ifland of
Cuba, equally populous, and almoft of equal extent,
was in a manner depopulated : That thofe of Porto
Rico and Jamaica, fruitful flouriftiing iflands, and
abounding with people when the Spaniards came
thither, were become perfect defarts : T he Bahama
iflands, which contain’d five hundred thoufand fouls,
had not, when the Bilhop wrote, one human crea-
ture left upon them ; and the Antilles, or Caribbee
iflands, hadmoftof them been deftroy’d in like man-
ner.
Then he proceeds to give an account of the con- On the sob®
tinent ; where, he fays, it was certain, that the tincnt -
Spaniards, by their cruelties, had depopulated ten
realms larger than Spain, and extendingas far as from
Seville to Jerufalem, which was 1000 leagues and
upwards, tho’ they were before as well peopled, as
any countries whatever : That he was able to give
a certain and particular account of twelve millions
of fouls, men, women and children, that, with-
in the faid fpace of forty years, had been unjuftly
and tyrannically put to death by the Spaniards ; and,
he verily believed, more than fifteen millions or fouls Fifteen mil®
had perifli’d by their hands within that time ; the
caufe whereof, he (ays, was the infatiable avarice
and ambition of the Spaniards.
That he himfelf faw four or five of the Indian Variety of .
Princes, or great Lords, broil’d atone time on grid- t,jrt “ re3i
irons, over a flow fire, and others roafted ; many
more he few tom in pieces with dogs : That they
maflared whole towns, (paring neither women not
children ; ripped up women with child, beat out
the brains of fome infants, and drowned ct-x ys 3
and that they would, in fport, lay wagers which .
ftiouloB
102 T H E P R E S
CHAP, fhould kill the poor Indians fooneft, by cutting off
VII. their heads, or piercing their breafts : That the Sol-
diers being about to burn one of the Indian Princes,
whofe name was Hat hw ay, a Prieft was fent to
him, to perfuade him to turn Chriftian before he
died ; and the Prieft telling him he would go to hea-
ven, a place of happinefi, if he embraced Chrifti-
anity ; otherwife he muft expedl eternal torments
in hell ; Hath way demanded, if the Spaniards
went to heaven ? And being anfwer’d, yes ; the
Indian Prince replv’d, “ Then let me go to hell,
“ where there will be no Spaniards.”
The Bifhop relates, that marching with fome
Spanifh troops towards a great town, confiding of
three thoufand Indians, the people came out to meet
them, bringing along with them all manner of pro-
vifions and refrefhments for the Spaniards, who,
notwith {landing, fell upon them, and put all thefe
defencelefs people to the fword, men, women and
children ; and that without any manner of caufe or
provocation, that he could difcover.
That at another time he faw fix thoufand infants
deftroy’d within the fpace of three or four months,
for want of people to look after them, their fathers
and mothers being fent away to work in the mines,
or to fome other laborious employments, at a great
diftance from them : That it being the ufual way
for the Officers and Soldiers to divide the natives
amongfl them, he knew an Officer, that, having
three hundred Indians affign’d him for his fhare, kil-
led two hundred and fixty of them, within three
months, by hard fervice in the mines ; and that
they afterwards affign’d him as many more, of
whom he made the like havock.
That, in the year 1514, a Spanifh Adventurer
deftroy’d all the country from the river Darien to
the province of Nicaragua, extending upwards of
500 miles ; and that one of his Officers, in one ex-
curfion, murder’d more than twenty thoufand peo-
ple, fome of whom he burnt, others he caufed to
be torn in pieces by dogs, or tortured ’till they ex-
pired in exquifite pain.
If the Spaniards had intelligence that any town
was rich in gold, or other treafure, it was an or-
dinary thing to fend a party of men to fummon
them to turn Chriftians, and acknowledge them-
felves fubjedls of Spain ; which if they refufed, they
thought they had fufficient authority to plunder the
place, and maftacre the inhabitants : But many of
their parties went farther; they would make procla-
mation, a mile or two before they came at the
town they had deftined to deftrudlion. That the in-
habitants fhould immediately come and dcr-homage
to the King of Spain ; which the poor people know-
ing nothing of, were attack’d without any notice,
and put to the fword. If thefe Spanifh adventurers
could prove that proclamation was made, this was
held fufficient, whether the people heard anything
of it or not ; and if they fpared the lives of any, it
ENT STATE
was only in order to torture them, and compel them C H A P.
thereby to difcover fuch treafure as might be con- VII.
cealed, or to make flaves of them : And that, in
fuch expeditions, the Governor of the province of
Terra-firma only deftroy’d eight hundred thoufand
fouls between the years 1514 and 1522. That one
of the Indian Princes, having given this fame Go-
vornor the value of nine thoufand ducats in gold,
was tortured by him ’till he difcovered the value of
three thoufand caftillans (pieces of eight) more;
and not being able or willing to make any farther
difcoveries, die Governor caufed his feet to be burnt
oft by inches, ’till the marrow dropt out of his bones,
and he expired in torments : And it was a common
thing with the Spanifh Officers to torture the Indian
Princes and great Lords, to make them difcover
their riches, and put them to death when they did
not anfwer their expeditions.
In the Province of Nicaragua, the Bifhop relates,
the Spaniards made flaves of the people they did not
otherwife deftroy, and tranfported great numbers of
them to the mines of Peru, where they all died in
a very little time: For, he obferves, that when the
Indians are removed from their native place, they
feldom live long ; and that many of them perifh’d
for want of proper food, or by being; compelled to
labour beyond their ftrength : And that there had
not been lefs than five hundred thoufand fouls de-
ftroy’d by thefe means, in that province only, within
the fpace of ten years, viz. between the years 1523
and 1533; infomuch, that there were not, at the
time of drawing up this narrative, five thoufand of
the natives left alive in the province.
Then the Bifhop proceeds to give fame account
of the conduct of the Spaniards in Mexico, or New
Spain, where He rn an do Co r tez commanded
their forces in perfon, and had the diredlion of all
affairs : And here he affirms, that within the fpace
of twelve years, viz. between the year 1518 and
the year 1530, four millions of fouls were put to
the fword, befides infinite numbers that were made
flaves of, and perifh’d by famine and oppreffion ;
there being no part of Europe fo populous asMexi- .
co, when the Spaniards arrived there, according to
this author, who was Bifhop of Chiapa in Mexico
during the adminiftration of Cortez,
Defcending to particulars, the Bifhop mentions,
in the firft place, the maflacre of Choiula, a city
confiftingof thirty thoufand houfes; where Cor-
tez, having fummoned the principal inhabitants,
and the Lords of the neighbouring country to attend
him with their vaffals, he commanded the inferior
people to be cut in pieces by the Spaniards and his
confederates the Tlafcalans, and thofe of better qua-
lity he burnt alive : Adding, that this was their
pradlice in every province they invaded, to execute
fome fuch notable butchery, that the people might
tremble at their approach, and fubmit to their ty-
ranny.
That
O F M E X I C O. 183
3 HAP, That this Captain-tyrant (as the Bilhops calls
VII. Cortez) fent out two other tyrants more cruel
than himfelf ; the one to the country of Guatimala
(viz. Pedro de Alvarado) and the other to
Mvarado’s that of Honduras : And that the firft, in a letter to
raeltyin Cortez, inform’d him, that he had kill’d, plun-
jiuum ( ] er vj 5 burnt, and deftroy’d all the realm of Gua-
timala for the fpace of 400 miles; and the other
Captain, that was fent to reduce the province of
Honduras (a country which the Bifhop reprefents as
a paradifo of pleafure, and then exceeding populous)
deffroy’d more than two millions of fouls.
That the firft Captain, on his entering the fron-
tiers of Guatimala, being met by fome Caciques,
or Lords of the country, with their vaffals, who
brought him previfions, and came to make their
fubmiffion ; he caufed thofe Caciques to be burnt
alive, becaufe they told him they could not produce
the quant ty of gold he demanded ; and the reft of
the Caciques fled to the mountainous and inacceflible
part of the country, ordering their fubjedts to fub-
mit to the Spaniards, which they accordingly did,
without making any oppofition. But this would
not fatisfy thefe unmerciful adventurers, or con-
querors, as they called themfelves ; they burnt the
houfes of thefe poor people, putting to death man,
woman and child, becaufe they could not, or
would not difeover what was become of their Lords :
Whereupon the reft of the Indians flood upon
their defence ; and, among other ftratagems, they
dug pits in the highways, in which they fet fharp
flakes, covering them with turf, in order to pre-
vent their being attack’d by theSpanilh horfe; and
fome of the Spaniards fell into then ; which fo en-
raged this Captain, that he order’d fome of the na-
tives, of all fexes and ages, to be thrown into thefe
pits, and buried alive ; the reft were either deftroy’d
with fire and fword, or made flaves of, many of
whom were tranfported to the mines, and perifh’d
there ; while others were worn out in carrying bur-
dens, and fuch like drudgeries. The women met
with the bed quarter, the Spaniards referving them
either for their lulls or domeftick employments, as
well as for the cultivation of their lands ; this being
chiefly the bufinefs of the Indian females : Nor is it
to be fuppofed they deftroy’d all the male flaves,
when they were fo ufeful, and even neceffary to
them, in building houfes, (hips, carrying burdens,
&c. And, no doubt, many of the inferior people
efcaped after their former mafters to the woods and
mountains, whofe pofterity are found there to this
day, having hitherto preferved their freedom, tho’
they have loft the bell and richeft part of their
country. But how 7 many foever efcaped, the Bi-
Ihop allures us, that this Captain put to death be-
tween four and five millions of people in the coun-
try of Guatimala, within the fpace of fifteen or
fixteen years : And fo very little account did the
Spaniards make of thefe unhappy people, the fame
author relates, that he had known eight hundred CHAP.
Indian flaves given for one Mare : and that another VII.
of thefe adventurers, having employ’d eight thou-
fand Indians in his buildings and gardens, obliged
them to ferve him without pay, and gave them fo given fur a
little food, that they fell down under their burdens Marei
and died ; at which their hard-hearted mailer
fhew’d no manner of concern. He knew the
fame Captain, who was afterwards made Prefident
of Mexico, employ between fifteen and twenty
thoufand Indians in carrying the Spaniards baggage
in an expedition; and fays, all of them perifh’d in
that fervice except two hundred.
The fame barbarous wretch, in the province of
Mechoacan, about 40 leagues from Mexico, being
met by the Cacique or Lord of the province, who
brought him prefents, and offer'd to become fob-
je£l to the Spaniards, put the unhappy Prince to the'
torture, burning his feet off by inches, to make
him difeover his treafure ; infomuch, that he ex-
pired in moil exquifite torments : And abundance
of other Lords were ufed in like manner, to make
them produce the gold and filver they imagined them
poffefs’d of.
He relates, that one of thefe adventurers, who
w 7 as made Governor of Jucatan in the year 1526,
finding there was no gold or filver in that province,
after he had ravaged the country, and killed great
numbers of the natives, fold the reft for flaves ; but
fet fo final! a value on them, that he fold the fon of
one of their Princes for an ordinary Cheefe, and an A Prince
hundred men for an Horfe : That the fon of a cer- ^
tain Lord, refufing to leave his country, and go
with a Spaniard into fluvery, he cut off his ears,
nofe, and lips : And fo wantonly cruel was another
Spaniard, that he chopp’d a living infant to pieces,
and gave it to his dogs. But I am weary with re-
lating thefe barbarities, as I believe the reader mull
be with the relation of them ; and therefore for-
bear to mention any more of them here ; but fhall
have occalWr to refume the fubjebl again, when I
come to the conqueft of South-America.
Thefe fadls, I mull confefs, are fo flocking, Thefe faar
that it cannot be fuppofed they fhould eafily gain well attefted,
credit : But if we confider, that they are given us by
Father Bartholom ew de Casas, Bifhop of
Chiapa, during the adminiftraticn of Cortez;
that he came over to Spain to obtain a redrels of
thefe grievances of theEmperorCH a R les theVth;
that lie met with a very great oppofition from
Cortez and his friends, and yet that he procured'
that General to be difplaced, and obtained an order
that the Indians fhould be no more treated as a con-
quer’d people, or made flaves of; that Cortez
was atSfually profecuted for thefe outrages, and not
fuffer’d to return to Mexico to his dying day, not-
withftanding the pretended fervices he had done, in
adding the Mexican empire to the dominions of
Charles the Vth; we rauft believe, that the
charge
1
184
THE PRES
CHAP, charge was in a great meafure true ; efipecially when
VIL
V.o'-y-w
Part cf the
•Bi/hop’s
apology f'r
the poor ln-
-jmmbers as
was preten-
ded.
we find feme greatSpahifn Ecclefiafticks pleading and
endeavouring to maintain, before that Emperor,
“ That it was lawful to maflacre and enfiave any
“ people who refufed, upon their fummons, to
“ turn Chriftians, and fubmit to the Pope in Spi-
“ rituals, and to the Emperor in Temporals.”
Give me leave to add a paragraph or two out of .
the Bifhop of Chiapa’s apology for the poor Indians.
It is not true (lavs that great Prelate) that the In-
dians did annually lacrifice twenty thoufand perfons,
or one hundred, or even fifty ; but the Tyrants (the
cams They Adventurers) have invented fuch flories to juftify their
fic- n <v.ch Cn ” own barbarity, and that they might have a pretence
{till to detain thofe miferable people in flavery. But
it may very truly be faid, “ That the Spaniards, fince
“ their arrival in the Indies, have annually facri-
“ freed to their adored goddefs (avarice) more peo-
“ pie than the Indians facrificed in an hundred
“ years.” This the heavens and earth witnefs and
bewail: Neither can the tyrants, the authors of thefe
calamities, deny it. For it is evident, that thefe
countries, when the Spaniards firft went thither,
fwarm’d with people ; but are now laid wafte and de-
populated. We might bluflr for flrame, that, having
loft all fear of God, we feern to think we fcarce want
a colour or excufe for thefe execrable adfions. W e
have, in little more than forty years, depopulated
and deftroyed more countries than Europe contains :
W e have not only plunder’d and ufurp’d the do-
minion of them, but have murder’d twenty millions
of fouls.
The Spaniards, in attempting the conqueft of the
Indies, had very little regard to the honour of God
or religion : Their zeal for the falvation of mankind
was but a pretence : Nor had they any views to their
Prince’s fervice, of which they fo vainly boafted ;
but covetoufnefs drew them thither, and an ambition
to ufurp the dominion of thofe countries ; for they
perpetually follicited the Court of Spain to have it di-
vided among them : And, to fpeak plainly, fays the
Bifhop, their views are to expel the Kings of Caftde
out of that world, and feize upon it themfelves.
However, we fee fuccefs frequently fanbtifies the
worft actions, and gains the applaufes of inconfide-
rate men.
Don Velasqjjez, Governor of Cuba, firft
laid the defign of adding Mexico to the Spanifh do-
minion : It was he that firft levied foldiers, provided
a fleet of (hips, with arms, ammunition, and pro-
vifions, fuitable to fuch an undertaking ; and gave
the command of the whole to Hernando Cor-
tez : But, being apprized of the ambition and in-
gratitude of that gentleman, before he left the ifland,
he revoked his cornmiflion, and recalled him, with
a defign of fending another Commander in his room.
But Cortez refufed to obey his orders ; and, cor-
rupting the foldiers and mariners, perfuaded them to
turn rebels and pirates ; to renounce the authority
Twenty
millions de-
Itroy’d in
fei ty years.
Some re-
marks on
the reduftion
of Mexico.
ENT STATE
of Velasqjjez their Governor, who fitted them CHAP.
out, and to let up for themfelves ; and, at laft, to VII.
chufe him the Captain of this mutinous crew, who,
by all laws, civil and military, deferred death, and
would probably have been hang’d, with their leader,
if they had not met with unexpected fuccefs. And
as the enterprize was rebellioufly undertaking, fo was
it profecuted with fuch cruelty and ill conduct as
muft affeift every one with horror and deteftation of
the wicked inftruments that were concerned in it :
They found a naked defencelefs people, terrified to
the laft degree with their fire-arms, artillery, horfes,
and dogs : They found the feveral kingdoms and
ftates alfo at variance, and fo equally divided, that,
either of them were ready to join the invaders of
their country, and affift them in the conqueft of it :
And we find all of them ready to fubmit to the do-
minion of the King of Spain, to become fubjeftand
tributary to him, before there was (fcarce) any blood
fpilt. But this would not have done the bufinels of
our piratical adventurers : Here would have been lit-
tle or no fpoils or plunder to have enriched them
with ; no flaves to have been made, or territories
conferred on private men ; the Mexicans would have
been their fellow-fubjeHs, and entitled to the like
protection and good ufage as the Spaniards themfelves
were : And therefore they held it neceflary to make ‘
enemies of them, to give them all manner of pro-
vocations, and, under pretence of plots and confpi-
racies of the natives, to maflacre them, take their
country ffom them, and feize on their lands and
t re a lures, together with the gold and filver mines,
that were looked upon then, and have fince been
found, to be inexhauftible. Thefe were temptati-
ons which that rapacious crew could not refill: ; and,
it is more than probable, if Narvaez had not
beenfent to reduce Cortez, that he had fet up for
himfelf, and affirmed the fovereign authority of
Mexico, as the Bifhop of Chiapa fuggefts ; and
the foie reafon that he did not, probably, was an ap-
prehenfion that, if he did not acknowledge the au-
thority of the King of Spain, many of his own men
would have deferted him, as he had deferted his Ge-
neral and Benefactor, and the advantage of that
conqueft would have been taken from him. And,
tho’ he and his officers did fubmit to hold thofe coun-
tries of the Crown of Spain, yet, we find, they
procured themfelves to be made proprietors of them,
in fuch a manner as to have the abfolute dominion
both of the country and the people ; and that they
treated them as their flaves and vaffals ; nay, worle
than enemies, worfe than ever brute animals were
ufed •, maflacring and torturing them in fuch a
manner as could never have been credited, if their
aeftions had not been publickly try’d and condemn’d,
and the fa<fts confefs’d and acknowledg’d by many
of thofe that were engaged in the enterprize ; and
it had not been evident, to all the world, that
countries had been deftroyed and depopulated for
thou-
OF ME
C H A P. thoufands of miles together, which were before
Vfl. crowded with people, and (in the Bifhop of Chiapa’s
phrafe, who was upon the fpot) refembled a ter-
reftrial paradife. And what ftill aggravates the
cruelty is, that the natives were, according to the
befl accounts, a harmlefs innoftenfive people, treated
all mankind civilly and hofpitably, even the Spa-
niards themfelves, and are generally admired for
their ingenuity and the quicknefs of their parts ;
the Popifh Miffionaries themfelves acknowledging,
that they never met with a more tradfable people,
more ready to be inftrudted, and to embrace the
Chriftian religion ; infomuch, that the Bifliop of
Chiapa obferves, there was no manner of occafion
to ufe force to bring them over to Chriftian ity :
And therefore Cortez and his Officers could
never juftify their barbarous ufage of the Indians,
on pretence of obftinacy : Their mighty zeal for
religion, and the fervice of their Prince and Coun-
try, was all a fham : Their cruelties could be afcri-
bed to nothing elfe but to their ambition or avarice :
The Gold and Silver of the country, the Indians
themfelves obferved, were the only gods thefe ad-
venturers adored ; for the acquiring of which they
feem to have divefted themfelves of all humanity.
It may be objected indeed to the credit of thole
relations given us by the Bifhop of Chiapa, of the
cruelties of Cortez, Alvarado, and the reft
of the Commanders concerned in the conqueft of
Mexico, That thofe barbarities are fcarce mention’d
either by Antonio de Solis, or Antonio de
He r e r a, two of the beft of the Spanifh hiftorians.
To which I anfwer, That it was evidently the
defign of De Solis to write a panegyrick upon
Cortez ; and therefore it cannot be expended he
{hould give us the dark fide of that General’s cha-
racter : Beftdes, the greateft part of that pretended
hiftory appears, on the face of it, to be a mere ro-
mance ; only valuable for the language, and for
fome reflections he makes on the facts he is pleafed
to feign, which are judicious enough, admitting
there was any truth in what he relates. And as to
Antonio de Herera, who was Hiftoriogra-
pher to the King of Spain, he was employ’d by the
Miniftry to give fuch an account of that conqueft
as might refleCt honour on the kingdom of Spain,
and on the adminiftration under which it was af-
fected ; And had he related the barbarities of Cor-
tez and his Officers, after he had informed us,
that thofe adventurers were encouraged and reward-
ed, inftead of being punifh’d, he could not have
reflected a greater difhc-nour on the Kingdom and
Court of Spain. And, altho’ Herera himfelf dees
not give us all the particulars the Bifhop of Chiapa
* does, yet he confirms fome of them ; and allures
us, “ The Bifhop is an author that deferves credit.”
It was not convenient for him to fay what the Bi-
fhop had faid ; but, on the other hand, he was fo
faithful an hiftorian as to let us know, that “ That
“ Prelate ought to be believed.”
VOL. Ill,
1
X i C O. *85,
C H A P. V III.
Of the Mexican animals.
W H E N the Spaniards firft arrived in this C H A }\
new world, they found neither Horfes, VIII.
Oxen, Camels, Afles, Goats, Sheep, Elephants, Hogs,
or Dogs, cf the European fpecies. There were in-
deed wild hearts, to which they afterwards gave no t found ia
the name of Hogs, becaufe they came the neareft America,
to our Hogs of any animals they found there, viz.
their Pecaree and Warree ; but thefe are evidently
of another fpecies, efpecially the Pecaree, which
have their navels always upon their backs. They,
had alfo fome little dumb Dogs, with which they
beat for game ; but no other kind. The Indians
were as much afraid of the Maftiffs and great Dogs
the Spaniards carried over, as of Lions or Tygers •;
nay more, for their cruel conquerors hunted this
unhappy people in the woods and mountains with
their dogs, as they would hunt wild hearts, and tore
men, women and children in pieces. When the
natives fled from their towns, the Spaniards purfued
them to the woods with packs cf dogs ; infomuch,
that no cover could -conceal or defend thefe naked
people from their rage. Nor were their horfes lefts
terrible to the Indians than the European dogs, as
has been obfterved under another head. The Mexi-
cans had no hearts that fterved them to carry bur-
dens, or to draw their carriages ; every thing of
this kind was done by their Tamenes, or Porters,
of both fexes : For, in many places, the women
carried the baggage, efpecially in their wars and
hunting expeditions ; the men thinking it fufficient
to carry their arms, and hazard their lives.
There were great numbers of Wolves and Bears Animals
towards the north, and (bme Lions and Tygers in fo^^therc*
the warmer climates, but not many ; and there
were fome f.-.v Elks. But whatever the Indians
Wanted of our animals, the Spaniards foon ftupply’d
them with, particularly Horfes, Oxen and Flogs ; European
which increafted fo prodigioufly in a few years, that
every Planter had enough for his ufe, 2nd vaft an j run tvild
numbers of them were fufFer’d to run wild in the at this day.
woods, both in the iflands and on the continent.
Acosta relates, that in his time (upwards of an
hundred years ago) the European fheep were fo mul-
tiplied, that it was an ordinary thing for a Spanifli
Grazier to be pofiefs’d of ten or twenty thoufand
fheep.
Dam pier relates, that the horfes and black Their man-
cattle are increafted as much as the fheep ; and has Aj| unt ‘
given us a particular deftcription of the Spaniards j, u ii S
hunting and hockfing (or bamftringing) the wild
bulls and cows that are found in their forefts. The
Hockfer, as he calls him, is mounted on a good
horfte, bred up to the (port, that knows when to ad-
vance or retreat, without giving his rider any trou-
ble to manage him. The hunter carries a pike-
B b ftaft.
T HE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, flair, arm’d at the end with a (harp iron, of the
VIII. form of a crefcent, with which he rides after the
"Y^y-w game full-fpeed ; and, having overtaken it, ftrikes
his iron juft above the hock, and hamftrings the
beaft : Whereupon the horfe wheels off ; for the
bull or cow immediately faces about, and makes at
tire huntfman with all its force ; but, finding the
horfe too fwift for him, turns tail again. Where-
upon the hockler renews the charge, it the hamftring
be not quite cut through with the firft ftroke ; and,
having fufficiently lamed one of his hind-legs, then
ventures to attack the creature in front, and firikes
one of the knees of his fore-legs with his hockfing-
iron : The beaft thereupon falling down, the hunts-
man immediately dismounts, ftrikes a great butcher’s
knife into the beaft’s poll, a little behind the horns,
fo dextroully, that he cuts the firing of the neck
fin Dam pier’s phrafe) at once, and down falls
the creature’s head : Fhen the hockfer mounts
again, and purfues frefh game, leaving the fkinners
that follow him to take off the hide, which is all
they regard, in fome parts of the Spanifh W eft-
jndies, wild beef is fo plentiful. But, ’tis faid, the
Spaniards hunt only the bulls and old cows, leaving
the young cattle to breed ; whereas the Englifh
and French kill them without diftinction : But the
Englifh found their error in Jamaica ■, for when that
iflar.d was firft taken, the fields and woods were
well flock’d with cattle ; which being deftroy’d by
the foldiers, the ifland fuffer’d very much for want
of them, ’till Sir Thom as Lynch, the Gover-
nor, fent for a frefh fupply of cattle from Cuba.
The fame writer obferves, that the wild cattle
of Mexico are the fatteft in the dry feafbn, viz. in
February, March and April, when the Englifh
Logwood-cutters, in the Bay of Campeachy, fre-
quently hunt them in canoes ; for then they come
down to feed among the rufhes in the mouths of
the rivers and creeks of the fea, and are eafily fhot.
When the beaft finds itfelf Jo clofely g.irfued in this
manner, that he can’t efcape, he faces about, and
runs full tilt at the boat, finking the head with that
force, that he drives it back twenty or thirty paces,
and then fcampers away again, if he is not kill’d by
their fhot ; and their principal care is to keep the
head of the boat or canoe towards the creature, for if
he ftrikes it on the fide, he overfets it. But to return :
Other beaSs Eefides the beads already mention’d, which the
they had in Americans had in common with us, they had alfo
common feveral kinds of Red and Fallow Deer, Hares, Rab-
U!i» , . y, .. .
bets. Foxes, Otters, Wild-cats, Pole-cats, Squir-
rels, Porcupines, Monkeys, Jackals, &c.
Btifb pe- The beads peculiar to America, which this con-
culiar to tincnt did not produce, are, their Pecaree and
America. Warree, the Opoffum, the Moofe, the Guanoe,
the Flying-fquirrel, the Sloth, the Armadillo, the
Rackoon, the Ounce : And there are fome am-
phibious animals, particularly the Mufquafh and the
Beaver ; but, as 1 remember, the laft are to be
found ia the north part of our continent.
The Pecaree is a little, black, fhort-legg’cl ani- CHAP,
mal, that has fome refemblance of a Hog : They' VIII.
herd together in great droves ; and what is rrloft
remarkable, is, that the navel of the creature grows The Pecaree,,
upon its back, and, if it be not cut off as foon as
the Pecaree is kill’d, it immediately corrupts the
whole carcafe, which is otherwife very good food.
The Warree is lefs than the Pecaree, and has TheWarree,
its navel in the ufual place ; but in Chape is much
like the former : The fkin is thick, covered with
hair that looks like a coarfe fur. Both the Pecaree
and Warree are wild fierce creatures, and will en-
gage man or beaft : The Indians hunt them down
with their dogs, and then fhoot or kill them with
fpears.
The Opoffum is a final! beaft, about the fize of The Opof-
a Fox, and grey as a Badger ; and is remarkable lum '
for its falfe belly, in which Hie prefer ves her young
ones when fire is purfued. There is a very particu-
lar defeription of this Animal in the Philofopbical
TranfaSl'ions ; to which I refer the reader.
The Moofe is faid to be fomething like a Red T!ie Moofe "
Deer in bis head and neck r He has horns alfo
like a Deer, near two yards wide ; but is as big
as an Ox, and flow of foot : His flefh equal to
beef, and his hide makes good buff. Thefe are
found chiefly in the north, and not in warm climates.
The Guanoe is fhap’d like a Lizard ; the body TheGuanoe,
as big as a man’s leg, but grows tapering towards
the tail, which is very fmall : They have four Ihort
feet and claws ; are of various colours, dark and
light brown, of a dark and light green, fome of
them yellow, and others fpeckled ; and their flefh
very good food, as well as their eggs. But I fhould
have ranged thefe among the amphibious animals,,
for they live in the water as well a3 upon the land.
The Flying-fquirrel has a very fmall body, and TbeFIying-
a loofe fkin, which he extends like wings, and is l D irrel -
borne up by the wind ; but how far he can fly,
travellers don’t inform us, probably not many yards.
The Sloth is about the bignefs of a large Spaniel ; The Sloth,
has a round head, fmall eyes, and very iharp teeth
and claws : Pie feeds on the leaves of trees, and ,
frequently kills them, not leaving a Angle leaf on
the tree he vifits ; but he is fo many days in getting
down one tree, and climbing another, that, tho’ he
be fat when he comes down, he grows lean before
he gets to the top of another : He is eight or nine
minutes, according to Dam pier, in moving one
of his legs three inches : Nor will blows make him
mend his pace ; he feems infenfible of ftripes, and
can neither be frighted or provoked, as the fame
gentleman tells us he has frequently experienced.
The Armadillo was fo called by the Spaniards, The Arms*
from its (hell refembling the feales of armour ; is
as big as a Sucking-pig, and has a long body in-
clofed in a thick {hell,, which is join’d under the
belly : This fhell opens, and it puts out its head
and legs when it walks ; but, upon the apprehen-
fton of any danger, the creature draws in both its
head
OF MEXICO.
c H A P. head and legs like a Land-tortoife, and, tho’ it be
VIII. tofs’d from place to place, will not move out again :
It has ftrong claws, with which it digs holes in the
ground like a Rabbet. The flefh is efteemed good
meat.
TheRacoon. The Racoons, according to Dam pier, are on-
ly a fpecies of Rats, but four times as large, and
burrow in the earth like Rabbets.
Rabbets dif- They have Rabbets alfo of a different fpecies from
ferent from ours ^ as ] ar g e as Hares, and without tails.
Tte Ounce. The Ounce, or Tyger-cat, feems to be only a
fmall fpecies of Tygers : They are laid to be fiercer
than thofe of a larger fize, and more mifehievous ;
nor are thefe peculiar to America : The Eaft-Indians
inform’d me, that they have the fame fort of fmall
Deer with- Tygers in their country : But there are a fpecies of
out horns. J} eer without horns in Mexico, which I don’t meet
with any where elfe.
Peruvian As to the Lama’s, or Camel-fheep, as they are
Si,ee P* call’d, from the form of their heads and necks re-
fembling a Camel’s : Thefe are of a very different
make from our Sheep, ufed to carry burdens, and
twice as large. But as thefe were only found in
Peru, and other parts of South America, I fhall
treat of thefe, and feveral other beafts peculiar to
that country, when I come to defcribe that part of
the Spanifh dominions.
Beavers, &c. There are feveral other animals alfo found in
North America, particularly Beavers, of which
many furprifing ftories are told ; and thefe will be
confidered, when I come to treat of New-England
and Canada.
Manatee. As to the Manatee, Dam pier, in his Firft
Volume, deferibes it in the following manner : He
lays, it is about the bignefs of a Horfe, and i o or
i 2 foot long : That the mouth ot it is like a Cow’s ;
and it has great thick lips : “ The eyes no bigger
“ than a fmall pea, and the ears only two fmall
44 holes on each fide ot the head. ” 1 he neck is
fhort and thick, bigger than the head : The largeft
part of the creature is its fhouiders : It has two large
fins before, and under each of thefe fins the female
has a fmall dug : From the fhouiders to the tail the
animal leffens gradually : The tail is flat, and a-
bout 1 4 inches long ; and from the head to the tail
it is round and fmooth, having no fins but thofe
two already mention’d : The flefh is white, and
extraordinary fweet wholefome meat. Da mpier
adds, “ That they never come on fhore, or into
“ fhallower water than where they can fwim : ”
That the Mufqueto Indians firike them as they
fwim in the water with an harpoon, which the
creature runs away with ; but, a long line and a
float being faften’d to the harpoon, they let it run
’till the animal has tired itfelf, and then draw it to
fhore. But Dam pier feems to be miftaken in
great part of this relation ; or, rather, he makes
the Manatee a very different creature from the Sea
or River-horfe : For he fays, in his Second Volume,
187
p. 102 of his Second Part, that the Mountain-cow CHAP.
(as he there calls this creature) is fhap’d like a Cow VIII.
in body, but her head much bigger, more compact,
and round : That fhe has no horns ; 44 her eyes are
44 round, full, and of a prodigious fize : ” That
fhe has great thick lips, but not fo thick as a Cow’s
lips ; and “ her ears in proportion to her head, ra-
44 ther broader than thofe of the common cow
That her neck is thick and fhort ; 44 her legs fhorter
44 than ordinary : ” That it has a long tail, thin
of hairs, and no bob at the end, and coaffe thin
hair all over her body 3 her hide near two inches
thick ; her flefh red, and the fat white : That it
is fweet wholefome meat ; and the creature weighs
five or fix hundred weight : That it was 44 always
44 found in woods,” near feme large river ; and
feeds on thin long graft and mofs, which grows on
the banks of rivers ; but never on good grafs, as
other cows do : That when her belly is full, fhe
lies down to fleep on the brink of the river, and at
the leaft node 44 flips into the water, where, fink-
44 ing down to the bottom, fhe walks on the ground.”
Thefe relations, the reader muff obferve, are
widely different; and, as Dampier acknow-
ledges he never faw any of thefe animals, it is evi-
dent, he was impofed on in one of thefe accounts.
I {hall give the reader therefore two other deferip-
tions of the River-horfe, or Cow ; the one from
my friend Captain Rogers, late Governor of the
Bahama Elands ; and the other from Kolben,
which I have already mention’d in the defcription
of the Cape of Good Hope.
The Captain allures us, that the Hippopotamus,
or Sea-horfe (as he calls this animal) lives as well on
the land as in the fea and rivers : That it is fhap’d
like an Ox, but bigger, weighing fifteen or fixteen
hundred pound : That it is very full-bodied, cover’d
with hair, and of a moufe-colour ; thick, fhort,
fleek, and very beautiful when it firft comes out of
the w'ater ; the head flattifh on the top : That it
has no herns ; but large lips, a wide mouth, and
ftrong teeth, four of which are longer than the reft,
viz. two in the upper jaw, one of each fide, and
two in the under jaw : That the latter are four
or five inches long ; the other two fhorter : That
it has large broad ears, great goggle eyes, and is
very quick-fighted : It has a thick neck, ftrong
legs, but weak foot-locks ; the hoofs of his feet
are cloven in the middle ; his tail is fhort and ta-
pering, like a fwine’s, without any bob at the end :
The creature is commonly fat, and very good meat :
It grazes on the fhore, in wet lwampy grounds,
near rivers or ponds ; but retires to the water, if
purfued : When they are in the water, they fink
down to the bottom, and there walk as -on dry-
ground : They will run almoft as faft as a man j
but, if chafed hard, they will turn about, and look
very fierce, like a boar, and fight, if put to it.
The natives have no wars with thefe creatures, fays
B b 2 the
THE PRESENT STATE
288
CHAP, the Captain ; but wo have had many conflicts with
VIII. them, both on Ihore and in the rivers ; and tho’
we common!/ got the better, by killing feme, and
routing the reft ; yet, in the water, we durft not
attack them, after the following accident, which
had like to have proved fatal to three men, who went
in a fmall canoe to kill a Tingle Sea-horfe, in a river
which had eight or ten foot water. The horfe, ac-
cording to hiscuftom, was marching at the bottom
of the river ; and, being efpied by thefe men, they
wounded him with a long lance, which fo enraged
the beaft, that he rofe up immediately, and, giving
a fierce look, he open’d his jaws, and bit a great
piece out of the gunnel or upper edge of the canoe,
and was like to have overfet it ; but prefently funk
down again to the bottom, and the men made ofF,
for fear he fhould return. “ Thefe the Captain met
“ with on the South-eaft coaft of Africa.”
Kolben informs us, that there is a creature
called a Sea-cow, at the Cape of Good Hope,
which always feeds on grafs alhore, and only runs
into the fea for its fecurity : That the head of it re-
fembles rather that of a horfe than a cow : That it
is as large as a rhinoceros, and of the fame colour ;
hut the legs fomething Ihorter : That the noftrils
are very large, out of which it fpouts water, as it
riles from the fea or the bottom of a river : That
the hoof is not cloven, and the tail like that of an
elephant, with very little hair on it ; and that it has
no hair at all on the body, and the female fuckles its
calves as other cows do, which he had often feen :
That the Ikin of the creature is tough, and near an
inch thick ; fo that a mufket-ball will fcarce pene-
trate it, which is the reafon they ufually aim at the
head to break his fkull.
That, on each under jaw, the animal has two
large teeth, the one ftreight, and the other crooked,
about the thicknefs of a cov/s horn, and running
a foot and half out of its mouth ; which teeth
weigh each of them about ten pound, are exceed-
ing white, and never change yellow, as ivory does ;
and therefore are more valuable.
That, when this creature is wounded in a river,
cr near the fhore, the natives follow her in boats
by the blood, and with hooks and grapling-irons
fifh up the carcafe, which, he fays, is a good load
■for a waggon ; That the flefh of this creature is
fo much admired by the Dutch at the Cape, that
they give twelve or fifteen pence a pound for it :
- 'That the leaf and fat is valued as much as the
lean, melted and ufed like butter in cookery, and
fome eat it with bread.
The antients defcribe the Hippopotamus of the
Nile in much the fame manner as Kolben does
the Sea-cow of the Cape : And Mr. Thevenot,
an author of good credit, fays, when he was in
Egypt, in the year 1658, he faw one of thefe ani-
mals that was kill’d near the Nile : That it was
^bout the bignefs of a camel, of a tawney colour ;
the hinder-part made much like an ox, and the head CHAP,
like a horfe : That its eyes and ears were ftnall ; but VIII.
it had great open noftrils, thick large feet almoft
round, and four claws ; the tail like an elephant, and
had not more hair than there is upon an elephant :
That, in the lower-jaw, it had four great teeth
half a foot long ; two of them crooked, and as big
as the horns of an ox ; and the other two ftreight,
but ftanding out in length ; and that fome Jani-
zaries fhot it as it was grazing on the land : It re-
ceived feveral Ihot before it fell, the bullets hardly
piercing the fkin ; but one, that happen’d to hit the
jaw, brought it down : And that thefe monfters are
very rare in the Nile, there having been no fuch
animal feen there for many years before.
Upon the whole, it feems to me, that the Sea-
cow and River-horfe, called by the antients Hip-
popotamus, are the fame animals ; but the Manatee
is of a different fpecies : For the firft is an amphi-
bious creature, with four legs, that feeds on fhore ;
the other a pure fifh, without legs : For fuch is
Dam pier’s firft defeription ; and fo the reft of
the Buccaneers defcribe the Manatee, and tell us,
their Mufqueto Indians ftruck them often, and their
{Flip’s crew lived upon them fome time ; and there-
fore they could not eafily be miftaken in the fhape
of the creature ; neither would they have omitted
to tell us, that it had legs, if it had any. And I
am in fome doubt, whether the Hippopotamus, or
River-horfe, was ever feen in America ; but If I
find reafon to alter my opinion, upon farther en-
quiry, I fhall not fail to acknowledge my miftake
before I conclude the defeription of America.
As to their Alligators (which are certainly a fpecies Crocodiles cr
of Crocodiles) thefe arefo numerous, and have done Alligator
fo much mifehief, both to the natives and the Euro-
peans, that there is no room to doubt of their being
hied in America. They are amphibious animals,
accuftom’d both to land and water ; fhap’d like a li-
zard, twenty or thirty feet in length : They have
four fliort feet, or rather daws, on which they crawl
the head is flat, their eyes large, and their back co-
ver’d with broad feales, refembling armour, and as '
impenetrable ; and fome of them fo large, ’t'is laid*
that they have actually fwallow’d men whole ; at
leaft, there are fuch ftoi ies generally believed in the
countries where Alligators or Crocodiles are found.
Thefe animals feem to movewiththe greateft ftrength
and agility in the water, and will run a good pace
by land, but cannot eafily turn about ; fo that a
man turning to the right or left, eafily avoids them ;
They lie waiting for their prey therefore, by the
river fides, in the flags and rufties ; and fo much
refemble the trunk of an old tree, that travellers
have been unwarily furprized by them on fhore.
Tho’ they are of that prodigious bulk, they proceed
from an egg no bigger than a turkey’s, which is
hatch’d in the warm fand, as is generally believed ;
nor is it to be conceived how it fhould be hatch’d
other wife.
OF M E
CHAP, otherwife. They lay a great number of eggs,
VIII. which ar£ moft of them eaten or deftroy’d by fowls,
or other animals, or they would fwarm in thefe hot
countries. As to the Crocodile’s weeping over a man
he has kill’d ; and the little bird Trochileus, that is
faid to live upon the meat {he picks out of the Cro-
codile’s teeth ; or the Rat Ichnenmen, of whom
there is a tradition that he jumps into the Croco-
dile’s mouth, and eats his way out again through
his belly ; I prefume there is no need to caution the
reader to give but little credit to fuch fidlions : Tho’
it were to be wifh’d, that hiftorians would not fo
frequently indulge a poetical vein, which makes it
difficult fometimes to diftinguifh between true and
fabulous relations. But to proceed.
TheSquafh. There is an animal, which Dam pier calls a
Squafh, bigger than a Cat, and its head like that
of a Fox, with fhort ears and a long nofe ; the
legs fhort, and runs up trees like a cat ; the body
is cover’d with a fine yellow hair, and the flefh very
good meat. Dam pier fays, it eats like pig:
That the young ones may be tamed, and are as di-
verting as a monkey.
The Mexi- The Monkeys of Campeachy, the fame writer
can Monkey. re lates, are t j ie uglieft he ever faw : They are much
larger than a hare, and have great tails two foot
and a half long ; the body and upper part of the
tail cover’d with coarfe long black hair : They keep
together twenty or thirty in a company, and ram-
ble over the woods, leaping from tree to tree ; and
if they meet with a fingle perfon, he is in danger of
being torn in pieces by them : That he was very
much afraid on meeting a party of them in a wood,
tho’ he had a gun in his hand ; for they furrounded
him, chattering and making a terrible noife ; forne
of them broke the dry boughs and threw at him,
while others fcatter’d their water and dung about
his ears : That they hung themfelves by their tails
on the boughs over his head, and feem’d to threaten
him all the way he pafs’d : But where two or three
people are together, they ufually make off ; and it
is merry enough to fee the females fcamper away
with their young ones under their arms, or upon
their backs. This fpecies of monkeys are very
untradlable, and hardly ever tamed.
Birds and As to the feather’d race, we find in Mexico, Par-
fowls. ro ts, Parrokites, Macaws, Quarns, Curafoes,
Cockrecoes, Bill-Birds, Humming-Birds, Eagles,
Vultures, Doves, Pigeons, Subtil- Jacks, Black-
birds, Turkeys, and tame poultry ; Pelicans, Cor-
morants, Bats, and a multitude of other fowls and
birds, which are not found in this part of the
world, and many of which have not yet received
b any names, or at leaft the Europeans are not ac-
quainted with them.
Parrots. Parrots and Parrokites are fo well known amon-gfl
us, that they need no defeiription.
Macaw. The Macaw is not fo common : He is fliap’d
much like a Parrot, but twice as big ; the feathers
X I C O. t$9
of the body are of feverah bright and lively colours, CHAP,
particularly red, blue and green : It has a bufhy VIII,
tail, with two or three long ftraggling feathers, red or
blue ; the pinions of the wings of forne of them are
red, and of others blue ; and their beaks yellow :
They make a great noife in the morning, refemb-
ling a hoarfe voice ; but they will imitate the voices
of the Indians, and their way of finging ; as alfb
the voice or noife of any bird or animal almoft j
and may be taught to talk. The natives tame
them, and, when they are ufed to their houfes, fuf-
fer them to fly to the woods in the day-time, a-
mong thofe that are wild, and they return in the
evening to the houfe or plantation they belong to.
There are great plenty of thefe birds in Mexico j
and they are not only extremely beautiful and enter-
taining, but their flefh is well tailed, tho’ it is black
and pretty tough.
The Quam is a wild land-fowl, of the bigneft of Quam,
a Hen-Turkey, and has a bill like that fowl ; the
feathers of a dun-colour ; his tail fhort, and darker
than the reft of his feathers : It feeds upon berries
and other fruits, and the flefh is very good food.
The Curafoe is larger than the Quam, but much Curafas,
of the fame fhape : The cock has a crown of black
or yellow feathers on his head, with red loofe flefh
on his neck, like a Turkey-cock ; but the hen has
neither : They have a big grols voice, which is
liften’d to by the natives, having fomething melo-
dious in it : The flefh is tolerably good, but the
bones fo noxious, that the natives bury them, and
will not fuffer a dog to eat them ; and the Europe-
ans, ’tis faid, ufe the like caution ; for that a dog
runs mad, if he eats one of their bones.
The bird call’d by the Englifh the Carrion-crow, Carrion-
is black, and as big as a Raven ; has a bald head and crow "
reddiih neck like a Turkey, and lives altogether on
carrion, from whence it has its name. The huntf-
man has no fooner kill’d his game, but they imme-
diately flock together from all parts, feveral hun-
dreds of them, and will devour the carcafe of a
beaft in an inftant, if not prevented. Some of thefe
Carrion-crows are white, but in all other refpe£ls
like the former.
The Subtil- Jack, as the Englifh call it, is as big Subtil-Jack,
as a Pigeon ; the feathers generally black, but the
tips of the wings yellow. It has obtain’d this name
from the cunning it feems to exercife in fecuring its
neft, which is always hung by a firing at the extre-
mity of the bough of fome High tree, that flands
alone. Some trees are furrounded with fuch nefts,
which hang down 2 or 3 foot from the twigs they
are fallen ’d to ; the firing that faftens them, accord-
ing to Dam pier, being made of long twilled
graft; but Gemelli fays, it is made of hair:
However, both agree as to the nefts hanging on the
bough of a tree, by a firing of its own makiiig; and
Gemelli adds, that the bird fings fweetly.
There
190
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP,
VIII.
Bill-Birds;
Cockrecoes.
Cardinal,
Tygre’Io.
©acalototoi.
Silguero,
f’healacts.
Dunghill
fowls.
There are alfo feveral forts of birds, to which the
Englilh have given the name of Bill-birds, from
their bills being almoft as big as their bodies.
The Cockrecoes are of the colour of a Partridge,
but fomething' lefs* and their legs longer : They de-
light in creeks and watery places, and are remarka-
ble for their calling and anfwering one another
morning and evening. They are efteemed delici-
ous food.
The bird call’d the Cardinal, is about the big-
nefs of a W ood-lark ; of a fcarlet colour ; has a
beautiful tuft of feathers on the head, and lings
fweetly : For t'nefe the Spaniards give ten or twelve
crowns a bird, to fend into Spain. There is another
bird of the fame beautiful colour, but Ids, and does
not fing.
They have alfo a fmall bird, of the bignefs of a
Thrufh, call’d the Tygrello, or Little Tyger, from
its fpotted feathers.
The Cacalototol is of the fize of a Black-bird,
but of a yellow colour, and lings well.
The Silguero’s are black and white, of the big-
nefs of a Sparrow, and highly valued.
They have two forts of Pheafants ; the one of a
dark colour, with black wings and tails, which
they call Gritones ; and the other, which are much
larger, call’d Royal, from a tuft which appears like
a crown upon their heads.
Their poultry, or dunghill-fowls, differ little
from ours, but are fomething lefs: Their Quails are
of the fame colour as thofe of Europe, but their
fleih is not fo good, according to Ge melli, who
Cuiachlch.il. mentions another bird, call’d Guiachichil, or Suck-
flower, becaufe it is always feen flying with a flower
in its mouth ; but is never known to reft on the
ground, as he was inform’d by the natives : It will
ftick its beak into the bough of a tree, and remain
there feveral months ; and thus they often take it
Keeping.
Humming- The Humming-bird is a little feather’d animal,
bird. not muc h bigger than a large Walp : It has a black
bill, like the point of a needle ; and its legs and feet
are proportionable to its body : Its wings move when
it flies, like thofe of a Bee, and make a perpetual
humming ; from whence it obtain’d its Englifh
name : It reforts to fruit-trees and flowers alfo, like
the Bee when it is gathering honey ; but keeps in
perpetual motion, fometimes on one fide the flower,
and then on the other ; now approaching, and then
retiring from it, for feveral minutes. There are
two or three forts of them, of as many feveral co-
lours : The largeft are black.
Birds of prey. Their birds of prey are Eagles, Vultures, Hawks,
and the Carrion-crow, already mention’d : Their
Water-fowl, water-fowl, Geefe, Ducks, Curlews, Herons,
Crab-catchers, Pelicans, Cormorants, Fifhing-
hawks.
Ducks. They have three kinds of Ducks ; the Mufcovy
Duck, and another, which perch upon old trees
without leaves, and feldorn light upon the ground ; CHAP,
and they have another kind of Ducks, like ours, VIII,
that never perch upon trees.
There are two forts of Curlews alfo ; the largeft Curlews,
fort as big as Turkeys, with long legs and long
crooked bills; the feathers of their bodies of a dark
colour, and their wings black and white ; their
fleih black, but pretty good food : The other Cur-
lews are half the bignels of the former, and their
flefh much better tailed.
Their Herons are not different from thofe of Eu- Herons.
rope.
The Crab-catcher is of the fame Ihape and co- Crab-catch-
lour as the Heron, and has its name from feeding on ers '
fmall Crabs not bigger than Pigeons eggs.
The Pelican is a web-footed fowl, almoft as big Pelican,
as a Goofe, and of a grey colour ; Its legs are Ihort,
the neck long, the bill feventeen or eighteen inches
long, and two inches broad ; the fore-part of the
neck and breaft cover’d with a loft loofe Ikin, like
that of a Turkey-cock’s : It is a very heavy fowl,
and feldom flies much above the water; and ufually
fits on the tops of the rocks, a little diftance from
the fhore, either for its fecurity, or to look out for
prey ; and is efteem’d pretty good meat. It is re-
markable for a bag or purfe in the neck, in which
it keeps a referve of prey after the appetite is fatif-
ned.
The Cormorant is of the Ihape and fize of a Cormorant.
Duck, and the bill and feet like a Duck’s ; the fea-
thers on the body black, only white on the breaft :
They live on fmall filh, and will perch on trees by
the water-fide to watch for their game.
The Filhing-hawk is of the fize and Ihape of an Fitbing-
Englifh Sparrow-hawk, arid fits on the flump of hawk ‘
a tree or a rock by the fea or river-fide, from whence
he flies at the fmall filh, which are his prey, and
fnatches them out of the water without wetting his
wings : He does not fwallow the fifty whole, as moft
other fowls do that prey upon filh, but tears it in
pieces, as our Hawks do the birds they ftrike.
The Bats ol this country are as large as Pigeons, Bats,
travellers inform us, which is not at all improbable 1 ;
for in the Eaft-Indies, and fome other hot coun-
tries, they are much larger.
In all hot countries there are abundance of poifo- infefts and
nous and troublcfome infedts and vermin, and Mexi- vcrnnm -
co has its (hare of them ; fuch as Snakes, Scorpions,
Centapees, Spiders, Toads, Flies, Mulketoes, and
Pifmires.
There is in Mexico, as Mr. Dam pier relates, Snaket.
a yellow Snake, as big as the fmall of a man’s leg,
6 or 7 foot long ; a lazy animal, thjt takes little
pains to hunt for its prey ; but lies conceal’d in co-
ver, and furprizes the Lizards, Guanoes, and other
fmall animals, as they pafs by : The fleih of it is
eaten by fom^ people ; and my author fays, he has
tailed of it, but did not much relilh it. He fays,
his brother Logwood-cutters inform’d him, that
fome
OF MEXICO, 191
CHAP, fome of thefe fnakes are as big as an ordinary man’s
VIII. waift, and ftrong enough to hold a bullock by the
horns : But he is fo good as not to require us to
give entire credit to the latter part of the ftory.
There is alfo a green Snake, about the bignefs of a
fmall cane, and 4 or 5 foot in length : Thefe lie
among buihes and trees full of leaves, and prey
chiefly on fmali birds. Here is alfo a dun-colour’d
Snake, about 2 foot long, that frequents houfes,
and kills mice and other vermin ; and is fo harmlefs
a creature, that no body endeavours to kill him.
There are a great many other fpecies of Snakes in
America, and particularly the Rattle-fnake, which
will he defcribed in their proper places.
Scorpions. Their Scorpions and Centapees do not differ from
thofe of other countries already defcribed ; but Mr.
Dam pier mentions an animal, which he calls a
Gilly-wafp. Gally-wafp, that I don’t remember to have met
with any where elfe : It has, he fays, fome refem-
blance of a Lizard ; has four fhort legs, and is of a
dark brown colour ; delights in low rnarfhy grounds,
and is very venomous.
Spiders mon- Their Spiders, the fame writer obferves, are of a
ftrous. mcnftrous fize, particularly one, that is near as big
as a man’s fift ; has long legs, and tv/o black teeth,
or horns, two inches in length, and as fharp as a
thorn : That thefe Spiders are cloathed with a yel-
lowish down as foft as velvet : But he could not tell
whether they were venomous or not. There is no
doubt, but Spiders, Toads and Rats grow to a pro-
digious fize in all hot countries ; tho’, ’tis poffible,
travellers may enlarge a little in thedefcribing of ’em.
Ants. The Ants, or Pifmires, are another plague in e-
very warm climate. Here are great black Ants,
whofe bite is faid to be almoft as painful as the fling
of a Scorpion ; nor are their fmall yellow Ants lefs
dreaded, which come in fuch fwarms fometimes,
that a man (hall be cover’d with them in an inftant:
They have nefts on the bodies of great trees, Da m-
pirr relates, as big as- hogfheads, in which they
live all the winter ; and here they preferve their
eggs: In the fair feafon they quit their nefts, and
iwarm in the wood-lands and high grounds; but are
feldom found in meadows or watery places. There
are another fort of black Ants, with long legs, that
come into houfes, run over their c.hefts and beds,
and fearch every place : Wherever their leader
marches, the reft follow him in fuch crowds, that
they are two or three hours palling by : However,
they ufually quit the houfe before night ; nor do they
feem to be fo mifchievous as the African Ants, that
will, according to fome travellers, devour a fheep
in a few minutes; and men with difficulty efcape,
. by fetting fire to them.
NM\jfkitoes. There are another fort of infects, that fufficient-
ly try the patience of the natives, and are much more
mifchievous to ftrangers, in hot countries, viz. Muf-
kitoes, or Gnats, which fwarm in all countries that
are hot and moift, and will not fuller. a man to reft
night or day, but are perpetually buzzing about his CHAP,
ears : When a perfon firft comes on Ihore, his face VIII.
fhall be fo fwell’d by their ftings in a night’s time,
that his acquaintance can fcarce know him ; and,
tho’ their ftings have not this effect, after we have
been fome time in the country, yet they are always
very troublefome.
Gage, in his Survey of this country, lays, there Another
is an infect, call’d by the Spaniards Migua, which
is common in all parts of it almoft, and lb fmall, Migua,
that it can fcarce be dilcern’d. This creature ufually
ftrikes into the feet or legs of a man, hut feldom in-
to the hands, or any part of the body ; from whence
he conjectures, it is bred in the duft of the ground:
They make the part they ftrike into burn and itch,
and at firft it appears black, and no bigger than the
point of a needle, when they may be eafily pick’d
out ; but if they are let alone, they get farther in-
to the flelh, and lay a great many nits or eggs,
which increafe to the bignefs of a great pea, and itch
intolerably ; and, if the part be rubb’d or fcratch’d,
immediately fefters, and endangers the lofing of the
limb. Some, he fays, hold it beft to take them out
as foon as they firft perceive the part itch ; but peo-
ple do not know at firft what is the matter with
them, and the creature foon gets too deep to be dis-
lodged ; and therefore they are ufually let alone ’til!
they have laid their little bag of nits or eggs, which
appears like a blifter through the fkin, and then,
with the point of a needle, they dig round it, and
take the bag out whole, for if it be broken they
breed again. If any perfon would avoid this ver-
min, the fame writer fays, he muft not go bare-
legg’d, or lay his (hoes or ftockings near the ground.
The Indians, however, that go bare-foot, are fel-
dom troubled with them, which he fuppofes pro-
ceeds from the hardnefs of their fkins. The Eu-
ropeans therefore fuft’er moft from thefe infeeds.
Gage himfelf relates, that he was two months un-
der the Surgeon’s hands, having fcratch’d the part
where one of thefe vermin enter’d his fkin ’till it fef-
ter’d, and was in great hazard of lofing a leg : And
fome gentlemen, lately arrived frem America, in-
form me, that there cannot be a more troublefome
infeed than this is, againll: which fcarce any thing
can fecure them.
Dampier alfo mentions Leg- worms, that he Leg-woras)
met with in the Bav of Campeachy: He fays, he
perceived a fwelling in one of his legs, that was very-
painful to him ; and, drawing it to a head, there
came out two final] worms, cf the bignefs of a hen’s
quill, and three quarters of an inch long ; and that
each of them had three rows of black, Abort, ftifF
hair, running quite round them.
The Shining-fly is an infeCl common to the Eaft The Shi-
and Weft- Indies : Thefe, in the night-time, appear nn S-«y-
like fo many hears, at a little diftance, when they
reft on the boughs of a high tree.; as they fre-
quently do.
1 5,3
192 THE PRESE
CHAP. As to Bees, they have fevers! forts, which make
VIII. their neft in trees, or in the holes of the rocks}
from whence the natives get a great deal of honey,
with which they make fome of their ftrongeft li-
quors. Wafer doubts, whether fome of thefe
Bees have flings, becaufe he faw the Indians put their
naked arms into the nefts without being flung.
The infect, call’d Cochineel, is ftill more profi-
table to the Mexicans and Spaniards than tire Bee : It
is bred in a fruit that grows on a ftirub about five
foot high, and full of thorns : There is a red flower
on the top of the fruit, which falls down, and covers
the fruit when it is ripe and begins to open ; fo that
no rain or dew can wet the infide : The flower be-
ing fcorch’d and wither’d away in a day or two, by
the heat of the fun, the fruit opens as wide as the
mouth of a pint pot, and the infide is, by that time,
full of thefe fmall red infedts, which have curious
thin wings. When the Indians perceive the fruit
opens, they fpread fheets under the trees, and {hake
them ; whereupon thefe infects take wing, and ho-
ver for a little while over the tree, and then fall
down dead into the fheets, the heat of the fun killing
them, as my Author fuppofes. When they fly up,
they appear red ; but when they fall down, they
are black. However, they are ufed in dying the
fineft fcarlet : Some people infufe them in coffee and
other liquors, to raife their fpirits, or give them frefh
vigour ; and they are probably ufed in medicine }
but phyfick is not my province.
The Mexicans did not know the value of this in-
fed! ’till the Spaniards came amongft them, and had
none of the trees that produce them, but thofe that
grew wild in forefls ; but the Spaniards and Indians
have now large plantations of them.
Lccofts. The Locuft is an infedl that brings deftruclion
with it wherever it comes, and is found in almoft
every hot country at one time or other : They are
much like Grafhoppers, but bigger ; and fly in fuch
numbers, as Mr. Gage obferves, that they hide the
face of the fun, and darken the brighteft day. While
he was in Mexico, a cloud of thefe infects vifited
that part of the country where he refided, lighting
upon the trees and ftanding corn, and, in one night,
devour’d both the fruit and leaves of the trees, and
confumed the corn in every field where they fell :
The highways were fo pefter’d with them, that there
was no travelling in quiet ; and neither the planta-
tions of fugar or indico efcaped them.
Upon the approach of this wing’d army, all peo-
ple were commanded out into the fields, with trum-
pets, brafs pans and kettles, and every thing that
would make a noife, to frighten them away ; and,
according to Mr. Gage’s obfervation, the fields of
thole hufbandmen that made moft noife efcaped heft :
He was of opinion, that fome entirely faved their
corn and fruits by this ftratagem. However, iuch
numbers were left upon the ground, that they were
forced to dig trenches, and bury them ; and the next
NT STATE
year the people were affl idled with a contagious di- CHAP.
{temper, little inferior to the plague ; he calls it a VIIL
fever in the bowels, which carried off the patient in
four or five days : But, notwithstanding this diftem-
per was very fatal to the Indians, the Spaniards were
not much afflidted with it ; and, indeed, at Surat in
the Eaft-Indies, when the natives are fwept away
by the plague in vaft numbers, the Europeans ufually
efcape ; which we were apt to aferibe to the good
liquor we drink, the nativeshaving fearce any other
beveridge than water. But this cannot he the reafon
of efcaping any contagious diflemper in America,
where the people drink almoft as much ftrong liquor
as we do.
I proceed, in the next place, to enumerate the Fifli.
feveral forts of fi{h that travellers take notice are
found in the American feas, lakes and rivers.
The Paracood is about three foot and a halt long, Paracooo;
and eight or ten inches round, and haunts the lakes,
ifiands, and places near the fhore ; and, ’tis faid,
will attack a man in the water. It is a firm well-
tafted fifh ; but fome of them have been found un-
wholefome food. Dam pier fays, he has known
men poifon’d with them at fome feafons of the year ;
and W a F E R relates, that people have had their hair
and nails come off after eating them.
The Gar-fifh is of the Chape of the former, but Gar fifh.
lefs } and has a long fharp bone in his fnout, like the
Sword-fifh ; only as the Sword-fifn’s bone is fiat, and
indented like a faw, this of the Gar-fifh is fafhion’d
like a fpear, round, fmooth and {harp at the end,
and about a foot long : Theyf'wim very fwift, and
will leap out of the water frequently, flying as it
were juft above the furface for twenty or thirty yards,
and then, wetting their fins, fpring forward again,
darting themfelves with fuch force, that they will
ftrike their bony fpear through the Tides of a canoe,
or the body of a man, if they meet with him in the
water. Thefe are efteem’d well-tafted wholefome
food.
Mullets and Snooks are plentiful in this part of the Mullet,
world ; and the Ten-pounder, in form much like a S "°°^ r Ten "
Mullet, but fo full of bones there is fcarce any ea-
ting them, is found here.
The Spanifh Mackerel are in {hape and colour like ^mlh ^
thofe of Europe, but a yard long or more, and nine
or ten inches about. Thefe are efteem’d excellent
meat.
There are three forts of Flat-fllh, call’d the Stin- Rafpray..
gray, the Rafpray, and the Whipray : They are any
of them about a foot and a half broad ; and the Raf-
pray it mightily valued for his rough fkin, which
makes good fhagreen, and will rafp any thing like
a file.
The Old Wife alfo is a flat fifh, and very good Old Wife,
meat ; as is the Cavally, a fmatl fiender fifh, taken Cavally.
upon this coaft.
The Turpom is a good firm fifh, of fifty or fixty Turpom.
pound weight, and faid torefomble a Salmon.
The
OF MEXICO.
T 93
CHAP.
VIII.
Sralpin.
Manatee.
Tortoife.
Hecatee.
Tena^en.
i Sea- tortoife.
Trunk- tor-
toile.
Loggerhead,
Hawks-biil
Grern-tor-
toife.
The Sculpin is a fifh furrounded with little ftiarp
bones ; but, when his (kin is dripp’d off, he is very
good food : It is generally about a foot long.
The Manatee is the bed fifh on the coad, which
has been already defcribed among the amphibious
animals : I (hall only take the opportunity here to
acquaint the reader, that this is certainly a dfb, and
never goes on Chore, as the Hippopotamus, or River-
horfe, does ; neither does he referable that animal,
either in fize or form. The Manatee is generally ta-
ken in the fea, and fometimes in creeks and the
mouths of rivers ; but never quits the water, ac-
cording to the bed information I can get.
Of Tortoife, or Turtle, as the feamen call them,
there are feveral forts : Some are Sea-tortoife, and
have fins ; thefe feldom come on Chore, but to lay :
Others live, for the mod part, on the land ; have
claws, and will run a good pace. Some weigh up-
wards of three hundred pound, and others not five.
Dam pier gives a very particular defcription of the
feveral forts of American T ortoifes : He fays, the
Land-tortoifes they met with at the illands of Gal-
lapagos in the South-fea were very large and fat,
and no Pullet was better eating ; and that fome of
the bigged of them weigh’d an hundred and fifty,
and two hundred weight, being two foot fix inches
broad on the Callapee, or flat died, that inclofes the
belly : That there is fuch plenty of thefe tortoifes at
thole illands, that a Chip’s crew of five or fix hun-
dred men might fubfid on them for feveral months,
without any other provifions. Then he proceeds to
defcribe the feveral forts of tortoifes ; one of which is
called by the Spaniards the Hecatee, that lives for
the mod part in frefh water, and feldom comes to
land : Thefe weigh ten or fifteen pound, have fmall
legs, flat feet, and flender long necks. A fecond
fort are called Tenapen, which are much lefs, fcarce
half fo big as the former ; the convex diell on their
backs naturally finely carved and clouded : Thefe
live in bogs or watery plalhes, or on the firm land
near fuch places. Both thefe are very good meat.
As for the Sea-tortoife, or Turtle, he oblerved
there were four forts, viz. the Trunk-turtle, the
Loggerhead, the Hawks-bill, and the Green-tur-
tle. The Trunk-turtle is the larged, the Ihell
on their backs higher and rounder than the red, and
their flefh rank and unwholefome. The Logger-
head is fo called on account of his great head, which
is much bigger than that of any other turtle : The
flefh of thefe alfo is rank, and never eaten, but in
cafes of neceflity. The Hawks-bill is the lead, and
fo denominated from his mouth refembling that of a
Hawk’s-bill : Thefe are but indifferent food, tho’
better than the Loggerhead ; and it is the fhell of
thefe that is fo much adeem’d for making boxes,
cabinets, combs, and other toys. The Green-tur-
tle is fo called from the greennefs of its fneil : It is
very thin, tranlparent, and better clouded than the
Hawk’s-bil! ; but only ufed in inlaying- work, the
V O L. III.
Ihell is fo very thin : Their flefh is the fweeted of C H A P.
all turtle ; the fat yellow, and the lean white ; and VIII.
in fome places they are fo large, that they weigh
two hundred pound, and upwards ; but in the Bay
of Campeachy they are not fo big, and the fat is
green, the lean of a brownifh colour. The turtle
that haunt the keys, or fmall iflands, fouth of Cu-
ba, are of various kinds ; fome bigger, others lels ;
the flefh of fome green, of others dark brown, and
a third yeilowilh : And with thefe the EnHifh at
Jamaica ufually are fupplied ; the markets are every
day plentifully dock’d with them, and they are the
ufual food of the common people. The Green-tur-
tle live on grafs that grows at the bottom of the
fea in four or five fathom water.
Every fpecies of turtle, according to Da m«
pier, lay their eggs in the fand, and lay three
times in the feafon, at every time fourfcore or an
hundred eggs, about the bignefs of an Hen’s egg,
but round, and cover’d only with a white tough
Ikin or membrane. In the Bay of Honduras are
feveral iflands where the Hawks-bill turtle lay their
eggs ; and there are fome landy bays on the conti-
nent near Vera Cruz, in the Gulph of Mexico,
where they breed. When a fhe-tortoife comes
out ot the fea to lay, fhe is an hour, at lead, before
fhc returns again ; for fhe always goes above high
water-mark ; and if it be low water when (he
comes afhore, fhe mud red once or twice ( being
very heavy) before fhe comes to the place; and,
having found a fpot to her mind, fhe makes a great
hole with her fins in the fand, where fhe lays her
eggs, and then covers them up two foot deep, and
returns to fea, leaving the fun and the warm fand
to hatch them. Thofe that make it their bufinefs
to catch tortoife, wait for them when they come
on fhore to lay, and, turning them on their backs
with poles, the creature can never get up again. It
is very eafy to intercept them, they march fo flow,
and two men will turn a great many in one night ;
but fome of them, ’tis faid, are too big and heavy
for a fingle man to turn : They are frequently druck
by the feamen with a fpear or fifgig, which the
fportfman darts at them from the yard-arm, ftrik-
ing through the fneil ; and, a line being faden’d to
the ftaff, he draws them up into the fhip.
Mr. D A M p i E R remarks, that the tortoifes, at
the time of their breeding, leave their ufual haunts
for two or three months, and refort to other places,
fometimes above an hundred leagues didant, today
their eggs ; and he is of opinton, that they eat no-
thing during this feafon. He obferves alfo, that
the males always accompanies the female when fhe
goes to lay, and never leaves her ’till {he returns :
That they are both very fat at the beginning of the
feafon ; hut before they return the male is fo lean,
that he is not eatable ; but the fledi of the female
is good to the very lad, tho’ it is not fo fat as at the
beginning : They are nine or ten days, ’tis laid, in
C c the
194
CHAP.
VIII.
THE PRESENT STATE
Oyflers.
Pearl oy-
•tm,
Coacfii
the a£l of generation in the water, the male on the
female’s back ; nor is the male to be frighten’d or
drove away at thefe times ; £he indeed endeavours
to get away, if a boat approaches when they rife to
blow or take breath ; but the male grafps her with
his two fore-fins, and holds her fail ; and a very
bad ftriker may llrike them both at fuch times. It
feems, a Sea-tortoife cannot remain in the deep,
without coming up to the furface of the water to
blow or take breath once within eight or ten mi-
nutes. Thole that are not good meat, afford how-
ever a great deal of oil.
Thefe animals live to a very great age, at lead
we are fure the Land-tortoifes do fo ; for Archbi-
fhop Laud put one into his garden at Lambeth-
i oo years ago, which I law there very lately.
This creature makes a hole in the ground, about
Michaelmas, every year, where it lies all the win-
ter, and appears again about Eafter ; and is fuppofed
to eat nothing while under ground ; fome of the Lam-
beth family having had the curiofity to weigh him a
little before he difappears, and when he comes up
again, and they find him fome pounds lighter in the
Spring than he was the preceding Autumn.
I don’t find they want any lhell-fifh in the Ame-
rican feas, that we have here ; and they have Oyf-
ters and Mufcles of a prodigious fize. Funnel
mentions fome Rock-oyllers he met with, fo large,
that one of them would dine feveral men : But the
moll valuable oyfter is the Pearl-oyffer, found in
the Gulph of Nicoya, the Gulph ot California, and
in fsveral other parts of the Mexican coaft. Thefe
are about the fize of our middling oyllers, but flat-
ter and thinner ; the pearl is found at the head of the
oyfter, between the meat and the {hell, and fome
will have twenty or thirty fmall feed-pearls about
them, and others none at all : The fhell of the oy-
fter is more beautiful on the infide than the pearl it-
ieii : The flefh, however, is lels valuable than that
of any other oyfter, and fcarce eatable. The In-
dians dive tor thefe oyfters in five, fix, feven, or
eight fathom water, and bring up ten or twelve
oyfters at a time ; and thole on board the veiled
open them as they are brought up. The Spaniards,
tis faid, deftroy’d a great many thoufands of the In-
dians loon after the conqueft, by compelling them
to dive and drudge for oyfters beyond their ftrenoth :
A pearl was more valued by them than a hundred
of thefe poor wretches lives: They had no mercy
on them, therefore, but kept them in the water fre-
quently ’till they left the ufe of their limbs, or died
in the lervice. A_nd thus it was that the natives of
the Bahama ifiands in particular, who were efteem’d
excellent divers, were deftroy’d.
^ he Conch is another large ihell-fifh, form’d like
a Snail . Ehe colour of the tnell within is like mo-
ther of pearl 5 but the outfide of it rough : The
flefn of it is very good eating, after it has been well
.(soured with hand.
As to the Lobfters, Crabs, Prawns, Shrimps* CHAR
and other lhell-fifh, they have in common with us: VIII.
Thefe need no defeription. They have, in their
lakes and rivers, fiih like our Jacks and Carp, and
plenty of others, that are excellent food, that will
be defcribed, in treating of other parts of America.
I fhall proceed, in the next place, to enquire into;-
their vegetables.
C H' A P. IX.
Of the Mexican vegetable t, viz. their foreji and
fruit-trees , corn, herbage , roots , and flowers ;
and alfo of their hufbandry,
T H E woods on the tops and fides of the moun- q pj ^ p
tains, and in the upland country, are either jx
fine forefts, or delightful groves of trees, of various
kinds, large and tall, with little or no underwood j Vegetables,
fo that a man rides through them with plealure :
Whereas on the drown’d lands, near the coafts, and
at the mouth of rivers, there is nothing but Man-
groves, Bamboe-canes, Log-wood, and Shrubs,
with bufhes and brambles, through which it is dif-
ficult to penetrate. There is not much timber in
the low lands.
The Cotton-tree, for its fize and its ufe, is one The Cot-
of the moft remarkable in this country : Of thefe ton-tree ,
there are two forts, the white and the red : The
white Cotton-tree grows like the oak, but is much
larger and taller ; the body is ftreight, and clear
from knots or boughs to the head, where it fpreads
out its great limbs horizontally like the Oak. The
bodies of thefe trees are fome of them three or four-
fcore foot high, and ten or twelve in diameter ; the
bark is grey and finooth ; the leaves are like thofe of
the Plum-tree, oval and indented on the edges, and
of a dark green ; the leaves fall off the beginning of
April, but, the young ones fprouting out at the fame
tune, it is always green : It bears a pod as big as a
fmall Wallnut, which burfts when it is ripe, and
then the cotton falls, or is blown away. This fort
of cotton is of little ufe, unlefs to fluff quilts or
pillows ; the cotton that is fpun and wove into
cloth, grows upon a fhrub. The red Cotton-tree
is not fo large as the white, and bears no cotton,
rite wood of both is very foft, fpungy, and light,
and eafily wrought ; but the red is the hardeff. Of
the white the Indians make their canoes and peria-
guoes, which differ only in their dimenfions; the
canoe being fmall, and holding but two or three
men, and the pariaguoe three cr fourfeore men :
However, die largeft are made out of the body of
one fingle cotton -tree. Thefe tip Indians ufea to
burn hollow, or form with their flint hatchets, ’till
the Europeans taught them the ufe of iron. The
Indians alfo ufe this wood in eredfing their flight
huts ; but it is by no means fit for more fabftantial
buildings, being fofter than our Willow j nor will it
laft
OF MEXICO.
CHAP, lad long converted into boats or canoes, unlefs it
195
IX.
Cedar-trees.
Logwood.
Blood-wood.
Mangrove
Trees.
be frequently pitch’d and tarr’d, and great care tak-
' en of it. The reafon they make ufe of this wood
for canoes, is becaufe the body of the tree is fo
large, the wood light, and eafily wrought. Dam-
pier calls it a weed ; but obferves, it is the larged
plant that grows in America.
Their Cedar-trees are exceeding tall and large,
and ufed chiefly in building ; the wood is very red,
of a fine grain and fragrant fmell ; and this timber
is fo plentiful in Mexico, that whole towns are built
with it. This wood alfo makes the bed and mod
durable canoes, tho’ not fo large as the cotton-tree :
But it is a midake. Dam pier obferves, that the
worm will not take it ; for he had feen feveral ca-
noes, made of it, that w T ere worm-eaten. There
are fome white Cedars, that differ from the former
only in their colour. Of Oaks and Fir-trees aifj
there is great plenty in Mexico : So that they want
no manner of timber, either for building houfes or
fhips.
They have feveral kinds of wood proper for dying,
particularly Logwood, which grows chiefly in the
Bays of Honduras and Campeachy, on the over-
flow’d grounds, among the Mangroves. Dam-
pier, who was a Logwood-cutter, fays, it is
much like our white Thorn, but a great deal big-
ger: That the rind of the young brandies is white
and fmooth, and fet with Thorns ; fo that it may he
eadly midaken for white Thorn : But the body and
old branches are blackifh, and the rind rough, and
the leaves referable thofe of the white Thorn : That
they chufe to cut the old black rind-trees, which
have but little fap ; for the fap and outfide is white :
The heart, which is red, is only ufed in dying ; and
therefore they chop off" the white flip ’till they come
to the heart ; and, after it has lain a little while, it
turns black, and will tinge the water it lies in like
ink. Some trees are five or fix foot in circumfe-
rence ; and thefe they cut out into logs fit for a man’s
burden ; for they carry them on their fhoulders to
the boats ; and it is a very ponderous wood.
There is another kind of wood mention’d by
Dampier, which he calls Blood-wood, ufed in
dying reds : He fays, it is more valuable than Log-
wood, and grows in the Gulph of Nicaragua.
There are three forts of Mangrove-trees, accord-
ing to Dam pier, black, red and white. The
black is the largeft, growing fometimes to the big-
nefs of a moderate Oak, and about twenty foot high.
It is very hard ferviceable timber, but extraordinary
weighty. The red Mangrove grows ufually by the
fea-fide, or by rivers and creeks, and from feveral
roots of the bignefs of a man’s leg, which, about fix
or eight foot above the ground, join in one body,
that feems to be fupported by lb many artificial (lakes.
Where this fort of tree grows, it is extreamly diffi-
cult to march : For thefe roots or flakes, are fo in-
terwoven, that the traveller is often forced to cut his
way through : And Da m pier (ays, he has gone CHAP,
half a mile, ftepping from one root to another, without IX.
fetting his foot upon the ground. The infide of the V'W
bark is red, and ufed in tanning leather; and fome
have conjectured, that this is the lame with the Je-
fuits, or Peruvian-bark : But of this I (hall enquire
farther, when I treat of Peru. The -white Man-
grove is the lead of the three, and of no great fer-
vice : And neither the black or white Mangrove
proceed from fuch (lakes as the red does, but grow
from their roots like other trees. It is the red
Mangrove that over-runs the flat country near the
fea, and grows in water mod part of the year ; and
from this tree it is, that thofe bogs and moraffes are
ufually called Mangrove-land, in our books of tra-
vels .
There is another tree, if it may be called fuch, Bamboe.
that grows on the fame kind of land, and ufually a-
mongd the Mangrove-trees, and that is the Bam-
boe, a large knotted hollow cane, that grows to the
thicknefs of a man’s leg, and fometimes as big as his
middle. 1 hefe Bamboes ferve for meafures ; and
they convert them into veffels to hold their liquors,
wen faw’d off at the joint; and put them to feveral
other ufes.
The Maho-trce, is of the bignefs of an A(h. The Maho-trc^
bark looks ragged like tatter’d canvas ; and it will
drip off in drings from the top to the bottom : Of
this they make ropes, and even cables. Having
dripped oft' the bark in great flakes, they then di-
vide them into fmaller drings, which they beat as
we do Hemp, and afterwards tvvid into ropes : Of
thefe drings they alfo make fifhing-nets.
The Lightwood-tree, fo called from the lightnefs Lightwood.
of the wood, is of the fize of an Elm, dreight and
well-bodied, and fomewhat refembles Cork”: It is
fo exceeding light in the water, that three or four
blocks of it, of the thicknefs of a man’s thigh, and
four foot long, will make a rafter on which three
men may go out to (ea ; and the Indians fometimes
make large rafters of it to carry their goods along the
coad ; whicli on the coad of the South-fea are called
Bark-logs.
There is another tree, which has obtained the White-
name of Whitewood, from its exceeding whitened. wood ‘
I lie body of it is about as thick as a large nine-pine,
and 18 or zo foot high: The wood hard, clofe,
and ponderous, and of a very fine grain, and efteem-
ed fit for inlaying and cabinet-work. The red of
their fored-trees will be defcribed in treating of o-
ther parts of America.
I proceed, in the next place, to the defcription Fruit-tree*
of their fruit-trees and fruits, among which I ra.rwe and fi ' uits >
the Cabbage. This is a tall (lender tree, frequent- Cabbage,
ly 90 or 100 foot in height. Da m pier fays, he
meafured one after it was cut down, in the Bav of
Campeachy, that was 1 20 foot long ; and there arc
fome much longer. rhere are no houghs on ir,
but at the head ; and there the branches are of the
C c
bignefs
THE PRESENT STATE
196
CHAP, bignefs of a man’s arm, and 12 or 14 foot long.
IX. About 2 foot from the trunk, thefe branches (hoot
''■“■''"V"’'*''’’ out long narrow leaves, about an inch broad, which
grow fo regularly on each fide, that the whole branch
feems but one leaf. The fruit is found at the top of
the tree, amidft the branches. It is about a foot long,
and fix inches round ; of the form of an ordinary
Cabbage, and furrounded with young leaves. Ac-
cording to Dam pier’s description, it is as white
as milk, and as fweet as a nut, if eaten raw ; and
is very good boil’d. There hangs down alfo from
the top of the tree great bunches of red berries, of
about fix pound weight, like bunches of Grapes ; but
thefe are only food for their hogs, not being at all
palatable. The body of the tree is mark'd with rings
or ftreaks, from the top to the bottom, at half a
foot diftance the one from the other. The bark is
thin and brittle, the wood black and hard, and the
heart or middle of the tree is a white pith. They
ufually cut down the tree for the cabbage ; for the
gathering the fruit kills it, if they let it {land ; and
the climbing this lofty plant is as much trouble as
the felling of it. 1 he wood is ufod, in fbme places,
for boarding the fides of their houfes ; the body be-
ing eafily fplit into four parts for thatpurpofe. Thefe
trees appear extreamly beautiful in the forefis, fpread-
ing their fine branches above the heads of all other trees.
The Gala* The Calabafh-tree is fhort and thick, and the
baft. fruit grows among the boughs as Apples do ; the
fhell is hard and thin, of a globular figure, and will
hold from two to five quarts. There are two forts
of them ; of the one, the fruit is fweet ; of the o-
ther, bitter : The fubftance of both fpungy and jui-
cy. The Indians eat the fweet Calabafh frequently
on a journey ; but it is not very palatable : The
bitter is medicinal, and efteem’d a remedy for Agues.
But what this fruit is mod valued for, is its fhell,
of which the Indians make bottles, bowls, drink-
ing-cups, and all kind of veffels for their meat and
drink.
The Cacao- The Cacao fhall be deferibed next. This tree,
ueeand full grown, and of the largeft fort, according to
D a M p 1 e r, is feven or eight foot high to the bran-
ches, and a foot and a half thick : The boughs fpread
horizontally, like the Oak ; and have dark green
leaves, like thofe of the Plum-tree, but larger; and
the nuts are encloled in cods, which hang down by a
tough ftalk from the body of the tree, and from the
larger branches ; and there are ufually about twen-
ty or thirty of thefe cods upon a well-bearing tree.
'I he cod, or fhell, is almofl half an inch thick, nei-
tner fpungy nor woody, but of a fubfiance between
both, brittle and harder than the rind of a Lemon,
and, like that, the furface is grained or knotted,
but more coarle and unequal. The cods are, at
find, of a dark green ; but the fide next the fun of
a muddy red. As they ripen, the green turns to a
nne might yellow, and the muddy to a more beauti-
ful red. 7 . hey neither ripen, nor are gather’d at
once ; but, for three weeks or a month, while the C H A ?•
feafon lafts, the Overfeers of the plantations go e- IX.
very day to fee which are turn’d yellow, not cutting
more than one or two from a tree in a day. When
the cods are gather’d, they are laid in heaps to fweat ;
after which, they break the rind or fhell, and take
out the nuts, which flick clofe together in regular
rows, like the grain in an ear of Maiz. There are
fourfeore or an hundred nuts in a cod, according to
Dam pier (thirty or forty, according to Fun-
nel ; but ten or fifteen, fays Gemelli Care-
Ri) about the bignefs of an Almond. The youn<*
trees are raifed from nuts, and bear in four or five
years ; and they have from five hundred to two
thoufand trees in a plantation, or Cacao- walk, as
it is called. The young trees are flidter’d from the
fun at firft by Plantain-trees let about them ; but,
when they are grown to any bignefs, the Plantains
are cut down,
Gemelli Careri gives us this account of
the tree and fruit. Pie fays, the nut is planted
in a hot and dry foil : That it fprings up within
a fortnight, but does not grow above three fpans
in two years, at which height it muff be tranf-
planted ; and then the Spaniards let them in rows,
eighteen fpans from each other. A flake is fet up
to fupport them, and Plantains and other trees plant-
ed about them, becaufe they thrive heft in the fhade :
However, the root mufl be kept warm, and defend-
ed from too much wet, and from a fpecies of worms
that are very prejudicial to them. W ithin the Ipace
of five years, it is as thick as a man’s wrift, and
ieven (pans in height ; and then it bears. Its leaves
are like the Cnefnut, and it blofloms all over like
the Jeflamin : From the blofiom fhoots out an ear,
or cod, like that of Indian-wheat, which is at firft
green, and of a chefnut colour when ripe ; but fome-
times yellow, white, or purple. Within the ear
(or fhell) are found the Cacao-nuts, with a white
down upon them ; being from ten to fifteen in num-
ber. Thefe ears are gather’d about the full of the
moon ; and the nuts, being taken out, are kept
drying in the houfe, in the fhade ; then laid three
days in the fun, and afterwards in the houfe, ’till
they are well dried.
The Venella, or Bainilla, call’d by the Spaniards veneila*
Bexuco, which is ufually mix’d with the Cocao-
nut to make Chocolate, is a fort of cane, which
twines about the Orange-tree, or any other, like
Ivy : It produces a long green cod, which, when
gather d and dry’d in the fun, is hard and blackifh.
lie obferves, that the Europeans to every pound of
Cocao add a pound of Sugar, and an ounce of Cinna-
mon : But neither the Indians, or the Spaniards of
America, u fo any Venella’s, efreeming them un-
wholefome. 7 he heft Chocolate, according to the
Indians, is made witn Cinnamon, adding to every
pound of Cacao two ounces of Indian-wheat.
This liquor was drank by the Indians (without Cin-
namon)
O F M
CHAP, namon) before the Spaniards arrived there ; but
IX. they have improved it, and it is fo common now
at Mexico, that there is fcarce a Negroe or a com-
mon Porter but drinks it every day, and the better
fort of people four times a day. Gemelli ob-
ierves, that Cacao-nuts go in the markets of Mexi-
co inftead of fmall money, twelve or fifteen of
them being about the value of a penny ; but they
rife and fall in their value, according to the plenty
or foarcity of this fruit.
Plantains Plantains and Bananoes are fruits very common
no« BaM ' here, as well as * n Africa and the Eaft-Indies. The
Plantain fruit is of the fize and fhape of a Bologna
laulage ; the rind yellow, and very tender, which
being ffripped off, we find a foft lufcious pulp, very
agreeable to fome palates : It has the largeft leaf of
any plant. The Bananoe is much the fame kind
of fruit, but lefs ; and both of them are eaten raw,
or roafted, by the natives all day long. They fteep
them alfo in water, and, adding fome honey to
them, make a liquor tolerably ftrong and pleafant.
The Pine- The Pine-apple alfo is common to the Eaft and
apple- Weft-Indies. It is of the fhape of one of our
Pine-apples, but much larger ; the rind full as
rough, but eafily pared off : T he fruit is yellow,
and as firm as a Peach ; and is generally faid to
have the tafte of every delicious fruit. Nothing
can excel thofe I met with in the Eaft-Indies ; but
they were held to be hot and feverifh. The Spa-
niards, who preferve all manner of fruits, efteem
this the beft. The reader will find a full defcription
of the tree and fruit, as alfo of the Plantain and
Bananoe, in the Firft Volume of Modern Hiftory,
which treats of the Eaft-Indies.
Sapadillo. The Sapadillo refembles the Pear-tree in its fize
and figure, and the fruit appears to the view like
that of the Bergamot-pear. When firft gather’d,
the juice is white and clammy, and the pulp hard ;
but, after it has lain two or three days, it becomes
foft and very fweet. In the middle of it are two
or three black ftones or feeds ; and it is generally
efteem’d an excellent cooling fruit.
Avngato The Avogato Pear-tree is of the fize of the for-
Pear. m er, anc j not un }jk e | t fhape ; the fruit green,
and as large as a Lemon, and, when ripe, turns
yellow : It has a foft thin rind, which is peeled off ;
and the pulp is as foft as butter, but a little infipid ;
and therefore they ufually mix it with fugar and
lime-juice ; and thus order’d, the Spaniards efteem
it an excellent difh, eating often of it : And it is
the more efteemed by that people, according to
Dam pier, as it infpires them with frefh vigour'
for venereal encounters.
L 1 Mammee- The Mammee-tree is a large, tall, ftreight-bodied
tree> tree, without knots or branches for fixty or feventy
foot in height : The head fpreads its branches pretty
wide ; the fruit is round, and of the fize of a
French Pippin ; the rind yellow, and tough when
it is ripe \ the pulp yellow, and has in it two large
E X I C O. 197
ftones as big as Almonds : It has a fine fragrant C HAP.
fmell, and the tafte is anfwerable. IX.
The Mammee-Sappota-tree is not fo large or tall ^^7^°
as the former ; the rind of the fruit thin and brit- sap^ta”
tie, and the pulp a deep red, with a rough flat ftone tree,
in it : This fruit is extremely well relifh’d, and
wholefome ; and as generally eaten as any fruit in
the Weft-Indies. There is alfo the wild Mammee-
tree, which bears no fruit ; but the timber, being
very ftreight and tall, ferves for mails for Ihips.
The Grape-tree is 7 or 8 foot high, and 2 or 3 Grape- trejj
in circumference ; the fruit about the bignels of a
common Grape, and grows in clufters, but has a
great ftone in the middle of it ; the pulp is reddifh,
wholefome, and well tailed ; tho’ there is but lit-
tle of it.
The Guava is common to the Eaft and Weft- Guava,
Indies ; grows upon a fhrub ; the fruit green on
the outfide, perfectly round, and of the fize of a
Crab-apple ; the rind is foft, and, being taken off,
we find a yellow or reddilh pulp, full of feeds : It
has both a tart and fvveetilh flavour, very agreeable
to the palate ; but mold valuable for being of fuch
an aftringent nature, that it will either prevent or
cure a Dyfentary or Bloody-flux (the diftemper that
the Europeans are mold liable to in all hot coun-
tries) if the patient has not negledded himfelf too
long : And the Pomegranate has much the lame
effeiSd. If our people were acquainted with the
virtues of thefe, and fome other fruits, when they
firft arrive in the Eaft or Weft-Indies, we Ihould
not lofe half the men we ufually do ; for they are
to be had at any time of the year almoft. The
G uava is efteem’d more wholefome when it is green,
than when it is ripe ; for fome have obferved, when
it is over-ripe, it has a laxative quality.
The Prickle-pear is a fhrub about 5 foot high, Prickr«»-
that delights in a barren fandy foil, elpecially if it P ear ’
be near the fea, where the fand is brackilh. It is
fo full of large ftrong thorns (from whence it takes
its name) that nothing makes a fecurer fence. The
fruit is as big as a large Plum, and opens when ripe
like a Medlar, difcovering a red pulp full of feeds j;
pleafant to the tafte, and very cooling and refrelh-
ing ; but colours the urine like blood, which has.
frighten’d ftrangers that were not acquainted with
it : However, this is attended with no ill confe-
quences.
The Bibby-tree has a ftreight {lender body, naked Bibby-tree*
of leaves, but full of thorns ; ftxty or feventy foot
high : At the top it is full of branches, among
which grows the fruit, being white berries, of the
bignefs of a Nutmeg : They are very oily : The
Indians beat them in a mortar, and boil the liquor
that comes from them, which produces a bitter oil,
that they anoint themfelves with, and mix it withb
the colours they ufe in painting their bodies,. They
alfo tap the Bibby-tree, and it affords them a tart
liquor, of the colour of Whey,, which is fit to
drink.
T HE PRESENT STATE
European
fruits here.
No wine.
drink, after they have kept it two or three days.
Befides the fruits proper to Mexico, the Spaniards
have introduced Oranges, Lemons, Grapes, Figs,
and almoft all manner of European fruits, except
Nuts and Cherries : But the Grapes of this coun-
try will not make wine 3 nor do I remember any
country between the Tropics, where wine is made
of Grapes, unlels in Peru, where they have not
thofe exceffive rains annually as they have in every
other country that lies within the Tropics
people to deep. 3 . The Sapote Boraehio, or Drunken
Sapote, fo called from its inebriating quality : A
pleafant tart fruit. 4. The Little Sapote, whofe
fruit is of a purple colour, and pleafant tailed 3
CHAR
IX.
Gourds.
Melons, &c
Silk-grafs.
Manchinel-
tree.
Tamarinds,
Locu/l, Baf-
tard Cinna-
mon.
Sapotes, a
farther ac-
count of
them.
As to their Sugar, Indico, Otta, Silvefler, and
other dyes 5 Tobacco, Pepper, Ginger, and fuch
plants as they have in common with the reft of
America ; I fhall defcribe them hereafter, when I
come to treat of the Britifn plantations.
But I muft not forget their Gourds, which grow
to a very large ftze, and either run upon the ground,
or up the trees ; the meat or pulp of fome of them
ferving for food, and others for medicine : But they
are valued moft by the natives for their {hells, which
ferve them for pails, bowls, and buckets.
* As to Melons, Cucumbers, and Onions, they
have them in much greater perfedlion here, and
in all hot countries, than in colder climates.
There is alio a very ufeful plant here, to which
the Englilh have given the name of Silk-grafs. It
pretty much refembles Flags or Sedge, and grows
on the hides of hills. The leaves are as thick as a
man’s hand in the middle, and thin at the edges 3
a yard or two in length, and indented like a law.
The Indians cut them at a proper growth ; then dry
and beat them, and no Flax affords a better thread 3
and of thefe they make cordage and filhing-nets,
ftockings and hammocks : They alfo make a yel-
lawifti lace of the thread, which is worn by the
Meftife women.
There are ftiil fome other trees I have omitted,
which deferve a particular notice, as the Manchinel-
tree, whofe fruit is in fmell, tafte and colour like
a lovely Apple, but lefs, and of a poifonous nature 3
Infomuch, that if any animal has been feeding on
it, the flelh of the creature will poifon the man that
eats it. Thefe trees have large bodies, fine fpread
heads, full of leaves 5 but are very low : The wood
has a curious grain 3 and therefore is fometimes ufed
in carving and cabinet-work ; but the very lap,
’tis faid, will raife biifters where it falls, as will
the rain-water which runs from it, according to
Wafer.
They have alfo Tamarinds, Locuft- trees, and a
Ballard Cinnamon, in Mexico : And Gemelli
Careri gives us this farther account of the Sapotes.
Fie obferves, there are four forts of them : 1 . The
Black Sapotes, as big as a Walnut-tree, but the
leaves fmaller 3 the fruit round, and has a thin
green rind ; the pulp of the colour and tafte of
Caflia, with four fmall kernels in it. 2. The
White Sapotes, as tall as a Pear-tree, and the fruit
as large as a Pear 3 green without, and white with-
in 3 and has four white kernels : This fruit inclines
Granadilk.
The feafoa
of fruit.
Maghey-
tree and
’ liquor.
and as much valued as any fruit that grows in
Mexico.
The Granadilla de China grows like Ivy, wind
ing about fome neighbouring tree ’till it perfedly
covers it : T he fruit is as big as a Hen’s egg, white
and yellow without, and white within ; and has
feeds like the Grape : There is a pretty mixture
of fweet and four in the tafte. Moft of thefe fruits
are to be had, in the markets of Mexico, from March
to September ; and the Mammees and Black Sapote
grow on the mountains all the year round.
According toGEMELU, there is not a plant of
more general ufe than the Maghey 3 for the leaves,
he fays, fu-rnilh the natives with thread for linnen
aiH cordage : It alfo yields Bajlam, and a liquor
as Iweet as Floney 3 into which the Indians infufe a
a root that makes it ferment like wine, and it is
of equal ftrength, making people very drunk. They
diftil a fpirit from it alfo as ftrong as Brandy : This
was fo univerfally drank in the city of Mexico,
Gemelli relates, that the excife of it came to
eleven hundred thoufand pieces of eight (about two
hundred and fifty thoufand pounds fterling) per an-
num : But the Indians frequently getting drunk and
mad with this liquor, and making an infurredhon
in the year 1 692, when they fet fire to the Viceroy’s
palace, and committed many other outrages, it
was prohibited for fome time : However, the duty
being fo confiderable, Gemelli lays, there came
orders from Spain to permit the making and drink-
ing this liquor again, when he was at Alexico in the
year 1698.
I proceed, in the next place, to enquire into the
moft remarkable balms, gums, and drugs, that
are found in Mexico 5 among which are the Copal
and Anime 3 both of them a kind of rofin, and not
much unlike.
1 he Copal is very white and clear, and has a pretty Gum Copal
good fcent : Of this the Indians made incenfe and
perfumes for their facrifices in their temples 5 and,
when the Spaniards firft arrived, their Pnefts went
out to meet them with little fire-pans, or cenfers, in
which they burnt this Copal : And theSpanilli Phy-
ficians now burn it under their patients nofes, for
difeafes arifing from ths coldnefs of the head.
1 he Anime alfo is a white gum, or rofin, diftilling
from a great tree, and more oily than Copal : It has
an exceeding pleafant fmell, when burnt. This alfo
is ufed by Phyficians for pains in the head, and in
plaifters and fear-cloths applied to the ftomach.
The gum Tacamahaca is got by making incifion
in a tree like a Willow : It has a very fine fcent, and
is of great ufe to diftblve fwellings, remove pains in
the limbs, and in many other cafes : And the gum
Coranna hath much the fame effects
Gums and
drugs.
Anime.
Tacamaha-
ca.
Coranna.
The
O F M E
CHAP.
IX.
'w'"'
Liquid Am-
ber.
Oil of Am^
ber.
Balfam.
Gu‘?cum.
China-root.
The liquid Amber is obtained by making inci-
fions in a fine fair tree that grows in Mexico. The
bark of this tree, as well as the liquor diftilling from
it, has an exceeding fweet fmell, but more when it
is burnt ; a little of it being fijfficient to perfume
whole houfes, and even ftreets : It is mighty re-
frelhing to the head, and, ufed in plaifters, diflblves
fwellings, and eafes pains in the ftomach or limbs.
The oil of Amber is drawn from liquid Amber,
and is efteemed an excellent medicine for pains in
the limbs, or dead palfies, the patient being rubbed
with it.
The Balm, or Balfam, ufually called the Balfam
of Peru, is alfo found in Mexico. The tree that
yields it, is of the fize and figure of the Pomegranate-
tree : It is got by making incifions in the bark, and
is almoft of all colours, viz. white, red, green, and
blackilh : It is ufed both in medicine and as a per-
fume ; and the Indians applied it to the healing of
wounds before the Spaniards arrived there. Taken
inwardly, it is good for coughs and fhortneft of
breath; for difeales in the bladder, and for obftrudt-
ions : It ftrengtnens the ftomach, and removes pains
in it ; and is faid to have many other virtues. When
the Spaniards firft made ufe of it to cure their wound-
ed men, at the fiege of Mexico, as they had been
taught by their Indian allies, the cures were per-
form’d fo fuddenly, that they imagined there was
fomething miraculous in it. The beft fort of this
balfam, which is obtained by incifion, is called Opo-
balfamum. There is another fort they get by boil-
ing the wood of the tree cut into fmall pieces, there
arifing a kind of oil on the top of the liquor, which,
when cool, grows thick, and is called Xylobalfamum.
There are three forts of wood alfo found inMexi-
co, of great ufe in medicine, viz. Guiacum, China
Root, and Sarfiparilla.
The Guiacum is a tree as large as an Oak ; the
bark dry, but full of gum ; the heart of the tree al-
moft black, very hard, and ponderous : It as a
fmall leaf, and yields a yellow flower, out of which
proceeds a round fruit, of the fize of a Crab-apple,
with fmall kernels. The Phyficians make a decodt-
ion of the wood and bark, cut into thin flices, for
their patients ; and it is held to be an excellent re-
medy for the French difeafe. It is faid alfo to cure
the Dropfy, and many other diftempers.
The China-root we received firft from China ;
But this is alfo a Mexican plant, and is faid to have
much the lame virtues as the former, and to give
relief in the Gout and Sciatica.
Sarfiparilla. The Sarfiparilla alfo is chiefly remarkable for its
roots, which are very long and large. It is found
in the province of Honduras. They fometimes make
a fyrup of it ; but it is taken feveral ways, for the
lame diftempers, as the China- root is taken.
Mechcacan, The root Mechoacan, which takes its name from
a province of Mexico, where it is found, is another
excellent medicine in the Dropfy, Jaundice, and
many other diftempers.
X I c o.
The roots which lerve the Indians chiefly for food, CHAP,
are the Caflava, or Caflabi -root, Yams, and IX.
Potatoes.
The Caflava- root fomething refembles a Parlhip. Caffav*-
There are two forts of them ; the one fweet and in- r00t ‘
nocent, the other poifonous : The fweet fort they
roaft, and eat as they do Potatoes and other roots :
Ol the poifonous fort they firft boil and prefs out all
the juice, then dry and grind it to powder, and make
bifeuit of it ; and this is the only bread or flour they
have in moll parts of South America, and in feme
provinces of North America. But the natives, for
the mod part, in North America, make bread and
flour of Maiz, or Indian-corn, as they did before the
Spaniards came thither.
As to Yams, Potatoes, Rhadifties, &c. they need
no defcription : I (hall only obferve, that all manner
of European roots and fruits grow much larger, and
come to much greater perfection there than here ;
and that the Spaniards have tranfported thither almoft
every Ipecies of herbs and fallads.
I come now to fpeak of their hufbandry. The Corn ami
Spaniards have carried over Wheat and Barley, Peas kuftandiy.
and Beans, and other European grain, which thrive
very well in fome places ; but their principal grain
is ftill (as it was before the conqueft) Maiz, or In-
dian-corn, which is the food of Men, of Horfes,
Mules and Oxen. This they plant in little hillocks,
like thofe in our Hop-grounds, at the beginning of
the rainy feafon, in May or June ; and reap in
October, when the fair weather returns. They
may, and fome of them do, plant this grain at other
times, and it grows pretty well ; but the Spring is
the general feed-time ; and their principal harveft
falls in our Autumn.
This Maiz, or Indian-corn, we fee frequently
brought to England : The ftem is as big as a fmall
cane, and ufually bears two or three heads or ears,
in each of which are feveral hundred grains, fet as
clofe as poffiblc ; being of a yellow colour, and tail-
ing much like ourdry’d Peas, pretty ftrong ; and the
bread or cakes made of the flour is harfh and unpa-
latable, if it is not eat the fame day it is made. This
grain they alfo fteep in water, and make ftrong drink
of it, as has been obferved already. They fow Eu-
ropean Wheat, Barley, Peas and Beans almoft at
any time, only contriving that the harveft may be
in the fair feafon.
The Spaniards of Mexico, lefides their arable, Crazing,
have large grazing-farms, in which one Grazier
fhall have feveral hundred head of Black cattle, and
a great many fhoufand Sheep. During the rainy
feafon, which lafts near half the year, and for fome
months after, they never want good pafture. When
the meadows and low grounds are overflow’d, their
hills produce plenty of graft. They are moft put
to it for fodder in February, March and April,
when their grounds are burnt up ; and there is very
little grafs to be met with, except on the banks of
their
200
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP.
IX.
Plantations
of the In-
dians.
Rice.
Sugar-farms
plantations
of Tobacco,
Indico, &c.
Logwood,
Cochineel
plantations,
Silvefter,
Otta,
Cotton,
Salt,
Fiiheries.
Mexican
■flowers.
their lakes and rivers, and in the woods ; then they
have little elfe to feed them with, but Bariev and
Indian-corn, ftraw, and the blades that fhoot trom
the Indian-corn, which is not much better than
ftraw ; for they make no hay in any hot countries.
As to the Indians, who have hitherto preferved
their liberties, and are not yet under the tyranny of
the Spaniards, they have only fmall plantations a-
mong the woods, at a diftance from the Spanifh
towns ; where they plant a little Maiz, Yams and
Potatoes, with fome few Plaintains, and other
fruits. The men cut down the timber, and clear
the ground at firft ; but both the planting and ga-
thering in the grain and fruits are left entirely to the
women, as well as the bufinefs within doors: And
as the unconquer’d Indians fubfift chiefly by hunting
and filhing, many of them, ’tis laid, plant little or
nothing, but rob the Spanifh plantations, of which
they look upon themfelves the true proprietors, and
furnifh themfelves that way with Corn, Cocao, and
other provifions.
The Spaniards, befide their Maiz, Wheat, and
other European grain, fow fome Rice ; for which
this country (being flooded every year) is extremely
proper, that grain growing in water : They plant
Rice therefore foon after the rainy feafon begins,
and it is fit to be moved by that time the fair wea-
ther returns. They have alfo large farms or plan-
tations of Sugar, T obacco, and Indico ; but of the
cultivation and hufbandry of thefe I fhall enlarge in
the defcription of the Britifti plantations, where
they are brought to as great perfection as any-
where.
They are pretty much employ’d alfo in cutting
Logwood in their Cochineel plantations, and look-
ing after the Silvefter, Otta, and other dying plants
•and herbs ; in cultivating and drefling their Cotton ;
in the making of Salt, and in their fifheries, which
are very confiderable on their fea-coafts, and in
their numerous lakes and rivers.
As to flowers, Acosta obferves, that the In-
dians are extremely fond of them, and have great
variety, which they make up into nofegays, and
prefent to their fuperiors, when they have any fa-
vour to afk, or would teftify their efteem and af-
fection for them : That their Great men are feldom
feen without a nofegay in their hands ; and they al-
ways prefent them to their guefts at entertainments,
expreiling a great deal of art in the matching and
difpofing of the flowers : That they now ufe Spa-
nifh flowers, as well as thofe of the country; and
that European flowers come to great perfection there ;
namely, Rofes, Jafmine, Violets, Gilliflowers,
and feveral others that have been tranfported from
Spain. As to the names of the Indian flowers,
Acosta does not mention them ; only fays, they
have blue, red, violet, yellow and white, and a
tbouland different colours ; which the Indians ufed
to wear on their heads, as they did feathers, for or-
nament : But he acknowledges, their flowers do CHAP,
not fmell very fweet, unlefs they be the bloffoms or IX.
flowers that grow upon trees ; one of which he calls
the Floripondro, which bears no fruit, but the flow-
ers are larger than a Lilly, and ramain upon
the tree all the year round ; the fcent whereof is
^exceeding fweet and agreeable, morning and even-
ing. Another tree bears a flower of thefhape of a
heart, whofe fcent is too ftrong and fweet to be borne
with pleafure: And the tree Granadilla, the fuper-
ftitious imagine, has the portraiture of the inftru-
ments of our Saviour’s paflion ; as the nails, the
pillar to which he was faften’d, the fcourge and
crown of thorns, and the five wounds : But Acosta
acknowledges, it requires a very lively imagination,
and a great deal of faith, to difeover thefe things.
But how beautiful foever the Indian flowers may Flowers
be to the eye, every one, who has refided in hot Jl™'
countries, muft know they have little or or no ^ hot toun-
feent (except thofe on their trees.) The fun appears tries,
to be a great enemy to fragrant flowers, where it
fhines with an intenfe heat. We may obferve, even
in this cool climate, that no flowers fmell fo fweetly
in the heat of the day, as they do morning and e-
vening. Therefore thofe who recommend Mexico
for its odoriferous herbs and flowers, are certainly
under a miftake ; tho’ it is true, they abound in
fweet woods and aromatic gums, which make fome
amends for this defe£h And thus having gone
through their vegetables, as far as is conhftent with
a workof this general nature, I proceed to enquire
into their minerals.
C H A P. X.
Of the Mexican minerals ; their coin ; their precious
Jlones and pearls ; and of their weights and mea-
fures.
T was an infatiable thirft after thefe rich trea- CHAP,
fores, that chiefly incited the Spaniards to vifit y
the Mexican ftiores, and plant colonies in that new
world. A zeal for the propagation of Chriftianity, Minerals,
which they pretended, was certainly a very lauda-
ble motive for their paffing the Atlantick ocean ;
but had there been no Gold, Silver, or Precious
ftones to be found there, poflibly the Adventurers
had not been very numerous.
The Gold and Silver mines of Mexico are in the
rocky, mountainous, and barren parts of the coun-
try ; and, indeed, neither thefe or any other me-
tals are found in a fruitful foil.
Gold is found here either in grains, in duft, in the Gold nvnes.
fands of rivers, or in ftone in the mines. The
grains are fmall pieces of Gold, like the feeds or
kernels of fruit, which are found without the mix-
ture of any other metal, and have no need of mel-
ting or refining : And Acost a affures us, he has
feen thefe fo large as to weigh many pounds ; and
fometirnes
OF MEXICO,
CHAP. fometimes they find pieces very fine and pure, like
X. fmall round roots. But much the greateft quantity
of gold is found in duft in the fands of rivers and
torrents, after the rains have fallen ; and it is the
bufinefs of many thoufand Indians and Negroes to
take up and wa(h fuch fands, in bowls and balons,
’till they have feparated the gold from thefand. As
to the gold which is found in the mines, it is inter-
mix’d, and in a manner incorporated, with great
hard ftones ; fome of which, the fame writer re-
lates, he has feen, that were half gold and half
ftone : That it runs in veins like fdver, and is ex-
ceeding hard to dig and feparate : That this gold is
ufuaily mix’d with filver or copper ; and that which
is incorporated with copper is the beft. The gold
feems to lie much nearer the furface than filver, it
being found in large pieces at the roots of trees on
the mountains, and wafh’d into the rivers by the
rainsr and, as far as I can learn, if they do not
find it pretty near the furface in the mines, they
never dig fo deep for it as they do for filver. Ano-
ther obfervation they make is, that gold is ufuaily
found in very hot countries, and feldom in a cold
climate ; from whence lbme imagine, the fun has a
great (hare in producing it. The pureft gold in
Mexico is found in the province of Veragua.
The reafon that gold is more efteem’d than any
other metal, Acosta obferves, is, becaufe it is
the molt durable and incorruptible ; for fire, which
confomes and diminifhes other metals, amends this,
and brings it to perfection. Gold keeps its colour
alfo, tho’ it have often pafs’d through the fire ; and,
notwithftanding the body is fo firm and folid, yet
is it the mod foft and malleable, and the molt eafily
wrought, of any other metal. But I take it, that
the chief reafon gold is more valued than other
metals is, the fcarcity of it, and the difficulty of
coming at it; for iron, no doubt, is much more
ufeful and ferviceable than gold ; and, were it as
fcarce, would be much more valued, all manner of
tools, arms, and inftruments of hufbandry, being
made of this metal, and no other fo proper for thefe
ufes.
Silver mines. Acosta begins his description of Silver with the
following paftage out of the book of Job, viz.
“ Silver hath certain beginnings and roots in its
“ veins ; and gold hath a fettled place where it en-
“ genders and thickens; iron, with digging, is
“ drawn out of the earth ; and ftone, molten with
“ heat, is turn’d into copper.” Thus, fays that
writer, Job wifely fhews, in few words, the na-
ture of filver, gold, iron, and copper : But, me-
thinks, very little of the nature of thefe metals is to
be learnt from this pafliige. Thus much, how-
ever, may be obferved from hence. That the anti-
ents, in thofe very early ages, ufed to work fuch
mines, and underftood how to feparate and purify
fiich metals.
Vol III.
201
The feme writer proceeds to obferve, that the CHAP,
reafon the fecond place among thefe metals is given X.
to filver, is that it approaches nearer gold than any W’y'W
other ; is more durable, lets endamaged by fire, and
more malleable; and even furpafles gold in its
brightnds, beauty, and found : For the colour*
fays he, more refembles light, and the found is more
lively, than the other. But I muft ol crve, as on the
laft head, that the principal reafon 1 Jver has the fe-
cond place in our efteem is, that it is more difficult
to come at than any metal but gold; for iron is
certainly much more ufeful than filver. But Acoe-
T A very juftly obferves farther, that there has been
more filver found in America than in all parts of the
world befides ; tho’ China and Guinea feem to have
a greater plenty of gold.
T he filver mines, as has been hinted already, are
ufuaily found in barren rocks and mountains ; tho'
they are fometimes met with in plain and champain
fields. There are two feveral forts of them; the
one ftraggling here and there in (pots, the other
more continuous and fix’d. It is the fix’d mine
that has the greateft depth and length ; and thefe are
feid to refemble the branches and ramifications of
trees and plants ; and where they find one, they
ufuaily meet with a great many in the fame place.
The Indians, it feems, knew how to purify filver
by fire, and to feparate it from lead and other me-
tals, before the Spaniards came amongft them ; but
they knew nothing of the art of refining it by quick-
filver, which the Spaniards ufe at this day. There
are fome forts of filver-oar, which cannot be puri-
fied and refined by fire alone without quickfilver;
This kind of oar they call poor, from its yielding
but little filver, and great quantity of bafer metals.
The veins where they find filver run between
two rocks ; the one commonly hard as flint, and
the other fofter and eafy to break. The oar is very
unequal ; for in the feme vein they find that which
is very rich, and that which is very poor : The
richeft oar is of an amber colour, and the fecond
fort that which inclines to black ; a third is red,
and a fourth of an afh-colour ; and fome of the
oar is fcarce to be diftinguifti’d from common ftone,
unlefs by thofe who are well (kill’d in minerals. It
is ufual to draw from one quintal (or five hundred
weight) of oar, thirty, forty, and fifty pefo’s of
filver, of the value of thirteen ryals (fix (hillings
and fix-pence) : And Acosta relates, that he few
fome from whence was extracted two hundred and
fifty pefo’s out of every quintal ; but this is a very
great rarity. The pooreft. oar yields from two to
fix pefo’s the quintal, or very little more : This the
Indians look’d upon as rubbifh before the Spaniards
came, not being able to refine it by fire ; but this
is found to be much eafier refined by quickfilver
than the richeft oar ; ond they ufe quickfilver now
both in Mexico and Peru, which is found to extract
D d more
202 THE PRES
CHAP, more Elver out of any oar than the fire will : But,
X. as they have no mines of quickfilver in Mexico, as
they have in Peru, the filver is refin’d at a much
eafier expence in Peru than it is in the country I
am defcribing.
As the rich oar yields much filver, fo it con-
fumes a great deal of quickfilver ; and that which
yields but little filver, waftes but little quickfilver.
fiver The manner of refining filver, according to
Acosta, is thus: They firfl grind or beat the
oar to powder, and then fift it through a fine fieve:
After which, they put the powder into vefiels, and
fet it over furnaces, putting to every fifty quintals
of oar five quintals of fait, the fait feparating the
earth and drofs from the filver, and making way
for the quickfilver to operate more effectually :
Then they ffrain the quickfilver through a piece of
fine linnen into the oar, ftirring it about, fo that
it may the better incorporate with the oar. Before
they ufed furnaces, they mingled the oar with the
quickfilver in great troughs, letting it remain fome
days, and then mixed and ftirred it ’till they thought
the quickfilver was well incorporated with the fil-
ver, which was about twenty days; but when they
found that fire incorporated them much fooner,
they let their vefiels over furnaces, and, in five or
fix days, the quickfilver is incorporated with the
filver. When the mercury has done its part, and
aftembled all the filver, leaving nothing behind,
but is filled as a fpunge with water, and has fepa-
xated the filver from the lead and copper, with
which it was engender’d ; they put the oar into
coppers and vefiels full of water, turning it about
with wheels, and wafhing of it : Whereupon the
earth and drofs goes off with the water that runs
away, and the filver and quickfilver, being more
ponderous, remains at bottom. Then they take
it out, and wafh it again in other tubs and vefiels,
until they have well cleanfed the filver and quick-
filver from all the drofs : After which, they ftrain it
through cloths, and make it into the form of fugar-
loaves, of about an hundred pound weight each ;
on which they put earthen vefiels or caps of the
fame fhape ; and, fetting thefe over a violent fire,
the quickfilver exhales in fmoak, which, finking
againft rhe earthen cap, thickens and difiils like
the fmoak of a pot cover’d ; and by a pipe, like
that of a limbeck, they receive the quickfilver,
which difiils from it, the filver remaining with-
out changing its form ; but its weight is di-
minifh’d five parts in fix, and is light and porous
like a fpunge. 7 hus the quickfilver is feparated
from the iilver ; and of two of thefe loaves they
make one bar of filver, of fixty-five or fixty-fix
marks weight, eight ounces in every mark, and
then carry 'them to be touch’d and mark’d.
Gem ell i Careri relates, that when he was
at Mexico, in the year 1698, he went to fee the
filver mines of Pachuca; one of which., call’d San-
E N T STATE
taCruz, was 224 englifh yards deep; and the o- CHAP,
ther, call’d Navarro, was 195 yards deep: That X.
out of the firfi, the oar was drawn up by wheels,
which were kept in perpetual motion by four mules,
and as one bucket came up another went down ;
and that they drein’d the mine of water the fame
way : 1 hat out of the mine, call’d Navarro, the
Indians brought up the oar on their backs with
imminent danger, climbing up many ladders, or
rather upright ports with notches in them: for
which they were paid four ryals (two {hillings) a
day, and at night were allowed to carry up as
much oar as they could at once, and {hare it with
the owner of the mine. The fame writer relates,
that he went to fee the mines on a neighbouring
mountain, where he found a little city of thatch'd
houfes, not lefs than twelve thoufand Indians getting
a livelihood by digging in thofe mines ; adding, that
there are, within fix leagues of that mountain, no
lefs than a thoufand mines ; and that out of one of
thofe, called the Trinity, nine hundred or a thoufand
men were employ’d every day, and, within the
fpace of ten years, had drawn forty millions of filver
(I prefume he means pieces of eight or crowns) :
And that it had cofi them two millions to prop up
thofe mines with timber, and throw out the water ;
and it was then become fo dangerous, that there
was no working of it : And, indeed, nothing isfo
common with the Spaniards of Mexico and Peru,
as to dig mountains perfectly hollow, in fearch of
filver, and leave nothing but a cruft of earth and
rocks, which it requires no fmall {kill and labour to
fupport, ’till they have exhaufted the treafure.
But tho’ the Trinity-mine was become impracti-
cable, our author fays they funk another near it,
no lefs rich ; into which he had the curiofity to go
and fee the veins of filver; and, having gone
down five ladders or ftages, he was aftonifh’d to
fee how likely the mine was to tumble in, and
would have gone up again, but the Miner, his
guide, who carried a light in his hand, perfuaded
him to go down the reft; which he did, in great
fear, becaufe he found it difficult fometimes to clafp
the port in his arms, in which the fteps were cut,
and fix his feet in the notches : But having, at
length, gone down three times as far as the Miner
told him it was, he came at laft to the place where
the workmen, with iron v/edges, w’ere fplitting the
hard oar, and made it fly about ; but they inform’d him,
thatitwasfofterinfomeplaces,andof various colours.
When he was at the bottom of the mine, he
began to reflect: on the danger he run, not only of
falling, but of the peftilential damps that frequent-
ly arife in thefe difmal caverns: After he had ftaid
there about two hours, therefore, he went up a-
gain in the utmoft terror, the afeent being exceed-
ing difficult : and, when he got up into the open
air again, he feem’d newly born into the world,-
and condemn’d the rafhnefsof the attempt, wherein
foe
CHAP.
X.
Any one
may open a
mine.
Four milli-
ons rterling
produced an-
nually.
Silver coin.
V
Gold coin.
Officers of
the mint at
Mexico.
OF MEXICO.
20 }
he thought he ran more hazards than he had done
in travelling round the globe.
From this mine Gemelli went to fee the oar
feparated at the filver-works in Pachuca ; where he
obferved the workmen, when the oar was brought
to them, firfl: broke it in pieces with hammers, to
feparate the metal from the tepate, or Hone, that
had no filver in it : After which, they fent the
good oar to the mills to be reduced to powder, where
they beat it as gun-powder is beaten in our mills.
He afterwards proceeds to {hew how it is refined ;
but, having taken this from Acosta, I omit that
part of his relation, and obferve, that quickfilver
being fcarce at Mexico, the owners of the mines
have much lels profit than in Peru : Whereupon
the King, inftead of a fifth he receives there, takes
but a tenth part of the filver here.
Any perfon, who difcovers a mine of gold or
filver in Mexico, may work it, paying the King’s
tenth of the produfl ; and the King’s officers af-
fign the difcoverer fixty yards round about the place
hechoofes to dig ; beyond which {pace another may
open a mine, leaving five yards between them for
a partition : And, as they link under ground, one
may work into another’s diviiion, ’till he meets
with his workmen ; but then he muft defift, and
retire into his own part.
All the filver dug in the mines of Mexico, or
New Spain, is brought to the King’s exchequer in
the capital city, and enter’d chere ; except what is
run and concealed, which amounts to a great deal:
And it is related, that there are two millions of
marks, of eight ounces each, enter’d in one year ;
out of which they coin annually, in that mint,
feven hundred thoufand marks into pieces of eight.
There are five forts ot money coin’d in the
mint of Mexico, viz. pieces of eight (of the value
of four {hillings and fix-pence each) half pieces of
eight, quarter pieces, fingle ryais (about the value
of fix-pence englifn) and half ryais.
There being fome gold frequently mixed with
the filver, they are feparated in this manner ; viz.
The metal being run and converted into little balls,
thefe are put into vefiels, with aqua-fortis, to dif-
fblve, and the gold remains at the bottom of the
vefiel like black powder : Then the aqua-fortis,
containing the filver, is put into two glafles, their
mouths fix’d together, and, fire being put to them,
the filver remains in one of the glaftes. The gold
is afterwards run in a furnace, and caft firfl Into
round pieces, and then into bars; as is alfo the fil-
ver feparated from it : And the gold is coined into
pieces of fixteen, eight, four, or two pieces of
eight, which are call’d crowns of gold.
All the chief Officers of the mint at Mexico,
fuch as the Treafurer, the Allayer, Cutter, Clerk,
"Weigher, two Guards, and two Alcaids, are ap-
pointed by the King; and all the inferior Officers
by the Treafurer. The principal Officers purchafe
their places, and have the privilege of making them CHAP*
over, or aligning them to whom they pieafe ; but X,
then the Officer that refigns muft live twenty days
after his refignation, to make it valid ; and he, to
whom the refignation is made, muft acquaint the
Viceroy with it within fixty days, and pay a third
part of the value of his place to the King, and the
other to his predecefihr or his heirs.
The Treafurer’s place is worth between fifty and Their fa In-
fix ty thoufand pieces of eight (four {hillings and nes ‘
fix-pence each) per annum ; thofe of Aflayer and
Founder, fettled for ever on the monaftery and
hermitage of the Barefooted Carmelites of Mexi-
co, fifteen or fixteen thoufand pieces of eight
per annum. The reft of the chief Officers have
three thoufand five hundred, and none of them
lefs than eight hundred, pieces of eight per an-
num. The Matters of the eight furnaces and
twenty Coiners have each of them eight hundred or
a thoufand pieces of eight per annum, and the
meaneft fervant earns a piece of eight a day, a great
number of which being the Treafurer’s {laves, he
has the profit of their places.
As to the Indians, they had no coin of any fort No coin
when the Spaniards came amongft them ; gold and mo ! 1 s the
filver ferved them only for ornament: Their traf- Induns ’
fick confifted in bartering and exchanging one thing
for another ; only the Cacao-nuts ferved them to
purchase herbs and flowers, and things of fmall va-
lue ; as they do ftill in the markets of Mexico, nei-
ther the Spaniards or Indians having any copper-
coin.
As to weights, the Indians had none ; but they
had both dry and liquid meafures, made either of
Calabafhes, Bamboe-canes, or wood, by which
they dillinguifh’d quantity: And they had their
numbers and characters, by which they adjufted the
value of goods and the taxes impofed on them.
As to Tones for building, there are in Mexico Stonts f<*
quarries of Jafper, Porphyry, and all kinds of ex- buildings
cellent Marble ; for of fuch ftones, the Spanifta hi-
ftorians relate, the palaces and temples of Mexico
were built before the conqueft.
They mention alfo a great many precious ftones Precious
and jewels in the ornaments of Montezuma; ftones and
but have not fpecified what they were, unlefs Erne- j ewelSl
raids and Pearls, and of thefe the world is furnilh’d
with great quantities from Mexico.
The Emerald is a green ftone, and, according, Emeralds,
to Acosta, grows in a ftone like Cryftal ; and
he fays, they feem by little and little to harden and
refine : Some he had feen that were half white and
half green ; others all white, and fome perfectly
green, which were mod efteemed: Me had feen
fome of them as big as a nut ; and there were o-
thers larger : But as to the Emeralds, mentioned by
the antients in the temples of Jupiter and Her-
cules, feveral cubits long, of which pillars were
form’d, he fays, there might be green ftones called
D d z Emeralds }
204 T H E P R E S
CHAP. Emeralds ; but they were certainly falfe Emeralds,
X. and not comparable to the true.
With their jewels and precious ftones I may very
Pearls. well ran g e their Pearls ; of which there are great
quantities found on the coafts of Mexico, as well as
in the feas of South America. Multitudes of Ind ians
and other Haves have been deftroy’d by the Spaniards
in this part of the world, in fifhing up the Oyfters
that contain them. Thefe Haves, Acosta relates,
were forced to dive into fix, nine, and even twelve
fathoms water, in fearch of thefe Oyfters, which are
faften’d to rocks and gravel in the fea ; and that they
Continue above a quarter of an hour under water,
as he himfelf had feen, being dieted in fuch a man-
ner as might beft enable them to hold their breath.
The fame writer obferves, that Pearls differ much
in their fize, figure, colour, and luftre ; and that
it is very rare to find two of the fame fize, form and
colour ; and, when they do find two alike in all
refpefls, it much increases the value of both, efpe-
cially for ear-rings : He had feen feveral pair valued
at a thouland ducats each ; which, however, fell
fhort of Cleopatra’s two Pearls, oneof which
was valued at an hundred thoufand ducats ; and yet
that Queen had the vanity, it feems, to beat oneof
them to powder, and fwallow it at a draught, at a
fupper fhe made for Mark Anthony: And
the other, ’tis laid, was cut in two, and hung in
the ears of the image of Venus in the Pantheon at
Rome. But, as they are more plentiful now, efpe-
cially fince the difcovery of America, there are none
of near that value at prefent ; tho’ they are not in-
ferior to thofe the antients mention, in any refpeef
but the price.
CHAP. XI.
Of the traffick of Alexico ; their carriages , inns
and way of travelling.
CHAP. * 5 A H E people of Mexico, and the reft of the Spa-
XI. JL nifn Weft-Indies, are prohibited trading with
any but the fubjedls of Spain ; nor are foreigners
wktffo^eJon- ^^Al to vifit their coafts, unlefs the Affientifts,
ers prohibf- who furnifti them with Haves, and that under fe-
t6d, veral reftri&ions, as will be related hereafter.
Notwithftanding which, the traffick of Mexico
is one of the richeft and moll extenfive in the
world ; for they trade with the Philippine iflands
near the coaft of China, through the South-fea, or
Pacific- ocean ; with Peru and Chili, through the
fame fea ; and with Old Spain and the Spanilh
iflands, through the North-fea and Atlantic-ocean.
They carry on alio a trade with our Affientifts, or
South-fea company, under certain limitations : All
which trades are held lawful. There is allb a very
confiderable fmuggling or clandeftine trade, carried
on between the Mexicans and Indians on the one
fide, and the Englilh, French and Dutch on die
ENT STATE
other ; which five branches of their trade I lhall en- C H A P„
deavour to give fome light into. XI.
I lhall firft treat of their traffick with the Philip- '-/“Wl
pine iflands, which are under the dominion of Spain, ^'^trade
and lie between the loth and the 20th degrees of Philippine
north latitude, a little to the louth-eaft of the pro- n^r China,
vince of Canton in China, lying 140 degrees of
longitude from Mexico ; which, reckoning fixty
miles to a degree, makes it eight thoufand four hun-
dred miles from Mexico to Manila, the capital of
the Philippine iflands ; and thefe the Spaniards (ail in
ten weeks, or three months, in going from Mexico Fine failin S
to Manila, having a conftant trade-wind from the tblther -
north-eaft, and ferene weather in 1 o or 1 2 degrees
of north latitude, which they get into as foon as they
can ; and have fcarce any occafion to alter their
fails ’till they arrive at the Ladrone iflands, about four
hundred leagues Ihort of the Philippines, where they
touch, and take in water and frefh provifions : And
in this latitude the South-fea may well be ftiled Pa-
cific ; for they fcarce ever meet with any ftorms
or bad weather all the way : But it is not fo in their
return from Manila, in the Philippine iflands, to the
port of Acapulco in Mexico : This is a voyage of
incredible hazards and hardfhips, which no gain or
advantages would induce a wife man to undertake
twice ; for, when they leave the Philippines, they
are forced to abandon the pacific part of this ocean,
and ftand away to the north, ’till they come into 3 5,
or perhaps 40 degrees, before they can meet with
wefterly, or even variable winds : And here they A tedious
are tofs’d with frequent ftorms, and their patience ? or ™ y P a< -
try’d by unconftant weather. Dampier obferves, Philippines *
that this fea is very far from deferving the name of t0 Mexico,
the Pacific-ocean, after we have pafs’d the latitude
of 30 ; and Gemelli Careri allures us, it is
the moft tempeftuous of all feas. And yet this wide
and tempeftuous ocean muft have been pafs’d by the
Chinefe and the Afiatics, if we fuppofe they fent
fleets and colonies from thence to people Mexico,
as fome have fondly imagined. If the Europeans, Which it
now the art of Ihip-building and navigation is lb
much improved, and they have the compafs to guide before thT
them, are fix orfeven months paffing from Afia to compafs wa»
America, and that with infinite labour and hazard ; kn0Wl) »
can any one, that has ever feen the China junks
and Afiatic (hipping, and knows what poor feamen
they are even at this day, fuppofe that ever any
fleets were fent from thence to America, in the early
ages, fufficient to people that part of the world ? Let
anyone but read Gemelli’s defeription of his
voyage on board the Spanifh galeon from Manila, in
the Philippine iflands, to Acapulco in Mexico, and
he will need no arguments to convince him, that
America was never peopled by the Chinefe, or any
Afiatic nation, by fea : Some particulars whereof I
fhall take the liberty to recite.
This voyage, fays Gemelli, from the Phi- Gemelli’s
lippine iflands to America, may be looked upon as f co f 3 o1 , ;>
CHAP.
XL.
The fouth
monfoon fets
t) e-n to the
noithward.
The hard-
ships they
Suffer’d in
this voyage.
OF MEXICO.
20
the longed and mod dreadful of any in the world ;
as well becaufe of the vad ocean to be crofs’d, be-
ing a third (almod half, according to my author) of
the terraqueous globs, with the wind always a-
head ; as for the terrible tempsds that happen there
one upon the back of another ; and for the defpe-
rate difeafes that feize people, who are fometimes fo
exceeding cold, and then fo exceffive hot, that it is
enough to dedroy a man made of deel, much more
fiefh and blood, where they have fuch indifferent
food as fea-faring people feed on in long voyages.
For this tedious voyage, Gem el lx allures us,
they were forced to lay in a thoufand jars of water :
And, at their fird fetting out, which was the latter
end of June, the winds were fo contrary, that they
fcarce (ailed three leagues in dve days ; and the hea-
vy rains that fell at the fame time, with the excellive
heat of the climate, made the beginning of the voy-
age very uncomfortable. Before they got clear of
the Philippines, he fays, fearch was made to difco-
ver whether any of the feamen or padengers had
filled their jars with merchandize indead of water ;
and feveral being found filled with pepper, China
ware, and other goods, they were thrown into the
fea ; and the Captain took in two hundred jars of
water more ; under fuch apprehenfions they were of
being didrefs’d for water in this tedious voyage,
where there is no land in the way to touch at.
The Spaniards, in failing from the Philippine
ifiands to America, always take advantage of the
foutherly monfoon, which fets in in May or June,
on the coad of China, and blows ’till September or
Oflobei ; this carrying them as high as the latitude
of 3 o north, where they begin to meet with variable
winds ; it being very difficult for them to fail eail,
as the trade-wind is always in their teeth under the
latitude of 30.
Gem el li relates, that when they had failed
into this latitude, the weather became very tem-
peduous and cold ; and that feveral galeons have
been cad away in that vad ocean, between the 30th
and 40th degrees of north latitude : That, in this
voyage he made from Manila to Mexico, the wind
was oftner contrary than fair, and they were very
feldom free from dorms ; befides which, they were
forced to endure hunger, third, cold, ficknels, and
continual watchings : That they werealmodeat up
with the fcurvy ; their bifcuit was full of little in-
feeds, and their allowance of water was fcarce a pint
in a day’s time : That, at length, all their provi-
fions grew naught, except their chocolate and iweet-
meats ; whereupon many of the feamen, that wan-
ted thefe, fell lick, and the red differ’d fuch hard-
fhips, that they vow’d never to undertake the voy-
age again : And yet the feamen, when they arrived
at the port of Acapulco in Mexico, for the fake of
getting three hundred feventy-dve pieces of eight
{four (hillings and fix-pence englidx each) which
the King allows them for returning to Manila,
fee m’d to flight their pad: fufferings, and went to CHAP*
the Philippines again, in the very fame (hip. He XI.
adds, that it was the latter end of January before
they arrived at their defired port of Acapulco in months
Mexico, being about feven months after they fet without fight
fail from Manila. land *
Thus much I thought was neceffary to obferve
from Gemelli, who made this voyage in the
year 1697, to fliew the length and difficulty of the
paffage from Ada to America at this day : From
whence we may infer, how impracticable, and even
impoffible, it was for the Chinefe, or any other Afi-
atic nation, to fend colonies to America by fea ;
when navigation was in its infancy, and the ufe of
the compafs was not known. Nor do the difficul- The paflige
ties of their palling to America by land, appear to by land from
me much lefs than thofe of their going thither by merVa^im-
fea : For, in the fird place, there has been no land prafticable.
yet difeover’d between Japan and California, which
are at lead 80 degrees afunder ; and, if there be
any land within that fpace, it lies probably fo far
north, that it is neither habitable or paffable, or we
diould have beard of the inhabitants by this time.
Befides, if it might be pafs’d at one time, it would
have been fo at another ; and feme people would
have return’d from America to Ada, by the fame
way, in fo long a tract of time as it is fuppofed that
part of the world has been peopled.
But, farther, I believe it will' be admitted, by all
that are converfant in hidory, that the extremities
of the north and fouth were peopled after that part
of the world that lies in the more temperate cli-
mates ; and that thofe countries which lie neared
the Poles are, at this day, and have ever been, more
thinly inhabited than the temperate part of the earth.
As to the Scythians of old, or the Goths and Van-
dals of later days, thefe none of them dwelt fo far
to the north as the natives of Lapland, Samoieda,
and their brethren of the north-ead Tartary (which
fo me men will have contiguous to America) do.
And, if America was planted by colonies that went
by land from the north-wed or north-ead part of
our continent, it mud be by a people that dwelt as
far to the northward as Lapland extends : Againd:
which I have dill more objections than were men-
tion’d in the introduction ; and, fird, if America
had been planted by people from the extremity of
the north, this mud have happen’d fo lately, and by
fuch frnall colonies, that thofe countries could never
have been fo populous as the Spaniards found them.
Every one knows, that Lapland, and all countries
in thofe cold latitudes, are extremely thin of people :
For one man they have there, we have an hundred
at lead here. Flow then can it be fuppofed, that
they diould plant one half of the globe ?
A farther reafon againd the Laplanders, or any
people dwelling fo far north, planting America, is,
that they were, and mud be all cloathed ; even their
very faces and hands, m the winter-feafon, mud be
cloathed.
2o6
C H A P.
XI.
The trade
managed by
two great
fhips.
The courle
they fteer.
The eargo of
tlicfe /hips.
T H E PRES E’N T STATE
cloathed, or their nofes and fingers would perifh :
For which reafon the Laplanders are actually wrap-
ped up in Furs from head to foot ; whereas moft of
the Americans went naked almoft when the Spa-
niards arrived there ; and, I believe, there is fcarce
any inftance of a nation, that had once worn cloaths,
leaving them quite off again. If they had not oc-
cafion for warm furs to cover them all over, when
they defcended to warmer regions ; yet it is not to
be fuppofed they would have left oft' every rag of
cloaths, and appeared without any, as many of the
Indians did when the Spaniards arrived there.
Thirdly, Thofe northern people are the leaf!
polifh’d, and have the meaneft capacities, of any
thing in human fhape (the Hottentots not excepted) ;
whereas the Americans were famous for their ex-
cellent parts and genius, and feveral pretty manu-
factures, as thofe of feathers, painting, &c. but,
above all, for carving and architecture, which they
perform’d to admiration, without the help of iron
tools ; far excelling any thing that was ever feen
among the Laplanders ; which makes it highly im-
probable they fhould derive their origin from them.
And why fhould we endeavour to break through fo
many difficulties at laft to people America from Afia,
when there was fo eafy a way of doing it from Africa
by fea, from whence the winds always fit fair for
America, and the voyage is fo fhort, that, confider-
ing the great fleets the Carthaginians had on thofe
feas, it mud have been a miracle if feveral of their
fhips had not been driven to America ? Thus much
I thought proper to add to my former argument,
T That America was peopled from Africa, and not
u from Afia ; ” which the reader will excufe, when
I had fo fair an opportunity of introducing it again,
in fpeaking of the commerce of the Spaniards be-
tween the Philippine iflands and Mexico. I pro-
ceed, in the next place, to give a farther account of
that traffick.
It feems, the Spaniards employ but two fhips
annually in this rich trade ; but then they are {hips
of good force, and ufually eight hundred or a thou-
fand tons burden. Thefe fhips, according to Dam-
pier, do not go together in company, but make
the voyage alternately : One of them fets out from
Acapulco in Mexico the latter end of March, or
the beginning of April, and arrives at Manila in
the Philippine iflands fome time in June ; when
the other is ready to fail from Manilo to Acapulco
in Mexico. This laPc fhip, fays the fame writer,
ftretches away to the north, as far as 3 6, and fome-
times into 40 degrees of north latitude, before fhe
gets a wind to America ; and fills in firft with the
coaft of California, and then ccafts along the fhore
to the fouth again, never miffing a wind to bring
her away from thence to Acapulco, where fhe
ufually arrives about Chrifhnas.
The cargo of this fhip confifls of Diamonds, Ru-
bies, Saphires, and other precious {tones, found in
the Eaft-Indies; of Cinnamon, Cloves, Mace, C FI A P.
Nutmegs, and Pepper ; of the rich Carpets of XI.
Perfia ; the Camphire of Borneo ; the Benjamin
and Ivory of Pegu and Cambadia ; the Silks, Muflins
and Calicoes of Eaft-India ; the Gold-duft, Tea,
China-ware, Silk, Cabinets, &c. of China and
Japan. All which amount to a prodigious value ;
this one fhip having more riches in it than fome
whole fleets.
1 'he Merchants, Gemelli relates, get an hun- The gains of
dred and fifty or two hundred per cent, by this the Mer *
voyage. It was computed, the Pilot of the fhip he chants "
failed in would make twenty thoufand pieces of
eight ; his Mates nine thoufand each ; the Captain
of the galeon forty thoufand ; the Boatfwain, who
has the privilege of taking feveral bales of goods on
board, gets an eftate in one voyage ; the wages of
every Sailor, is three hundred and feventy pieces of
eight ; and the King’s duties of this one fhip a-
mounted to fourfcore thoufand pieces of eight.
At the time this fhip arrives at Acapulco from Trade be-
Manila, there comes in two or three fhips from twecnMexi-
Lima in Peru, very little inferior to the former in co and Peru ‘
valuej^teing laden with Silver, Quick-filver, Cacao-
nuts, and other rich merchandize of South America ;
with which they purchafe the merchandize of Europe
and the Eaft-Indies : For, in the months of Janu-
ary and February, a. great fair is held at Acapulco ;
and a vaft concourfeof Merchants come from Mexi-
co to vend the goods of Europe, and buy thofe of
China, the Eaft-Indies, and Peru. There are fuch
crowds of people at Acapulco at this time, that all
proviiions are exceffive dear, and a Negroe Porter
will earn fourteen of fifteen fnillings a day.
The galeon from Manila, having fold all her Silver car-
eftedfs, takes in a new cargo, chiefly of Silver, and from
returns in April, arriving at Manila again in the ^“phbbp- 0
month of June, where fhe finds the other galeon, pines and
ready to fail to Acapulco. In the mean time, the china>
fhips of Peru, having furnifh’d themfelves with the
merchandize of China, the Eaft-Indies, and Europe,
return to Lima.
There is very little traffick carried on by fea on Littlecoaft-
the coaft of Mexico ; all goods are carried from in g trade ia
Acapulco to the city of Mexico by mules and pack- MexlCQ "
horfes ; and from thence to Vera Cruz on the
North-fea, in like manner, in order to be fhipped
for Europe ; which brings me to {peak of the trade
between Old Spain and Mexico, or New Spain.
Thirty or forty fhips carry on all the trade be- The trade
tween Old Spain and the Spanilh dominions in bct * een Old
America ; and thefe are alinoft all of them their Mexko!' d
own veftels, no trade being fuffer’d to be carried on
in foreign bottoms, except that of the Affientifts,
already mentioned. _ The veftels ufed by the Spa- Cargoes of
niards, in tranfporting merchandize from Old Spain thegaleor.s.
to America, are generally large and of good force,
and called galeons : They fail in fleets annually
from Cadiz, laden with the goods of almoft every
country
OF MEXICO.
CHAP
XI.
Belongs to
ftrangers.
TbeOovern
ment con-
nive at it.
The courfe
of the ga-
leons to
An.euca.
country on this fide the Atlantic ; the woollen Cloth
and Stuffs of England, the Linnen and Lace of Hol-
t land and Flanders, the Silks of Italy and France,
the Muflins, Silks and Calicoes of the Faff-Indies,
with the Merchandize of China, Turkey and Perfia,
make up their cargoes, which belong indeed to almoft
as many different nations : At leaf! the Englifh,
Dutch, Italians, and French, are proprietors of great
part of their cargo, and the Spaniards in a great
meafure their Factors ; for when the galeons return
from America, with the treafure for which thefe
effedfs have been fold, it is moff of it diffributed a-
mongft the Merchants and Fadhors of the four na-
' tions laft mention’d. But fo true are the Spaniards
to their truth, ’tis faid, that thofe in whofe names
the effedfs are fent over, and the returns made,
fcarce ever abufe the confidence that is placed in
them, or betray their principals : For the reader
will pleafe to remember, that, by the laws of Spain,
no ftranger can, diredfly or indiredlly, trade to the
Spanifh Weft-Indies, but he forfeits his goods.
However, it cannot be fuppofed but the Govern-
ment of Spain is very well apprized that this trade
is in a manner carried on by foreigners, and, for
very good reafons, connive at it : They know their
own people are not able to freight thefe fleets ; and,
if they were not enabled to do it by foreigners, their
American dominions muft want all manner of ne-
ceffaries almoft for cloathing and furniture. Befides,
there is doubt, but the Spanifh Merchants, Fadfors
and Seafaring people have greater advantages from
thefe effedfs pafling through their hands, as well as
by exporting them ; and the revenues of the Crown
muft be vaftly increafed by the importation and ex-
portation of them, which alone is a fufficient rea-
fon for their conniving at this traffick, and encou-
raging of it : Tho* it muft be confefs’d, it would
be much more for the advantage of the kingdom
of Spam, to encourage manufadfures at home, and
traffick a little more with the produdt of their own
country. But, fince they are not eafily to be brought
to this, the next beft thing they can do is, to turn
Fadfors and Carriers for their neighbours, and fup-
ply their American colonies with the goods of
foreigners.
The greateft part of the galeons fail to Cartha-
gena and Porto Bello, and are called the Flota ;
the other part, called the Flotilla, or Little Fleet,
fail to Vera Cruz in Mexico. The former fell their
merchandize chieflyat the fairof Porto Bello, where
they take on board the gold and filver, and other
rich treafures, of Peru and Chili, in return for their
merchandize. The latter fell their cargoes at the
fair of Vera Cruz ; to which place is brought the
gold and filver of Mexico, with the gold-dull,
precious-ftones, and other treafures of China and
the Eaft-Indies ; and with thefe the Flotilla is
freighted, on its return to Europe.
The Galeons, on their going out, fail to the
fouth-v/eft, and get into the way of the trade-wind
207
CHAP.
as loon as they can, which carries them into r 1 or 1 2
degrees of north attitude ; then, bending their courfe XI.
directly weft, they leave the Caribbee Iflands on
their right, or ftarboard-quarter, and continue their
courle to the weftward, ’till they arrive atRio de la
Hacha, where they come to an anchor, and exprelPes
are immediately difpatched to Carthagena, Panama,
Porto Bello, VeraCruz, dec. to prepare the King’s
treafure for the galeons to take on board at their
return. After which, the greateft part of the fleet
fails to Carthagena and Porto Bello, and the reft to
Vera Cruz ; the whole joining together ufually, in
their return, at the Havanna, in the ifland of Cuba ;
and, failing from thence to Spain in company, take From
a very different courfe from that by which they
came from Europe ; for in their return they fail
north through the Gulph of Florida, and continu-
ing their courfe to the north-eaft ’till they come into
the latitude of 36 or 40, where they meet with va-
riable winds : They then Ihape their courfe as near
to the eaft as the winds will permit them, ’till they
come upon the coaft of Spain ; and are ufually fix
or eight weeks in their paftage. Thefe fleets, ’tis
faid, have fometimes brought home near the value
of fixty millions of pieces of eight (amounting to
twelve or fifteen millions fterling) in gold and filver
only ; of which the King has a fifth, and great s P a ‘ n J^s
part of the remainder is diftributed among the Fac-
tors of the feveral trading nations above-mention’d ; treafure! 2
the leaft fhare perhaps coming to the fubjedts of
Spain.
There is a trade carried on alfo between Mexico Trade be-
and the Spanifh iflands of Cuba, Hifpaniola, and tween tfrc
Porto Rico ; as alfo between Mexico and Terra- and^'fknds
firma in South-America, by the Barlavento fleet, fo b y th e Bar *
called from its furrounding the Barlavento, or Lee- iavent0 fleet
ward iflands, annually.
This fleet comes to Vera Cruz in Odlober or
November, and remains there ’till March. It con-
fifts of fix or feven fail of fhips, of good burden
and force, that ferve both as men of war and mer-
chant-men ; for they are order’d to vifit all the Spa-
mfh foa-ports in theNorth-fca every year, as well to
fupp'iyone place with what another wants, as to pre-
vent foreigners trading in their ports, and to clear the
fea of Buckaneers or Pirates. From Vera Cruz this
fleet fails to the Havanna, where they difpofe of the
merchandize they bring from Mexico : After which,
they ftand to the northward, through the Gulph of
f lorida, ’till they come into the latitude of 30 or
40 ; then they ftretch av/ay to the fouth-eaft, ’till
they make the ifland of Porto Rico ; and, having
difpatch’d their bufinefs there, they continue their
courfe to the fouthward, ’till they arrive at the ifland
of the Trinity, near the mouth of the river Oroo-
noko, being the moll eafteriy fettlement the Spa-
niards have in the North-foa : From thence the
fleet fails to Margarita, another confiderable ifland
near the main, coafting along toComana, and fo to
Caracos 3 then they double Ca.pe la Vela, and coaft
along
?o8
CHAP.
XI.
A clandeftine
snd Smug-
gling trade.
The Spa-
niards take
our fair Tra^
ders as well
as Smug-
glers.
Logwood
trade.
THE PRESENT STATE
along by Rio de la Hacha, St. Martha, and Car-
thagena ; on which coaft they frequently meet with
Englifh and Dutch trading-floops, and make prize
of them : And, having ftaid fome time at Cartha-
gena, they proceed to Porto Bello ; and, having viiit-
ed the Bay of Campeachy, they return at length to
Vera Cruz again. And this is the annual naviga-
tion of the Barlavento fleet about the coaft of the
Spanifh Weft-Indies in the North-fea, as well on
account of their trade, as to drive all foreigners
from their coafts ; which, however, they are not
able to effedl entirely. And this brings me to fay
fomething of the fmuggling or clandeftine trade that
is carried on between the Englifh, French and
Dutch, and the Spanilh Weft-Indies.
I have already taken notice, that the Spaniards do
not fend more than thirty or forty fhips annually
from Old Spain to their territories in America, with
the produce and merchandize of Europe ; which is
far from being fufficient to fupply their extenfive
dominions in that new world. Indeed, moft part
of the merchandize carried over in the galeons is
fold at the fair of Porto Bello, and bought up at ex-
travagant rates, to be tranfported again by the South-
fea to Peru ; fo that many of the Spanilh provinces
upon the North-fea would be deftitute of necefiary
doathing and furniture, and even provifions for
their tables, if they were not fupplied with them
by foreigners. The Englifh therefore from New-
England, New-York, Jamaica, &c. the French
from Hifpaniola, and the Dutch from Curaflaw, fit
out Hoops, with all manner of provifions and necef-
faries, which they know are wanting on the coaft
of Mexico, in order to trade with the Mexican
Spaniards, who are no lefs ready to receive the
goods of tbefe foreigners, than they are to fell them,
giving pieces of eight for what they buy ; which
makes this a very beneficial trade to the Englifh,
French, and Dutch. But then, if the Barlavento
fleet, or the Spanifh Guarda de Cofta’s, meet with
fuch trading-floops and veftels, they never fail to
make them all prize ; and fometimes feize on fhips
that have never been concerned in this clandeftine
trade, on fufpicion ; and, finding pieces of eight on
board, have frequently procured them to be con-
demned ; which has been the occafion of thole
many complaints our Merchants have made of the
Spanifn Guarda de Cofta’s, to the Parliament and
Board of Trade ; and which it is high time was
fettled, that our trade and navigation in the Weft-
Indies may not he interrupted, and the fair Trader
brought under fuch hardfhips as may difeourage him
from carrying on a trade to our plantations, which
is, of all others, the moft advantageous to Britain.
There has been another trade or bufinefs carried
on by the Englilh in North America, which has
occafion’d many difputes between the two nations
of Britain and Spain, and is not yet adjufted ; and
that is, the bufinefs of Logwood-cutting in the Bay
of Campeachy. This the Englifh had follow’d, in
a part of the country deftitute of Spanifh or Indian CHAP,
inhabitants, for a great many years ; and look’d
upon it, that their long pofleflion had given them
at leaf! as good a right to that part of the country,
as the Spaniards had to any of the reft : And in fome
treaties the Spaniards feem to have yielded this bufi-
nefs to the Englifh. However, they have thought
fit, of late years, to fall upon our Logwood-cutters,
killed many of them, and carried the reft into per-
petual imprifonment, not fuffering them to be ex-
changed or ranfomed. And thus have we been
driven violently and unjuftly from a very valuable
branch of bufinels, under pretence that becaufe the
Spaniards had forcibly fettled themfelves in one part
of the continent, no other nation had any right to
fettle in another part ot it : A rule, that we find the
French are too wife and too brave to fubmit to.
The Spaniards, indeed, the firft of all Europeans,
difeover’d and fent colonies to America, and par-
ticularly to Florida ; and yet we find the French
make no fcruple of fettling in the heart of that
country, and even in the neighbourhood of the
Spanifh fettlements of New Mexico : Nay, after
the Spaniards had been two hundred years in pofief-
fion of the ifland of Hifpaniola, the French took
the liberty of making very coiifiderable fettlements
in it ; for this very good reafon, That the Spa-
niards were not able to cultivate or people a tenth
part of what they claimed in America ; and it was
highly unreafonable, that countries of a vaft extent
Ihould remain uninhabited and uncultivated, only
becaufe the Spaniards were pleafed to fet up a title
to them. And this fort of reafoning the Spaniards
feem to allow of, by their negledfing to drive the
French either from Florida or Hifpaniola. While,
on the other hand, our tame Britons are fo extreme-
ly condefcending, as to fufter the Spaniards to drive
them from the Logwood trade in the Bay of Cam-
peachy, which has been yielded to them by feveral
treaties ; and would frighten us alto from extending
our plantations in Carolina, Virginia, &c. farther
to the weftward, tho’ we do it with the content of
the natives, only becaufe they (the Spaniards) have
the little Forts of St. Auguftin and St. Matthew a
little to the fouthward of us.
But, furely, if the French arc permitted to fettle TheBritift
in Florida, much more ought the Englifh, who
have fo long been in pefteffion of Virginia and t0 extend
Carolina (parts of Florida) and made fuch confidera- their fettle-
ble improvements there, with the approbation Q f 'fj' 118 in Fio "
the natives who alone have a right of transferring
their country to foreigners. And, I hope, neither
French or Spanifn afturance will ever prevail on our
Governors to difeourage the Britifh fubje£h extend-
ing their trade or fettlements to the weftward, even
through that part of Florida which the French have
denominated Louifiana, and to the very banks of
the famons river Miffiffippi ; fince we are at prefent
at peace and in alliance with moft of the nations that
lie between Virginia and Carolina and that river ;
and
OF MEXICO,
C H A P. and actually traffick with them more than either the
XL French or Spaniards yet do.
J proceed now to another branch of trade ; name-
oVthe^ng- that which the Englifh are entitled to carry on
Mi by vir" with the Spanifh dominions in America, by virtue
tue of ths D f t ' ne Affiento cotitradl made between the two na-
The tide, tions in the year 1713, and entitled, “ The Assi-
“ ento adjufted between their Britannick and
“ Catholick Majefties, for the Englifh Company’s
45 obliging: itfelf to fupply the Spanifh Weft-Indies
“ with Black flaves for the term of thirty years, to
“ commence on the ift day of May, 1713, and
“ to end the ift of May 1 743
Pieamble. The preamble of this contrail recites, That the
French Guinea Company had formerly enjoy’d the
benefit of the Affiento ; and that their term being
expired, his Catholick Majefty had determined to
grant the fame to the Englifh Company.
Art. I. By the firft article, her Britifh Majef-
ty undertakes, for the perfons whom {he fhould ap-
point Affientifts, that they {hall export to the Spa-
ni{h Weft-Indies, within the faid fpace of thirty
years, one hundred forty-four thoufand Negroes,
viz. four thoufand eight hundred Negroes in each
of the faid thirty years.
II. That for each Negroe, of the regular ftandard
of feven quarters, neither old or defeilive, the Af-
fientifts {hall pay to the Crown of Spain thirty-
three pieces of eight (Efcudo’s) and one third of a
piece of eight ; in which fum fhall be comprehend-
ed all manner of duties.
III. That the Affientifts fhall advance to his
Catholick Majefty two hundred thoufand pieces of
eight, which {hall not be reimburfed before the end
of twenty years ; and then it may be dedudled, by
equal portions, in the ten laft remaining years, after
the rate of twenty thoufand pieces of eight yearly,
out of the produce of the duty on Negroes, which
they are to pay in thofe years.
IV. The Affientifts {hall pay the faid duties half-
yearly.
V. It is declared, that the Affientifts fhall not be
obliged to pay the faid duties for more than four
thoufand Negroes yearly ; the duties payable for
the remaining eight hundred being given to the
Affientifts, in confideration of the intereft that ought
to be paid them for the money to be advanced as
aforefaid.
V I. That the Affientifts, if they find a demand
for more Negroes, may import a greater number
than four thoufand eight hundred during the firft
twenty-five years ; for which fupernumerary Ne-
groes they {hall pay no more than fixteen pieces of
eight, arid two thirds of a piece of eight for each
Negroe.
VII. That the Affientifts may employ either
Britifh or Spanifh fhips in this commerce, provided
that neither the Commanders or Seamen give any
VOL. III.
209
offence or fcanda! to the Roman Catholick religion, C H A F
on pain of being punifh’d, as they would have been XI.
in Spain for the like mifdemeanors.
VIII. That the Affientifts may import and vend
the faid Negroes in all the ports of the North-fea, and
that of Buenos Ayres, at their choice, provided they
do not import or land any Negroe, except in ports
where there are royal Officers to fearch the fhips
and their cargoes, and certify the numbers of Ne-
groes imported. And it is farther provided, that
the Negroes which are carried to the windward
coaft, viz. Sandta Martha, Cumana, and Mara-
caybo, fhall not be fold by the Affientifts for more
than three hundred pieces of eight each, to en-
courage the inhabitants of thofe places to buy them.
But as to the other ports of New Spain, its iflands
and Terra-firma, the Affientifts are at liberty to
fell their Negroes there for the beft prices they
can get.
IX. That the Affientifts fhall be at liberty to
import into the river Plata, or Buenos Ayres, in
four fhips, twelve hundred of the faid Negroes an-
nually, and to fell them at fuch prices there as they
can get ; eight hundred of which {hall be difpofed
of at Buenos Ayres, and the remaining four hun-
dred ferve in the provinces higher up the river,
and in the kingdom of Chili. And it is declared,
that her Britifh Majefty, and the Affientifts in her
name, may bold fome parcels of land, to be affign’d
them by his Catholick Majefty, in the river Plata,
from the commencement of this Affiento, fufficient
to plant, cultivate, and breed cattle upon, for the
fubfiftence of the perfons belonging to the Affiento
and their Negroes ; and may build houfes of tim-
ber only, but fhall not throw up the earth, or make
the flighted: fortification : And his Catholick Ma-
jefty fhall appoint an Officer to refide there, who
{hall have the command of all things relating to
fuch lands ; and all other matters, concerning the
Affiento, fhall be determined by the Governor and
royal Officers at Buenos Ayres : But the Affientifts
{hall not be obliged to pay any duties on account
of the faid lands.
X. In order to the carrying of Black flaves into
the provinces of the South-fea, liberty is granted
to the Affientifts to freight, either at Panama, or
any other port of the South-fea, {hips of about four
hundred tons each, to be navigated by fuch Officers
and Seamen as the Affientifts fhall appoint ; on
board of which they may {hip Negroes to all the
other ports of Peru (and no others on that fide) and
.to bring back the produce of their file to the faid
port of Panama, as well in the fruits of the coun-
try, as in money, bars of filver, or ingots of gold,
without being obliged to pay any duties for fuch
filver or gold, it being ftamp’d, and appearing to
be the produce of their Negroes. And the laid
Affientifts are at liberty to fend from Europe to
E e Porto
THE PRESENT STATE
210
CHAP, Porto Bello, and from Porto Bello to Panama, by
XI. the river Cbagre, or by land-carriage, cables, fails,
timber, and all other nival {lores and provifions,
neceffary for the faid (hips ; provided they do not
fell the faid {lores, on any pretence whatfoever, on
pain of confifcation, and farther punifhments to be
inflidled both on the buyers and fellers ; and the
Affientifts, from that time, to be deprived of the
privilege of fending fuch {lores to the South-fea :
Nor fhall the Affientifts, at the end of the faid term
of thirty years, be allow’d to carry the faid {hips
to Europe.
XI. The Affientifts are at liberty to employ
Englifh or Spaniards for the management of this
Affiento, as well in the ports of America, as in the
inland country and the Englifh fhall be regarded
and treated 2s the fubjedfs of Spain, provided there
do not refide in any one port more than four or fix
Englifhmen, of whom they may fend lbme into
the countries where Negroes are allow’d to be car-
ried, for the management and recovery of their
eft'ecls.
XII. By this article two Englifh Blips of war,
and another veffel, are permitted to carry over the
Company’s Factors to America,
XIII. The Affientills are allow’d, by this article,
to nominate Judges-Confervators of the Affiento, in
all the ports and chief places of America, provided
they nominate feme of his Catholick Majefty ’s
Minders ; which (aid Judges are to have cognizance
of all caufes relating to the Affiento, exclufive of all
Audiences, Tribunals, Governors, or Viceroys, who
are prohibited to intermeddle therein 3 and no ap-
peal to lie from the Judges of the Affiento, but to
the fupreme Council of the Indies 3 and the Pre-
fident, Governor, or Dean of the faid Council, is
to be ProteMor of this Affiento.
XIV. No embargo fhall be laid on the fhips of
the Affientifts by the Viceroys, or other Spamfh
Governors in America, for any caufe or pretence
whatever ; but, on the contrary, they fhall afford
the faid Affientifts all the favour, affiftance and fuc-
cour they or their Factors fhall defire, for the more
fpeedy fitting out, lading and difpatching their {hips 3
affording them fuch provifions as they fhall. want
for their voyages, at the current prices, on pain of
being obliged, at their own cofts, to make good
all fuch damages as the Affientifts {hall 1'uftain by
fuch impediment or detention.
XV. Nor {hall any embargo be laid on the ftock,
goods or effects of the Affientifts, or any of them
feiz’d or detain’d by any Viceroy, Governor, Judge,
or Officer, on any caufe or motive whatever, on
pain of their being punifh’d, and paying, out of
their own eftates, the damages and Ioffes the Affien-
tifts fhall fuftain ; nor are the houfes or warehoufes
of their Factors to be fearch’d, unleft it is proved
there has been lome fraudulent importation 3 and
then they are not to be fearch’d but by the affiftance CHAP;
of the Judge- Confervator : And tho’ prohibited XI,
goods may be feiz’d, the flock and effects of die
Affientifts are to remain free.
XVI. The Affientifts are empower’d to employ
fuch Mariners, Carriers, and Workmen, in lading
and unlading their fhips, as they think fit.
XVII. They are permitted to bring their goods
from America, either in the galeons or their own
fhips, without paying any duties ; but they are not
allow’d to bring over Spanifh pafl'engers, or the ef-
fects of the Spaniards.
XVIII. During this Affiento, neither the French’
Guinea Company, nor any other perfons, fhall trans-
port Negroes to Spanifh America, but the Affien-
tifts, on pain of forfeiting fuch Negroes to the
Affientifts, who are empower’d to fearch fuch {hips
as they fufpecSf are freighted with Negroes, and make
prize of them, if any contraband Negroes are found
on board ; provided they firft obtain leave of the
Governor of the port.
XIX. The Affientifts ftiall have power to na-
vigate and import Negroes to all the northern ports
of the Spanifh Weft-Indies, and all others are pro-
hibited to import them 3 his Catholick Majefty obli-
ging himfelf, by his faith and royal word, to main-
tain the Affientifts in the entire and full poft'effion
thereof.
XX. And if the Affientifts {hall be molefted or
difturbed by fuits of law, or in any other manner,
his Majefty will inhibit all other Courts to proceed
therein, and take cognizance of fuch caufes folely
himfelf.
XXI. When the fhips of the Affientifts arrive at
any port of the Indies with Negroes, the Captains
thereof ftiall certify, that there is not any contagious
d iftemper amongft them, before they fhall be per-
mitted to land.
XXII. Their fhips ftiall be vifited and fearched
on their arrival 3 and if any merchandize be found,
befides the Negroes, and provifions for them, it fhall
be confifcated, and the Officers importing it {hall be
difabled to ferve in the Affiento 3 and the Captain
or Mafter of the ftiip, that fuffers fuch goods to be
brought on board, fhall forfeit the value of them ;
and if he appear an accomplice, he fiiall be con-
demn’d to pay a. forfeiture, be feverely punifh’d,
and difabled to hold any employment in the fer-
vice of the Affiento : But the (hips, on board
which fuch Negroes fhall be, or the provifions
brought for their fubfiftence, ftiall not be forfeited 3
and the perfons who have the charge of them may
go on with their traffick. And if it appears the
Captain or Mafter was not an accomplice, he {hall
be obliged to deliver up the guilty perfon, but be
free himfelf.
XXIII, The provifions put on fhore for the fub»
fiftence of the Negroes fhall pay no duties.
XXIV. The
OF MEXICO.
CHAP. XXIV. The Affientifts are obliged to pay the
XI. duties for all the Negroes landed, tho’ they die be-
fore they are fold : But where the Factor defires a
Negroe may be fet on fhore, only for the reco-
very of his health, and not for fale, they fhall not
be obliged to pay the duty for him, unlefs he live
more than fifteen days on fhore.
XXV. After the Aifien tiffs, or their Factors, have
fettled the duties, and fold part of their Negroes in
one port, they may carry the remainder of their
Negroes to any other port, together with their mer-
chandize and treafure for which they have fold the
firft, without being obliged to pay any duties, ex-
cept the common duties for the fruits and merchan-
dize of the country, which they are permitted to
receive in exchange for their flaves, where money is
wanting ; and they may fell fuch fruits and effects
at the ports they go to, paying the accuftom’d du-
ties for them.
XXVI. The fhips of the Affientifts may fail ei-
ther from the ports of Great Britain or Spain ; but
an account fhall be given to his Catholick Majefty
of what fhips they difpatch yearly for the Negroe-
trade, and the ports for which they are defign’d :
After which, they are at liberty to return, either
with money, bars of filver, gold, fruits, or the
merchandize of the country, being the produce of
the fale of their Negroes. But if they return to
the ports of Spain, the Commander of the fhip
fhall give that Court an authentick regifier, by
which it may appear what he hath on board : And
if the fhip return to Britain, an exadt account fhall
be lent to Spain of their lading, that his Catholick
Majefty may be fully inform’d thereof ; provided
that the Affientifts fhall not bring over any other
filver, gold, or effects, but what fhall be the pro-
duce of the fale of the Negroes.
XXVII. By this article, all prizes taken in time
of war by the Affientifts, on the coafts of Spanifh
America, are to be carried to Carthagena, or Porto
Bello, and the goods fold by the King’s Officers at
the Fair of Porto Bello ; thret fourths of the pro-
duce whereof, after duties paid, to be enjoy’d by the
Captors (together with the fhip, tackle, guns, and
furniture) ; and the other fourth by his Catholick
Majefty.
XXVIII. Their Britifh and Catholick Majefties
are each of them to have a fourth part of the profits
ariiing by this contract. And, as his Catholick Ma-
jefty ought to advance one million of pieces of eight,
or a quarter of the fum adjudged neceftary to carry
on this trade, it is agreed, That if his Catholick
Majefty fhall not think fit to advance the faid fum,
the Affientifts fhall do it out of their own money,
on condition his Majefty fhall difeharge the intereft
(out of what they fhall be accountable to him for)
after the rate of eight per cent, per annum, ’till
they are reimburfed : And his Catholick Majefty
rs to name two Directors or Factors to refide at
2 1 r
London, two more in the Indies, and one at Cadiz ; C H A P,
who may be concerned, on his part, in all the di- XL
retftions, purchafes, and accounts of this Affiento.
XXIX. The Affientifts fhall give in an account
of their profits and gain, upon oath, at the end of
the firft five years ; and, by legal inftruments, cer-
tify the charge of the purchafe, fubfiftence, trans-
portation, and fale of the Negroes, and all other
expences on their account ; and alfo certificates of
the produce of the fale in all the ports and parts of
Spanifh America : Which accounts fhall be exa-
mined in the refpetftive Courts of Great Britain and
Spain. And the faid Affientifts fhall pay his Catho-
lick Majefty ’s fhare of the faid profits regularly and
pundtually.
XXX. If the amount of the gain made the firft
five years exceed the fum the Affientifts are to ad-
vance, together with the faid intereft of eight per
cent, they may reimburfe themfelves in the firft
place, and then pay his Catholick Majefty the re-
mainder of the profits of his fhare : And this they
fhall do every five years during the term.
XXXI. The Affientifls, after five years, alfo
may reimburfe themfelves the quarter part and the
intereft, if they appear then to be gainers.
XXXII. The Affientifts fhall be allow’d three
years, after the expiration of their term of thirty
years, to adjuft their accompts, and gather in their
effects in the Spanifh Weft-Indies.
XXXIII. The debtors to the Affientifts fhall be
compelled to i >ay their debts, and the faid debts be
coniider’d on the fame foot as thofe due to his Ca-
tholick Majeft }.
XXXIV . The Affientifts fhall be allow’d, from
time to time, to bring from Europe, or the Britifh
plantations in America, to the ports of Spanifh A-
merica, where there fhall be royalOfficers, cloathing,
medicines, provifions, and naval ftores, for the ufe
only of the Affientifts, their Negroes, Fadlors, Ser-
vants, Mariners, and Ships, in veflcls of about one
hundred and fifty tons ; giving a particular account
of their cargoes, and the difpofal thereof, to the
Council of the Indies.
XXXV. For preferving the health of the Ne-
groes, the Factors of the Affiento are allowed to
hire parcels of land in the neighbourhood of their
Factories, and to cultivate and plant the fame, for
railing frefh provifions ; provided fuch cultivation
be perform’d by the inhabitants, or by the Negroes.
XXXVI. I he Affientifts are allow’d to load a
fhip of three hundred tons, at the Canary iflanJs,
with fuch fruits as are ufually taken on hoard there
for America, once only during the faid term.
XXXVII. This has nothing material in it that
is not contain’d in the former articles.
XXXVIII. A Junta of three Spanifh Minifters,
the Fifcal, and Secretary of the Council of the In-
dies, fhall take cognizance of all caufes relating to
the Affiento.
E e z
XXXIX. The
212
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, XXXIX. The conceffions in former Affiento’s
XI.
to Portugal or F ranee
An annual
not contrary to the contents
of this, (hall be confirmed in favour of the prefent,
as if literally inferted.
XL. In cafe of a war between Britain and Spain,
the Affiento {hall be fufpended : However, the Affi-
en tiffs {hall be allow’d a year and half to remove
their effedls.
XLI. All laws in the Spanifh Weft-Indies, pro-
hibiting traffick with foreigners, &c. to be fu-
fpended, in favour of the Affientifts, for thirty
years.
XLII. His Catholick Majefty grants to the A (Ti-
en tills all favours, privileges, and exemptions, that
were ever granted to former Aftientills, not con-
trary to thefe articles.
His Catholick Majefty alfo, on condition that
[oAT/Mlf ^ ie Affientifts (hall not carry on any unlawful or
sntilit, 1 clandeftine trade, on any pretence whatfoever, grants
them the privilege of fending out a {hip of five hun-
dred tons annually, to trade to the Indies, provided
they give his Majefty a fourth part of the gain, and
five per cent, out of the gain of the other three
parts : And it is farther provided, that the Affien-
tifts {hall not fell their merchandize, but at the Fair
of Porto Bello only, when the galeons arrive there ;
and then the merchandize or cargo of the faid {hip
{hall be free from all duties in the Indies.
<ju. Anne The late Queen Anne afterwards transferred to
Affiento to* t ^ ic South-fea Company the benefit of the Affiento
th= South- contradl, and granted them her fourth {hare of the
fta company, profits arifing by that commerce ; and yet I don’t
fourth of perceive that company have reaped any advantage
from it ; for Sir John Eyles, in a fpeech to the
company, in the year 1731, giving them an ac-
count of this branch of their trade between the year
1721 and that time, fays, Tho’ the report of their
having loft two millions by this trade was not true ;
yet fuch were the misfortunes they had undergone
Nothing got j n the courfe of that commerce, their effedls in the
Indies having been twice feiz’d on thole mifunder-
ftandings with Spain in the years 1718 and 1727,
they had gain’d little by it, tho’ they were not out
of pocket : That, upon the treaties of accommo-
dation, reftitutions had been order’d, and in a good
meafure complied with ; yet were thofe interrup-
tions of their commerce attended with great Ioffes,
the expences of their factories having been as great
under thofe long fufpenfions of trade, as while it was
carried on.
Then he mentions the frauds of the Captain of
their annual fhip the Prince William, who took in
an hundred and fifty ton of goods at St. Chriftopher’s,
outward-bound, in breach of the Affiento contrail ;
which had very much embarrafs’d their affairs with
Spain : And, indeed, fuch have been the mifunder-
ftandings between Great Britain and Spain, ever
endlefs Arife. fince the Peace of Utrecht, whereby the Spaniards
yielded Gibralter and Port Mahon to this Crown, and
the profits.
by our traf-
fick with
Spanifh A-
merica.
The Affi-
ento, Sec.
fources of
let us into the traffick of the Spanifh Weft-Indies, CHAP
that we have been great fufferers in our commerce XL
in general with that nation of late, and feem in a
manner to have loft the affeilions of that people.
The Spaniards were under a neceffity of clapping
up a peace in the year 1713, and compelled to yield
to fuch terms as we thought fit to impofe on them
at that time : But it is evident, they had no inten-
tion totally to relinquilh thofe important fortreftes,
or acquiefce long in our trading with their AmerN
can plantations, by the repeated attempts they have
made to drive us from both ; nor will they ever be
hearty friends with this nation, probably, as long as
we infifton the performance of thofe articles.
There is no doubt, hut the Affiento, confider’d in
itfelf, would be very advantageous to Britain : We
fend little, befides our otvn manufactures, to Gui-
nea, to purchafe thofe Negroes which we exchange
with the Spaniards for gold and filver : The annual
fhip alfo goes to Porto Bello laden chiefly with Bri-
tifh merchandize, for which {he receives the treafures
of Peru and Mexico in return. But ftill, if the
French and other nations run away with the other
branches of the Spanifh trade, and we muft ever^
remain in a ftate of hoftility with that nation,
whofe friendfliip is of fuch importance to us (while
we infill on thofe advantages we ftipulated for at
the treaty of Utrecht) it were better we had never
infilled on them ; better we had never poflels’d Gi-
bralter, or traded with the Spanifh Weft-Indies, if
this fhould provoke that people to throw themfelves
into the arms of the French, and enter into a con-
federacy againft us : For this may not only embai *
rafs our affairs in Europe, but contribute more to
the ruin of our plantation trade in America, than
any thing that has hitherto happen’d. No doubt,
it is the intereft of Spain, as well as Britain, to pre-
vent the French being too powerful in America ;
but if the Spaniards fhould, through pique and re-
fentment, connive at the encroachments of France
in Florida, and other parts of the Weft-Indies, both
we and they, may, too late, repent there were any
mifunderftandings between us ; and that we did not,
in time, confider our common interefts, and op-
pofe their eftablilhing themfelves in the neighbour-
hood of our fettlements.
I {hull conclude this head with the Mexican car- The Mexi-
riages and way of travelling. It feems, the coun-
try is fo mountainous, that in their inland traffick travelling,
they ufe fcarce any waggons or wheel-carriages ;
hut all merchandize is carried on Mules or Pack-
horfes from one province to another ; and, before
the Spaniards tranfported Mules and Horfes thither,
all burdens were carried to the moft diftant places
on the backs of Tamenes, or Porters. Their
Princes and Great men were carried alio on men’s
{boulders, lying or fitting on a kind of couch, with
a canopy over it, not much unlike the Pa'ankins,
in which people are carried in the Eaft-Indies at
this
O F M E X I C O. 213
CHAP, this day. There were no hearts fit for draught or
XI. burdens in tire country. Indeed coaches are in ufe
at Mexico, and in fome other great towns, at pre-
fent ; but it is impracticable travelling long jour-
neys over their mountains in coaches ; and therefore
they generally ride on Mules in the hilly parts of the
country, and on Horfes in the plains.
Their inns. They have fome few inns upon their roads, but
ufually miferable houfes, and deftitute of tolerable
provisions, if we may credit GemelliCareri;
and they are fuch a diftance from each other in fome
places, that travellers are glad to take up their
lodging under trees and poor huts, where they
fuller pretty much from the fnows and exceffive
cold on the mountains, as they do from the fultry
heat and dull in their valleys, unlefs in the rainy
fealbn, when moll of the plain country is covered
with water, and every little brook a torrent : But
travelling in that feafon is almoil impracticable in
the provinces of Mexico.
C H A P. XII.
Of the hijiory and government of the ancient Mexicans.
CHAP. "O E F O R E I treat of the government of modern
XII. 13 Mexico, it may be proper to enquire into the
l/Y\/ hillory and government of its ancient inhabitants ;
and of thefe particulars, Father Acosta, who
refided a confiderable time in the Spanifh Weft-In-
dies, and wrote the Natural and Moral hillory of
that country, in the fixteenth century, hath given
us the bell account. Indeed all the reft of the hi-
llories I have met with, relating to the original
and antiquities of the people of Mexico, feem to
be chiefly copies and tranfcripts from that author ;
and particularly that of Gemelli Careri’s,
who acknowledges himfelf obliged to him for this
part of his hillory : And Antonio deHerera
ieems to have ufed great freedom with him, finding
Acosta’s account fupportedby the concurrent re-
lations of the bell writers of thofe times.
The firft in- Acosta relates, that, according to the tradition
Mexico? ° f °f the Mexicans, that country wasfirft inhabited by a
wild and barbarous people, who went perfectly naked,
lived on the game they took in hunting, and on fruits
and roots ; never planting or manuring the ground :
That they dwelt in caves of the rocks and moun-
tains, or under trees ; building no houfes, nor af-
fociating together in communities, having lcarce
any religion or government amongft them : And
allures us, there were fome fuch people that inhabi-
ted the mountains of Mexico in his time, being
called Chichemecas and Qtomies, from their favage
way of life.
The feeond The next people that poflels’d this country were
na fT°ih , d hat Navatlacas, who give no other account of their
Mexico, con- original, but that they came out of feven caves.
fitting of fe- Thefe were feven nations, or rather tribes, that
ven tribes.
anciently dwelt between the 30th and 40th degrees CHAP
of northern latitude ; but, about the year 820, be- XII,
gan to remove to the fouthward, and poftels them-
felves of that country, now denominated Mexico,
or New Spain ; which they did very gradually ;
for they did not move all together, only one tribe at
at a time ; and that fo leifurelv, planting colonies
by the way, that it was the year 900, according to
our computation, that the firft tribe, called the
Suchimilcans (or Gardiners of Flowers) fix’d them-
(elves on the fouth bank of the Lake of Mexico, oilcans!
founding a city there, and calling it after their own
name.
The feeond tribe were the Chalci, who quitted a. Of the
their firft feats a great while after the Suchimilcans, Chalcl *
and, arriving on the banks of the Lake of Mexico,
fix’d themfelves next to them, and built a city,
calling the name of it Chalcas.
The third trite, called the Tapeneca’s, or Peo- 3. TheTa-
pie of the Bridge, came next to the Lake of Mex- P eneca
ico, and inhabited the weft-fide, building a city
there, and calling the name of it Acapazulco, or
Ants-Nefts, from their multiplying 1b fart. And
the fourth tribe, called Culhua, or the People of 4 ^^
the Bending Mountains, Irom whence they came,
planted the eaft-fide of the lake, and built the city
of Tefcuco.
The fifth tribe were the Tlatelvica’s, who, find- s- Tattl-
ing all the lands poflefs’d about the lake, continued V1 ° *’
their march over the mountains, and poftefs’d them-
felves of the valley of Quernavaca, or Eagle Valley ;
where they built a city, and gave it the fame name.
And the fixth tribe, called the Tlafcalteca’s, went c, TLfcal-
ftill farther, and poflels’d themfelves of Tlafcala, or tecars,
the Country of Bread-Corn, fo denominated from
its fruitfulnefs : And here, it is pretended they met
with a race of giants, who for fome time defended
their country againft the new-comers ; but were,
at length, driven to the mountains and inacceffible
parts of the country, as the reft of the Chichemeca s
and Otomies had been by the other tribes.
Three hundred and two years after the peregri- 7 . The
nation of the firft tribe, according to Ac ost a, the Mexicans,
feventh tribe, called Mexicans, from their leader
Mexi, fet forward towards the fouth, to find new ieats ;
being told, as ’tis faid, by their god ipU
(or his Priefts) that they Ihould obtain the dominion
of all the tribes that went before them, and poflefs
a country abounding in gold, filver, and precious
ftones, feathers and rich mantles. To which pro-
phecy they gave fuch credit, that they began their
march, carrying the image of their god with them
in a chert, or ark, on the fnoulders of four of their
chief Priefts; to whom, fays Acosta, their god
revealed what way they Ihould take, and what ac-
cidents they fhould meet with. By thefe Priefts alfo
he gave them laws, inftrucled them how they
ihould offer facriftces to him, and in the other rites
of religious worfhip ; Nor did they ever remove
their
214
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, their camp, hut by the command of their god ; the
XII. Priefts directed when they fhould decamp, and how
long they fhould remain in any place. And the
firft thing they did, wherever they came, was to
erecft a tabernacle in the midft of their camp, for
the ark to reft in upon an altar : And they conti-
nued their wandrings for many years before they
came to the promis’d land. Thus did the Prince of
darknefs, fays Acosta, in all things, make thefe
people imitate the children of Ifrael in their march
from Egypt to the land of Canaan.
This tribe ot Mexicans, like the former, made
feveral long halts, remaining a great while in many
places, building towns, and cultivating the ground,
and, when they removed, left colonies of their
people behind them, ’till they came to Mechoacan,
or the Land of Fifh, where they would have fet
up their reft ; but their god appeared angry with
them, and killed many of the Mexicans in one
night, for prefuming to ftay here : Whereupon
they proceeded to the Lake of Mexico ; and, the
lands about it being poftefs’d by the former tribes,
they, partly by force, and partly by treaty, obtained
leave to fettle on fome iflands in the Lake, agreeing
to pay a certain tribute for what they were per-
mitted to poftlfs. Soon after, the Mexican Priefts
inform’d their people, that their god dltAll-piisfll
had appeared to them in a dream, and commanded
the Mexicans to fix themfelves in that part of the
Lake where they fhould find an Eagle perching on
a Fig-tree that was rooted in a rock ; which they
immediately went in fearch of, and found a Fig-
tree growing out of a rock, and on it a moft beau-
tiful Eagle, looking at the fun, with her wings dif-
play’d, and holding a little bird in her talons : Upon
the fight of which, they all fell down, and wor-
fhipped the Eagle ; and afterwards built a city on
the very fpot, to which they gave the name of Te-
nochtitlan, or the Fig-tree on a Rock ; and the
arms of the city (which afterwards obtained the
name of Mexico, from their firft leader) were an
Eagle, with her wings difplay’d, looking on the
fun, holding a Snake in her talons, and ftanding
with one foot on the branch of an Indian Fig-tree ;
to which the Emperor Ch a r ie s the Vth added a
Caftle Or, on a Field Azure, to exprefs the lake,
with a Bridge over it, and two others on the fides,
on which are two Lions Rampant.
I he Mexicans, having firft erected a tabernacle
in the midft of the reck, or ifland, for their god
3ilit5 , * , P'LTS then, by the Priefts direction, laid
out the four quarters, or wards, of their town,
which now go by the names of St. John, St. Mary
Rotunda, St. Paul, and St. Sebaftian ; every ward
having its tutelar deity, or guardian, affign’d to it ;
as had alfo every one of the fubdivifions of the feve-
ral wards.
The Mexican Chiefs afterwards falling into par-
ties and fadions, and being at the lame time in-
Mexico
built.
fulted and opprefled by the other tribes, to prevent C H A P,
the ruin that threaten’d them, refolved to eled a XII.
King, that might have the government of their
State, and fend them out to war ; and, not being
able to agree upon any one of their own tribe, they
made choice of Acamapixtli, the grandfon of Firft King
the King of Culuacan, under whofe adminiftration ofrhe Mexi °
they foon began to make a confiderable figure ; map’xdT"
which drew upon them the envy of the neighbou-
ring tribes ; and the King of Azcapuzalco, ’tis
faid, did not only exad an increafe of tribute, but
required fome things of them that were look’d up-
on as impracticable, with no other view than to
fall out with the Mexicans, and expel them the
country : One of which demands, the ftory fays,
^as, that they fhould fupply him with a quantity
of corn that fhould grow in the water of the Lake ■„
which they perform’d by the advice of their god,
or his Priefts, who dire&ed them to make floats of
canes and rufhes, and to lay earth upon them,
which, being fow’d with grain, yielded confidera-
ble crops, and enabled them to pay their tribute :
But, whatever truth there may be in this relation,
certain it is, the Mexicans had floating-iflands, or
gardens, on the water, with fruits and flowers upon
them, which they row’d to what part of the Lake
they pleafed : A curiofity, that I don’t remember to
have met with in any other part of the world, and
deferves as much to be admired as the hanging-
gardens of Babylon. But to proceed : The King
of Azcapuzalco continued to impofe feveral other
hard and whimfical kinds of tribute on the Mexi-
cans, who remained in a manner vaflals to that
Prince fifty years.
In the mean time, Acamapixtli, the firft
King of the Mexicans, died, having reigned forty
years, and very much improved the city, by build-
mgs, canals, aquaduFls, and bridges : He left feve-
ral children, but appointed none of them to fucceed
him ; telling his fubjeFts, that as they had freely e-
lecfed him their Sovereign, fo he now left them at
liberty to chule whom they pleafed to fuceeed him.
And this generous confidence in his fubjeFts had
the effect he probably forefaw it would; for they
had no fooner perform’d the funeral obfequies of
Acamapixtli, but they made choice of one of
his ions for their King, whofe name was Vitz i- Second King,
lovitli, or the Rich Feather; whom they Viui: ° ;itli ‘
crown d and anointed with a divine ointment, as
they called it, being the fame with which they ufed
to anoint the images of their gods. This Prince,
by the advice of his Council, married the daughter
of Azcapuzalco, who thereupon remitted all
their tribute, but a couple of ducks and fome fifh,
which betook as a teftimonyof their fubjeFtion, and
that their country was a province of his kingdom.
Vi r zi lovitli and his Queen dying, the
Mexicans chofe his fon Chimalpopoca their Third King,
Kim
— ... w ^ 1 illlU
out of regard to his grandfather Az c a- ChimaI ?°'
puzalco, pcca '
OF MEXICO,
Xicoalt.
He fu'odues
feveral of the
tribes.
CHAP, puzalco, tho* the young Prince was but ten years
XII. of age : But the grandfather dying foon after, the
(✓"V Tapenecans, his fubjcdls, treacheroufly murder’d die
minor King of Mexico, which occafion’d a war be-
tween the two nations ; for the management where-
FourthKing, of the Mexicans chofe Izcoalt their fourth King,
a Prince of great courage and experience, being the
fon of Acamapixtli, their firft monarch, by
his concubine.
This Prince declared war againft the King of
Azc apuzalco, and, having made his nephew
Tlacahuec his General, perfectly fubdued his
enemies, and divided their country among his Mex-
icans : After which, he made a conqueft of Tacuba,
Cuyoacan, the Suchimilca’s, and all the tribes that
inhabited the banks of the Lake ; and became the
moll potent monarch that had been known in that
part of the world ; but died after a profperous reign
of twelve years.
Hitherto the Mexicans in general had all of them
a voice in the eledfion of their Kings ; but Tla-
caeuec the General, who had now a great in-
fluence in the Mexican State, (hewing them the in-
convenience of thefe popular elections, perfuaded
them to transfer their right of electing a Sovereign
to fix eledlors, viz. to the Kings of Tezcuco and
Tacuba, and four Princes of the royal blood ; which
the people confented to, and were never after fuf-
fer’d to intermeddle in elections.
Thefe eledtors (probably) by the diredtion of the
General, chofe his nephew Montezuma their
fifth monarch, who firft inftituted the cuftom of the
eledted King’s facrificing fome of his enemies taken
in war by himfelf at his coronation ; and, to let his
fucceflors an example, he invaded the Chalci, made
feveral prifoners, and facrificed them on the day of
his inauguration. He alfo drew blood from his ears
and legs before the facred fire in the temple ; which
was another ceremony he required future Kings to
imitate him in at their coronations. The fame day
the feveral provinces brought him their tribute in
kind, confifting of gold, filver, rich feathers painted,
with priloners to lacr ifice to their gods.
215
Monte- CHAP.
XII.
Fifth King,
Montezu -
cotton, cloaths, cacao, and other fruits ; grain,
venifon, and whatever the kingdom afforded ;
Whereupon he made a grand entertainment for thofe
who came to attend the folemnity.
He afterwards continued the war againft the Chalci ,
•who having taken the brother of Montezuma
prifoner, would have made him their King ; but he
refufed the honour they intended him, and killed
himfelf rather than engage againft his brother.
Whereupon Monte zu M A encreafed his forces,
and made an entire conqueft of the territories of the
Chalci ; and his General Tlacaellec foon after
fubdued all the nations bordering on the North and
South-feas, except the Tlafcalans, which tribe, fays
Acosta, they fuffer’d to retain their independency,
that they might have an enemy to exercife their
youth in the difcipline of war, and to furnifh them
zu m A alfo applied himfelf to regulate the Civil Go
vernment and the Officers of his houfhold, and built
that celebrated temple in Mexico that was dedicated
to their god Hifyilipuytih and died after he had
reigned twenty-eight years.
The eledlors, afiembling on this demife, would
have fet the crown upon the head of their General
Tlacaellec, who had contributed exceedingly
to the enlargement of their territories, and fettling
the Civil Government ; and, when he refufed to ac-
cept it, they chofe the perfon he was pleafed to re-
commend to them; namely, Ticocic, one of King?
the fons of the deceafed King ; but he, proving an Tlcouc *
unfortunate Prince, was poifon’d bv his fubje&s, af-
ter he had reigned four years : Whereupon the
eledfors, by the advice of the fame General, chofo
Ax Ay ac a, another of the fons of Montezu m a, Seventh
for their Sovereign ; and the General Tlacael- ^ ,ng »
lec dying foon after his eledlion, Axa y a c a ^
gratefully conftituted his eldeft fon General of the
Mexican armies ; and, having folemnized the ex-
equies of Tlacaellec with great fplendor,
march’d with his army, to the fouthward of Mexico,
two hundred leagues, fubduing the provinces of Te-
coantipique and Guatulco ; from whence he brought
feveral captives, whom he facrificed at his corona-
tion. Acosta relates, that he afterwards inva-
ded the country of Tlatelulco ; and that his
enemies, in order to furprize him, metamorphos’d
themfelves into frogs, and other animals ; which
Acosta feems to have been fo weak as to be-
lieve : And, indeed, it muft be admitted, that
Acosta had a pretty deal of credulity and fuper-
ftition in his conftitution ; but, making an allow-
ance for thefe foibles, he is efteem’d a good author.
To return to our biftory : Axayac a died after he
had reigned eleven years ; and the electors thought
fit to cbufe Autzol, one of their number, his Eighria
fucceffor ; who added Guatimala, and feveral o- K,n ^
ther large provinces, to his dominions : He alfo re- 7 '° "
built and beautified the city of Mexico ; but, endea-
vouring to bring a river of fre(h water into the town,
drowned great part of it : However, he found means
to draw off the water again, and repair the damage.
And here Acosta entertains us with another whim-
fical piece of Mexican tradition. He fays, when the
King was about to turn the river into Mexico, being
told by a certain Magician that he would drown the
country by it, he order’d the man to be apprehended,
defigning to put him to death ; but that the Magi-
cian preferv’d himfelf fome time, by turning him-
felf into the form of an Eagle, then into a Tyger,
and afterwards into a Serpent : However, that he
furrender’d himfelf to the King at length, and was
executed. Aut zo l, having reigned eleven years,
died; and Montezu m a the fecond was elected Ninth
King, being the fame Prince that iat upon the Montezum,
throne when the Spaniards firft invaded Mexico. 1 ekcon ‘ “
This
2,6 THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP. This Prin.cs was elected by the unanimous fuft'ra- on its head, fignified a King ; and an image, ha- CHAP.
XII. ges of the electors, and the approbation of all his fub- bited like a Prieft, a Pried : Bu t they had no word XII.
ie£ls •, for he was, or appeared to be, the belt qua- or character that would exprels either, as the Chi-
lifted for that high dignity, of any of the royal fa- nefe have. There were fome few things indeed
mily ; wife, valiant, generous, affable, and cn- that reprefented others, and may be fined hierog y-
dow’d with every other royal virtue. He refufed the phicks ; as the painted wheel, that diftinguifh d their
crown when it was offer’d him, and was in a man- age ; and leffer circles, their years . And this brings
ner forced to accept it : But he no fooner attended me to fpeak of their kalendar.
the Throne, than he gave his fubjeHs good reafon I his they regulated and adjufted by the motion of 1
to believe his humility and condefcenfton were coun- the fun making his altitude and declination the mea-
terfeited, only to render himfelf popular ; for he Pure of times and feafons. Their year confuted of
commanded, that no Commoner fhould be admitted three hundred ftxty-five days, and was divided into
into his Court, or hold any place or office under him : eighteen months, to each of which was auign d
He would be ferved only by his vaff'al Princes and twenty days, which made three hundred and fixty ;
Nobility ; and made it death, ’tis faid, for any Pie- but then there were five more, a kind of intercalary
beian to look upon him. However, they admit, he days, which they added at the end of every year, to
caufed juftice to be duly adminiffer’d throughout his make it anfwer the courfe of the fun ; during which
empire, and feverely punilh’d his Officers and Ma- five days, ’tis faid, they gave themfelves up entirely
giftrates that were guilty ot corruption or oppreflion : to pleafure, or at leaf! a relaxation from bufinefs ,
That he was alfoa great General ; ever returned tradefmen fhut up their (hops, no caufes were heard
victorious from the wars, and added feveral provin- in their courts of juftice, and even their facrificesand
ces to his dominions. the fervice of the temple were difufed at thefe times.
The Spam- j(- was jn the fourteenth year ot his reign, anno At the end of the five days, the new year began,
arch arrive w h en the Spaniards ’ firft appeared upon his which happen’d on the 26th of our month of Fe-
15 ' 7 ' coafls’ In the following year, 1518, Cortez bruary. Their weeks confifted of thirteen days
arrived, and fo amazed the Mexicans with his fhip- each, diftinguifh’d in their kalendar by different fi-
ning, artillery, and horfes, that, in the opinion of gures ; and their age confifted of two and fifty years,
Acosta, they would have fubmitted to any terms or four weeks of years ; for the defcribing whereof
the Spaniards would have impofed, without ftriking they made a large circle, which they divided into
a ftroke or offering at a defence, if that would two and fifty degrees, allowing a year for every de-
have fatisfied the Spaniffi General. The Mexicans, gree : In the center of the circle, the fun was paint-
at firft looked upon thefe foreigners as Gods, or ed, from whofe rays proceeded four lines of different
good Angels, fent for their proteHion. Acosta colours, which equally divided the circumference,
obferves the fame. But they, by their outrages and leaving thirteen degrees to each femidiameter ; and
devaftations, foon gave the Indians occafion to alter thefe divifions ferved as figns of their Zodiack, upon
their opinion, and dread them as a kind of evil which their ages had their revolutions, and the fun
Genii fent to deftroy them. But, having already his afpeds, profperous or adverfe, according to the
given a full account of the negotiations and tranfafti- colour of the line. In a larger circle, inclofing the
ons between Montezuma and the Spaniards, I other, they mark’d, with the figures of animals,
Hull not weary the reader with a repetition of them ; plants, weapons, or other inftruments, the moft
only obferve, that Montezuma the fecond is remarkable occurrences that happen’d ; which, how-
looked upon as the laft of the Mexican Emperors ; ever, they feem’d confcious, could not be perfeHly
for t ho’ there were two elecTd afterwards, one was underftood by poftenty ; and therefore fchools were
fet up in the life-time of Montezuma, which inftituted, wherein the youth were taught to cele-
made his eleHion void ; and the other was taken brate the great a£hons of their ancient heroes, and
prifoner by Cortez, before he was well fettled on to repeat the moft memorable tranfadtions of the
the throne, and at length put to death by that Ge- preceding ages ; on which they relied much more
neral, under pretence that he was engaged in aeon- than on their hieroglyphicKS. So that their hiuory^
fpiraev againft the Spaniards : Nor do authors agree at laft, muff be refolved into oral tradition ; and
in the names of either. how much this may have been alter’d or corrupted, by
The learn- I proceed in the next place, to enquire into the defign or negligence, we may guefs, by what has hap-
ing of the learning and qualifications of the Mexicans, that we pen’d in other parte of the world. For my part, 1
^ cient may be the better able to judge what credit is to be never yet met with that nation whofe traditions
(riven to this hiftory : And, for ought appears to could be relied on ; even the Egyptians, Grecians,
me, they had neither letters or characters, as the and Romans, and ot later days the Chinefe and
Chinefe have, to exprefs their meaning by ; ftatuary Eaft-Indians, we find have mixed fo many impro-
and painting were the only ways they had to record bable relations with then ftory, that we know not
what was paft : An image or piHure, with a crown what to make of their ancient hiftory ; much lets
1 can
2
OF MEXICO,
CHAP.
xir.
The end of
the world
expefled at
the conclufi-
on of every
age.
Government
oftheanicent
Mexicans.
Ceremonies
of the coro-
tiatioa.
can we depend upon the Mexican, where they had
neither the ufe of letters or characters to tranfmit
the actions of their anceftors to pofterity.
At the end of every age, the Mexicans were
taught to expect the end of the world, and prepared
themfelves to take leave of it : On the laft night
they extinguifh’d their fires, neglected their food,
and abandon’d themfelves to forrow ; not daring to
take their natural reft, but remained with their eyes
fixed towar ds the eaft, ’till they faw the dawn of the
fucceeding day appear ; and then prepared to wel-
come the Sun, and falute him, both with vocal and
inftrumental mufick, onhisfirft appearance : They
alfo congratulated each other that a new age was be-
gun, and they fhould no more be in danger of the
like calamity for two and fifty years ; for which
bleffingthey crowded to their temples, to give thanks,
and facrifice to their gods, and to receive from their
Priefts new fires from the altar ; concluding the day
with fongs and dances, and other expreftxons of their
j°y- . . .
1 proceed, in the next place, to enquire into the
government of the ancient Mexicans, which, it ap-
pears, was at firft popular or republican ; but falling
frequently into factions, which had near endanger’d
the ruin of their State, they eledrted Ac am a pixt li
their firft King, foon after their arrival on the Mex-
ican lake ; and all his fuccefiors were elected after-
wards, as has been related already ; at firft by the
whole community ; but, on the death of Iz coalt,
the Kings of Tacuba and Tezcuco, and four Princes
of the royal blood, affirmed the privilege of elect-
ing their King or Emperor ; and the reft of the
Nobility, as well as the People, were ever after
excluded from having any fhare in the election.
The King eleCt, after the reign of Monte zo-
m A the firft, was obliged to invade fome neighbour-
ing nation, if the Mexicans were not at that time
engaged in war, and to bring home a certain num-
ber of captives, to be facrificed at his coronation :
And, on his return in triumph, was met by the No-
bility, Minifters of State, and chiefPriefts, and con-
ducted to the temple of the god of war ; where,
after the facrifice was ended, he was cloathed by the
EleCtors in the imperial robes ; a golden fword,
edg’d with flints, was put into his right hand, and
into his left a bow and arrows ; by which he feems to
have been inverted both with the civil and military
powers: After which, the King of Tezcuco fet the
crown upon his head, as firft EleCtor of the empire :
Then one of the Minifters made a fpeech, in the
name of all the Mexicans, congratulating him upon
his acceftion, and putting him in mind of the duties
incumbent on thofe who were railed to fovereign po-
wer; and, above all, with what attention and diligence
he ought to apply himfelf, to promote the happinefs
of the people committed to his care : Then the High
Prieft anointed him with a thick balm or oil, as black
as ink ; Hefted the King, and four times fprinkled
him with a confecrated water, putting a mantle over
V o L. 11 E
217
his fhoulders, painted with fkulls and human bones, CHAP,
to put him in mind, fays my author, that Princes XII.
were fubjeCl to mortality. They alfo ufed fome drugs
at the coronation, to preferve him from difeafes and
enchantments. After which, he offered incenfe to
the god and took an oath to main-
tain the religion and cuftoms of his anceftors. He
alfo took an oath, ’tis find, that, during his reign,
the fun fhould give his light, and the rains fall in
their proper feafons ; and that there fhould be no
inundations, famine, or peftilential difeafes : Not that
the people of Mexico thought thefe things in the
power of their Sovereign ; but they put him in mind
that his conduCt fhould be fuch as not to draw the
vengeance of Heaven upon them ; being fenfibie,
that the puhlick fbmetimes fuffer’d for the faults of
their Governors.
Having feen the Prince crown’d, it may be pro- The Courts
per to fay fomething of his Court, efpecially in the
time of Montezuma the fecond, who lived in
the greateft fplendor of any of their Monarchs. He
had, as De Solis relates, two forts of guards; one
of foldiers, with which the courts of the palace were
in a manner crowded ; and the other of Noblemen,
introduced in this Prince’s time, confifting of two
hundred, who daily attended in their turns, not
only as a guard, but to add to the fplendor of the
Court.
He had alfo no lefs than three thoufand women in
his palace, being the moft beautiful young ladies the
Governors of the feveral provinces could pick out,
to adorn the royal palace: Thefe were taken from
their relations either with or without their confent,
as a tribute due to their Prince ; and among them
there were two, the daughters of fome of the vaf-
fal Kings, whom he treated with great regard ; and
thefe the Spanifh hiftorians call his v/ives, and give
them the title of Queens, probably becaufe there
was fome fort of contraCf or ceremony ufed before
he took them to his bed.
There was a perpetual fucceftion of women in the Their wo=
palace; for the King frequently gave them to his men '
Courtiers and Favourites in marriage, and fupplied
their places with others, which were daily fent up by
his Officers : And, while they remained in the palace,
it feems, they were as ftriCfly watch’d and guarded,
as in a Mahometan Seraglio, by the good old Prudes
and Gouvernantes, who had the care of the royal
Concubines.
This Prince appeared but feldom in puhlick; and
when he admitted any of his vaffials to petition him,
they were not fuffer’d to look him in the face. He
eat alone, but in great ftate, having above two hun-
dred difhes at his table, which were diftributed a-
mong the Nobility in waiting when he had done
with them : Befide which, tables were kept for all
others who refided in the palace, or whole bufinefs
or employments brought them thither.
The King fat at table on a little ftool, and the
room was divided in the middle to keep off the
F f crowd:
2lB
CHAP,
XII.
THE PRESENT STATE
Courts of
tu
Military
sower.
crowd : Three or four of the eldeft Courtiers
waited within the rail, and near it flood an Officer
to receive the diflies, which were brought in by
young ladies richly drefs’d. The diflies, which were
of fine earthern ware, and the table-linnen, were e-
very day diftributed among the fervants, being never
ufed twice. He drank out of golden cups frequently,
a privilege never allow’d to his fubjedls ; tho’ he
fometimes drank out of the fhell of a Cacao-nut, or
other natural fliells.
There were generally attending at his table three
or four buffoons, who did not only divert him with
their impertinence, but frequently acquainted him
with things that others durft not name ; which, ’tis
laid, was his principal reafon for entertaining them.
Having repofed himfelf a little after dinner, he
was entertain’d with fuch vocal and inftrumental
mufick as his country afforded ; their inftruments
confifting chiefly of horns, hollow canes, or fea-
fliells, and wooden drums; and might entertain
thofe that never heard better, but does not feem to
be much admired by the Spaniards.
As to their Courts of juftice, there was one fup-
preme tribunal in Mexico, confiding of twelve
Judges, who determined all appeals from the refpec-
tive provinces ; and both the town and country had
their proper Judges and Officers, who heard the par-
ties, and determined caufes in a fummary way.
There could be no bills and anfwers, no written
declarations or pleadings, where there was no fuch
thing as writing : But the Judges were ufually go-
vern’d by the deeifions of their predeceffors and an-
cient cuffom, unlefs the royal authority interpofed.
The crimes of treafbn, murder, fodomy, and a-
dultery, were punilh’d with death ; and lome authors
add, that robbery and theft were punifh’d in the
like manner ; but others relate, that the firft theft
was only punifh’d with lofs of liberty : However,
all agree, that corruption in the Judges and Ma-
giftrates was punifh’d capitally ; and that bribery in
an Officer or Minifler was never pardon’d ; into
which this Prince examined more narrowly than
any other offence whatever.
There was alfo a Council of war eftablifh’d at
Mexico, which regulated all things relating to the
militia ; for the foldiery were more favoured than
any let of men in the empire, and more raifed their
fortunes, and acquired pofts and titles of honour in
this profeffion than any other. In every great town
the military men were diftinguifh’d from the reft of
the inhabitants, by feveral pi i vs and immuni-
ties; and their armies were eafily raifed, every Ca-
cique and Governor of a town or province being
obliged to bring a certain number of men into the
field upon a fummons. And it is laid, by De Solis,.
and feveral other Spanifh hiftorians, that Monte-
zuma hac! thirty vaffal Princes in his dominions
that could each of them bring an hundred thoufand
men into the field. Thefe Princes commanded their
refcecHve troops in perfon, but received their orders
from the Generaliffimo, which was ufually the Em- C H A P 0
peror himfelf in any war of confequence; thefe XII.
Princes efteeming it very impolitick to truft large
armies to the conduit of any fubjeit.
There were feveral military honours inftituted, Honours,
for diftinguiftiing and rewarding thofe who had be-
haved well in the army ; fome were created Knights
of the Eagle, fome of the Tyger, and others of the
Lion, who bore the device of their refpeitive orders
on their habits. There was ftill a fuperior order of
Knighthood, to which none but Princes, and thofe
of the blood royal, were admitted ; which the Em-
peror himfelf was of : Thefe had their hair tied back
with a red firing, and a number of taffels hung
down their fhoulders, according to the exploits they
had perform’d, a new one being added every time
they performed any fignal add ion.
There was ftill another Court, or Council, which Revenues of
had the management of the royal revenues which the Crcwa *
arofe from the produce of the gold and filver mines,
and from the tributes or taxes paid in kind of the fruits
of the earth and their manufactures ; which were faid
to be greatly increafed in the reign of Mon tezuma
the fecond, who compelled his fubjefts, whether tradef
men or hufbandmen, to yield him one third part of
their profits ; and the pooreft people were obliged to
work in the publick buildings, without any other
wages than their food, when required. As to the
Nobility, indeed, they were not obliged to pay taxes ;
but they were, by their tenures, required to ferve in
the army, with a certain number of their vaffals, or
give their attendance at court, upon every fummons.
The laft Council I ihall mention, is the Council The Council
of ftate, to which all others were fubjeCh This ot ftate>
was compofed of the fix Electors of the empire, and
ufually held in the prefence of the Emperor ; four
of the members always refiding in the royal palace^
without confulting whom the Emperor fcarce ever,
determined any thing of confequence : They were
the laft refort in all cafes, and without their advice,
were no laws made or alter’d...
CHAP. XIII.
Of the modern government of Mexico, and of the forces
and revenues of that viceroyalty.
EXICO, like the Spanifh provinces in C H A P,
the old world, is govern’d by a Viceroy, XIII.
and each of the larger divifions of that viceroyalty
has its Court of audience, to which all the leffer ^Todem^
provinces and diftriCIs are fubje<Pc. The Viceroy, or. Mexico.
Governor,, is Prefident of each Court of audience;
and the Alcaid-Majors, Fifcals, and Counfellors of
State, are Members of it. Thefe take cognizance
of all caufes, criminal or civil, within a certain cir-
cuit round the city where the refpeiPdve Courts are'
held, in the firft inftance ; and, by way of appeal, ,
of all caufes which are removed from the Courts
of inferior Judges within their feveral jurifdiiftions,.
parti-
OF MEXICO.
CHAP, particularly from the Courts of the refpedliveAlcaids,
XIII. Rigidors and Corrigidors of the refpedtive towns and
diflridls. Thofe cities which have not a Corrigidor
for their chief Magiilrate, have a Rigidor, or Al-
caid-Major, who has a certain n mber of Rigi-
dors, or Aldermen, for his Affeff rs, who deter-
mine all caufes within their feveral diftridts. Thofe
towns which are not cities, have their Alcaids only,
from whofe fentence the people may appeal to the
Courts eftablifh’d in the cities, and from them to
the Court of audience.
In the Viceroy is veiled the fupreme military
power, and he has the nomination to many civil and
military employments; but molt of the principal
pods are filled up by the King, or the Council of
the Indies in Old Spain ; to whom alfo their lies an
appeal from the Courts of audience in Mexico :
And the Spaniards make it an inviolable rule never
to prefer any Mexican, tho’ born of Spanilh pa-
rents, to any confiderable poll in the Indies. Thefe
mull be all natives of Old Spain ; and the term of
the Viceroy’s adminillration is ufually limited to
five years ; but fometimes he amaffes wealth enough
in that time to purchafe a continuance in his office
for another five years. And the mifery of it is, that
fuch Governors are fent over ufually as are neceffi-
tous or covetous ; and, having given great lums to
purchafe their places, are forced to opprefs all under
them, to make up what has been extorted from
them by the Minifters in Europe : They therefore
ufually fell all the polls they have to difpofe of, with-
out regard to the qualification or merit of the per-
fon preferred ; fo that there is a train of bribery,
corruption, and oppreffion, that runs through the
whole adminillration : And, as the Spaniards op-
prefs each other, it is not to be fuppofed, that the
poor Indians, that lie at their mercy, elcape better.
In the towns that are purely Indian, the Spaniards
conflitute the fame fort of Magiflrates, and the Go-
vernment is adminifler’d in the fame manner by In-
dians, as it is in the Spanilh towns by Spanifh Ma-
giflrates : But there are fbme tribes of Indians
that are rather in alliance with the Spaniards than
fubjedl to them. However, moll of the Indians ac-
knowledge the King of Spain for their Sovereign ;
and their Chiefs accept a flafF with a filver head,
which is in a manner a Spanifh commiffion to go-
vern their own people. Thefe the Spaniards are cau-
tious of difobliging, and fufler them to live accord-
ing to their own laws and cuftoms; only fending
Miffionaries amongfl them, to endeavour, by fail-
means, to make them conform to their religion and
government: For, if the Spaniards attempt to com-
pel or force them to fubmit, Dam pier relates,
whoie towns of them will fly to the woods and
mountains ; and, if they are accidentally difcover’d,
they will remove again, which is not very difficult
lor them to do, having fcarce any houfhold-fluff but
■*heir hammocks and calabafhes ; and they foon
219
build them new huts when they come into another C H A P,
part of the country, and raife a plantation fufficient XIIL
for their fubfiEence. The Indians who have no de-
pendance on the Spaniards, have fome Chief they
obey as their Prince, who adls the part of a Gene-
ral when they take the field, and that of a Judge
in time of peace ; and, in his determinations, is
govern’d by ancient cuflom : But, it feems, he en-
ters upon no bufinefs of confequence, without con-
fulting the heads of their tribes or families.
The regular forces the Spaniards have in the The forces of
viceroyalty of Mexico are very inconfiderable: In MexICOt
the Metropolis there are fcarce five hundred fol-
diers; and at Vera Cruz, the port of the greatefl
confequence on the North-fea, they have not half
that number ; and their fortifications are as con-
temptible as their garrifons. There is fcarce a town,
of any name, near the coafl of the North-fea,
but has been taken and plunder’d by the Buccaneers
more than once, tho’ thefe Rovers feldom confiffc
of more than a thoufand or fifteen hundred men :
Thefe fmall bodies have in a manner defied all the
militia of the country ; tho’ they have frequently
remained long enough on the coafls for die Spa-
niards to affemble their whole poffe, yet have they
generally carried off their booty in fpite of them.
The fame Buccaneers have fought their royal fleets
on the South-lea, taken fome of their flouted fhips,
and feldom been unfuccefsful in their encounters
with the Spaniards, by fea or land. And if the
Buccaneers and Privateers have appeared fo much
fuperior to all the forces the Spaniards have in that
part of the world, what might not an Englifh or
French fquadron of fifteen or twenty men of war,
and five or fix thoufand land-forces, effc£l in the
Spanifh Weft-Indies? We fee the Scots fix’d them-
felves at Darien with much lefs force ; and, had
not the Englifh themfelves oppofed and difcouraged
that expedition, it would not have been in the po-
wer of the Spaniards to have removed them. And, The interefE
indeed, it is not the want of power, but the want of Brita ; n
of inclination, that has prevented the Englifh fix- unite^gainft
ing themfelves in the richeft parts of the Spanifh the French
Weft-Indies. Our Governors feem to have been Ameoc®.'
of opinion, that we fhould lofe more by difpofieffijig
the Spaniards of their acquifitions in the new world,
than we fhould get by the conqueft, if we fucceed-
ed. And, I muff confefs, I am entirely of that
mind ; for tho’ we might come in for a fhare of
their gold and filver, yet, if we loft our traffick by
it, we fhould be no gainers in the end. I look
upon it to be the interefl both of Great Britain and
Spain, to live in perpetual amity and good under-
Handing, and to unite their whole powers to oppofe
the encroaching French, particularly in Florida, t#
which France hath already given the name of
Louifiania; for if the French fucceed there, as
they will be very uneafy neighbours to the Britifh
plantations, they will be much more terrible to the
F f 2 Spa-
220
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP. Spaniard on the fide of Mexico, which lies contigu-
XI 1 L ous to it ; fince the gold and Silver mines in Mexico
may be fuppofed to draw them fooner that way than
to the Britifh plantations, where there is nothing
that can come in competition with thole treafures :
Nay, the Spaniards can never fecure their mines in
Mexico from the French, l t by introducing the
Englilb into the weftern part of Florida, before the
French are too well eftablifh’d there. TheEnghfh
would be their beft barrier for their Mexican domi-
nions : They find the French have already driven
them from their forts at the mouth of the river
Miffiffippi, and fome of their fettlements on the
frontiers of New Mexico ; and they may allure
themfelves they will advance to the mines, if they
are not difappointed by the Englifh. It is therefore
undoubtedly the intereft of Spain to cultivate a good
understanding with Great Britain.
Nor is it lefs our intereft to have the Spaniards
for our friends : If we do not drive them into the
arms of France, we may have the cloathing of the
greateft part of the Spanilh Weft- Indies ; and we
(hall not only lofe that moft valuable branch of our
trade by quarrelling with them, but, ftiould the
Spaniard be provoked to join with the French in
Florida, they would greatly diftrefs our colonies that
border on that country, and put a ftop to our ex-
tending our plantations to the weftward. And tho’
this would be a great ftep to their own deftruftion,
we can’t be allured they will never take fuch mea-
sures ; for we find pique and refentment go a great
way, and that Courts, as well as private men, are
Sometimes govern’d more by paflion than reafon.
And if both our foreign traffick and plantations
muft evidently buffer by our quarrelling with Spain,
it is not the poffeffion of a mine or two that would
be an equivalent for them. Befides, if ever we
ftiould attempt to make ourfelves mailers of any
part of the Spanifh Weft-Indies, we Ihall infallibly
be oppofed by the French, and perhaps by the Dutch,
and other European nations. We have already buf-
fer’d in our trade by quarrelling with Spain : A great
part of the woollen and other manufactures and
merchandize, they formerly took from us, are now
furnifti’d them by the French and Dutch ; and
where trade has found a new channel, it is difficult
to reduce it to the old one. I hope, therefore, both
Britain and Spain will conftder their mutual interefts
better for the future. We are not poffels’d of the
mines of Mexico indeed ; but great part of the
treafure the Spaniards dig there flows into this king-
dom, as has been obferved by others, in return for
©ur manufactures : They have the labour, but we
already (hare the profit with them. On the other
hand, Spain will not fail to be protected by us a-
gainft the encroachments of the French, if they ufe
us well ; and I don’t know any other Power that
can protect their American dominions againft that
potent and enterprizing people*
The revenues the King of Spain receives from CHAP,
the viceroyalty of Mexico are very confiderable, XIII.
and arife principally from three branches, viz.
i. The King’s fifth or tenth of the treafure due out The re -
of their mines ; 2. From the duties of excife and Mexico*^
cuftom ; and, 3. From the rents and fervices by 5
which they hold their eftates, and the produce of
their hufbandry and manufactures.
Gf. melli Carer i informs us, that the King Arifing
has but a tenth of the Silver in Mexico, tho’ he has fr, ; m the
a fifth of the Silver of Peru, becaufe the Mexicans rmne °‘
are at a very great charge in purchafing quickiilver
to refine their Silver ; whereas the Peruvians have
mines of quickiilver in their country. Gold,
however, pays a fifth to the King, both in Mexico
and Peru. The fame gentleman relates, that when
he was at Mexico, in the year 1698, the King’s
part for that year came to fix hundred thoufand
marks, every mark eight ounces of Silver (which
muft make twelve hundred thoufand pounds fterling
of our money) ; and that the Allayer allured him,
the King’s Share came to eight hundred thoufand
marks, or Sixteen hundred thoufand pounds fterling,
in the year 1691 : And the King’s part of the plate
of Peru comes to four times as much at leaft.
The cuftoms and excife alfo muft raife a great Excife and
deal of money ; for the lame Ge melli informs cuftoms.
us, that the King’s duties paid by the Manila Ship,
in which he came from the Eaft-Indies, amounted
to fourfcore thoufand pieces of eight ; and thofe
Ships which arrive from Peru and Europe annually,
alfo are vaftly rich, and pay very high duties to the
Crown. The fame writer relates, that the excife
on a fpirituous liquor, drawn from the plant Mag-
hey only, amounted to eleven hundred thoufand
pieces of eight per annum in the city of Mexico.
The third branch of the revenue, viz. the rents Rents and
and fervices due to the Crown, muft be equal, if fences,
not Superior, to either of the former branches ; for
Gage obferves, that the pooreft married Indian
pays four, fix, and, in fome places, eight ryals
(four Shillings) per ann. to the Crown ; and others
in proportion to their eftates. There are lands alfo
held immediately of the Crown, that pay very
great rents. Others are held of the Encomendero’s,
that refemble our Lords of Manors,, or rather the
ancient Barons ; to whom their tenants pay a large
portion of the produce of their grounds and manu-
factures in kind : And thefe Lords hold of the
Crown by certain tenures or rents ; for all lands
there, as with us, hold mediately or immediately
of the Crown, and the owners of them contribute
to the Support of the Government, either by their
perfonal Service, or the rents they pay in lieu of fuch
Service,
CHAR
221
OF MEXICO.
CHAP.
XIV.
Religion of
the Chichi-
They wor-
Ihip the fnn
and moon.
Pyramids
erefled to
them.
CHAP. XIV.
Of the religion of the Mexicans , ancient and modern.
T H E people that inhabited this country im-
mediately before the Mexicans, according to
tradition, were the Chichimeca’s, who are reprefent-
ed by the Mexicans, that difpoflefs’d them of their
country, as a very brutifh generation, without re-
ligion, without government, without cloathing, ig-
norant of hufbandry, building, and every other art
and fcience.
But, notwithftanding they are faid to be without
religion, the Spanilh hiftorians, moft of them, a-
gree, that this favage people worfhipped the fun
and moon, and facrificed fowls and other animals
to them. And Gemelli Careri relates, that
when he was at Mexico, in the year 1698, being
carried to the village of Teotiguacan, which figni-
fies a place of gods, about a day’s journey from
that city, to fee fome Indian antiquities ; he found
two pyramids of earth, with Peps from the bottom
to the top, like thofe of Egypt ; the one being the
pyramid of the moon, and the other of the fun :
That two fides of the pyramid of the moon were
two hundred Spanilh yards in length each, and the
other two an hundred and fifty Spanilh yards in
length (a Spanilh yard being near a fourth lefs than
an Englilh yard). He had no inftrument to take
the height, but he guefs’d it to be fifty Englilh
yards : That there once flood on the top of this
Image of the pyramid a vaft idol of the moon (of human form,
m°on. as I underftand him) made of a hard coarfe ftone,
which the firfl Bifhop of Mexico, out of a religious
zeal, caufed to be broke in pieces : However, there
lay then three great pieces of it at the foot of the
pyramid : That within the pyramid were feveral
Kings buried vaults, where Kings had been buried ; for which
here. reafon the road to it was called Micaotli, or the
Highway of the Dead ; and about it were feveral
little mounts, or tumuli, fuppofed to be the burying-
places of their Great men.
Our author afterwards view’d the pyramid of the
fun, called Tonagli, which flood two hundred paces
v fouth of the former ; and he found two fides of it
three hundred Spanifh yards in length, and the other
two about two hundred ; and it was a fourth part
higher than that of the moon : The ftatue on the
top of it was broken ; but, however, the beft part
of it then remained there, being too large to be eafi-
ly removed. This image had a great hollow place
Image of the in the breaft, where the figure of the fun was placed ;
fun ' and all the reft of it had been cover’d with gold, as
was the image of the moon ; and he found fome
great ftones at the foot of the pyramid, that were
part of the arms and legs of the idol.
A tradition According to their traditions, thefe pyramids
CTefteTby were built by the U Imeco’s, a people which came
an eafttm by fea from the eaft ; which gave fome Europeans
people.
reafon to conjeCture, they were colonies of the C H A P.
Egyptians and Carthaginians, who fometimes joined XIV.
in their naval expeditions to the weftern coafts of
Africa and the iflands in the Atlantic ocean.
Gemelli adds, that the Mexicans do hot pre-
tend to know when thefe pyramids were creeled j
and Dr. Siguenz a, a learned Spaniard, looks up-
on them to be almoft as ancient as the Flood. Cer-
tain it is, fays my author, there was formerly a great
city where they ftand, as appears by the vaft ruins
about them : They muft have been built by a people
who inhabited the country before the Mexicans the
Spaniards found there ; for it appears, the Mexi-
cans came from the north but four or five hundred
years before the Spanifh conqueft ; and, confequent-
ly, they could not be the founders of thefe pyramids,,
the ftru&ure whereof they don’t pretend to have
any traditions or memoirs.
I proceed, in the next place, to enquire into the
religion of the Mexican tribes, who fucceeded the Religion of
Chichimeca’s; and thefe, according to Acosta, the
De Solis, and other Spanifh writers of figure, c,m: ”
acknowledg’d one fupreme God as well as the Peru-
vians, and worfhipped the idol JHi63ilipU3tP as the
image of this great God : But they contradict them-
felves in other parts of their hiftory ; telling us 9
that 0 i«lt 3 ilipu 3 fll was their Mars, or god of War 5
and that he had a brother, named SCkllOflt, of equal
power ; and that the like prayers and facrifices
were made before each of them. How then, could
the idol 21 it 3 tltpU 3 f!i be adored as the one fupreme
God ? Befides, the fame writers acknowledge, that
there was not one Indian nation that had a word in
their language, or any term, that fignified God.
Indeed Acosta fays, the Peruvians did worfhipa
being, to whom they gave the names of IdacfiaiTiaCs
idacljama, or the Creator of Heaven and Earth ;
and of (Hfapu, the moft Admirable ; which I fhall
confider of when I treat of Peru. But neither he,
nor any other writer I have met with, will pretend
to fay, that the Mexicans gave any of their gods
fuch titles or appellations. Indeed, moft of their
writers copy from Acosta, and give us nothing:
more, unlefs their own conjectures ; and Acosta
tells us, that their Miffionaries were forced to ufe
the Spanifh word Dios, both in Mexico and Peru,
when they fpoke of God ; the natives having no
word of the like import.
If the Mexicans had any god which they ima-
gined prefided over the reft, it was the Sun. It is
evident, they had a great veneration for this planet,
from the fpeeches of Montezuma, and their
aferibing whatever was great and wonderful to
his direction and influence ; but they had no image
of die fun or moon in the temples of Mexico, as
the former inhabitants of the country (the Chichi-
meca’s) had : Either they imagined it unneceflary
to make any refemblance of thofe glorious lumina-
ries, which appeared to them every day ; or, ra-
±22
CHAP, their, they imagined they govern’d the world by the
XIV, mediation of inferior deities ; and therefore built
temples, and paid their devotions only to the latter,
as mediators for them to thofe mighty beings they
did not think themfelves worthy to approach di-
rectly : For this feems to have been the opinion of
other idolaters, both Pagan and Chriftian. I pro-
ceed therefore, in the next place, to enumerate the
principal idols the Spaniards found in the temples of
Mexico.
Theh .dois ^The firft idol the Spanifh writers mention, was
T ff ! ‘ ©it3i!ip'U3ftl, and the fecond % lalotfe ; which the
reader will find already defcribed, p. 1 42, 143. The
the present state
they were defcended. “ Thefe Adventurers, fays
the good Bifhop, invented fuch flories to juftify
“ their own barbarity. It may truly be laid, that
the Spaniards, fince their arrival in the Indies,
have annually facrificed to their adored goddefs
avarice, more people than the Indians facrificed
in an hundred years.” And, if their own wri-
ters have reduced thefe facnfices from twenty thou-
fand per annum to fifty, poffibly there is very little
truth in the reft of thole relations we meet with,
of their facrificing men, much lefs eating them.
All writers agree, that their Priefts offer’d incenfe
four times a day to their gods; but thofe that fpeak
CHAR
XIV.
Tefcalipuca. third idol was MaUfitpa, called the god of pe- of the facrificing men to their idols, mention it as
Quitzakoalt.
Toji-
An Idol
made of
dough-pafte.
nance ; to whom they addrefs’d themfelves in their
diftrefles, and in their faffs. It was an image of
human form, carved out of a black fhining ftone,
and reprefented iitting on a chair in the middle of
the altar : 7 he hair was tied up with a golden fillet :
He held four darts in his right hand, and in his left
a golden mirror ; and in the fame hand a fan, made
of feathers of all colours.
The fourth image was the Mercury of the Mexi-
cans, reprefented under a human fhape, and called
•QuityalfOalf: He was more particularly addrefs’d
to by merchants and tradefmen.
They had alfo a goddefs called HT -3^ or our
great grandmother ; a deity of their own fra-
ming ; for, it is reported, theirgod 211 i 3llfp if
diredded them to demand of the King of Culiacan
his daughter, for their Queen ; which being com-
plied with, they put her to death, dead oif her
fkin, and put it on a young lad, and ever after a-
dored her as their goddefs.
Another idol was formed of a pafte compofod of
the flour of feveral forts of grain mixed with ho-
ney ; which they obliged their prifoners to adore
that were deflined to be facrificed : And this brings
me to enquire into their human facrifices, with
which the Spaniards charge them ; making thefe a
colour for all the outrages they committed in Ame-
rica. 1 hey infill, that a people, which made the
facrificing their own fpecies the chief part of their
religion, ought to have been extirpated. But the
ces magnified Spanifh Bifhop of Chiapa, who refiued in Mexico
to a great ac t ' ie t ' me °f the conqueft, and was fent over thi-
ther to enquire into thefe matters, and to proteiSl
the Indians againfl the barbarous ufoge they met
with rrom Cortez and his fellow-adventurers ;
affiires us, that moil part of the charge was falfe :
That inflead of the Mexicans facrificing thoufands
.and twenty thoufands annually, as thofe Adventu-
rers reported, they never facrificed fifty in any one
year. And, for ought I can learn, they neither
facrificed beaflsor men conflantly ; but only on fome
grand fellivals, or in the time of fome general ca-
lamity, fuch as famine, or ill fuccefe in war, to ap-
peafe their angry gods, as the Phenicians and Car-
thaginians did, from whom it is highly probable
Their hu-
man facrifi
ce
to a great
degree
done upon extraordinary occafions only, and no
part of their conftant worfhip. If we might be-
lieve fome authors, indeed, they did not only facri-
fice men, but eat them ; and had fhambles of hu-
man flefh in their markets. But, as I fhould with
great difficulty believe this of any people, it being a
thing fo generally abhorred by all men I have ever
foen or known ; I fhould believe it lefs of the In-
dians tnan any other people, fince it is agreed, that
they lived for the moll part on fruits, roots and
herbs, and very little on flefh of any kind. The
fome Bifhop of Chiapa informs us, they were tem-
perate and abflemious to a very great degree ; and
that one Spaniard would eat as much as four Indians
ufually did. And it is very Arrange, if fuch a people
fhould feafl on human flefh, which, I am apt to
think, is a flronger food, and harder to digefl than
that of any other animal ; it mull create a flrange
diforder in men that generally lived fo abflemioufly.
And, as I am inclined to doubt of many of the
flories we meet with in the Spanifh hiilorians, re-
lating to human facrifices ; fo I mull abfolutely re-
je£l thofe relations that charge the Indians, or any
other nation, with devouring their own fpecies. It
is flrange, if there ever were fuch a people in Ame-
rica, there fhould be none ot them left at this day.
7 here are many nations, yet unconquer’d by the
Europeans, who flill retain their ancient rites and
cufloms in other particulars ; and yet I can’t learn
there is one canibal amongfl them.
I fhall proceed, however, to give a fair and im-
partial account ot the religion of the Mexicans, as
we find it in Father Acosta the Jefuit, from
whom mofl of the other Spanifh writers have tranf-
cribed their relations ; only premihng, that tho’ this
Father be an author of very good credit, where he
relates what he faw himfelf ; yet he feems to have
had a great fbareof credulity and fuperflition in his
conflitution, as will appear from the pretended mi-
racles he relates upon trull, and the credit he requires
his readers to give them.
And, in the firfl place, Aco st a obferves, that
the Devil has taught the Mexicans to imitate both
Jews and Chriflians in the worfhip and fervice of
their idols : That they had their Temples, Priefts,
Sacrifices,
Their eating
human flefh
not to be re-
lied on.
A refem-
biance be-
tween the
Mexican and
Chriftian
riles.
O F M E
CHAP. Sacrifices, Sacraments, Prophets, and Minifters, as
XIV. the people of God had : And then proceeds to de-
fcribe the Mexican temples ; of which having
treated already, I {hall, in the next place enquire
in the Prieft’s office.
Their chief Prieft, he informs us, was {Piled
their Papas, or Pope, vefted with fovereign autho-
rity, and held his office by inheritance, as the reft
of the Priefts of did : But that the
other Pi iefts were elected or dedicated to that of-
fice in their infancy.
That the daily employment of their Priefts was
idols. t0their to °® ;r incen( ' e to their icl ols: This they did four
times within the fpace of twenty-four hours, viz.
at break of day, at noon, at fun-fet, and at mid-
night ; when they founded their drums and trum-
pets: The chief Prieft in waiting, being cloathed in
a kind of furplice, took fire from the altar at mid-
night ; and, having incenfed the idol, was followed
into a chappel by the reft of the Priefts and Officers of
the temple ; where they perform’d a very rigorous
penance, lafhing and cutting themfelves ’till the
blood follow’d, and then befmear’d their faces with
their own blood.
Their Pope.
Other
Priefts.
Tncenfe nf-
Penances,
The Priefts and Religious alfo fafted five or ten
days before their grand feftivals ; and feme of them
cut and difabled themfelves in fuch a manner, as to
render them incapable of enjoying women : Nei-
ther did they drink ftrong liquor, or indulge them-
felves in fleep, moft of their penances being per-
form’d in the night-time.
The manner Their iacrifices come next to be confider’d.
men. Crif5cmg Acosta relates, that the captives deiign’d to be
oft'er’d, being brought to the foot of the temple-
ftairs, were met by one of the chief Priefts, who,
prefenting them the image made of the flour of
Wheat, Maize and Honey, declared, that “ This
“ was their god and, after iome other ceremo-
nies, one of thefe unhappy men was led up to the
platform on the top of the fteps, where he found fix
Priefts ready for the execution ; two feiz’d upon his
f arms, two on his legs, a fifth put a wooden col-
lar about his neck ; and, having thrown him on
his back on a pointed ftone about + foot high, the
fixth, being the chief Prieft, ripped open his breaft
with a knife edg’d with flint ; and, tearing out the
heart firft, prefented it to the fun, and then threw
it in the face of the image of Slllf yjUpUJth (or feme
other image) which ftood on an altar in the chappel
juft before the place of execution: Then the body
was thrown down the fteps, and, being ta ten up
by thole that took him prifoner, was carried away,
boil d, broil J, or otherwile cook’d, and ferv’d up
, for the entertainment of their friends, who feafted
on the flefti of the facrifice. And thus, according
to this writer, were fifty and more facrificed in a
day fornetimes. I he hands and faces of all the fa-
enficing Priefts were painted black when they offi-
ciated ; and the chief Prieft had on a red robe or man-
XICO.
223
tie, with a crown of feathers of various colours on CHAP,
his head, pendants at his ears, and jewels hung on XIV.
his lips. The reft of the Priefts had painted core-
nets on their heads, and were cloathed in white
robes.
At fome of their feftivals, they flead a captive,
and cloathed another man in his fkin, who went
through the ftreets begging the charity of the peo-
ple, who gave liberally on thefe occafions, the mo-
ney being applied to the fervice of the temple.
Sometimes they would ftake a prifoner down, and
giving him weapons, fufter him to defend himfelf
againft the (acrificing Prieft ; and, if he were too*
hard for the Prieft that attack’d him, they gave
him his liberty, otherwife he underwent the fame
fate as the reft.
Their feftivals, ’tis faid, were ufually celebrated
with human iacrifices. The laft day of every
month, which conlifted of twenty days, they fieri-
ficed fome captives, and ran about the ftreets,
cloathed in their {kins, to beg money, in the man-
ner above related.
A captive alfo was annually given to the Priefts,
to be the reprefentative of their god. This man
they cloathed with all the robes and ornaments of
the idol he was to perfonate, and gave him the
fame name ; and he was honoured and adored all
that year as the idol was, lodged in the beft apart-
ment in the temple, feafted and entertain’d by thofe
of the firft rank, and, when he went through the
ftreets, he was attended by their Princes and Nobi-
lity ; he play’d upon a pipe, or flute, and the peo-
ple adored him as he pafs’d : But at the end of the
year he was facrificed, and fent to increafe the num-
ber of their gods;
1 he Priefts put both the King and People upon
thefe barbarous facrifices,, according to Acosta,
who fays, “ They were weary of them when
the Spaniards arrived arnongft them, and were
“ determined to have left them off themfelves.”
In their great feaftof which was revival of
held the beginning of May, their Nuns (for they Vitzili ? t!Ztfij
had cloifters of Nuns and F riars belonging to every
temple) made an image of their god in pafte, of the
flour of Maize and Honey ; which having drefs’d
up, and feated on an azure throne, the Nuns, who
at that feaft call’d themfelves the fitters of 1 i*
PRTi, carried it in proceffion on their {boulders to
the area before the temple, where a ft t of young
Friars received it, and carried it on their (boulders
to the fteps of the altar, where the people came
and worshipped it, throwing duft on their heads.
They afterwards went in proceffion with the
image to a mountain, * league diftant from Mexico,
taking a tour through feveral of the neighbouring
villages: After which they returned to the temple
in a triumphant manner, founding their drums and
trumpets, covering the idol with rofes, and ftrew-
ing the ground with all manner of flowers.
Then
THE PRESENT STATE
224
CHAP. Then the Nun? took ptfte, and made it into the
XIV. form of human bones, which were laid at the feet
^ o of the idol, and being confecrated by thePriefts, were
Munion° m ' called, The FlefhandBonesof 3L£lf3!li?U3tli: About
which they fung and danced, and paid the fame divine
honours to them as to the idol itfelf. After which,
the Priefts ftripped the idol of pafte of its ornaments,
broke that and the bones in pieces, which they di-
ftributed to the people, bidding them “ eat the fiefh
4,4 of their god the whole ceremony concluding
with a fermon or exhortation of the Priefts.
Feaft of On the 1 9th of the fame month of May, was an-
Telcahpuca. nua |jy celebrated the feaft ot SEcfialiftUCa, when
thePriefts abfolved the people from their fins. The
temple gates being open’d, one of the Priefts ap-
peared, and blew a horn, turning himfelf to the
four winds : After which, he took up duft and put
in his mouth, pointing to the heavens ; in which
he was imitated by the people, who ftgh’d, wept
and mourn’d for their offences ; and proftrating
themfelves on the ground, implored the divine
mercy. The horn was blown for ten days fucceflively,
viz. from the 9 th to the 19th of May; all which
time was fpent in weeping and mourning ; and, on
the laft day, the image of the god SEffcaUptlCa was
carried in procellion, two Priefts walking before it
with cenfers in their hands ; and, every time they
cenfed the people, they lifted up their hands to
heaven, adoring the fun and their idol : And, du-
ring the ceremony, the penitents fcourg’d them-
felves with whips and knotted cords.
After the proceffion, the people made their obla-
tions, confifting of gold, ftlver, the fruits of the
earth, or of their labour. They alio fet all manner
of delicious meats before the idol, which were af-
terwards carried by the fervants of the temple to the
apartments of the Priefts ; the whole ceremony
concluding with the facrifice of the perfon who had
been the living image of the god of penance the pre-
ceding year, and the ufual longs and dances at fitch
folemnities.
Feaft of The next feftival I fhall mention, is that of
Quitzaicoalt. 53J3,uit3alCOaIt, the god of trade. Forty days
before this feaft, the Merchants purchafed a beau-
tiful young Have, without any manner of defetfl,
to be the living reprefentative of this god ; and,
having wafh’d and purified him, they cloathed him
with the fame robes and ornaments with which the
idol was adorn’d he was to reprefent : They danced,
fung, and adored him ; furnifhing him with every
thing that could render life defirable : But, nine
days before the intended execution, they put him in
mind of his approaching fate ; and, if he appear’d
to be defpirited and melancholy, they ply’d him
with intoxicating liquors ’till he returned to his ufual
gaiety, and became infenfibleof his fufr’erings : And,
on the night of the feaft-day, about twelve o’ clock,
they facrificed the unhappy wretch in the ufual man-
ner, ripping open his breaft, and taking out his
heart, which they firft offer’d to the moon, and CHAP,
then threw in the face of the idol, tumbling the bo- XIV.
dy down the flairs of the temple, which the Mer-
chants took up, drefs’d, and eat with their friends.
It is not pretended, that the Mexicans had any
conftant daily facrifices, either of men or other ani-
mals : But our author relates, that they adored the
god of hunting ; and, at certain feafons of the Feaft to the
year, ufed to lurround the woods and mountains, ? od nf
where they expended to meet with wild beafts, or huntins ’
game : And, having lighted fires on all fides, and
driven the beafts to the centre, there they ufed to
kill, and offer them to this god, who was placed on
an altar on the top of the mountain thus invaded.
The inhabitants of Honduras, Jucatan, Nica-
ragua, and the reft of the provinces, had idols of dif-
ferent figures, that were worfhipp’d with different
rites : But mod of them, we are told, facrificed men
on fome occafions, particularly thofe of the diftridl
of Tlafcala ; and the iftand of Cozumel, on the coaft
of Jucatan, was famous for fuch facrifices, as well
as for its oracles. But we are inform’d, that the
Priefts here, as well as the Pagan Priefts of old,
ufed to abufe the people with pretended an fwers from
their idols, which they themfelves pronounced un-
feen from a hollow place, where they flood concealed.
I fhall take an opportunity here to recite fome of
the miracles related by Father Acosta, which have
any relation to thefe facrifices, or other parts of
their religion.
He fays, that fome Spaniards {landing at the foot Miracles re-
of the temple flairs, when a body that had been fa- l A tcd ft by
crificed, and the heart pulled out, was rolled down, c ° a ‘
the body fpoke to them, and cry’d, “ Knights, they
“ have flain me adding, that it is no incredible
thing for a perfon to fpeak after his heart is pulled out.
The fecond miracle he relates, was done by a
Spanifli foldier, who, having committed fome capi-
tal crimes, fled to the Indians in the mountains to
conceal himfelf ; and obferving the Indians in great
diftrefs for water, and that they in vain called on
their gods for rain, advifed them to eredt a Crofs,
and offer up their prayers to it for relief ; which
they did, and there immediately fell abundance of
rain, which fo convinced the Indians of the virtue
and holinefs of the Crofs, that they applied to it in all
their diftreffes, obtaining whatever they demanded ;
which induced them to break their idols in pieces,
and apply themfelves to the Chriftian Priefts to be
baptized ; and that the province was ever after
called T he Holy Crofs of the Mountain. How-
ever, A costa is fo good to tell us, that this mira-
cle-working foldier was afterwards taken by the
Spaniards, and bang’d for new offences, not being
able to leave his wicked courfes.
The fame writer proceeds to inform us, that fome
Spanifh foldiers, who wander’d about in Florida fe-
veral years, cured whole towns and provinces of
their difeafes, by faying over fome prayers of the
church.
OF MEXICO. 225
CHAP, church, and figning their patients with the fign of
■XIV. the crofs, without adminiftring any medicine to
them.
Pie obferves alfo, that in feveral battles a horfe-
man was feen in the air, mounted upon a white
horfe, with a fword in his hand, fighting for the
Spaniards ; and at other times the image of thebief-
fed Virgin appeared fighting for them.
So very credulous and fuperftitious are the heft
Spanifh authors, that treat of the conqueft of Mexi-
co : F rom whence it is natural to infer, how little
their accounts are- to be depended on, where it is
their intereft to traduce the Indians to advance the
glory of their church, or magnify the adions of
thofe pretended conquerors that deftroy’d the inha-
bitants of that new world.
Notwithftanding ’tis pretended, that the Mexicans
facrificed twenty and fifty thoufand men in one
year, we find, when the fame authors come to give
a particular account of their religon, they confefs,
that on fome of their greateft feftivals they were
contented with the life of one fingle vidim ; which
it is not probable they would, if they had facrificed
fuch numbers at other times.
It is obfervable alfo, that, in fome parts of their
hiftory, they reprefe- them rejoicing at thefe facri-
fices, cooking, dreriing and eating the vidims with
an uncommon gull ; and yet, in other paflages, we
are required to believe, that they detefted human
lacrifices, were put upon them only by their Priefts,
and were determined to have left them off before
the Spaniards came : So inconfiftent are thefe wri-
ters with themfelves. And we find the Bilhop of
Chiapa who was upon the fpot at the time of the
conqueft, abfolutely denies the Indians facrificed fuch
numbers as was pretended, or any thing near fo
many.
I can’t help taking notice alfo, that their hifto-
rians relate, that the legs and arms only of the fa-
crifice were chofen to eat, the body being negleded
and thrown away ; whereas in other animals, the
loin, the breaft and rump are looked upon as the
choice!! pieces, and the legs the mold indifferent
food. They alfo give us pictures and cuts of the ■
Indians roafting human fielh on fpits ; whereas,
every one knows, they roaft no kind of fielh, but
Hew or broil (which they call barbacuing) their meat.
From whence I am confirm’d in my former opinion,
that the Indians never eat any human fielh ; and if
ever they facrificed men, it was but very feldom,
and upon extraordinary occalions. But to proceed
in the delcription of their religious rites.
Convents Within the bounds of every temple there were
and nunne- conV ents, the one of Nuns, and the other of
Friars : The Nuns were cloathed in white, and
called the daughters of penance, being admitted
into the cloifter at twelve or thirteen years of age,
when their heads were lhaved : Their bufinefs was
to keep the temple clean, and drefs the lacred meats
Vo L. III.
prefented to the idcls, and afterwards eaten by the C H A P.
Priefts; and they made the furniture and ornaments XIV.
for the temple, and the idols it contain’d : They
rofe at midnight to attend the fervice of the temple,
and perform the penances impofed on them ; and it
was death to fuffer their cbaftity to be violated while
they remained in the cioifter ; but then they were
to continue here but a few years ; after which, they
were allowed to leave their cells, and marry.
The young Friars were admitted at eight or nine
years of age, had their crowns lhaved, and attended
the fervice of the temple alfo : They were obliged
to live abftemioufly, and practife great aufterities ,
but were, however, at twenty years of age, allow-
ed to go into the world, and marry. There were
no fuch things among the Mexicans as vows of per-
petual virginity and chaftity ; but, at proper ages*
both Nuns and Monks enter’d into the married
{fate, which render’d their condition preferable to
that of cloifter’d Catholicks.
The Spanilh writers alfo relate, that the Mcxi- Clreumeitw*
cans had the rites of baptifm and circumcifion amongft and ba P tito
them ; by which they initiated young children, efpe-
cially thofe of noble extradion, into their religion.
Their Priefts alfo obliged their people to come to Confefficst.;
confeffion, and enjoin’d them penance, after the
manner of the Roman Catholicks. Thus the rites
of the Mexicans and Spaniards being pretty much the
fame, the latter had little more to do than to give
them one fet of images for another, and require them
todired their devotion to different objects reprefent-
ed by images confifting of the fame materials their
former idols were made.
Another part of the Mexican religion, or fuper- Grades,
ftitien, confifted in confulting their idols as to future
events : But I find the Priefts, for the mod part,
delivered their oracles ; or, if the idol itfelf was ap-
ply’d to, there were fome pious frauds ufed to im-
pofe on the bigotted enquirer. The voice, indeed,
proceeded from the place where the image flood j
but it was the voice of a man, artfully placed in
or behind the image, and not the voice of a dtemora
(as fome have fuppofed) that refolved their doubts.
And, to me, the Idol-prieft, the Conjurer, and the
Phyfician, feem to have been the fame perfon, only
ading different parts : They all pretended to charm
away diftempers, and do a multitude of other feats,
above the power of nature ; which every one is at
liberty to believe or rejed, as he is dilpofed, thefe
being no articles of faith.
As to the Chriftian religion, which the Spaniards The Chri-
boaft they introduced into this new world, it appears,
that the firft adventurers, Cortez and his com-
panions, ftudied nothing iefs than the converfion
of the Indians, whatever they pretended : They The manner
only fummoned the Indians to fubmit to the Pope ? ( cc f ve I rt “
and the Emperor Charles the Vth ; and, on diaIJS ,
their refufal, to become Chriftians (before they were
at all inftruded in the Chriftian rites) they feiz’d
G g their
226 THE PRES
CHAP, their country, murder’d many millions of them,
XIV. and enflaved the reft : And afterwards, when thefe
G>'''V"N 7 abufes were in feme meafure redrels’d, and Miffion-
aries fent over, they perfectly dragoon’d the Indians
that were left alive into Chriftianity, driving ’em by
hundreds and thoufands into the rivers to be baptized,
on pain of having their threats cut. One of thefe
Miftionaries boafted, to Charles the Vth, that
lie had baptized above thirty thoufand Indians him-
felf : And Gage relates, that it was frequent, in
his time, to baptize the Mexican Indians before
they were at all inftrufted in the doctrines of Chri-
ftianity. See Gage’s Survey of the IVeJI- Indies,
p. 1557, Sic.
Dignities in The fame writer relates, that there are Miffion-
conferred on anes i ent over from Spain to every province in
native Spa- Mexico, from all the religious orders, annually ;
mards. and t ] iat j t j s yer y that any confiderable dig-
nity in the church of Mexico is conferred on a native
of that country, tho’ born of Spanifh anceftors ;
which has created an implacable enmity between the
Clergy that are natives of Mexico, and called Crioli,
and thofe that are natives of Old Spain. The fame
policy is ufed in relation to pofts in the Civil Go-
vernment, as has been obferved already : Moft of
Differences the fuperior Governments and Offices are filled
Old V Spa- the wirh the natives Old Spain, who treat the Crioli,
niards and or Mexican Spaniards, with great contempt ; from
the Mexi- whence, fome have been inclined to think, the lat-
hs'*" ter would be ready to revolt, and join any foreign
Power that fhould appear in the Weft-Indies, to free
themfelves from the Spanifh yoke. But as that of
France would be ftill more infupportable to the Spa-
nifh Indians, and they are too much bigotted to their
fuperftition to fubmit to Hereticks, it is highly pro-
bable, notwithftanding their averfion to "the Spa-
nifh Adminiftration, they would all unite againft
a foreign invader ; and whatever European fhall
attack them, ought to depend on his own force,
and not rely much on the difaffechon of the natives.
Gage’s other obfervation, however, in relation
to the Miftionaries fent from Spain, “ That they
“ ate frequently Monks of very little merit, and
44 of lewd lives, ” may be true enough ; for, fo
we find it in other countries, men of worth and
character are feldom fond of travelling and under-
going fuch hazards and fatigues as are to be met
with in paffing the feas, and changing the climate ;
and therefore leave thefe millions to thofe whofe
neceffities or flender reputation at home induces them
to go abroad : Not but that there have been men
of very great worth found fometimes among thefe
Miftionaries.
Gac-e infinuates, that the principal motives that
draw the Spanifh Clergy over to America, are a
view of gaining great riches, to free themfelves
from tne connnement of their cloifters, and enjoy
an_ unreftrained liberty ; for it is frequent for a
Prieft to lay up ten or twelve thoufand crowns in
ENT STATE
ten years time, who has but an ordinary cure in CHAP.
Mexico, and to live plentifully and luxurioufly all XIV.
the time, and be in a manner adored by the com-
mon people there.
He was amazed, he faid, to find the Monks in The loofe
the Mexican cloifters and the parochial Clergy rival- ,ives of the
ling the quality in their drefs and luxurious way of MUEoMries.
life : They drank, they gamed, they fwore, they
wench’d, and made a jeft of their vows of poverty ;
getting money enough, many of them, to return
to Old Spain, and purchafe bifhopricks.
And as to the Laity, he fays, there is not a more The Laity
bigotted or a lewder people upon the face of the P ropor nona-
earth : A prefent to the church wipes off the odium Y ™ '
of the greateft crimes ; and that the way the people
are inftrudfed in their religion here, as in Old Spain,
is by plays and theatrical entertainments in their
churches. There is fcarce any part of the biftory Pious plays*
of the Gofpel but is the fubje£l of a play, which
the loweft of the people are taught to a£I ; one perfo-
nates our S AV IOUR, another Pilate, a third
He rod, and fo on : And as their churches are ex-
quifitely fine, fo is their mufick, both vocal and
inftrumental. The Clergy colled the moft harmo-
nious voices, and have them taught not only to fing
anthems, but merry fongs ; and in their cloifters
they have mafques, dances, and all manner of enter-
tainments the Laity in this part of the world indulge
themfelves in : And yet have they their feafbns for Seatons of
penance and mortification, particularly in Lent, mortifica "
when the people do not only keep a ftrid faft, but tIon ‘
lafh and cut themfelves unmercifully in their pro-
ceffions. This is the exercife of the Holy-week be-
fore Eafter, and in cafe of an earthquake, famine,
or other general calamity, when they endeavour to
appeafe the wrath of Heaven by fuch aufterities.
C H A P. XV.
Of the marriages of the Mexicans ; of the education
of their children , and of their funerals.
A Ccording to Acosta, the Mexicans were C I! A P,
married by their Priefts in the temple : The XV
bride and bridegroom Handing before him, he took
each of them by the hand, and demanded, if they Marriages,
were agreed to marry ; and, on their anfwering
in the affirmative, he tied a corner of the woman’s
veil to a corner of the man’s mantle ; and, leading
them in this manner from the temple to the bride-
groom’s houfe, he made the bride furround the fire
(that was kindled in the middle of the houfe for
that purpofe) feven times : After which, the man
and woman fat down by the fire ; and thus the
marriage was concluded without farther ceremony,
and confummated the fame night. But if the man
did not find his bride a virgin, ihe was returned
the next day to her friends, which was no fmall
reproach to the family. On the contrary, if he
had
CHAP.
XV.
Divorces.
Polygamy
and concu-
binage al-
lowed.
OF MEXICO.
227
had no objections to her virtue, the bridegroom gave
a handfome entertainment to the wife’s friends the
next day, made them conliderable prefents, and fa-
crifices were offered to the gods on the joyful occa-
fion. A fchedule was afterwards made of all the
jewels, cloaths and goods the wife brought with her,
which her father kept ; and, in cafe of a divorce,
which happen’d frequently where they could not
agree, all the effects mention’d in the fchedule were
return’d, with the wife, to her friends : And, it
feems, people once divorced were prohibited coming
together again, by the Mexican laws, on pain of
death.
Acosta, in fpeaking of their marriages, does
not inform us, whether poligamy was allowed a-
mongft them ; but, in other parts of his hiftory,
he confirms the relations of other writers, who
unanimoufly obferve, that their Kings and Great
men had a great variety of women, both wives
and concubines. Adultery (that is, the enjoying
another man’s wife) was capital ; but neither po-
ligamy or concubinage were deemed any offence
againft their law : Even the common people had
probably more wives than one, becaufe they were
fo far from being a charge to a man, that they
might well be reckon’d part of his flock, as well as
his Haves ; for the wives of the common people
cultivated the grounds, carried the hufband’s bag-
gage and provifion in every expedition, whether in
war, in hunting, or upon a journey : They alfo
fpun and wove their cloaths, and did all the buhnels
of the houfe befides ; confequently, the more wives
a man had, the richer he muft be : Whether they
brought fortunes with them or not, they improved
and increafed his eftate every day.
Wafer, who refided a great while among the
Indians of Darien, adjoining to Mexico, relates,
that the fathers of the bride and bridegroom only
were concerned in tying the matrimonial knot.
He does not mention any Priefts being concerned in
it ; adding, that, feven days after the contract was
made, the bride’s father deliver’d her to her hufband ;
when all the Indians for feveral miles round were in-
vited to an entertainment, and every one of them
brought the married couple a prefent, confifting of
provifions and fruits. The men alfo brought their
tools, to clear a fpot of ground for a plantation for
the married couple, and aflift in building them a
houfe ; which being finilh’d in feven or eight days,
the men fat down to drinking, continuing at it night
and day ’till all the liquor was fpent ; the women
waiting upon them, and taking a great deal of care
of their drunken hufbands when they found them
diforder’d. And, notwithftanding the wives are
put to all manner of drudgery in their plantations
and houfes, and carry the baggage on journeys,
Wafer obferves, they do all this readily and
chearfully : That they have no quarrels with their
hufbands, or with one another, and are extremely
good and courteous to flrangers : That their huf- CHAP,
bands alfo are very kind to them : He never knew XV,
an Indian beat his wife, or give her a hard word,
all the while he was amongft them ; and, indeed,
it would be very hard if they fhould abufe their
wives, when they are contented to be their Haves.
A woman is no fooner deliver’d of a child, but Child- bed
fhe and the infant are immediately waffl’d in fome women '
river : After which, the child is fwathed or tied to
a board, and the mother dickies it with the board
at its back : It alfo Heeps in a hammock thus
fatten’d to a board. And, when they grow up, the Education,
boys are bred to their father’s exercifes, namely,
(hooting, fifhing, or hunting ; while the girls are
taught hufbandry as well as houfewifery, and to fpin
and weave. He adds, that the Prince of that coun-
try (who was a Pagan, and not at all fubjedl to the
Spaniards) had feven wives ; and 2 whenever he
went a long journey, fo contrived matters, that he
had always a wife at the end of every ftage.
The Mufqueto Indians, who inhabit the province Marriages
of Honduras, allow of poligamy alfo, or a plurality Mu *'
of wives, as we are informed by one of our own dians,
countrymen, who refided amongft them about the
year 1699 : Nor do they marry ’till they have co-
habited fome time together, and try’d whether their
humours and every thing elfe are agreeable; and then
the man, to makefureof his wife, gives her father
a prefent, enters into a contract with him for his
daughter, and the bargain is ratified at a notable
drinking-bout, where the friends on both Tides are
made as merry as heart can wilh. And as thefe Muf-
queto men frequently make long journeys, or go
abroad in the fervice of the Englifh and other
foreigners, they do not take it amife if a friend co-
habits with their wives in their abfence, provided
they take care of them and their children.
As to the Indians that are fiibjeift to the Spaniards, Df Indians
and obliged to profefs themfelves Chriftians, Dam- [h^spani-
pier informs us, their Priefts oblige them to marry ards.
when the lads are fourteen, and the girls twelve :
And if they are not then provided with a fpoufe,
the Priefts find one for them. And in this, it feems,
the Civil Government concur, looking upon it that
married people make the beft fubjeefts ; A wife and
children are the fureft pledges of a man’s fidelity.
An Indian feldom leaves his family, and retires to
his untamed countrymen in the mountains, after he
is married ; but becomes an induftrious and pro-
fitable member of the commonwealth, paying du-
ties both to the Church and his Civil Governors.
The marrying them fo young alfo renders the coun-
try the more populous, which was impolitickly de-
prived of its inhabitants by the firft Adventurers.
Nor do the Spaniards only take care to fee the young
Indians married to each other, but they encourage,
or at leaft fuller, the native Spaniards, and the Crioli
their defeendants, to marry with the Indians ; where-
by the Americans are fo incorporated and allied to
G g 2 many
/
228
CHAP.
XV.
Impolitic in
us not to
marry with
tjpe. Indians.
Mexican
sdstatim.
THE PRESENT STATE
many Spanifh families, that they are in a manner
become the fame people in fevera! towns and pro-
vinces. The like policy the French obferve in their
American plantations ; while the Englifti ftupidly
prohibit their people marrying with the Indians, and
confequently lofe many advantages in planting and
eftablifhing themfelves, which other European na-
tions have.
The Spaniards* French and Portuguefe alfo en-
deavour to make the natives profelytes to their reli-
gion, wherever they come ; reprefenting, at the
lame time, all Proteftants as impious and barbarous
monfters of men, and fo far from being Chriftians,
that they are perfedt Infidels, and ftrangers to all
virtue and morality : Which the poor Indians, who
are incorporated with them by marriage, and now
bigotted to their fuperftition, are too apt to believe^
They entertain in fuperable prejudices therefore againft
our nation, and have fcarce any opportunities of be-
ing undeceived. Thus the nations above-mention’d
daily fecuring their intereft in the natives, by the
two ftrongeft ties of blood and religion, our frontier
fettlements muft ever remain expoied to the invafi-
ons of their Indians. It w'ill be very difficult to de-
fend and eftablifh them where the French or Spani-
ards lie in our neighbourhood, and continually in-
cite the Indians in alliance with them to fall upon
our colonies ; especially as we ufe no arts to coun-
termine our rivals, and ingratiate ourfelves with the
Indians, as other nations do. This is the true rea-
fon we have yet penetrated no farther into the conti-
nent ; nor (hall we ever be able to bring over many
Indian nations to our intereft, unlels we employ more
Miffionaries to inftrudx them in our faith, and encou-
rage our people to intermarry with them. Our co-
lonies, indeed, are yet more powerful in North
America than either thofe of France or Spain, and
we can fupply the natives with what they ftand in
need of on eafier terms than either of thofe nations
can ; but ftill they are Ihy of us, and do not appear
hearty friends. The French and Spaniards frequently
diftrefs our fettlements, only by ftirring up the In-
dians againft them, tho’ they have fcarce any forces
of their own to back them ; but were our people
fuffer’d to intermarry and incorporate with the Indi-
ans, and forne pains were taken to bring them over
to our religion, Florida, and rrroft part of North
America, would, in a few years, become entirely
Eritifh ; and our plantations might enjoy perfedt tran-
quillity, without a rival in that part of the workL
The ancient Mexicans, Acosta oblerves, were
exceeding careful of the education of their children :
They had almoft publick fcools and academies belong-
ing to every great temple, where their matters Hu-
died the genius of the children under their care, and
qualified them for the church, the ftate, or the army,
according as they were inclined : They fuffer’d them
to take but little fleep-, obliged them to live abfte-
miouftyj. to carry burdens, and perform the roughed!
exercifes ; and thofe defign’d for the army were CHAP,
obliged to attend the camp, and give proofs of their XV.
courage, before they were admitted to be enrolled
among the foldiery, which was efteemed the moft
honourable employment of all others.
The young ladies alfo were educated in convents,
inftrudled in the principles of religion and virtue,
taught to paint and match beautiful feathers, and
fuch other works as might render them ufeful and
agreeable when they enter’d on the married ftate.
Both fexes were taught to fing and dance, and to
repeat the heroick actions of their anceftors, and
other remarkable occurrences in their hiftory ;
which, in fome meafure, fupplied the want of books
and records ; for, tho’ they had fome char adders
and hieroglyphicks amongft them, thefe were far
from enabling them to form a tolerable hiftory :
They could give but a very dark and confufed ac-
count of what had happen’d two or three hundred
years before the arrival of the Spaniards, whatever
fome writers may have fuggefted to the contrary.
The author of the Conquejt of Mexico , written Funerals,
about an hundred and forty years fince, as well as
Antonio de Herera, informs us, that the
Mexicans fometimes burnt, and at others, buried
their dead : That their Princes and Great men were
generally burnt, and their afhes, being afterwards
colledded, and put into an urn, were then buried :
That the funeral folemnity was perform’d by their
Priefts, and the places of interment were ufually
their gardens or court-yards, tho’ fome were buried
within the walls of their temples, and others in the
fields or woods ; the Mexican Emperors had burying-
places appropriated to their family fome diftancefrom
Mexico.
Soon after the party died, the corpfe was walh’d ;
and, being drefs’d in the mantles the deceafed ufually
wore in his life-time, and fet upright, all his friends
and relations came and took a folemn leave of him.
The corpfe was carried to the place of interment,,
attended by the Priefts, who fung mournful funeral
fongs, and play’d upon their wind-mufick. And
where a Prince was to be interr’d, the Nobility and
Officers of ftate attended the proceffion : They
were buried with their arms, and in their habits.
In fome places, abundance of treafure and precious-
moveables were thrown into the grave with them,
and a great number of Haves and officers killed
to bear their Great men company. But this feems
to have been practifed more in Peru than Mexico.
I queftion whether any ilaves were put to death aT
the burial of a Great man in Mexico. But the Spa™
nifti writers have very confufedly intermixed the
rites of foveral countries, which makes it difficult
to diftinguifh what were their refpedtive cuftoms.
The fame writers affure us, that the Mexicans The ftate
believed that the foul was immortal, and that there of de P«te<?
was another ftate, where every one was to be re- fuuis *
warded according to his works 3 but they had no no-
aioa.
OF MEXICO.
2 29
CHAP. tion of the refurrection of the body. They held
XV. alfo, that there were nine different places to which
departed fouls were fent, according to the time of
their refpeclive ages, and the different lives they
had led ; but that the place of the greateft happi-
nefs was near the Sun : This was to be the portion
of the brave who died in battle, and of fuch as had
been facrificed to their gods. Some of the latter
were canonized, and even deified ; which might be
fome excufe for their fecrificing men : They ima-
gin’d, they did them no injury, when they deprived
them of a life of care and anxiety, and fent them
to fhare the joys of paradife, or, rather, to be num-
ber’d with the gods.
C H A F. XVI.
Of the province of New- Mexico.
CHAP. EW MEXICO, or Granada, is boun-
XVI. _L^( ded by unknown lands on the north; by
Florida on the eaft; by Mexico, or New Spain, on
Situation”*" 0 ' th e fouth; and by the Bay or Gulph of California,
and extent, which feparates it from California, on the weft ;
lying between the 28th and 45 th degrees of nor-
thern latitude, according to the Spaniards ; and be-
tween 100 and 130 degrees of weftern longitude,
from the meridian of London. But whether we
fhould extend or contrail: thefe limits on the north
and eaft, I will not pretend to determine. We
know no people north of New Mexico. The
Spaniards, if they pleafe, may call the countries
theirs as far as the Pole ; but there is not a twentieth
part of the country, within the bounds already de-
fcribed, either peopled or cultivated : And how far
we fhould extend the limits of New Mexico to the
All mi
countries
north of the
Gulph of
Mexico for-
merly called
Florida.
eaftward on the fide of Florida, is equally uncertain ;
no one having attempted to fix the bounds between
thefe two countries, unlefs the French, who have
introduced that imaginary country of Louifiana into
their maps in the room of Florida, bounding it with
the Britifh Plantations on the eaft, and New Mex-
ico on the weft. But if the Englifh fhould (as I fee
nothing can prevent them, but their own Doth and
negligence) extend their fettlement 3 to the weft-
ward, as far as the river Miffiffippi ; and the Spa-
niards theirs to the eaftward, as far as the fame river,
which may eafily be done, as their fettlements already
come very near the banks of that river ; Louifiana,
probably, will be no more heard of in a few years.
Certain it is, that all thofe countries which now
go under the name of the Britifh Plantations on tire
continent of America on the eaft, and thofe to which
the Spaniards have given the name of New Mexico on
the weft, with all thofe countries that lie between
them, and to which theFrench have given the names
ot Louifiana and New France, on the firft difcovery,
went under the name of Florida. As to the Englifh
and the Spaniards, they have been a confiderable time
polfefs’d ot the eaft and weft parts of this country, and
have peopled and cultivated it in many places 3 and tire
Englifh traffick with the natives as far eaftward as C H A P.
the river Miffiffippi: Whereas the French have XVI
only here and there an inconfiderable fort, near the
mouth of the river Miffiffippi, or in Canada; by
which they pretend to entitle themfelves to the
whole country of Florida, and will never want a
pretence for excluding both the Englifh and the
Spaniards from the whole, if ever they are ftrong
enough to do it. Tho’ forty years ago they had
fcarce any footing in the country they have deno-
minated Louifiana, and are not at this day poffefs’d
of more of it than the county of Middlefox con-
tains ; tho’ the country they lay claim to is a fine
fquare of fifteen hundred miles of a fide, the moft
temperate, fruitful and beautiful fpot of earth upon
the face of the globe ; from whence it obtained its
anicent name of Florida. If we fuffer the en-
croaching French to eftablifh themfelves there, and
drive us from this terreftrial paradife, when nothing
is fo eafy as to prevent it, by uniting our forces with
the Spaniards, both nations richly deferve to enjoy
the fruits of their fupine negligence. But to return
to New Mexico: We know little more of it, than Go!d ana
that it abounds in rich filver mines, and has fome f llver
of gold : That it is an exceeding fruitful country', Mexico 7 ,
well water’d with rivers, and abounding with the
fame plant^Snd animals as our plantations of Virgi-
nia and Carolina do ; and, according to the Spanifh
accounts, is very thinly inhabited by fcatter’d clans The natives*
or tribes of favage people, who live chiefly by what
they take in hunting, and on the fruits of the earth
that grow fpontaneoufly ; neither building towns,
or cloathing themfelves, or being acquainted with
any art or fcience.
Gem ell 1 Carer 1, who was at New Mexi- Oemelfi’s^
co in the year 1698, gives us the following account NevvMezfcw
of that country. He fays, part of it is newly con-
quer’d, and there remains ftdl much more to con-
quer* As to the natives, he was inform’d, they
were fuch lkilful archers, that they would hit a fix-
pence thrown up into the air, and fhake all the
grain out of an ear of coin without breaking it
oft : That they are great lovers of Mule’s flefh ; for
which reafon they often robbed travellers, and car-
ried away only the beafts, leaving behind the chefts
of filver, which they do not value : That they
paint their bodies, and pricking the fkin render the
colours indelible. The King of Spain maintains fix
hundred horfe in New Mexico, with an allowance
of four hundred and fifty pieces of eight per annum
to each man ; but the foldiers have the leaft part of
it, the Governor putting moft of it: into his own
pocket ; for he fells them all manner of cloathing
and neceflaries, and, letting' his price upon them, •>
makes the foldiers give twenty pieces of eight for
that which is not worth two ; and, by fuch means,
makes his poft worth three hundred thouland nieces
of eight per annum. The Spanilh foldiers in this
country are arm’d with a fhield, mufket, and half-
pike, or fpear 3 not to fight (fays our author) but
to ■
t
230
THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. to hunt them out like wild hearts : They are order’d
XVI. by the Government not to kill this favage people,
but to bring them in, that they may be inftrudted
in their religion, and civilized. Thus an hundred
and fifty leagues have been conquer’d to the weft-
ward, tho’ the people endeavour’d to defend them-
felves with their bows and arrows. The worft is
((ays Geme i. li) that, being five hundred leagues
from the city of Mexico, thofe barbarians quickly
revolt, knowing there cannot be fupplies of foldiers
fent againft them fuddenly. The country is plain,
and convenient for carriages for fome months eve-
ry year ; but the King’s forces are obliged to pafs
fuch wide defarts, that they ufually intrench every
night, and keep guard, for fear of being furpriz’d
by the favages. The Francifcans have the charge
of the converfion of tbefe wild people, called Chi-
chimeca’s, who are rather atheifts than idolaters,
and have brought a great number of them to live
like men ; but their wild nature always inclines them
to folitude. The country is fo thinly peopled, that
they travel feveral days journey without meeting
with a village ; for which reafon the Viceroy has
fent feveral families thither of late years to people
it, the foil plentifully producing all things that are
fowed or planted in it, even of the fruits of Europe:
And there are, befides, rich mines of goM and fil-
ver. The length of the way not allowing travellers
to carry their quilts to lie on, the Jefuits that go to
their millions in this country have learnt of the In-
dians to carry before them, on their (addles, mattreftes
and pillows made of leather, which at night they
blow full of wind, and they are as foft as a feather-
bed.
The enter- The Spaniards formerly over-ran great part of the
Spaniards carter n as well as weftern Florida, but made few
Florida. fettlements in it. The gold and filver mines of
Mexico were fo attractive, that they in a manner
abandon’d this fruitful country again, retaining only
the forts of St. Auguftine, St. Matthew, and fome
other inconfiderable places on the confines of Caro-
lina : None of which I fhould envy them, if they
would unite with Britain againft France. There is
room enough in Florida for the Spaniards, the En-
glifh, and the natives ; and, indeed, more than
they can cultivate : But it is impoffible they fhould
enjoy any part of it in quiet, if the French are
fuffer’d to eftablifn themfelves in what they call
The French Louifiana. There is no medium: The French muft
*en 1 from <lrl " e ' t ^ ier driven from Florida, or they will drive
.Florida, or both the Englifti and Spaniards out of it ; and, indeed,
the British out of all their American plantations : Therefore,
fettlemenu as t ^ e Shaftsbury faid in relation
will be to the Dutch, De LENT DA EST CARTHAGO,
gain’d. The French are a much more formidable enemy,
both in the old and new world, than any other
Power ; and, I hope, Great Britain and Spain will
difcover their mutual intereft before it be too late.
The Spaniards can never do Britain any hurt, but
by confederating with the French: Nor is it our
intereft to fall out with, or encroach on the Spa- CHAP,
niards ; their plantations fake off our Englifti ma- XVI.
nufadtures, and, while we maintain a good under-
(landing with them, are almoll as advantageous to
Britain as our own : Whereas, if the French are
allow’d to fix in Florida, we not only lofe our
trade; but our very plantations. To return to New
Mexico.
Some writers have fubdivided it into twenty or
five and twenty provinces, and furnifh’d us with
the names of as many towns, the capitals of the
refpedtive provinces : But, as they have not given
us tire fituation, boundaries, or defeription of any
of thefe provinces, and mod authors agree, that
not one twentieth part of the country is yet inha-
bited or cultivated ; I fhall content myfelf with
obferving, that Santa Fe, the capital town of New
Mexico, is fituated in 36 degrees odd minutes
north latitude, a little to the weftward of the
North River ; and that it is a Biflrop’s fee, and the
refidence of the Governor ; and faid ' to be regu-
larly built of (tone.
I fhall conclude this chapter, and the defcrip- California
tion of tiie Spanifh dominions in North America, defcnbed ’
with the beft account I could get of California,
which may well be look’d upon as a part of New
Mexico, fince it is joined to it by a narrow ifthmus,
or only feparated from it by tire Bay or Gulph of
California ; and, if not under the fame Governor,
is fubjedt in a great meafure to Spanifh influence, as
will appear hereafter.
California, formerly deemed an ifland, is laid Situation aefi
down in our lateft charts and maps as a peninfula extent ‘-
adjoining to the continent of New Mexico. It is
bounded by unknown lands on the north ; by the
Bay or Gulph of California and a narrow ifthmus,
which feparate it from Old and New Mexico, to-
wards the weft ; and by the South-fea on the fouth
and weft; ftretching in length from the Tropic of
Cancer to the 45th degree of north-latitude ; and
lies between the 1 1 5th and 1 36th degrees of weft-
ern longitude, reckoning from the meridian of
London. It is of an unequal breadth, narrow in
the fouth, and growing broader towards the north;
indented by many confiderable bays and gulphs of
the fea ; faid to be about fifteen hundred miles in
length, and three hundred in breadth in the broad-
eft part.
This country was firft difeovered by Cortez,
(who had the honour of fubduing Mexico) in the
year 1535 ; but the Spaniards did not, ’till very
lately, penetrate far into it, contenting themfelves
with the rich Pearl-fiftrery on the coaft.
The celebrated Sir Francis Drake touched
upon this coaft in the year 1578, and took poftef-
fion of it in the name of the then Queen of Eng-
land, giving it the name of New Albion ; but the
Britifh Government has never thought fit to at-
tempt any farther difeoveries in California ; and it
is at this day, or will be in a very £hort time, in the
, power
OF MEXICO.
CHAP, power of Spain, and annex’d to their Mexican do-
XVI. minions, as we may conjecture from the following
'-new defeription of that country.
The jefuits In the letters of the Miffionary Jefuits, we meet
ofcliifor- one wr ‘tten by Fr. Maria Picolo, who
nil. " relates, 44 That in October 1697 (being then in
44 New Mexico) he embarked, with Father Sal-
44 vieterra and a guard of foldiers, for Califor-
44 nia, in order to attempt the converfion of the
44 natives of that country ; and that having pafs’d
“ the Bay of California, and landed their people,
44 the natives, imagining they came to difpoffefs
“ them of their pearl-fffhery, as others had endea-
44 voured to do before, attack’d them with great
“ fury, throwing at the Spaniards abundance of
“ darts and ftones : But, being repulfed by their
“ guard, the people became more tractable, and
“ enter’d into a parley with them; and, when
“ they underflood the Miffionaries came with no
“ other intention than toinftrudt them in the Chri-
44 ftian religion, they exprefs’d a great deal of jov,
44 and fuffer’d them to fettle four miffions in their
44 country, fome of which extend to the coaffs of
44 the South-fea. FTere they fpent five years in
44 learning the languages of the feveral tribes, and
44 in preaching to the people ; and had an opportu-
44 nity of making the following remarks on that
44 country.
44 California, this Father obferves, is pretty well
44 laid down in our common maps: That the heats
44 in fummer are very great along the fea-coafls,
44 and it feldom rains; but the air of the inland
44 country is more temperate, and the heats not fo
44 exceffive : It is the fame in winter in proportion.
44 In the rainy feafon there are floods ; but, when
44 that is over, inflead of rain, the dews fall in fuch
“ plenty every morning, that one would think it
44 had rained ; which renders the earth very fruit-
44 ful. In the months of April, May, and June,
44 there falls with the dew a fort of Manna, which
4 ' congeals and hardens upon the leaves of reeds,
44 from whence they gather it : It is as fweet as fu-
44 gar, but not altogether fo white.
44 The climate muft needs be healthful, if we may
44 judge of it by ourfelves, and thofe that were with
44 us; for, during the five years we were in this
44 kingdom, we continued very well in health, not-
44 withftanding the great fatigues we underwent ;
44 and of the other Spaniards there died but two, one
44 of which was a woman, who occafioned her
44 own death, by imprudently bathing herfelf when
44 (he was near lying-in.
44 1 here are in California large plains, pleafant
44 valleys, excellent paftures at all times for great
44 and fmall cattle, fine fprings of running water,
“ brooks, and rivers, with their banks cover’d with
Vv j 1 lows, Reeds and wild Vines. In their rivers
44 they have plenty _ of fifh, Specially Cray-fifb,
wnich they keep in refervoirs ’till they have oc-
44 cafion for them. There is alfo plenty of Xica-
23 i>
44 mes, of a better tafle than thofe of Mexico. So CHAP.
44 that we may conclude California to be a very XVI.
fruiti ul country. On the mountains there are,
all the year long, Mefcales, a fruit peculiar to
44 this country ; and, in molt leafons, large Pifla-
^ chio s of feveral forts, and Figs of different co-
44 lours. The trees are very beautiful; and, a-
mongft others, that which the Chinos (who are
natives of the country) call Palo Santo, bears a
great deal of fruit : From this they draw excel-
44 Frankincenfe.
As this country abounds in fruits, it does no
lefs in grain, of which there are fourteen forts,
44 that the people feed on. They ufe the fruits of
44 trees and plants, and among others thofe of the
^ uca (or Caffavi) to make bread of. There are
excellent Skirrets, a fort of red Strawberries, of
44 which they eat plentifully: Citrons and Water-
44 melons of an extraordinary fize. The land is
44 fo good, that moft plants bear fruit three times
4< a year ; fo that, with fome labour in cultivating
it, andfkill in managing the water, they render
^ the country extremely fertile. Nor is there any
fort of fruit or grain, but what they gather in
great abundance, which we experienced our-
44 felves ; for bringing with us from New Spain,
Indian - wheat, Peas, Lentils, &c. we lowed
them, and had a very plentiful increafe, tho’ we
had not any cattle or proper inftruments to till
44 the ground.
44 Befides feveral forts of animals that we knew,
which are here in plenty, and are good to eat, as
44 Deer, Hares, Rabbets, we found two forts of
“ Deer that we knew nothing of ; we call them
Sheep, becaufe they fomewhat refembled ours in
make. 1 he firft fort is as large as a Calf of one
44 or two years old : Its head is much like that of
a Stag, and its horns, which are very large, like
thofe of a Ram : Its tail and hair are fpeckled,
and fhorter than a Stag’s ; but its hoof is large,
round, and cleft like that of an Ox. I have
^ eaten of thefo beafts ; their flefh is very tender
44 and delicious. The other fort of Sheep, fome
44 of which are white, and ethers black, differ lefs
44 from ours : They are larger, and have a great
44 deal more wool, which is very good, andealyto
be Ipun and wrought. Befide thefo animals, that
ferve for food, there are Lions, wild Cats, and
44 many others, like thofe in New Spain. We
44 brought to California fome Cows, and ftore of
44 fmall cattle, as Sheep and Goats, which would
have encreafed very much, had not the neceffity
we were once in obliged us to kill the greatelt
44 part of them. We alfo brought with us Horfes
and Colts, to flock the country, and began
44 to breed up Hogs ; but, as thefo do a great deal
of damage to the villages, ,and the women are
44 afraid of them, we have refolved toextirpate ’em.
44 As for fowls, there are in California all that
44 are in Mexico and New Spain, as Pigeons, Tur-
44 tie-doves.
232
r u AP <c
XVI. * “ tafte, and
44 and many
44 fowls.
“ The fea affords plenty of very good fifh :
“ They take Pdchards, Anchovies, and Tunnies;
« which laft they catch with their hands on tire
“ fnore. We often fee Whales, and all forts of
« Tortoifes. The (horcs are filled with heaps of
“ (hells, larger than thofe of Mother of Pearl.
44 The Salt they have is not from the fea, but out
44 of pits: It is as bright as Cryftal, and fo hard,
44 that they are often forced to break it with ham-
“ mers : It is a very good commodity in New
44 Spain, where Salt is fcarce.
“ California has been known near thefe two
44 centuries, and its coafts are famous for the Pearl-
44 fifhery, which has made the Europeans fo defi-
44 rous of eftablifhing a trade here. It is certain,
44 if the King would erefil a fifhery here, at his
44 own charge, he might draw great advantage
44 from it. "Nor do I doubt, but that there are
44 mines to be found in feveral places, if they were
44 fought for ; fince the country is under the fame
44 degree as the provinces of Cinulao and Sonora
44 (in Mexico) where there are rich ones.
44 Tho’ heaven as been fo bountiful to the Ca~
44 lifornians, and the earth brings forth of itfelf
44 what it does not produce ellewhere without a
*• great deal of labour and pains ; yet they make
44 no efteern of the plenty and riches of their coun-
44 try, contenting themfelves with what is only ne-
44 ceffary for life ; they take little care for the reft.
44 The inland parts of the country are very popu-
44 lous, efpecially towards the north : And tho’
44 there is fcarce a town, but what has twenty,
44 thirty, forty, or fifty families in it ; yet they
44 have no houfes, but defend themfelves from the
44 heat of the fun in the day-time under the (hade
“ of the trees ; and of their leaves and branches
44 make a fort of roof againft the inclemency of
44 the night. In the winter they (hut themfelves
44 up in caves in the earth, and live there together
44 little better than fo many beads.
44 The men go naked, at lead all were fo that
44 we faw: They wear about their head a fine
44 linnen fillet, or fort of net-work ; and about
44 their neck, and fometimes about their arms, for
44 ornament. Mother of Pearl, in divers figures,
44 very finely wrought, and prettily intermix’d
44 with little round fruits, fomewhat like the beads
44 of a chaplet. They have no other arms than
64 bows and arrows, and a fort of fpear or lance,
44 ' which they always carry in their hands, either
44 to kill game, or defend themfelves ; for their
44 towns are frequently at war with each other.
44 The women wear, from their waift down to
44 their knees, a kind of apron made of reeds, very
44 neatly wrought, and platted together : They co-
44 ver their (houlders with the (kins of beads, and
44 wear about their heads, like the men, a very cu- C H A P,
44 rious kind of net-work ; which our foldiers find XVI.
44 fo convenient, that they make ufe of them to tie
44 up their hair with. They, as well as the men,
44 have necklaces of Mother of Pearl, mixed with
44 the ftones of fome forts of fruit and fea-fhells,
44 hanging down to their waift ; and bracelets of
44 the fome.
44 The common employment both of men and
44 women is fpinning : They make their thread of
44 long plants, which ferve them inftead of Hemp
44 and Flax, or elfe of a cotton-like fubftance found
44 in the (hell of fome forts of fruit. Of the finer
44 thread they make the ornaments above-menticn-
44 ed, and of the coarfer, fifhing-nets and facks, or
44 bags for feveral ufos. The men moreover, of
44 certain plants, whofe fibres are very clofe and
44 thick fet, and which they are well (killed in work-
44 ing, employ themfelves in making dilhes and o-
44 ther kitchen neceffaries, of all fafhions and fizes.
“ The fmaller pieces ferve for drinking-cups ; thofe
44 that are larger for plates and difties, and fome-
44 times for umbrello’s for the women ; and the
44 larged fort for bafkets to gather fruit in, and
44 fometimes for pans and bafins to drefs their meat
44 in : But they take care to keep them perpetually
44 moving while they are over the fire, for if the
44 flame catch them they are foon burnt.
44 The Californians have a great deal of vivacity,
44 and are naturally add idled to raillery, as we found
44 when we bagan firft to inftrudt them ; for if we
44 committed any error in their language, they jefted
44 and made (port with us : But after we were grown
44 better acquainted with them, if we committed any
44 faults, they civilly advifed us of them. And if
44 at any time we explained any myftery or point
44 of morality, not conformable to their prejudices
44 arid errors, they waited for the Preacher after
44 fermon, and difputed againft him with a great
44 deal of force and wit. If we could give them
44 good reafons for it, they liften’d very attentively,
44 and, when convinced, fubmitted, and did accord-
44 ingly. We have not found amongft them any
44 form of religion or regular worfhip, only they a-
44 dore the Moon, and cut their hair ( as I remem-
44 ber) in her decreafe, in honour of their deity,
44 which they give to their Priefts, who employ it
44 to feveral fuperftitious ufes. Every family is a
44 diftindft State, and hath different laws aud cuf-
44 toms, which is plainly the reafon that they are fo
44 often at war with one another. ”
Captain Rog ers, our countryman, late Go- Governor
vernor of the Bahama Iflands, touch’d at California fir ^)' r ) h c ™
in the year 1709, in his voyage round the globe, account,
and confirms many of the particulars mention’d by
this Jefuit : Neither do I perceive he contradi&s him
in any material circumftance, which inclines me to
give the more credit to that Father’s defeription of
California.
THE PRESENT STATE
tie-doves. Larks, Partridges, of an exquifite
in great quantities ; Geefe, Ducks,
other forts, both of river and fea
THE
THE
CHAP,
I.
Spani/h do-
minions in
South Ame-
rica.
Terra-Fir-
ma, the
countries in-
cluded under
4hat name.
Its fituation
and extent.
Terra Fir-
tna Proper
deferibed.
233
PRESENT STATE
O F
TERR A- FI
CHAP. I.
Of the province of Terr a-F i r m a.
H AVING finifti’d the defeription of
the Spanifh dominions on the continent
of North America, I enter on the ftate
of their territories in South America,
which are divided into fix large provinces, viz.
1. That of the Terra-Firma ; z. Peru; 3. Chi-
li ; 4. Patagonia, or Terra-Magellenica ; 5. Para-
gua, or La-plata ; and 6. the country of the A-
mazons.
1 . And firft I fhall treat of Terra-Firma ; under
which name I comprehend, 1 . Terra-Firma Pro-
per ; 2. Carthagena ; 3. St. Martha ; 4. Rio de
la Hacha ; 5. Venezuela ; 6. Comana ; 7. New
Andalufia ; 8. Caribiana ; 9. Guiana ; 10. Paria ;
1 1. New Granada ; and 1 2. Popayan.
Thefe countries, comprehended under the general
name of Terra-Firma, are bounded by the North-
fea or Atlantic-ocean, on the north and eaft ; by
Peru and the country of the Amazons, on the fouth ;
and by the South-fea, and the province of Veragua
in Mexico, on the weft ; being upwards of two
thoufand miles in length from eaft to weft, and ge-
nerally about five hundred miles in breadth from
north to fouth.
The province of Terra-Firma Proper, which
frequently goes under the name of Darien, is boun-
ded by the North-fea on the north ; by the gulph
or river of Darien, which feparates it from Cartha-
gena on the eaft ; by Popayan and the South-fea on
the fouth ; and by the fame fea and the province of
Veragua on the weft ; lying between 8 and 1 o de-
grees of north latitude, and between 7 8 and 8 ■ de-
grees of weftern longitude. The moft exact boun-
dary of this province on the weft, is aline drawn from
the fort at the mouth of the river Chagre on the
North-fea, to the town of Nata on the South-fea ;
V01. Ill,
and the trueft Southern boundary, a finedrawn from CHAP,
Point Garrachina, on the fouth part of the gulph of J,
St. Michael, in the bay of Panama, diredtly eaft-
ward to the river of Darien. It lies in the form of
a bow or crefcent, about that noble bay of Panama,
being about 300 miles in length, and 60 in breadth,
from fea to fea. I am the more particular in deferi-
bing the fituation of this province, becaufe it is, in
proportion, the richeft, and of moft importance to
the Spaniard, (as it would be to any European na-
tion that Should poftels themfolves of it) and has been
the feene of more adtion than any province in Ame-
rica. Its fituation, both on the North and South-feas,
and on the confines of North and South America,
and the gold mines, gold fands and pearls with
which this province and the adjacent Seas are re-
plenished, render it invaluable, and make it the
darling objedf of all enterprizing people.
The face of this province is thus deferibed by the The face of
Englifh Buccaneers, who have often traverfed it : Terra-Firma
They tell us, the forface is very unequal, confifting Proper °
of exceeding high hills, and long deep valleys ; That
the valleys are watered with rivers, brooks, and
perennial Springs, with which the country abounds $
Some of them falling into the North, and others
into the South-fea, moft of them having their Sour-
ces in a ridge or chain of mountains that furmount
and over-top the other hills, running the whole
length of the ifthmus parallel to the coafts, (preading
along, and bending as the ifthmus bends. This
vaft ridge of hills is neareft the coaft of the North-
fea, Seldom more than ten or fifteen miles diftant
from it. Wafer obferves, when he palled over
them, that the hills between thefe mountains and the
South-fea were nothing, in comparifcn of them :
That thofe hills did not only appear much beneath
H h this
234 THE PRESENT STATE
The rivers.
©arien river*
CHAP, this high ridge, but the clouds v/ere confiderably be-
I. low them, and intercepted their fight of the coun-
try, and all their people grew giddy with the height,
when they had climb’d to the top ; but this giddi-
nefs went off again as they defended lower. The
hills between this and the South-fea, are covered
with fine tall wood 3 , with little or no under- wood
to interrupt the paffage : But thofe on the north fide,
are full of bufhes, bumboes and mangroves, near
the fhore, that render them almofi impenetrable.
The rivers on the ifthmus, are fomeof them pretty
large, but few of them navigable, having bars of
land at their mouths. Thofe on the north" fide, ri-
ling in the high ridge of mountains, have generally
a very (hort courfe, running precipitately into the
fea, tho’ there are exceptions to this rule, fome of
them having a winding courfe through the valleys,
almoft from the South to the North-fea.
The chief rivers are, r . the river, or rather gulph
of Darien ; 2. the river of Conception ; and 5. the
river Chagre on the North-fea ; 4. the river of St.
Mary’s ; 5. the river Congo ; 6. the river Cheapo ;
which fall three fill into the bay of Panama.
1 . The river or gulph of Darien, the eaftern
boundary of this province, rifes in the fouth ; and
running diredlly north, upwards of an hundred
miles, falls into the North-fea, near Golden Bland.
It is fix or feven leagues wide at the mouth, but
hath not above fix foot water in a (pring-tide. It
is deep enough within the bar for great (hips, and
navigable fourfcore or an hundred miles ; but, as no
velfels of burthen can get over the bar, there is very
little traffick carried on upon it.
2. The river of Conception rifes about the mid-
dle of the great ridge of mountains, and running pre-
cipitately to the north-well, falls into the North-fea
over-againft an ifland called La Sounds- Key, being
one of the Sanbalas illands. This river is pretty
broad, and makes a good appearance at the mouth,
but has a bar alfo, that prevents any fhips of burthen
getting in ; however, it is fine riding in the chan-
nel at the mouth of this river, between the illands
and the main-land, which form a pretty good
harbour.
3. The river Chagre, the moll navigated of any
river of this province. It rifes not far from Panama
on the South-fea, and taking its courfe to the north-
well, finds a way through very deep winding val-
leys, falling into the North-fea ten leagues to the
weltward of Porto Bello : Upon this river therefore
is embarked all the merchandize that is fent from
Conception
river.
lEliagre river.
Panama to Porto Bello for the galleons, except the
gold and filver, which are carried diredtly over land
upon the backs of mules to Porto Bello.
Santa Maria 4. ffBe r ; ver Santa Maria, or St. Mary’s, which
riling on the mountains on the North-eaft part of
this province, runs to the weftward, and falls in-
to the guloh of St, Michael’s on the buth fide of
the bay of Panama. This is a pretty large navi-
gable river, and confiderable, on account of its ly-
ing in the neighbourhood of the gold mines, and CHAP,
for the rivulets which fall into it ; in whofe fands I.
are found abundance of gold. One of thefe is cal-
led the Golden River : Hither the Spaniards come Golden
with their (laves from Panama, and other towns, in ver *
the dry feafon, which lads three months, to gather
gold. Thefe brooks at that time not being more
than a foot deep, the Haves take up the (andin lit-
tle wooden diflies, in which they find fuch a quan-
tity of gold, that in fome feafons ’tis faid they car-
ry off eighteen or twenty thoufand pound weight of
pure gold, out of that brook alone, which goes by
the name of the Golden River.
5. The river Congo rifes in the mountains on Congo ti-
the eaft part of this province, and running to the ver ’
fouth-weff, almoft parallel to the river of Santa Ma-
ria, falls into the fame Gulph of St. Michael’s to the
northwards of it. It is a large river, navigable for
great veflels within the bar," but fo (hallow at the
mouth, that it is very difficult entring. There are
a great many fmall (Beams fall into this river, both
on the eaft and weft.
6* The river of Cheapo, which rifing in the Cheapo ri^er,
mountains near the North-fea, firft bends its courfe
to the weftward, and then turning to the (outh,
falls into tiie hay of Panama, feven leagues to the
weftward of that city. It is a confiderable naviga-
ble river, and runs a long courfe ; but has the fame
misfortune as the reft, to have a bar at the mouth,
that large (hips cannot enter it.
This province being very narrow, and lying be- Air and fea*
tween two great oceans, viz. the North and South- fom -
leas, is obferved to have more wet weather, than
any other place within the Torrid Zone, The
rains ufually begin here in April or May : In June,
July and Auguft they are very heavy ; and it is ex-
treme hot at this time, whenever the fun fhines out :
There are then no breezes to cool the air ; but it is,
in my author’s phrafe, glowing hot. In September,
the rains begin to abate ; but it is November or
December, and fometimes January before the fair
feafon returns : So that the country is very wet for
two thirds, if not three quarters of the year. But
in the wetted feafon, there are fome fair days, with,
only a tornado or thunJer-fhower now and then.
The Hoods and torrents caufed by thefe rains, often
bear down trees, which dam up the rivers, over-
flowing all the neighbouring plains. The low
countries appear at this time like one great lake.
The cooleft time of the year, is after the rains,
about Chriftmas, when the fair weather approaches.
The chief towns in Terra-Firma Proper, are, Chieftowns.
1. Panama ; 2. Porto Bello; 3. Ventade Cruzes ;
4. Cheapo; 5. Nata ; 6. Conception ; 7. Santa
Maria ; 8. Scuchadero ; and, 9. (lately) New Edin-
burgh.
1. The city of Panama is fituated in 9 degrees of Panama city,
north latitude, and 82 degrees o( weftern longitude,
reckoning from the meridian of London. It°ftands
upon the fineft and mod capacious bay in the South-
OF TERRA - FIRM A.
CHAP, fea, and is built with brick and {lone, being fur-
I. rounded by a {lone wall, fortified with ballions and
other works, planted with great guns both towards
the fea and land. It lies in the form of a half-moon
upon the bay, affording a moft beautiful profpebl,
all the bed houfes and publick buildings appearing
above the walls : And what adds to the profpe<?c,
are the beautiful orchards and gardens, and the plea-
fant country about it, diverfified with hills, valleys,
and delightful groves. There are no large woods
or marfties near Panama, but a fine dry champaign
land (according to Dam pier) not fubjedlto fogs.
The ifiand of Perica, three miles diftant, is the
port to Panama : For the water is fo {hallow near
the town, that great fhips cannot come up to it,
tho ! fmall veffels lie clofe to the walls.
This town, according to Funnel, contains
upwards of fix thoufand houfes, eight parifh-church-
es, befides the cathedral, thirty chapels, and feve-
ral monafteries and nunneries. It is a Bifttop’s lee,
Suffragan to the Archbifhop of Lima in Peru ; the
feat of the Governor and of the Courts of juftice of
this province. But what renders it moft confidera-
ble, are the treafures of gold and filver, and the
rich merchandizes of Peru, which are lodged in the
magazines of this town ’till they are fent to Europe,
as well as the merchandize fent over by the galleons
from Spain, to be tranfported to the leveral cities
and provinces of Peru and Chili.
Old Pana- Old Panama flood about four miles to the eaft-
eTbySir 0 ^ war( ^ °f this c *tyj and was deftroyed by the Buc-
Hariy Mor- caneers commanded bv Captain Harry Mor-
&- n ' gan ( afterwards Sir Harr y Morgan, an F,n-
glifhman ) in the year 1670 ; which is too remark-
able anoccurrence to be omitted in this place ; efpe-
cially, as it {hews how eafily the Spaniards might
be difpoffefs’d of this important town and province,
if we fhould be compelled to fall out with them ;
which I am confident we never fhall, if Spain un-
derftands her true intereft, and does not too much
interrupt our commerce with the Britifh plantati-
ons.
Mis hiftory. Captain Morgan was the fon of a rich yeo-
man, of a good family in Wales, who having a
mind to fee the world (about the year 1652, du-
ring Cromwel’s ufurpation) agreed with the
Mafter of a fhip of Briftol ( or forne other port in
the neighbourhood of Wales ) to carry him to Bar-
badoes, whither the fhip was bound ; which the
treacherous feaman performed ; but fold his paffen-
ger for feven years to a Planter of that ifiand, as icon
as he arrived. This practice of kidnapping young
feliows, whom they enticed on board, with falfe
reprefentations of the country, and an affurance of
making their fortunes in the plantations, being ve-
ry common in thofe days.
Having ferved his feven years, and obtained his
liberty, he tranfported himfelf to Jamaica ; where,
finding two (hips of Buccaneers ready to put to fea,
he refolved to go on board one of them ; and, hav-
mg met with fuccefs, in three or four voyages, he C H A P«
and fome of his comrades determined to purchafe a I.
fhip and fet up for themfelves : Accordingly, they
bought a veffel for their purpofe ; and, chufing
Morgan their Captain, they cruifed upon the
coaft of Campeachy, where they took feveral Span-
ilh prizes, and returned with their booty to Ja-
maica.
Mansvelt, a celebrated Buccaneer, was at Vice-Admf-
this time at Jamaica, fitting out fhips for an expe- ra j t t ° !i rV g nl ~
dition againft the continent ; and, being informed ^ neer f u ”
of the bravery and condudt of Morgan, offered to
make him his Vice-Admiral, which our Adventurer
accepted of ; and they fet fail from Jamaica, with
fifteen veffels, great and fmall, mann’d with five
hundred men, of which the greateft part were
French and Dutch. Their firft attempt was againft
the ifiand of St. Catharine’s, or Providence, which
lies fifty leagues north-weft of Porto Bello, and then
in pofleffion of the Spaniards ; and altho’ the ifiand
was of it felf naturally ftrong, and fortified with fe-
veral forts and caftles, they foon made themfelves
mailers of it, and left a garrifon in the principal
caftle, defigning to make this ifiand a place of arms,
from whence they propofed to plunder and harrafs
the neighbouring continent, and then retreat thither
with the booty they fhould acquire from time to»
time.
In purfuance of this project, they landed at feve-
ral places in the province of Cofta Rica, and plun-
dered the open towns ; but, receiving advice that
the Governor of Panama was marching againft them
with a great body of troops, they reimbarked their
men, and returned to the ifiand of St. Catharine’s :
Afterwards Mansvelt came with his fleet to Ja-
maica, and applied himfelf to the Governor for a
reinforcement of troops, to enable him to attack the
Spanifh fettlements ; which the Governor not com-
plying with, Mansvelt failed to the ifiand of
Tortuga, to invite the Buccaneers of that ifiand to
join him ; but, while he was negotiating this affair
at Tortuga, he fell fick and died.
In the mean time, the Spanifn General of the
Terra-Firma, affembled a fleet and attacked the
ifiand of St. Catharine’s, which furrendered to him
on the fame terms the Buccaneers had granted the
Spaniards when they took it.
After the death of Mansvelt, Captain Mor-
gan commanded the Buccaneers of Jamaica ; and,
affemblinga fleet of twelve fail, confiding of fhips
and great boats, with feven hundred bold Teamen,
Englifh and French, he attacked the town of Pu-
erto del Principe, on the north coaft of tire ifiand of
Cuba, and took it : In the plunder of which place,
they found about the value of fifty thoufand pieces
of eight. But there happening a mifunderftanding
between the Englifn and French, they parted com-
pany, and Morgan returned to Jamaica with the
Englifh,
H h 2
The
236 THE P R E $ E
CHAP. The Buccaneers having (bon fpent the money
I. they got by plundering Puerto del Principe, Captain
Morgan propofed their entering upon another ex-
^ IOr dition P e dhion ; and, tho’ he did not acquaint them whi-
againft Potto ther he defigned to lead them, four hundred and fix-
Bello. ty brifk young fellows offer’d to follow his fortunes,
whom he embarked on a fleet of nine fail of fhips
and (loops ; and being arrived upon the coaft of Ter-
ra-Firma, let his people know, that his defign was
upon Porto Bello, one of the ftrongeft, as well as
the richeft towns the Spaniards had on the North-
fea : And his men (confiding in the conduct and
bravery of their Commander ) readily contented to
engage in it. Some indeed did obferve, that their
number was but fmall to attack fo confiderable a
place: But the Captain replying, s ‘ If our number
“ is fmall, our hearts are great, and the fewer we
“ are, the greater will be our lhare of the fpoil, ”
they appeared impatient to begin the attack, and
defired he would lead them on : But, as the Captain
was well aware of the hazard of the undertaking,
and fenfible the fuccefs muff be very doubtful, if he
did not ufe fome ftratagern to furprize the place be-
fore they could put themielves irr a poftu re of de-
fence ; he landed in the dufk of the evening, at a
diftance from the town, and taking a Spanifh fol-
dier prifoner, that flood- centinel without the works,
from- whom he learned the condition the garrifon
was in, he furrounded one of thecaftles that defend-
ed the entrance of the harbour, before the people of
the town knew he was landed, and ordered the fol-
dier he had taken, to call to his comrades in the
eaftle, and let them know, that if they did not im-
mediately furrender, he would give them no quar-
ter ; and the garrifon thereupon firing upon the Buc-
caneers, with great and fmall (hot, the Captain or-
dered his men immediately to (bale the walls; which
they did in an inftant, with their piftols in their hands
( no men being fo dextrous at clambering walls as
feamen) ; and, tho’ a flout refiftance was made, the
Buccaneers entered the eaftle at fo many different
places in the dark, that the garrifon were confoun-
ded, and furrendered at diferetion : Whereupon
Morgan, to ftrike a terror into the town and the
reft of the caftles, refolv-ed to put his threats in ex-
ecution ; and, having fhut up all the officers and
foldiers in one room-, fet fire to a great quantity of
powder he had placed underneath it, and blew up
the eaftle into the air, with all the prifoners in it :
After which, he {formed the city, and took it with
very little refiftance, ordering a party of his men to
fearch the cloyfters, and bring him all the Monks
and Nuns they could find.
In the mean time, the Governor and principal
towrrfmen retired into another of the caftles, with
their treafure and valuable goods, and the plate be-
longing to the churches, and play’d upon the Buc-
caneers from their artillery with that fury, that
Morgan was about to abandon the place, when
fbme cf his men poffefling themielves of another
NT STATE
fort, and crying out Vi&oria, gave him frefli hopes CH AE,
of fuccefs. Having caufed ladders therefore to be L
made fo broad, that three or four men might mount W-ySn/
them a-breaft, be forced the Monks and Nuns to
fix them to the walls of the principal eaftle ; and
the Governor {fill continuing to fire both great and
fmall (hot, many of the Religious, men and wo-
men, were killed and wounded, crying out for
mercy both' to friends and enemies, each fide feem-
ing equally deaf to their cries : If they advanced,
they were killed by the Spaniards ; and if they re-
tired, they were flaughtered by the Buccaneers.
At length the Pirates mounted the walls, with their
piftols and earthen pots full of gun-powder arid com-
buflible matter in their hands, and drove the Spa-
niards from the walls, who thereupon threw down
their arms, and cried quarter : Only the Governor
refufed to accept quarter, and compelled the Bucca-
neers to kill him, having firff killed feveral of the
enemy that endeavoured to make him prifoner, tho'
his wife and daughter begg’d of him with tears to
accept of quarter ; to whom, ’tis faid, he anfwer’d,
“ No ; he had rather die like a foldier, than be
u hang’if for a coward.”
The Buccaneers having made an entire conqueft
of the place, and fecur’d their prifoners, fell to
drinking and revelling, after their ufual manner,
compelling the women to fubmit to their embraces;
and every thing was in fuch diforder the firff night,
that fifty men, ’tis faid, might eafily have retaken
the place, and cut off every man of them : How-
ever, the next day, being recovered from their
debauch, they fell to plundering the city, and tor-
turing the inhabitants, to make them confefs where
they had concealed their wealth ; fome of them
having thrown their jewels, money and plate into
wells, and others buried them in the earth.
Fifteen days thefe Free- hooters (pent in fearch of
treafure, and carrying it on board their {hips ; ami,
tho’ they received advice that the Governor of Pa-
nama was affembling all the forces of Terra-Firma,
to march againff them, they made no great hafte
to quit the place, but remained here ’till they had
viffualled their fleet, and provided for another ex-
pedition : Captain Morgan alfo demanded an
hundred thoufand pieces of eight, to redeem their
city from the flames, affuring them, that if they
did not fend to Panama, and provide that fum, he
would lay it in allies, and blow up all the fortifica^
tions : But the Governor of Panama, inftead of
fending the fum demanded, immediately began his
march, to refeue Porto Bello and the prifoners out
of Morgan’s hands : Whereupon he poflefled
himfelf of a narrow pals, through which he knew
the Spaniards muff march ; and, after a fharp en-
gagement, obliged the Governor to retire with
fome precipitation ; and, the people of Porto Bello
were in the end compelled to pay the hundred thou-
fand pieces of eight that were demanded to ranfome
the town and themfelves.
The
CHAP.
I.
'w'V'' 1 -'
Morgan
plunders
Maricaibo
and Gibral-
tar
OF TERRA-FIRM A.
The Governor of Panama, aftonidied that Porto
Bello, and all its caftles, fhould be taken by four
hundred men, without great guns, or any breach
made in the walls, ’tis faid, fent to Morgan, de-
firing to know what arms he made ufe of, to re-
duce fo ftrong a place : Whereupon the Captain fent
him a piftol, and fome fmall leaden bullets, defiring
he would accept of that pattern of the arms with
which he had taken Porto Bello, and keep them a
twelve-month, when he allured the Governor, he
would come to Panama and fetch them away ;
which promife, it feems, he kept faithfully, that
city undergoing the like fate within a year or two.
Captain Morgan having taken the beft guns
out of the caftle, with fuch {fores, arms and ammu-
nition as he wanted, and nailed up and fpoiled the
reft of the cannon, fet fail from Porto Bello for the
ifland of Cuba, where he divided the fpoil with his
people, and found they had in ready money two hun-
dred and fifty thoufand pieces of eight, befides filks
and other rich merchandize ; with which returning
to Jamaica, the private (eamen foon confomed every
(hilling they had gotten with fuch infinite hazard,
in wenching and drinking, which made money more
plentiful in that ifland than ever it had been known
before.
The next year Captain Morgan aflembled
another fleet, and upwards of five hundred men,
with which he took and plundered the towns of
Maricaibo, and Gibralter, fituate on the lake of
Maricaibo, in the province of Venizuela, and
brought oft' the value of two hundred and fifty
thoufand pieces of eight : But of this enterprize I
fhall give an account when I come to treat of that
province, and only obferve, that his men having
(pent the money they got there, in the fame man-
ner they ufed to do their prize-money, were eafily
prevailed on by the Captain, to undertake another
adventure. And indeed he had by this time gained
foch a reputation, by his bravery and condudf, and
the many fuccefsful actions he had engaged in againft
the Spaniards, that every enterprifing feaman appear-
ed ready to ferve under him ; of which the Captain
being well apprifed, invited all feafaring men to
come to the rendezvous he appointed at the ifland
of Tortuga, near the north diore of Hifpaniola,
where he was fure to find a great many men fit for
his purpoie, and might victual his fleet with the
cattle that run wild in the woods of Hifpaniola.
The Captain arrived at Tortuga the latter end
pf October, 1670, and finding himfelf at the head
of upwards of two thoufand brave fellows, and be-
tween thirty and forty {hips, employed part of his
people in hunting and falting up beef for his fleet in
the ifland of Hifpaniola, and at the fame time fent
four Chips and four hundred men to Rio de la Hacha
on the continent, where he knew there was great
plenty of Indian-corn to be met with, to procure a
fufficient quantity of it to victual his drips for his
intended expedition ; in both which attempts. he was
very fuccefsful, getting both beef and com enough
for his purpoie, within the fpace of five or fix weeks.
And now, being ready to foil, he divided his
fleet, confifting of thirty-feven drips, into two Iqua-
drons, conftituting Vice-admirals, Rear-admirals,
and other Officers, to whom he gave formal com-
millions, to commit hodilities againft the Spanidi
nation, and take their Chips, declaring them enemies
to his mafter the King of England. After which,
he caufod articles to be drawn and ftgned by his
Officers ; wherein it was agreed, that Morgan
the Admiral diould have a hundredth part of ail
the prizes and plunder that fhould be taken ; every
Captain the {hares of eight men for the expences of
his Clip, befides his own ; every Surgeon two hun-
dred pieces of eight for his cheft: of medicines, be-
ddes his pay and drare ; each Carpenter a hundred
pieces of eight, befides his ulual folary ; and that
the following rewards diould be allowed for fmarf-
money, viz. one thoufand five hundred pieces of
eight, or fifteen fiaves, to every one who diould lofe
both his legs ; and one thoufand eight hundred pieces
of eight, or eighteen flaves, to him that diould lofe
both his hands, at the option of the wounded rnen j
fix hundred pieces of eight, or fix flaves, for the
lofs of one hand, and as much for the lofs of one
leg ; and one hundred pieces of eight for the lofs of
an eye ; and to him that diould fignalize himfelf in
battle, by taking a colours, entring a breach firft,
or the like, a reward of fifty pieces of eight was
to be allowed ; which recompences and rewards
were agreed to be paid out of the firlh prizes or
plunder that diould be obtained, after the refpeCtive
events or accidents.
A council of war being afterwards held on board
the Admiral, it was debated, whether they diould
attempt Carthagena, Vera Cruz, or Panama; and
it was refolved to attack Panama ; which town they
imagined to be the richeft of the three, tho’ it was
much the mod difficult to reduce, being fituated on
the South-fea, where their diips and great guns could
be of no ule to them, and they mud, of neceffity s
leave a confiderahle part of their forces behind them
to guard their fleet, nor were any of their people
acquainted with the avenues to that city.
To obviate the lad of thefe difficulties, it was
determined in the firft place to attack the ifland of
St. Catharine’s, or Providence again, which lies be-
tween forty and fifty leagues to the northward of
the river Chagre ; for here they were fure to find
Outlaws and Banditti banidied thither from the city
of Panama, who were acquainted with all the by-
ways to the town, and would probably enter into
the fervice of the Buccaneers : Nor were they dis-
appointed in their expectations ; for the Spanidi
Governor of the ifland of Providence furrendering,
on the fil'd fummons, three Banditti, who were ac-
quainted with all the avenues to Panama, offeree!
to be their guides, on being promifed to {hare in th&
expeCted plunder, .
While.-;
2 37
CHAR
L
w'-v'W
Articles
tween Mor<=
gan and ibis
mea.
23 s THE PRES
CHAP. While Morgan lay with his fleet at the iflandof
I. Providence ; in order to facilitate the grand enter-
ThTcaftlTof P r ' ze ’ he difpatched his Vice-admiral Brodley,
Chagre ta- with four fhips and four hundred men, to make them-
ken. felves matters of the cattle of Chagre, which flood at
the mouth of the river of the fame name: For by this
river he propofed to tranfport his people in boats and
canoes to the fouth fide of the ifthmus. But the ta-
king this cattle proved more difficult and hazardous
enterprize than had been expedited : For the cattle
flood on a mountain at the entrance of the
river ; the top of the hill divided, in a manner,
in two parts, by a trench or ditch thirty foot deep;
nor was there any entrance to the cattle, but by a
draw-bridge over this ditch ; there were four bafti-
ons, with batteries of great guns towards the land
fide, and two more that looked towards the fea ; to
the fouth fide of the cattle there was no poffible ac-
cefs, the rock on which it flood was fo very fteep ;
the north fide was encompaffed by the river, which
was very broad ; and at the foot of the cattle, or
rather of the mountain, was a ftrong fort mounted
with eight guns, which commanded the entrance of
the river ; from whence the way to the cattle was
by a pair of flairs hew’d out of the rock ; and at
the entrance of the harbour there were rocks under
water, which made the coming in very hazardous:
And, laftly, this terrible cattle was garrifon’d by up-
wards of three hundred regular European forces, as
brave men as any the Spaniards had in their fervice.
And yet, in thefe circumftances, did four hundred
defperate Buccaneers venture to attack this almoft
Impregnable fortrefs. They landed at fome diftance
from the place, and marched through thick woods
and moraffes, from day-light ’till late in the after-
noon, that they might come to that fide of the cattle
on which alone it was poffible to approach it ; and
here they found themfelves fo expofed to the fire of
the enemy, that they were once relolved to have
turn’d their backs, and fled out of the reach of the
guns, and were actually retiring, when one of their
company that was wounded by an arrow (hot from
the cattle by an Indian, drew the famearrow out of his
body, and having wound fome cotton about the head
of it, fired it out of his mufket at a thatch’d building
within the cattle, which was immediately in flames,
and burnt with that fiercenefs, that itfet fire to the
magazine of powder, that blew up partof the wall, and
threw it into the ditch ; and while the Spaniards were
put in the utmoft confufion by this accident, the En-
glifh entered the breach ; which beingdefended by the
Governor in perfo.n, they met with a very obftinate
refiftance ; the Spaniards with their fire-arms, pikes,
flonesand fwords, did all that could be expected from
brave men: However, the Buccaneers forced their
Way through, and, after a very terrible flaughter,made
themfelves matter of the cattle. The Governor re-
tired to the Corps du Garde, before which he planted
two pieces of cannon, determining to afk no quarter,
but to fell his life as dear as he could, but he was in a
2
ENT STATE
little time (hot through the head; whereupon the CHAP
guard furrendered. Out of three hundred and four-
teen the garrifon confided of at the beginning of the
attack, there were but thirty left alive, and of thefe
twenty were wounded : Nor did the Englifh take
the cattle without great lofs ; for of the four hundred
Buccaneers, one hundred were killed outright, and
feventy more wounded.
The prifoners related, that the Governor of Pa-
nama had notice three weeks before from Cartha-
gena, that the Buccaneers were equipping a fleet,
with a defign to attack the city of Panama, and
that upon this advice, he lent a hundred an fixty four
foldiers to reinforce the garrifon of the cattle of
Chagre, which did not ulually confift of more than
a hundred and fifty men: That the Gover-
nor had placed leveral ambulcades on the river, be-
tween fort Chagre and Panama, to interrupt their
march ; which, if they fhould clcape, he had a bo -
dy of near four thouland men, with which he pro-
pofed to engage them before they could approach
that city ; which intelligence did not at all dilhearten
Captain Morgan : But as loon as he received ad-
vice of the taking of the cattle of Chagre, became
with his whole fleet into the mouth of that river,
but with fo little caution, that his own fhip and two
more were fplit upon the rocks that lay under
water, tho he had the good fortune to lave the men
with their arms and ammunition. Morgan was
no looner come on fhore, but he entered the cattle
ol Chagre in triumph, and immediately made pre-
parations for his march to Panama, but neglected,
it leems, to lay in fuch a (lock of food as was ne-
ceffary for (o long a march through a barren coun-
try* where the enemy alfo had deftroyed every
thing that might be of lervice to his people.
Having felebted twelve hundred men for this bold Morg» n
and hazardous enterprize, he left five hundred in the marches to
cattle, and an hundred and fifty more to take care whhTzco
of the fleet, and embarked his troops and artillery men.
on board fuch boats and canoes as he found in the
river. Having failed fix leagues up the ftream, he
went on fhore, and lent out parties in fearch of pro-
vifions; but they found all the villages and plantati-
ons deferted, and every thing carried off that could
afford them any fubiiftence ; and continuing his
voyage the next day, he found the river impaffable
for large vefl'els any higher, and therefore was ob-
liged to leave his great boats and artillery behind him,
under a guard, and advance only with the canoes
and fmall boats, fome of his people going by land,
and others by water, and fuffering intolerable hard-
fhips for want of provifions ; inlomuch, that they
were obliged to live on roots, and glad to eat leather
and vermin, to preferve themfelves from ftarving.
At length, after fix days laborious march, they ar-
rived at Venta de Cruz, where the Spaniards of
Panama embark their goods on the river Chagre for
Porto Bello : And here they met with fifteen or fix-
teen jars of Peruvian wine, which the Buccaneers
drink-
©F TERR A-F IRMA.
CHAP, drinking plentifully of, apd having eat nothing but
I. trafh for a week before, they every man fell fick,
which made them conjecture the wine was poifb-
ned : However, they found themfelves pretty well
the next day, and the river being navigable no higher,
they continued their march by land to Panama,
being attacked by feveral parties of Spanifn Indians,
who killed and wounded feveral of their men with
their arrows in the woods and defiles, through
which they were obliged to pals, the way being
frequently fo narrow that ten men could not march
a-breaft : Nor did the heavy rains that fall at this
fealbn, and the moraffes through which they were
forced to wade up to the middle, incommode the
Buccaneers lefs than the arrows of the Indians.
On the ninth day fome parties of Spanifh horle
appeared, and threatened to oppofe their march ;
but having afcended a mountain, and obtained a
view of the South-lea and the Bay of Panama,
they were fo overjoyed, that they delpifed all dan-
ger, threw up their caps, founded their drums and
trumpets, and fhouted as if they had already been
mailers of the city and feeing a herd of cattle in
the plain, they fhot as many as they wanted, cut
them to pieces, and roafted and broiled the flelh,
without fleaing off the fkin, in fuch hade were they
to devour the meat, after they had been forced to
fall lo many days ; and that night encamped, or ra-
ther lodged in the open air (for I don’t find they had
any tents with them) in view of the town, defin-
ing the next morning to begin the attack, but were
prevented by the Governor’s marching out againll
them with four regiments of foot and two fqua-
drons of horfe, a force much luperior to that of the
Morgan^ Buccaneers. Hov/ever, Mo rgan advanced, and
Spaniards, joined battle with the Spaniards, who maintain-
ed their ground very refoluteiy for two hours, when
vidlory declaring lor our Welfh hero, the enemy
turned their backs and fled, leaving fix hundred of
their friends dead upon the field of battle. The
lofs on the fide of the Buccaneers alio, was con-
forms and fiderable : However, they prefs’d towards the city,
takes Pana- ^ within three hours more fcaled the walls, and
became matters of the place, without making the
leafl breach ; for they had not indeed any artillery
with them : Morgan finding himfelf in poffefli-
on of the city, gave out that all the wine was
poifoned, apprehending that his men would get
drunk as ufual, and the Spaniards might rally and
cut them in pieces, his numbers being yet fo much
inferior to the enemy : He placed his guards allb in
the moll proper places to fecure his conquefl, and
gave as gieat inllances of his military fkill and con-
> dudl, in preferving what he had fo bravely won,
burnt and as t ^ e mo ^ confummate General could have done ;
entirely when, on a fudderi, the whole city appeared in
demoli/h’d. flames, having been fet on fire in feveral places at
the fame inllant ; which fome charge upon Mor-
gan, tho’ ’tis admitted he gave orders for extin-
guilhing it ; others fay, that it was fet on fire by
239
the inhabitants, to deprive the Buccaneers of the C H A P,
rich treafures and plunder they expelled, which leems I.
much the moll propable ; for why Morgan
fhould burn the town, before he had plunder’d it,
and dellroy the prize he had in his hands, is not
eafy to conceive.
But however it happened, all agree the fire con-
tinued feveral days, infomuch that fcarce a houfe
was left Handing in the place, which a little before
contained two thoufand houles magnificently built,
all the beams whereof were cedar, and the furni-
ture anfwerably rich ; befides which, were five thou-
fand houfes more of the inferior tradefmen, and fe-
ral beautiful churches and monalleries ; for this, as
has been obferved, was the repofitory of all the trea-
fures of Peru annually brought hither to be fent to
Europe.
While the fire continued, the Buccaneers en-
camped without the walls ; but after it ceafed, they
returned, and quartered in the ruins, making a
very Uriel fearch for the plate and money that was
not confumed, of which they found great quanti-
ties melted down : They alfo difeovered abundance
of treafure hid in wells, and refervoirs of water,
and out of a Ihip in the harbour they took two
hundred thoufand pieces of eight ; and not content
with this, ’tis laid they tortur’d the milerable in-
habitants various ways, to make them dilcover more,
or offer large ranfoms for their liberty ; and, ac-
cording to my author, they were more fevere
upon the Priefls and Monks than any other
people, knowing them to be poffeffed of very great
treafures, either of their own, or belonging to their
feveral churches and convents.
My Dutch author exclaims loudly allb againft
the Buccaneers, for the innumerable rapes they com-
mitted, charging Morgan their Commander,
with being as guilty of thefe outrages, as his men :
Particularly, he relates, that a beautiful young la-
dy, wife to a rich Spanifh merchant of Panama, re-
fufing to fubmit to his embraces, he fhut her up in
a dungeon, and ufed her very hardly ; but he ac-
knowledges, the Captain afterwards, pleafed to have
found a woman that was not to be tempted to be
falfe to her hufband’s bed, generoufly gave her her
liberty. But to return from this digreffion ; Mor-
gan having remained near a month in Panama,
and colledled the ranfoms he required for his prifon-
ers, loaded near two hundred beafls with the trea-
fure he had got, and returned to Venta de Cruz,
where he put it into boats, and conveyed it down
the river to the callle of Chagre ; but the Bucca-
neers finding there did not come more than two
hundred pieces of eight to the fhare of every private
man, began to threaten the Captain for concealing
the moll valuable part of the plunder ; at leafl the
French, and fome other foreigners, among whom
was our author, pretended to be highly difguffed :
Whereupon Mo rgan, having blown up the for-
tifications of tire callle of Chagre, went on board
his.
240
THEP RESENT STATE •
CHAP.
I.
l/VNJ
Morgan
"brings
400,000
pie es of
iight to
Jamaica.
Kn ghted
for his
bravery in
taking
Panama.
Some ac-
count of
the reafon
of thefe
attempts of
the Bucca-
.aeers.
his (hip, and with only four fail of Englifti, whom
the foreigners fufpedted were in the fecret, and (ha-
red with him the heft of the plunder, returned to
Jamaica: After which, the French joined their
countrymen in the iflands of Tortuga andHifpanio-
la, and the reft of the Buccaneers went in fearch
of new adventures.
Captain Morgan, and the Buccaneers that re-
turned to Jamaica, brought with them four hun-
dred thoufand pieces of eight, and the Captain was
not only knighted by King Charles II. for his
bravery and conduct in takingPanama, but he was
made one of the Commiffioners of the Admiralty in
thatifland; and the Earl of Car lis l e, Governor
of Jamaica, returning to England for the recovery
of his health, in the year 1680, left Sir Harry
Morgan Deputy-governor there. However, up-
on the repeated complaints of the Spanifti Ambaf-
iador, of the depredations of the Buccaneers in the
Spanifti (ettlements in the Weft-Indies, Sir Harry
was fent for over to England, and committed to
the Tower, where he lay three years ; and then
his health being pretty much impaired, he obtained
his liberty, but did not long furvive his imprifon-
ment, according to the beft information I can get.
It may be thought Arrange, that the Govern-
ment of England fhould encourage, or even con-
nive at the depredations of the Buccaneers in the
Spanifti Weft-Indies, at a time when the two na-
tions were at peace in Europe. But nothing ap-
pears more frequent, than for the nations of Europe
to commit a£Is of hoftility on each other, in the
Eaft and Weft- Indies, without any regard to trea-
ties or alliances concluded in Europe.
The Spaniards, by virtue of the Pope’s grant to
them of that new world, did for a great while
make no fcruple to fall upon the Englifti, French
and Dutch, and every other nation that attempted
to make fettlements in America : As they had dif-
covered the country, they held that no other nation
had a right to plant or inhabit it, tho’ it was impof-
fible they could ufe or cultivate a third part of the
country, and had not obtained the leave of the na-
tives to poflefs any part of it. This was a claim and
pretenfion that the reft of the nations of Europe
would by no means fubmit to, but in time planted
great part of the iflands and continent, which the
Spaniards called their property ; and as the Spaniards
endeavoured to difturb thefe new fettlements, took
their (hipping, and fometimes maflacred their men.
Tho’ the Englifti, for political realbns, did not think
fit to declare open war againft them in Europe, yet
they differed private Adventurers (who afterwards
obtained the name of Buccaneers) to retaliate the
injury, in order to bring the Spaniards to reafon,
and that they might be induced to fuffer our (hip-
ping to trade with our own plantations and fettle-
ments without difturbance : Thofe therefore, that
have given Sir Harry Morgan and his men the
denomination of Pirates, have done them a great
deal of injury ; if it be confidered, in the firft place,
that the Spaniards had no other title to America,
than what was founded in force and ulurpation ;
and that they at this very time opprefled and tyran-
nized over the Indian Princes, who alone had a
right to this country ; and would not fuffer any other
European nation to have any commerce with them,
but fell in a hoftile manner on all European (hip-
ping that appeared in tliofe feas, whether they were
at peace with Spain in Europe or not ; which fuf-
ficiently juftifies the Buccaneers in attacking their
fettlements, tho’ the cruelties they are laid to have
exercifed upon the people of Panama, and fome
other towns, are not to be excufed : But thefe have
poilibly been greatly exaggerated by their enemies ;
for the perfon who wrote the hiftory of the Bucca-
neers, acknowledges himfelf an enemy toMoRG an,
and to have been highly difobliged by him, and
therefore cannot be looked upon as very impartial
in his relation. But admitting thofe dories of their
barbarities are true ; with what face can the Spa-
niards complain of cruelty, who tortured and maf-
facred fo many millions of Indians, but threefcore
years before, and difpofleffed them of this very
country, without the lead (hadow of title to it ?
unlefs the Pope’s grant, which all mankind (Papifts
as well as Proteftants) laugh at at this day, being
fenfible, that neither they, nor any other Euro-
pean nation, can have a juft right to any part of
America that was inhabited, but what they gained
by treaty with the inhabitants. And if the Spa-
niards fall upon the Englifti, or any other nation,
for trafficking with the Indians, and entring into
alliances with them, we may juftly repel force with
force, and retaliate the injuries they do us. Sir
Harry Morgan was indeed imprifoned at the
inftance of the Spanifti Ambaffador, after he had
performed the greateft actions, perhaps, that ever
man did, with fuch a handful of men, and in fuch
circumftances, and had been in fome meafure re-
warded for them by the Government, tho’ they
quarrelled with him afterwards. But he is not the
only brave man that has been facrificed to Spain for
reafons of ftate, when he ought to have had a ftatue
erected to his memory : for he it is, has (hewn us
the way, if ever we (hould be compelled to fall out
with Spain, to make our felves mafters of the gold
and fflver mines, He has (hewn us, that if we pof-
fefs the Iftbmus with a good force, and eredt for-
treffes on the North and South-feas, we may with
eafe render ourfelves mafters of the treafures of
North and South America : If a thoufand men
could effedl fuch great things againft their principal
fettlements there, what might not a royal fleet and
army do ? Tho’ I am ftill of opinion this ought never
to be attempted, unlefs the Spaniards compel us to
fall out with them. The nation will get more by
trafficking with Spain and the Spanifti Weft-Indies,
and improving our own plantations in Florida, than
by polleffing their mines. Gold and filver poffibly
iray
CHAP.
I.
OF TERR
CHAP, may have the fame effect upon us it has had upon
X. them, renders us indolent, and enervate our people,
and Britain might become as defpicable a nation
in time, as Spain has been almoft ever iince they
po fie fled Potofi.
Porto Bello 2. Porto Bello is fituated on a bay of the North-
defcribed. f ea? j n t 0 degrees of north latitude, and 8 2 degrees
of weftern longitude, about 70 miles north of Pa-
nama, and had this name given it by Columbus,
on account of the fecurity of its harbour.
Wafer gives the following defcription of the
harbour and town : Portobel, favs this writer,
is a very fair, large and commodious harbour, af-
fording go^d anchorage and fhelter for (hips, having
a narrow entrance, and fpreading wider within :
The galleons from Spain find good riding here,
while they take in the treafures of Peru, that are
brought thither from Panama. The entrance is
fecured by a fort on the left hand going in, and by
a blockhoufe on the other fide, oppofite to it. At
the bottom of the harbour lies the town, bending
with the {hore like a half-moon : In the middle of
which, upon the fea, is another fmall low fort ;
and at the weft-end of the town, upon an eminence,
lies another ftrong fort, yet commanded by a neigh-
bouring hill ; and in all thefe forts, there are ufually
about two or three hundred men in garrifon. The
town lies open towards the country without wall or
works ; and at the eaft end is a long ftable for the
King’s Mules. The Governor’s houfe (lands upon
the eminence near the great fort at the weft end of
the town. It is an unhealthful place, the eaft end
being fituated in a low fwampy ground, and the foa
at low-water leaving the Ihore within the harbour
bare, a great way from the houfes, which having
a black filthy mud or ouze, occafions very noifome
vapours in this hot climate. From the fouth and
eaft part of it, the country riles gradually in hills,
which are partly wood-lands, and partly (avannah
or pafture ; but there are few fruit-trees or plan-
tations near the town.
Much the greateft part of the inhabitants are
Indians, Mulattoes and Negroes, no Spaniard of any
fubftance caring to refide in fo unhealthful a place,
tho’ at the time of the Fair, it is fo crowded with
rich Merchants, that above an hundred crowns are
given for a poor lodging, and a thoufand crowns
for a {hop, during die fhort time that the galleons
flay there, and all provifions are proportionably dear,
tho’ they are cheap enough at other times ; and fo
fobjedl is the place to peftilential Fevers, that five
hundred people have died there during the time of
The Engliih the Fair only. No people ever experienced the un-
ftips'and healthfulnefs of this climate more than the Engl ifii,
men hete when the Iquadron under the command of Admiral
without Hosier lay before it, without being fullered to
fighting. enter upon adlion, in the year 1727 : For here we
did not only lofe Admiral Hosier, but the fea-
men twice over ; and what added to the misfortune
was, that all the {hips were fo damaged by the
VOL. III.
A-FIRMA, 241
worms, that it was with difficulty they were brought CHAP,
back to England again. We might have fixed our I.
felves on the ifthmus, with lefs expence of men,
{hips and treafure, than it coft us to lie here, and
render the Spaniards our irreconcileable enemies,
without acquiring the leaft advantage to our felves.
3. Venta de Cruz is fituated on the banks of the Venta de
river Chagre, where it begins to be navigable, about Cruz '
thirty miles to the northward of Panama : And here
the merchandize brought is imbark’d for Porto Bello,
in order to be fent to Europe ; but I don’t find this
place to be confiderable upon any other account.
4. The town of Cheapo is fituated on a river Cheapo*
of the fame name, about twenty-five miles north-
eaft of Panama, and eighteen or twenty from the
fea, and is but a fmall place.
5 . Nata is a port-town on the weft fide of the Nat*»
bay of Panama, about feventy miles fouth- weft of
the city of Panama. Their chief dependance is on
cattle, hogs and poultry, with which they ferve
the markets of Panama ; for the country about
that city is fo very barren, that they would frequent-
ly be in danger of familhing, if they were not fup-
plied by {hipping with provifions from the towns
that lie at a diftance from it.
6. The town of Conception is fituated near the Conception*
mouth of the river Conception, which falls into
the North-fea, over-againft La Sounds Key, one
of the Sambalas ifiands ; but I meet with no parti-
cular defcription of this place.
7. Santa Maria is fituated 6 leagues from the Santa Mark;
fea, on the fouth bank of the river to which it
communicates its name, in 7 degrees 40 minutes
north latitude, about 30 leagues fouth-eaft of Pana-
ma, and is confiderable on account of the gold
mines in the neighbourhood of it, but does not feem
to be of any great ftrength, the Buccaneers and Pri-
vateers having plundered it feveral times. The
country about it is low and woody, and the ouz and
mud on the banks of the river, occafions a noifome
{linking fmell, which makes the air very unwhole-
fome.
1 . Scuchadero, a fmall town fituated on the Scuchader*.
north fide of the fame river nearer its mouth, but
{landing on a good dry foil, and open to the Gulph
of St. Michael, from whence it is refrefh’d by the
fea- breezes. This is eileemed a healthful place j
and what contributes to render it more fo, is a
fine rivulet of frefh water that runs by it^ for the
waters of this province are frequently brackilh 2
The Spaniards therefore, who refort with their
Haves to the gold mines and rivulets at the proper
feafons, frequently come hither for their health and
refrefhments.
The laft place I {hail mention in this province, New Edln-
is New Edinburgh, or the place which the Scots bur “ h ’
gave this name to, when they attempted to make
a fettlement on the coaft of Darien, or Terra-
Firma Proper, and denominated the country about
it New Calidonia. This fortrcfs was fituated on its fituatlcm
r i die
THE PRESENT STATE
242
CHAP, the continent, near the north-weft point of the
I, Gulph of Darien, in 9 degrees odd minutes north
latitude, on a moft excellent harbour (according to
Dr. Wall are) being about a league in length
from the north-weft to the fouth-eaft, half a mile
broad at the entrance, and upwards of a mile broad
within, and large enough to contain five hundred
fail of fhips untouch’d from any wind that can blow :
The ftrength The forts flood upon a peninfula, almoft fur-
& ltt rounded by the harbour and the North-fea, and the
accefs to the peninfula fo defended by rocks and pre-
cipices, that a very little art would have render’d
The health- it impregnable; and' there was as much land
fuJnefs and contained in it, as would have produced ten thou-
the* country of fugar annually, if it had been
about it,a c - cultivated ( according to Wallare ) the foil be-
cording to ; n .g rich, the air temperate, and the water fweet ;
WalIa;<f ' every thing contributed to render it healthful
and convenient: The land abounded in venifon
and poultry, and the feas with the beft fifh ; and
what were ftill greater advantages, it flood in the
Weir the neighbourhood of the richeft gold mines in America,
‘Ssjld minei. arK ] a communication with theSouth-fea might eafi-
ly have been opened from thence by the way of the
river Darien, and the Gulph of St. Michael’s. The
Scots thought themfelves extremely fortunate in
happening upon this important agreeable fituation,
which they tell us the Englifh, Dutch and French,
tho’ they had been all over this coaft, from Porto
Bello to Carthagena, never once difoover’d, and the
Spaniards themfelves were Arrangers to it. Here it
was the Scots arrived in the month of November
*699, in order to fix a colony of their country-
men on the continent ; the occafion whereof it
may be proper to mention in this place.
’fbe occafion The Parliament of Scotland pafs’d an A<S in the
of fettling a year 1695, for erecting a Company to trade to
•Scots colony Africa an d the Indies: By which they were autho-
rized to plant colonies and fettlements in the Eaft
and Weft-Indies under his Majefty’s Letters Patent,
which they alfo obtained ; and both the Englifhand
Hamburgh Merchants contributing very largely to
this enterprize, they equipped feveral (hips, which
failed with forces, and every thing requifite to plant
a colony on or near the ifthmus of Darien in the
year 1698. They landed firft on Golden Ifland,
at the mouth of the river Darien ; but not liking
the fituation, they went over to the continent, and
built the fort of Edinburgh on the fpot of ground
already deferibed, with the permiffion of the na-
tives, calling the country which the Indians afligned
them to plant and cultivate, New Calidonia. That
' T tie extent P 3rt which the Indians their friends
of thecoun- then pofTefs’d, the Scots inform us, extended along
Vy under the the North-fea, from the Gulph of Darien to Port
■ielndia n°/ Scnwm on the North-fea, being about an hundred
and forty miles ; and from Caret Bay, in the fouth-
weft part of the Gulph of Darien, to the head
of the river Cheapo on the fouth, about an
hundred and fifty miles ; the breadth in fome C H A Pv
places fixty, and in others an hundred miles, and I.
upwards.
The Indian Princes within thefe limits were eight They are
at leaft, all of them then at war with the Spaniards, * el1 received
and received the Scots into their country with a dfan frincet.
great deal of joy, in hopes of their aftiftance againft
their ancient enemies the Spaniards. The fettle-
ment went on profperoufly at firft ; but the Spani-
ards complaining to the Court of England, and
declaring that they fhould look upon this as an a£t
of hoftility, Darien having long been fubjedl to that
Crown, as they alledg’d : The Englifh Eaft-India The Spani-
Company alfo complaining of this fettlement at the
fame time, as an infringementof their charter, the India Com-"
Englifh Parliament thought fit to interpofe and ad- P an y °ppofe
drefs King William to recal his -Patent. to the. chcm ‘
Scots Company.
The Scots, on the other hand, font up their A-
gents to the Court of England, to reprefent that
this was no invafion of the Spanifh dominions, be-
caufe they were either never pofiefs’d of that part of
the ifthmus; or,, if they were, they had been dri-
ven from it by the natives,, who. were at that . time
in the aftual pofleflion of the country, .and at war
with the Spaniards, as they had been many years-
before the arrival of the Scots : But how much fo-
ever the Scots might be in the right, fuch was the in-
fluence of the Court of Spain and the Englifh Eaft-
India Company, that all meafures were taken to
ruin the Scots fettlement. The Englifh Miniftry
prevailed on the Hamburghers to draw their money
out of the flock; and the Parliament of England-
threatened the Merchants of London, who had any
fhares in it,, with their difpleafure, if they did not
difengage themfelves : And orders being lent at the
fame time to Jamaica, and the Englifh plantations
in the Weft-Indies, not to fuffer the. Scots to fur-
nifh themfelves with provifions there, or give them
any affiftance, our northern neighbours were un- The Scots
fortunately compelled to quit the enterprize, which.
weourfelves found reafon to regret a few years af- Edinburgh,
terwards, when France, in a manner^ poflefs’d
herfelf of all the Spanifh dominions, and among
the reft, of this important place, which, had Bri-
tain remained poftefs’d oft {he might eafily have
flopp’d thofe treafures coming to Europe, which,
fo long enabled the French to carry on the fecond
war againft the Confederates. Another ill confe-
quence this piece of injuftice was attended with,,
was the making the Scots our enemies, and obli-
ging us to purchafe their friendfbip again, at the
expence of almoft four hundred thoufand pounds ;
and whether any thing will perfedlly fatisfy them,-
but the fubverfion of the Englifh Conftitution, is ftill
a queftion. On the other hand, the Scots offer’d-
to fhare the fettlement with the Englifh, and would
have been infinitely obliged to them, if they had
encouraged and fupported it : Nor is there a fpot.
OF TERR A-F IRMA.
243
Proper.
Golden
Ifland.
CHAP, of ground, it is agreed, on the continent of Ame-
I. rica, that could be of greater fervice to Britain,
than that of New Edinburgh, if ever we are doom’d
to have a war with Spain and France again.
I (lands on Having taken a view of the principal places upon
Tma°firma the continent of Darien, or Terra-Firma Proper,
I proceed to give fome defcription of the iflands
near the coafts of this province, both in the North
and South-feas, which are very numerous, and of
great ufe to fea-faring men, who traffick in thofe
feas, tho’ fcarce any of them are inhabited.
On the North-fea, at the entrance of the Gulph
of Darien, lie three iflands almoft in a triangle,
which form a very good harbour. The eaftermoft
of the three, and the fmalleft, is called Golden
Ifland : There is a fair deep channel between this
and the main ; it is naturally ftrongly fortified, be-
ing defended by a fteep rock almoft all round, ex-
cept the landing-place, which is a fmall fandy bay
on the fouth fide. The ifland is moderately high,
and cover’d with fmall trees and fhrubs, and was
recommended to the Scots India Company, as a
proper place to fix their firft colony on ; but find-
ing it barren, and deftitute of provifions, the Scots
pitch’d upon a place on the oppofite fhore (as has
been obferved already) which was excellent fruit-
ful land, and no lefs fcarce than the ifland. The
largeft of the three iflands lies to the weft of Golden
Ifland, being fwampy or marfhy ground, and fo
befet with Mangroves, that it is difficult getting on
Chore. It lies near a point of the ifthmus, which
is the fame fort of ground for a mile or two, and
is fcarce parted from die main-land, but at high-
water, and even then (hips cannot pafs between.
The third, call’d the Ifle of Pines, is a finall
ifland, north of the other two ; and, riling into
hills, is a good fea-mark : It is covered with tall
trees fit for building, or any other ufe, and has a
fine rivulet of frefh water in it.
Three leagues north-weft of thefe, lie a multi-
tude of fmall iflands, extending as far as Point
Samballas, generally denominated, the Samballas
Iflands ; fome of them lie one mile from the oppo-
fite Chore of the continent ; Come two miles, and
others two miles and a half from the Chore,
and about as far from each other, and there are
navigable channels between them : The lea be-
tween this long range of iflands and the conti-
nent, is navigable alfo from one end to the
other, and affords every-where good anchoring in
hard fandy ground : It is good landing either on
the iflands, or the main ; and let the wind fit how
it will. Chips never want a good road to ride in on
the infide of one or other of thefe iflands, on which
account this channel was the general rendezvous of
the Buccaneers and Privateers on this coaft, efpeci-
ally La Sounds Key and Springers Key (or Ifland)
which do not only afford good Chelter for careening,
but good wells of frefh water not far from the fur-
iace, if they dig for them. But tiro’ it te fuch
Ifle of Pines.
ThcSara-
ballas
Iflands.
good riding on the infide of thefe keys or iflands, CHAP,
there lies a ridge of dangerous rocks on the outfide, I.
at about half a mile diftance ; and there are others
lie under water, between thefe iflands and the
Gulph of Darien.
The Samballas are generally low, flat, fandy
iflands, but have variety of fruit-trees and foreft-
trees upon them ; particularly the Mammees, Sa-
padillo’s and Manchineel trees: Their Ihores alfo
afford good fhell-fifh ; but no people have thought
fit to plant or inhabit any of them. From the
Samballas iflands paffing to the weftward by Port
Scrivan, and the bay where the town of Nombre N . ombr e < 5 «
de Dios once flood, we arrive at the iflands of Ba- Raftjmenta
ftimento, being four or five in number, and lying iflands.
about a mile from the continent : They are, for
the moft part, high land covered with wood ; and
one of them has a fpring of frefh water in it.
Thefe, with the main-land oppofite to them, form
a good harbour, into which there is an eafy paffage,
with the fea- breeze between the eaftermoft ifland
and the next to it, and as good going out with the
land-breeze the fame way. A little farther weft-
ward, over-againft Porto Bello, are two fmall flat
iflands without wood or water : They lie fo near
the continent, that there is but a very narrow
channel between. Beyond the Buftimentos, to
Porto Bello, the coaft is generally rocky ; and with-
in the land the country is full of high fteep hills,
covered with wood, unlefs where they are cleared
for plantations by the Spanifh Indians tributary
to Porto Bello ; and thefe, in Wafer’s time, ann.
1 68 r , were the firft fettlements on the north coaft:
of Darien under the Spanifh Government : The
Spaniards had then neither command over the In-
dians, or commerce with them to the eaftward of
Port Scrivan. The fame writer indeed fays, he was
inform’d, the Spaniards had courted the natives
fince, and won them over to their party ; but ’tis
certain this was not effected in the year 1698, when
the Scots landed on the ifthmus ; for they found all
The Indians
on the
the Indians between the Gulph of Darien and Port ifthmus at
Scrivan at open war with the Spaniards. I proceed, war with
in the next place, to this defcription of the iflands g h j s Spini “
belonging to this province of Darien, or Terra-
Firma Proper, that lie in the Bay of Panama in
the Sout)i-iea.
The Bay of Panama is of a fcmicircular form, The Bay oi
and made by Point Garrachina on the fouth-eaft, .
and Panta Mala on the north- weft, being about an , n ^ an
hundred miles over, and three hundred in circum-
ference, including the Gulph of St. Michael’s at the
mouth of the river of St. Mary’s.
The Kings or Pearl Iflands, being low, woody The Kings,
iflands, and very numerous, lie almoft in the mid-
die of this bay, ftretching from the fouth-eaft to
the north-weft, in length about 1 4 leagues. The
northermoll of them, call’d Pacheque, lies 1 z
leagues fouth-eaft of Panama ; and the foutl er-
moft of them, call’d St. Paulj, 1 2 leagues north -
I t z weft
244
CHAP.
I.
THE PRESENT STATE
ChepsKo
HkE&
Tabago
iSacd,
Otoqae
Ifland.
Cbuche
ifland.
Gallera
Ifland,
weft of Point Garrachina ; and they are generally
about feven leagues diftant from the main-land of
Darien.
Thc-fe iflands belong to the citizens of Panama,
who keep Negroes here to plant and cultivate them :
They afford fome fruits, particularly Plantains and
Bonana’s, and in fome of them Rice is fown ; but
many of them, efpecially the largeft, are wholly
uncultivated, and almoft over-run with weeds, tho’
it feems to be a fruitful foil that would produce any
thing. Thefe unplanted iflands flicker their fugitive
Negroes, who lie concealed in the woods in the
day-time, and in the night rob the Spanifh planta-
tion-.
There are narrow channels between moil of thefe
iflands, only fit for boats to pafs ; but betwixt the
iflands and the main-land, is a channel 7 leagues
over, where there is a fufficient depth of water,
and good anchoring all the way : The profpe&s
on each fide extremely pleafant ; for, on the con-
tinent, are little rifing hills, always green ; and the
Kings iflands on the other fide the channel are no lefs
beautiful.
The ifland of Chepelio, fituated 7 leagues eaft
of Panama, and a league from die continent, is the
pleafanteft ifland in the Bay of Panama. It is about
two miles over either way, partly high land, and
partly valleys. The low-lands are planted with the
beft Indian fruits ; fuch as Sapadillo’s, Avagato Pears,
Mammees, Mammee Sapota’s, Star-apples, &c. and
the middle of the ifland with Plantains. The iflands
of Perico are three fmall iflands, which lie before the
city of Panama, about three miles from it, and may
be called the port to that city, the great fhips lying
here, became there is not depth of water to ap-
proach nearer.
The ifland of Tabago lies about fix leagues fouth
of Panama, being about three miles long, and two
broad : A mountainous ifland, the north fide
whereof affords a pleafant profpecff, appearing like a
garden of fruit, furrounded with high trees. Clole
by the fea ftand abundance of Cocao-nut-trees ; and
on this fide a fine rivulet of frefh water falls from
the top of the mountain. There is a fmall ifland on
the north-weft fide of this, called Tabogilla ; and
another about a mile from it on the north-eaft, with
a good channel between them.
Otoque is an ifland fouth- weft of Tabago; in
which there are good Plantain- walks with Negroes
upon them, belonging to the citizens of Panama,
who look after them, and breed fowls and hogs for
their mafters, as they do at the Pearl iflands. The
ifland of Chuche is a fmall low woody ifland, that
lies weft of the Pearl iflands, and dees not appear
to be either inhabited or planted ; but could not be
omitted, becaufe it has a place in our maps : As has
aifo that of Gallera, another fmall, flat, barren
ifland, which lies between Point Garrachina and the
Pearl iflands, only remarkable for an engagement
between the Spaniards and Captain Harris, who
.1
was attacked by them here, as he was fharing the C H A P„
gold with his men that he took in Santa Maria ; but I.
the Privateers made fuch a brave defence, that the
Spaniards thought fit to retire, and leave them in
pofieflion of their plunder.
The foil of the ifthmus of Darien, or Terra- The foil and*
Firma Proper, is good in the middle of the province, [£ oduce , ofv
according to Wafer; but both the fhores of the Pro^er.^ 1 ***
North and South-feas are generally either a dry-
barren find, or drowned mangrove land, that will
fcarce produce any kind of grain. Mr. Wallare
indeed informs us, that his countrymen, the Scots,
were fo fortunate to meet with a Ipot of ground,
where they built the fort of New Edinburgh, almoft
furrounded by the fea ; the foil whereof was rich ;
the air temperate, the water fweet, and every thing
about it contributing to make it healthful and con-
venient : That the land afforded. Deer, Rabbets,
wild Hogs, Guanoes, Turkeys, Phealants, Partridges
and Parrots; and the fea. Manatee, Turtle, and a
vaft variety of fmalier fifh, from the bigneft of a
Salmon, to that of a Perch.
It is very poffible, in the moft barren and un-
healthful countries, to meet with fome fmall portions
of it, that differ from the reft ; and luch was that, it
feems, the Scots propofed to fix their colony upon :
But ftill it is very certain, that the fea-coafts of this The aiw
province are generally unhealthful, being exceffive
hot, and very wet two thirds of the year ; and all
travellers agree, that the mountains, which have
mines in them, produce fcarce anything, but Ihrubs.
The country about Panama, the capital city, is fo
exceeding poor, that their corn, flefh, and other
provifions, are brought them by fea, from countries
at a very great diftance ; and that city would be
ftarved, if their communication with their neigh-
bours by fea was cut oft’ half a year ; for tho’ the
heart of the country is faid to be fruitful, yet very
little of it is cleared of wood, or cultivated. As
to the Indians, they are not very numerous ; and
they clear no more ground than juft ferves thei r
relpedfive families, (owing a little Indian-corn ; and
having final! gardens in the woods, that produce
Plantains and Potatoes, and fome other fruits and.
roots, which, with what they take in hunting and'
fifhing, furnifhes them with a poor fubfiftance ;
and as to the Spaniards, they feem to be above
working and cultivating the ground, both in the
old and new world : The little that is cleared and
planted in America, is done by the Negroes or the
Indians ; and tho’ the country might yield good
crops of grain and graft, if it were inhabited by an
induftrious people, yet, in the prelent fituation of
affairs, it affords but little provifion, infomuch that,
our Buccaneers, the hardieft race of men upon earth,
who have marched through it, and plundered the
Spanifh towns, have been more in danger of famine,
than any other enemy: And fliould the Englifii
ever attempt to diflodge the Spaniards from the ifth-
mu.s, they muft carry a double flock of provifions
with
OF TERRA-FIRM A.
«45
I.
Their per-
fons and hi'
bits.
CHAP, with them ; for I queftion whether the country
would be able to fubfift a thouland men in their
march.
The Indians of Darien referable thofe in the eaft-
ern provinces of Mexico ; only it is obferved, as
they approach nearer the Equator, their complexions
are darker. When they are engaged in hunting,
fifhing, planting, or any laborious exercife, they
ulually go naked, having their (kins painted with
various colours and figures ; but they have their
robes of ceremony (as Wafer informs us) both
white and black, that are made of cotton linnen,and
reach down to their heels ; and the men wear coronets
of cane on their heads, adorned with feathers : Nor
do they ever ftir abroad without their arms, their
bows, arrows, lances, and daggers, or great knives;
and many of them of late ufe fire-arms, which they
purchafe of the Europeans.
Wafer obferves, that both men and women
are of a round vifage ; have fhort bottle nofes ;
their eyes large, generally grey, yet lively and fpark-
ling : They have high fore-heads, white even teeth,
thin lips, and mouths moderately large, their cheeks
and chins well proportion’d ; and that they are in
general finely featur’d, but the men more fo than the
women. Both fexes have long black hair, coarfe
and ftrong, which they ulually wear down to the
middle of their backs, or lower, at full length ; only
the women tie it together with a firing juft behind
the head, from whence it flows loofe like the mens.
They buffer no other hair to grow, but that on
their heads, their eye-brows and eye-lids. Their
beards, and all below, are pulled up by the roots, as
loon as any appears ; and they have the fame cu(-
tom as the Eaft-Indians and Africans have of a-
nointing their heads and bodies with oil or fat.
There are, it feerns, among thefe dark complexi-
on’d Indians, feme that are perfectly white in the
province of Terra-Firma Proper. Their fkins, fays
my author, are not of fuch a white, as our fair
people in Europe, who have feme tindlure of red in
their complexion : Nor is it like that of our paler
people, but a pure milk-white ; and there grows
upon their bodies a fine ftiort milk-white down,
through which however the fkin appears. The hair
of their heads and eye-brows alfo is white, growing
to the length of fix or eight inches, and inclining
to curl. Thefe people are lefs in ftature than the o-
ther Indians. Their eye-lids are alio differently
form’d, bending like the horns of the moon ; from
• whence, and their feeing fo well by moon-light,
the Buccaneers call them moon-ey’d. They cannot
fee at all in the fun-Ihine ; and therefore fcarce
ever go abroad in the day-time, unlefs in dark clou-
dy weather. In moon-lhiny nights they are all life
and aclivity, fays my author, fkipping about like
wild bucks, and hunting in the woods ; for they
are as nimble as the other Indians, tho’ not fo ftrong
and big-boned.
They are contemn’d by the copper- coloured In-
A rare of
■white In-
dians.
dians, who look upon tin's white complexion as C H A P»
monftrous, and to proceed from feme infirmity of I.
defeff : They are not a diftindl race by themfelves, '■-✓"Y'VP
but proceed from tawny parents on both fides : And
tho’ feme have fufpedled thefe white children to be
the ifiue of feme Europeans upon Indian women,
my author fays, that it is not at all probable : Firft,
becaufe few Europeans come into this country : Se-
condly, becaufe the ifiue of an European and an
Indian is not white, but only a brighter tawny than
the Indians : And, thirdly, this complexion is a
different white, as has been obferved already, from
any thing feen amongft us ; but it is very unaccoun-
table, that the ifiue of thefe white Indians are not
white like their parents, but copper-colour’d : And
Wafer relates it as the conjecture of one of the
Indian Princes, that this whitenefs proceeds from
the force of the mother’s imagination, looking at the
moon at the time of conception ; but perhaps the
reafon of this very white complexion of the Darien
Indians, and the very dark complexion of the Ne-
groes, will be found out together : I (hall only ob-
ferve here, that tho’ a great deal is aferibed to the
ftrength of the woman’s imagination in both cafes j
yet other caufes probably concur to make fuch re-
markable differences in the complexions of man-
kind.
The men in this province, like thofe in Mexico,
Wear filver and gold plates in their nofes, which
hang down over their lips ; and the women rings
of the fame metal. They have alfo pendants in
their ears, chains of beads and (hells about their
necks, and other ornaments, as the Mexican Indians
wear. Their houfes alto are built in the feme man-
ner, and their lodging is general in hammccks :
Nor is their food or exercife different from what
has been related already of the other Indians, who
have preferved their liberties, and are not yet under
the dominion of the Spaniards ; and therefore I
(hall not weary my readers with the repetition of
thefe articles.
Wafer informs us, that the country was go- Their Go-
verned by the heads of their refpedlive tribes or fami- vcrnmerltj
lies, at the time of his being there in the year 16815
but that there was a Prince, named Lacinta,
fuperior to the reft, in the fouth part of the iftmus;
and thofe on the north fide paid him great refp&T
Wall are, on the other hand, who was in Da-
rien in the year 1699, fays, the people, where the
Scots were about eftablifhing a colony, were under
no formal government ; but every Captain com-
manded his own river, bay, or ifland, where he
refided ; and that the Commander, who lived near
the Sarnballas Point, could bring into the field all
the people for 20 leagues round. What Wal-
lare therefore means by no formal government,
I do not fully apprehend, unlefs he would intimate,
that the General, who commanded them in war,
had no authority over them at other times ; or that
they were not governed by laws, but by their
Prince’s
,246 THE PRESENT STAT
C H A P. Prince’s will : However, Wafer allures us, they
I. were governed by laws ; and that murder, adultery
and theft were punffheJ by death, and rapes very
feverely.
The Darien The reafon the Indians of Darien have fo long
preserve ^ 11 maintained their independency, notwithftanding ft
«feir liberty, was the fil'd province on the Terra-Firma the Spa-
niards dilcovered, and is of fuch importance to them,
to be mailers of, as it lies upon both feas, is, that
the country, in many places, is inaccellible. The
torrents that fall for two-thirds of the year from the
mountains into the North and South-feas, are fcarce
pafiable by any but the natives. Thefe and the
thick woods cut off all manner of communication
between Panama and Peru by land : There is there-
fore no road through the country ; but whoever
goes from Panama to Peru, is forced to go by fea.
Our Buccaneers have ever found it extremely diffi-
cult to crofs the country, from the North to the
South-fea ; but it would have been much more diffi-
cult to travel the length of the country, from eall
to weft, as they muft have crofted ten times more
rivers than they did the other way : However, the
country people, men, women and children, if we
may credit W^ afer, fwim over thefe torrents fre-
quently, and are in no danger of being overtaken,
or furprized by the Spaniards ; their horfe finding
it impracticable to march over their numerous ri-
vers and mountains. And fince the Spaniards have
found it impoffible to fubdue this province entirely,
and that other nations have treated -with the natives,
and endeavour’d to eftablilh colonies amongft them,
they have at length leen their error in treating thefe
Indians as enemies; and therefore, of late years,
have endeavour’d to cultivate a friendfhip with them.
However, as the natives are ftill in pofieffion of the
heft part of their country, I cannot fee why we
might not treat with them, and endeavour to plant
Englifh colonies in the ifthmus, if Spain perfifts in
her depredations on our people in that part of the
world, and cannot by fair means be prevailed on to
The < accommodate the differences between the two nations,
tlnce of the 1 have taken a great deal of pains, and been
iilhmus to more inquifttive than ordinary, in learching out
je^ower ^ atc this final! province, becaufe of the vail
P0WLr ' importance it would be to us to make fettlements,
and ered forts here, if we ftiould ever be at war
W’ith Spain ; and we may alfo conje&ure, from
this account, what a difad vantage it would be to
us, if the French, or any powerful and enterprizing
people, ftiould poilels themlelves of it : Since there-
fore we have it not ourfelves, it is much better it
Crould remain in the hands of the Spaniard, than
any other nation ; for they are a lazy indolent gene-
ration, who take off the manufactures of the reft
of the countries of Europe, and give us the gold
and filver of the Indies in return for them : Where-
as, were any other people poffels’d of thole pro-
digious treafures, probably they would take but little
cl the manufactures ol Britain, and become danger-
ous neighbours to us.
Carthagena, the fecond province of Term-Fir- C H A P-
ma I am to deferibe, received its name from the I.
capital city, and is bounded by the North-fea on
the north ; by the province of St. Martha on the c ' rlha e t ' n *
eaft ; by Popagan and New Granada on the fouth ; pr0vui “ s
and by the Gulph of Darien, which feparates it
from Terra-Firma Proper, on the weft ; and is faid
to be about three hundred miles in length, from
north to fouth; and about two hundred in breadth,
from eaft to weft. The chief towns are, t. Car- Chief towns<
thagena, the capital; 2. Madre de Popa ; 3. Ce-
nu ; and 4. Tolu.
Carthagena is fituated in a peninfula, on a bay Carthagena
of the North-fea, in 1 1 degrees north latitude, and clty ‘
76 degrees of weftern longitude, lying about
r 00 leagues to the eaftward of Porto Bello ; and is
faid to have been fo named by the Spaniards that
founded it in the year 1532, either becaufe they
were natives of Carthagena in Old Spain, or becaufe
it refembled that harbour in the Mediterranean.
But however that be, it is generally efteem’d one
of the ftrongeft and fecureft ports in the Weft-In-
dies ; which is the reafon great part of the treafures
of the reft of the provinces of the Terra-Firma are
lodged here, to be put on board the galleons on
their return to Europe. The galleons alfo difpofe
of great part of the cargoes they bring from Europe
in this city, from whence they .are dillributed to
the neighbouring provinces.
ft lie town is built of free-ftone, and has leveral
fine churches and monafteries in it ; but the Jefuits
cloifter and church excels all the reft. As to the
form of the town, it is like others of Spanifh foun-
dation, with a fquare in the middle ; from whence
moft of the ftreets run in parallel lines : It is wall-
ed round, and defended by forts, block-houles, and
other works ; which render it one of the ftrongeft
places in the Weft-Indies. However, Sir Fran- Taken by
cis Drake took it by ftorm in the year 15 S3, Sir Francis
and was much cenfured that he did not keep pofief- Drake ’
fion of it ; for it would have enabled us to have com-
manded the navigation of thofe feas, and to have
made what fettlements we pleafed upon the ifthmus
and the adjacent continent, from whence the Spa-
niards bring fuch prodigious treafures. ftftie French Taken by the
Admiral Pointi alfo had this city betray’d to him, French,
in the year 1 697, by a difcontented Spaniard of the
garrifon ; and, ’tis faid, the plunder the French
brought off amounted to eight or ten millions of
pieces of eight. This city is a Bifhop’s fee, Suffra-
gan to the Archbifhop of Santa Fe in Granada,
and the feat of the Governor and of the Courts of
juftice of this province.
2. Madre de Popa, fituated on a high mountain, Madre de
about fifty miles foutb-eaft of Carthagena, chiefly Po P a>
famous for a convent and chappel dedicated to the
Virgin Mary, fo vaftly rich, that it is only ex-
ceeded by that of Loretto. Innumerable miracles
are laid to be wrought at this Ihrine ; and pious
Pilgrims from all parts of Spanifh- America continu-
OF TERR
CHAP,
l
Cenu.
Tolu.
The face of
this pro-
vince, and
produce.
River Mag,
4 a!ena»
St. Martha
province,
fituation and
extent.
Face of the
countiy
mountain-
ous.
ally refort hither with their richeft offerings : Ail
their bleflings, and all the misfortunes of their ene-
mies, the Spaniards afcribe to the image of the
Bleffed Virgin, which is worfhipped here, accord-
ing to Dam pier. When the Oxford man of
war was blown up near Hifpaniola, the Spaniards
reported, that the Bleffed Virgin, or rather her
image, was abroad all night, and came home very
Wet ; and often returns with her cloaths rent and
dirty, when (he has been out upon any expedition
againft the Buccaneers or Privateers that infeft their
coafts ; thus being deem’d the grand patronefs and
protestor of the maritime places. Merchants and
fea-faring people. Her devotees, that inhabit the
coafts of this and the adjacent provinces, are ex-
ceeding bountiful when they come in pilgrimage to
this celebrated Ihrine ; and particularly take care to
furnifh her with new cloaths and ornaments, inftead
of thofe they are taught to believe (he has worn out
or fpoil’d in their fervice.
3. Zenu, or Cenu, ; fituated upon a river of the
fame name, 1 o leagued from the North-fea, and
about 23 leagues fouth of Carthagena, moft re-
markable for the Salt that is made here, and its filh-
eries.
4. Tolu, fituated on the North-fea, about 25
leagues fouth-weft of Carthagena, celebrated for the
excellent Balm or Bullam found in the neighbour-
hood of this town, from whence it derives its name.
The province of Carthagena is a mountainous
woody country, the valleys tolerably fruitful ; but
I don’t find there are any mines of gold or filver
in it : Some emeralds, ’tis faid, are found here ;
and the balm, gums and drugs it produces are in
great efteem.
The principal river of this province is that of
Rio Grande de Magdalena, which, riling to the
fouthward of Granada, runs diredily north, and
afterwards divides the province of Carthagena from
that of St. Martha ; falling into the North-fea,
in 12 degrees north latitude, about 24 leagues
north-eaft of the city of Carthagena. This river
is 2 leagues broad at the the mouth, but large fhips
cannot enter it, on account of the rocks and funds
that lie before ; and the ftream is fo rapid, that
they are forced to drag their boats up the river with
men or horfes. There is an ifland at the entrance
ot the river, which divides it into two channels.
3. The province of St. Martha is bounded by
the North-fea on the north ; by the province of
Rio de la Hacha on the eaft ; by New Granada
on the fouth, and by Carthagena on the weft ;
being about three hundred miles in length, from
eaft to weft ; and two hundred in breadth, from
north to fouth. This is a very mountainous coun-
try, and, according to Dam pier, higher land
than the Pike of Teneriff, or any other land in the
known world, being leen at lea near two hundred
miles. From thefe mountains run a chain of hills,
almoft dire<% fouth, quite through 8014th- America,
A-F I R M A. 247
to the Straits of Magellan. Thofe which bound C H A P.
Peru on the eaft, and are ufoally call’d The Andes, J.
are a part of them. '
The foil produces Indian-corn and fruits ; and Soil and
almoft all manner of fruits and plants come to great P roduce *
perfection, which are carried thither from Old
Spain : They have alfo mines of Gold and Copper
in their mountains, Emeralds, Sapphires, and many
other precious-ftones. _ The fea-coafts are exceftive Air.
hot, but their mountains cool, being cover’d with
fnow, even in this warm climate.
The chief towns of this province are, 1 . St. Mar- Chief
tha j 2. Ramada 5 3- Buranca Cividad de los towns*
Reyes ; and 5. Tamalameque.
1. St. Martha, the capital, which gives name to St. Martha,
the province, is fituated on a bay of the North-fea,
in 1 1 degrees odd minutes north latitude, and 74
degrees of weftern longitude : It has a large harbour
form’d by the continent, and two ifiands that lie be-
fore it. This town is a Bifhop’s fee, and the feat
of the Governor and Courts of juftice.
2. Ramada, fituated alfo on the North- foa, to Ramadn.
the eaft ward of St. Martha ; it ftands at the footof
a mountain, and is remarkable for its copper mines.
3. Baranca, fituated on the eaft fide of the river Earanca.
Grande, fouth-weft of St Martha ; a place of great
traftick, the merchandize of New Granda bein^
brought down thither by the river.
4. Cividad de los Reyes, fituated at the conflux L09 Reyes,
of two fma.ll rivers, about a hundred miles to the
fouthward of St Martha ; of which I meet with no
farther ddcription.
5. Tamalameque, fituated on the eaft hank of Tamalame-
the river Grande, two hundred miles to the fouth- Se-
ward of St. Martha, fometimes call’d the City of
I alms, from the Palm-trees in the neighbourhood.
4. The province of Rio de la Hacha, bounded r; 0 de la
by the North-lea on the north ; by the province of Hacha
Venezuela, on the eaft ; by Granada, on the fouth ; provincp =
and by that of St. Martha, on the weft : It is a fmall extend"
province, and frequently reckon’d a part of that of
St. Martha : It abounds in corn and cattle, and has p ,
a pearl-fifhery upon the coaft, and fome falt-works. * <,Ce '
The chief towns are, 1. Rio de la Hacha ; and, chief
2 » Ranchena. towns.
1 The town of Rio do la Placha, fituated near r; 0 de j a
the lNorth-iea, on a river of the lame name, in 1 1 Hacha
degrees odd minutes northern latitude, to the eaft- town "
ward of the town of St. Martha. This place has
been fo often plunder d by enemies and Buccaneers,
that the Spaniards abandon’d it for a time ; but have
taken pofteffion of it again.
2. Runcheria, fituated on the fame coaft, about Ranchcria.
20 leagues north-eaft of Rio de la Hacha, and in-
habited chiefly by the Pearl- fifhermen, that fiiliery
lying about 4 or 5 leagues from the town.
5- ihe province of Venezuela, in which I in- vawnrf,
elude the diftridt of Caracos, is bounded by the province.
North-fea on the north ; by New Andaluzia on the
eaft ; by Granada on the fouth, a^d Rio de la Ha-
cha
THE PRESENT STATE
Face of the
country.
Produce.
Chief towns.
Venezuela.
Caracos.
Maracaibo.
New Oi-
Iralter.
cha on the weft ; being about four hundred miles in
length, from eaft to weft ; and three hundred in
breadth, from north to fouth. This is the moft
northerly province of South- America, the Capes of
La Vela and Conquibacoa lying in i 2 degrees odd
minutes north latitude. In this province we find
abundance of exceeding high mountains and deep
valleys, efpecially in the did riel of Caracos, which
ftretches along the North-fea for twenty leagues.
This part of the country. Dam pier obferves, is
a continued tract of high ridges of hills, intermix’d
with final! valleys, pointing upon the fnore from
fouth to north ; the valleys not half a mile wide :
And farther within land, the mountains are ftill
higher, and the valleys fo narrow, that the land
appears like one great mountain at a diftance. The
tops of thefe hills are barren ; but the lower part of
them, and the valleys between, have a rich mould ;
fo that here is plenty of fugar, tobacco, corn, cat-
tle, and rich paftures, and good ftore of venifon,
filh, fowl, and fruits. Their plantations of Cacao-
nuts are efteem’d the bell: in the Spanifh Weft-In-
dies, of which they export great quantities, as they
do of corn and falted flefh. There are alfo feveral
gold mines in this province. Thefe advantages have
drawn great numbers of Spaniards and Indians hither;
and it has as many populous towns as any part of
. South- America •, the chief whereof are, 1. Vene-
zuela ; 2. Caracos; 3. Maracaibo ; 4. Gibralter ;
5. St. Jago de Leon ; 6. New Segovia ; 7. Tu-
cuyo ; 8" Trugillo ; 9. Laguna"; and, 10. Ma-
ricapano.
1 . Venezuela, or Little Venice, fo called from
its fituation in the waters, {lands upon a peninfula
near a gulph, to which it communicates its name,
in 1 1 degrees of north latitude, and 69 degrees of
weftern longitude, and has frequently the name of
Coro in our" maps : It is the capital of the province,
the refidence of the Governor and the Courts of
] uft ice, and a Bifhop’s fee, Suffragan to the Arch-
bifhop of St. Domingo in Hifpaniola.
2. * Caracos, the capital of a diftrieft on the coafl
of the North-fea, to which it gives its name, is
fituated in ro degrees north latitude, and 68 degrees
of weftern longitude : The country about it is re-
markable for the beft Cocao-nuts to make Cho-
colate.
3. Maracaibo, pleafantly fituated on the weft
fide of a great lake, to which it gives its name, in
10 degrees odd minutes north latitude, and 70 de-
grees of weftern longitude. The neighbouring lake
is frefh water, 60 leagues in length, and 30 in
breadth, and difc’narges itfelf into the North-fea.
Upon the coafts of this lake the towns and villages
ftand very thick ; among which is,
4. New Gibralter, a large town, fituated 40
leagues within the lake, in a pleafant country, a-
bounding in Cocao, Sugar and Tobacco, and af-
fording abundance of Cedar-trees, and other valu-
able timber, fit for building Chips or houfes.
Both thefe towns of Maracaibo and Gibralter were CHAP,
taken and plunder’d by Lolonois, Captain of the I.
French Buccaneers, in the year ; and after-
wards by Captain Morgan, in the year 1669 ; Both the
an enterprize that deferves to be recorded, being one ta i CPn by
of the boldeft attempts that ever was made on the Sir Harry
Spanifh fettlements in America ; of which we have Morean ‘
the following relation from a perfon engaged in
it ; viz.
Captain Morgan, having affembled a fleet of
fifteen veffels, of all forts, mann’d with nine hun-
dred and fixty men, appointed them to rendezvous
at the port of Occa, a little to the weftward of
St. Domingo in Hifpaniola ; where he propofed to
take in cattle, and vidlual his fleet. The Gover-
nor of Jamaica alfo order’d an Englifh Chip of thirty-
fix guns to join him, which Morgan defign’d for
his Admiral : But as he was feafting his Officers,
drinking of healths, and firing guns, on board this
Chip, it blew up, and three hundred and fifty of the
men perifh’d in her ; but Morgan and his Offi-
cers, who were drinking in the great cabbin, with
about thirty more, which happen’d to be at fome
diftance from the powder-room, efcaped with their
lives. The lofs of this great fhip, with fo many
men, one would have thought fhould have difeou-
raged Morgan from profecuting his intended en-
terprize, efpecially when feven more of his fleet
were, by fome accident, feparated from the reft,
and never join’d him afterwards. But the Captain,
with eight fmall vefTels only, of which the largeft
carried fourteen guns, and five hundred men, re-
folved ftill to fland over to the continent, and attempt
the town of Maracaibo. Setting fail therefore from
Hifpaniola, he arrived at the ifland of Araba, fitu-
ated about 1 2 leagues to the weftward of the Dutch
ifland of CurafTow ; and here having furnifh’d him-
felf with wood and frefh provifions, he fet fail again,
and arrived the next day at the mouth of the gulph
of Maracaibo, the entrance whereof he found de-
fended by two forts, which he attack’d with great
vigour, and the Spaniards defended them with no lefs
bravery the whole day, but in the night abandon d
them ; and Morgan took pofTeffion of the forts,
in which he had another very narrow efcape ; for the
Spaniards left behind them a kindled match near a
train of gun-powder, which would have blown up
all the Buccaneers in a few minutes, if it had not
been difeovered by Captain Morgan himfelf,
who, fnatching up the match haftily, faved his own
and the lives of all his people.
In thefe forts they found great quantities of fmall
arms, ammunition and provifion, and fixteen pieces
of cannon, between twelve and twenty-four poun-
ders : The next day, the Captain, having difir ihu-
ted the fmall arms and powder among his men,
nailed up the cannon, and demolifhed part of the
walls ; ordered his fleet to get over the bar at the
entrance of the lake, and advanced to the town of
Maracaibo, which he found abandon’d by the inha-
bitants :
.CHAP. bit ants : Whereupon he polled his mam -guard in
J, the principal church, and fent out parties every way
in fearch of the Spaniards ; and, having taken a-
bout an hundred of them, he put feveral to the tor-
ture (as my author fays) to make them difeover their
wealth : And having continued thefe practices for
three weeks, he marched to Gibralter, fituated a-
bout 40 leagues further on the fame lake ; where
being arrived, he was very warmly faluted, both by
great and fmall fhot, from the walls ; but, after
fome refiftance, this town alfo was abandon’d to the
Buccaneers. Morgan thereupon order’d out fome
parties in purfuit of the Spaniards, and two or three
hundred were taken, and tortur’d by various ways
( if we may credit our author) to make them dif-
eover their treafure and effects ; and the Governor
of Gibralter, who had retired to an bland in a ri-
ver that falls into the lake, very narrowly efcaped
their hands, being removed further to an inacceffible
rock but a little before the Buccaneers came to fearch
for him.
Morgan, having fpent twelve days in purfuit
of the Governor, through woods and bogs, and con-
tinual rains, returned to Gibralter, with his men,
fo harraffed and fatigued, that fifty Spaniards, ’tis
faid, might have defeated and cut them to pieces in
their march, if they durft have attack’d them ; but
fo much were thefe Adventurers dreaded by the Spa-
niards, that they fled if they heard a leaf flir.
The Buccaneers, having remain’d full five weeks
in poflelfion of Gibralter, and extorted five thou-
fand pieces of eight from the inhabitants for ranfom-
ing the town from fire, began their marcli towards
the mouth of the lake, taking along with them fome
of the principal Spaniards, as a fecurity for the mo-
ney the people had promifed for their liberty : Being
arrived at Maracaibo, they underftood, that three
large Spanifh men of war waited at the entrance of
the lake to cut off their retreat, which occafioned
fome confternation amongft the Buccaneers: How-
ever, Captain Morgan put a good face upon the
matter, and fentoneof hisprifbners to the Comman-
der of that Squadron, demanding of him a confide-
rable fum of money to redeem Maracaibo from the
flames : To which the grave Spaniard fent the fol-
lowing anfwer, viz.
Don Alonzo del Campo et Espinosa,
Admiral of the Spanifh fleet, to Captain Mor-
gan, Commander of the Pirates.
e ‘ Underftanding that you have dared to attempt
■ c and commit hoftilities in the countries, cities and
towns belonging to the dominions of his Catho-
;c lick Majefty, my fovereign Lord ; I let you
know, by thefe lines, that I am come, accorb-
ing to my duty, to that cafile which you took
‘ c out of the hands of a parcel of cowards, and have
u repaired the fortifications, and remounted the ar-
U tillery you nail’J up. My intent is to difpute
your paffage out of the lake, and purfue you CHAP
<£ wherever you go: However, if you will fukmit I.
“ to furrender the plunder you have taken, toee-
44 ther witli the {laves and priioners, I will let you
44 pafs to fea vrithout moleftation ; but if you rc’fufe
44 this offer, I will fend for forces to Caracos, and
44 put every man of you to tl 1C fword. Be prudent
44 therefore, and do not abufe my bounty : My fol- -
44 diers defire nothing more ardently than to revenge
44 on you the cruelties and outrages you have com-
44 mitted on the Spanifh nation in America. Da-
44 ted on hoard the Royal Magdalen, lying at an-
44 chor at the entrance of the lake of Maracaibo,
44 April 24. 1669.”
Upon the receipt of this letter, Captain Mor-
can affembled his men in the market-place of Ma-
racaibo ; and, having acquainted them with the
contents of it, he demanded if they chofe to furren-
der their plunder, or fight their way through the e-
nemy ? And they anfwered unanimoufly, they would
fpend the laft drop of blood in defence of their boo-
ty ; and one of them pvopofed the fitting up a great
veffel they had taken in the gulph for a fire-fhip, with
which he engaged to fet fire to the Admiral : How-
ever, the difficulties of getting out of the lake by
force appeared fo infuperable, that it was thought
proper to make fome further overtures to the Spa-
niards, in order to obtain a paffage without fight-
ing : And, 1. They offered to quit Maracaibo,
without requiring any ranfom for the town ; 2.
They offered to releafe their prifoners and one half
of the flaves ; 3. To releafe the hoftages they had
taken for the contributions required. But Don A-
lonzo rejected thefe propofals with fcorn, and
would grant no other terms than thofe he firft of-
fer’d them : Whereupon the Buccaneers prepared to
force their way through ; and having fitted up their
fire-fhip with coinbuftible matter, and difguifed her
like a man of war, they failed to the entrance of the
lake, and came to an anchor in fight of the enemy,
on the 30th of April, in the evening. The next
morning early, being May-day, Captain Mor-
gan, weighed anchor again, and failed diredtly
towards the enemy, with the fire-fhip at the head of
his little fleet ; which the Spanifh Admiral looking
upon as the {hip of the heft force, was preparing to
engage her, when he was fuddcnly clapped aboard,
and grappled by the fire-fhip ; and tho’ the Admiral
made great efforts to difengage himfelf, he had the
mortification to fee his fh ip confumed in the flames
with moft part of his men. At which another of
the Spanifh (hips was fo terrified, that the Captain
run her aground near the cafile, and fet fire to her
himfelf j and the third was taken by the Buccaneers.
After this victory. Captain Morgan made ft
defeent, and attack’d the cafile; for, without be-
ing mafter of this fortrefs, he found it would fiill be
very difficult to get out to fea, the channel for {hips
to pafs lying juft under it : But Don Alonzo, the
Spanifh Admiral, having thrown himfelf into the
K k cafile.
OF TERRA-flRM A.
u
2 5 °
THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. caftle, with a numerous garrifon, repaired the works,
I. and mounted abundance of artillery on the walls ;
fir’d on the Buccaneers fo brifkly, that they were
forced to retire to their (hips, having had thirty of
their men kill’d, and as many wounded.
Morgan, after this repulfe, enquir’d of his,
prifoners what forces the Spaniards had fent againft
him, and whether any more fliips were expedted to
oppofe his paffage out of the lake. To which a
Pilot, that belonged to one of the Spanifb men of
war that was burnt, anfwer’d, That their fleet at
iarft confifted of fix men of war ; whereof the largeft
carried eight and forty guns, and another forty- four,,
which were equipped out in Old Spain, to cruife
on the Englifh Pirates, who infefted their American
plantations ; but, being arrived at Carthagena, the
two largeft fhips received orders to return to Spain,
being judg’d too big to cruife upon thefe coafts ; and
Don Alonzo, the Vice-admiral, failed with the
other four to Campeachv, in queft of the Englifh,
and loft one of the four in a violent ftorm that blew
from the north in that bay. From Campeachy,
Don Alonzo fail’d with the three remaining men
of war to Hifpaniola, and from thence to Caracos
on the continent ; where he underftood. Captain
Morgan had plunder’d Maracaibo and Gihralter ;
and therefore determin’d to lie with his fquadron at
the mouth of the lake, to prevent the Buccaneers
returning home with their plunder : And, tho’
the Admiral received advice they were preparing a
fire-fhip, he flighted the intelligence, believing they
had neither (kill nor materials to fit out a fire-
fhip ; and fuffering himfelf to be furprized. Cap-
tain Mo r can had obtain’d that eafy and unex-
pected viCtory.
The Pilot alfo informed the Captain, that one
of the fhips that was burnt had forty thoufand
pieces of eight on board : Whereupon he order’d
one of his lhips to fifh up as much of the treafure
as they could, and returned with the man of war
he had taken, and the reft of his fleet, to Maracaibo ;
and fent a meflage to the Admiral, that he would
entirely deftroy that town, unlefs he gave him thirty
thoufand pieces of eight to redeem it from the flames,
and five hundred oxen to viClual his fleet ; which
tire Governor refufing to comply with, the inhabi-
tants, however, agreed among themfelves to raife
twenty thoufand pieces of eight, and furnifh him
with the oxen he requir’d ; which the Captain ac-
cepted, and received advice, about the fame time,
that the fhip he left to fifh up the treafure, had got
fifteen thoufand pieces of eight more. But ftill the
great difficulty remain’d, how they fhould pafs the
caftle, and get out of the lake : Whereupon Cap-
tain Morgan lent another meflage to Don
Alonzo, the Admiral, to let him know, he
would hang up all his prifoners if he attempted, to
Interrupt his pafTage.. The Admiral, however, was
not moved with this threat ; hut prepared to oppofe
£be paffage. of the Buccaneers, with all his force,,
Whereupon Captain Morgan had rccourfe to CHAP.'
another ftratagem : He landed great part of his If
men, as if he intended to attack the caftle a fecond
time, which induced the Governor to remove mod
of his great guns to the land fide, and place the beft
part of his forces there : But it was no fooner dark,
than Morgan reimbark’d his men again; and,,
fuffering his fhips to fall down with the tide, with-
out one fail {landing, pafled the caftle with his fleet
before he was well perceived ; and then fpreadirig
his fails, in an inftant got out of the reach of their
guns before they could do him any confiderable da-
mage ; and the Euccaneers, not long after, arrived
fafely at Jamaica, with their plunder, which a-
mounted to two hundred and fifty thoufand pieces
of eight, befides a vaft quantity of rich merchandize.
6. The fixth province of Terra-Firma I (hail New Anda=
defenbe, is New Andalufia ; in which I fhall com-
prehend the dillridls of Comana and Paria,. and Park faus,-
bound it by the North-fea on the north ; By the tion.
river Oronoque, which divides it from Caribiana,
or Guiana, on the eaft ; by the country of the Ama -
zons on the fouth ; and by the provinces of Gra-
nada and Venezuela on the weft ; extending in
length, from north to fouth, five hundred miles and
upwards ; and in breadth, from eaft to weft, be-
tween two and three hundred miles. The principal The ri?er-
river which waters this country, and into which Oronc< l ce ‘
fall many other confiderable ftreams, is that of
Oronoque, or Paria, which rifes in the mountains
of Andes, in the kingdom of Peru, not far from the
South-fea, and running diruftly eaft for near two
thoufand miles ; then turns to the north, and, con-
tinuing that courfe above a thoufand miles more,
falls into the North-fea by feveral channels, between
8 and 9 degrees of north latitude.
The inland part of this country is mountainous. The face of ■-
and covered with woods, intermixed with valleys ^
and meadows that yield com and pafturage ; but it
is not near fo fruitful as that of Venezuela, or 16
full of towns and inhabitants : It is the moft eafter-
ly province the Spaniards have in South-America
for tho’ Caribiana, or Guiana, is ufually included
in their Terra-Firma, the Spaniards have very few
fettlements there. The produce of New Andalufia
is chiefly Sugar and Tobacco, Brazil-wood, and
fbme other valuable timber and woods for dying,
with fome gums and drugs. The Spaniards alfo
have introduced moft of the fruits of Europe here
and there was formerly a valuable Pearl-fifhery on
this coaft. The chief towns are, 1 ., Comana, or Chief town^
New Cordaba ; 2. Verina ; and 3.. St. Thomas..
1 . Comana is fituated on a bay of the North- Comana.
lea, in 10 degrees north latitude, and 65 degrees of
weftern longitude ; faid to have a good harbour,
and furrounded with hills and woods ; fo that the
town cannot be difeerned ’till a fhip enters the har-
bour : And it is a place of that ftrength, that we
find they repulfed the Buccaneers who attack’d it in
the- year i6yo 0 .
a,-.. Verio*.
'CHAP.
•Verina.
St. Thomas.
The province
of Guiana,
or Caribiana.
■European
fettlements
in this pro-
vince.
Rivers.
The face of
the country
and air.
o F T-E R R A-F I R M A. 251
2. Verina is fituated on the fame coaft, a little the {alt-marfhcs and {linking ouze, for the conve- CHAR
to the eaftward of -Comana ; being a fmall town, niency of importation and exportation ; and ftich I.
but remarkable for the excellent Tobacco that grows fituations are unhealthful in all countries ; but if
in the neighbouring fields. they advance never fo little up into the country,
3. St. Thomas is fituated on the eaft fide of the make choice of an elevated fituation, and a hard
river Faria, or Oronoque, near its mouth in 8 firm foil, they find a very fenfible difference, even
degrees north latitude, and is the only confiderable in countries mod dreaded by foreigners ; of which
fettlement the Spaniards have to the eaftward of that we made a very happy experiment at Bencouli in
river, as far as I can learn : The forces Sir Wal- Sumatra, which retted all the Soldiers and Factors
ter Ral e g h carried over to plant a colony in we fent thither for many years : But, upon remov-
this country, attack’d and took this town, which ing the town to an eminence three miles diftant
proved fatal to him ; for he loft his fon in the en~ from the former fort, we found the country as health-
terprize, and afterwards his own head, on the com- ful as any other. From whence it is evident, that
plaint of the Spanifh Ambaffador to the Court of ifwechufe a fituation for health, we can fcarcemifs
England ; the Spaniards being more apprehenfive of it in any country ; but if our view is folely to
than ordinary of our fixing a fettlement here, as trade, and the convenience of navigation, we muft
it lay in the neighbourhood of fome of their gold be content to want that health we never fought
mines, which they were then beginning to work : after.
But I don’t find thefe mines have anfwered their ex- As for towns in this country, I find no other a- Indian
peftations, or that any others have been difeovered mong the natives, who poflefs all the inland part 0 f towr!S ‘
of any confequence in this province. it, but ftraggling villages, confifting of poor huts,
7. The province of Guiana, or Caribiana, of the form of ordinary barns, which they frequent-
bounded by the Northern or Atlantic ocean on the ly remove alfo, living a kind of vagrant life. Their
north and eaft ; by the country of the Amazons furniture confifts of little more than tire hammocks
on the fouth ; and by the provinces of Granada they fleep in (which are fometimes faftened to the
and New Andalufia on the weft : It extends from ridge-poles of their houfes, and as often to the
the Equator to the 8th degree of north latitude, and trees without doors) bafkets, earthern-pots and pans,
lies between 50 and 63 degrees of weftern longi- gourds and calabafhes, that ferve them for bowls,
tude, extending twelve hundred miles and upwards bottles, pails, and all manner of ufes : Thefe make
along the Atlantic ocean, viz. from the mouth of up the reft of their houfhold equipage.
the river Oronoque, to the mouth of the river of The Englifti had formerly feveral fettlements on TheEnglift
Amazons. Some divide it into two parts, calling this coaft, which were yielded to the Dutch, by the
that on the fea-coaft Caribiana, and the inland coun- treaty of Breda, in the year 1667; and the Dutch the Dutcho
try Guiana. and French have ftill a great many forts and fettle-
Several European Powers have fettlements on or ments here, with a good extent of country near the
near the foa-coafts of this country, particularly the mouths of the rivers, which furnifh them with fu-
Spaniards,the French and Dutch; but the natives are gar, tobacco, cotton, flax, fkins or paltry drugs,
yet pofiefled of much the greateft part of it, and dying-woods, and feveral other confiderable articles :
are not in fubje&ion to any of them, unlefs upon But I don’t find they have met with any mines of
the fea-coaft. There are abundance of confiderable gold or filver, which our fir ft Adventurers expected,
rivers (befides thofe of Oronoque, and the river The chief Dutch fettlement is that of Surinam, Surinam tne
Amazon, already mention’d); and thefe, having fituated 5 leagues within the river of the fame name,
their fources in the mountains on the fouth-weft, in 6 degrees odd minutes north latitude. They have
generally run towards the north-eaft, and fall into given the name of Surinam to all the country about
the Atlantic ocean : The principal whereof are, this fortrefs for feveral hundred miles ; and look
1. Efqueba ; 2. Brebue ; 3. Coratine ; 4. Suri- upon themfelves as Sovereigns of it ; and, indeed,
nam ; 5. Marwyen, or Maroni ; 6. Cayenne; thefe are the only confiderable acquifitions the Dutch
3. Wia ; 8. Cauwo, or Courwo ; 9. Aperwacca, have had in America fince the Portuguefe drove
or Aprouaque ; 10. Wiapoco ; 1 1 . Aracawo ; and them from Brazil, and the Englifh from New
12. Arabony. York.
The fea-coaft of this country is generally low, The chief French fettlement is that of Cayenne, Cayenne the
and fubjeeft to inundations, fuch a multitude of rivers fituated on an ifland at the mouth of a river of the
running precipitately from the mountains in the in- fame name, in 5 degrees of north latitude, above
land country during the rainy feafon. The air is 100 leagues to the northward of the river of Ama-
excefllve hot and unhealthful, efpeciaily in fuch parts zons. The ifland is about 7 leagues long, and 3
of the country as are not cleared of the woods ; but broad ; well wooded and watered with rivulets ;
there are even here fome elevated fituations tolera- and has feveral good French towns upon it, befides
bly cool and healthful, where the air hath a free villages of Indians, producing fugar, tobacco, In-
paflage. Indeed the Europeans generally choofe to dian-corn, and other grain and plants, like the
fix their colonies near the mouths of rivers, among neighbouring continent ; and is held to be more
K k 2 healthful
2 5 2
THE PRESENT STATE
The perfons
©f the Ca-
jibbeei.
Cloathing
and orna-
ments.
deputed
'Canibals by
the firft
Difcoverers j
the truth
whereof is
enquired
into.
healthful, as it lies open to the fea-breezes. The
Dutch Admiral Binks took it from the French in
the year 1676 ; and the Count D’Estrees,. the
French Admiral, recovered it the fame year ; and
it was long contended for by France and Holland,
but the French are now in poftefllon of this ifland ;
and, as their fettlements extend to the fouthward, as
far as the Equinodf ial, ’tis faid, they have given the
name of Equinoctial France to all the fea-coafts
between the river of Cayenne and the river of
Amazons.
As to the perfons of the Indians of Guiana and
Caribiana, their complexion is a dark copper-colour,
as all thofe are that lie fo near the Equator ; but
they refemble their more northern neighbours of
Terra-Firma in fize and features. Here are no
nations or tribes of a gigantic or diminutive ftature,
as the firft Difcoverers pretended. Thole who live
in the neighbourhood of the Europeans wear fome
little cloathing, for decency fake ; but the reft fcarce
any, either men or women : Tho’ in ornaments
moft of the Americans feem to agree, as in plates
and rings for their lips and nofes ; heavy firings of
heads and fhells about their necks, that reach almoft
down to their bellies ; and in anointing and paint-
ing their faces and bodies : And, inftead of beds,
they ufe hammocks in moft places, both of North
and South- America. And as Giants, Dwarfs and
Monfters feem at prefent to be expelled from this
continent, tho’ our firft Difcoverers met with fcarce
any thing elfe, the cafe feems much the fame as to
Canibals. There was not a province in America,
where we were not allured there were tribes
of thefe ; but in Caribiana, the country I am now
defcribing, we were told there was nothing elfe but
devourers of their own fpecies : That it was danger-
ous for a man to fleep near his beft friend, left he
fhould take that opportunity of murdering him, in
order to feaft upon his carcafe ; and yet, for thefe
laft hundred years, we meet with no Canibals here,
or any where elfe. That people have eaten one
another, driven to it by famine, I make no
manner of doubt ; and an inftance or two of this
nature has been thought fufficient to denominate the
whole country Canibals. Men may fometimes alfo
have facrificed their own fpecies to their gods ; of
which others have had fuch an abhorrence, that they
made no difficulty to believe they eat the facrifice,
efpecially when it was ufual to feaft upon other ani-
mals facrificed to idols by almoft all people. But
further, every nation, in countries where ignorance
prevails, looks upon other nations, efpecially their
enemies, as barbarous ; and are perpetually making
or telling ftories to create in their acquaintance an
abhorrence of them : And, as nothing is more de-
teftable than the killing and eating our own fpecies,
all-people almoftfeem to have agreed in charging this
piece of barbarity upon their enemies, and thofe
they have little acquaintance with. I make no
dcubt, but many of the American rations, as other's
had done in Afia and Europe, charged their enemies CHAP,
with this inftance of harbarifm ; and, when the I.
Europeans came amongft them, were full of thefe
ftories, which our credulous feamen took upon truft ;
and fome of them, poffibly, went fo far, as to fay
they had feen the Americans kill, drefs, and make a
meal of their enemies : After which, no man was
thought to have made any difcoveries in that part
ot the world, who could not fay he was converfant
with thofe fuppofed devourers of human flefh. And
this was the reafon every traveller almoft brought
home fome account of the Canibals he had feen in
every other part of America, as well as this. But
can we fuppofe that the Pop i Hr Miffionaries, and
others, would fo often have ventured themfelves in
the inland and unfubdued parts of America, and
efpecially in Caribiana, without a guard, as we are
allured they have done, if they had not been fatif-
fied thefe relations were fabulous ? A very credible
traveller informs us, indeed, that being about to pals
through Caribiana, the many relations he had met
with of their devouring their enemies and ftrangers,
had made fuch an impreftion on him, that he com-
municated his fears to one of their Caciques, who
could not help exprefting his indignation, that he
fhould entertain fuch thoughts of their people ; de-
claring, that a foreigner might pafs through their
country with as much fecurity as he could propofe
in travelling through any other. To this give me
leave to add what I have obferved before in treating
of Afia : That it appears feveral nations, who have
been charged with eating human flefh, have been
fo far from it, that they have eat no flefh at all ,
but lived upon roots, herbs, fruits, or pulfe ; fcarce
eating any thing that had life, lome of them making
confcience of eating any animal.
Our Buccaneers, who have traverfed the moft
barbarous and uncultivated parts of America, and'
feem to be very ready to give into thefe ftories of
Canibals, have not, as I remember, been able to
give us one inftance of their having feen any one
man eaten ; only they tell us, that one of their
comrades being taken by the Indians, they fuppofed
he was roafted and eaten ; hecaufe, the next day,
they came to a place where a great fire had been
made, and difeovered human bones in the afhes :
Which they might have done, if the Indians had
only burnt their friend in terrcrc?n , as well as if
they had broiled and eaten him : Nor is it at all
improbable, the man was burnt ; for the Buccaneers
have frequently committed fuch outrages, both upon
the Spaniards and Indians, as to induce them to
retaliate the injuries they have received, by putting
them to the crueleft deaths. I fhall conclude this,
topic with Mr. Dam pier’s opinion of the mat-
ter, who had vifited as many parts of the world as
any Englishman ever did, and efpecially feveral places
of America, faid to be inhabited by Canibals, hav-
ing been himfclf a Buccaneer,
“ As
f
OF TERRA-
CHAP. “As for the common opinion of Man-eaters,
I. “ (fays that gentleman) I did never meet with any
“ fuch people ; all nations and families in the world,
5STJ “ that I have foen or heard of, having fome fort
Canibals. “ of food to live on ; either fruit, grain, pulfe, or
“ roots, which grow naturally, or elfe are planted
“ by them ; if not fifh and land-animals befides :
“ Yea, even the people of New Holland had fifh
“ admidft all their penury, and would fcarce kill a
44 man purpofely to eat him. I know not what
“ barbarous cuftoms may have formerly been in the
“ world : To facrifice their enemies to their gods,
“ is a thing that is much talked of, with relation
44 to the Savages of America. I am a ftranger to
“ that alfo, if it be, or have been, cuftomary in any
“ nation there : And yet, if they facrifice their
“ enemies, it is not neceftary they fhould eat them
“ too. After all, I will not be peremptory in
“ the negative ; but I fpeak as to the compafs of
“ my own knowledge, and know fome of thefe
44 Canibal ftories to be falfe ; and many of them
44 have been difproved fince I went to the Weft-
“ Indies. At that time how barbarous were the
“ poor Florida Indians accounted, whom now we
“ find to be civil enough ! What ftrange ftories
44 have we heard of the Indians ! Whole iflands
“ were called The Ifies of Canibals (Caribbees ) ;
“ yet we find they trade very civilly with the French
44 and Spaniards, and have done fo with us. I do
44 own, that they have formerly endeavour’d tc de-
44 ftroy our plantations at Barbados, and have hin-
“ dered us from fettling in the ifland of St. Lucia, by
“ deftroying two or three colonies fuceffively ; and
“ even the ifland of Tabago has been often annoyed
“ and ravaged by them, when fettled by the Dutch,
44 and ftill lies wafte (tho’ a delicate fruitful ifland)
“ as being too near the Caribbees on the continent,
“ who vifit it every year. But this was to preferve
44 their own right, by endeavouring to keep out any
“ that fhould fettle themfelves on thofe iflands
, 44 where they had planted themfelves ; yet, even
44 thefe would not hurt a fingle perfon, as I have
44 been told by fome that have been prifoners a-
u mongft them. I could inftance alfo in the In-
“ dians of Boca Toro and Boca Drago, and many
44 other places where they do live, as the Spaniards
44 call it, wild and lavage ; yet there they have
44 been familiar with Privateers, but by abufes have
44 withdrawn their friendfhip again. And as for
44 the Nicobar people (an ifland in the Gulph of
44 Bengal, reported to be inhabited by Canibals)
44 I found them affable enough ; and therefore did
Ig 44 not fear them.”
• Enquiries The relations of there being nations of Giants, and
ries°orGbnts ^ war ^ s * n South- America, feems to have no better
and Duarff. authority than their ftories of Canibals. There may
have been men feen above the common hze there,
as we find fome tall people in Ireland andGermany ;
but thefe are not common any where any more than
a race of Dwarfs ; tho’ fome travellers relate, they
FIRM A. 253
have feen nations, where a perfon 3 foot high was CHAP,
looked upon as a tall man amongft them. I,
But there is nothing the common people in every
country feem to have been more univerfally agreed cra f t and
in, than in their notions of magic, witchcraft, and magic,
a vifible and familiar converfation that fome preten-
ders to the black-art have with the Spirit of darknefs ;
by whofe affiftance they gratify their revenge upon
their enemies, foretel future events, and know
things t ran fiufted at the greateft diftance the very
moment they are done.
Every nation of the Americans, and efpecially
the Caribbees, pretend to have fome fuch adepts a-
mongft them ; and this office of Conjurer or Divi-
ner is generally affign’d to their Priefts, poffibly for
no other reafon, but becaufo they are fomething fu-
perior to the common people in their experience and
knowledge of nature ; which has made many a
man looked upon as a Conjurer in this part of
the world, particularly the celebratedFriarBACON »
and it is not unlikely, that the Prieft or Conjurer
endeavours fometimes to contribute to the cheat, to
keep up or advance his reputation among igno-
rant people.
Mr. Wafer (Surgeon to a company of Bucca- Wafer’s at--
neers) who refided a confiderable time among the ^dilnPawlT
Darien Indians in the year 168 f, gives the follow- W ersorCoa-
ing account of thefe Pawawers, or pretended Con- jurera.
jurers, of Terra-Firma: He fays, enquiring of the-
Indians when they expected any fhips, they lent for
fome of their Conjurers, who immediately went to
work to raife the Devil, and enquire at what time
a fhip would arrive ; and firft, they made a parti-
tion in the houfe with hammocks, that the Pawa-
wers might be by themfelves; they continued fome
time at their exercife, and Wafer and his com-
rades heard them making moft hideous yellings and
fhrieks, imitating the voices of all manner of ani-
mals ; they beat alfo on their wooden-drums, founded
their court-fhells, and had fome ftring-inftruments
they play’d upon ; making altogether a horrible
noife : Then they broke out into loud exclamations,
which were followed with a profound filence ; and
receiving no anfwer, after they had waited a confi-
derable time, they came and turned all the Chrifti-
ans out of the houfe, and then went to work again j
but ftill receiving no anfwer, after an hour or more,
they made a new fearch, and finding fome of the
Chriftians cloaths hanging up in a bafket, they threw
them out of doors, and then fell to pawawing again : -
After a little time, they came out in a muck-fweat,
and going down the river and wafhing themfelves,
they returned and delivered their oracle to this ef-
fect : 44 That the tenth day, from that time, there
44 would arrive two fhips ; and in the morning of
44 that day they fhould hear the firft gun, and fome
44 time after another : That one of the Chriftians
44 fhould die foon after ; and that going on board
44 they fhould lofe one of their mufkets.” They
were fo particular alfo to tell them, that the Demon
informed
THEP RESENT STATE
£ 54
CHAP, informed them, one of them would be an Englifh
I. fhip ; of the other they were doubtful, but faid
they were afraid it would prove a Spanifh fhip ;
which prediction, Wafer affuresus, was exadily
fulfilled, even as to that circumffance that one of
the fhips was Spanifh, and under the command of
. a Spaniard at the time of the pawawing ; but was
afterwards taken by the Englifh Privateer, which
.arrived with her upon thecoaft; and W afer and
his comrades were no fooner on board the Englifh
'Privateer, hut Go psoy one of their number died,
having been overfet and half-drown’d in going on
board, and loft his mulket, as the Pawawers had
foretold.
As thefe things are no part of our creed, people
are at liberty to give what credit to them they pleafe ;
but W afer’s taking notice, that thefe Pawawers
could do nothing as long as the Chriftians, or any
thing that belong’d to them, was in the houfe, puts me
in mind of the pretenfions of the Eaft-Indians to the
like commerce with Satan, to whom (if we may be-
lieve them) he appears perfonally, and entertains fre-
quent converfation with them in the night ; but
when any of our foldiers have offered to go with
them, and be witneffes of their conferences with
the Spirit of darknefs, they always refufed them this
favour, alledging, he would not appear if any Chri-
ftian was prefent, which fmells ftrongly of a cheat ;
for many of our people, who refort to thefe coun-
tries, have not more Chriftlanity than the Indians
themfelves, if we may judge by their morals : Satan
need not be afraid to appear before them on account
of their fanclity ; and even W afer tells us, in an
other place, that he gave very little credit to thefe
appearances of the Devil; for, when one of thefe
Pawawers told the company he appeared, and pre-
tended to entertain a. converfation with him, they
faw nothing, nor heard any voice but their own.
Religion of As to religion, we are told, that thefe people
ueCariboees y, ave a g reat veneration for the Sun and Moon, as
the Mexicans have ; but pay them no divine ho-
nours, or apply to them in their diftreffes, but to
inferior demons, to which our travellers have given
the appellation of devils ; though ’tis very poffible,
that the Indians, as well as the Pagans of old, look
upon them as a kind of mediators to the fupreme
Deity, and worfhip them as fuch. They may alfb
be apprehenfive of mifchief from an evil fpirit, as
the Eaft-Indians are, and endeavour to appeafe him,
by paying him divine honours ; but moll of the ac-
counts we have yet received of thefe things, have
very much the air of a fable.
"New Grana- 8. New Granada, the next province I am to de-
The fituati- ^ cr '^ e 5 * s hounded by the provinces of St. Martha,
©n and ex- Venezuela, and New Andalufia, on the north; by
tent. Guiana, or Caribiana, on the eaft ; by the country
of the Amazons on the fouth ; and by Popayan on
the weft ; being about fix hundred miles in length,
from the north-eaft to the fouth-weft ; and five hun-
Taee of the dred in breadth. This large inland country affords
«ouatry. J
vaft variety of hills and fruitful valleys ; .is well wa- CHAP,
tered with navigable rivers, and efteem’d as health- I.
ful as any part of Terra-Firma. The chief rivers '-/•VNJ
are, i. The river Grande, or Magdalena, which, ? r lve , rs '.
rifing in the fouth, runs diretly crofs ft ; falling in- 3S 3
to the North-fea, to the northward of Carthagena.
2. The river Oronoque, which rifing in Popayan, Oronoque.
runs diretly eaft the whole length of this province;
and then turning to the northward, falls into the
North-fea againft the ifland of Trinadad.
Their mountains have mines of gold and filver Gold mines,
in them : They have Cedar-trees, and a great deal Timber.,
of other good timber; and no want of Horfes, Oxen, Cattle.
Hogs, Goats, Venifon, Filh and Fowl ; but the
country is not proper for Sheep. Here is afto great
plenty of corn and fruits, both Spanifh and Ameri- Corn,
can, Guiacum, Balm, and feveral other valuable Fruits,
gums and drugs.
The chief towns are, i. Santa-Fe de Bagota ; chief towns.
2. Tocama; 3. Pampeluna ; 4. Velez; 3. Tri-
nidad; 6. Palma; 7. Tunia; and 8. St. .John de
Lanos.
Santa-Fe de Bagota, is fituated in the Lake Gua- Santa-Fe.
tavita, a little to the eaftward of the river Magda-
lena, in 4 degrees odd minutes north latitude, and
74 degrees of weftern longitude, in a plentiful coun-
try, that abounds in corn and cattle : This is the
mod confiderable town in all the Terra-Firma ; the
feat of the Governor and the Courts of juftice, and
an Archbifhop’s fee, to whom the Bifhops of St. Mar-
tha, Carthagena, and Popayan are Suffragans.
2. Tocama, fituated at the conflux of the rivers Tocams.
Magdalena and Pati, a little to the northward of
Santa-Fe ; remarkable for the falt-fprings in the
neighbourhood of it.
3. Pampeluna, fituated at the foot of the moun- Pampeluna.
tains, 60 leagues north of Santa-Fe, has fome gold
mines near it.
4. Velez, fituated almoft in the midway between Vele*.
Pampeluna and Santa-Fe, near a remarkable vul-
cano, by whofe eruptions this and the adjacent towns
are fometimes damaged and endangered.
5. Trinidad, fituated on the river Magdalena, Trinidad
20 leagues to the northward of Santa-Fe, near
which, ’tis faid, are found quarries of fine Marble,
rocks of Cryftal, Emeralds, and other precious
ftones.
6. Palma, fituated thirty miles fouth-eaft of Tri- Palma,
nidad.
7. Tunia, a fortrefs fituated on a mountain four- Tunia.
/core miles fouth-eaft of Trinidad, erected by the
Spaniards to keep the Indians in awe, and received
its name from the Indian nation that inhabits this
part of the country.
8. St. Juan de los Lanos, or St. John of the Plains, St - J oh . n ^
fituated on the river Baraguan, an hundred and the plaui!j
thirty miles fouth-eaft of Santa-Fe, near which,
’tis faid, there are gold mines ; but as this is an in-
land country, feldom vifited by foreigners, and the
Spaniards induftrioufly conceal the produce of it
from
OF TERRA- FIRM A.
Popayan
province.
Pace of the
country.
©old intheii
mountains
and rivers.
Rivers.
Bona-entura
river and
bay.
Tomaco ri-
ver.
St- Jago ri-
ver.
^anglares
point.
Chief towns.
Popayan.
St. John de
Baflo,
Madrigal.
from the reft of the world, left they fhould be tempted
to difturb them in the enjoyment of thefe valuable
acquifitions ; it muft be confeiled, the accounts we
have received of thefe places are very imperfetft.
The laft province I am to defcribe in Terra-Fir-
ma, is that of Popayan, bounded by the province
of Terra-Firma Proper on the north ; by New
Granada on the eaft ; by the Audience of Quitto in
Peru on the fouth ; and by the Pacific ocean on the
weft ; extending in length from north to fouth four
hundred miles, and in breadth three hundred. A
chain of barren mountains, almoft impaflable, runs
through the country from north to fouth ; fome of
which are vulcano’s, and in one of them the load-
ftone is found. Towards the fhores of the South-
fea the land is low and flat ; and, as it rains near
three quarters of the year, innumerable rivers and
torrents fall from the mountains into the South-lea,
in the far.ds whereof is found a great deal of gold-
duft ; and there are mines of the fame metal in the
mountains, which induces the Spaniards to build
towns and refide in fome parts of it, how uncom-
fortable foever it may be to live juft under or near
the Equator, where the heat and rains are extremely
troublelome, as well as unwholelome.
The chief rivers are, r. Bonaventura, which ri-
ling in the mountains, runs to the weftward, and
fails into a bay of the fea of the fame name, in 4 de-
grees, odd minutes north latitude. 2. The river
Tomaco, which rifes in the fame mountains, and
running parallel to the former, falls into the South-
fea, to the fouthward of it, in 2 degrees, odd mi-
nutes north latitude. 3. The river of St. Jago,
which takes its courfe in like manner to the weft-
ward, and falls into the fame fea, near the point or
promontory of Manglares, about 20 leagues to the
lbuthward of Tomaco.
. The chief towns of the province of Popayan are,
1. Popayan; 2. Agreda, or St.John de Pafto ;
and 3. Madrigal.
The city of Popayan is fituated at the foot of the
mountains, on a fruitful plain, in 3 degrees of north-
latitude, and 76 degrees of weftern longitude. It
is aBilhop’s fee, Suffragan of Santa- Fe ; the- feat of
the Governor and of the Courts of juftice ; and is
laid to be a large town, and a place of good trade.
St. John de Pafto is fituated upwards of an hun-
dred miles louth-weft of Popayan, in a pleafant
plain, well watered with rivers ; in the neighbour-
hood whereof are many fugar-farms ; and they feed
great herds of cattle in their favannahs, or mea-
dows.
Madrigal lies an hundred and forty miles to the
fouthward of the city of Popayan, in a barren coun-
try, but rich in gold mines.
I fhall, in the next place, give fome deferiptien
of the remaining iflands that lie on the coaft of
Terra-Firma (thofe near Terra-Firma Proper, both
,:n the North and South-feas, having been already
deferibed.)
Thofe that lie in the South-lea, on the coaft of C H A
Popayan, are, 1 . Gorgona, a pretty high woody II
ifland, producing large tall trees, and feveral fprings
of good water, lies in 3 degrees north latitude, and
4 leagues weft of the continent : The anchoring- Orreonad
place in a deep Tandy bay at the weft end of the
ifland. It is about fix miles in length, and four in
breadth, but uninhabited ; and at the eaft end is a
final! ifland that looks white with the dung of fowls;
and another like it at the weft end. The coaft on
the continent over-againft it is low land ; but there
are exceeding high mountains beyond in the inland
country. Between the ifland Gorgona and the ri-
ver Bonaventura, 2; leagues north-eaft of it, are
feveral fmall rivers, in the lands whereof the Spanifh
Indians find gold-duft, that' it wafted down from the
neighbouring mountains.
The ifland of Gallo lies 2 7 leagues to the fouth- Gallos
ward of Gorgona, in a deep bay, on the north-eaft
part whereof is good riding for {hips. Thisalfo is
pretty high land, well furnifhed with good timber,
and has feveral fprings of frefti water in it : There
are alfo feveral fine fandy bays in the ifland, where
a fhip may be cleaned. The water is fhallow all
round the ifland ; and both at the north and fouth
points are feveral rocks, fome whereof look like
barns, and others like fhips under fail. To th® -
north-eaft, on the main land, 3 leagues diftance, is
the large river Tomaco ; and a league and half
within the river an Indian village of the fame name,
where {hipping frequently touches to take in refrelh-
ments. From this river, a wood of fine timber-
trees extends 1 o or 12 leagues to the fouthwards,
whither the Buccaneers and Privateers refort, when
they want marts and other fhip-timber ; for neither
the iflands nor the neighbouring coaft on the conti-
nent are inhabited by Spaniards, only they come hi-
ther in the dry feafon to fearch the far.ds of the nu^
merous rivulets on this coaft for gold.
The iflands of Gorgona and Gallo have been Thefe
frequently vifited by the Buccaneers and other Ad- 1 j ands . ref T”
venturers, who take in wood and water, careen their venturers,
fhips, and wait for Spanifh prizes here ; thefe iflands
lying in tire road from Peru to Panama. Near Cape CapeFTan-
Francifco, about 2 5 leagues to the fouthward of tooJ&
Gallo, Sir Francis Drake took that rich prise, gaileom
from the Spaniards, call’d the Cacafogo, in which herc ’
he found eighty pounds weight of refined gold,
twenty-fix tons of filver. and a confiderable quantity
of precious-ftones and pearls : And, near the fame
cape, our countryman Dam tier took two prizes
from the Spaniards in the year 1704; but thefe were
laden only with provifions, viz. Wine, Brandy,
Sugar, Marmalet, Flour, Bacon, Chocolate, &c„
that the Spaniards were carrying from Peru to fupply
the city of Panama. This Cape Francifco lies in 1
degree north latitude, and in 3 t degrees, odd minutes
weftern longitude.
To the fouthward of Cape Francifco lies Cape
Pafteo, juft under the Equator, or rather 8 minutes Cape
fouth-
T HE PRESENT STATE
256
CHAP, fouth of it; which is another* nation where our Pri-
I. vateers ufe to wait for the Spanifh plate-fleets going
from- Peru -to Panama. The land near this cape
is mountainous and woody.
I proceed in the next place, to defcribe the reA of
the iflands on the coaA of Terra-Firma in the North-
fea, which lie between the mouth of the river Oro-
vr.oque on the eafl, and the entrance of the gulph of
V enezuela or Maricaibo on the weA.
Trinity The principal of thefe iflands, and the mofleaA-
erly, is that of the Trinity, fubjeiA to the Spaniards;
fo named by Columbus, who difcover’d it in his
third voyage, ann. 1498. It is fituated near the
mouth of the river Oronoque, three miles from the
continent of Paria, or New Andulufia ; between 9
and 10 degrees of north latitude, and 60 and 64
degrees of weAern longitude ; and is about 30 leagues
in length, and 20 in breadth. The air is deem’d
unhealthful, but the foil tolerable fertile, producing
•Sugar, Cotton, Indian-corn and fruits, and the beA
Tobacco the Spaniards are maAers of. The chief
town is named St. Jofeph, fituated on a bay of the
fea, over-againA the continent. It was taken by
Sir Walter Ralegh in the year 1595, and
by the French in 1676, who, befides their plunder,
extorted eighty thoufand pieces of eight from the
Spaniards, to ranfom it from the flames.
Tat>ago Tabago lies a little to the north-eaA of Trinity ;
ifland. but this belonging to Great Britain, will be defcribed
among the reA of the Britifh iflands in America.
Margaretta, The moA confiderable Spaniflr ifland on thiscoaA,
next to Trinity, is that of Margaretta, fituate in
i 2 degrees north-latitude, about 49 leagues to the
wefhvard of Trinity, and 7 or 8 leagues from the
continent. It is about 1 6 leagues in length, and
eight in breadth, high land ; and had the name gi-
ven it by the Spaniards, on acccfunt of the fine
pearl-fifhery they found there, which feems to be
exhaufled at prefent. The foil affords Indian-corn
and fruits, and the Spaniards have introduced many
of the plants and fruits of Spain ; but they are forced
to import all the water they drink from the conti-
nent ; and there is very little wood or paAure to be
met with on the ifland. The chief town is that of
Monpater, at the eaA end of the ifland, defended
by a good fort, where the Governor refides.
SaftTortuga. Salt Tortuga, i 4 leagues to the weAward of Mar-
garetta, fo named from its falt-pits, and to diAin-
guifn it from French Tortuga, on the north coaA
of Hifpaniola and Tortuga, near the fouth cape of
Florida ; every one of which received their names
from the numbers of Tortoifes that refort thither at
the feafon to lay their eggs. This Tortuga is a bar-
ren defart ifland, yielding neither corn or grafs, and
is not more than ten or twelve miles in circumfe-
rence ; only valuable to the Spaniards, on account
of the fait they fell to foreigners, particularly to the
inhabitants of the Caribbee iflands.
Orchilia Ro- The iflands of Orchilla, Roca and Aves, are fmall
Av&s. in confiderable iflands, fituated to the weAward of
Tortuga, and fearce deferves mentioning, except CHAP,
for a good harbour in the middle of that of Aves, on I,
the north fide, whither the Buccaneers frequently
refort to careen their fhips, and take in frefh water.
A French fquadron of men of war, commanded by
Count D’Estrees, wascaA away on the rocks
that lie before this ifland, in the year 1678, and not
two of their fliips faved.
A little to the weAward of Aves, lies the ifland
of Bonayre, in form of a crefcent, about 1 6 leagues Bonayre.
in compafs, and fituated about z o leagues north of
the coaA of Caracos : The middle of the ifland in
1 2 degrees, 1 6 minutes north latitude. This belongs
to the Dutch, who have feven or eight foldiers here,
and five or fix families of Indians, who plant Maize,
Guinea-corn, Yams and Potatoes for their maAers ;
but their chief employment is the looking after their
Goats, of which the Dutch fait up great numbers
every year : They have alfo fome Horfes, Cows and
Oxen upon the ifland, and the Dutch make Salt at
the eaA end of the ifland.
Nine or ten leagues farther to the weAward, and
about as many from the continent, lies the ifland of
Curaffow, or Querifao ; the moA northerly point of Curaffow,
it in 1 2 degrees, 40 minutes north latitude. There is
a good harbour on the fouth-eaA part of the ifland,
where the Dutch have a confiderable town, defended
by a Arong fort. The country is level, and feeds
abundance of cattle ; they have alfo fome fugar-farms,
and final! plantations of fruits and roots ; but Dam-
pier obferves, it is not fo much eAeemed for its
produce, as its fituation for a trade with the Spanifli
WeA-Indies : Formerly the harbour was never with-
out fhips from Carthagena and Porto-Bello ; the
Spaniards purchafing a thoufand or fifteen hundred
Negroes at a time of them, befides great quantities of
European commodities ; but part of thistrade has of
late fallen into the hands of the Engl ifh : However,
the Dutch have Aill a very extenfive trade in the
Spanifh WeA-Indies, fending fliips of good force
from Holland, freighted with European goods to
this coaA, from whence they make very profitable
returns. Let the Spanifh Governors prohibit this
fmuggling trade never fo feverely, the Spaniards
Aand fo much in need of European commodities,
that they will run any hazards to deal with the
Dutch ] and as it is their common interefi to con-
nive at this kind of traffick, the people cannot be
very hearty in their endeavours to prevent it.
The ifland of Araba, or Oraba, lies 7 or 8 leagues Arabs,
to the weAward of Curaffow, at the entrance of the
gulph of Venezuela, or Maricaibo, being about 5
or 6 leagues in compafs. It is a level country, ex-
cept only one hill, that riles like a fugar-loaf in the
middle of it : This ifland alfo belongs to the Dutch,
and furnifhes Curafiow with goats and flieep ; and
there are fome few fugar-plantations in it. Thefe
are all the iflands the Dutch are maAers of in Ame-
rica ; nor have they any thing upon the continent,
unlefs Surinam in Guiana, or Caribiana,
Before
OF TERRA-
CHAP. Before Idifmiis the defoription of Terra-Firma,
I. ^ may be proper to take notice of the difcovery and
conqueft of it by the Spaniards; of which we have
not fo large and particular an account as we have
of the conqueft of Mexico and Peru ; this being re-
duced under the Spanish yoke by abundance of inferi-
or Adventurers, who bought or begg’d the refpecftive
provinces, comprehended under the general name of
Terr a-Fir m a, of the King of Spain ; or ufurped
upon thofe that had obtained patents or grants from
that Prince. Thefe, after a milerable daughter of
the naked and defencelefs Indians, fell out among
themfelves, and cut one anothers throats, fcarce any
of the Adventurers dying natural deaths, or by the
(words of the Indians, but generally by each others
hands.
™ e J* fc °- Columbus barely difcovered this north-coaft
Terra Fir- Sot'th- America, from the mouth of the river Oro-
ma. noquein the eaft, to Porto- Bello in the weft; and
tho’ he went on fhore infeveral parts of it, with an
intent to eredt forts, and plant colonies, in proper
places, he was diverted from it, and did not fix one
fettlement upon that coaft.
The fir ft co- VascoNunez de Balboa, who attended
i^Lrien General Enciso in an expedition from Cuba to
or Terra- Darien, or T. erra-Firma Proper, firft fettled a co-
Firma Pro- lony, and built a fort on the weft fide of the Gulph
of Darien, about the year 1510, to which he gave
the name of Santa Maria el Antigua, or Old St
Mary’s.
Enciso, it feems, was very unfortunate in this
enterprize, loft a great many men in feveral engage-
ments with the Indians, and more by the hardfhips
his people underwent for want of provifions ; where-
upon thofe that efcaped, having a great opinion of
the bravery and conduH of Vasco'’, to whofe pru-
dence they ow’d their prefervation in a great mea-
lure, refufed to obey E n c 1 s o any longer, and eleded
Vasco Nunez their Commander, a man every-
way qualified for great undertakings : And Enciso
thereupon returned to Spain, to complain of the de-
fection of his people, and get his commiftion con-
firmed and enlarged.
In the mean time, Vasco applied himlelf to
make farther difcoveries ; and, in order to it, en-
deavoured to cultivate a friendfhip with Car eta
the Cacique, who commanded that part of the coun-
try, which lies to the weftward of the Gulph of Da-
rien ; and when he found he was not difpofed to en-
ter into a treaty with the Spaniards, he furprifed the
Clique in the night-time, making him prifoner,
and killing lome of his people : But Vasco offer-
ing to give the Cacique his liberty, on condition he
would, furnifh him with provifions, they made an
alliance ; and, to cement it the ciofer, the Cacique
gave V a sco one of his daughters, a beautiful young
Indian, for his wife; or, as the Spaniard underftood
•r, for a concubine ; and he ufed her with great ten-
dernefs, tho he afterwards married a Spanifti lady.
a sco alfo found two Spaniards in the territories of
VOL, III,
FIRMA. 257
Caret a, that efcaped thither out of a (hip, and CHAP-
hved almoft two years among the Indians, who were I.
very ferviceable to him, as interpreters, in his fuc- V'V'X?
deeding enterprizes.
Caret a being engaged in war with Ponca,
a neighbouring Cacique, at the arrival of the Spa-
niards, put them upon invading his territories ; and
Ponca finding himfelf unable to refill his old ene-
my, fupported by thefe ftrangers, abandoned his
country, where the Spaniards found confiderable
quantities of gold. Comagre, another Cacique,
a friend of Careta, voluntarily fubmitted to
Vasco, and furnifhed him with gold to a confide-
rable value ; and the fbn of this Cacique, obferving
the Spaniards ready to fight about dividing their trea- intimation*
lure, having handfomely reproved their covetous for- given the
did temper, told them, he would direct them to a S , pani3rds of
country where they would find as much gold and Loan'd the
1 ver as their hearts could wifh, if they thought it trea fares of
worth the while to undergo the fatigues, and run the Peru ‘
hazards, that were neceftary to obtain it ; for the
country lay beyond high mountains of difficult ac-
cefs, and they muft afterwards traverfe another ocean
beyond thofe hills, before they came at it ; and as
they were to pafs through the territories of feveral
powerful Princes before they arrived at that fea, the
Indian Prince advifed, they fhould increafe their
forces to a thoufand men, before they entered upon
fo great an undertaking.
Vasco Nunez de B a l b 0 a was overjoy’d to
hear of countries thus abounding with treafure, and
of another ocean ; and upon this intelligence return-
ed to Darien again, in order to make’ fuitable pre-
parations for the difcovery of them. He alfo dif-
patch’d expreffes to Hifpaniola, and to Spain, with
the joyful news ; defiring fuch a reinforcement, as
might enable him to reduce thofe countries under
the obedience of his Catholick Majefty. He alfo
fent over to Spain the value of fifteen thoufand pieces
°f ei S ht in g°U, as a fpecimen of what thofe coun-
tnes P ro( luced ; and every man font fbme prefont to
his friends of the fame metal : Upon feeing whereof,
and hearing the reprefentations that were made of
the country, by thofe that were fent over, it was
named Caftilla del Oro, or Golden Caftile ; tho’ it
afterwards recovered the name, firft given it by
Columbus, of Terra-Firma. "
But thefe fortunate beginnings met with a confi-
derable check from the divifions among the Adventu-
rers; for Vasco, having no other authority than
what the troops had conferred upon him, every one
expected to have his advice attended to, and if he
was not confidered as he expected, became a male-
content : So ftrong was the party form’d againft him,
that he was once compelled to quit the town of Da-
rien to the mutineers ; but a fuppiy of an hundred and
fifty men being font him from Hifpaniola, with a
commiftion to be Captain-General of Terra-Firma,
his enemies all fubrnitted to him, and he continned
his preparations for the difcovery of the South- fea ;
E S tho?
2 5 S
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, tho’ he received intelligence from Spain, that En-
I. ciso had fo far prevailed in his complaints againft
^yV him, that he would he foon fent for over, and ano-
ther Governor appointed for that fervice. He con-
fidered, ’tis (aid, that if he prov’d fuccefsful in this
expedition, it would probably obliterate all his faults;
and if he did not, death would put an end to his cares.
He made choice therefore of two hundred Spani-
ards and a thoufand Indians, whom he embarked on
board a brigantine, and fome canoes, the beginning
of September 1713; and went by water to the ter-
ritories of the Cacique Caret a, who had given
him his daughter; and being join’d by the forces of
that Cacique, advanced towards the mountains,
through the dominions of the Cacique Ponca, who
fled at firft at the approach of the Spaniards ; but,
upon an aflurance that Vasco intended no hurt to
him, or his people, Ponca returned, and furnifhed
the Spaniards with fuch provifions as the country af-
forded; for which the Indians were paid in axes,
knives, and fuch other tools and implements as they
valued moll. This Cacique alfo furnifhed them with
guides to pals the mountains, and with porters to car-
ry their baggage.
Vas co continued his march up the mountains ’till
he came to the territories of another Cacique, nam’d
Qu are tvu A, who aflembled his forces, and made
fome Ihew of oppofing their pafTage : This Prince,
the hiftorian relates, was cloath’d in a quilted cotton
coat, which he wore as armour, and was fufficient
to break the force of their country weapons ( but his
fubjedts were moll of them naked ) their arms being
bows and arrows, flings, fpears and darts, pointed
and hardned in the fire, and clubs ; but, upon the
firing two or three mufkets, thefe warriors all turn-
ed their backs and fled, imagining, fays my author,
that their enemies had the command of thunder and
lightning, as they faw their men drop down dead at
the time the guns were fired, and they heard the
report : While the Spaniards, to increafe their ter-
ror, and that the Indians might no more dare to op-
Several hun* pofe them, killed upwards of fix hundred of thefe
dred Indians p 00r defencelefs people as they fled, among whom
was the Cacique Qu are qjj a himfelf. The Spa-
niards had no horfe with them at this time, and as
the Indians were naked, and much fwifter of foot,
they would probably have efcaped this {laughter, had
not the Spaniards carried packs of great dogs with
them, which ovetook and worried thefe miferable
people, ’till their cruel mailers came up, and flaugh-
tered them at pleafure. This was the way the Spa-
niards made war upon the Indians in almoft every
part of America ; neither woods or mountains could
fave the natives from their rage ; they hunted them
out, and tore in pieces men, women and children ;
which made the Americans, who at firft took the
Spaniards to be gods, change their minds, and look
upon them as devils.
After this vidfory, as the Spaniards call it, they
plunder’d the homes of the Indians, where they found
tut in pieces
by the Spa-
niards .
great quantities of gold ; and, what was Hill more CHAP,
barbarous, caus’d many of the people they found in I.
them to be torn to pieces by dogs, under pretence
they were Sodomites, tho’ they had no manner of
proof ot it, as their own hiftorian Anton 10 de
IIerera acknowledges.
From the place where the Spaniards landed, to
the tops ot the mountains, was reckoned about fix
days journey; but the want of provifions, and other
interruptions, occafioned their fpending five and
twenty days in their march, before they arrived at
the hills where the South-fea might Ire difcerned : The South-
And now Vasco Nunez having notice, that *" ea difcove-
they fhould have a view of that fea, on advancing
a little farther, ordered all his forces to halt ; and go-
ing up to the top of the hill alone, faw that vaft o-
cean ; whereupon he fell upon his knees, and with
hands lifted up, gave thanks to heaven, that he was
the firft European who had feen it : Then calling up
his men after him, great rejoicings were made upon
theoccafion ; and an inftrument was drawn up, im-
porting, 'I hat here Vasco Nunez took poflef-
fion ot the South-fea, and all the countries bordering
upon it, for the Crown of Caftile. Crofles were
erected, and great heaps of ftones railed, and the
King ot Spain’s name engraved on feveral trees’
Th is was performed on the 25 th of September 1513.
The Indians flood amazed at all this formality, not
being yet acquainted with the ambition and avarice
of the Spaniards, who came to take their country
from them, and had already fwallowed this new
world, and all its treafures, in their imaginations.
From this mountain, the Spaniards defeending
into the country of the Cacique Chi a pa, found
that Prince and his forces aflembled to oppofe their
march ; but thefe alfo fled, on the firing two or three
mufkets ; and many of them were flaughtered by the
Spaniards, or torn in pieces by their dogs ; which
execution fo terrified Chiapa and his fubjeds, that
they immediately fubmitted, and made the General
a prefent of all the gold they had, in order to appeafe
him ; and the Spaniards took up their quarters in
Chiapa’s chief town ; from whence V a s c 0 af-
terwards marched to the South-fea, and going into
it up to his knees, again took pofleflion of this fea,
and all that belonged to it, for the King of Caflile
and Leon, and then returned to his quarters. Pie
afterwards crofs’d a great river, and made an incur-
fion into the territories of the Cacique Co car a ;
and having deftroyed fome of his people, this Prince
alfo fubmitted, and defired the Spaniards friendfhip,
making them a prefent of his gold, for which he re-
ceived European tools and toys in exchange.
Vasco Nunez arriving at a fine bay of the fea,
on the 29th of September, gave it the name of St.
Michael’s, which it ftill retains : And the Caciques
informing him, that there were fome Hands not
far off, where great quantities of pearls were to be
had, he defired them to bear him company thither ;
but they reprefented it was dangerous going thither
OF TERRA-FIRM A.
CHAP. in canoes at that time of the year : However, fince
I. he would not be difl'uaded from the enterprize, they
went off with him in their canoes, but were foon
driven back again, and the Spaniards very narrowly
efcaped being drowned.
He afterwards invaded the territories of a Ca-
cique, namedTuMACo, which lay upon this bay,
who being terrified into a fubmiffion, as his neigh-
bours had been, prefented the General with gold to
a very great value, but much more in large pearls,
which had received fome damage by the fire the In-
dians ’till then ufed in opening the pearl-oyfters :
Tumaco alfo informed Vasco, that the coaft
extended without end to the fouthward, pointing
towards Peru, where he faid there were prodigious
fxeafures of gold and filver to be found.
Vasco Nunez, having made thefe di (cover ies,
refolved to return to Darien not diredlly, but took
a circuit through the territories of feveral other Ca-
ciques, fome of whom he fubdued by force, and
others voluntarily entered into alliances with him :
But the conditions on which the Spaniards generally
afforded them their friendfhip, were, that the In-
dians Ihould deliver up the gold they were poffeffed
of, and afterwards procure what they could more
of the fame precious metal, and fend after them.
Upon thefe terms the Spaniards engaged to remain
for ever their good allies and protectors.
The General, being arrived at Darien, the 1 9th
of January, 1514, was received by his people with
tranfports of joy, when they underftood the difco-
veries he had made, and the vaft quantities of gold
and pearls he had acquired ; for he divided the trea-
fure equally, as well among thofe that remained be-
hind in the fortrefs of Darien, as among the troops
he took with him ; firft deducting the King’s fifth,
which he immediately fent over to Spain ; together
"with a full account of the fituation of his affairs,
defiring a reinforcement of a thoufand men, to
profecute and improve the difcoveries he had already
made.
This news was very acceptable to the Court of
Spain, and twelve or fifteen hundred men were em-
barked immediately for Darien, under the com-
Pedrarias mand of PETER DE ArXAS, Or PeDR ARIAS,
made Go- , as p e j s u f ua ]jy call’d, to whom the government of
vernor or •' , . 0
Terra- that province alfo was committed ; and with him
Firma, were fent over Father John Quevedo, a Fran-
cifcan Friar, as Bifhop of the place, with feveral
other Monks of that order, to inftrucft the natives
in the Chriffian religion.
But a more covetous and barbarous wretch was
never fent abroad with a command, than this
Pe dr arias. Fie arrived at Darien the latter
end of July, 1514, and was received by Vasco
with all the refpect due to his commiffion ; but the
government was no fooner furrendered to him,
than he began a profecution againft the man who
had made all thofe important difcoveries, that he
might engrofs die wealth of thofe countries to him-
259
felf, and have no rival or check upon his favage CHAP,
difpofition. Then he ordered his troops out every L
way, and without any regard to the treaties and
alliances that Vasco had made with the neigh-
bouring Caciques, plundered their countries, and
maffacred their fubjedts without mercy ; and, above
all, he endeavoured to eftablifh a communication
with the South-fea, in order to make himfelf mafter
of the gold and pearls he underftood were to be
found on that fide ; but the Indians finding them-
felves thus flaughtered and abufed, notwithftandirig
their former fubmiffion, affembled their forces, and
laying ambufcades, cut off a great many of his par-
ties, and he was not for fome time able to fix colo-
nies in any part of the ifthmus.
In the mean time, the friends of Vas co having
reprefented the hardfhip of his cafe to the Court of
Spain, and the important fervices he had done or
might do the Crown, a commiffion was fent him
to be Adelantado, or Lord-lieutenant of the coaft
of the South-fea, that he might profecute the difco-
veries he had begun on that fide ; with orders to
Pedrarias, to furnifh him with fuch forces as
were neceffary for fuch an expedition ; but Vasco
however remained as a prifoner at Darien for fome
time : At length Bifhop Quevedo interpofed his
good offices, and procured a reconciliation between
the two Generals ; and, in order to cement their
friendfhip the ftronger, Vasco married the daugh-
ter of Pedrarias. Soon after which he applied
himfelf to the building of brigantines and vefi’els ;
the timber whereof he caufed to be carried crofs the
mountains of the ifthmus to the South-fea, and put
together there ; and thefe being deftroyed by the
worms in a fhort time, he built more on the other
fide, with which he failed to the Pearl-ifiands in
the Bay of Panama, and afterwards as far as Port-
Pinas in Peru ; but fome malicious Officer inform- Vafco ditto*
ing Pe dr arias, or rather the Governor pre- vers Peru “
tending to be informed, that Vasco was about to
renounce all dependance on the Crown of Spain,
and to fet up for himfelf, commanded him to re-
turn to Darien, and anfwer the accufation 3 which
fummons Vasco readily obeyed, being confcious
of his innocence ; but Pedrarias fo managed
the matter, that he got him conv idled, by the forms
of law at leaft, and caufed him to be beheaded, to Is beheaded
the great furprife of all men who were acquainted by 1>edr ‘ iria5 »
with the fervices he had done the Crown of Spain.
And now Pe dr arias, being without a rival, or who reduces
any one to check his fury, ravaged the country in ^
a terrible manner from lea to fea, and even as far Veragua*
as the province of Veragua, planting a colony at
Nata, and another at Panama, on the South-fea.
Nata, it feems, took its name from the Cacique, Nata an<£
who was Governor of that part of the country when
the Spaniards fubdued it 3 and Panama, which was
then only a fmall village, inhabited by Indian Fifher-
men, received its name from the employment of
its inhabitants 3 Panama, in their language, figni-
L 1 z fying
260 T H E PRES
CHAP, fying a Flfhing-town. Pe dr arias alfo found-
I. ed another town on the North-fea, which was na-
medNombrede Dios, between which and Panama
Dios, and the trade was carried on from the North to the
Porto Bello South-feas, for lome time ; but the Spaniards, not
founded. liking the fituation of Nombre de Dios, abandoned
it afterwards, and built the. town of Porto-Bello,
removing the trade thither ; and this ftill continues
the moft confiderable port on the North-fea.
Pedrarias alfo reduced the provinces of Ve-
iragua and Nicaragua, by the forces he fent thither
under the command of Francis Hernandez.;
but entertaining fome fufpicion that Hernandez
bad too great a regard to his own intereft, he ferved
him as he had done Vasco Nunez., and cut off
his head, under pretence he was about to throw off
his dependance on the Crown of Spain, and let up
for himfelf 3 and expending to be called to an ac-
count for the many outrages he had committed,
both on the Spaniards and Indians, he quitted Darien,
before his fucceffor arrived there, and removed to
his acquifitions in V eragua, where he looked upon
himfelf to be out of the reach of juftice ; but what
became of him afterwards, hiftory does not inform
us, only Father Bartholomew de Casas,
Bifhop of Chiapa,. has given us a very melancholy
Thee ruckles relation of the numerous cruelties and ravages com-
sl Pedrarias. by this Commander, in reducing thefe pro-
vinces under the dominion of the Crown of Spain.
There landed (lays the Bifhop) in Terra-Firma,
in the year 1514, a mifehievous Governor, who
not only wafted and difpeopled the fea-coaft, but
plundered and ravaged large realms and countries,
murdering infinite numbers of people from Darien
to the province of Nicaragua, being upwards of
fifteen hundred miles, full of people, governed by
feveral Princes and great Lords in their refpective ter-
ritories, who were pofleffed of more gold than any
Princes upon the face of the earth at that time.
This Governor and his Officers every day in-
vented new torments, to make the Indians difeover
their gold ; fome they racked, others they burnt by
inches ’till they expired in torments ; and inftances
in a great Lord or Cacique, who having given
Pedrarias the weight of nine thoufand ducats
to obtain his favour, ordered him to be fet on the
ground, with his legs ffretched out, and then fatten-
ed to a flake : After which, he ordered fire to be
applied to his feet, ’till he fent for three thoufand
Caftellans more, and ftill continued to burn him
till the marrow dropped from his bones, and he died
in the moft,' exquifite torment ; all which was in-
flicted on this unhappy Prince, without any other
provocation given the mercilefs Pedr arias, than
that he could not, or would not difeover fuch a
quantity of gold as he expected ; and many other
great Lords were ufed in the fame barbarous man-
ner, when they could not produce as much gold as
was demanded of them : That another great Ca-
cique, named Paris, making his fubmiinon, and
ENT STATE
prefenting the Spaniards with gold to the value of C H A P.
fifty thoufand pieces of eight, they pretended to be I.
fatisfied with it, and agreed, to march out of his
territories ; but returning again at midnight, they
fet fire to the town, maffacred the inhabitants, and
carried ofF the value of fifty or threefcore thoufand
pieces of eight more : The Cacique himfelf how-
ever efcaping, afTemblcd feveral thoufands of his
fubjeds, overtook the Spaniards, of whom he killed
fifty, and recovered moft part of the plunder ;
which Pedrarias and his Officers feverely re-
venged a little afterwards ; for they lent another
body of forces into the territories of the Cacique
Paris, and maffacred or made flaves of all his
people, infomuch that the Bifhop allures us, when
he wrote this relation, there was not of the natives
one man, woman or child to be found in that
country for 30 leagues, though it was before very
populous.
That Pedrarias and his fucceflors did not
deftroy lefs (in that Government only) than, eight
hundred thoufand people, and plundered the country
of feveral millions of gold, of which they did not
fend the King more than the value of three thou-
fand crowns.
The reft of Terra-Firma, or the north part of Tke reft 0 f
South- America, from Darien to the river Oro- Terra-Firma
noque, was fubdued by private Adventurers, at their pHvate Ad-
own charges ; every one begged a certain extent of venturers,
country of the Court of Spain, and ufed the na-
tives as they thought fit, ravaging and plundering
the feveral countries, and murdering or enflaving
the miferable inhabitants, who were able to make
but little refiftance to thefe tyrants, as the Bifhop of
Chiapa calls them.
Gracia de Lerma brought the Indians of Santa-Mar-
Santa-Martha under the Spanifh yoke, about the tha d ‘fcover-
year 1529: Ambrose Alfringer got the ed '
grant of Venezuela, and carried over eight Venezuela,
hundred or a thoufand Germans thither about the
fame time, with whom he harraffed the country in
a terrible manner for fome hundreds of miles to the
fouthward, fpendiog upwards of three years in this
expedition.
The province of Carthagina was begged by Don Cmhagena.
Peter de Heredia, who enflaved the natives,
and fettled Spanifh colonies there in the year 1532.
Gonsalo Ximines de Quesada, and
George Fe derm an the Dutchman, with the
reft of the Governors of thefe three northern pro-
vinces laft mentioned, penetrated far within the
land to the fouthward, and fubdued that large pro-
vince which now bears the name of New Granada, Granada,
about the year 1535.
A.lonzo de Herf.ra, and Anthony Se-
dony, made large difeoveries and planted colonies
in Guiana, Paria and Caribiana, now called New Cukna and
Andalufia, about the year 1333. The province of Caribiana.
Popayan was difeovered and fubdued by Se bastian Popayais
de Bel alcazar, Governor of Quitto, in the
year
UF TERR
CHAP, year 1536; and if we may credit the relation of
I. the Bifhop of Chiapa, whofe bufinefs it was to en-
quire into the ufage of the oppreffed Indians, the
conduit of all thefe Adventurers was rather more
barbarous than that of Cortez in Mexico, or of
Pe dr arias in Darien and Veragua.
Thole who reduced Santa-Martha, he lays, per-
fectly depopulated a country which was before crow-
ded with people for the fpace of 400 leagues ; nor
were they content with barely maftacring thefe mi-
ferable people, but fo tortured and oppreffed thofe that
furvived, that they chofe death rather than to live
under the tyranny of thefe barbarous Spaniards.
That they had carried into flavery two millions
of people, from the coaft of Guiana, or New An-
dalufia, many of whom perifhed at fea for want of
provifions, and the reft in the mines ; and that in
the pearl-fifheries on this coaft they deftroyed many
thoufands more, by compelling them to dive for
pearls beyond their ftrength.
In the province of Venezuela (tho’ the people rea-
dily fubmitted to the Dutch and German Adventu-
rers fent thither, and treated them with all thegood-
nefs and holpitality imaginable) they deftroyed four
millions of fouls and upwards ; and moft of their
Princes and Great men were racked and tortured
’till they expired, to make them difcover the gold
thefe fivage Chriftians fufpetfted they had concealed.
That they fometimes drove the Indians into barns,
and threatned them with death, unlefs they re-
deemed themfelves with gold ; and when they had
procured as much as was required for their liberties,
then they ufed to imprifon them again, and demand
as much more ; which, if they could not produce,
they were fhut up fometimes ’till they were ftarved ;
and others were cut to pieces, or burnt by hundreds,
for not anfwering the expectations of their conque-
rors, as they called themfelves.
Father Bartholomew de Casas adds, that
thofe who had been eye-witnefles of theSpanifh cru-
elties in New Granada, depofed on their oaths be-
fore the Court of Spain, that the Indian Caciques or
Princes in that province quietly fubmitted to theSpa-
niards and Germans, with all their people, and
were contented to become their vaffais ; and the fe-
veral lordfhips and diftriCts were divided among the
Spanifh and German officers and foldiers, with ail
the natives upon them, as their refpeCtive properties.
That the Indians did not only cultivate the grounds
for their new mafters, and furnifhed them with pro-
vifions, but prefented them with gold and precious
ftones to a very great value ; which was fo far
from fatisfying their avarice, that thefe new Lords
proceeded to exercife all manner of cruelties on the
miferable natives, to extort more, gold from them.
That the greateft Prince of this country, named
Bog AT A (from whom the capital city was after-
wards called Santa-Fe de Bogata) was tortured by
the General for feveral months, to make him dif-
cover his gold and emeralds ; who, in hopes of be-
A-FI R M A. 261
ing releafed from his tormenters, promifed them at CH A P,
length to furnilh them with a houfe full of gold ; I.
and difpatching expreffes to every part of his dorri-
nions, brought in a prodigious quantity : But the
houfe being not quite filled, he was ftill racked and
tortured to make him produce more; which being
impoffible, he expired in torments under the hands
of his mercilefs perfecutors.
And as this great Prince had been ufed by the
Spanifh General, fo his Officers and Soldiers ufed
thofe of an inferior rank, torturing and burning
them to pieces by inches, to make them difcover
their treafures : That it was a common thing to cut
off the hands and nofes of men and women in fport,
and give them to their dogs : That when the poor
natives fled to the woods and mountains, to fhelter
themfelves from their rage, this was call’d a rebel-
lion, and they were hunted out by dogs, torn in
pieces, fiaughtered, and thrown from the tops of
the rocks by hundreds : And when any of them
had fecured themfelves in inacceflible places, the
Spaniards would treacheroufly offer them their lives
and liberties, to induce them to furrender, and
then cut them in pieces as foon as they had them in
their power : That it was impoffible to defcribe the
mifchiefs and cruelties of thefe monfters of mankind j
and if they were buffered to go on, the inhabitants
muff be totally extirpated, and thefe populous and
fertile countries become a wildernefs (as in reality it
happened not long afterwards, for upwards of 60 a
leagues) the Emperor’s commands for redreffing
thefe outrages being very ill obferved.
That thefe Adventurers here, as well as thofe in
other parts of America, kept packs of great maftiffs
on purpofe to hunt and tear in pieces the Indians :
It was an ordinary thing to kill an Indian, without
any offence given them ; and to lend a brother Spa-
niard a quarter of a man, as they would lend a
neighbour a quarter of Pork or Mutton to feed
their dogs ; promifing to return it in kind when
they killed a Have.
That others would go out a hunting for Indians
with their dogs as they would hunt wild beafts, and
boaft of their having killed twenty or thirty in a
day : Which fatft, how monftrous foever, appeared
to be true, by the teftimony of numbers of witnef-
fe s, on the trials of caufes in the Courts of Spain, be-
tween the feveral Adventurers, who frequently fell
out about the limits of their refpedfive provinces,
the diftributkm of the natives, and the reft of their
plunder ; and in thefe contefts, the truth frequently
came out,
C H A P. II.
Of the name , fituatkn , and extent of Peru ; and
of the face of the country , .
I DO not find that the natives had any general C HA P,
name for this country, only it was looked upon IJ.
a the dominion of the Great King, or Emperor
of
262
THE PRESENT STATE
Peru de-
fcribed.
Its name.
CHAP, of South- America, who was called The Inca, and
II. fo it might be Riled the empire of the Inca’s, as
v *- die Eaft-Indies is called The empire of the Great
Mogul.
As to the modern nameof Peru, Garciliasso
de la Vega gives us this account of its obtain-
ing that appellation : He fays, that Vasco Nu-
nez de Balbao having firft difcovered the South-
lea, the King of Spain, as a reward or that fervice,
conftituted him Admiral of that fea, in the year
1514, and Governor of all the kingdoms and coun-
tries he fhould difcover in it. Whereupon Vasco
built three or four fhips, to go upon difcoveries in
that ocean, one whereof fixetching to the fouthward
beyond theEquinoftial-line, and failing dofe by the
fhore, difcovered an Indian Fifherman in the mouth
of a river ; who, while he flood flaring at the fhip
as fhe was under fail (a moll amazing fight to a man
that had never feen one) they lent out their boat and
furprifed the Indian, making him their prifoner ; and
demanding of him by the Indians they carried with
them (or by figns, according toDE la Vega)
what country it was ? He miilaking them, and fup-
pofing they had afked him his own name, anfwered
Beru ; and the Spaniards Rill feeming importunate
to know fomething more, he anfwered, Pelu ;
which was the name of the river ; or, according to
fome, is a common name in the language of thofe
people for any river ; however, from both thefe
words the Spaniards formed another, and called the
country Peru ; and fome of their writers, Piru ;
but however that was, the dominions of the Inca’s,
of which this was the mofl northerly province, have
ever fmce gone under the name of Peru. When
the Spaniards arrived here, the country was divided
by the Inca’s into four grand aivifions, the limits
on the north being the river Paflao, or the Azure
river, juft under the Equinoctial ; the fouthern limits
were the Aranco’s, in 40 degrees of foutb latitude
(now part of 'Chili) the eaftern limits were the Cor-
delero’s, or mountains of the Andes ; and the weft-
ern boundary the South-fea, or Pacific-ocean.
The limits of modern Peru are much the fame
now, except on the fouth ; for the Spaniards Hill
bound it by the province of Popayan (which ex-
tends to the Equator) on the north, by the moun-
tains of the Andes on the eaft, by Chili on the fouth,
and the Pacific-Ocean on the weft ; extending it
from the Equator to 25 degrees of fouth latitude
only ; fo that as the land extends, or runs from the
north-weft to the fouth-eaft, Peru muft be near
two thoufand miles in length, and in breadth it is
generally about two hundred ; but in the fouth, it
may be four or five hundred miles broad.
The face of the country, according to Acosta,
is very different, as it is diftant from, or approaches
near the fea. He divides the country into three
long narrow flips, viz. 1 . The Lanos, which are
fandy plains that run along the fea-coaft. 2. The
Sierras, which are hills beyond thofe plains, inter-
The limits
of the do-
minions of
the Inca’s.
The limits
Peru.
The face of
the country.
mixed with valleys. 3 . The Andes, or Cordelero’s, C FI A P.
Hill further within the land, which are fteep craggy II.
mountains, far furpaffing all the reft in height. The
Lanos, which lie along the coaft, are about 10
leagues in breadth ; in fome places more, in others
lefs. The Sierras 25 leagues in breadth, and the
Andes fomething more than 2 5 leagues over.
The Andes and Sierras are two ridges of moun-
tains that run from north to fouth, parallel to each
other for above a thoufand leagues : Nor are the
Lanos that lie between the Sierras and the fea-fhore
low land. Both Dam pier, and Wafer in-
form us, that Peru has generally a high bold fhorei
and that there is no landing on it, but at the ports,
or in fome particular bays : Flowever, thefe plains
may be called low in comparifon of the Sierras that
furmount them, and of the Andes that far furpafs
both, and are efteemed the higheft land in the known
world. Beyond the city of Cafto, which lies in 14
degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude, the two ridges
of mountains feparate themfelves to a greater diftance,
inclofing a fruitful plain of a vaft extent, which is
called the province of Callao, watered by many ri-
vers, and by the great lake Titiaca, which is four-
fcore leagues in compafs ; moft of thefe rivers fall-
ing into the lake.
The Lanos, or fandy plains near the fea, are per- The Lanos.
fedlly barren, except fome few valleys, into which
they turn fmall winding ftreams, and that part of
the coaft which lies within 3 or 4 degrees of the
Equator, where they have very heavy rains great
part of the year.
The Sierras alfo are barren hills ; but then there The Sierras,
are fine fruitful valleys between them, that yield all
manner of grain and fruits ; and thefe being tempe-
rate between the extreams of heat and cold, are beft
inhabited ; for the Lanos by the fea are for the moft
part exceflive hot : The Andes, on the contrary, are The Andes,
cold barren mountains, the fnow lying upon them
great part of the year. Timber and wood in ge-
neral feems to be very fcarce, here, and in all parts
of Peru, unlefs near the Line, and there they meet ,
with enough.
Acosta, fpeaking of the unparallel’d height of
the Andes, and of the diforders the air occafioned in
all that palPed them, fays, he once refolved to make
the experiment himfelf, and mounted one of the
higheft tops of thefe hills, called Pariacaca ; that he
went prepared for the adventure according to the
beft inftruRions he could get with feveral more who
had the like curiofity ; but notwithftanding all his
precaution, when he came to mount the flairs or
ladders near the top, he was fieized with fuch pains,
that he thought he fhould have fallen to the ground ;
and the reft of the company being under the like dif-
order, they all made hafte to get down the mountain
as foil as they could, none flaying for his companion :
That they were all taken with fuch Teachings to vo-
mit, that he thought they fhould have brought up
their hearts ; for not only green phlegm and choler
came
O F P
CHAP. came up, but a great deal of blood ; and that this
II. lafted for three or four hours, ’till they had defcen-
V/yv ded to the lower pa'rt of the hill ; and feme of them
purged violently: But generally this fickneft goes oft"
as they come down the hill, and is attended with no
ill confequences.
And not only this paflage of Pariacaca has thefe pro-
perties, but the whole ridge of mountains, called the
Andes, for upwards of five hundred leagues ; in what
place loever people pals it they meet with ftrange dis-
orders, but more in fome parts than others ; and thofe
are morefenfible of the ill effects who afcended from
the fea, than thofe that afcend from the neighbouring
plains ; for he had palled the Andes, in lour other
different places, and always felt the like diforder, but
not fo violently as at Pariacaca ; and the bell: remedy
they found againff it was to flop their mouths, nofes,
and ears, as much as poflible, and to cover their
breafts ; for the air was lb fubtile and piercing, that
it penetrated the entrails, not only of men, but beafts ;
and he had known horfes lo affected by it, thatnofpurs
could make them move. And llich is the height of
the Andes, that the Pyrenees and the Alps were but
as ordinary hills in comparifonof them ; from whence
lie concluded, that the air here was too pure and
fubtile for animals to breath in (they requiring a
grofter medium) and this he fuppofed occafioned that
diforder in the ftomach.
He obferved farther, that the high mountains he
had palled in Europe were only exceftive cold, and
made him cloath himfelf the warmer when he palled
them; but the ftomach and appetite for meat was
ftill ftronger, and they had no Teachings to vomit
there, as here ; the outward parts only were af-
fedled : On the contrary, on the Andes, they were
not affected with cold at the time of the year they
palled them, either in their hands or feet, or any
part of their bodies; only their entrails were affected,
and that molt when the fun was hotted: ; which con-
firmed him in the opinion, that the diforder pro-
ceeded from the purenefs and fubtilty of the air.
He adds, that this ridge of mountains is for the moll:
part defart, without villages or habitations for men,
not fo much as to lodge a night in : Nor are there
any beafts upon them, wild or tame, except their
country flieep, whofe great excellency lies in their
climbing rocks and precipices, with burthens on their
backs, where neither man nor beaft can follow them.
But to return to the mountains ; he relates, that
the graft upon them is frequently burnt up and black,
and that thefe defarts are 25 or 30 leagues over, and
500 leagues long, tho’ in other places he makes them
but 20 leagues broad.
Peftilential The fame writer informs us, that there are other
bU^noth.,- mountainous uninhabited defarts in Peru, where a
par 1 0 uu. [j( a fj- 0 f a j r fometimes ftrikes a traveller dead in
an inftant : That the Spaniards formerly palled thefe
mountains in their way to Chili, but now either go
by fea, or by the fide of thefe mountains, to avoid
the danger, fo many having perilhed in going over
E R U. 263
them ; and others, that have elcaped with their lives, CHAP,
have loft their fingers and toes, and been lamed. II.
Acosta lays, he was informed by General Cos-
till a, who loft three or four toes in palling this
delart to Chili, that they fell off without any pain ;
and that the lame General marching over it once be-
fore with an army, great part of his men fuddenly
fell down dead, and their bodies remained there with-
out ftench or corruption : That he had relations of
the lame kind from others ; and conjectured that
thefe people were killed by the exceffive coldnefs of
the air, which preferved their bodies alfo from pu-
trefaction after they were dead. But as he lays in
other places, that they met with thefe peftilential
blafts in the valleys between the hills, I am apt to
think they were rather hot than cold winds, and
that it was the hot lands that preferved their bodies
from corruption ; for near the fame latitude, viz.
between 20 and ;o degrees north, in the deforts of
Eaft-India, Perfia and Africa, we frequently meet
with the Samiel, or hot winds, which have the like
effeCIs : And fome Englilh feamen, who have been
alhore in this very country of Peru, allure us, that
they have feen great numbers of bodies lying dead
upon the fands there ; particularly, our countryman
W^afer relates, that landing with thirty more at
Verneio, in 1 o degrees fouth latitude, in fearch of
water, and marching four miles up a fandy bay, they
found the ground covered with men, women and
children, which lay fo thick, that a man might have
walked on them half a mile. That thefe bodies to
appearance feemed as if they had not been dead a
week ; but when he handled them, they proved as
dry and light as a fpunge or a piece of cork ; That
he carried on board the body of a boy of about nine
or ten years of age, defigning to have brought it to
England ; but the feamen had a fooiifh conceit that
the compafs would not traverle aright folong as a dead
body was on board, and compelled him to throw it
into the fea. Thefe people were very probably de-
stroyed by fuch hot winds as we meet with in Perfia,
and the Eaft-Indies, there appearing no figns of
wounds or violence upon them; tho’ Wafer
faid he was informed by an old man, that they buried
themfelves in the fends, to avoid the cruelties of the
Spaniards in the preceding age (which is (carce cre-
dible.) However, thus much will be agreed on all
hands, that the heat of the fands and the drynefe of
the Peruvian air preferved thefe bodies from putre-
faction, whatever was the caufe of their deaths. If
it be objected, that the defart, Acosta mentions,
was in a much cooler climate, viz. between 25 and
30 degrees of latitude, and therefore it could not be
fuppofed the foldiers he fpeaks of v/ere killed by the
hot winds ; it may be anfwered, that the defarts of
Perfia, Africa, and Arabia, where the like hot winds
are met with, lie between the Tropic and 30 de-
grees of latitude ; and that the heat is frequently as
great in this climate as within 10 degrees of the Line ;
for the fituation of the country, the length of the
days.
204
C H A P.
II.
T HE PRESENT STATE
€ H A P
III.
Winds in
this ocean.
days, and the nature of the foil, contr.b ite almoft
as much to extreme heat as the fun itfelf : Sandy
vallevs between hills are ufually exceffive hot, and
the hot winds are occafioned bv their blowing over
a long trail of burning land tor lome hundreds of
miles ; the fun alfo continuing longer about either
Tropic, and the days being longer there than under
the Equinoctial, that luminary gives more intenfe
heat ufually in countries feated near either Tropic,
than it does in thofe about the Equator.
C H A P. III.
Of the feas , rivers, lakes , fprings, winds , tides, air,
and feajonsof Peru .
T H E only fea that borders upon Peru is the
Pacific-ocean, which obtained its name from
the conftant ferene weather that reigns here from
4 degrees to 30 or 35 degrees fouth latitude, in which
is comprehended part of Chili. If we go farther
fouthward, this fea, tho’ it ftill retains the name of
the Pacific-ocean, is as tempeftuous as any other ;
and within 3 or 4 degrees of the Line they have the
like variable winds and heavy rains, moll part of the
year, as we meet with in other feas in the fame
climate: And to the northward of the Tropic of
Cancer (and fometimes within it) Dam pier and
other feamen relate, they frequently meet with
ftorms and hurricanes, tho’ this part of that fea alfo
bears the name of the Pacific-ocean. When I
Ipeak therefore of that which is properly the Pacific-
fea, in this defcription of Peru and Chili, I would
be underftood to mean only that part of it between
the 4th and the 3 5 th degrees of fouth latitude; and
from the American fhore weflward, indefinitely :
Here we have no rain or dark clouds, fays Dam-
pier, tho’ ’tis often fo thick and hazy as to hinder
an obfervation of the fun with a quadrant ; and in
the morning there is hazy weather frequently, and
thick mills that wet a little ; but there are not in this
fea, fays the fame writer, any tempefls, tornadoes,
or hurricanes : Tho’, north of the Equator, they are
met with in this fea as well as in the Atlantic-ocean :
This Pacific-fea, hov/ever, at the new and full
moon fvvells and runs with high long furges, or
waves ; but fuch as never break at fea, and fo are
fafe enough. On the contrary, where they fall in
and break upon the fhore, they make it very dan-
gerous landing. At Guiaquil, on the Peruvian
Coaft, fituated in 3 degrees fouth latitude, the tide
runs very ftrong, and rifes 1 6 or 18 feet perpendi-
cular ; but it does not rife fo high on any part of the
coaft to the fouthward, where there are not fuch
bays, or fo many rivers, as there are here ; for, ac-
cording to Dam pier’s obfervation, the tides al-
ways run ftrongeft and rife higheft in gulphs or bays
of the fea, and up the mouths of rivers. Funnel
obferves, that the winds in the Peruvian-feas, and
©n all the weftern fide of America, from 3 8 degrees
fouth, to 7 degrees north, are always foutberly two
points upon the fnore ; fo that where the coaft runs
due north and fouth, the wind is at fouth-fouth-weft;
and where the coaft runs fouth-fouth-eaft, the wind
is due fouth (except it be in the night, when the fea-
wind generally ceafes, and there comes a fine mo-
derate gale from the land, which they call the land-
breeze; but Dam pier obferves, that on promon-
tories and head-lands, and fuch places as lie open to
die fea, they have fcarce any of thefe land-breezes,
it being in creeks and bays chiefly that they have
the advantage of land-breezes.
Dam pier alfo obferves, that the foutherly
winds on the coaft of Peru continue to blow 1 40 or
150 leagues from the fhore before they alter ; but
then they may be perceived to come about more
eafterly ; and about 200 leagues to the weflward of
that fhore the true trade-wind lets in at eaft-fouth-
eaft, which never alters ’till they have pafled the Pa-
cific-ocean, and arrive at the Eaft- Indies.
But both Dam pier and Funnel relate, that
at Arica, which lies on the coaft of Peru, in 1 8 de-
grees, odd minutes fouth latitude, for near 100
leagues to the fouthward, this fea is very fubjedl to
calms, within 35 or 40 leagues of the fhore ; but
that thefe calms are not ufual on any other part of
this coaft : It is obferved alfo, that when the fun is
in the northern figns, viz. from March to Septem-
ber, the fky is generally bright and clear : But when
the fun retorts back to the fouthern figns, then the
weather is frequently fo thick and hazy, that they
cannot take an obfervation, tho’ they have no rain
even then, either at fea or on the coaft.
As to the weather on fhore it is various, accord-
ing to the fituation of the land ; the Lanos, or
fandy plains by the fea- fide, never have a drop of
rain upon them ; but frequently thick mills rife
here. On the Sierras, or hills beyond, the rains
fall when the fun is in the fouthern figns, as they
do in other countries that lie between the Equator
and the Tropic of Capricorn. And on the Cor-
delero’s, or Andes, the high mountains that are fi-
tuated fartheft from the fea, it rains or fnows two
thirds of the year, and is exceffive cold ; and as the
valleys between the hills, called Sierras, are the moft
fruitful parts of the country, their feafon for plant-
ing and fowing there is at the beginning of the rains,
and their barveft at the return of the dry weather:
Their vintage alfo is in the fair feafon, and their vines
thrives beft in thofe valleys near the fea, where there
is little or no rain, and which are watered by rivu-
lets that fall from the hills in the rainy feafon ; ' but
moft part of the Lanos, or fandy plains by the fea?
fide, are barren defarts, bearing neither trees nor
herbs ; and are very little inhabited, except fume
few port-towns fituated at the mouths of rivers,
Acosta, and other writers, have endeavoured
to account for this everlafting draught on the fea-
coaft of Peru and Chili : They fupppfe, in the firft
place, that the country being a dry fandy foil affords
no
CHAP.
III.
Weather at
fea.
Weather at
land.
The reafons
for the ge-
neral draught
on the Pe-
ruvian coaft
enquired into
O F
CHAP. no vapours, or not enough to furnifh them with
III. rain, tho’ mifts arife here. And, fecondly, That the
mountains called the Andes or Cordelero’s are fo ex-
ceeding high, that the clouds are flopped there, and
can come no farther weftward : But to this it may
be anfwered, if the land affords but few vapours,
one would think that the South- fea that adjoins to
it might afford as many vapours as any other fea ;
*nd the wind conflantly blows obliquely from that
fea upon the coaft. And as to the mountains of An-
des intercepting the clouds that come from the eaft-
ward, this is not true in fail ; for the Sierras or hills
which lie between the Andes, and the Lanos or
plains on the fea-coaft, have their periodical rains,
as all other countries have that lie between the Tro-
pics; tho’ the plains on the fea-fhore have no rain;
and this is the more ftrange, inafmuch as the fea-
coafls in other countries are ufually more fubjecEl to
rain and cloudy weather, than either the ocean at
a great diftance from land, or the middle of any
continent ; as the low countries in Holland and
Flanders, that lie on the fea, have more wet and
cloudy weather than either the middle of Germany
or France ; and in like manner, when we are at fea
four or five hundred miles from land, efpecially be-
tween the Tropics, we have ufually ferene fettled
weather, and judge ourfelves near land when we fee
thick clouds, which ufually hang over it : Sea-men
alfo obferve, that tornadoes and hurricanes are more
frequent and violent near land, than they are an hun -
dred leagues out at fea, tho’ in this peaceful ocean, and
on the coaft, they know not what ftorms or hurri-
canes mean; infomuch that this fea is navigated by
B^rk logs. barklogs ; and in thefe aukward floats they carry on
great part of their coafting-trade from port to port,
as they did before the Spaniards arrived there : Thefe
barklogs are only rough timber logs laid in fquares
a-crofs each other, and built up two or three ftories
high ; of which I fhall give a more particular de-
fcription, when I come to treat of their navigation.
The capes, I proceed in the next place to give fome defcrip-
port-to'wns tion of the confiderable capes, iflands, and
or the coaft ports on the coaft of Peru and Chili, from the Equa-
of p et-u. tor to 30 degrees of fouth latitude; and, 1. Of
Cape Paffao. Cape Paffao, which lies in 8 minutes fouth lati-
tude, and 8 2 degrees of weftern longitude. It is an
high round cape, with fome few trees upon it ; and
Ca L further up in the country the land is mountainous
go?' oren ' and very woody. 2. Cape Lorenzo, in one degree
fouth latitude ; near which, fhipping may furnifh
tbemfelves with frefh water. This cape alfo is high
land, and has fome trees and bufhes upon it : Five
leagues weft-fouth-weft of Cape Lorenzo, is a fmall
La Plata barren ifland, called La Plata, from its being the
ftland. p]ace w here Sir Fr an c i s D r a k e {hared the’plate
with his company which he took out of the Spanifh
Cape St. galeon, called the Calefogo. 3. Cape St. Helena,
2 degrees, 20 minutes fouth latitude ; near which
is a fmall town of Spaniards and Indians, that keep
ftore-houfes of flour, falted flefh, fifh, bifcuit,
VOL. HI.
P E R U. 26^
and other provifions, with which they fupply the C H A P.
fhipping that touches there in their pafftge to and HI.
from Panama. The point itfelf is high land, and
level on the top ; but the land about it is low.
4. The ifland of St. Clara, in 3 degrees fouth lati- St. ciar*
tude ; it is pretty high land, covered with fmall fHand.
trees. 5. Cape Blanco, in 3 degrees, 45 minutes Cape
fouth latitude (pointing St. Helena) makes the north Blanco*
point ot the bay of Guiaquil, as Cape Blanco doesGuiaquii
the fouth point. The town of Guiaquil, which ifland "
will be defer i bed hereafter, and gives name to the
bay, is fituated about 6 leagues up a navigable river,
and is the port toQuitto. 6. The port" of Payta, Payta port,
in 5 degrees, 13 minutes fouth latitude, a fine
large bay, capable of containing an hundred fail of
fliips ; the town confifts of about fourfeore houfes,
moft of them Spaniards ; and the bay is feldom with-
out fhips, it lying very convenient for the fhips of
Peru, in going to and from Panama, who put in
here for refrefhments that are brought down hither
from Colon ; for the town of Payta itfelf does not
fo much as afford frefh water. In this bay, the fea The Tea and
and land-winds fucceed each other very regularly ; ^-breeze*
the fea-winds blowing in the day-time fouth-and-by- ^
weft, and the land winds in the night-time, from
the eaft. 7. I he ifland of Lobos, in 6 degrees, Lobos ifland,
20 minutes fouth latitude, in which is an har-
bour on the north-eaft, but no frefh water : The
ifland is about two leagues in compafs, but produces
neither trees, bufhes, or herbage. 8. The port of Malabng©
Malabrigo, in 8 degrees fouth latitude, which is pon *
known by a mountain near it of the fame name.
The beft place to anchor in is, to leeward of the
mountain, bringing it to bear due fouth : Here is
five fathom water good faft anchor-ground. 9.
Guanchaco, in 8 degrees, 1 3 minutes fouth lati-
tude, being but an indifferent harbour, as it liesal-
moft expofed to all winds ; and there ufually runs
fo great a fea upon the fhore, that boats cannot go
or come on board fometimes for three or four days;
notwithftandmg which, Guanchaco is a place of Guanchacp
pretty bn ft: trade, being the port-town to the city ^ f rt *jj
°f Truxillo, which lies fix miles up the river ; from mXl °
whence, flour, wine, brandy, fugar, and mar-
malet are exported to Panama every year, in great
quantities. 1 o. Cofma, a very good port, in 9 Cofma port,
degrees, 50 minutes fouth latitude, and 78 degrees
of weftern longitude; the common anchoring-
place being at the mouth of a frefh water river. 1 1 .
Vermeio is a very good port, a little to the fouth- Vcrmeio
ward of Cofma ; but here is no town or inhabitants, harbour,
or any frefh water within a mile of the fea. The
mountain Mongou, which lies about 7 leagues to the
northward of this port, is faid to be one of the high-
eft mountains on the coaft. 12. The port of Gua- Guara port,
ra lies in x 1 degrees fouth latitude, and 77 degrees
of weftern longitude, near which is a mountain,
with feveral pyramids on the top of it; and a little
to the northward is the fmall port of Salinas, from Safina, port
whence they export great quantities of fait beef, both
M m to
266
CHAP.
III.
Callao the
port to
Lima.
THE PRESENT STATE
Ifiojort.
^ricaport.
Copiapo port
Coquimbo.
Lakes of
Peru.
The lake
Titicaca.
to Lima and Panama. 13- The i Hand of Callao,
a high barren ifland, 2 leagues in length, that has
neither frcfh water, wood, or any green thing upon
it ; and yet, on this barren fpot, ftands the town
of Callao, the port-town to Lima, the capital of
Peru.
The port is defended by a ftrong cattle, that has
feventy brafs guns mounted on the walls, clofe under
which is the ufual place of anchoring; and here the
fhips ride in fix fathom water, good faft ground ;
tho” in all the bay and port of Callao, it is very fe-
eure riding ; it growing {hallow gradually from
twelve to four fathom water ; and the drips are de-
fended from the foutherly winds, which reign on this
coaft, by a fmall ifland.
This port of Callao lies in iz degrees, 20 mi-
nutes fouth latitude, and is about 2 leagues cliftant
from Lima- The Armadilla, or little Armada,
fails annually from hence to Arica, where moft of
the diver and gold of Peru is imbarked on board
this fleet ; and returning to Callao the latter end of
March, the fame treafure is tranfported in the
month of May to Panama, and from thence by
land-carriage conveyed to Porto-Bello, as has been
intimated already. 1 4. The Port Ylo lies in 1 8
degrees fouth latitude, and is a good barbour; and
near it is a ftream of freflr water called the river
Ylo, which is very rapid from the beginning of Ja-
nuary ’till the latter end of June, when it begins to
decreafe, and in September it is quite dried up;
which is the cafe of moft of the rivers on the coaft
of Peru. 25. The port of Arica, fituate in 18
degrees, 20 minutes fouth latitude, and in 72 de-
grees weftern longitude : Here the treafure brought
from the mines of Potoft is conftantly embarked
every year for Lima It is a good harbour, the beft
anchoring-place clofe under mount Arica, in eight
fathom water, where (hips ride fecure from the fouth
winds. It is a large town, inhabited by Spaniards,
Indians, and Malottoes. 1 6. The port of Copiapo,
a good harbour, defended from all winds, lies in
2 1 degrees fouth latitude ; the inhabitants moft of
them Indians, who make good wine here, and have
plenty of corn, flefti, fruits, and other provifions.
17. Coquimbo, fituated in 30 degrees fouth lati-
tude, at the foot of a mountain, in the form of a
fugar-loaf ; a rich city, driving a great trade with
Lima and Panama, and is a very good harbour.
Altho’ there is no other fea borders upon Peru but
the Pacific- ocean, yet have they fome lakes that
may be called feas, if we regard the greatnefs of
their extent.
The lake Titicaca (already mentioned to be 80
leagues in circumference) is fituated in the province
and valley of Callao, the middle of it being in 13
degrees fouth latitude, and 67 degress of weftern
longitude* reckoning from the meridian of Lon-
don : Upon this lake they fail in (hips, and other
veflels, as upon the ocean ; but fubjedt to ftorms
sometimes 3 for. the iirft {hip th&Spaniards built up-
on it was broken to pieces by a tempeft that drove it CHAP,
on {hore. The water of it is not fo fait as the fea, III.
but too thick and foul to be drank. There are a- ^ ~V
bundance of large fifli in the lake not efteemed
wholefome food : There are alfo great fhoals of
fmall ftfh, very bony, but better eating than the
former ; and there are prodigious flocks of wild
ducks, and other water-fowls, in it. The towns This the
and villages bordering upon the lake are efteemed p^ u part 0i
the moft agreeable dwellings in Peru : From this
lake ifiiies a large ftream to the fouthward, which
forms another lake called Paria, not much inferior Lake of
to the former in its dimenfions, and has feveral l,aria *
iflands in it. On the banks of thefe lakes are rich
lavannahs, or meadows, that feed great herds of
cattle. There are alfo many lakes upon the mourn- Lakes on
tains, which are the fources of feveral large rivers. ^ J-Tf ° f
Acosta mentions two lakes, particularly on the
high mountains, one on each fide of the great road
leading from Arequippa to Callao; from one of One of them
which ifliies a river that falls into the Pacific-ocean, l ^ e f ? urce °- r
and from the other the river Aporima, fa id to be Amazon,,
tiie principal ftream that forms the celebrated river
Amazon, which falls into the Atlantic-ocean,
efteemed the largeft river in the world.
The fame writer obferves, that it is very ftrange
there ftiould lie fo many lakes on the tops of the
mountains into which no rivers enter, and from
whence many ftreams iflue, and yet thefe lakes do
not appear to be much diminifhed at any feafon of
the- year. Some conjecture, that thefe lakes pro-
ceed from melted fnow, or rain ; but this does not
entirely fatisfy him, he fays, becaufe there are feve-
ral of thefe mountains on which there does not fall
much fnow or raim He is of opinion, therefore,,
that they are fprings which rife naturally ; tho'
he admits it probable, that they may fometimes be
increafed by fnow and rain. He adds, that thefe
lakes are fo common in the higheft tops of the Peru-
vian mountains, that there is fcarce a conflderable
river but has its {burce in one of them : Their wa-
ters are ufually very clear, but breed few fifh, and
thole very fmall, the water being generally extreme ,
cold.
However, the waters of fome lakes in thevalleys A lakeo-3
are extremely hot, particularly one in the valley of hot water "
Tarpaya near Potofi, the waters whereof in the
middle are fo hot, that they perfectly boil up for
more than twenty foot fquare, which is the fpring
but the heat is fo moderate near the {bore, that the
inhabitants frequently bathe in it. The waters of
this lake, Acosta obferves, are never known to
increafe or decreafe, tho’ they have drawn a ftream
from it that turns feveral, mills for grinding their
metals.
As to the Peruvian fprings, they have great va- T
riety of them in that part of the country which is ofp « ru<> '
remote from the fea, but very few on the fandy
plains near the fnore : Acosta mentions one of
a. very extraordinary nature near, the quickfilwer-
mines-
CHAP
III.
/—>s .
Water that
forms rocks
Pitchy foun-
tains.
Hot fprings,
A fait
fpring.
Salutary wa
ters.
Hot fmoak-
ing waters.
Waters as
ired as blood.
Rivers that
rife in the
mountains of
Peru,
and fall into
the North-
fea.
O F
mines in Guancaviliea. This Fountain, he fays,
throws out hot water, which, in running a little way,
turns into ftone, and forms a rock ; of which ftone
( the inhabitants build their houfes, it being foft, light,
and eafily wrought, and yet very durable : As this
water turns into ftone after running a little way,
the pafiages are frequently flopped up, and the
ftream alters its courfe as the rock increafes, and
is branched out into many (mall channels :
There are alfo at Cape St. Helena, and many other
parts of Peru, fountains of liquid matter called
Coppey, very much refembling tar, or pitch, and
put to the fame ufes by fea- faring men, to preferve
their ropes, planks and tackle ; as we learn not only
from Acosta, but from Dampier, Funnel,
and feveral other Englifh Buccaneers.
At the Inca’s-baths, as they are called, is a fpring
of water that iflues out hot and boiling, and near it
another as cold as ice, which thofe Princes ufed to
temper and mingle together in their courfe to bathe
in; and in the province of Charcas, the moft feuth-
ern province of Peru, are abundance of fprings fo
hot, that a man cannot bear his hand in their wa-
ters.
At a farm near the city of Cufco is a fountain,
the waters whereof in a Abort courfe turn into fait ;
which, Acosta obferves, would be an eftate to a
man in any other country, but is not valued in this,
where fait is plentiful.
The waters near Guiaquil are famous for curing
the French-difeafe ; which is the reafon why multi-
tudes of people refort thither continually ; for no dif-
eafe prevails more in Peru than this. Thefe waters
are fuppofed to receive their virtue from the roots of
Saffiparella, which abound in this country, and com-
municate this healing quality to the waters that run
by them.
From the top of the mountain Balconotta, efteern-
ed the higheft in Peru, which in fome places looks
black, as if it was burnt, Acosta relates, there
rife two fountains, which run different ways, and
foon form two large ftreams : Thefe fprings, when
they firft ifiue from their refpedfive rocks, are of an
afh-colour, hot and fmoaking, and firtell of burning
coals ; and thus they run a great way, ’till, mixing
with other ftreams, they become cool, and lofe
that burning fmell. The fame writer fays, he has
feen another fountain in Peru, from whence there
runs a ftream as red as blood, and has from thence
obtained the name of the Red River.
Moft of the rivers of South-America rife in the
Peruvian mountains, that go under the name of the
Cordelero’s, or Andes, which run from north to
fouth, from io degrees north latitude, to 50 fouth,
alnroft parallel to the coaft of the South-fea, and for
the moft part 40 or 50 leagues to the eaftward of
it.
Thofe rivers which rife on the eaftward of the
Andes, and fall into the North or Atlantic-ocean,
have a very long courfe, and are fome of them the
PERU. 267
'largeft rivers in the known world. Thofe that rife CHAP,
on the weft fide of the Andes, are rather torrents HL
than rivers, made by the annual rains, which fall on
the mountains, for the moft part, between May and
September, and before January are perfectly dry’d
up ; but as the mountains they fall from are exceed-
ing high, and their courfe fcarce ever more than 50
leagues, before they fall into the South-fea, their
ftreams are fo (hallow and rapid, that fcarce any of
them are navigable.
The four principal rivers, that rife on the eaft fide
of the Andes, are, 1 . The river Magdalena, or MagSaler.*
Grande ; which rifing in the province of Quitto, nver *
near the Equator, runs above a thoufand miles diredh-
ly northward, falling into the North-fea between
Carthagena and St. Martha.
2. The river of Oronoque; whofe fource is near Orono^as
that of Magdalena, almoft under the Line, and takes river »
its courfe firft to the eaftward for fifteen hundred
miles, and upwards ; and then turning diredily north,,
runs almoft as far to the northward, falling into the
North-fea, againft the ifland of Trinity, in 8 de-
grees of north latitude.
3 . The river of Amazons, generally held to be Amazon li-
the largeft river in the world, is formed at firft by
two ftreams, that rife near 1 1 degrees afunder ; each
of which, by different travellers, is (aid to be the true
river Amazon. The firft of thefe rifes near Quitto,
a little fouth of the Equator, and runs fouth-eaft 5
the other rifes from the lake of Lauricoeha, in 1 s
degrees fouth latitude ; and running firft northward
5 degrees, then turns about to the eaftward, and
unites its waters with the former: From thence the
united ftreams run between three and four thoufand
miles farther eaftward, being enlarged by a multi-
tude of other confiderable rivers, that fall into this
ftream, both on the north and fouth fide, and dis-
charges itfelf into the Atlantic-ocean under the Equa-
tor, being 50 leagues wide, at leaft, at the mouth ;
of which I (hall fpeak more particularly, when I
come to deferibe the country of the Amazons.
4. The fourth river, which rifes on the eaft fide pj ata rrvm
of the Andes, and is very little inferior to the laft,
is the river of Plata ; which rifes near the town of
Plata in Peru, in 20 degrees of fouth latitude ; and
running firft to the eaftward, ’till joined and enlarged
by many other ftreams, then bends its courfe diredt-
ly fouth, ’till it come into 34 degrees fouth ; then
ftretches away to the eaftward, falling into the At-
lantic-ocean, in 3 5 degrees of fouth latitude, near
the town of Buenos- Aires, in the province of La
Plata, being 30 leagues broad at the mouth of it;
but this river will be further deferibed alfo, in treat-
ing of the province of La Plata.
As to the rivers that rife on the weft-fide of the Rivers tia:
mountains of Andes, and fall into the Pacific-ocean ; ^ £ ^ l | a the
the chief of them mentioned by the Buccaneers, who '
have vifited that coaft, are, 1. The river Colanche, O&ncfce.
in 2 degrees fouth latitude; 2. The river of Guia- Ouisqaih,
quil, in 3 degrees; 3. The river Payta, in 5 de- Payt*,
M nr 2 grees
268
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, grees, 1 5 minutes ; 4, The river YIo, which dif-
III. charges itfelf into the Tea, in 1 8 degrees ; 5. The
river of Arica, which falls into the fame fea, near
the town of Arica, in 18 degrees, 20 minutes; be-
fides which, there are a great many other fmall ri-
vers, that fall into the fea, within 18 or 20 degrees
of fouth latitude ; but farther fouthward, Dam-
PIER informs us, they did not meet with a river
on the coaftof Peru or Chili, once in 100, or 1 50
leagues. Acosta indeed mentions abundance of
rivers he had crofted ; but this muft be either near
the Equator, or in the province of Callao ; where a
great lakes, great many rivers difcharge themfelves into the lakes
of Titicaca, Paria, &c. and never reach the fea.
CHAP. IV.
fhe provinces the kingdom of Peru is divided into ;
its fuh-divifions , and chief towns ; and their pub-
lick and private buildings
Ylo, and
Arica,.
Rivers that
difcharge
themfelves
into the
CHAP.
IV.
Sub-divifions
sf it,
Quitto
Proper.
Chief towns
Quitto city.
T H E kingdom of Peru, like that of Mexico,
is divided into three audiences, viz. 1. The
audience of Quitto ; 2. The audience of Lima ;
and, 3. The audience of Los Charcas.
The audience of Quitto, the moft northerly of
the three, is bounded by Popayan on the north ;
by the country of the Amazons on the eaft ; by
the audience of Lima on the fouth ; and by the
Pacific-ocean on the weft ; being about four hun-
dred miles in length, from north to fouth ; and
two hundred in breadth, from eaft to weft ; and is
fub-divided into three provinces, viz. 1 . Quitto
Proper ; 2. Quixos ; and 3. Pacamores.
The province of Quitto Proper lies upon the fea-
eoaft, being bounded by Popayan on the north ;
by the provinces of Quixos and Pacamores on the
eaft ; by the audience of Lima on the fouth ; and
by the Pacific-ocean on the weft ; and is about two
hundred miles in length, from north to fouth ; and
upwards of an hundred miles in breadth, from eaft
to weft.
The chief towns of Quitto Proper are, 1 . Quitto-;
2. St. Jago de Puerto Veijo ; 3. Guiaquil ; 4. Tom-
bes ; 5. Thomebamba ; 6. Loxa ; 7. Zamora;
8. St. Michael’s ; and, 9. Payta.
The city of Quitto, the capital of this province,
and of the whole audience, is fituated in 30 minutes
fouth latitude, and in 7 8 degrees of weftern longi-
tude, at the foot of the mountains, which almoft
furround it. It is a rich populous city, built after
the Spanifh model, with a great fquare in the mid-
dle, and fpacious ftreets running from it on every
fide ; and a canal runs through the middle of it, over
which are feveral bridges. It is the feat of the Go-
vernor, and of the Courts of juftice ; a Univerfity,
and a Bifhop’s fee, Suffragan to the Archbifhop of
Lima. They have a good trade in woollen-cloths,
fugar, fait, and cattle ; but their greateft riches
proceed from the gold that is found in the adjacent
mines and rivers : This, as all other countries near CH AP„
the Equator, is fubjecft to annual periodical rains and IV.
floods, which make the town unhealthful. . The
Peruvian Emperor had made a conqueft of Quitto,
which was the refidence of the former Kings of this
country, but a very few years before the Spaniards
arrived there ; and there are ftill to be feen the ruins
of fome of their palaces, and of the temple of the
Sun, the chief objedt of their adoration.
There is a volcano in one of the mountains near
this town, whofe eruptions have, more than once,
endangered to the ruin of it.
St. Jago de Puerto Veijo is fituated on the coaft, Puerto Veijo.
in i degree fouth latitude, a little to the eaftward of
Cape Lorenzo, in an unhealthful part of the coun-
try ; near which, there was formerly a quarry of
Emeralds, that made it much reforted to ; but the
quarry being exhaufted, the town declined with it.
Guiaquil is fituated upon a navigable river, 6 or Guiaquil,
7 leagues from the mouth of it, in 3 degrees fouth
latitude, about two hundred miles to the fouthward
of Quitto ; part of it lying on the afcent of a fteep
hill, and the other part in a bottom on a bog ; it
is divided into the new and old town, by the river
that runs through it, andconfifts chiefly of one long
ftreet, about a mile and half in length ; there are
four or five hundred houfes in the place, whereof
fome are built of brick, and others of timber ;
but the common people have only huts of Bamboe-
canes : It contains alfo five churches, and feveral
convents, fome of which are built of ftone ; and
it is defended by three forts, two whereof are upon
the river, and the third and largeft upon the hill.
There being plenty of timber in the neighbourhood
of this place, a great many (hips are built here for
the King of Spain ; and it has a pretty brifk trade,
efpecially in timber, and cacao-nuts, for chocolate ;
they export alfo a great deal of fait, falt-fifh, dried
beef, nee and cotton ; but there is no gold or filver
mines near it, nor have they any corn, but Indian-
corn : They are fupplied with wheat-flour from
Truxillo, and other fouthern parts, and with foveral
forts of good Woollen-cloth, and ftrong bays, from
Quitto, where they are made ; they receive wine,
brandy, oil, olives, and fugar, from Pifca, La
Nafta, and other towns farther fouth ; and a mar-
ket is held daily in boats and barklogs on the river,
where flefh, filh, fruits, and other provifions, in
which the country abound, are fold very cheap.
Governor Rogers relates, that the river is fo
wide at the mouth, that a man can fcarce fee crofe
the channel ; that the country on the fides of it,
is low, marfhy ground, incumber’d with mangrove-
trees and fhrubs ; that the tide flows above 1 8 feet
perpendicular, and is quicker and ftronger than that
in theThames ; that the river is navigable 1 4 leagues
beyond Guiaquil, for large veffels ; and the tide
flows 20 leagues above it.
Both the civil and military government of this
town, and the territory belonging to it, according
to
O F P E R tr.
269
CHAP, to the fame writer, is lodg’d in the Corregitlore, and
IV. his Lieutenant, tho’ they have a Council for ma-
naging the affairs of the Government, and deter-
mining caufes of confequence, which confifts of the
Lieutenant, two Alcaids, or Judges, who are Law-
yers ; the Alguizil, Major, a Sheriff, and eight Re-
gidors, or Aldermen ; from whom, however, there
lies an appeal to the Court of Lima. The Officers
of the Inquifftion a£l more arbitrarily here, ’tis (aid,
than in Spain itfelf. Their Magiftrates and Officers,
all, affecft pompous titles ; the Corregidore ftileshim-
felf General ; and his Deputy, Lieutenat-General ;
befides whom, they have a Camp-Mafter-General,
a Serjeant-Major, a Commiffary of Horfe ; four
Dons, Captains of large companies of foot ; and
another Don, that commands two hundred horfe j
and yet have all thefe great Officers, with a pro-
portionable number of troops under their command,
fuffered this important town of Guiaquil to be taken
and plunder’d, by a handful of men, feveral times ;
which has given fome occafion to think, that the
American Spaniards are fo much degenerated from
their anceftors of Old Spain, that they might be
driven from the Weft-Indies, as eafily as they drove
out the Indians two hundred years ago. Molt of
the towns within the jurifdidtion of Guiaquil lie
upon the river, and are governed by Lieutenants,
appointed by the Corregidore, and can join him
with their whole forces within two tides 3 which
makes it the more to be admir’d, that they fhould
fo often fuffer themfelves to be furprifed, as it ap-
pears they have been.
Guiaquil In the year 1687, the French Buccaneers came
taken by t 0 an anc h or j n the mouth of the river Guiaquil,
Buccaneers. ar| d fent a detachment of two hundred and iixty
men up the river, in the night-time, who landed
within cannon-fhot of the town, about two hours
before day ; but the garrilon was alarm’d by the
firing of a mufket accidentally 3 however, they
advanced, and attacked the town at break of day 3
and after a very little oppofition, drove the Spa-
niards out of their forts, and took poffeffion of the
place, with no other Jofs, than nine men kill’d,
and twelve wounded ; however, they put to the
fword nine hundred Spaniards, and took feven hun-
dred prifoners of both fexes, among whom were
the Governor and his family. Here they found
abundance of pearls and precious ftones, a great
quantity of filver plate, and near an hundred tbou-
fand pieces of eight in money, befides a great deal
of rich merchandize, particularly, they took a Ver-
milion Eagle, that had two large Emeralds for its
eyes, faid to belong to one of their churches 5 and
nothing could be richer than the furniture of the
Governour’s houfe ; they found alfo two of the
King’s (hips upon the flocks, feveral galleys, and
fourteen or fifteen barks ; and the Governor agreed
to ranfom himfelf and family, the city, cannon,
forts, and Chips, at a million of pieces of eight ;
hut the town being fet on fire, either by defign, or
accident, the Governor refufed to pay the ranfom : C H A P„
Whereupon the Buccaneers cut oft' the heads of four IV.
of the prifoners, and threatened the reft, if the
ranfom was not immediately paid ; however, they
contented themfelves, at length, with two hundred
and fixty thoufand pieces of eight ; upon the re-
ceipt whereof, they releafed their prifoners, and re-
tired to their Chips.
The French relate, that the SpaniCh Friars had
reprefented the Buccaneers as monfters and canibals ;
and that fome of the women, that were taken pri-
foners, were ready to grant them any favours, on
condition they Chould not be devoured ; efpecially,
when they obferved nothing Chocking in their figure.
Dampier, and the Englifh Buccaneers, at-
tempted this town in the year 1685, and very nar-
rowly milled furprifing it : And Captain Rogers, Guiaquil oh.
who had the Queen’s Comrniffion during the lad: ken by Cap-
war between the confederates and the French, took tain Ro S ers -
Guiaquil by florin, with very little lols, in the
year 1703 3 and plunder’d it of fome treafure, and
rich effcdls 3 making the Spaniards pay thirty thou-
fand pieces of eight, to ranfom the town, and
Chips in the harbour : But mod: of the treafure was
carried away, before the Captain made himfelf
mafter of the place.
Tombes, or Tumbez, is fituated at the foot of Tumbe^.
the mountains, about 20 leagues fouth of Guiaquil,
upon a good frelh-water river : Here the Spaniards,
at their arrival, found a temple dedicated to the
Sun, and abundance of Silverfmiths in the place,
who made veflels of gold and filver for the temple,
and the palace the Inca had here ; and they relate,
that the walls of the temple were lined or covered
with filver plate.
Thomebamba is fituated on the great road of the Thome-
Inca’s, one hundred and fixty miles fouth of Quitto, bamba.
in a plain, at the conflux of two rivers : Here alio
was a royal palace of the Inca’s, and a temple dedi-
cated to the Sun ; both of them adorned with gold,
and images made of Touch-ftone and Jafper, of
a very great value. In the year 1 544, there were
difeovered gold mines near this place, incredibly
rich.
Loxa alfo is fituated at the conflux of two rivers, l ox3i
on the great road of the Inca’s, in 5 degrees fouth
latitude. It is a pretty large town, and has feveral
monafteries in it.
Zamora is fituated an hundred miles to the eaft- Z] mora
ward of Loxa, well built with Clone, and hath very
rich gold mines in the neighbouring mountains of
the Andes ; and their rivers repleniChed with gold
lands.
The town of St. Michael’s is fituated in 5 degrees St. Mi-
fouth latitude, on the river Shuquimayo, 2 leagues chael ’ Ss
eaft of the ocean, and as many from the port of
Payta ; a large town, chiefly inhabited by fifher-
men, and fuch as carry on a coafting-trade in
barklogs, as far as Panama 3 by which many of
them grow very rich.
Pavta
2J0
THE PRESENT STATE
c r-i a p.
Payta.
Quixos pro-
vince.
Quixos
town.
Pacamores
province.
Loyola.
Valladolid.
St. Jago.
St. Francis
Borgia.
Lima audi-
ence.
Chief towns.
i-ima city.
Payta is fituated in 5 degrees, feme odd minutes
fouth latitude, being one ol the bell harbours upon
the coaft, and the town pretty well fortified : But
this has been deferib’d already among the port-towns.
The province of Quixos is bounded by Popayan
on the north, the country of the Amazons on the
eaft, the province of Pacamores on the fouth, and
by Quitto Proper on the weft. The only town I
met with of any note in this province is that of
Qtuxos, fituate about fixty miles fouth-eaft of Quitto,
at the head ol a river laid to be one of the fources
of the river Amazon.
The province of Pacamores is bounded by that of
Quixos on the north, by the country of the Ama-
zons on the eaft, by the audience of Lima on the
fouth, and by Quitto on the weft. The chief towns
whereof are, 1. Loyola ; 2. Valladolid ; 3. St. Ja-
go ; 4. St. Francifco de Borgia.
Loyola is fituated in 6 degrees fouth latitude, and
74 degrees of weftern longitude.
Valladolid is fituated leventy miles north- weft of
Loyola.
St. Jago de Montanas lies in 5 degrees fouth
latitude, and 7 1 degrees ol weftern longitude.
St. f rancis de Borgia Hands about fixty miles
north of St. Jago de Montanas, on one of the
branches of the river Amazon ; but I meet with
no other defeription of thefe four towns than their
fituation.
The audience of Lima, or Los Reyes, is bound-
ed by that of Quitto on the north, by the country
of the Amazons on the eaft ; by the audience of
Los Charcas on the fouth, and by the ocean on the
weft ; being about eight hundred miles in length
from north to fouth, but the breadth very unequal,
and uncertain, not four hundred miles in any part,
except on the fouth.
The chief towns are, 1 . Lima ; 2. Caxamalca ;
3. Guanuco ; 4. Truxillo ; 5. Pifca ; 6. Gua-
manga ; 7. Cufoo ; 8. Arequipa.
Lima, the capital of this audience, and of the
whole kingdom of Peru, is fituated in 1 2 degrees
and an half of fouth latitude, and 76 degrees of weft-
ern longitude, on the banks of a river of the fame
name, about fix miles from the fea, and as many
from the ifland and port of Callao, lying in one of
the moft fpacious and fruitful plains of Peru : It is
built like other Spanifh cities, having a large fquare
or parade in the centre, with piazza’s on every fide ;
all the principal ftreets terminating in the fquare ;
on the tides whereof ftand the cathedral, the Arch-
bifhop’s palace, the Viceroy’s palace, the treafury,
the town-hall, the armory, or publick magazine,
and a fchcol or college of the Jefuits, where the
Indian languages, and arts and fciences are taught.
There are, befides the cathedral, a great many
parochial and conventual churches, a univerfity,
abundance of monafteries and nunneries of every
order, and five or fix large hofpitals. The whole
city being about four miles in length, and two in
breadth ; the air moderately temperate and health- CH A P,
ful, confidering the climate ; predigioufiy wealthy, IV.
and plentifully fupply’d with provifions, and Indian
and European fruits ; and well watered with canals,
that are fupply’d from the river. The outfides of
their houfes make but a mean appearance, being
built with bricks dry’d in the fun ; many of them
have only clay walls, and lcarce any of them are
more than one ftory high ; the roofs exceeding
light, cover’d with reeds and matts, and fometimes
only a cloth, for which they give two very good
reafons ; one is, that they are fuhject to earth-
quakes ; and the other, that the fun does not
heat thefe roofs as it does tiles or flate : And they
have no occafion to provide againft wet or ftormy
weather, for it never rains on this coaft, and thev
are never difturb’d by ftorms or tempefts, but en-
joy conftant ferene weather ; and the heats are much
abated by the fea and land-breezes. But this great
city, thus happily fituated, is not without its allays :
The earthquakes they are frequently fubjetft to, muft
neceftarily eaft a damp on all their enjoyments ;
efpecially when great part of their town has been
feveral times laid in ruins by them ; particularly in
the years 1586 and 1687 ; in the laft of which
years, the fea ebb’d fo far from the ftiore, that there
was no water to be feen ; and after the fea had dis-
appeared a confiderable time, it return’d in rowling
mountains of water, which carried the drips in the
harbour of Callao (the port to Lima) a league up
into the country ; overflow’d the town of Callao,
tho’ fituated on a hill, together with the fort, and
drown'd both men and cattle for 50 leagues along
the fhore. The ftiips, 130 leagues at fea, to the
weft ward of Lima, were fenfible of it, as Wafer
allures us, who was then in thofe feas : The fir ip he
was in felt fo violent a {hock, he relates, that they
thought they had ftruck upon a rock ; but after their
confternation was a little over, they eaft the lead
and founded, but could find no ground ; tho’ the
fea, which ufually looks green, was then of a whitiftr
colour, and the water they took up mixed with
fand ; which made them conclude the {hock was
occafion’d by an earthquake ; and a little after,
they were informed there had been a terrible earth-
quake at Lima, at the fame time. But to return
to the town : The city is furrounded by a wall
fortified with baftions, but of no great ftrength, if
compared with European fortifications. However,
as it is very populous, it may be ftrong enough to
refill any force that can be brought againft it in
that part of the world. The plain of Lima, in
which it Hands, produces plenty of corn, wine, oil,
fugar, flax and fruits.
Caxamalca is fituated at the foot of a mountain, Caxamak*.
in 7 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude, on the great
road of the Inca’s, 3 o leagues eaft of the Pacific-
ocean. This was an ancient town when the
Spaniards arrived there, and, if we may credit their
writers, well-built, furrounded with a ftoue wall,
and
O F P
CHAP, and defended by a caflle : On one fide of the city
IV. flood the temple of the Sun, and on the other a
magnificent palace of the Inca At ab a lip a, who
was taken here in the year 1533, by Pizarro,
and afterwards murdered by him.
Guanuco. Guanuco is fituated near the lake of Bombon,
an hundred and fifty miles north of Lim2, a well
built town, and Handing in a good air. Here alfo
was a fine palace of the Inca’s, and a temple dedi-
cated to the Sun, when the Spaniards arriv’d.
T ruxillo. Truxillo is fituated on the banks of a pleafant
river in the valley of Chinca, fix miles from the
r.iuncacho port of Guancacho and the ocean, in 8 degrees,
P 011, odd minutes fouth latitude. It is a handfome Spa-
nifh town, confiding of five hundred houfes ; the
air healthful ; the country fruitful ; abounding in
corn, wine, figs, oranges, and- other merchandize
and provifions, of which they export a great deal
to Panama, and the more northern fettlements.
The fea beats with that violence on the coafl, that
it is bad landing frequently at the port of Guancacho,
that lies expofed to almofl every wind.
Plfca. Pifca, or Pifco, is a port-town fituated in 14 de-
grees fouth latitude, in a mountainous country ; but
the valleys produce good wine, and they export
more of it than any town on the coafl of Peru,
©uamanga, Guamanga is fituated on the great road of the
Inca’s, in a fine plain, an hundred and eighty
miles eafl of Lima. It is a well built Spanifh
town, and Hands in a healthful air. The country
about it abounds in corn and cattle ; and it is con-
fiderable for the mines of gold, filver, copper, Sul-
phur,. and loadflone, in the neighbouring hills.
Sufco- Cufco (the metropolis of Peru, during the reigns
of the Inca’s) is fituated in 1 3 degrees, odd minutes
fouth latitude, and in 70 degrees of weflern longi-
tude, 350 miles to the eaHward of Lima. It is
built on the fide of a hill, in the midfi of a fpacious
plain furrounded by mountains, from whence there
fall four fmall rivers that water the- country, and
altogether afford a mofl agreeable profpedl from the
town, which proudly overlooks the vale. The
eity itfelf alfo is watered by one of thefe rivers that
runs through it, and fupplies feveral canals that are
cut through the principal Hreets.
The climate, here, is faid to be exceeding tempe-
rate and healthful,, and there is very little difference
between- fummer and winter 5 the air rather dry
than moiff ; infomuch that meat hung up will keep
without corrupting, and grow as dry as mummy if
it hangs long ; and this drynefs of the air preferves
the natives from Mufketo’s, Gnats, Flies, and all
other noxious infers, which are icarce ever found
here, tho’ they are the plague of other hot countries.
Buildings, The chief Hreets of the old town pointed to the
four winds ; and the houfes were generally built with
Hone, cover’d with reeds, or thatch’d. The prin-
cipal buildings in it were, the temple of the Sun, the
palace of the Inca, and the-caftle.
The temple What- the form or dimenfions of the temple of
of ths Sun,
E R U. 271
the Sun were, neither De l a Ve g a or any other CHAP,
writers pretend todeferibe ; but relate, that amongfl IV.
all their buildings, none was comparable to this tern-
pie : That it was enrich’d with thegreatefl treafures
that ever the world beheld. Every one of their In-
ca’s, or Emperors, adding fomething to it, and im-
proving and perfecting what his predeceffor had
omitted.
It was built of freeze-flone, and lined or wain-
fcotted (if I may ufe the expreflion) with gold plate,
the cieling being of the fame metal ; however, the
roof was no better than common thatch, that people
not knowing the ufe of tiles or fiate : It was divided
into feveral chapels, cloiflers or apartments ; in the
principal whereof, which Hood towards the eafl,
was placed the image of the fun, confiding of one
gold plate that cover’d the whole breadth of the cha-
pel, almofl from the top to the bottom, and was
twice as thick as the plates that cover’d the other
walls.
This image, reprelenting the fun, was of a round
form, with all his rays and emiflions of fire and
light proceeding from him, much in the fame man-
ner as the European Painters draw him : On each
fide of this image were placed the feveral bodies of
thedeceafed Inca’s, fo embalm’d, ’tisfaid, that they
feemed to be alive. Thefe were feated on thrones
of gold, fupported by pedeflals of the fame metal,
all of them looking to the Wefl, except the Inca
Ha an a Capac, the eldefl of the Sun’s children,
whofatdireiftly oppofite to if. Upon thearrival of the
Spaniards, the Indians carried off and concealed thefe-
embalmed bodies, with mofl of the treafures of the
temple 5 only the image of the fun was not removed,,
which falling to the (hare of a Spanilh Nobleman,
named Macio Serr a de Le qjjic ano, known
to our author De laVega, he play’d it away be- J
fore fun-rife the next morning.
The temple had feveral gates cover’d with gold,
the principal whereof open’d towards the north
and' round the top of the temple, on the outfide, was
a kind of cornice a yard deep, confining of gold plate.
Befides the chapel of the Sun, there were fi ve others TVcbapd-
of a pyramidical form. The firfl being dedicated to "hhcMwA
the Moon, deem’d the filler and wife of the Sun*
The doors and walls whereof were cover’d with Sil-
ver : And here was the image of the moon, of a
round form, with a woman’s face in the middle of it.
She was called Mama Quilca, or Mother Moon, be-
ing efleemed the mother of their Inca’s ; but no Sa-
crifices were offered to her as to the fun. On each ;
fide of this image, were placed the bodies of their de-
cealed Empreffes, ranged in order ; only that o£'
Mama 0'ELLO,-the mother of HuaykaCa-
pac, fate with her face towards the moon.
Next to this chapel was that of Venus, called Tbec.-.sps*
Chafca, the Pleiades, and all the other flars. Venus of “ t "
was much efteem’d, as an attendant on the Sun, and
the- red were deem’d Maids of honour to the Moon.
1 his chapel had iis^-walls-and doorsqflated with -lit-
very
2 J2
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP.
IV.
Of thunder.
Of the rain*
bow.
The Priefts
chapel or
apartment.
The royal
palace.
Their way of
building.
ver, like that of the moon ; the ceiling reprefenting
the fky, adorned with ftars of different magnitude.
The third chapel was dedicated to thunder and
lightning ; which they did not efteem gods, but as
fervants of the fun ; and they were not reprefented
by any image or pifture. The chapel, however,
was ceiled and wainfcotted with gold plates like that
of the fun.
The fourth chapel was dedicated to Iris, or the
rainbow, as owing its original to the fun. This
chapel alfo was cover’d with gold, and a reprefenta-
tion of the rainbow on one fide of it. They had a
great veneration for this Phenomenon, and when-
ever it appeared in the air, clapped their hands be-
fore their mouths, asateftimony of their regard for
it, I prefume ; and not, as my author furmifes, left
their teeth fhould drop out.
The fifth apartment was for the ufe of the High
Prieft, and of the reft of the Priefts, who were
all of the royal blood ; not intended for eating or
fleeping in, but was the place where they gave au-
dience to the Sun’s votaries, and confulted concerning
their facrifices : This alfo was adorn’d with gold,
from the top to the bottom, like the chapel of the
Sun.
And tho’ there was no other image worfhipped
in this temple but that of the fun, yet had they the
figures of men, women and children, and of all
manner of birds, beafts, and other animals, of
wrought gold, placed in it for ornament, as big as
life ; and having many more than were fufficient for
this purpofe, the reft were laid up in chambers and
magazines, piled one upon another ; and ftill every
year the people, at their great feftivals, prefented
more gold and ftlver, which the Goldfmitbs, who
refided near the temple, and were dedicated to the
fun, form’d into one figure or other, as the offerer
defired ; forbefides the figures of animals, they made
all forts of veflels and utenfils, as pots, pans, bowls,
fire-fhovels, and even fpades and rakes for their
gardens, of the fame precious metal.
De la Vega does not givefo particular a de-
fcription of the palaces of the Inca’s in Cufco, as
could be wifh’d. He only relates, they were vaftly
large and magnificent, and mentions fome parti-
cular rooms, and the manner of their building them :
He fays, there were galleries, or rather halls, two
hundred paces in length, and fifty or fixty in breadth :
One of which, in his time, was left undemolifhed,
and converted into the cathedral-church. He adds,
that the Indians of Peru never raifed one ftory above
another in their buildings ; nor did they join one
room to another, but always left fome fpace between
the rooms, and perhaps a whole court or quadran-
gle, unlefs fometimes in the largeft halls they built
clofets or withdrawing-rooms at the corners. He
obforves alfo, that when they had built the four walls
of ftone or brick, they erecfted pillars in the middle
of the room, to fupport the roof ; for they knew not
how to crofs their beams, or fallen them with nails
or wooden pins, but laid their timbers upon the CHAP,
walls, and faftened them with withs or cords. IV,
Thefe main beams they croft’d with rafters, and
faften’d in like manner, and thereon laid a covering
ol thatch or ltraw a yard deep, extending the eves
a yard beyond the walls, which ferv’d for a pent-
houfe. Befides their walls of ftone, they had thofe
of fun-dry’d bricks, which they formed in moulds,
mixing the clay with ftraw ; theleaft of their moulds
being a yard long, a fixth part of a yard broad, and
a fixth in thickneft. Thefe being dry’d in the fun,
were laid upon each other in the fhade ; and after
they had lain out of the fun and weather three years
more, were ufed in building, cemented with the
fame clay, mix’d with ftraw ; but they never at-
tempted to make common clay or mud-walls.
Whenever one of the Inca’s died, they lock’d up
the room where he ufually dept, with all the furni-
ture, ornaments, gold and filver in it, and none
were ever fufFer’d to enter it afterwards, the place
being looked upon as facred ; but they kept it in re-
pair on the outfide as long as it would ftand. The
like ceremony was obferv’d as to all other rooms
where the deceafed Inca had flept, tho’ it was but
one night on a journey, or by accident : Therefore
on the death of the Inca, they immediately fell to
building a new aparment for the fucceflor. The
ftones of thefe buildings were generally fo well laid
and join’d, ’tis faid, that they needed no cement ;
and if any were ufod, it was a fiimy liquor, like
cream, which fo united and clofed the ftones toge-
ther, that no foam or crevice appear’d : And in many
of the royal palaces and temples, for the greater
magnificence, fays Pedro de Sieca, they clofed
up the foams of their buildings with melted gold and
filver ; which afterwards occafioned the total de-
ftrudlion of mod of them, the Spaniards fubverting
the very foundations, in hopes of finding treafure.
The furniture, or rather ornaments, of thefe palaces, Furniture
like that of their temples, were the figures of men, andorna '
beafts, birds and other animals, caft in gold ; and
on the walls, inftead of tapeftry, were plants and
flowers irritated, of the fame metal, intermixed •
with ferpents, butter-flies, and other infedts, that
appear’d extremely natural.
I don’t find they had any chairs ; but the Inca
himfelf fat on a ftool made of gold, without arms or
back 1 , having a pedeftal of the fame metal : And
they had no other bedding but blankets, or rather Beds,
carpets, made of the wool of their country fheep,
fpread on the floor ; which ferv’d both to lie on, and
cover themfelves with ; and in fome parts of the
country they lay in hammocks.
They had bagnios, and cifterns of gold alfo in Bagnios,
their palaces ; and all the utenfils of their kitchens, Utenfils of
and in the meaneft offices about the palace, were of gold '
that metal. Infomuch that Pedro de Sieca
avers, that if all the treafures in their temples and
palaces, which were then loft, fhould be recovered,
they would be found fo great* that all the riches the
Spaniard*
OFFER U.
CHAP. Spaniards had poflefled themfelves of, Would be no
2 73
IV.
them.
Their gar
dens.
The caftle of
Cufco.
more, in companion of them, than a drop of water
to a bulhel. However, the Indians neither pur-
chafed lands or houfes with it, or efteemed it the
finews of War, as the Europeans do ; but only
adorned themfelves, their houfes and temples with
They buried [ t w jy| e a liye, and buried it with them when they
their trc3* y ^ ~ , y
f ures w i t h died : And the Indians, obferving how the Spani-
ards thirfted after gold, and tranfported into Spain
all they could feize or lay their hands on, buried
and concealed whatever they could from them.
De la Vega alfo informs us, that the royal
gardens of the palace were not only planted with a
great variety of trees, fruits and flowers ; but the
figures of thefe, and all manner of animals, were
made of gold, and placed in the walks and fquares to
adorn them.
The fame writer, fpeaking of the cafile of Cufco,
lays, its works are incredible to thofe who have not
fee n it ; and thofe that have, are apt to look upon
it as erected by enchantment, feeming to furpals the
art or power of man. This fortrefs flood upon the
top of the hill on which the city was built, and to-
wards the town was defended by a high rock, per-
fectly perpendicular ; lo that there was no approach-
ing it on this fide, and towards the country it was
defended by triple femicircular walls, of fuch thick-
nels and height, that they were proof againlt all the
force that could be brought againlt it, the innermolt
wall riling above, and commanding the other two.
The ftones of thefe walls were fo very large, efpeci-
ally the three firft rounds, that they appeared to be
entire rocks ; and it was paft man’s underftanding
to conceive, how they were hewn out of the quarry,
or brought thither, the Indians having no iron took,
or inltruments to fallen them, or beafts to draw
them thither ; or any pullies or engines to lift them
into the places where they were fixed ; fuch was
their bulk and weight, that they mull; have broken
down any carriages they could be laid upon. Acos-
T a relates, that he meafured a Hone in the walls of
an Indian caftle, that was thirty-eight foot long,
eighteen broad, and fix in thicknels ; and yet the
ftones in the fortrefs of Cufco were ftill larger ; and
thefe were dragg’d by the ftrength of men, ten,
twelve and fifteen leagues over hills and valleys, and
the molt difficult ways to that place : There is one
Hone to which the Indians give the name of Syacufa,
that is, the tired or weary, becaufe it never arrived
at' the place it was defign’d for, but remains ftill on
the road.
This rock was drawn by twenty thoufand Indians,
1 5 leagues over very rugged and uneven ways ; one
half of them drew before, the reft came alter it,
and on each fide, to poife its weight, and keep it in
a direCt courfe, left jt ftiould fall into a precipice, or
be wedg’d into any place from whence it could not
be recover’d ; but notwithftanding all their care, it
got the better of them ; and tumbling down a ftee p
hill, kill’d feveral hundred of the Indians, who were
VOL. III.
Vaft ftones
in the walls.
endeavouring to poife the weight : However, they CHAP*
rais’d it once again, and with incredible pains drag- IV.
ged it to the plain in the neighbourhood of Cufco,
and there they were forced to leave it, never being
able to get it up the hill ; here, according to their
way of expreffion, it tired, fainted and wept, and
was able to travel no further, but bled with the fa-
tigue and labour it underwent in the paflage. Which
the reader will have the lagacity to difeern, no doubt-,,
is to be apply’d to the poor wretches who drew it,
and perifhed in the enterprize ; and feems to me,
to refemble another expreffion that has been fre-
quently made ufe of in this part of the world, where
abundance of people have been deftroyed by the la-
bour and hardships impofed on them by tyrannical
Princes, in eredling cities and magnificent works,
to eternize their memories. In thefe cafes, it is
frequently laid, “ that the walls or the foundations
“ were laid in blood, or cemented with the blood
“ of fo many thoufand men : ” Which metaphori-
cal expreffions have, indeed, by fome unthinking
readers been interpreted literally, or rejected as fa-
bulous, when a very moderate fhare of reflection
might have fet them right.
To return to the caftle : In the outward wall wer<5
found the ftones of the largeft fize, which, De la
Veg a was of opinion, were never dug out of any
quarry, but loofe rocks found in the mountains, anc!
piled one upon another in a ruftick manner, with-
out polifhing ; but fo well fitted, however, to each
other, ’tis faid, that there were no chafms or feams'
left open : A work fo prodigious, that had they beers
mafters of all our modern engines, it would have
been thought beyond all human force to erecl fuch
another fortrefs.
Between each wall, there was a fpace of 2 5 or 3 a>
foot, which was fill’d up with earth, and every wall
had a breaft-work on the top of it : Beyond thefe
three walls, were three Ipacious towers, ftanding in
a triangle, anfvverable to the bending of the walls,
which were in the form of a crefcent on this fide, as
has been obferved already. The principal of thefe
towers, which flood in the middle, and was called
Mayoc Marca, or the round fortrefs, had a fountain
ot excellent water in it, brought a great way by a
fubterraneous aqueduct ; but from whence, De
la Vega lays, the natives themfelves did not
know ; for thefe were fecrets communicated to none
but the Inca or his Council, poffibly leaf! an enemy
ftiould dilcover the ftream, and cut it oft’, in cafe of
a fiege. In this fortrefs, the Inca’s had an apart-
ment, which was adorned and furniftied with gold
plate, vefiels, and images of all kinds, of the fame
metal, like their other palaces. The other two
towers on the right and left were both fquare, and
contained rooms for the lodging and quartering the
garrifon, who were all of the blood of the Inca’s, no
others being admitted into any of th m ; the whole
fortrefs being confecrated to the Sun fer the exercife
of arms, as the temple was for prayers and fa rifices.
N n Under
THE PRESENT STATE
2 74
CHAP. Under the foundation of thefe towers was as
IV. much room as above ; and they had a communica-
tion with each other by a fubterraneous labyrinth,
A labyrjith. j;^ cu i £ to p a f s? that no ftranger could find his
way through without a guide, or a line fattened at
the entrance, by which he might difcover the turn-
ings and windings in his return. This labyrinth,
De la Vega allures us, was remaining in his
time, and he had been often in it ; but the upper
rooms were all ruin’d. In the framing thefe vaults,
as they were ignorant of arching, they laid over
great flabs of ftone, which ferved inftead of beams ;
and in thefe, and many of their works, the Inca’s
teem’d to have a view rather to their glory, than to
the ufe or convenience of the building, as was the
cafe of thofe Princes that erected the walls of Baby-
lon, the pyramids of Egypt, and other ftrudfures
that obtain’d the name of the world’s wonders : Mott
of the new city of Cufco was built with the ftones
found in the ruins of this fortrels.
JTou!' greit From the grand market-place in old Cufco, if-
th« e Eied four high- ways to the four quarters of the em-
tquare pire. Thofe to the north and fouth running upwards
©£: Cufco. of 500 leagues each, and were carried over moun-
tains and valleys pitch’d with ttone ; in fome places
rais’d, in others funk, to render it commodious tra-
velling, and to facilitate the march of their armies
from one province to another ; but thefe will be
more largely defcribed hereafter, in treating of their
roads.
Tha city of Every nation of this extenfive empire had quarters
€ %°ofan' for then - refidence in the royal city of Cufco.
aatlons in The vafial Princes of every province, arid efpecial-
sae empire. Jy the Caraca’s, or conquered Princes, were obliged
to lend their eideft Tons to Court, and build them a
palace ; about which all the natives of the fame pro-
vince, refiding in Cufco, had their houfes ; and eve-
ry people where obliged to retain the habits or their
refpedfive provinces, being chiefly diftinguifhed by
their head-drefies,
Thefe inftiutions added to the fpendor of the In-
ca’s Court, the fons of the Caraca’s, or vaflal
Princes, being obliged to wait at the Inca’s palace
in their turns, contributed much to the fecurity of
the Government ; thefe young Lords remaining in a
manner pledges of their fathers loyalty ; tho’ the rea-
fons ufiually given for their attendance were, that
they might be the better educated and inftrudled in
the laws of the empire, and prepared for pofts in the
Admi.nittration : Bat whatever was the reafonof the
inttitution, by this means the Court language, and
the manners and cuftoms of the capital city, were
communicated to the mod diftant provinces ; and
the Court, on the other hand, were juftly informed
of the ttate of their remote!! territories.
Cufco com- De la Vega, in defending Cufco, compares
par’d to it to ancient Rome ; for, 1. like Rome, he obferves,
®ld Rome. . - i 1 c . v 1
jt was founded by its own tv mgs ; and 2. was tne
metropolis of many nations fubjeef to its empire :
3 . It might be compar’d to Rome for the excellency
of its laws ; and 4. for tlse admirable virtues and C H AF,
endowments of its citizens, who were famous for IV,.
their politicks, as well as military difcipline ; civi-
liz’d, and freed from all barbarous cuftoms: How-
ever, it mutt be confefs r d, he fays, that Rome had
one great advantage, and that was in the knowledge
of letters, whereby the fame of that city was ren-
der’d immortal : Whereas poor Cufco had nothing but
memory, and tradition, to deliver its grea.t adtions
topofterity. Rome, heinfimn-tes, might be as much
indebted to the pens of its hiftorians, who had re-
corded their wife inftitutions, their victories and fuc-
ceffes, and fet them in an advantageous light, as to
the heroes fhe had bred : Peru had abounded in men
famous in arms and arts, but wanting the know-
ledge of letters, had left no other memory of their
actions than what, tradition had prefcrved, and tranf-
mitted to pofterity in fome few abrupt and flattered
fentences deliver’d from father to fon, which were
alfo in a great meafure loft by the entrance and in-
vaiion of a new people ; for where an empire has
had its period, being over-whelm’clby the power of a
ttronger nation, there, of courfe, the memory of ac-
tions and cuftoms are loft ; efpecially where letters are
wanting to record them.
As for the city of Cufco flnee it has been rebuilt. The nevr
’tis fufficient to fay, that it is purely Spanifh.. They “V*
have thrown it into large (quarts with their piazza’s,
from whence the principal ftreets, which are very
long and broad, run in diredl lines, and thefe again
are crofs’d by other ftreets at right angles ; and as it
is divided into the upper and lower town by the ri-
ver which runs through it, they have built feveral
arch’d ftone bridges on the river, for the more eafy
communication, inftead of planks, which the Indians
ufed in the old town, not underftandrng how to make
arch’d bridges.
Befides the cathedral, there are feveral parochial
and conventual churches, monaftaries and nunneries
of every order, and fome noble hofpitals, as well for
Indians as Spaniards. And it muft be faid, for the
honour of the Spaniards, that none take more care of
their hofpitals, and of fick and infirm people than
they do in every part of the world. The Biftrop
of Cufco is Suffragan to the Archbifhop of Lima,,
which the Spaniards have thought fit,, fince their
conqueft, to make the capital of Peru. I Ihall on-
ly add, that the gentlemen and citizens of Cufco (as
the Indians had formerly ) have moft of them their
country-houfes in the pleafant and healthful valley
of Yuca, through which there runs a fine river,
that makes it one of the moft fruitful valleys in Pe-
ru, and is now planted" with almoft all manner of In-
dian and European corn and fruits.
Arequipa, the laft of the great towns I Ihall men- Arquipa,
tion in the audience of Lima, is fituated on a river
that falls into the Pacific-ocean, about forty miles
fouth-weftof the town, lying in 1 6 degrees, odd mi-
nutes fouth latitude, 1 00 leagues and upwards fouth-
eall of Lima, and 80 leagues foutb-weft of Cufco.
O P P
C H A P. It confifts of about three or four hundred houfes, and
IV, Hands in a country abounding in corn and wine; but
is moft confiderable for the gold and filver mines in
the neighbourhood of it This town was founded
by the Marquis Pizarro, one of the firft conque-
rors, and over-turned by an earthquake forty years
afterwards ; but the Spaniards liked the fituation of
the place fo well, that it was foon after rebuilt ; and
it is now a Bifhop’s fee, Suffragan to the Archbiftiop
of Lima.
Los Charcas The audience of Los Charcas is bounded by the
audience. audience of Lima on the north, by the province of
Paraguay, or La Plata, on the eaft, by Chili on the
fouth, and by the Pacific-ocean on the weft ; being
about feven hundred miles in length, from eaft to
weft, in the broadeft part, and about the fame
breadth from north to fouth ; but both the length
Chief towns, and breadth very unequal. The chief towns in this
audience are, r. Potofi ; i . Porco ; 8. La Plata ;
4. Santa Cruz ; 5. La Paz ; 6. Chinquita ; 7. Ti-
agunaco ; 8. Arica ; and 9. Hillo, or Ykx
Potofi. Potofi, which takes its name from the mountain
at the bottom of which it ftands, is fituated in 2 2 de-
grees fouth latitude, 67 degrees weft of London, in
one of the moft barren countries of America ; there
being neither trees or grafs to be found near it, but
the richeft filver mines that ever were difcovered ;
which has brought multitudes of people hither, in-
fomuch that it is faid to be one of the largeft and
moft populous towns of Peru : Nor is it ill fupply’d
with provifions ; all the countries round about, for
30 or 40 leagues, fupplying their markets, where
they are fare to be well paid for what they bring.
As to the mines, which have rendered this town fa-
mous through the world, I fhall defcribe them under
another head ; and only obferve here, that there are
feveral thoufand people conftantly employed in dig-
ging and refining the filver. So diligent have the
Spaniards been fince they difcovered this mountain,
that tho* it be 3 or 4 leagues in circumference, and
one thoufand fix hundred and twenty-four rods ( I
prefume it ftrould be yards) high ; it is now little
more than a cruft or {hell, out of which they have
taken moft of its internal riches, and are daily in
fearch of new mines. The Spaniards have erected
a chapel on the top of the hill, to which they afcend
by a narrow winding path ; but the mountain is fb
exceeding cold, that it is fcarce habitable ; poffibly,
the chapel therefore was erefted more for oftentation
than devotion. There are alfo a great number of
churches, chapels, and convents in the town ; for
however the Religious feem to have renounced the
world, it isobferv’d, they are ufually moft numerous,
where filver moft abounds.
Force. Porco is fituated 1 o leagues north-weft of Potofi,
confiderable on account of its filver mines, before
thofe of Potofi were difcover’d ; but the latter being
richer, and notfo much incommoded by water, Por-
co was in a manner deferted : However, ’tis proba-
ble, the mines of Porco will be reforted to again,
E R U. 275
fince thofe of Potofi are in a manner exhaufted, ac- C HAP.
cording to the relations of fome travellers. IV.
La Plata, capital of the province, receiv’d its
name from the filver mines in the neighbourhood ;
which were the firft the Spaniards wrought. It is
fituated on one of the fources of the great river La
Plata, in 21 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude, and
66 degrees of weftern longitude. The town ftands
in a fine plain, and in a much more fruitful foil than
either Potofi or Porco ; and is the fee of an Archbi-
fhop, and the refidence of the Governor and Courts
of juftice of this province ; the inhabitants whereof
are exceeding rich. The cathedral, with the reft
of the churches and convents, are very magnificent ;
and the revenues of the Archbifhoprick are faid to a-
mount to eighty thoufand crowns per annum.
St. Croix, or Santa Cruz, of the mountains, is Santa Crus}
fituated on another branch of the great river La Pla-
ta, 50 leagues to the eaftwardof the city of La Pla-
ta ; but I meet with no particular defcription of the
place.
La Paz, or City of Peace, ftands on the great La Pai,
road of the Inca’s, 1 00 leagues to the northward of
La Plata. It is a finall town, plealantly fituated in
a fruitful plain on the river Cajana, and has feveral
gold mines in the adjacent mountains.
Chinquita is fituated on the great lake Titicaca, Chinqmta,.
in an exceeding plentiful country ; and is a very
wealthy town.
Tiguianuca is fituated on the fouth end of the Tiguianu«f»
lake ; befides which, there are abundance of fine
towns and villages bordering on the lake, this being
the pleafanteft and moft fruitful part of Peru, as well
as the moft temperate,
Arica lies in i8degrees, 20 minutes fouth latitude, Arks,
on theSouth-fea, 100 leagues north-weft of Potofi,
and is the port-town, where moft of the treafure is
embarked for Lima ; but this has been already de-
ferred among the ports.
Ylo, or Hillo, is another finall port, fituated on Yfo.
the South-fea, about 20 miles north of Arica, in a
fine valley, abounding in Indian and European fruits;
and has been frequently plundered by the Bucca-
neers.
In treating of the Peruvian towns, it is neceffary Of the Pe«
to inform the reader, that before the arrival of the ruvi3n .
n , , . towns in
■Spaniards, there was only one great town in every general,
province ; all the reft were villages, confiding of
little huts or cottages, that did not deferve the name
of towns : But in the capital of every province was
a palace belonging to the Governor, or vaflal Prince;
a temple dedicated to the Sun, and a convent of fe-
left Virgins, refembling thofe in the imperial city of
Cufco ; there were alfo four royal high-ways run-
ning through the whole empire, that center’d in the
grand fquare, or market-place, of Cufco : And upon
thefe high-ways were magazines and ftore-houfes of
the Inca’s, fufficient to fupply all the forces of the
provinces in which they flood ; the Indians had alio
noble aqued u£ts, by which they brought water into
N n 2 their
THE PRESET T, S TATE
Convents
of 1'elect
'Virgins.
Their royal
iiigh-ways
dsisrib’d.
their great towns and corn-fields many miles, which
render’d the moil barren lands fruitful ; as was the
ulage of the ancient Perfians, and many other peo-
ple, where the foil was dry and fandy, like that of
Peru.
I have already defcribed the palaces of the Inca’s,
and the temple of the Sun at Cufco, by which mo-
del thofe in the other provinces were built. As to
the convents of feledf Virgins, thofe feem to have
been built like cloiders, with cells for the Virgins on
the fides of them, without any upper rooms.
In the nunnery of Cufco, his Paid, there were no
leis than fifteen hundred Virgins, all of the blood of
the Inca’s or Emperors : And in the convents of
overy province, the Nuns were the kindred of the
vafial Princes, or of the Lords of the refpedtive pro-
vinces. But, according to D E la Vic A, thefe
Nuns were not intended for the fervice of the temple
of the Sun. On the contrary, no female was ever
fuffer’d to enter into thefe temples : Nor was any
man admitted to come within the walls of thefe
nunneries. But I fhall treat further of their inditu-
tion under the head of religion, and proceed to the
defcription of their royal high-ways, of which Au-
gusttn Carete gives the following relation:
He fays, that the Inca Guayhacava, marching
with his army from Cufco, to fubdue the province
of Quitto, diftant 500 leagues from that capital,
met with great difficulties in his march over almod
inacceffible rocks and. mountains. Whereupon re-
turning victorious, he cauled a fpacious way to be
hewn out through the rocks ; levelling the rough and
uneven ground, by railing it in fome places fifteen
or twenty fathoms, and in others finking it as much ;
and in this manner carried on the work for fifteen
hundred miles (and future Inca’s continued it as tar
to the fouth ward.) He afterwards caufed another
way, of equal extent, to be carried through the plain
country forty foot wide, which was defended by
walls on each fide : And along thefe ways were boufes
at certain didances, ffady groves, and rivulets or
refervoirs of water, introduced for the refreffment
of his troops, or weary travellers, upon a march.
At the houfes e reeled by the Inca’s on the great
roads, fays De la Vega, travellers were fupplied
gratis with victuals, and other provifions for their
journeys: And in cafe any traveller fell fick, he was
attended and taken care of as well as he could be at
his own houfe : But the truth is, fays the. fame wri-
ter, no perfon was fuffer’d to travel for curiofity,
pleafure, or private bufinefs, but only in the ferviee
of the Inca, or the Lord of the province ; all who
had not orders, or licences at leaft, for travelling,
were taken up as vagrants, and punifii’d : But De
la Vega does not inform us within what limits
the natives were confin’d : As I apprehend, they
were at liberty to travel any where within the dif-
triiff of the particular Lord under whofe government
they liv’d, without a licence. The Inca’s alfo had
their palaces and houfes of pleafure on the tops of tha
mountains in thefe roads, froln whence they had the C H A ??,
fined profpedts in the world. But to proceed to their IV.
magazines. In every province, faysDE la Vega,
there were always two magazines, or dore-houfes ; Ma g azine! *
in one of which they laid up corn and provifions for
the fupport of the natives in years of fcarcity ; and
in the other, the provifions belonging to the temple
of the Sun, and the Inca ; befides which, they had
fmaller dore-houfes, built upon the high-ways, 3 or
4 leagues didant from each other ; which the Spa-
niards make ufe of at this day, as inns, when they ■
travel. All the edate of the Sun and of the Inca,
within 50 leagues of the city of Cufco, was brought
thither for the maintenance and fupport of the Court}
die overplus whereof the Inca’s didributed among
the vafial Princes, and great Officers civil and mili-
tary, that attended at Cufco in their turns ; only a
certain portion of the revenue of the Sun, within
thofe limits, was laid up in magazines for the ufe of.
the people of the refpedfive didrkds.
The revenues arifing in the provinces above 50
leagues from Cufco, were laid up in- the King’s
dore-houfes, and from thence carried to the led'er
dore-houfes, danding on the common road, confid- -
ing of ammunition and provision, arms, cloaths,
fhoes, and whatever elfe was neceffary for an army
in the field ; from whence the forces were readily-
fupply’d wherever they march’d, and the foldiery
was never quartered upon the people, or in the lead
burthenfome to them. There were magazines and
dore-houfes alfo ereeded in the mountains and plains
out of the road, at the didance of a day’s march or
two, near fome rivulet ; where an army might, at
any time, be fupply’d with arms and provifions of
all kinds, and thefe were called Tombo’s.
From their roads, we very naturally come to their
bridges, by which they pafs over rivers ; and thefe
fee m to have been the msaned of all their works :
They neither knew how to eredf arches, or to fix
piles in the middle of a dream to fupport a bridge ;
and therefore, whenever the dream was too wide to
lay planks over from one bank to the other, they
had a kind of floating-bridges faden’d to each fide,
made or flags or rufiies : And indead of ferry-boats,
they had floats of calabaffes, or ruffes, to convey
over travellers. It is related alfo, that they fome-
times fadened ropes crofs. their rivers, and drew
themfelves-over in bafkets. Aiding along the ropes.
As to their carriages, and way of travelling, it Their w
appears that they had no cattle fit for draught; eve- rages, -mA
ry tiling was drawn by men, hove weighty foever ; ^ °
nor had they any beafis of burthen, but a kind of
fheep,. one of which would fcarce, carry an hundred
weight, and will be particularly aeferib’d hereafter,
under the head of animals : Mod of their baggage,
therefore, was carried by Porters. Their Great men
alfo were carried on chairs or couches, on the ffoul-
ders of men, or in hammocks ; which lad was the
ufi ual way of carrying fick people, and is dill ufed in
many parts of America.
C H A P.
OF PE
C H A P. V.
Of the perfons and habits of the Peruvians ; of their
genius and temper ; arts, manufactures , food , ex~
ercifes and diverfions ; difeafes and Phyftcians.
CHAP. >-r-' {-f ]? Peruvians are generally of a middle ftature.
V • X There are no nations of Giants or Pigmies, in
PerfonTof^ &at part of the world, as our firft Adventurers re-
the Peruvi- lated : Nor can I find any of thofe deform’d mon-
? ns - . fters in South- Ameiica, that Sir Walter Ra-
or°Monfters. Legh and his people were pleafed to amufe us with.
The Inca, or royal hiftorian, Garcisiasso de
la Vega, indeed, informs us, that there was a
tradition in his time, that a race of Giants, feme ages
paft, invaded that country, landing at Cape St. He-
lena, on the South-fea, in 2 degrees offouth latitude;
and refers us to the account Pedro de Sieca,
the moft circumftantial of the Spanifh writers, gives
of them ; which, with the readers leave, I {hall
iranfcribe the fubftance of.
“ There were, fays De S 1 e c a, many ages fince,
c ‘ men of an extraordinary fize arrived in this coun-
44 try in great (hips : Such was their ftature, that an
44 ordinary man reached but to their knees: Their
44 heads were proportionably large, cover’d with
44 long hair hanging down their fhoulders, and they
44 had great faucer eyes, but no beards. Some of
44 them were cloathed with the fkins of beafts, o-
44 thers naked, without any other covering than the
44 long hair which nature had given them. There
44 were, near Point St. Helena, fome ruins of vaft
44 wells and citterns, hewn out of the rocks, when
44 De Sieca wrote, which he fuppofed muft be
44 made by thefe Giants, to preferve frefh water in
44 the dry feafon.
44 They were no lefs put to if, he relates, for
44 victuals than they were for drink; for one of thefe
44 Giants eating as much as fifty of the natives, they
44 foon wafted the country, and made a famine in
44 the place, ’till they found means to take great
44 quantities of fifh,- with which they fatisfied their
44 voracious appetites.
44 They liv’d but in ill terms with the natives ;
44 not only becaufe they plunder’d them of their pro-
44 vifions, but took their women from them, who
44 died in their rude embraces, or at leaft in child-
44 birth : Thus thefe Giants having no women by
44 whom they could propagate their fpecies, were
44 guilty of fodomy openly with each other ; and
44 were all deftroyed by thunder and lightning, and
44 an avenging Angel, in the very a<Pc ; only their
44 fkulls and bows remain’d as an eternal monument
44 of this judgment.
44 Pedro de Sieca adds, that he heard fome
44 Spaniards fay, that they had feen a piece of a hol-
44 low tooth of one of thefe giants, that weigh’d a-
14 bove half a pound ; and - others had feen a ftiank-
44 bone of incredible length and bignefs ; and he
R U.
44 thought the well* and cifterhs, already mention’d,
44 dear teftimonies of their inhabiting this part of
44 the country.”
From hence it appears, that there had been no
Giants in Peru for many ages before the Spaniards
arriv’d there (which I look upon as a great point
gain’d) and they had only an uncertain tradition
that there ever were fuch people. As for the citterns
hewn out of the rocks, greater things have been'
effected by men of an ordinary fize ; and as to a
tooth or a fingle bone or two, pretended to be found
there, fince the fcene is laid on the fea-coaft, both
the tooth and bone might belong to fome great fifh ;
for we find miftakes of the like nature in this part
of the world.
I proceed, in the next place, to Sir Walter
R a l e g h’s monfters : The writer of that expedition
to Guiana in South-America fays, As for the mon-
fters of men, 44 they are faid to be not feen by our
44 men, but reported by the favages,” with mouths in
their breafts, and eyes in their fhoulders; and of 0=
thers, headed like dogs, which lie all day in the lea. ■
Thefe things are ftrange, fays that author ; yet I >
dare not efteem them fabulous, only fufpend my be-
lief, ’till fome eye-witnefs of our own {hall teftify
the truth. But as fuch monfters have never been
feen fince in South-America, Sir Walter, had
he liv’d in our time, probably would have made no
fcruple to have rejected thefe ftories as fabulous. But ■
to proceed in the defcription of their perfons. The
Peruvians, as has been obferved already, like other
Indians, were of a middle ftature, and of an olive
complexion generally ; but near the Equator of a
perfcbt copper-colour ; their hair, as that of all other
people between the T ropics, always- black ; moft of
them had their heads fhav'd ; and the hair of their
beards and other parts of the body was pull’d oft' from
time to time with tweezers whenever any appear’d , 1
except on their eye-brows and eye-lids. The feve-
ral nations were diftinguifh’d chiefly by their head-
dreftes : Some wore whole pieces of cotton-linnen,
wrapp’d about their heads like turbants ; others had
only a fingle piece of linnen tied about their heads :
Some wore a kind of hats ; others, caps in the form
of a fugar-loaf ; and a multitude of other different
fafhions there were of their head-attire, and thefe
they never alter’d, but continued the fame in their
refpecftive nations and tribes from generation to ge-
neration. But this is to be underftood of the better
fort of people ; for the reft, as far as I can perceive,
w 7 ent bare-headed ; at leaft, the Spaniards have re-
prefented them fo, in the pictures they have given
us of the Peruvians at the time of their conquefh
The head -d refs, cap, or turbant, feems to have been
granted to their Chiefs as a mark of diftincftion :
Their heads and bodies alfo were anointed with oil,
or greafe ; and fome of them ufed paint, like the
reft of the Americans.
Their holiday-drefs was a fort of ftiirt, and a
veft without fieeves, and a mantle : They had alfo
ihoes,
2 77
CHAP.
V.
Sir
Ralegh’s
monfters.
The real
ftature and
complexion
of the
Peruvians.,
Habits,,
27S THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P.Hioes, or rather fandals, on their feet, made of the
V. (kins of beafts untanned ; but the common people
ufually went naked, except a fmall piece of linnen
about their waifts : They had fcarce any cloaths on
when they were at work, when they went a hunt-
ing, or travell’d the road.
De la Vega, fpeaking of the ancient Indians,
andoffome nations of them in his days, fays, their
manner of cloathing, or covering their bodies, was,
in fome countries, as immodeft as ridiculous : That
fome had no other covering but what nature gave
them ; tho’ others, perhaps for oftentation, girt a
piece of cotton-li.nnen about their waifts. He had
feen fome nations of South- America that went per-
fectly naked, in the year 1570.
That the women went naked as well as the men ;
only thofe who were married tied a firing round
their bodies, to which they faften’d a cotton-clout
about a yard fquare, which look’d like an apron ;
and where they had no linnen, they made ufe of
broad leaves. So barbarons, fays he, were the In-
dians in the hot countries, who were not under the
dominion of the Inca’s. And the people in the
colder countries were cloathed only with the (kins of
beafts, or matts, and that rather to defend them from
the weather, than out of regard to modefty or de-
cency ; concluding, that in his time there were
fome nations of Americans, both men and women,
under the dominion of the Spaniards, and even their
menial fervants, that no arguments but force could
prevail on to wear cloaths.
But wherever the Inca’s had any power or influ-
ence, fays De la Vega, the people (he muft
mean the better fort of people) were decently cloath’d ;
in hot countries, their cloaths being made of cotton-
linnen, and in colder of wool ; but every garment
was wove fit for the ufe it was defign’d, without
cutting, whether it were a {hirt, a veil, or a man-
tle ; they were all of a-piece, as they came from the
loom, only dy’d into various colours that never faded.
In another place De la Vega obferves, that
it was one of the eftablifh’d laws of the Inca’s, that
no man fhould change the habit and fafhion of his
country, tho’ he chang’d his habitation.
©utameiits. The principal ornaments of -the Peruvians were
their rings and jewels in their ears, which they
ftretch’d to a monftrous five, and occafion’d the
Spaniards to give fome of them the appellation of
the People with great Ears. They had alfo chains
of jewels and (hells about their necks ; but I don’t
find the Peruvians wore gold plates, or rings in their
nofes, like the Indians fituate to the northward of
the Equator.
Antonio de Berera relates, that when the
Spaniards firfl invaded the north part of Peru, they
were oppos’d by a people that were ftark naked, but
painted, fome red, and others yellow : But among
thefe he informs us, there were fome (probably their
Chiefs) that had mantles, and other garments made
of cot ten 5 or of Wool, and adorned with jewels.
1
The habits of the Peruvian women were not very CHAP,
different from thofe of the men, for thefe alfo are V.
faid to have worn vefts and mantles ; only as the
men (hav’d their heads, and wore caps or turbants, ^ h t h e ha jjj M
the women drefs’d in their hair, which reached down men/ W °*
to the middle of their backs, fometimes loofe and
flowing, and at others braided and twilled in feveral
braids : And as the fun frequently changed their hair
from black to a ruflet-brown, or red, they were at
great pains to reftore it to its original colour, dipping
their hair into a black hot liquor, over which they
would lie feveral hours in great uneafinefs, ’till it was
fufficiently tinged ; nothing being efteem’d a greater
beauty among the women than long (hining black
hair : And both men and women, at feftivals, and
other folemn times, frequently adorn’d their heads
with flowers and beautiful feathers ; but the Peru-
vians now follow the Spanilh modes in every thing.
The Americans were no lefs furpriz’d at the com-
plexion and drefs of the Spaniards, than the Spaniards
were at theirs ; but admir’d nothing fo much as their
long beards, having never feen a beard in their
country ; and their glittering fwords and fire-arms
perfectly amaz’d them. However, as the Spaniards
did not at firfl: treat them in a hoftile manner, they
adored thefe white ftrangers as fo many gods, and
made them rich prefents ; but of this hereafter, when
I come to their hiftory : I fhall only add, under this
head of complexion and drefs, that nothing amaz’d
the Indians more than the blacknefs of the Negroe
flaves the Spaniards carried with them. They could
not believe this to be natural, having never feen a
Black in America. They defired the Spaniards, there-
fore, to let them make the experiment, and try if
they could not wa(hofF the black paint (as they took
it to be) which made the Negroe and his Mafters ex-
ceeding merry.
As to the genius artd temper of this people, if we Thegeniue
were to credit the firft accounts we received of them ®" d t ^ em p er .
from the Spaniards, they were little better than brutes viansf e "*'
in human fhape. They relate, that they facrificed
men, and even their own children, fed on human ,
flefli, were guilty of fodomy, and all manner of
vice. And this has been the general condufl of man- The reasons
kind (as has been obferv’d already) to reprefent di- P eo P le r fP re *
ftant nations, and thofe they are enemies to, as bar- //////
barians. The great conquerors and heroes of anti- barbarous,
quity among the Greeks and Romans always repre-
fented their enemies, and thofe they were pleafed to
make fuch, as ftrange unpolifh’d animals ; and one
reafon of invading and fubduing them they pretended
was, to civilize and inftruiSt them in better morals,
.as well as in arts and fciences : And fuch, it feems,
were the pretences of our modern conquerors of Peru
and Mexico ; namely, to reform that new world,
deftroy idolatry, and eftablifti the Chriftian religion
there ; tho’ in the end it appears, they made them,
in the feripture phrafe, tenfold more {lie children of
hell than they found them.
It
OF PERU.
C H A P. It is remarkable a Ifo, that the Inca’s, or Empe-
V. rors of Peru, gave much the lame reafons the an-
dents did, for making war upon their weaker neigh-
bours, and fubjeding all the nations in that part of
the world under their dominion.
Gar ciliasso de la Ve ga, the royal hiPo-
rian, in the 7th chapter of his PrP book, relates,
that he received the following account of the anci-
ent inhabitants of this country, from one of his
relations, a dependant of their Inca’s, or Kings, as
he himfelf was, (viz.) that they were like fo many
brute beaPcs, without religion or government; they
neither ploughed or fowed, or cloathed themfelves ;
they dwelt lolitanly in caves or holes of the rocks ;
fed on herbs, roots, and wild fruits, and on man’s
flefh; enjoyed their women, as well as lands, in
common, and underpood nothing of property: But
that their father the Sun (as the Inca’s and royal fa-
mily call'd him) beholding the favage difpofiticn of
thefe people, fentalon and daughter from heaven to
inPrud them in the vrorlhip of himfelf (the Sun) to
give them laws and precepts, to teach them to live
in focieties, cloath themfelves, and cultivate their
lands, and reform their barbarous cuPoms ; “ con-
“ Pituting them (the Inca’s) Lords and Princes over
44 that people.”
From whence it appears, that the Inca’s of Peru,
like the ancient law-givers, pretended to be depend-
ed from lo me god, who had conferr’d the dominion
of thole nations upon them ; or at leap, had dicta-
ted thofe laws and rules they promulg’J and requir’d
the people to obferve. And De la Vega tells us,
chap. 12. of his 5th book, that the two principal
motives or reafons the Inca’s gave for making war
upon their neighbours, and fubduing them where
they refufed to fubmit tamely to their dominion,
were, “ the barbarity and ignorance of the people,
“ and the violence and oppreffion they exercifed over
4 4 their fubjeds.” And thefe have been thepretended
motives of moP of our heroes and conquerors on this
fide the globe ; tho’ ’tis evident, ambition is gene-
rally at the bottom of thefe Ipecious pretences : We
can never therefore make a jup cPimate of the cha-
racters of any people from the accounts we receive
from thofe who have enflaved them, or ufurp’d the
dominion over them. They ufually reprefent the
•Conquer’d in the moP fhocking and frightful forms,
in order to juPify or excufe their own cruel ravages
and oppreilions.
To proceed in the charaCter De la Vega gives
or the ancient Peruvians. He fays, they lacrificed
men, to their gods ; were canibals; had lhambles of
mans flePi, and made faufages ol their guts; but
iity ofhu- 5 " re fleCts feverely upon thofe Spanifh writers who
man facrifi- “ relate, that there were any fuch facrihces, or any
cesorcam- 44 canibals in Peru, lince the Inca’s reign’d there;”
in cru ‘ which was four or five hundred years before the in-
vafion of the Spaniards ; from whence vve may very
well conclude, that all the modern accounts we have
of human lacrifices and canibals in South-America
from the Spanifh writers are falfe. There were no
fuch people when they arrived there, nor for four
hundred years before, if we may credit De la
Vega, a native of Peru, who was better acquainted
with their language, hifiory, and cuPoms, than any
of the Spanifh writers, and generally epeem’d the
beP hiPorian that ever wrote of that country.
Acosta de Sieca, and the reP of their hiPori-
ans are infinitely to blame therefore, in flandering
that people, and abufing the world with fuch fabu-
lous relations.
If it be admitted then, that there were no fuch
barbarous people in Peru, no canibals, or any hu-
man lacrifices there for four hundred years before the
Spanifh conquep, we may take it for granted, there
were none there before that time ; at leap there
could be no certainty of any fuch, the Peruvians
having no poflible way of recording their hiPory, as
they were dePituteof letters ; and" for a tradition of
four hundred years Panding, it is not to be much
valued, especially when it is evident, that the Inca’s
invented or encourag’d fuch Pories of the barbarity
of the conquer’d nations, as other pretended heroes
have done in our part of the world, to excufe or
juPify their own ravages and invafions, and to make
the world believe they have been fuch mighty bene-
factors to mankind, by reducing them to a civiliz’d
life, and abolifhing fuch brutifh cuPoms as they
found in the conquer’d provinces. I proceed now
to enquire into the real charader of the Peruvians
when the Spaniards arrived there. Blas Valera
(to whom De la Vega feemsto give entire cre-
dit, in this particular, lib. 2. cap. 33. of the Royal
Company of Peru ) fays, that the people of Peru ex-
ceed moP nations in the world in quicknefs of wit
and Prength of judgment ; which appears in that,
without the help of letters, they have attain’d the
knowledge of many things which the learning of the
Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Greeks, could never
reach. If they had any thing that feem’d fhocking
to the Europeans, it did not proceed from the want
or natural parts, or endowments of mind, but from,
their being unpradifed in the falhions and cuPoms
of Europe, and their want of maPers to inPrud
them in the liberal feiences ; for fuch of them as
had the advantage of maPers, Pnce the arrival of
the Spaniards, became greater proficients than the
Spaniards themfelves, and would imitate any thing
they faw fo exadly, without being taught, that it
furprized the European artiPs ; and as to their me-
mories, they generally exceeded the Spaniards, and
would cap up their accounts, by knots, with more
expedition than a European could by the help of cy-
phers.
As to their military fkill and condud, making al-
lowance forcircumPances, they appear’d alfo fuperior
to the Spaniards. Let me fee, fays my author, the
braveP Captains of France or Spain on foot, without
horfes, without armour, without fpears, fwords, or
Pre-arms ; with no other cloaths than their fhirts,
no
279
CHAP.
V.
t ✓VNJ
The true
character c!
the Peruvi-
ans,
Courage and
military ikili
THE PRESENT STATE
*So
CHAP, no other head-piece than a cap-of feathers, or gar-
V. land of flowers; afhieki made of a piece of a mat;
V»yn; and “ let their diet be only herbs and roots of the
tc field ; ” then let us fee how they will be able to
oppofe fwords, (pears, guns, &c.
On the contrary, were the Indians arm’d, as the
Europeans are, train’d up in the fame military difci-
pline, and inftructed in the art of war by fea and
land, they would be more invincible than the Turks,
as experience has fhewn ; for whenever the Spani-
ards and Indians were equally arm’d, the Spaniards
were defeated. No eftimate can be made of the mi-
litary (kill or bravery of the Indians of Mexico and
Peru, therefore, from the Spanifh conquefts in thofe
empires, on account of the inequality of their arms,
.and above all, the invention of fire-arms, which was
more terrible to them than all the red, and feem’d
.to them fomething more than what was human and
natural. “ And in fact we find, that the Indians of
“ Chili, having furnifh’d themfelves with Euro-
•“ pean arms, are at this day a match for the Spa-
“ niards, and have driven them out of many places
“ they poffefs’d themfelves of in that country.”
To return to the Peruvians. It is obferv’d, that
as they defended their country, as well as could be
expected, with fuch arms as they had, yet when
any province was conquer’d, and had fubmitted to
the Spaniards, they remain’d faithful to them, how-
ever hardly they were ufed ; and readily aflifted them
in the conqueft of the reft of their country ; being
perfuaded, that they ought to remain faithful fub-
jects to thofe they had fubmitted to, how unjuftly
foever they were invaded, and might not attempt the
recovery of their liberties afterwards.
JSfofpitality. Friar Mark, who went with fome of the firft
invaders from Panama to Peru, fays, they found the
Peruvians extremely hofpitable and kind ; courteous
in converfation, and friendly to the Spaniards, gi-
ving them gold and precious ftones, male and female
flaves, and all manner of provifions : Nor did they
offer to commit any hoftilities, ’till the Spaniards,
by their outrages and cruelties, compelled them to
ftand upon their defence. It muft be confefs’d, that
the Americans had made but little proficiency in the
Xciences, or indeed in mechanick arts, having never
convers’d either with Europeans or Afiaticks, and
being deftitute of inftruments, and even of proper
materials for forming them.
There were, fays De la Vega, certain among
them call’d Amanta’s, who were fubtle in their ar-
gumentation, and laid down certain phaenomena of
natural things ; but in regard they were unacquaint-
ed with letters, they could leave none of thofe con-
ceptions they had form’d to pofterity, unlefs fome
few principles difcover’d by the light of nature,
which they reprefented by glyphicks, or fome rude
Morality. figures ; however, in Moral Philofophy, they at-
tained to a greater degree of perfection ; for their
lav/s and cuftoms were their daily leflons, and the
doctrine of good-manners being the Itudy and bufi-
nefs of the Magiftrate, an eafy and aonftant im- CHAP,
provement was made therein. y
In Natural Philofophy they had ftudied little, and
only knew things by their effects ; as, that fire £j a l ural ,
would warm them, and the like ; and thus they 00l>
learn’d fomething of medicine, and the virtues of
plants and herbs, which experience and neceffity
taught them.
As to their Aftronomy, they had obferv’d the Aftronomy,
various motions of the planet Venus ; the increafe
and decreafe of the Moon. The Inca’s alfo obferv’d,
that the Sun perform’d his courfe in tire fpace of a
year ; tho’ the common people divided it only by
the feafons ; and the end of their harveft, with
them, was die end of the year ; While the Inca’s
mark’d out the fummer and winter folftices by high
towers, which they e reefed on the eaft and weft of
the city of Cufco. When the Sun came to rife di-
rectly oppofite to four of thefe towers erected on
the eaft fide of the city, and to fet juft againft thofe
of the weft, it was then the fummer folftice ; and
in like manner, when it came to rife and fet a-
gainft four other towers, it was the winter folftice :
Which towers, De la Veca fays, were ftand -
ing in his time. They had alfo erected marble
pillars in the great court before the temple- of the
Sun, by which they obferv’d the Equinoctials ; and
when the fun came near the Equator, the Priefts
attended, and waited to fee what fhadow the pillars
call ; and when the Sun at its rifing came to dart a
fhadow directly from it, and at mid-day the pillars
eaft no fliade, but were enlighten’d on all fides, they
then concluded the fun to be in the Equinoct ial, and
crown’d the pillars with garlands of flowers and
odoriferous herbs ; and as they held the Sun then
appear’d in its greateft luftre, this was one of their
chief feftivals, wherein they oft'er’d to this deity
rich prefents of gold and precious ftones.
And as they deferib’d their year by the courfe of
the Sun, fo their months were diftinguifh’d by the
Moon, and their weeks were call’d quarters of the
Moon ; but they had no names for the days of the
week but the order they flood in, as the firft, fe-
cond, third, &c. They were aftonifh’d at the
eclipfes of the Sun and Moon ; and when the Sun
hid his face, believ’d it was for their fins ; imagin-
ing it nrognofticated famine, war and peftilence, or
fome other terrible calamity.
When the Moon was entering into the eclipfe,
and it began to grow dark, they imagin’d (he was
fick ; and when totally obfeur’d, that fhe was dy-
ing ; and founded their trumpets, kettles and pans,
and every thing that would make a noife, to roufe
her from this lethargy ; and taught their children
to cry out and call upon Mama QuHle, or Mother
Moon, that fire would not die, and leave them to
perifh. They made no predictions from the Sun or
Moon, or the conjunction of the ftars, but chiefly
from their dreams, or the entrails of beafts they
offer’d in facrifice ; and when they faw the Sun fet
in
OF P E R U.
CHAP. in the fea, as they might every night to the wcft-
V. ward, they imagin’d the waters were divided by the
force of the fire, and that the fun plunged himfelf
into the deep, diving quite through the fea to ap-
pear next morning in the eaft.
Phvfick. They had fo much fkill in Phyfick, according to
De la Vega, as to know, that bleeding and
purging were two neceflary evacuations, and ufually
open’d that vein which was neareft to the pain ;
their lancet being a {harp-pointed flint fet at the end
of a fmall cane, which with a gentle fillip cut it
with lefs pain than one of our lancets.
They ufually purg’d when the patient was but a
little indifpos’d, and before the difeafe had prevail’d,
but afterwards left him to nature and a regular diet ;
and their principal ingredient was a white root re-
fembling a turnip, which being dry’d and powder’d,
they took in water or their ordinary drink, and then
tire patient fet himfelf in the fun, that his heat and
bleffmg might contribute to the operation ; and in
an hour’s time it began to work upwards and down-
wards in a violent manner, bringing away worms
and all indigefted matter, and yet left the bodyftrong
and vigorous, and with a very good appetite, which
the fame author fays he twice experienc’d by him-
felf.
Their phyfick was adminiftred to the Inca’s and
Great men by Botaniffs, that ftudied the virtues of
their herbs and plants. Thefe tranfmitted their
fecrets of this kind to their children, and were, in
a manner, hereditary Phyficians to the Royal fami-
ly, and the Great Lords ; but the Common people
cured one another by fuch prefcriptions as they
Jearn’d by tradition.
They had feveral herbs and roots which they ap-
ply’d to wounds with great fuccefs ; but ufed neither
plaifters nor -ointments, and had no compound, only
llmple medicines. The Spaniards much improved
their phyfick, having difcover’d the virtues of many
herbs and plants that grew in that hot climate,
which the Indians were ignorant of ; and particu-
larly, that their Maize or Indian-corn was an ex-
cellent remedy againft the Cholick and Stone, ob-
ferving that the Indians, who eat this food chiefly,
were never troubled with thofe diftempers.
Geometry. They had only Geometry enough to meafure their
lands, and defcribe the bounds and limits of their
provinces ; but this, our author fays, he has feen
well perform’d, particularly the city of Cufco, and
the country about it, with the buildings, ftreets, hills,
valleys, rivers, roads, &c. as well laid down and
diftinguifh’d by lines and colours, as any of our
modern Cofmographers could have done it.
Poetry. Their Amanta’s, or Philofophers, were Poets
alfb, and invented Comedies and Tragedies, which
were adled on their feftivals before the King and
the Royal family ; the Acfors being the Great
Lords of the Court, and principal Officers of the
army ; every one acting the part that was agree-
able to his quality or poft, and bad no confhuU fets
Vol. III.
281
of Actors to perfonate others : The fubjedt of their C H A P.
Tragedies were the victories and great addons of V.
their anceftors, which feerns to have been the belt w'~y‘W
means they had of preferving the memory of what
was pafs’d ; and yet in thefe it feems fidtion had fo
great a fhare, that it was difficult to diftinguifh what
was real from what was fabulous. In their Comedies,
their hufbandry, their houfhold affairs, and their
commerce with the world were reprefented, and
the moft remarkable follies in life expofed.
Thefe Amanta’s alfo compofed fongs and ballads ; Muikk.
for they had both vocal and inftrumental mufick ;
fome refembling our trumpets, flutes, and other wind-
mufick, but intolerably harfli and difagreeable to an
ear ufed to fofter founds. They had alfo their ftring-
mufick, but not a whit better than the former.
They feem to have been more perfect in Arith- Arithme-
metick than any fcience, and would caff up an
accompt, fubftradt, multiply and divide by certain
lines or threads of various colours tied in knots,
which they call’d Quippo’s, with more expedition
than a European by the help of figures : And by
thefe Quippo’s they had the art of imprinting many
things in their memories, and communicating their
thoughts to others with the afiiftance of ill-drawn
pictures or images ; for they knew fomething of
painting and ftatuary, as appears by the furniture
and ornaments of their temples and palaces ; every
plant and animal almoft being reprefented in gold
or filver plate ; and this brings me to treat of their
mechanick arts. And firft of their Gold and Silver- Mechanick
fmiths, of whom, fays the royal hiftorian De la atts °
Vega, tho’ there were great numbers that labour’d
conftantly at their trade, yet were they not fo fkil-
ful as to make an anvil of iron or any other metal,
but made ufe of a certain hard ffone of a yellowifh
colour, which they fmooth’d and polifh’d ; nor had
they learn’d to put handles to their hammers, but
beat their plate with certain round pieces of copper
or brafs ; neither had they any files or graving tools,
or bellows for melting down their metals ; but in-
ftead of bellows, had copper-pipes of a yard long,
and fmall at one end, almoft in the form of a
trumpet, with which they blow’d up their fires.
They had no tongs to take their heated metal out
of the fire, but drew it out with a ftick or a copper
bar, and caft it into a heap of wet earth to cool ;
and as they had learn’d that the fleam or effluvia
arifing from hot or melted metals were prejudicial
to their health, all their founderies were in the open
air without any covering. Their Carpenters had
no other tools than hatchets made of copper or flint
no laws, augers or planes, not having learn’d the
ufe of iron, tho’ they did not want mines of that
metal ; and inftead of nails, as has been obferv’d
already, they fattened their timber together with
cords or withs : Nor had their Stone-cutters any
tools but fharp flints or pebbles, with which they
wore out the ftone in a manner with perpetual rub-
bing ; pullies and other engines alfo were wanting
O o for
282
THE PRESENT STATE
for lifting and placing Hones in their buildings ; all
was done by ftrength of hand, and multitudes were
employ’d to remove a piece of ftone or timber, which
an ordinary team of horfes would have drawn upon
proper carriages : And yet under the want of all
thefe things they railed ftrong and magnificent edi-
fices, as appears by their buildings, already defcrib’d,
the ruins whereof are feen at this day.
They ufed a thorn or a fine bone for a needle,
and their threads were the finews of animals, or
the fibres of fome plant, or of the bark of a cer-
tain tree. Sciflars they had none, and their knives
were flint or copper ; and under fuch difadvantages
(as my author oblerves) their needle-work was very
indifferent.
Combs were made of the long thorns already
mention’d, fet on each fide a piece of cane, which
lerv’d for the back of the comb ; and the rafbrs
they fhav’d their heads with were no better than
{harp flints ; in which operation the patient under-
went fo much, that there was nothing the Spaniards
carried over, was more acceptable to them, than
Heel rafors and fciffars r They had no loooking-
glaffes, but inftead of them, the Peruvian Ladies
made ufe of a round plate of polifh’d brafs or cop-
per ; and in this, the natives of the Eaft-Indies a-
gree with them, having no other mirrors at this
day, but what they get of the Europeans.
As to ordinary working trades, there were no
fraternities or particular men that applied themfelves
to thefe ; but every man was his own Carpenter,
Shoemaker, Weaver, Taylor, and Mafon : Every
man knew how to weave, make his cloaths, build
Mis houfe, and cultivate his lands ; and the women
affifted in the mod laborious employments.
Btifc there were focieties of Poets, Painters, Mu-
ficians, Goldfmiths, Engravers, Founders, and Ac-
comptants, who were employ'd in the fervice of
their temples, and of their Princes and Great men ;
but ordinary and neceffary works,., as has been faid,
were done by the family : The common people in-
ffruefted their children in them, and never hir’d fer-
vants, or call’d in foreign aftiftance ; and for the
polite arts, as they were not neceftary to their fob-
fiftence,. fo they never troubled themfelves about
them.
Their woollen and cotton cloths, which they
wove and dy’d into all manner of colours, were
their principal manufactures ; but no man was fuf-
fer’d to wear a garment, cap, or turbant, of diffe-
rent colours, but thofe of the royal blood.
Their carpets and blankets, on which they lay,,
were made of the wool of their country Sheep, or
the fine hair of their Goats ; and their hammocks
of cotton, or other net-work. In the hot coun-
tries, as has been obferv’d, their garments were of
cotton ; and in the colder countries, of wool, wove
exactly fit for the ufes they defign’d, and the pieces
never cut.
They had Jittle or no trads, either with foreigners,
or with one-another ; every family having its plan- C H A Fj
tation, and all necefiaries almoft within itfelf ; only V.
theyfometimes truck’d or barter’d fruits and eatables
with their neighbours, fome grounds producing what
others wanted.
The general food of the Peruvians, before the Food.
Spaniards arriv’d amongft them, was Maize, or
Indian-corn (which has been already defcrib’d, in
treating of Mexico). This they ground between
two ftones, and made thin cakes and bifeuits of the
flour, which they baked on their hearths or ftoves :
They alfo boil’d it, and made a fort of hafty-pudding
of the Maize ; and in fome countries that did not
produce Maize, they had a very fmall grain or feed,
that was produced from a plant like Spinage ; and'
this they converted to the Erne ufes. In other parts,
they hail the Caffavy-root, which they boil’d, dry’d,
and ground to powder ; of which alfo they made
thin cakes that ferv’d them inftead of bread : They
eat alfo Patatoes, and other roots, and almoft all
manner of fruits raw, roafted and boil’d, which their
country produc’d : Nor was there fcarce an herb that
grew, but what ferv’d them for food, not as fauce
or fallads, as we ufe them, but as fubftantial difhes :
As to flefh, they eat very little, for their Inca’s and
Great Lords were mafters of all the cattle, wild and
tame, and of all the game of the country, which
the common people were not fuffer’d to take or kill
under the fevereft penalties. But there was a gene-
ral hunting-bout appointed by their Princes once a
year ; wherein a great deal of venifon and game
was taken, and diftributed to the people, who cut
it in thin dices and dry’d it ; and this, with the flefh
of the tame cattle, which was alfo given them an-
nually, ferv’d for the whole year : They never eat
joints of meat, or indeed any quantity of it as the
Europeans do, but having cut their dry’d flefh in
pieces, ftew’d, and feafon’d it high with Axi or
Pepper ; they eat it as fauce to their other food,
and as we eat Anchovies, or pickles, to relifli our
flefh. I don’t know any country between the Tro-
pics where the people eat great meals of flefh :
In many places they eat none at all (much lefs hu-
man flefh). 1 he Spanifh hiftorians obferve, that
one of their men eat ten times as much as an In-
dian, Their ufual way of drafting their food was
in pans or difhes over their ftoves, on which they
ftew’d or bak’d it, and they roafted their roots and
fruits in the embers frequently.
The ufual times for eating, according to De la
Vega, were between eight and nine in the morn-
ing, and about fun-fet in the evening ; for they
made but two meals a-day. However, they were
not altogether fo abftemicus in drinking as eating.
Their Gentry and Great men, who had little elfe to
do, fate drinking great part of the day ; and of the
fame Indian-corn that ferv’d them for bread, they
made a kind of malt, and brew’d good ftrong drink
of it. The Maghey-tree alfo affords them a very
ftrong intoxicating liquor 5 and they make a kind
Traffic,
O F P E R U.
283
CHAP, of wine of almoft all manner of fruits, by boiling
V. or fteeping them in water ; but the common people,
I find, very feldom drank any ftrong liquors. The
common beverage here, as well as in Mexico, was
water with a little of the flour of Maize infufed in-
to it, being the fame that our Buccaneers call Pofole,
or Poor Soul. But as they have both Palm and
Cocao-trees, there is no doubt but the Spaniards have
taught them to draw Palm-wine, and drink the liquor
of the Cocao-nut, as they have taught them to eat
and drink all manner of meat and drink that Spain
affords ; which, by the way, the Spaniards obferve,
has been no advantage to them ; for fuch fort of
meat and drink, they tell us, is by no means fit for
people that live between the Tropics ; and has in-
troduc’d many difeafes the Peruvians knew nothing
of before, infomuch that they give this as one rea-
fon the natives of America do not multiply fo faft
as they did formerly, but rather decreafe in their
numbers at prefent ; but whether this is not a mere
pretence to conceal their own barbarity, who de-
populated thefe countries by their cruelties and op-
preffions, and would now have us believe that the
natives have been diminifh’d by this alteration in
their diet, I very much queftion : For ’tis certain,
the wines the Spaniards have taught them to make
of Grapes, will rather preferve their health than de-
flroy them in that hot climate ; and as people have
no inclination to eat great quantities of meat there,
they very feldom hurt themfelves that way.
Neither can I think, but that milk, butter and
cheefe, which the natives knew nothing of before
the arrival of the Spaniards, muff be a good whole-
fome kind of diet in that warm latitude ; and of
thele they have a great deal at this day, now Euro-
pean cattle are multiply ’d fo prodigioufly, as all wri-
ters agree they are ; and I'm apt to think, one rea-
fon of that increafe is, that neither Spaniards or In-
dians in that warm country are very fond of flelh of
any kind.
Teafh. While I am treating of their food, it is very natu-
ral to fpeak of their feafts, of which they had many
within the compafs of a year ; particularly four
in honour of the Sun, and one at every new Moon,
which I fhall enlarge on under the head of Religion.
T hey had alfo their feafts at the acceffion of their
Princes, and upon every victory, or conqueft, as
with us : Feafts at their weddings and the birth or
weaning of their children, and almoft upon every
joyful occafion, as in other countries. And at thefe
the guefts were entertain’d with vocal and inftru-
mental mufick, and dancing, and the men drank
hard ; but, according to De la Vega, they
always left off early in the evening, and went home,
and rifing betimes in die morning, return’d to the
feaft again ; fome of thefe entertainments lafting
feveral days. Their Princes and Great men alfo at
Plays. fuch times were entertain’d with tragedies and co-
medies, in which the Nobility and Great Officers
a£Ied the principal parts. Nor were there any
conftant fetts of mercenary aclors. However, ac- C H A P„
cording to De la Vega, they did not fpeak their V.
own fenfe, but their Poets compos’d the play, and
put words in their mouths ; which might be a pro-
per and very eafy way of inftrudfing the young No-
bility and Gentry in principles of morality and poli-
ticks, and of forming their afiion, and giving them
an agreeable addrels.
^ The exercifing their arms, the lance or fpear, Ewrcife of
the throwing darts, and fhooting arrows, were arms »
other parts of their recreations and diverfions ; to
which all the better fort of people were bred ; and
indeed we find part of the royal family of the Inca’s
addicted to war and warlike exercifes (as others
were to the fervice of their temples) and train’d up
to hardfhips from their infancy, in order to make
them good foldiers, and qualify them for polls in
the army.
Hunting was another of their exercifes and di- Hunting,
verfions ; but this was not permitted to the com-
mon people : They were not to meddle with the
beafts of chace or game, under the fevereft penal-
ties ; only once a year the Prince appointed a general
hunting-match in fome part of his dominions, con-
triving it fo, that every place enjoy’d four years
reft during which fpace the game never were di-
fturb’d, but had time to increafe.
Of thefe hunting expeditions, De la Vega
gives the following account. He fays, after the
breeding-time was over every year, the Inca or
Prince affign’d a certain part of the country for this
diverfion, appointing twenty or thirty thoufand In-
dians to encompafs a certain fpace of land, and beat
20 or 30 leagues round by the Aides of rivers, and
through -woods and mountains ; and they march’d
along hooping and hollowing ’till the game came
to be fo ftraiten’d on all Aides, that they could not
get away, and were eafily taken. As to wild beafts,
fuch as Lions, Bears, Foxes, Mountain-cats, Ser-
pents, and all venomous creatures, thefe they kill’d
as they went along, and did not drive them into the
circle with the game ; which confifted chiefly of red
and fallowDeer, and of the wildHuanacu, orLama’s,
andVicuna’s, that is, the country Sheep and Goats,
of which there was fuch plenty, before the Spaniards
arriv’d there, that they frequently took thirty or
forty thoufand of thefe fort of deer and cattle at
one hunting-match.
The female Deer they fuller’d to efcape, except
the old barren Does, which were kill’d. They re-
leas’d alfo as many of the males as were thought ne-
ceffary to propogate the fpecies ; and the refT being
kill’d, their flelh was divided among the common
people ; they alfo fhore the Sheep, and divided the
wool in like manner. But the fine hair of the Vi-
cuna’s, or Goats, was referv’d for the Inca and the
royal family ; for no other people might prefume to
wear garments made of it.
But befides thefe annual huntings, if I underftand
Dfi LA Vega right, the Garaca’s, or Great Lords,
O o z had
2§4
CHAP.
V.
l/V> J
Every No-
bleman
learned fome
trade.
Vi fits and
«e*«no»ies.
jpofts and
exprefl’es.
THE PRESENT STATE
had every one the privilege of hunting and taking their memories very much, and prevented miftakes. CHAP
game within their refpeftive territories or lordfhips; And fo fwiftly did thefe expreffes (or Chaquis) run, V *
tho’ the common people were not fuffer’d to meddle that the Court received the intelligence in twenty-
with them at any time. tour hours, tho’ the Governor who tent it was at
Before I conclude this head of their exercifes and an hundred and fifty miles diftance : And in cafe
diverfions, it may be proper to obferve, that every of a rebellion or invafion, they had beacons on hfoh
Nobleman and Gentleman learn’d fome mechanick hills at proper difiances, which they fired, and there-
art, fuch as the making of their arms, utenfils of by gave notice from one to another ; fo that the
hufbandry, cloathing, and the like, in which they
bufied themfelves when they had nothing elfe to do ;
an idle flothful man being univerfally detefted, and
feverely punifh’d by the laws of Peru : Even their
Women of quality carried their reels, fpindles, and
needle-work with them wherever they vifited ; nor
was the Lady of the family ever found unemploy’d.
They were, according to De la Vega, like
the Chinefe, courteous and ceremonious even to a
fault in their vifits and commerce with each other, birds, and fifhes are, for the moft part, of the fame
always addrefling their fuperiors, and even their fpecies. I (hall not therefore defcribe thofe again Animals,
equals and inferiors, in the molt obliging and com- that have been treated of already in Mexico, but
plaifant language ; and yet thefe were the people fpeak chiefly of fuch as feem peculiar to Peru,
that the firft Spanifh Adventurers reprefented as bru- And firft of thole animals to which the Europeans
tifh and barbarous, and made this the pretence for have given the names of Sheep and Goats, becaule
taking away their country, and enflaving them ; they refemble thofe animals more than any other
many of the Indians they charge even with fieri fi- we have in this part of the world.
cing their own fpecies and eating them ; particularly The Peruvian Sheep I find in different authors are Paco’s, or
here in Peru, Acosta, a celebrated writer, has call’d by different names, as Paco’s, Lama’s, Hua- Peruvia »
the affurance to lay, they lacrificed children at their nacu, andGuanacu ; and thefe are diftinguifh’d again Shee P'*~
grand feftfvals. Whereas, De la Vega, who by the tame and the wild, the large and the fmall
was a native of Peru, and better acquainted with kind. The large tame Huanacu, De la Vega
their cuftoms than any man that ever wrote, is po- informs us, is of the bignels of a Stag, and refem-
fitive there were no human facrifices or canibals in bles a Camel the moft of any other beaft, only it
the dominions of the Inca’s, which extended three hath no bunch on its back : He hath a long fmooth
thoufand miles, while they govern’d Peru, which neck, his body is covered with a coarfe wool, and
was four or five hundred years ; and what there was the hide makes excellent leather. They are of a
before that time no man can pretend to lay, there difpofition, fays Blos Valera, as gentle and.
being no foch thing as letters amongft them to re- tractable as the Indians themfelves, being fo tame,
cord their actions. But to return to the exercifes of that a child may govern them, and were the only
the Peruvians, The being fwift of foot was efteem’d beafts ufed in carrying of burdens when the Spa-
a very great accomplifhment, and prizes given to niards arriv’d there. The tame ones differ as muclv
thofe that excell’d at their foot-races by publick au- in colour as Horfes do in Europe ; but the wild arc
thority ; for as there was no writing, every tiling always of a chefnut-colour : The flefh of this crea-
of importance was committed to memory : And if ture is tender, and exceeding fine eating, and fo
a diftant Viceroy, or Governor, had any thing to wholefome and inoffenfive, that it is the food of
communicate to the Emperor at Cufco, it was done fick people, and preferred before Chickens ; but
bv word of mouth, and that not by one exprels, what they were moft valued for before Horfes and
but perhaps by forty or an hundred : For at every Mules were imported was, their carrying burdens ;
quarter of a league on the great roads were little all kind of merchandize being tranfported from,
houfes or guard-rooms, where feven or eight of the one part of the country to the other, on- the backs
Emperor’sMeffengers, or Purfoivants, always attend- of thefe creatures. De la Veg a fays, it was
ed, who were of the better fort of people, and ca- common to fee eight hundred or a thouland of
pable of receiving and telling a meflage very exa£lly, them in a caravan ; and being very fore-footed,
their heads being as well furnilh’d as their heels : they would carry their burdens over rocks and pre-
One or more of thefe were difpatch’d upon all af- cipices, where a man could hardly travel on foot :
fairs of ftate ; and having deliver’d their meflage at Their ufoal burden was about three or fourfeore
the next ftage, fome of thofe ran and deliver’d the pound weight,, with which they travelled nine or
meflage to the next, and fo on ’till they reach’d the ten miles a-day ; but were not to be driven be-
Court ; but they all carried their Quiopo’s, or co- yond their ufoal pace; for if they were, they tired
lour’d firings and knots with them, which as to and lay down, and there was no getting them up
numbers, and the qualities of many firings, affifted again, though their burdens were taken off their
backs
foourt had intelligence of it in a few hours from
the remoteft part of their dominions.
A
CHAP. VI,
Of the Peruvian animals •.
S Peru and Mexico both lie for the moft part CHAP
between the Tropics, their animals, beafts. VT
O F P
CHAP, backs ; for which reafon they had always forty or
VI. fifty of them unladen in their caravans ; and when
they obferved any one of the laden Sheep began to
tire, they eas’d him of his burden, and laid it upon
one that was frefh.
They were no charge to their matters, who on-
ly took off their packs and turn’d them up to graze
in the common fields at the end of every ftage ; tho’
they would eat corn if it was given them: Nor was
there any need of pack-faddles, the wool on their
backs ferving inftead of them : And as they were
cloven- footed, and had a callous fpungy matter at
the bottom of their feet, the needed no {hoeing.
The letter fort of Sheep, or Paco’s, carry ’d no
burdens, but their fleih was almoft as good meat as
the former, and their wool long and much efteem’d,
of which they made feveral forts of fluffs for cloath-
ing, dying it of various colours that never chang’d
or faded. But the Peruvians neither milked the one
or the other, or indeed any animal.
The wild Sheep, to which the name of Huanacu
fometimes feems to be appropriated, afforded them
wool, but not fo fine as the tame ones ; nor was
their ffefh fo good meat. De la Vega relates,
that the males ufually kept a watch on the hills while
the females fed in the valleys ; and when they difco-
ver’d any people coming towards them neigh’d like
horfes ; whereupon the females fled to their cover,
and the males always brought up the rear ’till they
were out of danger.
Vicugnes, or The Peruvian Goats ( call’d Vicugnes orVicuna’s )
Goatt * had that name given them by the Spaniards, becaufe
they refembled a European Goat more than any o-
ther animal. It is a long- legg’d creature, bigger than
the largeft Goat, without horns, and fo fwift of foot,
that no Greyhound can take it, and therefore they
are ufually {hot or fnar’d. Their fleffi is lean, tough
and ill tatted, and yet in much efteem with the In-
dians on account of fome medicinal and healing qua-
lities it is faid to have : And its wool, or rather fine
loft fur, is much more efteem’d than the wool of
f their Sheep ; for of this they make the fineft gar-
ments and carpets, which were permitted to be worn
and ufed only by the Inca’s and the royal family. And
as this wool is of a light chefnut-colour, they never
dy’d it. Thefe creatures commonly herd together in
the higheft parts of the mountains near the fnows.
Beioar-ftone. Acosta relates, that in thefe and moil of the
wild cattle of Peru, the Bezoar-ftone is found in their
ftomachs and bellies, and that there are fometimes
two, three, or four together of different flhapes, fize,
and colour, fome as big as Filberts, others of the fize
of Pidgeons eggs, or Walnuts, and fome as large as
Hens eggs ; and he had feen of them as big as Oran-
ges, and they were alfo of feveral colours ; fome
black, others white, dark, grey, green, and fome
look’d as if they were gilded, and were cover’d with
many coats and fkins. The Bezoar-ftone is found
both in the male and female, and all beafts that en-
gender it, chew the cud, and ufually feed upon the
E R U. 285
rocks in the fnow. And as there are many herbs CHAP,
and venomous reptiles that poifon the waters and paf- VI.
tures in this country, fo there is one herb, which
the Vicuna’s and other beads which engender the
Bezoar-ftone, run to by inftindf when they find them-
felves poifon’d, and by that means expel it : And
the Indians are of opinion, that of this herb the ftcne
in the ftomach of thefe animals is compounded ; from
whence it receives that virtue againft poifons, and
produces many other wonderful effedls; and this,
our author obferves, agrees with Pliny’s relation of
the Mountain-goats, which fed upon poifonous herbs
without buffering any damage : But thefe feem to be
very uncertain conjectures. Our author adds, that
thefe ftones are frequently form’d in the ftomach,
upon little pieces of wood, {hells, or iron, which
are found in the centre of the ball. Since thefe
ftones have been fomuch in efteem, the Indians have
counterfeited them ; and thefe counterfeits not pro-
ducing the like effedls as thofe that are real, have
made fome people queftion their good qualities ; but
Acosta affures us, he has feen many notable cures
done by them.
There are red and fallow Deer in Peru, but much Deejs
Jeff than thofe of Europe ; they were fo numerous
before the arrival of the Spaniards, that they came
in droves into the villages, the common people ne-
ver attempting to kill or take them, as they were
royal game. They had alfo tame and wild Rabbits,
and thefe every man was at liberty to keep or take,
and fearcea houfewas without them.
As to wild beafts, they had fame few Lions, but Wild
neither fo large or fo fierce as thofe of Africa. They
had ftill fewer Bears, and not anyTygers, unlefs up-
on fome of the higheft mountains of the Andes.
Nor do I find they had any Wolves, fo that people
travell’d in great fecurity, and their tame cattle were
in no danger of being deftroy’d by them as in Eu-
rope ; which was very happy, efpecially as they had
no Dogs capable of defending their flocks ; and indeed
they had no other Dogs but a kind of mongrels or lur-
chers that never bark’d. Del a Vega "mentions a
beaft that is found on the mountains of the Andes in
fhape like a Cow, but left, and without horns ; of
whole hides they make buff and very ftrong leather :
But he fays, there are fcarce any of the Pecoree or
Warree (a kind of American Hogdefcrib’d in Mexi-
co) in Peru, or any-where to the weftward of the
mountains of the Andes.
There are great numbers of Monkeys in this Monkeys,
country of various kinds and colours, fome with
tails, others without, and fome four times as large
as the ordinary Monkeys. The account Acost a
gives of their tricks and dexterity is fcarce credible,
and yet we find De la Vega afferts he has been
an eye-witnefs of the like.
Some of thefe Monkeys, fays A c o s T a , are black,
others grey, and a third fort are fpotted. Their
a&ivity and motion is fuch, that they feem to have
reafon and difcourfe : They would leap from one
tree
*86 THE PRES
CHAP, tree to another, and when the diftance was fuch,
VI. that one could not reach the place, they would hang
themfelves from the bough of a tree, one at the tad
of another, and fetching a long fwing, the lower -
molt with the help of the other would throw him-’
tell to the bough they aim’d at, and when ire was
there help’d his companions after him. Thefe Mon-
keys, when they were tamed and taught, feem’d to
equal Men in underftanding. He faw one of Car-
thagena that was often fent to the tavern for wine,
his matter giving him money in one hand and a bot-
tle in the other : And when the creature came to the
tavern, he wotdd not deliver his money ’till he had
receiv’d his wine ; and if the boys met him by the
way, and play’d the rogue with him, he would fet
down his bottle, and throw ftones at them ’till he
had clear'd his way, and then take up his bottle,
and run home. And tho’ he loved wine exceffively,
would never touch a drop without his mailer’s leave:
If he met with a woman well drefs’d he would feize
upon her cloaths, and be more familiar with her
than Ihe defired ; concluding, that he thought there
was no animal in the world fo fagacious and fo de-
lighted with human lociety as this fpecies of Mon-
keys.
It has been obferv’d already, that there were not
to be found either in Peru, or any other part of Ame-
rica, when the Spaniards arrived there, any Horfes,
Cows, Elephants, Camels, Affes, Mules, Sheep,
or Hogs.
Cattle im- I he firft Horfes and Mares were carried over a-
Euiopef r0m bout the y ear I +9S? from Andaluzia in Spain, to
the ifland of Hifpaniola and Cuba, where they mul-
tiplied prodigioufly, and were from thence transported
to Mexico and Peru, being of great fervice to the
Spaniards in thofe conquefts : They were fo valuable
that no man knew what price to fet upon his horfe,
or indeed would part with him on any terms, only in
cafe the mafter died, or return’d to Spain, his horfe
was fet to file, and the price was ufually four or five
thoufand crowns ; and my author relates that he was
acquainted with a certain Spanifh Gentleman, who
feeing aNegroe boy leading a fine manag’d horfe in
the year 1554, offer’d ten thoufand crowns for the
horfe and boy, which was refus’d by the Officer that
own’d them ; and a few days after, the horfe was
kill’d in a battle, and the mafter mortally wounded ;
but the price of horfes foon abated, being turn’d
loofe into the fields, v/here they multiplied a-pace,
and prov’d abetter race than their Spanifh fizes, be-
ing broke and made fit for fervice at three years of
age.
The Indians were a great while exceeding fear-
ful of iiorfes, and never thought themfelves" fafe if
they faw one loofe in the ftreets, expecting to be
trampled under foot ; nor would any of them for a
great while be perfuaded to take up the trade of a
Blackfmith (tho’ they prov’d excellent artifts in form-
ing any kind of metal) left they fhould be put upon
ENT STATE
Ihoeing of horfes : And the Indian boys that were C H A P,
taught to drefs their horfes, could hardly ever be per- VI.
fuaded to mount them.
The Spaniards at firft found fome difficulty in
breaking thofe wild colts that were bred in the moun-
tains, but when they had once broke them, they
became the mod tradable animals in the world.
Cows and Oxen alfo were highly valued when
they were firft imported. De la Vega relate'
that he knew the firft man that was mafter of a cow
in Peru ; and that the firft oxen he ever faw at plow
was in the valley of Cufco, in the year 1550, when
a great many thoufand Indians were affembled to fee
the novelty of the Spanifh hufbandry.
The firft cows were only preferved for breeding;
and when they had multiplied a little, and were
brought into the market for fale, they were ufually
fold at two hundred crowns a-head; but in 1554 they
were fallen to one hundred crowns a-piece, and in
the year 1590 they were fo mightily increafed, that
they were fold for twenty or thirty (hillings a-head :
And being fuffer’d to run wild in the mountains,
they were within a little time hunted in the manner
dcfcnbed in Miexico, and kill d for their hides, which
inade part of the cargoes of fuch fhips as failed to
Old Spain : Their flefh it feems was little valued ei-
ther by the Spaniards or Indians, which fhews how
abfurd it is to reprefent the people who inhabit thofe
hot countries between the Tropics as devourers of
man’s flefti, where they eat little or no flefti, and
could not digeft what we call a belly-full of meat if
they did : I have feen cuts indeed in fome hiftories
of thofe countries where the natives are reprefented
roafting of legs and arms of men upon fpits ; but
fuch writers furely were little acquainted with the
cookery of the Peruvians, who never faw a joint of
any meat roafted ’till the Europeans came amongft
them, I he little flefh they had, as has been ob-
ferv’d already, was cut into thin flices, and dried
over a flow fire, fo that it would keep feveral months;
and when they drefs’d it they ftew’d a little of it
with a good quantity of herbs, roots, fruits and
pepper, in a pot, fix or feven hours, and I don’t
find they had any other way of dreffing their meat:
So far were they from roafting whole joints either
of men or animals upon fpits.
A Jark-Afs it feems was in much efteem alfo in
Peru at firft, the Spaniards buying them to get mules
out of their Mares : DelaVega fays, he knew
one fold for near eight hundred crowns, and a Goat
for an hundred, but thefe alfo multiplied fo faft that
they were become of little value in his time. Hogs
were much dearer than Goats. Pe d r o d e Si e c a
relates, that he faw a Sow and Pigs fold for near four
hundred pounds, and that young Pigs were fold for
a hundred crowns a-piece ; but then we are to con-
fider how plentiful filver was in thofe countries at
that time ; and that the Spaniards would give any
price for their own country food : Thefe animals
alfo
O F
CHAP, alfo multiplied in Peru to a prodigious degree ; for
VI. De la Vega relates, that he faw two Sows in
''-''"V"''-' 1558 that had two and thirty Pigs each.
There have alfo been fome Camels carried over,
but thefe have not increafed much.
The firft European Sheep De la Vega faw in
Peru was in the year 1556, when they were valued
at forty and fifty crowns a-head, but they were tn-
creafed fo much in ten years time, that a Sheep
might be had for a trifle ; one reafon of which may
be, that there are no Wolves, or fcarce any wild
beafts to deftroy them. And as they have great
numbers of Sheep, fo they have a proportionable
quantity of wool, but not fine ; all the wool I have
feen in countries between the Tropics has been coarfe,
and more like hair than wool ; and indeed the Spa-
nifli writers tell us, the wool of Peru ferv’d only
for the cloathing of the common people ; the gar-
ments the Indian Princes wore were made of the
fine hair or furr of the Vicugnes, or Mountain-
goats.
There were not it feems either Houfe-cats or Rats
in Peru ’till the Spaniards imported them, and the
Rats probably were carried thither in fhipping a-
gainft their wills ; hut they multiplied fo fall, and
grew fo large on the coaft of Peru, that in the year
15-72 and 1573, they almoft occafion’d a famine,
by eating up the corn as foon as it was fown, and
by peeling the bark of the fruit-trees, and gnawing
the roots ; infornuch that they were forc’d to publifli
a proclamation, or aft of date, that every houfe
fhould lay Ratfbane to deftroy them, and in the mean
time that they fhould cover their meat and drink
from the Rats, to prevent people’s being poifon’d :
De la Vega fays, as he walk’d one evening by
the water-fide, he faw the ground cover’d with Rats
that had been poifon’d, and came thither to drink
for above an hundred paces ; and by this and fome
other means their numbers were confiderably lefien’d
for a time.
Fowls. The Peruvians, according to De la Vega,
had no tame fowls or poultry ’till the Spaniards im-
ported them, unlefs it were a fowl that fomething
refembled a Duck, and was between the fize of a
Goofe and a Duck : Thefe the Indians called Nuu-
ma, deriving the name from Nuna, to fuck, be-
caufe they drew in their meat as if they were fitck-
ing.
But as to wild fowl and birds they had great va-
riety both on the land and on the water : They had
Eagles, but not fo large as thofe of Europe ; Hawks
of feveral kinds, and fome forts that were never feen
on this fide the Atlantic; but the Spaniards could
never bring any of them to fly at game, and there-
fore imported Spanifh Hawks for that fport : The
moft remarkable bird of prey was that which the
Indians call’d the Conder, or Guntur, many of
which with the wings. extended measured fifteen or
fixteen foot from the extremity of one wing to the
other ; they are a very fierce voracious fowl, and
1
PER V, 287
have feet like a Hen (not talons like the Eagle ;) C H A P
however, they are fo ftrong that two of them ’tis VI.
laid will fet upon a Bull or a Cow if they find them
lying down, and rip up their bowels ; and fome of
them have kill’d boys of ten or twelve years of age,
and devoured them ; they are black and white like
a Magpie, and have combs on their heads ; and
when they rife, or light, their wings make fuch a
humming noife that it aftonifhes a man ; there arer
but very few of thefe terrible animals, but it feems
they make no fmall havock among the cattle where
they haunt.
The fame writer mentions a kind of large carrion
Crows, which devour flefh to that degree, that they
can’t fly ’till they have difgorg’d it, and fays it is one
of the diveilions of the country to purfue them on
horfeback, when they fpue up the flefh all the way
they run ’till they are light enough to fly ; but are
fometimes taken before they can mount.
Upon the coaft of the Pacific-ocean there are
fuch numbers of birds and fowls which prey upon the
Ihoals of fifh, that they fometimes darken the iky for
two or three leagues, in De laVega’s phrafe ; their
rivers and lakes alfo abound in water-fowl, fuch as
Herons, wild Ducks, wild Geefe, Swans, and ma-
ny other kinds that we never faw in Europe.
They have two forts of Partridges, and a pretty
great plenty of them ; one fort as large as Hens, and
the other lels than European Partridges, both of them
of a greyifh colour, and delicious food ; they have
alfo good ftore of Wood-pidgeons, but had no Dove-
houfe Pidgeons ’till they were imported from Spain j
there are Turtle-doves of the fize and colour of thofe
of Europe, and others no bigger than Larks, that
build in the eves of houfes, and a great variety of
fmall birds ; but they abound more in Parrots than
any other, and thefe are of various fizes and colours,
the leaft of the bignels of Larks, and the largeft as
big as Pullets ; they are green, yellow, blue, and
red, and fome of them have fine long feathers in
their tails, with which the Indians adorn their heads
on feftival-days.
Thefe Parrots, at the feafon of the year when the
corn is ripe, come from the mountains into the
plains in fuch numbers, that they fpoil great quantities
of Maize, or Indian-corn.
The South-fea is well replenifh’d with all manner Fifli.
of fifh (particularly Pilchards) which are a great part
of the fubfiftence of the people upon the Peruvian
coaft, but their rivers afford fcarce any fifh, which
is afcrib’d to their rapidity, falling with great violence
from the high mountains of the Andes, and the fhal-
lownefs of their channels; and there may be this
further reafor, for it, that moft of them are dry at
one feafon of the year, when the fifh rnuft perifh if
there were any in them ; at other times they have
fome fifh in their lakes, but fcarce any that are good
. 7 J p
for much, moft of. them a fmall long fry not bigger
than Sprats and without fcales ; there is one kind
indeed De la Vega mentions, that has a broad
head
THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. head like a Toad, which he fays are pretty good
VI. eating.
CHAP. VII.
Of the Mexican vegetables , viz. of their forejl and
fruit-trees , corn , herbage , roots , / lowers , balm,
gums , and drugs .
^ y POOREST or timber-trees are very fcarce in
Jl Peru, unlefs in the prov ince of Quitto near the
Vegetables. Equator, and here they have cedars, cotton-trees,
Foreft-trees. cocao-trees, palms, mangroves, bamboes, the maho-
tree, light-wood, and many other kinds of wood
which have been defcrib’d in treating of Mexico ;
but none are more valuable than the tree which fur-
Peruvbn- ° r n ^) es us w hh the Kinquina, or Peruvian-bark,
bark. which grows in the province of Quitto, upon the
mountains near the city of Loxa (fituated in 5 de-
grees fouth latitude). Mr. Bernard informs us,
that it is of the fize of a cherry-tree, the leaves
round and indented, and bears a long reddifh flower,
from whence arifes a kind of pod, in which is found
a kernel like an almond, cloath’d w r ith a flight
rind : That bark which comes from the trees at the
bottom of the mountains is thicked, becaufe it re-
ceives moil nounfhment from the earth. It is
finooth, of a whitifh yellow without, and of a pale
brown within ; that which comes from the trees at
the top of the mountains is abundantly more deli-
cate; but the trees which grow in the middle of the
mountains have a bark dill browner than the other,
and more rugged ; all thefe barks are bitter, but
that from the trees at the bottom of the mountains
lels than the others.
It follows from hence, that the bark of the leaf!
virtue, is that which grows in the lowed places;
becaufe it abounds more with earthly and watry
parts, than that which grows high, which for the
contrary reafon is better; but the bed is, that which
grows in the middle of the mountains, becaufe it
has not too much or too little nourifhment : There
is another kind of this bark which comes from the
mountains of Potofi (in 2 r degrees and a half fouth
latitude) that is browner, more aromatick, and bit-
terer than the former, but much fcarcer than any
of the red.
The qualities we ought to obferve in the bark
aie, that it be heavy, of a firm fubdance, found
and dry ; we ought to reject fuch as is rotten, and
will fuck in water prefently, and fuch as flies into
dud on breaking, or is dirty and unclean; but we
Ihould make choice of little thin pieces, dark and
blackifh without, with a little white mofs dicking
to it, and reddifh within, and it ihould be of a bit-
ter difagreeable tade : That which is of a ruflet-co-
lour ought to be rejedfed ; and care Ihould be taken
there be no other wood mix’d with it, there being
fometimes more of that than of the bark itfelf. 3
E m £ r y deferibes the Kinquina, or Fever-bark,
in the following manner; he fays, the tree from CHAP
whence it is taken is of the fize of an ordinary cher- yjj
ry-tree, and that there are two forts of it, the one
cultivated, and the other wild, and that the culti-
vated is much preferr’d to the other ; that the bed;
bark is of the mod lively colour, refembling dark
cinnamon, mod curl’d up, as coming from the
fmaller branches ; of a bitter tade, very adringent,
or rough and diptick upon the tongue, and whitifh
outwardly : The thick flat dark-coloured is not fo
good, and if it wants the bitter tade and dipticity,
is good for nothing.
Phyficians obferve, that it is a fpecifick for al]
forts of intermitting fevers and agues, and that it dops
catarrhs and fluxes of all forts ; but that it ought not
to be given in continued burning fevers, or when
the fit is upon the patient : It is prohibited alfo in
obdrudlions, or where people are codive, and in
many other cafes ; and in fhort, they would never
have it adminidred without the advice of the learned ;
but to me itfeems to be the mod innocent medicine
that ever was taken, efpecially if the bark be chew’d :
This way I believe it may be taken almod in any
cafe, and at any time, without any danger, and is
not near fb naufeous as in the powder ; and if I may
judge by experience, has more effedl this way than
any other, and a lels quantity of it will do than
when it is taken in powder ; one reafon whereof
may be, that perfons who chew it, ufually make
choice of the bed ; whereas the Apothecary crams
wood or any thing down the patient’s throat, and
fuch rubbifh cannot be expeded to have the fame
fuccefs as real bark.
Maize, or Indian-corn, which has been defcrib’d Indi , n for .
already, may be call’d the flaff of life in this coun-
try, being as generally eaten as wheat in Europe.
They alfo made their dronged drink of it after they
had deep d and dry’d it, as we do barley ; and as
the country is for the mod part hot and dry as well
as mountainous, they were at great pains in colled-
ing the waters and introducing rivulets into their
corn-fields, without which this kind of grain will not
grow in that hot climate. They throw their fields Their huf-
therefore into level fquares, that they may retain the bandry.
water ; and where they meet with a mountain of a
tolerable good foil, they cut it into Iquares, one above
another, from the bottom to the top, fupporting
them with little done walls ; fo that they look like
hanging-gardens or dairs : And if they can meet
with a fountain on the top of the hill, from thence
they water all the fquares beneath : They ufed alfo
to make aquedudts and canals, foveral hundred miles
in length, into which they brought all the dreams
and rivulets they could meet with, and from thefe
every man was allow’d to let water into his grounds,
in his turn, to improve both his corn and grals. So
diligent and indudrious were the ancient Peruvians
in their hufbandry. But the Spaniards, we are told,
have let mod of thefe aquedudls run to ruin ; one
reafon whereof may be, that the Spaniards have now
introduc’d
OF PERU.
289
CHAP, introduc’d Wheat and other European grain, which
VII. rnay not require fo much moifture : And another
'WVN*’ reafon for this negiedt may be, that thefe countries
are not half fo populous as when the Spaniards arriv’d
there, and confequently lefs grain is wanting. I
can’t avoid taking notice here, that the Chinefe and
the Peruvians feem to agree pretty much in their agri-
culture, and to have been equally induftrious in im-
proving their grounds, cutting their hills into fquare
fpots, fo as to make them fruitful to the top. Both
thefe diftant nations alfo agreed in this, that human
dung was the belt comport for fome grounds.
By thefea-coaft, below Arequipa, for 200 leagues,
they ufe no other dung but that of fea-fowls, of
which there are incredible numbers breed on the
iflands near the coaft, and lay fuch heaps of dung,
that at a diftance they appear like hills of fnow. On
other parts of the coaft, more to the fouthward, they
dung their lands with a fmall fifh like Pilchards ; and
it is with infinite labour here, for fix or feven hundred
leagues along the coaft of Peru and Chili, that the
natives find a fubfiftence ; for they have no fprings
or rivers ; nor does a drop of rain ever fall on thofe
parch’d fands : The natives therefore near the fea,
according to De la Vega, dig through the fand
8 or 1 z foot deep, and there meeting with earth
which has fome moifture in it, plant grains of Maize
in holes, at equal diftances, and in the fame holes
put fome Pilchards heads, which, without any other
dunging or watering, brings the corn to perfection ;
by which means they get bread enough to fuftain
the few inhabitants that dwell on that barren part of
the coaft.
European
grain (ow'd
in Peru.
Vines plant-
ed there.
Their vine-
yards wa-
ter’d.
Scarce any
difference of
feafons.
Wheat and Barley, my author fays, were firft
imported into Peru about the year r 540, by a noble
Lady, who had a plantation beftow’d on her by the
Spanifh Viceroy, for being fo great a benefactor to
the country ; both thefe kinds of s;rain thriving well,
and yielding a great increafe in feveral parts of Peru.
Francis de Caravantes, aNoblemanof
Toledo, had the honour of planting the firft Vines
in Peru, which he imported from the Canaries about
the fame time. The Spaniards, in a very few years
afterwards, made wine there; but it feems the In-
dians preterr’d their own liquor, made of Indian-
corn, to any wine made of Grapes, and liked bread
made of Maize better thanwheaten bread ; fuch un-
genteel palates had my country-men, fays LaVega.
They water their vineyards in all parts of Peru
chiefly by turning rivulets through them, or letting
in the water from fome adjacent river or refervoir ;
for the country is fo hot and dry, that their Vines will
yield no grapes if they are not water’d : When they
would have them bear fruit therefore, they water
the Vines, and they have ripe grapes at what time
of the year they pleafe.
T he fame thing isobferv’d of their Maize, or Indian-
corn, one man is fowing of it, while his neighbour
has it grown up a good height, and perhaps is ready
for harveft ; that it may truly be faid, in great
VOL. III.
part of the country, they know no difference of fea- CHAP,
fons. VII.
Olives have been carried over alfo into Peru, but
they do not thrive there fo well as other European ° live3 -
plants ; tho’ they are found very agreeable to the
foil of Chili. However, Peru, at this day, abounds
in Sugar-canes, Oranges, Lemons, Figs, Cherries, Su s» f Or’n*
Apples, Pears, Quinces, Nectarines, Peaches, Apri- ^
cots, Plumbs, and Pomgranates ; none of which
fruits were in Peru before the Spaniards arrived
there : But they had Coco-nuts, Cacao-nuts, Pine- p . nf
apples, Guava’s, Plantains, and moft of the fruits apples’ &c.
enumerated in Mexico.
As to the kitchen-garden, they had neither Let- Kitchen-gar-
tice, Radifhes, Turnips, Garlick, Onions, Beets, dens ”
Spinage, Afparagus, Melons, Cucumbers, Peafe,
Beans or Rice ; of all which there are now great
plenty, as there are alloofRofes, Jeflamin, and ma-
ny odoriferous flowers they never faw before the Spa-
niards imported them. But then they had feveral
forts of herbs, flowers, fallading and roots that we
want, particularly the Caftavi-root, which ferv’d great Caffavi-root,
part of North and South-America inftead of bread,
as has been obferv’d in the defeription of Mexico :
And ’tis obferv’d of the fruits and plants that have Fruits of
been carried thither from Europe, that they thrive E uropevaft ' i
better, and grow much larger there than they do y 6 ”
here. De la Vega relates, that he had feen
bunches of Grapes from eight or ten pound weight.
Quinces as big as his head, and other fruits proporti-
onably large.
I muft not pafs over the plants that produce thofe Balms,
excellent balms and gums for which this country is
celebrated, and particularly that call’d the Balfam Balfam of
of Peru, of which we meet with the following ac- brib’d ^ e °
count in the Hiftory of Drugs. It proceeds from
the trunks and branches of a little tree. There are
three forts of it. T he firft is call’d the balfam by in-
cifion, and is a white liquor ; the fecond is call’d
balfam of the fhell, which drops from the ends of
the branches that are cut, to which they hang fmall
flafks or bafkets, to receive it ; and thus they draw
it off ’till the tree will yield no more. They expofe
it fome days in the hotteft places, where it congeals,
and changes to a reddifh colour. The third is a
black balfam, which is made by boiling the bark-
branches and leaves of thefe little trees in water ;
and after they have boil’d fome time, they take off"
the fat or feum thatfwims on the top, which is of a
black brown colour, and call’d (as well as the for-
mer) Balfam of Peru.
In the fecond defeription of this balfam in the
Hiftory of Drugs, it is faid there are three forts alfo ;
but that the firft is call’d dry balfam, being a fort
of hard, reddifh, fragrant rofin, the fecond a liquid
white rofin, and the third a black odoriferous balfam,
which is moft common, and generally ufed as well
in phyfick as for perfumes : It ought to be vifeous,
and of a turpentine confiftence ; of a blackifh-brown
colour; a fweet agreeable tafte, having fome refem-
p p blance
THE PRESENT STATE
blancc of Storax. Thefe balfams are proper for the
brain and domach, drive malignant humours off by
perfpiration, deterge and heat wounds, drengthen
the nerves, and refolve cold tumors : The dofe from
a drop to four or five.
Bafides this balm, the country produces Anami,
Caranna, Storax, Caffia-fedata, Guaiacum, Sarla-
parilla, Saffifras, Copal, Liquid-amber, and feve-
ral other gums and drugs, mention’d already in the
defcription of Mexico.
CHAP. VIII.
Of their minerals ancl precious Jh
ones.
CHAP.
VIII.
Minerals.
Cold.
G OLD and Silver were fo plentiful in Peru in
the fixteenth century, when De la Vega
flourifh’d, that he relates, there had been exported
from thence to Spin every year, for twenty-five
years fucceffively, the value of twelve or thirteen
millions (of crowns, or pieces of eight, I prefume he
means) each year, befides what had pafs-’d without
account. And obferves, that Gold was found in
every province of Peru, more or lefs ; ibme found
on the fur face of the earth, and wafh’d down by
torrents, which the Indians gather’d up in bafkets
and feparated from the fand, being ufually as fmall
as the filings of fteel ; tho’ fometimes pieces are
found of the fize and form of Melon-feeds, and feme
are round, and others oval : And that the gold of
Peru is generally about eighteen or twenty quillats
(I fuppofe it Ihould be carats) in goodnefs ; only the
gold that comes from the mines of Callavia or Ca-
savana, lie fays, he has been inform’d is of the fine-
nefs of twenty-four carats or better. “ And here
“ it may be proper to inform fuch as are not con-
“ verlant in thefe matters, that a carat of gold is
“ of the weight of a fcruple, or twenty-four grains,
44 and cQnfequentlv twenty-four carats make an
“ ounce : And gold that is entirely fine, is call’d of
“ twenty-four carats, becaufe, if you put an ounce
tc of fuch gold to the proof, it will not be diminilh-
“ ed; but if an ounce of gold wade a fcmple in the
“ proof, it is gold ef twenty-three carats. If it
44 wade two fcruples, it is gold of twenty-two ca-
44 rats, and !o on. But leveral Refiners are of opi-
4 ‘ nion, there is no gold of twenty-four carats ; for
let it be refined never fo well, there will remain
*' 4 fome light portion of filver in it.
Our author proceeds, and relates, that in the year
1556, there was dug out of the veins of a rock in
die mines of Callavia (of the fined fort of gold, be-
ing of twenty-four carats) a piece of gold ore as big
as a. man’s head, fomething refembling a man’s lungs
tn colour and Ihape, having certain perforations in
it from one end to the other ; and in all the holes
were little kernels of gold, as if melted and dropp’d
into them. And feme who underdood the nature
of this mineral were of opinion, that had it remain’d
w the rock, it would all have turn’d into perfect
gold in time..
CHAP.
VIII.
1 he owner of this valuable piece of ore was car-
rying it over to Spain, in order to make a prefent
of it to King Philip II. but the Ihip was call: a-
way in the voyage, and he perifh’d with his treafure.
Gobi, fays a certain writer, is the moil: folid,
weighty, compafl metal, generated in mines in fe-
veral parts oi the world ; but the greated quantity
is brought in bars or ingots from Peru. That which
is found in a mafs or lump in the mines,, is call’d
virgin gold, becaufe it comes pure out of the mine*
and needs no farther preparation, and is foft enough
to receive the i mpreflicn of a feal.
The fecond fort is in grains, not fo fine as the
firft. The third is gold mix’d with other metals ;
and the marcafite or mineral done, the gold and-
the done being form’d and incorporated together :
This is call’d gold-ore. And the fourth is gold-dud,
mix’d with fand at the bottoms of rivulets ; and
there is ten times more gold found in fuch fands
than is acquir’d all other ways.
All hones, which contain any metal, are call’d
marcafite. But the three principal dones that are Marcafite?.
call’d marcafite are, thofe that contain gold, filver,
or copper. The two fird are in little balls, of the
bignefs of a nut, almod round, weighty, and brown-
ith without, but of different colours within ; for the
fii d is of the colour of gold, the other of filver, but
both bright and fhining.
Gold is often found mix’d with filver or copper..
That which is mix’d with filver, is of fewer carats
than that mix’d with copper. Father Feuillee
relates, that he was at Lima in Peru in the year
1709? and faw in the cabinet of Don Antonio
Portoc ARORO, a piece of gold-ore as it came
out of the mines, that weigh’d thirty-three pounds,
lome odd ounces, which was found by an Indian in
a brook. The upper part of it was gold of twenty-
two carats, and the lowed of feventeen carats and
an half, decreafing gradually in its finenefs to the
bottom.
I here are a great many filver mines in leveral Silver of
parts of Peru ; but thofe of Potofi, in the province Potof, ‘
of Charcas, in a 2 degrees of fouthern latitude, are
the riched. Thefe were difeover’d in the year 1545,
about fourteen years after the Spaniards invaded that
country. I he mountain, in which the mines are,
is now entirely undermin’d, fuch vad quantities of
filver having been drawn from it. It is of the form
of a fugar-loaf, of a dark red colour, a league in
circumfererre at bottom, and a quarter of a league
towards the top, and dands in the middle of a plain,
being forne mornings cover’d with a cap of fnow,
for it is exceeding cold here, confidering it lies with-
in the Tropics, and never was a more barren
country feen for feveral leagues round ; but ’tis ob-
ferv’d, wherever the earth is enrich’d with this
kind of treafure, there are no fruitful fields or pas-
tures to be met with : At the foot of this mountain,
rifos another little hill, in which are fome mines,
and the Spaniards have given it the name of Young
Potoli.
O F
CHAP. Potofi. Thefe mines were never difcover’d, or
VIII. wrought by the Indians, before the arrival of the
Spaniards, tho’ they had dug thole of Porco about 6
leagues diftant from Potofi.
Acosta relates, that they were difcover’d by
mere accident. He fays, an Indian, purfuing his
game up the mountain of Potofi, and being like to
fall, laid hold of a flirub, that grew upon a vein of
filver, to fave himfelf ; and happening to pull it up
by the roots, thereby difcover’d the rich metal un-
derneath. He kept the thing fecret, it feems, ’till
he had drawm from it filver enough to enrich him-
felf and his family ; but at length it was difcover’d
to the Spaniards, who thereupon parcel’d it out a-
mong fuch adventures, as would undertake the dig-
ging and refining the filver, on fuch terms as the
Government impofed on them.
That which made the mines of Potofi the more
valuable, was, that they were never hinder’d work-
ing by water, as they are in other mines, though
they had funk them two hundred fathom deep.
Acosta informs us, that the firft forty years
thefe mines of Potofi were wrought, there were
regiftered * one hundred two thoufand millions of
pieces of eight (or crowns) befides a great deal
that had been carried off without paying cuftom ;
but according to feme late travellers, thefe mines
begin to be exbaufted. To proceed :
T he fame writer gives the following account of
the ftate of the mines of Potofi. In his time, he
fays, this rock of Potofi then contained four prin-
cipal veins, all which lay on the eaft fide of the
mountain, towards the rifing fun ; and on the weft
part there was not any one vein : That the veins
run from north to fouth, the largeft of them being
fix foot over, and the narroweft about a fpan broad ;
and there are other ramifications, which branch’d
out like the boughs of trees : That in the richeft
of thefe veins, there were feventy-eight mines,
eighty or an hundred fathom deep, and feme two
hundred. But at length, inftead of digging down-
wards, they opened the rock at the bottom, and fo
proceeded horizontally, ’till they met with the
filver-veins ; but he obferves, that the nearer the
vein is to the furface of the earth, the richer it is.
Thefe vaults, by which they pierc’d into the moun-
tain, were call’d Soccabous, being eight foot in
breadth, and a fathom in height, and by thefe they
eafily drew out the metal as they found it ; but he
fays, the rock was fo hard, that they work’d be-
tween twenty and thirty years in tire principal of
thefe Soccabous, before they came at the metal :
And as they labour in thefe fubterraneous paflages,
without receiving either light or heat from the
fun, the air is fo cold and unwholfome, that a per-
lon, at his firft entrance into them, is feiz’d with a
diforder not unlike that of fea-ficknefs ; as our au-
thor himfelf, who vifitedthem, experienced. The
labourers in thefe mines take it by turns, working
* This muit furely be a miftake ; the 1
PERU. a 9 f
alternately night and day, which to them are CHAP,
alike, as they always work by candle-light. The VIII,
ore is commonly fo hard, that they are forced to
break it with hammers, and it fplits, as if it
were flint
Another part of the riches of Peru confifts in their Quickfilver
Quickfilver, of which they have feveral mines in mme3,
the audience of Lima, particularly in the moun-
tains of Oropeza and Guancavilca, near the city
of Guamanga. It is found, according to Acosta,
in a kind of ftone call’d Cinabar, which likewife
yields Vermilion. He obferves, that the native
Indians had long wrought thefe mines, before the
Spaniards arrived, without knowing what quick-
filver was. They fought only for the cinabar, or
vermilion, which they call’d Limpi, efteeming it
for the fame reafon the Romans and Ethiopians did
anciently ; namely, to paint their faces and bodies
on feftivals and rejoicing times, and to beautify and
adorn the images of their gods.
Nor did the Spaniards difcover there was quick-
filver in thefe mines, ’till the year 1567, when
Henri qjjes Ga r c i as, a native of Portugal, hap-
pening to meet with a piece of that ore, which the
Indians call’d Limpi, and with which they painted
their faces, confider’d that this muft be the fame
which they call’d vermilion in Spain ; and knowing
that vermilion was extracted out of the fame ore as
quickfilver was, he went to the mines to make the
experiment, and found it to be according as he had
conjectur’d ; and great numbers of labourers were
immediately employ’d to draw the quickfilver out of
thefe mines, of which there are many in the above-
faid mountains; one whereof Acosta deferibes
to be a rock of hard ftone, intermix’d with quick-
filver, extending above fourfeore yards in length,
and forty in breadth, and threefcore and ten fa-
thom deep ; fo capacious, that three hundred men
might work in it at a time. They did not begin
to refine their filver with mercury, at Potofi, ’till
the year 1571, when Fernandez deValesco
came thither from Mexico, and put them into this
way : Whereupon they convey’d their quickfilver
to the port of Arica by fea, and from thence by
land-carriage to the mines of Potofi, and by this
means they extracted a great deal more filver from
their ore, than ever they could do before by fire
alone.
Father Acosta proceeds to give us this farther
account of the manner of refining, or feparating
quickfilver from the ore. He fays, they take the
ftone, or hard ore in which it is found, and beat-
ing it to powder, put it into the fire in earthen pots
well luted and clofed, and the ftone being melted
by the heat of the fire, the quickfilver feparates it-
fclf, and afeends ’till it encounters the top of the
pot, and their congeals ; and if it was fuffer’d to
pals out, without meeting any hard fubftance, it
would mount ’till it became cold, and then con-
P p 2 gealing,
inched at leaft, ought to have been left out.
292
THE PRESENTSTATE
(Quick filver,
both fix'd
and running,
found in the
mines t
CHAP, gealing, would fall down again ; but as they melt
VIII. the ore in earthen pots, it congeals at the top of
the pots, which they unftop, and draw out the
metal when it is cold ; for if there remain any fume
or vapour, it endangers the lives of the workmen,
at leaf! they will lofe their teeth, or the ufe of their
limbs.
They put the quickfilver, when it is melted,
into fkins, for it keeps befl in leather ; and thus
they fend it from the quickfilver mines to Potofi,
where they fpend above feven thoufand quintals
(an hundred weight) in refining filver, every year,
befides what is fpent at other mines. The rrcheft
ore, ’tis obferv’d, confumes moft quickfilver, and
the pooreft much lefs : They firft beat, or grind the
ore very fmall, and fift it through fine fieves :
Then they put it into vefTels upon the furnaces, al-
lowing to every fifty quintals of powder’d ore, five
quintals of fait, for the fait feparates the earth and
filth from the metal, and thereupon the filver is
the more eafily extracted by the quickfilver. “ As
“ to the reft, I refer to the defcription of Mexico,
“ where I have already inferted A cos t a’s account
“ of refining filver by quickfilver.”
In the Hiftory of Drugs it is {aid, that quickfilver
is found in the mines after different manners, fome-
times inclofed in its own mineral, and fometimes
fluid, and of as changeable a figure as we fee it : It
is found fometimes among earth and ftones, and
very often embodied in natural cinabar : Thofe
who take quickfilver from its mine, or, more pro-
perly, from the places it lies in, make ufe of great
iron retorts to feparate it from its mineral, or
other hard bodies with which it is joined ; and by
means of fire, and the frefn water into which it
fells, they render it fluid, as we commonly have it :
When it is found running, or liquid, in the ground,
the flaves, who gather it, have nothing to do but
to ftrain it through fhamois-leather to cleanfe it
from its impurities ; and, according to this author,
there are but two places in Europe where quick-
filver is found, viz. in Hungary and Spain ; and
though fome have aflerted it has been found in
France, they are miftaken ; he admits indeed there
was a mine of cinabar lately found in Normandy,
but the great charges of working it obliged them
to flop it up again, Lemery obferves, that
quickfilver is found on the tops of mountains, co-
ver’d with white ftones as brittle as chalk, and
that the plants which grow upon fuch mountains
are greener and larger than in any other places ; but
the trees that are near the quickfilver mines rarely
produce fruits or flowers, and that they ufually find
a great deal of water about thefe mines, which is
neceffary to draw oft' at the foot of the mountain
before they can be wrought.
Quickfilver is fo very weighty, that Mr. De
Euretiere affirms, a folid foot of mercury
weighs nine hundred forty-feven pounds, and that a
cubical foot of the Seine-water weighs hut feventy CHAP,
pounds ; fo that a veflel that will hold thirty-five VIII.
pints of that water, will contain nine hundred forty-
feven pounds of quickfilver , and ir is fo exceeding
ftrong as well as weighty, that an hundred and
fourfcore pounds of quickfilver will bear up an iron
weight of fifty pounds, as this writer avers- he had
feen and experienced.
The properties of quickfilver, fays that Gentle-
man, are fo great, that they exceed imagination 1 ;
into whatever fbape you metamorphofe mercury,
you may make it return to its firft ftate, and that
with a very little diminution. Borrichins, a
Danifli Chymift fays, that having operated upon
mercury for a year together, and reduc’d it into fe-
veral forms, it took its own fhape at Iaft by means
of a little fait of tartar : I (hall not, fay the fame
writers, pretend to decide the controverfy, whe-
ther it be cold or hot ; but can affirm, it is fo cold
externally, that it is impoffible to hold one’s hand in
a quantity of quickfilver a quarter of an hour : He
adds, that when the Dutch have a mind to make
quickfilver portable, they fix it very eafily, and put
it into all forts of veffels, even into paper, and fend
it to their correfpondents, who have the fecret to
make it run again without any charge.
As mercury ( fays Lemery ) is a very fluid
body, fo it is more difficult to he found than other
metals ; for it infinuates itfelf into earth, and into
the clefts of ftones, fo that you often lofe the fight
of it, when you think you are juft going to take it
up; and men cannot work at it many years- with-
out having the Palfy ; fo that few are employ’d in
it but criminals (in Europe he means). He adds,
that quickfilver is not always taken out of the mine
neat and running, but generally mix’d with earth,,
or reduc’d into a natural cinabar, by fome portion*
of fulpnur it has met withal : That which has but
a little earth with it, may be feparated, by ftrain-
ing it through leather; but when it has a great
deal of earth, or other impurities, it muft be put
into iron retorts, to be purified in the manner above-
mentioned.
The beft way of purifying quickfilver, fays the
fame author, is to mix together two equal parts
of powder of cinabar, and filings of iron, and fill
about half, or two thirds of a retort with them ;
then place it on a reverberating furnace, and fit to-
it a glafs recipient full of water, without luting the
joints : Increafe the fire to the fourth degree, you
will find the quickfilver diftill, and fell to the bot-
tom of the recipient : Keep on the fire ’till no more
will rife, and you will have thirteen ounces of
running mercury from one pound of cinabar, which
muft afterwards be wafh’d, and dry’d with linnen
cloths, and ftrain’d through a leather, and we may
depend upon its purity.
Cinabar, according to Le m e r y, is of two forts ;
the one natural, call’d Mineral Cinabar, the other
artificial,
O F P
C H A P. artificial, call’d Simple Cinabar : The natural is
VIII. found form’d in ftones that are red, fhining, and
weighty, in the quickfilver mines.
The natural cinabar hath been fublimated by the
fubterraneous fires, almoft in the lame manner as
the artificial cinabar ; but as in its fublimation it
is mix’d with earth, it is not fo weighty, pure, or
beautiful as the artificial cinabar, and contains lefs
mercury.
The artificial cinabar is made with three parts
crude mercury, and one part fulphur mixed, and
put into fubliming veflels over a gradual fire. It
ought to be made choice of in fair ftones, very
weighty and bright, with long, clear, and fine
points, of a brownifli red : Each pound of cina-
bar has fourteen ounces of mercury to two ounces of
fulphur.
Vermilion. Vermilion, fays the lame writer, is cinabar in
ftone, ground with urine, or aqua vitae ; it is a
moft beautiful red, made ufe of by Painters, Sec.
As to the medicinal virtues of quickfilver, or
mercury and cinabar, I muft refer the reader to the
Hiftory of Drugs for his fatisfaXion, or rather to ad-
vife him never to meddle with them without the
directions of the learned ; for though they are excel-
lent medicines, a very fmall miftake in the applicati-
on of them, I perceive, may be fatal to the patient.
Precious As to the precious ftones of Peru, I find they
have great plenty of Emeralds here as well as in
Mexico ; but thofe having been treated of there, it
is needlefs to deferibe them again.
They have alfo Turquoifes, which are of a blue,
or azure colour, as the Emeralds are of green, but
not fo much efteem’d ; Cryftal alfo is found here :
Pearls. And Pearls they had in greater plenty in South than
in North-America, particularly on the coaft of
Terra-Firma in the North-fea, and in the Bay of
Panama in the South-fea ; but thofe fifheries feem
to be almoft exhaufted.
C H A P. IX.
The hiftory, religion , and government , of the ancient
Peruvians , before the Spanijh conqueji.
CHAP.
IX.
Ancient
foiftoiy, re'
Jigion, go-
vernment,
&c.
N OTHING is more uncertain than the ori-
ginal of nations, even inthispartof the world,
where we have the advantage ot letters ; perhaps
there is not any one country in Europe that can tell
from what particular people they are deriv’d, and
coniequently neither know how, or when it was
planted ; much lefs what were the religion, cuftoms,
or manners of the firft inhabitants ; how then can
we depend on the accounts they give us of Peru for
any number of years before the Spanifh conqueft,
when they had neither letters or charadters to record
the tranfadfions of preceding ages ?
Garctliasso de la Vega has indeed at-
tempted to give us the hiftory of Peru, even before
E R U.
2 9 3
the Inca’s founded that empire, that is, four or five CHAP-
hundred years before the arrival of the Spaniards, IX.
and was as well qualified for fuel) an undertaking, as
any man could be in fuch circumftances, being de-
fended, by his mother’s fide, from the royal family
of the Inca’s, and bred up among his mother’s rela-
tions before they were converted to Chriftianity, or
had received the Spanifh cuftoms: And by the fa-
ther’s fide was defended from a Spaniard of quality,
and had the advantage of a liberal education : This
Gentleman it feems made it his bufinefs for feveral
years to inform himfelf, from his Indian relations
and acquaintance, of the hiftory and cuftoms of
their anceftors ; and afterwards came over to Spain,
where that Court put him upon digefting and metho-
dizing his obfervations, and making them publick ;
which he did, under the title of The Royal Commen-
taries of Peru , and wanted no aftiftance which the
Peruvians, or Spaniards could give him in compi-
ling of them ; but the Spaniards took care that this
hiftory fhould be fo modeH’d, as to caft as little re-
flexion on their conduX in fubduingPeru aspoflible ;
and the hiftorian himfelf feems to have had a ftrong
biafs towards the family of the Inca’s, or Peruvian
Emperors, from whom he was defended, aferi-
bing the civilizing of that people, and the inftruX-
ing them in every thing that was ufeful or excel-
lent, to them. And that he may refleX the greater
honour on the Inca’s, he reprefen ts the people of
Peru, before the foundation of that empire, as bar-
barous as any people on the face of the earth ; nay,
more favage than the brutes themfelves : And he
might have this farther view in thofe horrid accounts
he gives us of the ancient Peruvians ; namely, to
juftify the Inca’s invafions of their neighbours, and
reducing them under their obedience by force, and
compelling them to abandon their former way of
life, and fubmit to the laws and government of the
Inca’s ; affl-Xing to give them the title rather of
benefaXors, than deftroyers of mankind, as we find
has ever been the praXice of both ancient and mo-
dern conquerors, in order to palliate the injufticeof
their invafions on the liberties and properties of
their peaceable neighbours.
De la Vega tells us, that the ancient Peruvi- j Th J^’ s t ?e
ms were at heft but tamed hearts, and fome of them anc ; ent Pe .
worfe than the moft favage creatures ; and begin- rm-ians, ac-
ning with their religion, he fays, every tribe and D^laVegi.
family had its particular god ; that they adored trees,
mountains, and rivers, and worfhipp’d Lions, and
Tygers, and all manner of animals ; others made
flocks and ftones the objeXs of their adoration ;
and facrificed not only their enemies, but their chil-
dren to them, and eat them in great joy and feltivity
when they had done.
He confirms even that horrid and improbable
tale of Blos Valeras, who relates, that the in-
habitants of the mountains of Andes eat man’s flefh,
and vvorfhipp’d the Devil, who appear’d to them in
the
2 9 *. THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, the form of a ferpent, or feme other animal : - That
IX. when they took an ordinary prifoner in war, they
quarter’d him, and divided him among their wives,
children, and fervants, to be eaten ; or perhaps fold
his flefh in the fhambles : If it was a noble captive,
they ftripp’d him of his garments, and ty’d him to
a flake, and, alive as he was, cut him with knives
and fharp hones, paring oft' dices from the more
fiefhy parts, as from the buttocks, calves of his legs,
and the brawny parts of his arms, and fprinkling
tire principal men and women with part of the blood,
drank the remainder, and eat his flefh in hafte, be-
fore it was half boil’d, left the miferable wretch
fhould die before he had feen his flefh devour’d, and
hitomb’d in their bowels ; all this was perform’d
by way of a religious offering, ’till the man expir’d;
and then they compleated the feaft, by devouring
all the remainder of his flefti and bowels, eating
them with filence and reverence, as facred, and
partaking of a deity. “ Such, fays De laVega,
“ was the manner of thefe brutes, becaufe the go-
“ vernment of the Inca’s was not received into
“ their country inftnuating, that all Peru was
peopled with fuch favages, ’till the Inca’s civiliz’d
them : But fure fuch monftrous relations need no
confutation, the very repeating them is fufflcient to
dilcredit them ; human nature could never be thus
depraved and degenerated ; and thus much we are
No founda- fure of, that De la Vega could have no certainty
non for thefe of thefe fadts, for they are either related of fuch peo-
ple as liv’d five hundred years before he wrote ; or
of thofe who inhabited diftant and inacceffible coun-
tries, which the Inca’s never penetrated, or had any
commerce with.
However, from fuch ftories as thefe, which the Pe-
ruvians feem to have been very fullof,I make no man-
ner of doubt but the Spaniards firft took the hint, and
reprefented the Peruvians themfelves to be add idled to
the fame barbarous cuftoms, and made this a pre-
tence for opprefling and enflaving them : And when
both Spaniards and Indians contributed to fupport the
truth of fuch relations, no wonder they were foon
propagated all over Europe ; and we find it extreme-
ly difficult to undeceive the prefent generation, es-
pecially as mankind are frequently delighted with
fuch relations as are mod monftrous and unnatural,
and feem to wifti they might be true.
De la Vega proceeds to reprefent the ancient
Peruvians, as living under no government, and in
no focieties, but difpers’d over the country in dens
and caves, like wild Seafts ; neither building, plant-
ing, or cloathing themfelves, but feeding upon fuch
roots and fruits of the earth as grow fpontaneoufly,
or upon man’s flefh.
That others lived by robbery, or fpoil, tyranni-
zing over their weaker neighbours, and treating
them as flaves: That men’s carcafies were common-
ly fold in their fhambles, and faufages made of their
guts : That they eat their own children, and the
women they had them by, if they were captives ta-
ken in the wars, fatting fuch children when they CHAP,
came to be ten or twelve years of age, as we do IX
calves or lambs (fays De la Vega, and feme o-
her Spanifh writers) and referving them as moil
delicious difhes for their own tables. For all which,
however, they have no better authority than tradi-
tion, as has been obferv’d already, which, with the
improbability of the thing, is abundantly fufflcient
to make any one fufpend his belief of fuch relations,
efpecially, if it be confider’d that there are no fuch
people upon the face of the earth ; and many of
thofe nations, that have been reprefented as barba-
rous, have proved more humane, gentle, and tracea-
ble than their enemies, who found it their intereft
to drefs them up in fuch fhocking colours, particu-
larly the people of Florida, and thofe who inhabit
feme mountains and iflands in the Eaft-Indfes and
Africa ; daily experience now difcovering they have
been grofly abufed by fuch mifreprefentations.
In the next chapter, De ia Vega charges the
ancient Indians with fodomy, and with having their
women in common, without any regard to kin-
dred or relation ; and with pradftfing the arts of poi-
foning and witchcraft.
But then he comes and relates in his 7th chapter, The refer-
that all thefe barbarous cuftoms were abolifh’d by mationof
the Inca’s, when they laid the foundation of their ^ b Per “”*
monarchy, and the people reduc’d to a more regular inL's , 1
and decent way of living; of which they had in
their family the following tradition.
That their father, the Sun (the Inca’s giving out
that they were the offspring of that glorious planet)
beholding mankind in that deprav’d andfavage ftate
above related, took companion on them, and fent a
fon and daughter of his own from heaven to earth,
to inftrudt them to worfhip and adore him as their
god, and to give them laws and precepts to govern
themfelves by, to form them into focieties, and in-
ftrudl them in building, planting, and hufbandry,
that they might live like men, and enjoy the fruits
of the earth.
With fuch inftrudtions, their father (the Sun)
plac’d his two children in the great lake of "Titicaca,
from whence they were to begin their labours for
the reformation of mankind, giving them a little
wedge of gold, which they were to ftrike into the
ground at every place they flept or refted ; and
wherever this wedge fhould fink into the earth, and
vanifh out of their fight, in that place they were to
make their refidence, and the people fhould refort to
them to be inftrudted, their father (the Sun) confti-
tuting them Lords and Sovereigns over all men,
that ftrould be reduc’d from their favage way of life
by their means.
That travelling northward from the lake of
Titicaca, and ftriking the golden wedge into the
earth in the valley of Cuico, there it difap-
pear’d, as had been foretold ; and thereupon they
agreed to aflemble the people there, in order to in-
ftrudt them in the dodtrines committed to them : Ac-
1 cordingly
O F
G H A P cordingly the man and the woman feparated, the
IX. one going to the north, and the other to the fouth,
C^'y-'w declaring to all they met in thofe wild and uncultivated
defarts, that their father (the Sun) had fent them to
be their teachers and benefactors, to draw them from
that rude and favage way of life, form them into fo-
cieties, and inftruCt them in all fuch arts as might
render their lives eafy and comfortable.
That the favages, obferving thefe two perfbns
cloath’d and adorn’d, as their father (the Sun) had
equipp’d them, and that by the gentleness of their
words, and the gracefulnefsof their countenances, they
mani felled themfelves to be the children of the Sun,
they were ftruck with admiration, and gave them
entire credit, adored them as children of the Sun,
and obey’d them as their Princes.
Great multitudes being affembled, they led them
to thatfpotof ground where Cufco now hands, laid
out the plan of the city, and inftrucfcd the people
how to prepare materials for building it. In the next
place, the Inca fhew’d the men how to cultivate
their lands, and bring the ftreams of water into
them, while his Queen taught the women to fpin,
and weave their cotton into garments, to drefe their
meat, and other parts of houfewifery. This colony
flourifhing extremely, drew in the neighbouring
tribes to join- them, and be partakers of their happi-
nefs : And now the Inca, finding himfelf in a con-
dition not only to defend himfelf again ft the reft of
the favages, but able to enlarge his territories by
force, taught the people the ufe of arms ; and thofe,
who refufed to fubmit themfelves voluntarily, were
compeU’d, lays my author, by force,, to relinquifh
their former vagrant life, and be obedient to the
laws ©f fociety, the Inca extending his conquefts
every day, and planting colonies in all parts of the
country. This firft Inca was named M an c o C a-
PA£, and his Queen Co y a Mama ; and, accor-
ding to De la Vega’s computation, they flou-
rifh’d about four hundred years before the arrival of
the Spaniards.
Manco Capac did not only teach all hisfub-
jects to adore his father (the Sun) but inflructed them
alfo in the rules of morality and civility, directing
them to lay afide their prejudices to each other, and
to do as they would be done by. He ordain’d, that
murder, adultery, and robbery, fhoukl be punifh’d
with death : That no man fhould have but onewife ;
and that in marriages they fhoukl confine themfelves
to their refpcdfive tribes : And over every colony, he
plac’d a Caracas, or Prince ; or, as they call fuch a
Chief in other parts of America, a Cacique,, who po-
vern’d the people under them, as their fubje&si He
alfo built a temple to the Sun, taught the people to
offer facrilices, and other religious rites, and e redi-
ed a cloifter for a certain number of feledt virgins,
who were all to be of die blood, royal, and dedica-
ted to the Sun.
Among other inftitutions, this Inca commanded ,
that all the males of his family. fhould. have, their head#
Manco Ca-
pac, firft
Inca.
Hts laws,
'Religious
rites.
PERU.
fhav’d, which they fubtnitfed to, tho’ nothing could C H A P.
be more troublefome in their circumftances, having IX.
no better inftruments than fharp flints to fcrape off
the hair; infomuch that De e a Vega fays, it
was an obfervation of one of his Indian friends,
“ That had the Spaniards introduc’d no other inven-
“ tions amongff them, than Sciffars, Looking-
“ glaffes, and Combs, they had deferv’d all the
“ gold and filver their country produc’d.” Pie alfo
order’d them to bore their ears, which they did with
a thorn, and afterwards llretch’d the orifice to fuch
a degree, that it would hold the wheel of a fmall "
pulley ; and their ear-rings were of that form, which
occafion’d the Spaniards to call them Large Ears :
They were alfo order’d to wrap a wreath, or cloth of
various colours, four or five times about their heads,
in form of a turbant ; which three things were to
diftinguifh the royal family of the Inca’s from other
people ; tho’ the reft of the people were afterwards
indulged Co far, as to have their crowns fhav’d, to
wear a black wreath about their heads, and to bore
their ears, but not fo wide as the family of the Inca’s.
Lallly, having reign’d many years, he fummon’d
a general affembly of the Chiefs of his fubjetfts, at the
city of Cufco, acquainting them, that he intended
fhortly to return to heaven, and take his repofe with
his father the Sun ; and being now to leave them r
as the laft teftimony of his affection for thofe who
had been his chief minifters, and inftruments of re-
forming that people, he adopted them for his chil-
dren, conferring on them his own title of Inca, which
they and their pofterity retain’d ever afterwards.
The Inca being dead, was fucceeded by his eldeft S!nchi
fen Sinchi Roc a, whom he had by his wife fecond Inca ’
Coy a Mama his filler ; he alfo, after the example
of his father, married his eldeft lifter by the fame
mother, and this was the praHice of all fucceeding
Inca’s in their marriages, to marry their eldeft
fillers of the whole blood, tho’ they did not fuffer
their fubjedls to marry their lifters, or near relations :
1 he Inca’s alio had many wives and concubines that
were not of the royal blood, but thofe never inheri-
ted the crown.
The corple of the firft Inca, Manco Capac,
was afterwards embalm’d, and placed in the temple
of the Sun, where he was worfhipp’d by his fubjecis
as a god, as wereall the fucceeding Inca’s : But both
the Sun and the Inca’s feem to have been worfbipp’d
as inferior deities, according to De ea Vega j
for he affures us, the Peruvians acknowledg’d one
almighty God, maker of Heaven and Earth, whom The Peru-
they call’d Pacha Camac, Pacha in their vians not;on
language fignifying, the Univerfe, and Ca ma c,- of God ‘
the Soul : Pa c ha Ca mac therefore fignified him
who animated the world : And here he takes notice,
that Pedro df. Sieca fuppofes, in his 6ad chap-
ter, that the Peruvians called the Devil by this
name ; but that he, who was an Indian horn, and
better acquainted with their language, could allure
ut, that- they, never took this name into their mouths,
but
296
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, but with the greateft veneration, and figns of devo-
IX. tion ; much more than when they mentioned the
Sun or their Inca’s : And being afk’d who Pacha
Camac was, they anfwer’d, it was he who gave
life to theuniverfe, fuilain’d and nourifh’d all things ;
but becaufe they did not fee him, they could not
know him, and therefore feldom erected temples,
or offer’d facrifices to him, but worfhipp’d him in
their hearts as the Unknown God, tho’ there was
one temple it feerns in the valley, call’d from thence,
the valley of Pacha Camac, dedicated to the
Unknown God ; which was flanding when the
Spaniards arriv’d in Peru : De la Vega adds,
that the name by which the Peruvians call’d the De-
vil, was Capap, which they never pronounced
but they fpit, and fhew’d other figns of deteftation.
He proceeds to inform us, that their facrifices, and
religious rites and ceremonies, were all taught
them by the firft Inca : That their principal facrifi-
ces to the Sun were lambs, but they offer'd alfo all
forts of cattle, fowls, and corn, and even their heft
and fineft cloaths, all which they burnt in the place
of incenfe, rendring their thanks and praifes to the
Sun, for having fuftain’d and nourifh’d all thole
filings, for the ufe and fupport of mankind ; they
had alfo their drink-offerings, made of their Maize,
or Indian-corn, fteep’d in water ; and when they
firft drank after their meals (for they never drank
while they were eating) they clipp’d the tip of their
finger into the cup ; and lifting up their eyes with
great reverence to heaven, gave the Sun thanks for
their liquor, before they prefum’d to take a draught
of it ; and here he takes an opportunity to affure us,
that the Inca’s always detefted human facrifices, and
would not fuller any fuch in the countries under their
dominion, as they had heard the Mexicans, and fome
other countries did.
Their Priefts All the Priefts of the Sun that officiated in the
Mwd! r >J ot y oi: C u fo) were of the royal blood, tho’ the in-
feriour Officers were taken out of thole who had
been adopted into the privileges of the Inca’s ; the
High Prieft was either the brother, or uncle of the
King, or one of his neareft relations ; but the Priefts
had no veftments to diftinguilh them from others of
the royal family ; in other provinces, perfons of
diftincHon among the natives were made Priefts,
but the High Prieft was always an Inca ; and each
province had its cloyfter of leledt virgins, that
vow’d perpetual virginity.
All the laws and religious rites their firft Inca
inftituted, were pretended to be the commands of
his father the Sun, to give them, the greater autho-
rity, tho’ future Inca’s, it feeras, frequently took
an opportunity of making fuch improvements and
alterations as they law requilite for the times they
liv’d in.
Befides the worfhip of the Sun, De la Vega
informs us, they paid fome kind of adoration to the
images ot feveral animals and vegetables, that had
a place in their temples ; and that the Devil enter’d
into fuch images, and {poke to them from thence, CHAP,
their Priefts and Conjurers entertaining a familiar IX.
converfation with fuch fpirits : Of which kind of
idolatry, De la Vega fays, he can bear tefti-
mony, becaufe he has feen it with his own eyes
( “ I prefume he means he had feen images wor-
“ {hipp’d in the temple of the Sun, but he does not
“ pretend to fay, he heard any voice. This part
“ ot the ftory probably he had from hear-fay or
“ tradition” ) ; and thefe were the images brought The Peru-
from the conquer’d countries, where the people a- viansbrought
dor’d all manner of creatures, animate or inani- aiTnations^
mate ; for whenever a province was fubdu’d, their into the
gods were immediately remov’d to the temple of ^ m ^ Ie n ° f
the Sun at Cufco, where the conquer’d people were
permitted to pay their devotions to them, for fome
time at leaft, for which there might be feveral poli-
tical reafons affign’d.
He proceeds to give fome account of the Civil The C!v!l
Government, inftituted by the firft Inca’s : He fays, ^“helnca's!
the people were divided into Decurions, or Tyth-
ings, of which an exadt regifter was kept : That
over every Decurion, or ten families, the mafter of
one of the ten was appointed to prefide ; that over
every five of thefe divifions was another Decurion,
who had the command of fifty families, another Of-
ficer was placed over an hundred, another command-
ed five hundred, and the chief Officer a thoufand ;
but no man was fuffer’d to govern more than a
thoufand families : The loweft Decurion of ten was
to fee that thofe under his command wanted none
of the neceffaries of life, and was to deliver out to
them corn to fow their lands, wool for their cloath-
ing, and materials to build their houfes, and to take
care of fuch as were fick and infirm : He was alfo
to be the Cenfor of their adlions, and inform his
fuperiors of any crimes, or immoralities, committed
by thofe under his care, which were to he punilh’d
by him ; but as for trivial offences, the loweft Offi-
cer had the correction of them, and the decifion of
fuits and controverfies of fmall moment ; and where
differences arofe between two provinces, thefe were
decided by Commiffioners appointed bv the Inca
himfelf ; and there was ■£ general Cenfor appointed
to infpedt the condudl of the chief Officers, and
Minifters of State, who were punifti’d capitally, if
ever they opprefs’d the fubjedts, or betray’d their
trufts.
The conduct of parents and mailers of families a profm-iui
was nicely infpedted, and the Decurion, as well as lubmiffiai to
the Father, was anfwerable for the faults of the rt ‘
children of thofe under their care : Like the Chi-
nefe, they inculcated nothing more than a mod
refign’d fubmiffion and obedience of children to their
parents, encouraging a model! behaviour, and the
utmoft civility and refpedl, in fpeaking to and ad-
dreffing their fuperiors ; and as the Indians were
naturally of a gentle and tractable temper, never
was more peace and order feen in families, accord-
ing to De la Vega.
As
O F P E
C H A F. As every family was regifter’d, fo the Decurions
IX. took care, from time to time, to intimate fuch alte-
v-o'-v'"*-'' rations as happen’d on them by births, marriages.
Other com- deaths ; fo that the Inca’s were always apprized
ftitutions. of the Irate and condition ot their provinces, the
numbers of their fubjedis, and the forces and re-
venues proper to be required of them upon all oc-
cafions, and were inform’d alfo of fuch calamities
and misfortunes as befel them, whether from floods,
fires, unkind feafons, peftilence, and the like ; and
the Inca’s thereupon immediately fupplied them with
whatever was wanting ; fo that the Spanifh writers
themfelves obferve, they might juftly be Ailed, Fa-
thers and Guardians of their people ; and it fecms
one of the Inca’s titles was, “ A Lover of the
Poor ” ; and fo dutiful were their fubjedts, and
obedient to the laws, that in this vaft empire,
which extended upwards of a thoufand leagues, it
was rare to find one perfon convicted of a crime
within the fpace of a year, if we may credit De
la Vega.
The hiftorian in the next place proceeds to give
Second Inca, us fome account of the reign of Sinchi Roca,
the fecond Inca, who anfwer’d the name that had
been given him of a prudent and brave Prince ;
the word Sinchi fignifying Wife, and that of Roca,
Valiant.
This Prince having folemnized his father’s funeral
In a magnificent manner, inftead of being crown’d,
had a wreath, or coronet, of various colours bound
about his temples, fuch as the fupreme Inca’s wear.;
and was no fooner eftablifhed on his throne, but he
propofed to the Caraca’s, or Vaflal Princes, the
making an expedition in perfon to the South, to
fummon the neighbouring nations to come in, and
acknowledge the Sun for their god, and the Inca
for their Sovereign, and to require them to abandon
their former fuperftition, and lavage courfe of life :
The Caraca’s exprefllng their readinefs to attend
their Prince, he fet forward at the head of a nume-
rous army, employing Heralds to march before him,
and declare the intent of his approach : And the
people were fo farm’d with the gentlenels of his
adminiftration, and the happinefs they law his fub-
jedls enjoy beyond the reft of mankind, fays De la
Vega, that they immediately fubmitted to him,
without compulfion ; and during his whole reign,
which was a long one, he never engag’d in war,
or compell’d any people to fubrnit to him by force,
tho 5 he confiderably enlarg’d his Empire ; ’tis very
poffible, however, that the appearance of fo formi-
dable a power was the ftrongeft argument to induce
thefe Indians to refign their liberties, and change their
religion for that of the Inca’s ; for few men part
either with their religion, or ancient form of go-
vernment, how abfurd or inconvenient foever, up-
on choice.
Sinchi Roca having reign’d many years, in
imitation of his predeceflor, declared he was going
to repofe himfelf with his father the Sun ; and dying
Vol. III.
R U. 297
foon after, was fucceeded by Lo qjj e Yu p a n Qjtr f , CHAP,
his fon by his wife and filler Mama Cora ; ha- IX.
ving other children by her, but many more by his l -^yv/
other wives and concubines, of the blood of the
Inca’s, all of which were held legitimate ; but thole
he had by other women were look’d upon as bafe
born : The Inca’s were allow’d to multiply and
increafe their children by any means, it being re-
quifite, fays De la Vega, that the pofterity of
the Sun Ihould be numerous : But the vulgar were
confin’d to one wife a-piece.
The Inca, Loqjje Yupanqjji, receiv’d his Third Inw.
firft name from his being left-handed, and the other
from his exalted ftation, that of Yupanqjji be-
ing given only to the Sovereign Inca.
He was not altogether fo peaceable as his prede-
ceflor ; for thofe nations that refufed to obey him
on his firft fummons, were invaded, and treated
in a hoftile manner, ’till they made their fubmiflion ;
and were contented to forfake their former laws and
cuftoms, to adore the Sun as their god, and be-
come fubjedls of the Inca.
He extended his conquefts to the fouthward of
the Lake Titicaca, and taught the fubdu’d people
how to cultivate their grounds, to introduce rivulets
into them, to make aquedudls, to build, to plant,
and cloath themfelves decently ; in all which the
Peruvians were defective, according to De la
V ega, ’till they were inftrudted by the Inca’s ; fo
that he would have us look upon thefe invafions and
conquefts to be infinitely to the advantage of the
conquer’d people, and an ample equivalent for all
the ravages and devaluations of war, tho’ there is
not much doubt, but the unhappy people, who felt
the force of thofe arms they could not refill, would
have been very well contented with their native
fimplicity and ignorance, rather than have been
beaten into better manners : But to proceed ; the
Inca Loqjje Yupanqjji, having finifhed a glo-
rious reign, and left a numerous iflue of Tons and
daughters, died in a good old age, and was fuc-
ceeded by his fon Mayta Capac, whom he had
by his After and wife Mama Coy a.
Mayta Capac, the fourth Inca, enlarg’d his Fourth
dominions by the conqueft of feveral other nations
lying to the fouthward of the Lake of Titicaca :
In one of which, ’tis related, they found fevera!
ancient magnificent ftrudtures of hewn ftone, with
variety of ftatues of human form, excellently well
carv’d ; but this, I nruft confefs, I can fcarce credit 5
for if it be true, it confutes what De la Vega
fo often affirms, that the Inca’s firft taught the
Mexicans to build, carve, &c. There is little elfe
remarkable in tiris reign, unlefs it be the Inca's
making a great bridge or rather float of Oziers, on
which he tranfported his army over great rivers,
and invaded his enemies, who thought themfelves
fecur’d by thofe waters from all invafions ; And that
this fo aftonilh’d thofe people, that they fubmitted
to the Inca without linking a ftroke. He died,
() q according
THE PRESENT STATE
298
CHAP, according to D e la Vega, after a triumphant
IX. reign of thirty years, wherein he acquir’d a great
name both in peace and war. But tho’ this author
acknowledges, it was very uncertain how many
years lie reign’d, becaufe they had no regifters or
letters to record their actions ; yet he afterwards
lays, it is certain he died full of honour. Sic. Now
if their quippo’s or firings were of fo little ufe to
them, that they knew not how to mark the num-
ber of years a Prince reign’d, much lefs could they
convey down his character, or the hiftory of his
actions to pofterity. As I look upon the hiftory of
the Inca’s therefore to be in a great meafure fabu-
lous, I {hall give but a fhort abftraCt of it, ’till I
come down to thofe who reign’d about the time of
the Spanifh conqueft.
Fifth Inca. Ca p ac Yu pan qjji, the eldeft fon of Ma y t a
Cap ac, fucceeded his father, who feems to have
been an una&ive Prince, there being little laid of
him.
Sixth i n ca. Inca Roc A, eldeft Ion of the former Emperor,
fucceeded him. The Spanifh writers make this Inca
one of the principal Peruvian Law-givers, and have
given us fome of his moft celebrated fayings : As,
that upon his viewing and conhdering the heavens,
he would fay, “ If the heavens be fo glorious,
“ which is the throne of the Pacha Camac
44 (or great God) how much more refplendent mufti
“ his perlon and majefty be who was the Creator
44 of all things. Again, If I was to adore any ter-
reftnal thing, it fhould be a wife and good man,
44 whofe excellency tranfcends all other creatures.”
Another faying they afcribe to him is this : “ That
w he that cannot make himfelf immortal, nor re-
‘ 4 cover life after death, is not worthy of adora-
44 tion.” But thefe were probably made by feme
of the Spanifh Miffionaries ; for how they fhould
be informed of the layings of a Prince who lived
two or three hundred years before the Spaniards ar-
rived there, is not eafy to conceive.
3e7enthlnta. I nca Roc a was fucceeded by his eldeft fon
Yahncor Huacac ; in whofe reign there was
a great rebellion of the Chanca’s, infomuch that
the Inca abandon’d the capital city of Cufco, leav-
ing it to be defended againft the enemy by his Ion
Vi r a co c HA, who gave the Chanca’s a great-
defeat ; being miraculoufly aftifted by the Sun, as
was pretended, who turn’d the very ftones into men,
and form’d them into troops in favour of the Inca
Viracocha.
After this victory, Viracocha became ex-
tremely popular ; and his father lo loft the efteern
of his fubjedfs by abandoning his capital city, that
it was agreed to depofe the old Inca, and advance
bghtn Inca, h's fon Viracocha to the imperial dignity r
which, ’tis faid, the fon very readily accepted, and
the father was afterwards content to lead a private
life in one of his palaces, fituated a fmall diftance
from Cufco.
This Vxra c 0 c ha is reprefented as one of their
moft victorious Princes, and faid to be worfhipp’d CHAP,
as a god. And the Indians afterwards, as a tefti- IX,
mony of the veneration they had for the Spaniards,
gave them the title Vi racocha’s, or gods, which this
Inca afliimed on pretence that he had feen a vifion
of angelick form, that commanded him to take
that title.
It is reported alfo by the Indians, that tire Inca
Viracocha pretending to the fpirit of prophecy,
foretold that, after the fucceftion of a certain num-
ber of Kings, a people fhould arrive from far di-
ftant countries, never feen in thofe regions before,
and cloath’d like the angel in the vifion he had feen,
who fhould fubvert their religion and empire :
Which they held to be fulfill’d at the Spanifh con-
queft.
Viraco cha is laid to have reign’d fifty years,,
which De i.aVega thinks not improbable %
for that he faw his body, which was preferv’d ’till
his time, and the hairs of his head were as white
as fnow : He was alfo fhewn the bodies of feveral
other Inca’s, which he obferves were more entire
than the mummies of Egypt, wanting neither the
hair of the head or eye-brows, or even the eye-
lafhes, which were ftill vifible. But I do not de~
fign to impofe thefe things on any readers as articles
of faith.
De la Vega adds, that the ftefh of thefe bo-
dies appeared plump and full, and yet were fo light
that an Indian would eafily carry one of them in
his arms ; and that in his time they ufed to carry
them about to the houfes of the Spanifh Gentle-
men in Cufco, who had the curiofity to fee them.
The Inca Viracocha dying, was fucceeded Ninth Incui
by his eldeft foil Pachacutec, who is repre-
fented alfo as a victorious Prince, and faid to have
fubdu’d many nations by the conduct of his Bro-
ther and General Capac Yupanqui ; for this
Emperor feldom took the field in perlon, but fpent
his time chiefly in ereCling magnificent temples and
palaces, regulating his Civil government, planting
colonics, and making improvements in feveral parts
of his empire ; and having reign’d, as ’tis faid, fifty
years with great glory, left this world to dwell with
his father the Sun.
Yu pan qjji his eldeft fon fucceeded him, and Tenth In«u
is faid to have extended his empire to the eaftward
beyond the mountains of the Andes 200 leagues
and upwards ; but it was more by perfuafton than
force that this people were induced to fubmit to
him, and might be look’d upon as allies and con-
federates at laft, rather than fubjeCfs ; for as their
fituation was upon or beyond thofe vaft mountains,
the Inca’s found it impracticable to lead numerous
armies thither. This Inca was unfortunate in an
expedition againft the nation of the Chirihuana’s,
which inhabited another branch of the mountains
of Andes ; and we are told were fo barbarous, that
they eat both friends and foes, and chofe the flefli
of men rather than that of any other animal 5-
O F
C HAP. but tills Teems to have been a calumny fram’d by
IX. the Inca’s, becaufe that people refufed to fubmit to
their dominion ; and were (ofituated the Inca could
not conquer them : But however that was, the Inca
Yu p a n q_u i being repuls’d in his attacks on the
Chirihuana’s, turn’d his arms to the fouthward, and
reduced feveral nations in the country of Chili ; in-
fomuch that in his time the Peruvian empire is laid
to have been of a thoufand leagues extent from north
to fouth. This Prince alfo carried on his conquefts
by his Generals, and feldom took the field in per-
fon. He erected feveral (lately edifices, and among
the reft the celebrated caftle of Cufco, already de-
fcribed, and died at length much beloved and la-
mented bv his fubjedls, being fucceeded by his eldeft
fon Tupac Yupanqjji the eleventh Inca : He
left alfo between two and three hundred children,
more legitimate than illegitimate ; and mod of the
Inca’s had as many, looking upon it as a duty in-
cumbent on them to increafe the blood- royal, and
render them as numerous as poflible : It being for the
honour of their god and father the Sun to have a nu-
merous progeny, as they pretended. But this pri-
vilege of a plurality of women was never indulg’d
to the vulgar.
Eleventh As the former Inca made conquefts to the South,
Inca. the prefent Inca Tupac Yupanqjji carried his
arms to the North, as far as the Equator, and fub-
dued part of the kingdom of Quitto, one of the
richeft and mod powerful in South- America ; and
having (pent two years in this war, fent for his (on
Huana CapaC, to whom he committed the care
of fin idling that conqueft, and return’d to Cufco.
It is obfervable, that thefe people defending their
country very obftinately, and not fubmitting to the
Inca ’till they were fubdu’d by pure force, had the
misfortune alfo of having the name of canibals
given them by their conquerors, and to be repre-
fented as the moft barbarous of mankind.
Twelfth Tupac Yupan qjlt i dying, was fucceeded by
his eldeft fon Huana Capac, who fpent the firft
year of his reign in mourning and folemnizing his
father’s funeral, as their laws requir’d, and then
vifited the feveral provinces of his empire. It is
related, that at a feftival, when his eldeft fon was
to receive his name, he caufed a chain of gold to be
made of two hundred yards in length, and of the
thicknefs of a man’s wrift, which was carried by
thole that danc’d at that folemnity ; for the cuftom
was, for an hundred men, and fometimes two hun-
dred or more, to take hands and dance in a ring
together, and inftead of joining hands the Inca or-
der’d, that every one of the company fhould take
a link of this chain in his hands and dance as ufual,
with mufick of all kinds : The Spaniards arriving
not many years after, made ftruft enquiry after this
invaluable chain, but it was conceal’d from them
by the Mexicans, which might be one occafion of
the Spaniards ufing them fo cruelly. But however
that was, the young Prince receiv’d the name of
PERU. 295
Huascar, or The Chain, from this rich utenfil. CHAP,
Huana Capac proceeded like his predecefiors to IX.
enlarge his territories bv his arms, and conquer’d
the famous valleys of Tumpez and Pachacamac,
with the ifland of Puna, at the mouth of the river
Guiaquil : The inhabitants of which ifiand, cut-
ting off fome of his troops by treachery, after they
had fubmitted, he took a fevere revenge of them,
putting them to all kinds of deaths. In the mean
time, another rebellion broke out in the great pro-
vince of Chachapayas, on the fide of the Andes,
but he was fo fortunate as to fupprefs this alfo with
very little lofs : After which, he turn’d his arms
towards the country of Manta, on the fea-coaft,
in which lies that port to which the Spaniards after-
wards gave the name of Porto Veio, or the Old
Harbour, in z degrees of fouth latitude : Here De
la Vega fays, the natives ador’d Lions, Tygers,
and Serpents, and an Emerald that was as big as an
Oftrich’s egg ; to which the people, at their fefti-
vals, offer’d, among other things, fmaller Emeralds
of lefs value ; which was the occafion of the Spa-
niards finding fuch a vaft quantity of Emeralds 2-
mafs’d together when they invaded this country,
and made them imagine Emeralds had been as com-
mon almoft as ordinary (tones here.
From Porto Veio, the Inca advanc’d as far as
Cape Paffao, which lies juft under the Equator, re-
ducing all the nations on that coaft to his obedience ;
which was not very difficult, the country being di-
vided into fmall tribes or families, that had no com-
mon Chief or any dependance on each other, and
confequently were in no condition to refift (b for-
midable a power as that of the Inca’s. De la
Vega charges thefe people with having their wo-
men in common, with fodomy, and all manner of
vice : In which date he would have us believe all
Peru remain’d, ’till reform’d by his anceftors the
Inca’s : And on this account juftifies all their inva-
fions and oppreffions of that defencelefs people in
the fame manner as the Spaniards afterwards did
their invafions and barbarous ufage of the inhabi-
tants of the Inca’s dominions.
Huana Capac having conquer’d the province
of Paflao, which lies under the Equator, determin’d
to make this the limits of his empire towards the
North : Having new-modell’d the government
therefore, and conftituted the fame laws and cuftoms
that were obferv’d in other parts of his dominions,
he left garrifons behind him to preferve his con-
quefts, and return’d to his capital city of Cufco.
It is reported of this Prince, that being reprov’d
by the High Prieft for looking ftcdfaftly on the Sun,
which was deem’d a high profanation by that people,
anfwer’d, “ There muft be fome Being whom our
“ father the Sun efteems fuperior to him, and more
“ powerful than himfelf ; by whofe commands he
“■ every day meafures the compafs of the heavens
“ without intermiffion, or allowing himfelf an
“ hour’s repofe. If he were fupreme, and at his
Q,q 2 “ own
THE PRESENT STATE
300
CHAP. “ own difpofal, he would certainly allot himfelf
IX. “ fome time for reft, tho’ it were but to pleafe his
“ humour, and for the fake of variety ” : But I
have obferv’d fo many Payings put into the mouths
of the Indians by the SpaniftiMifllonaries, and then
reported as coming originally from thofe Pagans, that
I give the lefs attention to this, efpecially fince the
fame authors that report this, allow that the Peru-
vians acknowledg’d there was one almighty Being,
that fuftain’d and govern'd the univerfe, whom they
call’d P a c a A C H a M A c , and that a temple was de-
dicated to this Pacha Ch a m a c, or the unknown
God ; tho’ he was feldom worfhipp’d, becaufe they
knew fo little of him, or in what manner he ought
to be ador’d. Thefe hiftorians therefore muft for-
get themfelves, when they make Hu an a Capac,
the twelfth Inca, the firft of the Mexican Princes
that made this reflexion. But to return to the hi-
florv.
Huana Capac, after the completion of the
conqueft of Quitto, having taken the daughter of
that King to his bed, had by her a fon, whom
he named Atahnalpa, or Atabilipa, and
is faid to have been fonder of him than any of
his children : But as none of the Ions or daughters
of the Inca’s were held legitimate, but thofe who
were born of their fillers, or fome near relation,
and Huascar was the eldeft legitimate fon of
this Inca, to whom all his dominions, by the laws
of the empire, were to defeend on his death ; he
appeared much dilquieted that his beloved fon A»
tahnalpa, or Atabilipa, Ihould become a
vaflal to his eldeft brother, and that he could not
leave him the dominion of any one province : But
his fon Huascar being acquainted with the rea-
fon of his father’s uneafinefs, generoufly confented
lie Ihould fettle what part of his territories he pleas’d,
upon his beloved fon. Whereupon Huana Ca-
pac conftituted Atahnalpa King of Quitto
(the inheritance of his mother) in his lite-time.
It was in the reign of Hu an a Capac, name-
ly, in the year 1515, that the Spaniards firft ap-
pear’d with their Chips upon the coaft of Paftao in
Peru, which is fituated under the Equator. They
were commanded by the celebrated Vasco Nu-
nez de Balbao, who firft difeover’d the South-
fea, and would probably at this time have fixed co-
lonies on that coaft, had he not been recall’d by
Pedrarias, then V iceroy of Darien, or Ter ra-
Firma, who, envying his good fortune, Veck£»
led Vasco, and caufed him to be put to'dfedtfiy
under pretence that he was about to fet up for him-
lelf, and throw off his dependance on the King of
Spain his Sovereign : But the true reafon was, that
the Crown of Spain had made Vasco Adelentado,
or Viceroy, of all the lands and territories he
ihould difeover in the South-lea ; in purfuance of
which cornmiflion, he had, with indefatigable la-
pour, found out the rich empire of Peru, and was
about to reap the fruits of his induftry. Pedra-
rias, the Vice-roy of Terra-Firma, therefore, en-C HAP*
ving his good fortune, recall’d him, and put him IX.
to death, as has been related, and afterwards em- s ^ r V"^
ploy’d a great many fkilful Sailors and Adventurers
to follow Vasco’s Heps, and got pofleflion of the
treafures he underftood were to be found in thofe re-
gions ; but as the winds are always contrary to thole
who come to the coafts of Peru directly from the
northward, all the Adventurers Pedrarias fent
out upon this expedition, return'd with an account
that the voyage was impracticable. Whereupon
that difeovery was entirely laid afide, and abandon-
ed for fifteen or fixteen years, ’till Francis Pi-
zarro and Almagro, fired with the repeat-
ed advices they receiv’d of the riches of Peru, ob-
tained leave from Pedrarias, the Viceroy, to
purfue that difeovery Vasco Nunez had be-
gun, at their own expence : Of which enter-
prize I (hall treat, when I have finilhed the hiftory
of the Inca’s.
And here, whatever credit is to be given to-
things of this nature, I cannot avoid taking fome
notice of the portents and omens the Spanilh hifto-
rians, as well as the Inca De la Vega, entertain
us with, which are faid to have preceded the fall of
the Peruvian empire.
Three years before the Spaniards, under the com-4
mand of Vasco Nunez de Balboa, appear’d
on the coaft of Peru, ’tis faid a prodigy happen’d,
which alarmed and aftonifhed the Court and all the
Empire-: At their grand annual feftival of the Sun,
a royal Eagle, call’d in their language Anca, ap-
pear’d foaring in the air, and purfued by Hawks of
all fizes, which attack’d the royal bird with that
fury, that he fell down among the Inca’s, or royal
family, as they march’d in proceffion to the temple
of the Sun, through the great market-place of
Culco ; and that he feem’d to beg their protection,
having loft moft of his fmall feathers in the encounter :
That they nourilh’d this Eagle with all the tender-
nefs imaginable, but notwithftanding their care,
the bird died in a few days, which the Inca, his
Priefts and Diviners interpreted to prefage the total
ruin of the empire, and of their religion, efpeci-
ally as it was follow’d by violent earthquakes, that
over-turn’d fome of the neighbouring mountains.
Upon the fea-coaft alfo, the Indians obferv’d the
tides, in their ebbings and flowings, did not keep
their ufual courfe ; and comets and apparitions were
feen in the air. The Mood, in the midft of a bright
night, was obferv’d to be encompals’d with three
large haloes, or circles, the firft of the. colour of
blood, the fecond black, and the third like a fog or
fmoak ; which one of their adepts in magick ob-.
ferving, ’tis faid, came weeping into the prefence of
the Emperor Huana Capac, and declared, ^
that his mother the Moon, like a tender parent, by
this phaenomena made known to him, that Pachai
Cam ac, the creator and fuftainer of all things,
threaten’d his royal family, and empire, with grie-
vous
OF PERU.
CHAP, vous judgments ; That the firft bloody circle prog^
IX. nofticated, that after he ftiould be gone to reft with
his father the Sun, terrible wars fhould arife among
thofe of his own family, in which there ftiould be
fuch effufion of blood, that his whole race ftiould be
extinguifh’d in a few years : That the fecond black
circle threatened his fobjccls with total deftru&ion,
and a fubverfion- of their religion and government,
occafion’d chiefly by the difientions in his own fa-
mily : That his empire ftiould be tranflated to ano-
ther people, and all his greatnefs vanifh into fmoke ;
which was fignified by the third circle, that feem’d
to be compofed of vapours.
The Inca, ’tis faid, was aftonifh’d at thefe pre-
dictions ; but endeavour’d, however, to hide his
fears, and bid the Magician be gone, telling him,
thefe were his laft night’s dreams, which he declar’d
to him as revelations and advices from his mother
the Moon. Whereupon the Diviner defired him to
go out of his palace and behold the three circles
with his eyes, which he did, and thereupon aflem-
bled all the Magicians and Aftrologers of his Court,
who confirm’d the interpretation their brother had
made of thefe figns in the heavens,
Hu ana Capac, however, that his people
might not be difeouraged;, endeavour’d ftill to con-
ceal his fears, and putting the beft face he could up-
on the matter, told the Magicians-, that unlefs Pa-
cha Camac himfelf reveal’d this to him, he
would not believe it. “ Is it poflible, faid he, my
u father the Sun fhould abhor his own blood, and
“ deliver them up to total deftru&ion !” and then dif-
mifled them . from his prefence.
Reflecting, however, on* what had been faid, and
confidering how it agreed with the predictions of an
ancient oracle, that after the reign of twelve Inca’s,
the empire fhould be dilTolved ; and being inform’d
at the fame time, that a prodigious wooden float,
with tall marts and fails (Vasco’s fit ip ) from
whence ifiued terrible thunders, fire and fmoke, was
feen upon the coaft ; and that the people on board
differ’d in their perfons and habits from all that had
hitherto appear’d in that part of the world, he was,
in a manner, confounded, expecting that the difTo-
lution of his empire was approaching. However, he
did not entirely defpair, and negle& the defence of his
people, but aftembled an army, and march’d them
to the fea-coaft, making the beft provifion he could
againft the dangers that threaten’d him ; but the
Chip difappearing, and nothing of that kind being
feen again in feveral years, their apprehenfions be-
gan to wear ofr. Every thing remain’d quiet, and
Huana Capac died in peace, and in a good
old age, about feven or eight years after Vas-
co Nunez appear’d on the coaft of Peru, having
reigned forty years in great fplendor, and made
large additions to his empire by many fuccefsful
wars.
Their fears, however, began to revive, when
*he Emperor,' upon his death-bed, put his fltbje&s
in^ mind of the old prophecy, already mention’d, CHAP.
That after the reign of twelve Inca’s, a new nation IX.
fhould arrive, that had never been known in thofe V s^‘v~v^
parts, and fubdue that empire ; which he conjectur’d
would happen not many years after his death, he
being the twelfth Inca : And advifed his fubjc&s ter
fubmit and ferve that people, who were in every
refpe& fuperior to them ; their laws better, and
their forces and military fkill rendring them in-
vincible. And De la Vega obferves, that this
laft advice of their dying Inca w r as not the leaft in-
ducement to the Peruvians to fubmit to the Spaniards
aftewards. They held, he fays, that Heaven had
decreed the Spaniards the dominion of thofe coun-
tries, and that all refiftance would be in vain ; but
I am apt to think, the thunder of the Spanifh ar-*'
tillery was a much ftronger motive for their fub~
miflion.
The relation of thefe omens, prodigies, and pro-
phecies, Garciliasso de la Vega, the In-
ca, or royal hiftorian, tells us, he receiv’d from
two Mexican Officers that had ferv’d the Emperor
Huana Capac, and were, at the time he had
this from them, fourfeore years of age, being bap-
tized and initiated in the Chriftian religion by the*
Spanifh lathers at Cufco: However, as we meet*
with the like omens recorded by hirtorians before,
every confiderable revolution almoft that has hap-
pened in Europe, whether ancient or modern, Iarrr
far from requiring mv readers to give entire credit
to fuch relations, but leave every one to pafs what
judgment he pleafes on them.
Huana Capac being dead, his body was em-
balmed, and carried to the temple of the Sun at
Cufco ; but his heart, according to his directions,
was buried at Quitto ? the refidence of his favourite
fon Atahnalpa.
Huascar, the eldeft legitimate fon of Hu an a Thirteenth
Capac, reign’d in peace at Cufoo four or five Inca *
years, after his father’s death, without giving his
brother, the King of Quitto, any moleftation ;
but then confidering the lofs he had fuftained by
difmembring and yielding up one of the richeft pro-
vinces of the empire to Atahnalpa, by which
he was prevented extending his dominions further
northward ; and reflecting alfo, that his brother
was a Prince remarkable for his ambitious and tur-
bulent fpirit, and might one day rival him in the
reft of his territories, iie determin’d to be before-
hand with him, and to refume what he had too
eafily parted from : He fent an Ambaftador there-
fore, or rather a Herald, to his brother the King of
Quitto, to inform him, that by the laws of the
empire, the territories of the Inca's could not be di-
vided ; and though lie had been obliged by his fa-
ther to refign Quitto to him, this was what his fa-
ther could neither legally command, nor he per-
form : However, fince it was the will of his fa-
ther, he was ready to confirm the ceffion upon two
conditions 5 i. I hat he fhould not endeavour to
TP.<.\k.C
T H E PRESENT STATE
HAP. make any addition to his territories ; and, 2. That
IX. he fhould hold them as a vaffal and feudatory of
his empire, and actually do him homage for them.
To both which demands Atahnalpa feem’d
readily to content, and promifed in a fhort time to
attend on him at Cufco, with all the Caraca’s and
Lords of his kingdom, to do him homage in per-
fon ; with which anfwer Huascar was entirely
fatisfied, and difmifs’d the troops be had rais’d to re-
cover Quitto by force ; while the fubtle Atah-
nalpa increafed his forces under pretence of doing
his homage with greater lplendor, and celebrating
the exequies of his deceafed father at Cufco.
Huascar being inform’d, when it was too
late, that his brother, inftead of fummoning his
vaflals to attend him, had levied an army of thirty
thoufand regular troops, which were advanced with-
in forty leagues of Cufco, found he had been de-
ceiv’d, and immediately ilTued his orders to the Go-
vernors of the feveral provinces to rendezvous with
their refpcdtive forces at Cufco, and form an ar-
my for the defence of that capital: But Atah-
nalpa having corrupted feveral of the Caraca’s,
who join’d his forces in their march; and the reft that
obey’d the fummons of Huascar being new un-
difciplin’d troops, were not much to be depended
on. However, being attack’d by At ah n alp a’s
army, they behaved in defence of their Inca, as
bravely as could be expedited, and the battle lafteda
whole day ; but in the evening Hu asc ar’s army
was forced to yield to the veteran troops of Atah-
nalpa, and a very great daughter follow’d, par-
ticularly among the Emperor’s guards, confifting
of a thouiand men, who defended their Prince
’till they were almoft all cut in pieces, and at
length Huascar was taken prifoner, and car-
ried in triumph to his brother, who did not march
with his army in perfon, but continued at a di-
ftance, ’till he faw what fuccefs his Generals would
have, who were old Officers, that had ferv’d his fa-
ther in the wars of Quitto, and much fuperior to
Thole who commanded Huascar ’s army.
Huascar being thus unhappily made prifoner,
Atahnalpa gave out, that he had no intention
do depofe his brother, but to defend his own domi-
nions, which his father had conferr’d on him, againft
Hu asc ar’s incroachments ; and to limit his pre-
rogative, lb as to make the condition of his fubjedts
eafy&and happy : And thereupon fummon’d all the
Inca’s of the empire to appear at Cufco, that all
things might be fettled to the mutual advantage of
Prince and People. And having, on fuch pretences,
got moft of them into his power, he caufed a body
of his forces to furround them and cut them in pie-
ces, confcious that the people would never willingly
.obey him, as long as there were any of the legiti-
mate iilue of their Inca left.
Nor did his rage flop here ; he murder’d all the
Caraca’s and Officers that appear’d faithful to Hu-
ascar ; and afterwards the women and children CHAP,
of the family of the Inca’s, whom he put to death IX.
by various tortures, according to De la Vega,
who makes this Atabilipa, or Atahnalpa,
a monfter of cruelty.
However, between five and fix hundred of the
blood of the Inca’s did efcape, it feems, by one
means or other, and particularly the mother of our
author, De la Vega, who was, as he tells us, a
daughter of Hu an A Capac’s brother. Two Tons
of Hu an a Capac alfo fled from the rage of their
brother, and afterwards married Spanifh Ladies; as
did feveral of the daughters and near relations of that
Prince. The firft Spanifh Adventurers, or Con-
querors, as they call’d themfelves, feem’d to be am-
bitious of intermarrying with the royal blood of
Peru ; which was not only an honour to thole Gen-
tlemen, but might be thought to give them a better
right to the country they had invaded, than they
could acquire by the fword.
I fhould now proceed to the hiftory of the Spa-
niards conqueft of Peru, but beg leave to defer that
a little ’till I have given fome further account of the
religion of the ancient Peruvians.
It is generally faid, that the Inca’s of Peru ac- a further
knowledg’d no other god but their father the Sun, lonT
whofe offspring they pretended to be: And this ofNe Peru-
poffibly may be true of the firft Inca’s ; but fome of vians.
them afterwards invading that part of the country
where Lima (now the capital of Peru) ftands, and
meeting with a notable oppofition, they were oblig’d
to indulge that people in the profeffion of their an-
cient religion, and the worfhip of the almighty in-
vifible God, and to promife not to demolifh their
temples, before they would fubmit to their dominion
(however, they oblig’d them afterwards to eredt a
temple to the Sun, and adore that planet alfo).
This temple ftood in a fine valley, a little diftance The temple
from Lima, and was dedicated to Pacha Camac, of Pdcha
the invifible or unknown God, who created and
fuftains all things, and was ftanding when the Spa-
niards arriv’d in Peru; and here they found an in-
conceiveable treafure of gold, filver, and precious
ftones, that had been dedicated to the God Pacha
Camac, whofe name was communicated to the
valley wherein the temple ftood, and is ftill call’d
the valley of Pacha Camac. Roy. Com.
“ Peru, p. 234.”
The Inca’s did not only permit this people ftill to
adore their God Pacha Camac, but feem to
have been convinc’d, from the time of this conqueft
at leaft, that there was one almighty invifible Being
that created heaven and earth ; and that the Sun
was his Viceroy or Lieutenant. Others made two
gods of them ; the one vifible, and the other invi-
fible. And lome of the Inca’s, particularly PIuana
Capac (Roy. Com. p. 365.) manifeftly look’d
upon the Sun as a mere creature, diredted and go-
vern’d in all his motions by the fupreme God ; for
2
OF PERU.
CHAP, had he (fays the Inca) any will of his own, and
IX. were not under a neceffity of performing his annual
courfe, he would fometimes reft or vary, and not
always move in one fphere, if it was but to fhew
liberty of adtion .
From whence it is natural to infer, that the In-
ca’s, notwithftanding the reformation they pretend-
ed to have effected in the provinces they conquer’d,
by abolifhing the worfhip of animals and vegetables,
and of ftocks and ftones, and bringing the natives
to adore only the Sun, did in fome parts of their
conquefts introduce their own idolatry in the room
of the worfhip of the one only God, or at leaft,
obliged the people to worfhip the Sun as well as
God, and confequently adulterated rather than re-
form’d their religion. And ’tis very poffible, that
many of the people they fubdued might equal, if not
furpafs, them in their manners, and the innocence
and regularity of their lives, as well as in the purity
of their religion, and might not be thofe barbarians
the Inca De la Vega has reprefen ted them ; for
I cannot help thinking but people were at leaft as
juft, as innocent, and humane, while they were led
and govern’d by the Heads of their refpedtive tribes,
before large empires or kingdoms were form’d by
conqucft or compact, as they were afterwards ; for
however we may have improved in arts and fcitnces,
the world does not feem to improve much in its
morals: For my part, I have found much more
innocence and humanity among the unpolifh’d in-
habitants of unfrequented defarts and mountains,
that feem to have been excluded all commerce and
mtercourfe with the reft of mankind, than in the
pohteft nations, who ufually look upon fuch people
as barbarians.
Moft of the Spanifh writers-, either out of preju-
dice, ignorance, or defign, have as much mifrepre-
fented the religion and morals of the Inca’s, as the
Inca’s did thofe of the nations they fubdu’d. Acos-
ta, tho’ in other refpects a good writer, when he
comes to treat of the religion of Mexico or Peru, is
very little to be credited : He charges the Peruvians
with facrificing hundreds of their children at fome of
their feftivals. Antonio de Ferera, and o-
ther Spanifh writers do the fame, while the royal
hiftorian, De la Vega, who wrote after wardg,
and makes it his bufinefs to review and corredf the
errors of thofe authors that preceded him, allures us,
that the Inca’s never fufter’d. any human facrifices
while they reign’d in Peru, but had the greateft ab-
horrence of them ; and no man was better acquaint-
ed with their rites than De la Vega was.
He alfo corrects the Spanifh writers for givino-
out, that by Pacha Camac was meant the De-
vil : And that the Devil was worfhipp’d in that
temple (and indeed this the Spaniards made one pre-
tence for invading and enflaving that unhappy peo-
ple). Whereas, fays.DE la Vega, had thev un-
derftood the Indian language, the very name of Pa-
cha Camac would have taught them, other wife 3
the two words of which it is compoled figmfying,
the almighty God, who created and fuftains all
things, and animates the univerfe.
I proceed, in the next place, to defcribe the prin-
cipal rites and ceremonies in the religion of the In-
ca’s. The royal hiftorian informs us, they had four
gland feftivals annually, fefides thofe they celebrat-
ed every moon. The firft of their great feafts,
call’d Raymi, was held in the month of June, im-
mediately after the fummer folftice, which they did
not only keep in honour of the Sun, that blefs’d all
creatures with its heat and light, but in commemo-
ration of their firft Inca, Manca Capac, and
Coya Mama Oclo, his wife and filler, whom
the Inca’s look’d upon as their firft parents, defend-
ed immediately from the Sun, and fent by him into
the world to reform and polifh mankind.
At this feftival all the Viceroys, Generals, Go-
vernors, Caracas, and Nobility, were aft’embled at
the capital city of Cufco: And if any of them were
prevented coming thither by ficknefs or the infirmi-
ties of old age, he fent his fon, his brother, or fome
near relation to fupply his place.
The Emperor, or Inca, officiated at this feftival
as High Pricft ; for tho’ there was another High
Prieft of the blood-royal, either uncle or brother of
the Inca, to whom it belong’d at other times to offi-
ciate, yet this being the chief feaft, the Inca him-
felf perform’d that office.
The Nobility, at this time, were crown’d with
garlands 01 coronets of gold, adorn’d with flowers
and beautiful feathers, and their garments were in 31
manner plated with gold. Some appear’d in the
fkins of Lions, others in vizards and ridiculous habits,
playing upon their country mufick 3 fome afted the
buffoons and madmen, while others fhew’d teats of
activity, and lerew d themfelves into all manner of
poftures : Fhe Governors of provinces carried the
enfigns and colours of their feveral countries, and
march’d at the head of their refpeefive people.
I hey faffed three days, as a preparative to- this
feaft, eating nothing but unbaked Maize and herbs,
and drinking water. The faft being ended, on the
eve of the feaft, the Priefts prepar’d the Sheep.,.
Lambs, and drink-offerings, which were to be
offer'd the next day to the Sun, while the virgins
or wives of the Sun were employ’d in kneading
dough, and making bread of Maize or Indian-
corn, for the Inca’s. They alfo drefs’d the reft of
the provifion for the royal family at this folemnity ;
other women being employ’d to make bread, and
drefs flefh for the multitude.
'Fhe morning being come, the Inca, accompa-
ny’d by his brethren and near relations, drawn up
in order, according to their fenicrity, went in pro*
ceffion at break of day to the market-place bare-
foot, where they remain’d looking attentively to-
wards the Eaft in expedition of the rifing Sun,
which no fooner appear’d hut they fell down and
ador’d the glorious planet with the moft profound
veneration,
The princi-
pal feftivals
of the Inca’sj
The ceremo-
ny of adoring-
the rifog
Sun.
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, veneration, acknowledging him to be their god
IX. and father.
The Caraca’s, vafl'al Princes, and Nobility, that
were not of the blood-royal, affembled feparately
in another fquare, and perform’d the like ceremony ;
after which, the King rifing upon his feet (while
the reft remain’d in a pofture of devotion) took
two great gold cups in his hands, fill’d with their
common beverage made of Indian-corn, and in-
vited all the Inca’s, his relations, to partake with
him, and pledge him in that liquor.
Then he pour’d the drink out of the bowl in his
right-hand into a fmall ftone channel, which con-
vey’d it to the temple ; after which, having drank
of the bowl in his left-hand, he diftributed the re-
mainder to his kindred Inca’s, who waited with
little gold and filver cups to receive the liquor.
The Caraca’s and Nobility drank of another cup
of the fame kind of liquor, prepared by the wives
of the Sun ; but this was not efteem’d lb facred as
that confecrated by the Inca.
T his ceremony being ended, the whole company
advanc’d bare-foot to the gate of the temple, being
about two hundred paces diftant from the place
where they flood ; and the Inca and his relations
entering the doors, adored the image of the Sun at
the eaft end of the temple, while the Caraca’s, who
were not indulg’d that privilege, worfhipp’d in the
great court before the gate of the temple.
The Inca here offer’d the vafes or golden bowls,
with which he perform’d the ceremony of drinking,
and the reft of the royal family deliver’d theirs into
the hands of the Priefts. Then the Priefts went out
into the court, and receiv’d from the Caraca’s and
Governors of the refpedlive provinces their offerings,
confifting of gold and filver veffels, and the figures
of all manner of animals call: of the fame metals.
Sacrifices. Thefe offerings being made, great droves of Sheep
and Lambs were brought ; out of which the Priefts
chofe a black Lamb, and having kill’d and open’d
it, made their prognofticks and divinations thereupon
relating to peace and war, and other events, from
the entrails of the beaft ; always turning the head of
the animal towards the Eaft when they kill’d it.
After the firft Lam.b, the reft of the cattle pro-
vided were facrificed, and their hearts offer’d to the
Sun ; and their carcafes were Head and burnt, with
fire lighted by, the Sun’s ravs, contracted by a piece
of Chryftal, or fomething like a burning-glafs, they
never making ufe of common fire on thefe occafions,
unlefs the Sun was obfcur’d. Some of this fire was
carried to the temple of the Sun, and to the cloifter
of the lelect Virgins, to be prelerv’d the following
year without extinction.
The facrifices being over, they return’d to the
■market-place, where the reft of the cattle and pro-
vifions were drefs’d and eaten by the guefts ; the
Priefts diftributing them firft to the Inca’s, and then
to the Caraca’s and their people in their order ; and
after they had done eating, great quantities of liquor
weie brought in.
Then the Emperor, being {bated on a golden CHAP,
throne, railed on a pedeftal of the fame metal, or- IX.
der’d his relations, the Inca’s, to drink in his name
with the moft celebrated Generals, Governors, and
Nobility of the refpedfive provinces, whole adlions
had render’d them famous in the empire.
The Inca’s thereupon carry’d bowls of liquor
from the Emperor to the perfons thus diftinguifh’d,
telling them the Capa, or fupreme Inca, invited
them to drink with him, and they were come to
drink with them in his name ; whereupon the Ge-
nerals and Caraca’s, each of them taking a cup
from the Inca’s hands, lift up their eyes to the Sun,
as returning thanks for the great favour done them
by his offspring, and having drank, return’d the
bowls back to the Inca’s with the profoundeft ado-
ration.
Bowls of liquor alfo were carried by the Inca’s to
the reft of the Lords, Caraca’s, and great Officers ;
but to thefe they drank in their own names, and not
in the name of the Emperor.
In return of this compliment, the principal Lords
and Caraca’s, filling their own bowls, approach’d
the throne with the greateft reverence, and in their
order drank to the Emperor, who received it of them,
and having drank what he law fit, gave the reft to
the fervants and officers that attended him ; but it
was reckon’d a peculiar mark of refpeef where the
Emperor drank deep, and pledg’d any one of them
heartily.
The reft of the Caraca’s and Noblemen drank
to the royal family of the Inca’s, who firft drank
to them in their own names, and then retiring to
their refpedfive ftations, the mufick play’d, and
their dances, mafquerades, and every other diverfi-
on was p radii fed, which were in ufe among the fe-
veral nations of Peru. There were frequent paufes
and intervals, however, in which they drank very
freely, and then return’d to their fports again.
This feftival was continued in the fame manner
nine days fucceffvely, only there were no offer-
ings or facrifices after the firft. The folemnity be-
ing ended, the Governors, Generals, and Caraca’s
took their leave of the Emperor, and return’d with
their people to their refpedtive countries.
A fecond feftival was kept every year on the con- Second feffi-
ferring military honours ( or knighthood, as the va! ‘
Spanifh writers term it) great regard being had to
thofe who behav’d well in their country’s fervice.
The principal marks or enfigns thofe Knights were
diftinguifh’d by, were large ear-rings, the Em-
peror himfelf boring their ears with golden nails.
Their third feftival was in the Spring, when their Third fefti-
corn firft appear’d, on which occafion Sheep and val '
Lambs were facrificed, and they pray’d for feafon-
able weather to bring tire fruits of the earth to per-
fedlion, concluding the feftival with drinking, Ting-
ing, dancing, and other diverfions.
The fourth was celebrated on the new Moon Fourth fefii*
after the Equinox in September, when they ador’d va1,
the
O F P
C H A P, the Sun as it arofe, as at their grand feftival ; and
IX, pray’d him to avert all calamities, whether of war,
plague, or famine; and armed men running through
the ftreets, were faid to drive away thefe calamities
out of the city : Fires alfo were made in the ftreets
the fucceeding nights, in order to purify them from
all nocturnal evils ; after which they fpent the time
in facrificing, feafting, and dancing, every day du-
ring the firft quarter of the Moon.
Monthly Their monthly feafts were celebrated by the
feafts. Priefts within the temple, at which times facri-
fices of fheep, lambs, fowls, and other animals,
were made to the Sun, but no publick proceffions :
And as for human facrifices, the royal hiftorian
allures us, there were never any inch offer’d in the
dominions of the Inca’s; though Acosta, He-
re r a, and other Span ifh writers have charged
them with facrificing hundreds of children at their
grand feftivals.
The pofiure I fhould have obferv’d, that the people fell clown
of adoration. on their knees and elbows when they ador’d the
Sun, covering ther faces with their hands ; and it is
remarkable, that the Peruvians exprefs’d their ve-
neration for the temple, and other holy places, by
putting oft their fhces, as the Chinele, the people
of the Eaft-Indies, and other Afiaticks do, though
at the greateft diftance from them, and not by un-
covering their heads, as the Europeans do at divine
fervice.
Convents of I have already mentioned their convents of feledf
Virgins, or Nuns, of which there were two kinds,
viz. thofe in the convent of the capital city of
Cufco, and thofe belonging to the convents in the
chief cities of thy refpective provinces.
The Nuns of Cufco were all of the whole blood
of the Inca’s, dedicated to the Sun, and call’d the
Wives of the Sun. They were admitted into the
convent at eight years of age, and taught by the
elder Nuns to work with their needles, to fpin, and
weave the garments offer’d to the Sun, and prepare
meat and drink for the Inca. They alfo wove all the
garments the Emperor and Emprefs wore at their
folemn feftivals. ThefeVirgins were fufter’d to have
no interview or intercourfe with man or woman,
after they enter’d this houfe, and none but the
Emprefs was allow’d to vifit them. If they were
engag’d in a love- intrigue, it was punished with
death ; and if any man violated the chaftity of one
Of them, he and his whole family, father, mo-
ther, wife, children, and even his flocks, herds,
houfes, and lands, were utterly deftroy’d : But
thefe Nuns were never fuffer’d to enter the temple
of the Sun, or perform any manner of devotions to
that planet, or any other god, as I can learn ; much
lefs did they aflift, or ferve the Priefts in tire tem-
ple,^ as feme writers relate ; their near relation to
the Sun feems to have exempted them from any fer-
vices of tliis kind.
I he feledt Virgins in other provinces were either
taken out of foch families as the Inca’s had adopt-
VoL. III. ^ ■
E R U. 3 q 5
ed, and given the privilege to hear the name of In- C H A P,
ca’s, or out of the families of the Caraca’s and No- IX.
bility refiding in the refpedtive provinces ; or fuch
as were eminent for their beauty and accomplifh-
ments : Ehele were dedicated to the Inca, and
call’d his wives, and he took them to his bed when-
ever he law fit ; fo that thefe provincial nunneries
were, in effedt, but fo many foraglio’s, appropriated
to the ufe of this grand Monarch, to which no other
man might approach on pain of death, the lofs of
his relations, and all that was dear to him ; the
penalty of violating one of thefe being the fame as
was inflidted on thofe who debauched a virgin dedi-
cated to the Sun himfelf.
As to the notions the Peruvians had of a future Their notions
ftate, it is evident that they bc-liev’d the foul fur- of a futurs
viv’d the body, by the Inca’s conftantly declaring ftAte '
they fhould go to reft, or into a ftate of happinefs,
provided for them by their god and father the Sun,
when they left this world. And ’tis probable their
fubjedts had the like notion, that their fouls were
immortal, and capable of happinefs or mifery after
death : But when the Spanifh MiUionaries add,
that they believed a refurredfton of the very fame
bodies, I doubt they impofe upon us ; for I queftion
whether any people ever believed the refurredtion of
the body, ’till it was reveal’d by the Gofpel. They
might, and did believe there was another ftate, in
which the foul fhould exift ; but the refurredUon of
the fame body is furely a dodfiine peculiar to Chri-
ftians. I fhould as foon believe, that the Peruvians
held the dodfrine of the Trinity, and every other
article of the Catholick faith; as Acosta, ant?
fome other Spanifh writers, aver (telling us, that
the Devil had taught them to mimick every the
minuteft ceremony in the Chriftian religion, and
even all their Popifh fuperftitions) as believe they had
an a durance that the fame body their fouls anima-
ted in this world fhould be railed again to life eter-
nal : And what view the Spanifh Miflionaries
had in fuggefting, that there was not a dodhine,
rite or ceremony held or pradtifed by the Romifh
church, but were found among the Peruvians, is not
eafy to conceive.
I muft not difmifs the head of religion without Oracles,
taking fome notice of the Peruvian oracles, menti-
on d by De la Vega, Acosta, and other
Spanifh writers, and particularly the oracle of Ri-
mac (now Lima, or King’s-town).
The valley of Rimac, fays De la Vega, lies Rimac,
four leagues to the northward of Pacha Camac, and
receiv’d its name from a certain idol of the figure of
a man, that fpoke, and anfwer’d queftions like the
oracle of Apollo at Delphos.
This idol was feated in a magnificent temple, ta
which the great Lords of Peru either went in per-
fon, or enquir’d by their Ambaffadors, of all the im-
portant affairs relating to their provinces. And
the Inca’s themfelves held this image in high ve-
neration, and confulted it after they conquer’d
R r that
3° 6
THE PRESE N T STATE
HAP. that part of the country. Roy. Comp. p. 234. In
IX. the fame chapter De la Vega makes a remarka-
ble conceffion in relation to the Peruvians worfhip-
ping Pacha Camac, the almighty invifible God,
before the Inca’s introduc’d the idolatrous worfhip of
the Sun.
\ tc Phe Kings of Peru, fays that hiftorian, did,
“ by the mere light of natural reafon, attain the
“ knowledge of one God, the maker of all things,
*' who fuftain’d the univerfe, whom they call’d Pa-
cha Camac: Which dodtrine was more anci-
“ ent than the time of the Inca’s, and difpers’d thro’
“ all their kingdoms, both before and after the
w conqueft. They believ’d that he was invifible,
“ and therefore built no temples to him (except
“ that one in the valley of Pacha Camac) or of-
“ fet’d him any facrifices, as they did to the Sun ;
“ but Chew’d, however, the profound veneration
“ they had for him in their hearts, by bowing their
“ heads, lifting up their eyes, and by other out-
“ ward ge flu res, whenever his facred name was
“ mention’d.” And as to what he charges them
with in other places, namely, the worfhipping all
manner of animals, and even inanimate creatures,
if the truth of this may be depended on, yet may
we offer the fame excufe for the Peruvians as has
been made for the Egyptians, and other ancient
pagans, viz. “ That they only ador’d the infinite
81 wifdom of God, manifefted in the works of his
“ creation.”
c I I A P. X.
Of the invafion and conqueft of Peru by the
Spaniards.
CHAP. TT has been related already, that Vasco Nu-
X. JL nez de Balboa firft difeover’d the South-
' fea in 1313, for which he v/as, by the Court of
TT C fp” Spain, conflituted Adelantado, or Lord-Lieutenant
** "“ r ‘ CK1 ‘ of the lands and iflands he fhould difeover in thofe
fe as ; and that having fitted out fome fhips, he was
fo fortunate in the two following years to pafs the
Equator, and come upon the coaft of Paffao, the
northern limits of Peru, where he was fully inform-
ed of the vaft riches of that country ; but being
recall’d, and put to death by Pe dr arias, then
Governor of Terra-Firma, who had a view to-
wards reaping the benefit of the difeoveries Vas-
c o had made : he afterwards employ’d feveral Pi-
lots and Adventurers to purfue the fame track Vas-
co had gone, and plant colonies in Peru ; but fo
extremely difficult and hazardous was that coafting
voyage, from the Bay of Panama (from whence
they fee out) to Peru, before they were acquainted
with the w.nds and currents, that all the people he
employ’d were difeourag’d from profecuting the dis-
covery of that country, reporting that the voyage
v/as impracticable, or rather impofiible, bccaufe the
winds and currents fat in the very teeth of thofe
that fail’d from North to South- America. Where-
upon Fed r arias defifted from that enterprize,
defpairing to overcome the difficulties that had been
reprefented to him ; and leaving the town of Old
St. Mary’s, on the Gulph of Darien, he built ano-
ther town on the Bay of Panama, which bears the
fame name, and from thence he purfu’d his conquefis
to the north and weft in the provinces of Vera°iia
and Cofta Rica.
Pedrarias having thus entirely abandon’d
the enterprize on Peru, three bold Adventurers, viz.
Pizarro, Almagro, and De Lucne, who
then refided in his new town of Panama, defired
his leave to attempt the further difeovery and con-
queft of Peru at their own charges, which he rea-
dilv granted, being of opinion it would come to no-
t' ing; and all that were acquainted with the former
attempts that had been made, look’d upon thefe
Adventurers to be no better than fools ar.d madmen :
And though fome have related that Pedrarias
Populated to have a (hare in the profit of this ad-
venture, if they made any, it does not appear that
he ever claim’d any part of their booty afterwards,
or that any part of it was referv’d for him ; only
the King’s fifth was laid by, the reft the Adventu-
rers fhar’d amongft themfelves ; but of this hereafter.
I now proceed to relate the beginnings and progrefs
made by Pizarro, Almacro, and De Lug-
ne, in the conqueft of that vaft empire of Peru,
which they liv’d to accomplifh in a great meafure,
but never enjoy’d the fruits of their labours. Pi-
zarro, Almagro, and moil of the Officers that
were employ’d in this fervice, perifhing by their own
inteftine divifions, each of them being infpir’d
with an ambition of acquiring the foie dominion of
thofe countries, to the exclufion of their Fellow-
adventurers.
Francis Pizarro, who makes the greateft
figure in this triumvirate of Adventurers, was a na-
tive of Truxillo in Spain, and the Spaniards will
have him to be of a noble family ; but if he was,
he feems to have been pretty much reduc’d, and to
have gone to the Weft-Indies to recruit his broken
fortunes. He ferved firft in the wars in the iflands
of Hifpaniola and Cuba, and afterwards accompa-
nied Alonzo de Oyeda to the Gulph of Ura-
ba, or Darien, in Terra-Firma Proper, to fettle a
Spanifh colony there. Oyeda returning to Hi-
fpaniola for Recruits, left Francis Pizarro his
Lieutenant in Darien ; and not coming back with-
in the time he appointed, the colony fuffer’d incre-
dible hardfhips ; but by the conduct of Pizarro
they were moil of them preferv’d ’till Drips arriv’d
to their relief, which very much rais’d the reputa-
tion of this Captain.
He afterwards attended Vasco Nunez de
Balboa, when he difeover’d the South-fea, feiv’J
under Pedrarias, when he fix’d a colony at
Panama; and v/as employ’d by that General in
the
CHAP,
X.
Only two
months in
the year tha
winds are fa-
vourable on
this coaft,
which the
firft adven-"
turers did not
know.
The three
principal ad-
venturers in
this conqueft,
Seme ac-
count of
Francis Pi a
zairo.
CHAP,
X.
O F P
the fubduing the province of Veragua, in which
expeditions he acquir’d the reputation of a good Offi-
cer, and a fortune fufficient to have fatisfied any
reafonable man ; but this increafe of wealth did
but increafe his thirft after more : And when he
might have fpent the remainder of his days in peace
and plenty, he chofe, in the decline of life, being
upwards of fifty, to enter upon the difcovery of
unknown regions; the difficulty whereof had baf-
fled the attempts of feveral Adventurers, rather than
fit down and enjoy what he had already acquir’d.
Diego de Almagro, the fecond of this tri-
umvirate, was born at Almagro in Spain, a man of
a mean and obfeure original, but of a genius equally
enterprizing as the former, and who, in feveral ex-
peditions in the Weft-Indies, had amafs’d a great
deal of wealth. Thefe two, refiding at Panama,
Of de Lugac. aftbciated themfelves with Ferdinand de Lug-
ne, an Ecclefiaftick of that town, richer than ei-
ther of them, and who was Proprietor of the ifland
of I abago, in that bay. ft his Gentleman had been
acquainted with Vasco Nunez, as well as the o-
ther two, and was pretty well aftur’d that the voy-
age would anfwer their expectations, if they could
overcome thofe difficulties of contrary winds and
Some ac-
count of AI
magro.
The contra fi
of the Ad-
venturers.
currents that had difcouraged others : And though
people generally loie their enterprizing genius as
they grow into years, yet had avarice, ambition or
curiofity fuch an afcendant over thefe three Gentle-
men, that though they were all of them between
fifty and threefcore years of age, yet did they em-
bark their fortunes, and two of them their perfons,
in fearch of thofe mountains of gold they had re-
ceiv’d intelligence of.
They enter’d into articles, ’tis faid, never to a-
bandon each other for any hazards or difappoint-
ments they might meet with in the enterprize, ’till
they had made a conqueft of Peru : And folemnly
took their oaths in publick, for the confirmation of
thefe articles, each of them being affign’d a parti-
cular part in conducting and executing the fcheme.
Prancis Pizarro was to command the firft
party that went upon the difcovery; Almagro
was to carry him Recruits, and reinforce him from
tune to time, and Ferdinand de Lugne was
to remain at Panama, and lay in ammunition and
provifions to fupport the enterprize ; and whatever
gold, filver, precious ftones, or other effecfts (hould
be acquir’d, after the charges, and the Emperor’s
fifths were paid, were to be divided equally amon^ft
them.
'I be royal biftorian having proceeded thus far in
his relation, makes fotne refledions on the great ad-
vantages that have refulted from this confederacy of
thefe three Spanifh Gentlemen ; as that theChriftian
religion was firft introduc’d into that great empire of
.Peril by their means : I hat arts and fcicnces were
hrftintioducd there by them, in return for which,
Spain, and the reft of Europe, became poffefs’d of an
immenie treafure in gold, filver, and precious ftones.
E R U. 20*7
Rut if the numberlefs deVaftaflons and oppreffionsCH A P„
the miferable Indians fufter’d by the ufurpations and X.
tyrannies of the Spaniards, are confider’d, how ma-
ny millions were cut off and entirely extirpated, and
how many more enflav’d ; if it be confider’d, that
with the Chriftian religion they introduc’d the In-
quifition, with all its terrors ; and have fo adulte-
rated and corrupted the Chriftian doffirines, faith
and practice, and with them the morals of the In-
ians, that people poffibly have loft more than they
have gain’d by the change.
And as to the benefits we receive by the importa-
tion of gold and filver from Peru, this, De la
ega himfelf feems to be of opinion, does not
countervail the mifehiefs they bring with them; as
appears from his commentaries on that part of the
hiftory, p. 4.25.
Such, fays this hiftorian, as look on the riches
of Peru with more than common eves, are of opi-
nion, that they have rather been hurtful than bene-
ficial to mankind : Por riches have been the caufe
of vice, and not of virtue, having inclin’d men to
piide, ambition, gluttony and luxury; for enjoy-
ing an affluence of fortune, they have given them-
felves up to floth and effeminacy, becoming nei-
thei ufeful members of fociety in time of peace, nor
fit for hardfhip and labour in time of war ; but em-
ploying their whole thoughts and time in contriving
new difhes and liquors to gratify their appetites, and
fantaftical fafliions for their cloathing. And as the
rents of the poor have been rais’d to maintain the
lufts and riotous livings of great perfons, fo have the
P oor been opprefs d and reduc d to rags and famine,
to fupport the pride and luxury of their landlords.
F e truth is, fays De la Vega, the poor are
become much more poor than formerly ; for the
quantity of money being increafed, which is heap’d
up in the coffers of the rich, hath enhanc’d the price
ot provilions to that degree, that the poor ftarve by
the abundance of the rich ; and tho’ the rich have
plenty or money, and might, out of their threat
ftoies, enlarge their charities and benevolence to
their poorer neighbours, yet their alms, and the
wages they allow the labouring men, do not an-
fwer the price of provifions, which the plenty of
money hath rais’d. From whence it is concluded,
that the riches of the new world not having increafed
the provifions neceflary for the fupport of human
nie, but ratner ferv d to make them dear, to make
men effeminate, and to enfeeble their conftitutions
and undei {landings, and introduce vicious habits and
cuftoms : The generality of mankind is become
much worfe, and mere difeontented ; and nations
heretofore formidable, and dreaded by all the world,
are now rendered mean, defpicable, and effeminate’
by tue corruption of riches, “which is moreappli-
“ cable to Spain than any other country, that peo-
ple having declined ever fince they have been
m afters 01 the treafures of Mexico and Peru •
“ and no doubt De la Vega
Rr 2
had his eye princi
3°S
CHAP.
X.
Pizarro em-
barks for
Peru,
O to
the ifland of
Gallo.
T HE PRESENT STATE
tc pally upon the Spaniards when he made this re-
“ fieffion.”
To return to our hiftory. The three Partners
having bought a {hip, vitftuall’d and equipp’d her (or
as fome fay, two Chips) Pizarro embark’d about
the middle of November, 1525, with fourfcore
men and four horfes (De la Vega makes them
1 1 4 men) and fetting fail from Panama, fail’d to the
Pearl- iflanus, in the middle of that bay, where he
took in wood, water, and grabs for his horfes, and
fail’d to Port Pinas, or Pineapple, upon the conti-
nent, on the fouth-eaft fide of the bay of Panama.
Here Pizarro went on fcore with his foldiers,
and endeavour’d to penetrate into the country; but
meeting with nothing but bogs, or mountains,
over-run with wood and deluges of rain, as they
approach’d the Equator ; and the people having fled
from their habitations, fo that no provifions were to
be had : Pizarro ran farther down the coaft to
the fouthward, and then landing again, found the
country no better, and loft a great many of his men
by fick net's, want of provifions, or the hardfhips
they buffer’d in their marches and counter-marches.
Whereupon he bent the Chip to the ifles of Pearls
for provifions, and in the mean time was follow’d
by Almagro with two other (hips, and a recruit
of ftxty men and upwards. Thefe two Captains
meeting upon this wretched, rainy, and unwnole-
fome coaft, and landing their united forces, had fome
fkirmifhes with the natives, in which Almagro
loir an eye ; but happening, in fome of their excur-
fions, to meet with a parcel of gold of the value of
fourteen or fifteen thoufand crowns, they refolved,
notwithstanding ail the difficulties and hazards they
underwent, to perfift in the enterprize ; in which
they w’ere the more encourag’d by the Pilot De
Ruyz, who (while Pizarro remain’d with the
foldiers on fhore) ran down as far as Cape Paflao,
under the Equator, and taking fome prifoners, was
affured by them, that the treafures of Peru were
much beyond anv tiling that had hitherto been re-
ported of them. Whereupon lie return’d to Pi -
zarro with the agreeable news: In the mean
time, that General buffer'd incredible hardfhips in the
abfenceof Almagro, who was gone to Panama
with the gold they had got, to procure another re-
inforcement of troops and provifions. Almagro,
at his return to Panama, found Pedrarias re-
mov’d from Ids Government, and fucceeded by
Peter de los P, i os, who permitted him to raile
what men he could to reinforce Pizarro. Where-
upon he embark’d again with forty foldiers more,
fome horfes, and arms, cloaths, {hoes, provifions,
and medicines, and return’d to Pizarro, whom
lie found in a very miferable condition, great part
of his men being lick or dead. They remov’d
therefore from that unhealthful part of the continent,
and put their men on fhore in the ifland of Gallo,
where they remain’d fifteen days, and then return’d
towards the continent again, running along the coaft
further to the fouthward ; however, they ftill met
with i'uch a drowned country, and bad weather,
that it was once propos’d to return back to Panama:
Even Pizarro’s heart fail’d him; and the two
Commanders, it feems, were upon the point of
drawing their fwords, fo hot was the conteft for and
againft proceeding in the enterprize ; but at length
it was agreed, that they fhould go to the ifland of
Gallo again, where Pizarro fhould remain with
the men ’till Ai.m agro went to Panama for re-
cruits: And great care was taken, that none of the
men fhouid write home, and difeover their wretched
condition ; for mofl of them had fnewn an inclina-
tion to defert the fervice whenever they had an op-
portunity, and threaten’d to apply to the Governor
of Panama to be recall’d from an expedition which
had confumed fuch numbers of them ; and, if pro-
fecuted, would probably deftroy the reft. And not-
withftanding all the care their Commanders took,,
one of them found means to fend a paper, fubferibed
by inoft of the men, defiring to be recall’d, which
was inclofed in a bottom of cotton-yarn, and thereby
conceal’d from the notice of their Officers. This
paper coming to the hands of the Governor of Pa-
nama, he was fo far from buffering Almagro to
levy any more recruits, that he fent a (hip, with a
Commifiary on board, to the ifland of Gallo, on
purpofe to bring back all the men that furviv’d. The
Commifiary arriving, Pizarro begg’d of him
that he would however buffer as many of the men
to remain with him as were willing to proceed in
the enterprize ; which the Commifiary confenting
to, Pizarro drew a line with the point of his
fword, and haranguing his men, told them they
were at liberty to return to 'Panama, if they thought
fit ; but it griev’d him that they fhould now aban-
don the enterprize, when they were upon the point:
of reaping the reward of all their bufferings. As for
his part, he would perifh in the glorious undertaking,
rather than defert it; and thofe that voluntarily re-
main’d with him fhould {hare with him the treafures
of which they had fo near a profpeit, defiring thofe
that were willing to proceed in the enterprize to
come over the line he had drawn : But luch were
the bufferings of thefe poor wretches, that much the
greateft part of them forfook him; only thirteen men
and a Mulatto came over the line, the reft: embark’d
and return’d to Panama with the Commiffary.
Pizarro being thus left on the ifland of Gallo
with only fourteen men, befides fome Peruvian men
and women they had taken- prifoners, remov’d to
the neighbouring ifland of Gorgona, for the benefit
of frefh water, and remain’d there ’till Alm agro
and Ruyez the Pilot came to him with refrefh-
ments and fome few volunteers that were ftill wil-
ling to fhare their fortunes ; on whole arrival it was
agreed to fail further fouthward ; and having pafs’d
the Equator, they came to an anchor in the bay of
Guiaquil, near the illands of Puna and St. Clara,
which lie in 3 degrees fouth latitude, and going on
fliore
CHAP.
X.
Their di-
ftrefs.
The Com-
manders fait
oat.
Pizarro de-
ferred by all
his men, but"
thirteen and
a Have.
He remain?
on the ifland
of Gorgona.
Sails toGuia-
quil.
OF PERU.
Finds place
there.
Two years
fpent in this
voyage.
Tumbez
town and
province.
They are
hofpitab'y
receiv’d by
the Peru-
fhore in the ifland of St. Clara, they found feveral
veffels and utenfils of filver plate, with garments
made of cotton and fine wool, which were offer-
ings made to fome idols in this ifland, where the
natives of Puna came at certain feafons to worfhip
them ; but there were no conffant inhabitants on
the ifland. It was with infinite labour and diffi-
culty, that our Adventurers proceeded thus far to
the fouth ward ; they were forced to bear up both a-
gainft winds and currents, that continually almoft
fat again!! them on thefe fhores, infomucb that they
fpent two whole years in this voyage from the ifland
of Gorgona, in 3 degrees of north latitude, to the
bay of Guiaquil in 3 degrees of fouthern latitude ;
a voyage that may be perform’d in lefs than a month,
now we are acquainted with the currents, winds
and feafons upon the coafts of Popayan and Peru.
While Pizarro and Almagro lay in the
bay of Guiaquil, they took feveral great floats, or
barklogs, with arm’d Indians on board, that were
going from Tumbez, on the neighbouring continent,
to invade the ifland of Puna, with which they were
at war. From thefe Indians they learn’d that there
was a great town and caftle at Tumbez, a magnifi-
cent temple, a convent of feledt Virgins, and abun-
dance of gold and filver veffels, and that the coun-
try abounded with corn and fruits. Whereupon
Pizarro treated the Indians with great civility,
and gave them their liberty to return to the conti-
nent with their floats ; and let them know, by his
Interpreters, that they came as friends, and did not
defign any manner of hurt or damage to the natives.
Thefe Indians acquainting their Lord, the Cacique
of Tumbez, with the wonders they had feen, viz.
thefhip, the guns, the habit and complexion of thofe
on board ; and informing him, that the Spaniards
came to vifit that coafl in a friendly manner, the
Cacique fent a Nobleman, or Orejon, on board, with
feveral barklogs loaden with provifion; and to in-
vite the Spaniards to come on fhore, telling them
they were welcome to whatever the country afforded.
Whereupon one of the faiiors was fent on fhore with
the Indians, and brought twenty butts of water on
board with their floats : The Orejon, ’tis faid, en-
quir’d of Pi zarr.o in the mean time, what it
was he went in fiearch of,, and what was the reafon
they had for forne years been roving about the fea
near the Peruvian coafl? Pizarro anfwer’d,
They came from the mol! potent King of Spain, to
require them to fubmit to his dominion, and be in-
firudled in the true religion, by which alone they
could attain the joys of heaven. At which anfwer,
’tis laid, the Peruvian appear’d a little aftonifh’d, as
he might well, to find the Spaniards making fuch
demands upon fb fhort an acquaintance, and when
they were in no condition to compel the Indians to
fubmit to them; and indeed Pizarro feems to
have been a man of more difcretion than to have
requir’d the Peruvians to obey him when he was in
fuch low circum fiances ; this could only infpire them
309
with a contempt of his perfon, and provoke them CHAP,
to ufe him ill. It is much more probable, that he X.
continued to allure them of his friendfhip, fince the 1 ^V~ W
fame writers inform us, he fent one of his company
and a Negroeon fhore with the Peruvian Nobleman,
and a prefent of European animals, an ax, and
fore glittering trifles, with which the Cacique was
extremely pleas’d : And as the Indians were furpriz’d
to fee fo ffrange a people, and fuch animals and in-
flruments as they brought with them, the Spaniard,
that went on fhore, was no lefs furpriz’d to find a
fine palace, and a magnificent temple, and all man-
ner of veffels and utenfils form’d of gold or filver ;
and when the man return’d on board to P 1 zarro,
he feem’d unable to declare the vaft treafures he had
feen, and the ftrength and beauty of the caftle where
the Cacique refided.
Pizarro, defirous to he better acquainted with Petei ; de
the truth of what the failor related, Peter de ^ n ^ r f° es
Can d 1 a, a man of good judgment, offer’d to go alone, and
on fhore and take a particular view of the place: take? a view
And as he was of a flature beyond the common fize,
it was thought that his perfon would be the more
admir’d, and give the Indians the greater opinion of
the people that were come to vifit them : And to
add to the aftonifhment of the natives, Pizarro
made him put on a complete fait of fhining armour,
a fhield on his left-arm, a broad fword by his fide,
and take a fuzee in his hand ; and thus equipp’d, he
was fet on fhore with a Negroe to attend him.
The Indians, as it was expended, were amazed
to fee a man fo tall and cf proportionable bulk, his
body cover’d with glittering fteel, and a long beard
on his chin, and immediately fled from the fhore to
the caftle on his landing. Peter, thereupon,
with a grave countenance, and true Spanifh pace,
advanc’d towards the gates, and giving them to un-
derftand by figns that he had no hoftile intentions,
was conducted to the prefence of the Cacique, and
receiv’d with great civility. The Spaniards, indeed,
entertain us with an idle ftory, endeavouring to
make a miracle of the matter, and tell us, that the
Indians not daring to engage this gigantick Cham-
pion themfelves, let out a Lion and a Tyger upon
him ; and that thefe animals lofing their natural
fiercenefs, fawn’d upon him, which the Spaniards
afcribe to the findtityof theCrofs that Peter car-
ried in one of his hands : But they all agree, that:
the Cacique entertain’d him with great hofpitality,
fhew’J him the Inca’s palace, the temple of the Sun,
and the.houfe of confecrated Virgins; and after-
wards fent him on board with a handfome prefent
of Indian-corn, fheep, and fruits.
Peter de Candia, at his return, related
that every thing exceeded what the failor had re-
ported ; that he faw Silver-fmiths at work, in form -
ing all manner of gold and filver utenfils ; that the
walls of the temple were wainfcotted with gold, and
that the Virgins dedicated to the Sun were extreme-
ly beautiful, at which the Spaniards were tranfported
with
s 10 THE PRESENT STATE
H A P. with joy ; but not being prepared to make tliem-
X. felves matters of the treafures they underftood were
to met with on fltore at this time, Pizarro
to degrees ^ et ^ a g a ' n 5 an< i run further down the coaft to the
fouth lad- latitude of 7 degrees fouth, where Truxillo was af-
tude, and terwards founded, and difcover’d a verv fruitful
returns to , . , . r
Panama for country ; but then at the importunity or his men he
more forces, return’d back to Panama, being the latter end of the
year 1527, in order to make preparations for the
entire conqueft of Peru.
Pizarro, having fpent three years in fearch of
thefe happy countries, and after numberlefs hazards
and hardships fucceeded at laft, and brought from
thence fpecimens of the wealth that abounded there,
with fome of the natives, Peruvian cattle, and fine
cloth, the people were over-joy’d to fee him, and
very ready to lift in his fervice ; but the Governor
of Panama oppofed it. Whereupon the three prin-
cipal Adventurers, Pizarro, Almagro and
Lugne, came to a refolution, that Piza.rro
fhould go over to Spain and procure an authority
and recruits equal to fo great an undertaking ; par-
ticularly, that he fhould iollicit for himfelf the title
of Governor, for Almagro that of Adelantado,
or the King’s Lieutenant, and for Lugne the Pro-
tedforfhip of the Peruvians, and the firft bifhoprick
Pizarro goes i n that country. Pizarro accordingly fet fail,
ammmiffion an d arr *ving * n Spain, relbrted to the Court of the
and recruits. Emperor Charles V. which was then at Toledo:
Here he met with a very gracious reception on his
prefenting his imperial Majefty with fome Peruvians
in their proper habits, two or three Peruvian flieep,
and feveral gold and filver veftels and utenfils of the
fiafhion of that country. The Emperor was pleas’d
to hear him relate the hardihips and difficulties he
and his comrades had met with in this three years
voyage, and in the end recommended the overtures
he made to the Council of the Indies, who, having
made their report, Pizarro was authoriz’d to
proceed in the conqueft of Peru, for the fpace of two
hundred leagues to the fouthward of Tuunbez, which
lies at the bottom of the bay of Guiaquil, in 3 de-
grees fouth latitude. He procur’d alfo the title of
Governor and Captain-General to be conferred on
him for life, with the offices of Adelantado, or
Lord-Lieutenant, and of Alguazil Major, or Chief-
Juftice. He was alfo empower’d to ere£t four caftles
in Peru, where he thought proper, and retain the
government and inheritance of them to him and
his pofterity : He obtain’d for Ferdin ando de
Lugne, that he fhould be recommended to the
Pope to be made Bifhop of T umbez ; and in the
mean time, conftituted Protecfor-General of the
Peruvians. Almagro was conftituted Governor
of Fumbez, and a twentieth part of all the profits
and revenues of the country, when conquer’d, were
to go to Pizarro and Almagro, two thirds
thereof to the former, and one third to the latter ;
and Almagro was made a Gentleman, and his
feaftard Ion legitimate ; The thirteen men that re-
main’d with Pizarro in his diftiefs, on the ifiand CHAP,
of Gallo, were made Gentlemen, if they were not X,
fo before, and thofe that were Gentlemen then were
order’d to be knighted.
Thefe commiffions and powers were executed at
Toledo on the 26th of July, 1528 ; and fix Domi-
nican Friars were order’d to go over with Pizar-
ro, as Miffionaries to affift in the converfion of the
Peruvians.
Pizarro, repairing to his native town of Trux-
illo, fpent fome months in railing men, and mak-
ing provifions for his voyage, which having effected,
he embark’d at Seville with his four brothers, viz.
Ferdina nd, John, Gonzalo and Francis,
in the month of January, 1330, and arriv’d at
Nombre de Dios, on the coaft of Terra-Firma,
from whence he march’d with his people to the city
of Panama ; but his ingroffing all the honours and pizarro and
commands to himfelf fo difgufted Almagro, that Almagro fall
he refus’d to affift in the intended expedition ’till
Pizarro promifed to relinquifh the title of Ade- million Pf-
lantado, and to give him an equal fhare in what- gain’d' 1
ever they fhould acquire ; and upon thefe conceffions
Almagro promifed to affift him as formerly, and
fmother’d his refentment for the prefent, that the
fervice might not fuft'er ; hut they were never hear-
tily reconcil’d, as will appear hereafter.
At length Pizarro embark’d at Panama in p; za rro erru
three {hips, taking with him one hundred and eigh- barks a s ain
ty five foldiers, thirty feven horfes, and fuch quan- jj 0 n r n * e ,Tjo.
tities of arms, ammunition and ftores as might ena-
ble him to fix colonies on the Peruvian coaft ; but
meeting with the like contrary winds he had done
in the firft voyage, and finding it very inconvenient,
and indeed impracticable, to keep his horfes longer
on board, he was oblig’d to land above an hundred He lands
leagues to the northward ofTumbez: And now north of the
thinking himfelf ftrong enough to drive the naked ^J^irches
Indians before him, he fell upon them, plunder’d to Tumbez.
their towns, and made many of them prifoners,
without any manner of provocation ; whereupon
the reft fled from the fea-coafts up into the country ;
and Pizarro was afterwards fo diftreffed for want
of provifions, and loft fo many men by ficknefs, Lofes moll
and hardihips, and the fatiguing marches through ^ f t hlS | ) IIlen ’
bogs and thickets of mangroves in this exceffive hot ^dhns of 'a
climate, that his forces were exceedingly diminifh- great deal
ed, and he now, too late, perceiv’d his error, in of treafure *
not courting the natives, being in no condition to
make a conqueft of Peru with the forces he had
left. He took moft of the treafure therefore he had
plunder’d the Indians of, and fent his fhips back fends
1 . . , .... tor recruits*
with it to Panama to raife more recruits, inviting
at the fame time forne Adventurers from Nicaragua,
and other parts of North- America, to come and
join him, promifing them a fhare of the vaft trea-
fures he was now allur’d of finding in Peru : And
having, with infinite labour, march’d as far as
Tumbez, in the bay of Guiaquil, otter the mouths
of abundance of rapid ftreams, that fall into the
South-
O F P E R U.
3n
Finds the
Peruvians
engag’d in
civil war.
CHAP. South-Sea, under the Equator, he very fortunately
X. found the Peruvians engag’d in a civil war, one
part of them adhering to their lawful Prince Ku-
ascar, and the other to At ah n a l p a, or Ata-
eilipa, the baftard fon of the preceding Emperor
Hu ana Capac, who had made Atabilipa
King of Quitto and the northern provinces of Peru
in his life-time. This young Prince finding him-
felf at the head of a great body of veteran Troops
and experienc’d Officers, who had been engag’d in
that conqueft, was not infenfible of his ftrength,
and in a fhort time after his father’s death difcover’d
views of ufurping the whole empire ; this occahon’d
mifunderftandings between him and his brother
Hu as car, the prefent Emperor, which at length
ended in an open rupture, as has been already re-
lated. In this war, the inhabitants of the vale of
Tumbez adher’d to their lawful Prince Huascar;
and thofe of the ifle of Puna, a large ifland in the
bay of Guiaquil, confifting of twelve thou (and in-
habitants and upwards, took part with the baftard
Atabilipa, as their intereft led them, carrying
on at all times a very gainful trade for their fait and
other productions of that ifland with the kingdom
of Quitto, from whom they receiv’d woollen and
cotton, cloathing, and other merchandize in return.
Pi z arro, as has been intimated already, find-
TumW^nd ’ n S ^imfelf not a b!e, at this time, to attempt the
reduces the conqueft of the whole Empire, took part with the
Tumbezenes, and joining their forces, invaded the
ifland of Puna, which became an eaiy conqueft ; and
having taken all the Caciques of the ifland prifoners,
he deliver’d them into the hands of the Tumbez
Generals, who immediately cut off their heads.
He alfo releas’d feven or eight hundred Tumbezene
prifoners, and fent them home, by which he ima-
gin’d he had fo oblig’d his new allies, that they
would not fail tc affift him in his future conquefts.
In the mean time. A t macro having fent
Pizarro a confiderable re-inforcement from
Panama, and Ferdinando de Soto and other
Adventurers arriving with their troops from Nica-
ragua, he thought himfelf in a condition to carry
on the war upon the continent, efpecially as he
had Ibme reafon to expert to be fupported by the
Tumbezenes. Accordingly, having provided a ftif-
ficient number of floats, or barklogs, he trans-
ported his troops to Tumbez, in which he loft fome
men in going on fnore by the furf of the lea, which
runs very high upon that coaft, and fome of his
people were attack’d and cut off by the natives,
which was a furprize to him, as he took them to
be his friends. The Spanifh writers give various
reafons for this alteration in the conduit of the na-
tives of Tumbez, who but a very little before pro-
fefs’d themfelves their good allies and confederates.
Some relate, that obferving the Spaniards had en-
fiav’d the natives of the ifland of Puna, and perfedfy
Subverted their Religion and Government, demolifh-
ing their temples and every thing they held facrcd.
Pizarro foin
ifland of
Puna
they expected to be treated in the fame manner CHAP,
by the Spaniards, and therefore thought fit to op- X.
pofe their landing in their country. k/'V'V*
Others inform us, that while the Spaniards were
engaged in the reduction of Puna, a very great
alteration happened in the face of affairs upon the
continent : Atabilipa, the baftard, had de-
feated the forces of his brother Huascar the'
Emperor ; cut in pieces mod of the inhabitants of
Tumbez, and the neighbouring provinces, for ad-
hering to him ; and the troops that oppofed Pi-
zarro’s landing in Tumbez, were thofe detach’d
by Atabili pa to that province, on purpofe to
oppofe the invaflon of the Spaniards.
But whatever was the reafon of the Peruvians p; zarrn re-
oppofing the defcent of the Spaniards, it is evident, duces Turn-
that they were put in fuch confufion by the Spanifh
horfe and artillery, that they fled as the Spaniards felf of aval";
advanc’d, and after the daughter of fome thoufands feature,
of them, were forced to abandon the town and
caftle, and even the whole valley of Tumbez,
leaving behind them all the gold and filver Plate,
Emeraids, Pearls, and other rich fpoils, which lay
heap’d up in the temple of the Sun, and the Inca’s
palace ; being fo vaft a treafure, that the Spaniards
could fcarce believe their eyes, when they found
themfelves fo fuddenly pofiefs’d of it : And fuch was _
the confirmation of Atabilipa, and his whole
Court, when the fugitives related what {laughter
the thunderers ordnance made amongft them, and
how impoflible it was to efcape the Spanifh horfes,
to which animals their fears had added wings, that
they concluded, if the Spaniards were not gods,
they at firft conjedtured they were certainly devils,
and that it was not pofflble for any human force to
defend their country againft them. Of which
Pizarro receiving intelligence, refolv’d to take
advantage of the terror they were in, and march
immediately to find out Atabilipa, while he
remain’d under that delufion ; but he found it ne-
ceffary to defer his march, ’till he had eredted a
flight fortrefs on the fea-coaft (to which he gave the st. Mi-
name of St. Michael’s) for receiving the recruits that chad’s, the
he expedfed, and to ferve him for a place of retreat
and fecurity,. in cafe, any unforefeen accident fhould colony in
happen.
This was the firft Spanifh colony planted in Peru,
and here the firft Chriftian church was erected in
the year 1531 ; and Father Reginald dh
Pedraga was conftituted Protedfor of the Indi-
ans, Ferdinand de Luqjue. being unable to
execute that employment on account of his indif-
pofition.
Pizarro, whofe bufinefs it was to foment the
civil wars, and prevent the Peruvians uniting their
forces againft him, gave out that he was come in
the name of the great King of Spain (like a true
Spanifh Knight Errant) to relieve the epprefled,
and do juftice to thofe that were injured, which he
foon. found had the effect he expected , for the Em-
peror
'IT'}
THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. peror Hu ascar, having been depofed and im- t
X. prifoned by the baftard Atabilipa, and all his
friends and faithful fubjedts that had adhered to him,
cruelly opprefl’ed, they immediately lent an embafly
to Pizarro, that he would affift them in deliver-
ing their Prince from his captivity, and reftore him
to the throne of his anceflors ; to whom the Spanifli
General returned a favourable anfwer. And At a-
bilipa, who was yet fcarce fettled in the throne
he had ufurped, apprehending he fhould foon be
driven from it again, if the Spaniards joined with
the loyal party, endeavoured by all poffible ways to
gain the favour of Pizarro, fending a meflenger
to excufe the hoftilities his forces had committed at
his landing ; and not only promiling what fatisfa-
dtion he (hould demand, but a (Turing him he was
ready to fubmit to the commands of that great
Prince from whom he came.
The Spanifh Generals finding they were like to
meet with little oppofition from either fide, but
that both parties were ready to make them arbitra-
tors of their differences, concluded they fhould now
loon be maftersof thole immenfe treafures they un-
dei ftood were heaped up in the capital city of Cufco,
and of the gold and idver mines from whence they
p; zarra were drawn. They began their march therefore to
marches to Caxamalca, where they underftood the Inca then
Caxamalca. was ^ j n t | ie y ear i^ 2y as foon as they had 'put the
town of St. Michael into a pofture of defence ; and
carrying with them a train of artillery, which was
drawn by the Indians prefs’d into their fervice (there
being no horfes or oxen, or any other cattle for
draught, either in Mexico or Peru, when the Spa-
niards firft arrived there) advanced by flow marches,
fending out parties to difeover the country, and get
intelligence as they went along.
The conffernation increafing among the Peruvi-
ans, and the Spaniards approaching Caxamalca,
Atabilipa, who look’d upon the artificial thun-
der of the Spaniards as fupernatural, and their wing’d
horfes, as well as themfelves, to be of infernal, if
not of heavenly, extraction, apprehended there was
no fafety for him but in his fubmiffion ; and there-
fore fent a (blemn embafly to Pizarro, by his
brother Autachy ; together with rich prefents
of gold and filver plate, and emeralds, corn, fruit,
Peruvian fheep and goats, ftrong liquor, venifon,
tame and wild fowl, fine cotton and woollen gar-
ments of various colours, and whatever his coun-
try afforded.
Autachy being admitted to the prefence of
Piz ARR.O, told him, he was fent by the Inca
Atabilipa to welcome him and the reft of the
fens of their common god and father, the Sun, into
that empire, defiring he would accept the fmall
prefent he brought with him for the refreftiment of
his troops in their march ; telling him, that Inca
was impatient to fee his kindred, whom he under-
ftood to be of the like heavenly extraction, and to
whom fie promifed all obedience. After which,
the royal hiftorian relates, that Autachy made CHAP,
the following formal fpeech to Pizarro (which X.
was put into Spanifh by Philip, a young Peruvian w"y~n*/
he carried with him to Panama in the former voy-
age, on purpofe to he inftrudfed in that language) viz.
“ Inca V i R a c o c h B , thou progeny of the Sun,
“ fince it hath been my fortune to be put on this
“ remarkable embafly, I prefume to entreat, you
“ would be gracioufly pleafed to take my Sovereign,
“ the Inca Atahnalpa, into the number of
“ your friends, and contract a perpetual peace and
“ alliance with him ; and that you would pardon
“ the injuries the Peruvians may, through igno-
“ ranee of your divine original, have committed
“ againft you, moderating that juft vengeance,
“ your great god and father Viracoche might
“ juftly have infl idled on our people : Anu having
“ laid this, he caufed the prefent to be brought in
‘ ‘ and fet before the Spanifh General.”
The fubftance of Pizarro’s anfwer to that
fpeech, ’tis faid was, that the Spaniards were au-
thoriz’d by their High Prieft, the Pope, to convert
the Peruvians from their idolatry to the Chriftian
religion ; and that the great Emperor of the Chri-
ftians, Charles V. had empower’d them to en-
ter into a league of friendfhip and perpetual peace
with the Inca, and were order’d to offer no man-
ner of violence to him, or his fubjedts, if thefe
overtures were accepted.
The Peruvian Ambaflador being difmifled, Pi-
zarro, to return the compliment, difpatch’d his
brother Hernando Pizarro, and Hirnan-
do de Soto, attended by about thirty horfe, and
Philip the Interpeter, as Ambafladors to the Inca
Atabilipa, who was then at one of his palaces
in the neighbourhood of Caxamalca : The Inca be-
ing inform’d of their approach, order’d a detach-
ment of his army to advance and meet the Spaniards
on the way, and conduct them to his prefence.
This holy of Peruvians being come within a little
diftance of the Ambafladors, fell down and adored
them ; and having acquainted them, that the Inca .
waited their arrival with impatience, attended the
Ambafladors to the palace ; where, upon their alight-
ing, they v/ere conduced to the Inca, whom they
found fitting on a chair of gold, in the midft of his
Officers and Courtiers. The Emperor arofe from
his feat to receive them, and faid they were wel-
come to his dominions, and golden chairs were
brought for the Ambafladors. After they were
feated, the Inca looking ftedfaftly on them, faid to
his Courtiers, Behold the very face, countenance,
and habit, of our god (fhtaOJClje, in the fame
manner and form as our anceffor the Inca Vira-
coche deferib’d him in his vifion ; and immedi-
ately two royal Virgins brought in each of them
two golden cups, fill’d with the liquor ufually drank
by the Inca, and bowing, deliver’d one of the cups
into the hand of A.tabilipa, and another to
Her nando Pizarro 3 and the Interpreter ac-
quainted
OF PERU,
30
C HA P. quainted them, that the Inca defir’d to drink with
X. them, which, according to the cuftom of their
W"Y" , w' country, teftified the refped he had for the Chrifti-
-ans, and did defire to live in perpetual peace and
friendrhip with them : Whereupon the Inca and
Herna ndo drank, and gave away their cups ;
then the other Virgin deliver’d one of her cups into
the hands of the Inca, and the other to Hernando
S ox o, who had tire honour alfo to drink in like
manner with the Emperor.
Then fix boys and as many girls brought in green
and dry fruits ; and one of the Virgins, addreffing
herfelf to the AmbalTadors, faid. Ye fons of Ca-
pac Inca Viracocha, tafte of thefe things we
offer, and it will extremely oblige us : Whereupon
the Spaniards tailing of their fruits, were amaz’d,
fays the royal hiftorian, to find fo much civility and
politenefs among a people they had been taught to
look upon as barbarous.
The collation being over, Hernando de
Soto, according to the fame author, made the fol-
lowing fpeech to the Emperor.
U
4C
Moft ferene Inca,
Y ou are to underftand, that in this world
there are two fupreme Princes ; one is the
Pope, who is High Prielt, and fits in the place
and tribunal of God ; the other is the Emperor
of the Romans, called Char i.es V. King of
Spain, who having been inform’d of the blind
ignorance in which the natives of thefe your king-
doms live, defpifing the true God, who is the
Maker of heaven and earth, bellowing the wor-
fhip due unto him upon his creatures, and upon
the Devil himfelf, who deceives and deludes them,
have fent their Governour and Captain-General,
Don Francisco Pizarro, with his Compa-
nions, and feme Priefts, who are the Minifters
of God, to teach your Highnels, and your fub-
jecls, the divine Truth, and his holy Law ; and
for this reafon it is, that they have undertaken
this long journey to your country ; where having
received inftances of your bounty from your libe-
“ ral hand, they entered yefterday into Caxamalca,
lt and this day they have fent us to your Highnels,
<c with offers of peace and concord, which may en-
dure for ever between us ; that fo receiving us un-
“ der your protection, we may have leave to preach
1,1 our Law, and that your fubjeds may hear and un-
“ derfland the Gofpel, which will be much to your
“ honour, and conduce to the falvation of vour
“ fouls.” }
To which fpeech the Inca return'd the follow-
ing anfwer.
anfwer to "1" AM much pleafod, divine Lords, that you
the Ambaf- A and your companions are in my days come
J * «*• “ into thefe remote countries, that fo I might fee
VOL. III.
^6
“ thofe prophecies and prognoftications fulfilled, C H A P„
“ which our anceftors have left us ; though in rea- X.
“ lity my foul hath much more reafon to be fad,
“ when I confider, that the end of our empire ap-
“ proaches, of which, according to ancient predidi-
“ ons, your coming is a forerunner ; and yet I
“ cannot but fay, that thefe times are blefted, in
“ which our god SliraCOdja hath font fuch happy
“ guells, which lhall transform the State of our Go-
“ vernment into a better condition, of which change
“ and alteration v/e have certain alfurance, from
“ the tradition of our anceftors, and the words of
“ the laftteftamentof our father PIuanaCapac •
“ for which reafon, though we had certain intelli-
“ gence of your entrance into our country, and the
“ fortifications you made in it, and of the flauHi-
“ ter you committed in Puna Tumbez, and other
“ parts, yet neither I, nor my Captains, have en-
“ tered into any confultations, how, or in what
“ manner, we might expel you from hence be-
“ caufe we hold and believe, that you are the
“ fons of our great god iliraccdia, and mef-
‘‘ fongers of the Pacha Camac ; for which
caufe, and in confirmation of what my father
delivered to us, we have made it a law, and
“ pnblifhed it in Cufco, that none fhall dare tes
{< take up arms again!! you, or offend you ; where-
fore you may do with us as you pleafe, it bein»
gfory fufficient for us to die by your hands,
“ whom we efteem the divine meffengers of God,
by whom you mull be fent, confidering the
“ adions you have already peformed : Only I de-
^ file to be fatisfied in one doubt ; How comes it
“ to pals, as you fay, that you come to treat of
“ fo'endlhip, and a perpetual peace, in the name
t . ot the two before-mentioned Princes, and yet
£ ‘ on the other fide, without fo much as any fom-
£ ‘ mons » . or fending to treat with us, or know
u our wiU anc l pleafure towards you, you have
“ committed fuch outrages and llaughters in the
‘‘ countries through which you have paffed ? I
conceive, that the two Princes which employ’d
‘‘ you have given you fuch commiffion to ad with
“ fuch feverity again!! us, without any fault of
‘‘ ours: And I imagine, that the Pacha Ca-
4 m ac hath fo commanded them to proceed j
t wherefore I lay again, do your pleafure with us,
only I befoech you to have compaflion upon my
poor relations, whofe death and misfortunes will
“ grieve me more than my own.”
The AmbalTadors were afterwards difmifs’d with
large prefents of gold and filver plate ; the Inca
tilling them, he would Ipeedily go to Caxamalca,
and vifit the fons of his god Sliracocl}?, and
meffengers of the Pacha Camac. And ac H e
cordmgly, the next morning the Inca began his t0 veet die
march towards the Chriftians. Of which Pizar- eh,iuian *‘
Ro having notice, made preparations to receive
b f him.
THE
PRESEN
Ttie Inca
fufpe&s trea-
chery.
He advances
to Caiiamal-
ca,
Father Vin-
cent’s fpeech
to him.
him, but far different from what the Inca ex-
pedfed : For he chofe out a large fquare inCaxa-
malca for this interview, furrounded by a wall, in
which there were but two gates, and order’d his
horfe (being fixty in number) to divide themfelves,
and draw up in three fquadrons behind fome ruinous
buildings out of view. Then he planted his ar-
tillery, fo as it might do the greateft execution :
And on an eminence, in the middle of the fquare,
he flood at the head of his infantry, confiding of
an hundred mufqueteers, crofs-bows and pikes, where
he propofed to meet the Inca, commanding his
men, that as foon as feven or eight thoufand of the
Inca’s forces were enter’d the fquare, they fhould
fhut the gates, and fuller no more to come in ; and
that they fhould all be ready to fall on, when he
gave the fignal.
The Inca feem’d to have fome fufpicion of the
mifehief that was intended him, and halted a league
before he came to Caxamaica, ordering his Gene-
rals to encamp there. Whereupon Pizarro,
fearing to be deprived of his prize, fent feveral mef-
fengers to defire him to haften his march, pretend-
ing he expected him that day at a great entertain-
ment he had provided : And the Inca, yielding to
his preffing invitations, march’d forward, and en-
tering the gates of the fquare, put himfelf into the
power of his cruel and treacherous enemies. As the
Inca was advancing to the eminence where the Spa-
nifh foot was drawn up, Pizarro fent Father
Vincent Valverde to meet him, and fum-
mon him to fubmit himfelf, and his dominions, to
the Pope and the Emperor: Whereupon that Fa-
ther went up to the chair, or couch, on which the
Inca Atabil i pa was carried, with a Crpfs in one
hand, and a Bible (or Breviary) in the other ; and,
according to the royal hiftorian, made the follow-
ing fpeech, viz. “ It is neceffary for you to know,.
“ moft famous and powerful King, and aifo for all
44 your fubjefts, who are defirous to learn the Cu-
“ tnolick faith, that you and they both hear and be-
“ lieve the things which follow.
44 Firft, that God, who is three, and yet one,
44 created heaven and earth, and all the things which
44 are in this world. That he gives the reward of
44 eternal life to thofe that do well, and punifhes
44 the evil with everlafting torments. That this
4 ‘ God, at the beginning of the world, made man
“ of the duft of the earth, and breathed into him
44 the breath of life, which we call the foul, which
44 God made after his own image and likeneft ; by
44 which it appears, that the whole man confifts of
44 body, and a rational foul. From the firft man,
“ whom God call’d Adam, all mankind, which
44 are in this world, is defeended, and from him we
44 take the original and beginning of our nature.
£ ‘ That this Adam finned, by breaking the com-
44 mandment of his Creator, and in him all men
44 that have been born fince his time are under fin,
44 and fo fhall be to the end of tire world ; for nei-
T STATE
ther man nor woman is free from this orginal fin, CHAP,
nor can be, excepting only our Lord Jesus, X.
who being the Son of the only true God, de-
feended from heaven, and was born from the
Virgin Mary, that fo he might free and re-
deem all mankind from the fubjechon of fin ;
and finally, he died for our falvation on the Crofs,
which was a piece of wood, in form of this which
I hold in my hands ; for which reafon, we that
are Chriftians do adore and reverence it. This
Tesus, by his own power, arofe from the dead,
and forty days after he afeended into heaven,
where he now fits at the right hand of God, the
Father Almighty ; after which he left his Apo-
ftles upon the earth, who were his fucceftbrs,
who by their words and admonition, and other
holy means, might bring men to the knowledge
and worfhip ot God, and obforvation of his
laws.
44 Of thefe Apoftles St. Peter was conftitu-
ted the chief, as are alfo his fucceftors of all other
fucceeding Apoftles, and of all Chriftians ; and
as St. Peter was God’s Vicar, or Vicegerent,
fo after him were all the Popes of P.ome, who are
endued with that fupreme authority which God
hath given them ; and which they have, and"
do, and fhall for ever exercife with much fandti-
ty and care, for propagation of the Gofpel, and
guiding men according to the word of God.
44 For which reafon the Pope of Rome, who is
the High Prieft now living, having underftood,
that all the people and nations of thefe kingdoms,
leaving the worfhip of the true Maker of all things^
do brutifhly worfhip idols, and the images of
devils, and being willing to draw them to the
knowledge of the true God, hath granted the
conqueft of thefe parts to Charles V. Em-
peror of the Romans, who is the moft powerful'
King of Spain, and Monarch of all the earth $
that fo he having brought the Kings ami Lords,
and People of thefe parts, under his fubjedtion
and dominion, and having deftroy’d the rebelli-
ous and difobedient, he may govern and rule thefe
nations, and reduce them to the knowledge of
God, and to the obedience of the church.
44 And though our moft potent King be em-
ploy’d in the government of his vaft kingdoms
and dominions, yet he receiv’d this grant of the.
Pope, and refufed not the trouble for the good and
for the falvation of thefe nations ; and accord-
ingly hath fent his Captains and Soldiers to ex-
ecute his commands, as he did for the conqueft
of thofe great iflands and countries which are ad-
joining to Mexico;, and having fubjedted them
by force, of arms, hath reduced them to the ac-
knowledgment of the true religion of Jesus
Christ ; for the feme God hath commanded
that fo it fhall be.
44 For which reafon, the Emperor Ch Arles V.
hath chofen for his Ambafladcr and Lieutenant,
Don
O F P
CHAP. u Don Fr an cisco de Piz a a.8. o, who is here
X. “ prefent, that lb the kingdoms of your Highnefs
“ may receive ail the benefits of religion ; and that
“ a firm peace and alliance may be concluded and
“ eftablifhed between his Majefty and your High-
nefs, on condition, that your Highnefs, and all your
“ kingdoms, become tributaries to the Emperor,
“ thou mayft become his fubjedt, and delivering up
“ your kingdoms, and all the adminiftration and
“ government thereof, thou (halt do as other Kings
“ and Lords have already done, and have the fame
“ quarter and conditions with them : This is the
“ firft point. Now as to the fecond, when this
“ peace and alliance is eftablifhed, and thou haft
“ fubmiited, either voluntarily or by conftraint,
then thou art to yield true and faithful obedience
to the Pope, who is the High Prieft ; and thcu art
‘‘ to receive and believe the faith of Jesus Christ
our God. T hou art alfo to reject, and totally
to abandon the abominable fuperftition of idols ;
‘ which being done, we (hall then make known
( unto you the fancfity arid truth of our law, and
4 falfity of yours ; the invention and contri-
vance of which proceeded from the Devil. All
which, O King, if thou wilt believe me, thou
“ oughteft to receive with readinefs and gccd-will,
^ being a matter of great importance to thy felf,
and to thy people ; for if thou fhouldft deny and
u refufe to obey, thou wilt be profecuted with the
fire and fword of war, until we have conftrained
“ thee by force of arms to renounce thy religion ;
for willingly or unwillingly thou muft receive
our Catholick faith, and witlr furrender of thy
kingdom pay a tribute to our Emperor; but in
cafe thou fhouldft contend, and make refiftance
“ with an obftinate mind, be allured, that God
will deliver thee up, as he did anciently Pha-
raoh, who, with his whole army, perifhed in
the Red-fea ; and fo (halt thou, and all thy In-
“ dians, perifh and be deftroyed by our arms.”
The Spanifh writers feem to difapprove this rough
fpeech of tire Friar s, as too imperious and afluming,
having no mixture of that fweetnefs or real concern
for the temporal or eternal happinefs of the poor
Indians, as was fuitable to a mefienger of the Gofpel
Th, fpeech of peace: They lament alfo that it was ill inter-
- preted by p HILIP tbe Peruvian, who did not well
underftand the language of that Court, and had no
notion himfelf of the dodlrines of the Chriftian re-
ligion : Infomuch, that when he came to fpeak of
the nature of the Trinity, as that God was three,
and yet one, he laid, God was three and one, that
was four. And when he came to mention the ve-
neration of mankind, and original fin by Adam’s
fall, inftead of laying. That all the world film’d in
Adam, he faid, All the world heap’d their fins
upon Adam. Speaking of the divinity of Christ,
he laid he was a great perfon who died for man-
kind, nor could he find words to exprcfs the virgi-
nity and purity of the blefled Virgin*
E R U. 315
Speaking of the power of the Emperor, and his C H A P.
fending his forces to conquer the world, he exprefs’d X.
it fo as if he had been fuperior to all powers in
heaven and in earth.
The Emperor At abi li pa apprehending, by
the conclusion of the Friar’s fpeech, that he was, by
fair means or force, to renounce his fovereignty,
and become a tributary Prince by the commands of
the Pope and the Emperor, and that the foldiers
feem’d to threaten him by brandifhing their arms,
he was extremely dejedled, believing that the Spa-
niards, as God’s inftruments, were come to take
vengeance on him and his people ; and fetching a
deep figh, repeated the word Atar, which is as much
as if he had faid, moft unhappy man ! However,
recolledling himfelf, he gave at length the following
anfwer to Father Vincent’s fpeech.
“ 1 ho’ you have deny’d me all the requefts I TE» Inca’*
“ made to your meftengers, yet it would be a °Teat an f vver to
“ fatisfadion to me, to grant me the favour only
“ to exprefs your felves by a more fkilful and faith-
“ ful Interpreter, becaufe the manners and defigns
“ of men are better underftocd by difcourfe, than
“ by figns or adions ; for tho’ you may be men en-
“ dued with extraordinary virtues and abilities, yet
“ unlefs you make them appear to me by words
“ and difcourfe, I fhall never be capable to under-
“ ftand them by outward figns and geftures : For
“ if there be a necdlity of a common language be-
“ tween nations who defire commerce and conver-
“ fation together, much more is it requifite between
people fo remote as we are. For indeed, to treat
“ by Interpreters ignorant of both tongues, is like
the inarticulate found of domeftick animals ; and
Hch, O man of God, feems this difcourfe thou
haft made me by this Interpreter. And now, fo
far as I underftand, methinks this difcourfe feems
very different to what your Embafladors lately
“ propounded, for they treated of nothing elfe but
“ peace and friendfhip ; but now, all the words of
“ this Indian are nothing but menaces of war, and
“ death, and fire, and fword, with the extirpation
and banifhment of the Inca’s and their progeny ;
“ and that I muft voluntarily, or by force, re-
‘ nounce a right to my kingdom, and become tri-
“ butary to another. From whence I collect one
“ of thefe two things ; that either you or your
Prince are tyrants, and rove about to plunder the
world, and to difpofiefs others of their kingdoms,
“ killing and fpoiling thofe who owe you nothing,
and have never offered you injury or violence;
or otherwife, you are the Minifters of God, call-
“ ed by us, Pacha Camac, whom he hath lent
“ to vifit us with vengeance and deftruction. And
“ if it be fo, both I and my vafials do offer our-
“ felves to death, and to what punilhment foever
u you will infikft upon us ; not for fear, nor out
“ of any dread we have of your menaces or arms,
“ but in compliance with the commands enjoined
“ us by my father HuanaCapac, at the time
S f 2 “ of
3 l6
THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. “
X. “
66
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u
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U
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< C
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46
of his death, which was, that we fhould ferve
and honour a nation with beards like yourfelves,
which were to enter into thefe parts after his
days, and of which he prophefied fome years be-
fore your fhips coafted about our country, and
whom he declared to be men of better laws, of
more refined cuftoms, more wife and more vali-
ant than ourfelves.
“ Wherefore, to fulfill the prophecy and tefta-
ment of my father, we llyle you Viracocha’s,
underftanding thereby, that you are the Meffen-
gers of the great god (lliraftcba, whole will and
pleafure, juft indignation, arms, and power,
we are unable to relift ; and yet we are ail’ur’d
that he is all goodnefs and mercy ; and for that
reafon you, who are his Minifters and Execu-
tioners of his will, ought to abftain from iuch
robberies, (laughter and violence as you have
committed in Tumbez and the adjacent countries.
“ Jn the next place, your Interpreter acquaints
me of five great perfonages whom I am to ac-
knowledge : The firft is 'God, who is three and
one, that is four, whom you call the Creator of
the univerfe ; which, perhaps, may be the fame
whom we call Pacha Camac and 9i.iiratr-
dja. The fecond is the Father of all mankind, on
whom ail other men have heaped their fins.
The third you call JesusChrist, who was the
only perfon excepted who did not caft his fins on
the firft man, but that he died. The fourth you
name is the Pope. The fifth is Charles, who,
in comparifon with others, you call the moft pow-
erful Monarch of the univerfe, and the fupreme
Lord of all: But then, if Charles be the
Prince, and the Lord of the world, what need
was there for the Pope to give a new grant and
another commiffion to make war upon me, and
ulurp my kingdoms? For confequently the Pope
mull be a greater Prince than he, and the moft
powerful of any in the world. But I moft ad-
mire at what you lay, that I am obliged to pay
tribute to Charles only, and not to others,
the which you alledge without giving me any
reafon ; and indeed I cannot conceive on what
fcore I am oblig’d to pay it ; for if I were bound
to pay tribute and fervice to any, methinks it
fhould be to that God who, you fay, created all
things, and to that firft man, who was the fa-
ther of all mankind, and to that Jesus Ch r i st
who had no fins to impute unto him: And in
fine, if tribute were to be given, it fhould rather
be unto the Pope, who hath power and authority
to difpofe of my kingdoms and my perfon ; and
if you fay that I owe nothing unto any of thefe,
I fhould imagine that I owe much lefs to
Charles, who was never Lord of thefe coun-
tries, nor ever faw them. And if the Pope’s
grant and conceffion be obligatory to me, it were
juft and reafonable to declare it to me, before
you threaten me with war, and fire, and fword.
“ and death ; for I am not fo void of underftand- CHAP.
“ ing and fenfe, as not to obey the Pope, in cafe X.
“ you can fhew me a reafon, and juftice, and caufe
“ for it.
“ Moreover, I defire to be informed who that
“ good man Jesus Christ was, who, you fay,
“ never laid his fins on another, but that he died.
“ I would gladly know, whether he died of a natu-
“ ral death, or by the hands of his enemies ; and
“ whether he was numbered amongft the Gods be-
“ fore his death, or afterwards.
“ And farther, I defire to be inform’d, whether
“ thefe five which you highly honour, are adored
“ by you for Gods ; for if it be fo, you hold more
“ for Gods than we, who acknowledge no other
“ than the Pacha Cam ac, who is the fupreme,
“ and the Sun, who is inferior to him, and the
“ Moon, who is his fifter and wife. In which
“ doubtful queftions I heartily defire to be truly
“ refolved by fome other more able and faithful
“ Interpreter, that fo I may be made more capable
“ thereby to know and obey your will and com-
“ mands.”
De la Vega fays, he had feen the fpeech made
by the Friar to the Inca, and we may be affur’d of
its being genuine ; but it is not poffible he fhould be
fo well affur’d what the Inca’s anfwer was, there
being no body prefent, I prefume, that could take
it verbatim ; however, he feems to be of opinion,
that it was much of the tenour we find it in the
Spanifh writers.
But after all, what are thefe fpeeches and fum-
mons’s of the Spaniards to the Indians to change
their religion but mere grimace ? It is evident Pi-
zarro’s eyes were altogether fix’d upon the plun-
der, and he was prepar’d to mafiacre and cut the
Peruvians in pieces, before he knew what anfwer
would he given the Miffionaries : He drew the un-
wary Indians into an ambufcade, from whence it
was impoffihle they fhould efcape, or carry off their
Prince, on v/hofe captivity he knew depended the
fate of that empire ; clofely following the precedent ,
Cortez had fet him, in feizing Montezuma,,
Emperor of Mexico.
Had the Spaniards entertain’d chriftian or pacifick
views, they could not have expefted that ignorant
men, who never heard of the Chriftian religion,
fhould immediately comprehend its dccftrines, or
obey its precepts, before they could poffbly make'
any reflection on what was propofed to them ; and
yet this was the conftant practice of the Spaniards in
that new world, to give the natives a fhort fum-
mons, and if they refufed to obey it, immediately
to plunder and enflave them. But to proceed :
The Spaniards, fays De la Vega, weary of
this long difcourfe, began to advance and attack the
Indians, and plunder them of their gold, filver,.
and jewels ; for they had put on their richeft or-
naments that day to receive the embaffy fent them
(as they believ’d] from tire univerfa] Monarch of the
world i
OF PERU.
CHAP, world ; and fome of the Spaniards climed a tower
X. to feize one of the Peruvian idols, adorn’d with
gold and precious ftones, which outrage occafion’d
a great noife and tumult among the Indians ; but
the Emperor call’d out to his people to be quiet, and
make no refiftance whatever violence the Spaniards
committed. Some writers fay, that Friar Vin-
cent encourag’d the foldiers to attack the Indians,
becaufe Atabilipa threw the Bible, or Breviary,
upon the ground, which that Friar prefented him ;
but De la Vega allures us, this was not true ;
that the Friar indeed, being furpris’d at the fudden
cry of the Indians, as he was difcourfing with the
Inca, run away and dropp’d his book and the crols
upon the ground ; but that he v/as fo far from en-
couraging the foldiers to fall upon the Indians, that
he call’d out to them to do no manner of violence :
However, whether Father Vincent encourag’d
the daughter of the Indians or not, or whether
Pizarro acquainted him with his intentions, or
conceal’d them from him, nothing is more evident
Th ffacred ianS ^ iat General drew the Indians within thofe
and their’ walls on purpofe to mafiacre and plunder them, and
Inca made make the Inca his prifoner ; for the conference be-
pnfoner. tween the Inca and the Friar was fcarce ended, be-
fore he made the appointed fignal for the great guns
to fire among the thickeft of the Indians, and his
horfe to attack and trample them under their feet,
and the dogs to be let loofe at them, while he, at
the head of his infantry, march’d up to the golden
chair, or throne, on which At a bilip a was carried,
and made him prifoner. The poor Indians, ’tis faid,
when they faw what the Chriftians chiefly aim’d at,
threw themfelves between the Spaniards and their
Prince, to prevent his being taken, but not a man
of them offer’d to lift up a weapon to defend him-
fielf, theirEmperor having commanded the contrary :
The poor people therefore were fiaughter’d like fo
many fheep, ’till Pizarro having made his
way through, or rather over the heaps of the flain,
pull’d down the Emperor from his chair with his
own hands, and took him prifoner, in which action
he receiv’d a flight wound from one of his own fol-
diers that ftruck at the Inca ; and the General was
the only Spaniard that was hurt, tho’ five thoufand
Peruvians were kill’d that day with their arms in
their hands ; which amounts to a demonftration that
the Peruvians made no refiftance : And that this
brave a&ion the Spaniards boaft of fo much, may
more properly be fill’d a barbarous butchery than a
victory ; and I cannot help thinking, that Cer-
vantes had fome of thefe Span ifh heroes, that fub-
dued the Weft-Indies, in his eye, when he intro-
duc’d that inimitable champion Don Quixot,
arm’d cap-a-pee, charging a flock of iheep with
his Iaunce. Let any one confult the Spanifti Ilifto-
riographer, Antonio de Herera, Blas Va-
lera, and the reft of the Span ilh authors who
write of this conqueft, and they will fee I do their
countrymen no wrong in this relation.
Herera informs us, that Pizarro, beforeCHAP.
Atabilipa and his Indians enter’d the fquare, X.
commanded his mufketeers to take poftc upon a fig-
nal given them ; that the Captains Ferdinando ^eryand
Pizarro, Ferdinand de Soto, Seb as- cruelty of
TIAN DE BaLC AZAR, and CeIRISTOPHE R de the Spaniards
Mena, who commanded the cavalry, fhould fell 'h^r own 7
upon the Indians, and the foot fhould do the like ; hiftorians.
and directed them, before the execution began, that
they fhould permit a certain number of the enemy
(as they call’d them) to enter the gates, which they
fhould afterwards take Ipecial care to fhut and fe-
cure: That Father Vincent having made his
fpeech to the Inca, told Pizarro he was treated
with contempt ; and that the tyrant demanded re-
ftitution of the gold and filver the Spaniards had
plunder’d his fubjeifts of.
Whereupon, fays Herera, Pi za r r o did not
think fit to lofe more time ; “ for he had before
“ refolved what to do ; ” being a man that had
ferved twenty years in the Weft-Indies, and know-
ing the victory depended on feizing the perfons of
the Sovereigns : He lifted up the white Cloth, which
was the appointed fignal for executing the orders he
had given, and thereupon Pet f r de Candia
fir’d the great guns, and the mufketeers their pieces,
to the amazement of the Indians, and the more fo,
becaufe it was unexpected : Then the drums beat,
the trumpets founded, the horfe fell in three feveral
ways among the Indians, while the infantry made
a daughter of them with their crofs-bows, pikes and
fwords : And Pizarro in perfon, with fifteen
chofen men, march’d up to the chair on which
Atabilipa was carried, and killing thofe that
fupported it, with many more that crowded to fup-
plv their places, after a very great daughter of the
Indians, feiz’d the Inca, and pull’d him down from
his chair ; after which, the Peruvians fled, and were
purfued by the Spaniards, who did not leave off
killing them ’till the fugitives broke down part of
the wall of the fquare, by which means fome of
them efcap’d.
Blas Valera, whole father was in thisa&ion
alfo, relates that five thoufand Indians were kill’d,
(viz.) three thoufand five hundred by the fword, and
the reft, who were for the moft part old men, wo-
men and children, who came only to gaze, were
trampled under foot by the horfe.
Lopez de Gomara, chap. 113, lays, Not-
witbftanding the Indians were arm’d, not a man
lilted up his hand ; probably, fays he, the furprize
was fo fudden, and their terror fo great, occafion’d
by the found of trumpets, the roaring of the can-
nons, fir ing of the final] arms, the ruihing of the
horfe upon them, and the clattering of the Spanifti
armour, things unknown to that defencelefs people,
that they were confounded, and loft the ufe of their
reafon ; declaring that great numbers perifh’d with
their arms in their hands, rather than they would
fight and defend themfelves.
De
T H E P Pv E SEN T S T A T E
^ HAP. De la Vega indeed obferves, that the Spanifh
X. Generals pretended the Indians were treacherous ;
that Atabilipa had form’d a defign to i’urprize
the Spaniards, and put them all to the fword : and
that Father Vincent complain’d to the General
they refus’d his invitation to become Chriftians,
and treated him and the Crofs with contempt, and
thereupon incited the General to fall upon them.
Butin thefe accounts, fays De la Vega, the
General and Captains were not hncere : They en-
deavour’d to put the beft glofs upon their adions,
leaving out of the narrative they fent to the Court
of Spain, all their cruel and unjuftifiable proceed-
ings ; and adding whatever had a fair appearance.
44 It being confirm’d (fays that hiftorian) by feveral
44 other writers, that Atabilipa commanded
44 his fubjcds not to refill the Spaniards : ” For if
the Inca had not commanded them not to fight,
certainly, fays he, they would never have endur’d
to fee their Prince overthrown and taken, having
weapons in their hands : They would rather have
all died in his defence, as many of them did in en-
deavouring to fupport his chair, and not have fuf-
fer’d an hundred and fixty Spaniards, whom they
were able to have fubdu’d with Hones, to commit
fuch outrages. Whereas there was not one Spa-
niard either kill’d or wounded, unlefs Fra ncis
Pizarro the General, who receiv’d a little hurt
in his hand by one of his own men, as he went to
feize on Atabilipa. The truth is (fays he) the
Indians did not fight, becaufe they held every com-
mand of the Inca to be a part of their religion, and
of the divine law, tho’ it were to lofe their lives and
eflates : Indeed our author afcribes it to a miraculous
providence that the Inca fhould give thefe orders ;
but thefe, and abundance of miracles more of the
fame {lamp, which the Spaniards relate in their
hiftories of their invafions and ufurpations in the
Weft-Indies, are but little credited probably by
hereticks, whatever they may be by thofe of their
own perfuafion.
To proceed to the hiftory. Pizarro having
feiz’d the Inca, and convey’d him to his own quar-
Tfce fpcils of ters, directed the fpoils of the field to be collected
*he ht-id. a nd brought to him, which were exceeding great,
confiding of large gold and filver veflels and uten-
fils, fine garments of various colours, jewels and
ornaments belonging to the Inca, the royal family,
and great officers. There were taken alfo feveral
Ladles, wives of the Caciques and Orejons, and fome
of the Mamacona’s, or confecrated Virgins : And
tho’ all mankind muft look upon this adion as one
of the mod treacherous and barbarous maflacres
that ever was committed by Chriftians, yet had
Pizarro the confidence to command a folemn
thankfgiving to God to be obferv’d that very day,
being the third of May, <53 3, (the feftival of the
Exaltation of the Holy Crofs) and in that veryfield
where the ground was cover’d with the dead bodies
of the miferable Indians they had thus murder’d and
plunder'd. Next day he fent out a detachment of C H A P.
his forces to plunder the Inca’s camp, where he X.
met with another rich booty ; tho’ ’tis laid the Pe-
ri vian Generals had carried oft three thoufand loads
(Porter’s burdens) of gold and filver before the Spa-
niards arriv’d there ; therefore, in order to induce
the Indians net to carry eff or conceal any more
of their treafures, he caus’d it to be proclaim’d tha&
their Inca was alive, and that they were at liberty
to come and attend him, and perform their ufual
ferv ices. Whereupon feveral of the Indian Gene-
rals and great Officers return’d to Caxamalca to at-
tend their captive Sovereign ; he alfo caus’d the
Inca’s women to be brought to him, and fuffer’d
him to be ferved in the fame manner he ufed to be
before this misfortune ; tho’ he ftill kept him in
fetters, which made the Inca apprehenfive they
v/ould take away his life in the end, unlefs he could
find fome way to obtain his liberty : Having ob-
ferv’d, therefore, the infatiable thirft of the Spaniards
after gold and filver, he promifed to give them as The Inca
much of thofe precious metals as a great room in ofter . 5 va( J
the cafile of Caxamalca would hold, for his free- hTlibertyT
dom ; and that the Spaniards might not doubt the
performance of what he offer’d, he propofed their
fending fome Spanifh officers with his people to
Cufco, to the temple of Pacha Camac, and
other places, to bring the treafures repofited there
to Caxamalca, and at the fame time iflued his or-
ders, that the Spaniards who were difpatch’d to thefe
places fhould be hofpitably entertain’d in the coun-
tries through which they pafs’d, and receive all the
affiftance his fubjeds could give them.
In the mean time, James deAl macro ha- Alrragro
ving lifted an hundred and fifty men in his fervice brings a
at Panama, embark’d with them for Peru, to re- f^cement
inforce Pizarro ; but was oblig’d, by contrary t o Per®,
winds, to land at Cape Francisco, to the north-
ward of the Equator, where he was join’d by ano-
ther party of Spaniards that were going to {hare
Pizarro’s fortunes, making together a body of
between two and three hundred men ; but being
oblig’d to pafs fo many moraffes and mouths of
rivers, and march through continual rains under the
Equator, he loft thirty or forty of his men, and
fell fick himfelf ; however, furmounting all thefe
diftrefies and difficulties, he arriv’d at length at the
new Spanifh colony of St. Michael’s, near the Bay
of Guiaquil, and there he underftood that Pizar-
ro had made the Emperor Atabilipa prifoner,
and poftefs’d himfelf of a vaft treafure. Where-
upon, ’tis faid, Almagro confulted with his Of-
ficers, whether they fhould join Pizarro or tro
upon fome further difeoveries independent of him,
if he refus’d to let them fhare the treafure he had
got; and Al macro’s Secretary, it feems, fent
Pizarro intelligence, that hismafter had no good
intentions towards him : But Pizarro, either be-
lieving that he fhould not be able to keep fo large
an empire as Peru in fubjedion with the few troops
that
CHAP, tijdt were with him, or that Al macro bavin 0-
OF PERU.
x.
more forces than he commanded, might join a par-
ty of the Indians and take his booty from him, and
kt up for himfelf, lent very obliging meftages to
Alma gro, inviting him to advance and join
him, and at the fame time acquainted him with the
arts that were us a to let them at variance, arid there-
by ruin their enterprize on Peru, which was not
to be carried on but by their united forces and en-
deavours ; and particularly he acquainted A'l ma-
cro with the treachery of his Secretary, who there-
upon order’d him to be hang’d up, and immediately
began his march towards Caxamalca.
The Inca Atabilipa receiving advice that ano-
ther body of Spaniards was arriv’d upon the ccaft,
began to refled that this would not probably be to
his advantage; for Pizarro would now no lon-
ger be under a neceffity of carrying matters fair
with him, being enabled by this re-inforcement, to
maintain his conquefts by pure force : He haften’d
therefore the bringing in the treafure he had offer’d
tor his ranfom, that he might obtain his liberty be-
fore Pizap..ro was join’d by Almagro ; but
another accident happen’d about the fame time,
which he apprehended would be ftill more fatal to
him. The three Spanifh officers that were fent
with his people to Culco happening to pals through
the town where Hu A scar his brother, the lawful
Emperor, was prifoner, went to fee him, and ac-
quainting Huascar with what At a bi li pa had
offer’d for his ranfom, that Prince acquainted them
how unjuftly he had been depos’d and imprifon’d
by Atabilipa, his baftard brother, who had no
right to the empire or the treafures he had promis’d :
And as he underftood one principal defign of this
expedition of the Spaniards was “ to relieve the di-
ftrelled, and to do ]uftice to thole that were op-
prels d, he did not doubt but they would releale
him iroin his captivity, and reftore him to his
throne ; which he Ihould not only gratefully ac-
knowledge, but would furnifh them with much
more treafure than the Ufurper could poffibly do ;
for his loyal lubjecfts had buried moft of their gold
and^ lilver piate after the battle wherein he was
made prifoner, to conceal it from the rebels, but
would readily produce it again, and pay it to the
Spaniards for his ranfom, if he requir’d it.
Pizarro’s three meffengers feem’d to Iifhen to
thefe overtures, and promis’d the Inca EIuascar
that juftice fhould be done him ; but left that Prince
However in prifon, and continued their journey to
Tulco ; and advice being immediately carried to
A-TAbilipa of this conference between the Spa-
mifh officers and his brother, he loon law that he
fhould be undone unlels Huascar was difpatch’d
out of the way, knowing that the greateft part of
the Empire were ftill in his intereft ; and as they
would infallibly be fupported by the Spaniards, to
whom his brother had difeover’d his treachery, and
promis’d fuch mountains of gold and filver, they
would certainly facrifice him to their avarice, if they
had no regard to the juftice of his brother’s cauie.
But then reflecting, if he fhould order
ther to be put to death, the Spaniards might make
tnis a pretence for taking away his own life, he
refolved in the firft place to found how Pizarro
hood affeCted towards Huascar, which he did
by feigning he had receiv’d intelligence that the off
ncers who had his brother in their cuftody had put
him to death without his knowledge, for which the
Ufurper exprels’d a very great concern ; but find-
ing Pizarro was not mov’d at the relation, and
that he only laid, Fhiswas the fortune of war, the
lives of captives were at the conqueror’s difpofal,
A i A bi lip a difpatch’d an exprefs for putting
Huascar to death, and his orders were immedi-
ately executed ; tho’ it remains very uncertain in
what manner he died ; for fome writers affirm he
was burnt, others that he was drowned, and fome
that his body was cut in fmall pieces, that his f ib-
jeCIs might not pay thole honours to the corpfe of
their deceafed Inca as was ufual.
However, the Peruvians mourned, and made
great lamentations for him as loon as his death was
known, crying to heaven for vengeance on his
murderers, and entreated the Spaniards to revenge
it on the cruel ufurper Atabilipa.
In the mean time, the three officers that v/ere
fent to Culco being arriv’d there, were ador’d by
that people as the true defendants of the Sun ; but
the Spaniards lament that they were men of mean
paits and education, who knew not how to pre-
ferve that refpeCI and veneration the Peruvians had
conceiv d of them, which was then lo necellary to
facilitate their future attempts. The Indians, we
ai e told, loon perceiv’d they muft deduce the original
ol the Spaniards from fome bafer fountain thaUthat
of the Sun ; and the efteem and affedion they at firft
entertain d for the Chriftians, on the mighty pro-
feffions they made of their juftice and honour, was,
on a fudden, converted into dread and averfion ;
1 . hey v/ere afflided to find lo vicious and profligate
a race of men, who trampled on every thing that
was facred, and whofe avarice feem’d to exceed all
bounds, fhould become mafters of their country, and
from that time meditated how they might 'throw
oft that intolerable yoke which they found the Spa-
niards^ were about to impofe on them ; however,
they durft not difobey the commands of their Inca
Atabilipa, but having amals’d a confiderable
quantity of treafure, they loaded it on the backs of
their Tamenes, or Porters, and convey’d it to
Caxamalca, with a view poffibly of affertino - their
liberties to greater advantages, when they ftiould
have procur’d the releafe of the Inca.
But the moft valuable treafure, confifting of gold,
fiver, and emeralds, being lodg’d in the tempte of
Pacha Ca mac, the invifible God, as Pizarro
vvas inform d, he dilpatch’d his three brothers thi-
ther with the Peruvian officers At a ei lip a de-
puted
3 T 9
CHAP-
X.
The Inea
Huagar put
to death by
AtabilipTs
orders.
The Peru-
vians lofe
their efteem
for the Spa-
niatds.
T HE PRESENT S T A T E
320
C HA P.puted to fetch it to Caxamalca ; but the Priefts of
X. Pacha Camac, receiving advice how the tem-
pie of Cut co had been rifled by the Spaniards that
went thither, to prevent the like misfortune, fent
away four hundred loads of gold, filver, and jewels,
before the Prz arro’s arriv’d, which were buried
in the earth, or carried to fuch a diftance that the
Spaniards could never difcover what became of
them: However, Ferdinand Pi zarro found
as much plate in this temple as amounted to ninety
thoufand crowns, befides what the foldiers em-
bezzel’d, and return’d with it to Caxamalca.
The Marfhal Almacro being advanc’d by this
time into the neighbourhood of Caxamalca, Pi-
zarro the General went out to meet him and
congratulate his arrival, receiv’d him with all the
marks of affeftion and efteem imaginable, and of-
fer’d him fuch a fhare of the fpoils as made him per-
fectly eafy. But his foldiers, who expeCted to di-
vide the booty with thofe that ferv’d under P i zar-
ro were told, they were entitled to no part of it, as
not having been prefent in the action when the Inca
At ab i 1 1 pa was made prifoner, which was near
creating a mutiny amongft them ; but they were
pretty well appeas’d when Pi zarro agreed todi-
ftribute an hundred thoufand ducats among the men
which came with Al m a gro ; the reft of the plun-
der, after the Emperor’s fifth was deducted, was di-
vided by Pizarro among his officers and foldiers
in fuch proportion as he faw fit, in which he pre-
tended to have a great regard to the merit of the
refpefhve Adventurers: And tis faid, he at this
time, after he had referv’d the Inca’s golden chair
to himfelf, diftributed as much gold and filver plate
amongft the foldiers as amounted to 1500000
crowns and upwards, which, confidering the value
of gold and filver at that time, was more than fif-
teen millions at this day.
The foldiers being poffefs’d of this prodigious
■wealth, fell into all manner of excefies, railing the
price of things to a very great rate, by offering any
turns to gratify their appetites or fancies, and never
was gaming at a higher pitch ; which, tis laid, their
officers conniv’d at, or rather encourag’d, that the
foldiers, having loft their money, and becoming de-
pendant on them again, might be more under com-
mand. And now Pi zarro thought it a proper time
to fend over the fifth part of the treafure to the Empe-
ror, as he had ftipulated,and witn ithisbrothei Fer-
dinando Pizarro, to follicit for fuch reinforce-
ments as might eftabhih the dominion of the Spani-
ards in Peru ; and to petition that his government
might be extended ftill further to the fouthward;
(the General having probably heard by this time,
that the chief filver mines lay farther fouth than
200 leagues, beyond which his patent did not ex-
tend). The Marlhal Almacro alfo employ’d his
agents to reprefent to the Court of Spain with what
expence and application he had fent and carried re-
inforcements, and fupplied the General with ammu-
nition and provifions from time to time, to enable C H A P.
him to make his conqueft, and to defire theft all that X.
part of South- America which lay to the fouthward
of the lands granted to Pizarro, might be put
under his government : And with thefe agents, fent
by the General and the Marfhal, return’d feveral
Adventurers, to the number of fifty or threefcore,
who having obtain’d thirty or forty thoufand ducats
a- piece for their refpecUve fhares of the fpoils, were
perfectly fatisfied with it, and chofe to enjoy what
they had got the remainder of their lives in their
own country, rather than undergo more hazards
and difficulties to increafe their fortunes. Thefe
men knew how to fet feme bounds to their defires ;
but as for the Generals and many more of thofe that
remain’d in Peru (who were about four hundred men)
it appears nothing was capable of fatisfying their a-
varice and ambition ; moft of them perifh’d in the
purfuit of wealth and unbounded power, after they
were poffefs’d of more than would have made moft
men happy, or at leaft eafy in their circumftances.
But to proceed :
De la Vega and the reft of the Span ifli hifto- Miracle*
rians relate abundance of miracles that were wrought P' etendedt «'
in their favour on their introducing Chriftianity into
Peru ; and that their converfion of the Peruvians
might refemble the planting of the Chriftian religion
by the Apoftles in this part of the world, they tell
us, that all the idols and oracles of thofe Pagans be-
came dumb on the confecration of the hoft, as per-
form’d in the mafs ; but furely heaven could never
countenance fuch cruelty, injuftice andoppreffion as
was exercis’d by the Spaniards on that unhappy peo-
ple. They compar’d the Indians indeed to the E-
gyptians ; but who gave them authority to plunder
and murder the Indians, and take their country
from them ? Can it be imagin’d that God would
by maracles fet his feal, as it were, to fuch flagrant
enormities, and countenance faffs that none but in-
fernal powers could approve? W"as it thus the Apo-
ftles and primitive Cbriftians propagated Chriftiani-
ty ? Or did thefe Reformers copy after Mahomet,
and plant their fuperftition in this new world by the
fword, the halter, and the bow-ftring, and fuch un-
parallel’d villanies as Mahomet would have blufh’d
to commit; of which their treatment of At aei-
lipa will ever remain a tragical inftance.
At a bi li P A, the royal prifoner, having offer'd
Pizarro a prodigious treafure for his liberty, and drawn up
actually paid great part of it if not all (as feme of eguinft Ata-
their hiftorians admit) P 1 zar ro, notwithftanding, bill P a *
determin’d to take away his life, pretending that he
encourag’d the Indians to attempt his refoue and cut
off the Spaniards : And that he might juftify his con-
duit in this proceeding, he caufed a formal procefs
to be drawn up againft him, ccnfifting of the follow-
ing articles, (viz.)
I. That Huascar Inca being his eldeft brother The artkte;
and lawful Sovereign, and himfelf a baftard, he had
caufed
O F P
CHAP, caufed Hu A scar to he depos’d and imprifon’d, and
X. afterwards ufurp’d his throne.
II. That he had caufed his (aid brother to be mur-
der’d, fince he became a prifoner to the Spaniards.
III. That the Atabilipa was an idolater.
IV. That he caufed his fubjefts to facrifice men
-and children.
V. That he had railed unjuft wars, and been
guilty of the blood of many people.
VI. That he kept a great many concubines.
VII. That he exacted taxes and tribute of the
the Peruvians fince the Spaniards poffefs’d his country,
and confum’d and embezzel’d the publick treafure.
VIII. That he had incited the Indians to rebel
and make war againft the Spaniards fince he had
been their prifoner.
The laft article being chiefly infilled on, the Inca
abfolutely deny’d that part of the charge, and com-
plain’d of the treachery of P i zarro, who, after
he had extorted fuch a ranfom from him, now broke
his faith, and would put him to death under a co-
lour of law ; and defired he might be fent over to
Spain, and try’d before the Emperor: He urg’d that
he had never offended the Spaniards, but greatly en-
rich’d them ; and that they could not without great
injuftice take away his life. However, the Spani-
ards proceeded to examine witneffes againft him on
thefe articles, whole teftimony being interpreted by
Philip the Peruvian, whom the Spaniards admit
was an enemy to the Inca, and Piza r ro and A l-
magro fitting as his Judges, they made no diffi-
Atabilipa is culty to condemn him to be burnt ; and Friar Vi n-
condemn’d to cent Valverde, ’tis flii J, approv’d the fen-
e um . j- encc under his hand, that it might give the greater
fatisfaftion to the Court of Spain : The Friar alfo
took great pains to induce the Inca to turn Chrifti-
He is bap- an anc l receive baptifm before he died, which he con-
tiz’d. fented to, '’tis laid, upon condition that the execu-
tion might be changed from burning to ftrangling ;
And after- and he was accordingly ftrangled, the Friar having
wards ftran- fi r ft given him abfolution, and affign’d him a feat in
heaven, notwithftanding the many crimes they had
charg’d him with.
Many of the Spaniards, it feems, protefted againft
thefe proceedings, and the putting the Inca to death
had almoft occafion’d a mutiny ; but thofe who were
for faving him, finding themfelves the fmaller num-
ber, and it being reprefented that their quarrels at
this time would not only be fatal to themfelves, but
be the lofs of Peru probably, they thought fit to
acquiefce in the determination of the greater number.
Pizarro’a But notwithftanding I have no great opinion of Pi -
apology for zARRo’sjuftice or humanity, it would not be fair to
iiig! prucce<i ' conceal what his friends fay in his favour, who tell us,
that the Indians themfelves were really the occafion
of this Prince’s death ; that the party of Huascar
were perpetually fuggefting, that the Spaniards could
never expeft to poflefs Peru quietly as long as he li-
ved, and produc’d feveral witneffes at the trial, who
Vol. III.
E R U. 321
pofitively teftified that Atabi li pa was confpiring CHAP,
to raife an army to deftroy the Spaniards ; and that X.
the Peruvian Generals had actually affembled their
troops in feveral parts of the empire, and particu-
larly in Quftto, the province the Spaniards were now
in, and which was moft devoted to this Inta ; and
that if Pizarro had not cut him off, he would
have hazarded the lofs of all his conquefts. They
relate alfo, that an amour between Philip the In-
terpreter, and one of the Inca’s women, did not a
little contribute to At abilipa’s ruin: For Phi-
l 1 p defpairing of enjoying his miftrels while the
Inca liv’d, was perpetually bringing ftories to Pi-
zarro of the difaffeftion of the Indians, and their
confpiracies to cut off the Spaniards, and refcue their
Prince out of prifon. They relate alfo, that Phi-
lip gave the worft turn to the evidence he could,
when he was call’d to interpret it, reprefenting
things much worfe than they were, which induced
the General to believe he was really in danger, and
that he could not be fafe while At abil t p a liv’d j
and under fuch a perfuafion, he could not be blam’d
for putting the Inca to death, who had forfeited the
protection that was promis’d him, by his plots.
On the other hand it is anfvver’d, that admit- anfoar
ting the charge had been true, the Inca might have apology” 0 *
been as well fecur’d againft his doing the Spaniards
2ny mifchief, by fending him over to the Emperor
(who would have been a much more proper judge of
his actions than Pizarro) as by putting him to
death : And as to At A bilipa’s being a ufurper,and
having dethron’d and murder’d his brother and fove-
reign, it is demanded, who gave Pizarro authority
to judge and condemn a fovereign Prince for thefe
offences : Had Pizarro ailed up to the charafter
he affumed, of a protector and deliverer of the di-
flreffed, and refeued and protefted Huascar, the
lawful Emperor, 2gainft theUfurper ; or, after the
death of Huascar, had caus'd his lawful fuccef-
for to be proclaim’d, and eftablifh’d on his throne j
either of them might havecall’d At abilipa to
account for his ufurpation and tyranny, and done
juftice upon him ; but Pizarro could have no
better authority to judge and condemn this Prince,
or even his Subjefts, than Pirates and Banditti have
to take away the lives of the unhappy captives they
make : And his doing it under colour of law,
was but an aggravation of the offence. Had he put
him to death as an enemy taken in war, without a
formal trial, his infoler.ee had been more pardona-
ble ; but a man of Pizarro’s rank to ereft a tri-
bunal for the trial of a King, was alone a moft au-
dacious ufurpation of fovereign power, over a Prince
that could have no dependanceon him. There are
feme Spanifh writers alfo that fuggeft, there was a
great deal of pique and refentment in the affair :
That Ataeilipa, who in a manner ador’d P i-
zarro at firil as the General and Commander of
thefe fons of the Gods, obferving his rapine and ava-
rice, and other mean and fordid aftiorss, and that
T t many
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, many of the private men that ferved under him
X. feem’d to excel him in many refpeifts, he began to
] 0 fe his efteem for Pizarro, and not treat him
with that profound reverence he did at firft ; parti-
cularly they relate, that Atabilipa, admiring
nothing more than that faculty of writing and
reading which he apprehended was natural to the
Spaniards, and born with them, propofed it to a
foldier to write the word God (they fo often re-
peated to him) upon his thumb-nail ; and then cal-
ling another foldier to him, he demanded what thofe
cha rafters fignified ; to which he anfwered God.
Then he call’d a third, who gave him the fame an-
fwer ; but afterwards, demanding of Pizar&o if he
knew what it meant, he anfwer’d he could not tell, for
it feems Pizarro could neither write nor read ; at
which anfwer the Inca was amaz’d. He thought it im-
The articles
preferr’d
againft the
Inca ridicu-
lous.
Pizarro pro-
claims ano-
ther Inca.
poftible their Commander could he ignorant of what
moil of his foldiers were well verfed in : This be-
ing direftly the reverfe of what he had obferved a-
mong his own people, where the qualifications of
their Magiftrates and Officers were ufually fuperior
to thofe of the common people ; nor did he reckon
much amifs when he applied this rule to the Chr iff i-
ans, who ufually make choice of men that are
heft qualified to fupply the greateft ports : And this
inftance would incline men to believe, that Pizar-
ro made but a mean figure in Europe, and was not
of that quality the Spanifh writers pretend he was ;
there being hut few ports a man could be qualified for,
even in Spain, who could neither write nor read.
But whatever was the real occarton of the Inca’s
death, fume of the articles prelerr’d againft him
were exceeding ridiculous ; as that he was an idolater,
and kept concubines, which was the cafe of moft of
the heathen world, and could be no crime in him
’till he was better inform’d : I hev alfo charg d him
with prefuming to receive the revenues of his empire,
and meddling with the publick money, after they
had fet up their claim to his dominions : But what-
ever title Atabilipa might have to the empire, or
the publick money, it is very certain the Spaniards
could have no title to either ; and ifhedeferv’d death
for poffeffing himfelf of them, much more the Spa-
niards, who could have no right to them, either by
inheritance cr the confent of the fahjeft.
Pizarro, however, did not carry his refent-
ment fo far, but after he had kill’d and taken pof-
feffion, he thought fit to treat the corpfe of the Inca
with the refpecft due to a fovereign Prince : He cele-
brated the Inca’s funeral with great folemnity, and
went into mourning for him ; but he foon difcover’d
how deteftable this murder render’d him among the
natives. The two faftions immediately united a-
gainft him, under Huana Capac, the brother and
heir of Hu A scar, whom they proclaim’d Emperor
of Cufco : Whereupon Pizarro proclaim’d To -
parpa (a fon of Atabilipa) Emperor, caus’d
him to wear the imperial coronet, and to be treated
with the fame honours his father had been ; iiluing
fuch orders in his name, as might heft ferve the in- C H A P.
tereft of the Spaniards ; but this Inca died foon after : X.
And now Pizarro, conjecturing that nothing could "V ^
tend to eftablifh the Spanifh dominion in Peru, more
than his poffefting himfelf of the capital city of Cufco,
he began his march thither with all his forces, con- Marches to-
filling of near four hundred men, befides confederate wards Cufc0 '
Indians.
In the mean time Atauchi, brother to the late
Emperor Atabilipa, having collected a great
quantity of treafure to purchafe his brother’s ranfom,
brought it to Caxamalca ; but finding Atabi-
lipa murder’d, and the Spaniards march’d from
thence, determin’d to be reveng’d of them ; and
joining his forces with feme other Peruvian Generals,
furpriz’d the Spaniards upon their march to Cufco,
kill’d fome of them, and made feveral prifoners, and Sor ))^
amongft the reft Sancho de Cuellar, who had an( j made ’
drawn up the procefs againft the late Inca Atabt- prifoners*
li pa, and attended his execution. With thefe
prifoners the Indian Generals retired again to Cax-
amalca, where they ftrangled Sancho the Spam-
ard, at the very fame port where their Emperor was range '
put to death ; but underftanding that Franc is de
Chaves, Ferdinando de Haro, and fome of
the reft of their prifoners, had protefted againft the
Inca’s death, they refolved to give them their lives
and liberties, entring into the following articles of
peace and friendfhip with the captive Spaniards, be- A treaty be-
fore they difmifs’d them, viz. That neither party ^"j£ e an(3
fhould for the future offer any violence to the other ; Indians,
and particularly, that the Spaniards fhould not at-
tempt to depofe Manco Capac, who had been
proclaim’d at Cufco, and was the lawful heir of the
Inca Huana Capac : That both Tides fhould re-
leafe their prifoners, and that the Spaniards fhould
not treat the Indians as flaves, but freemen : That
the laws of their country fhould be obferved inviola-
bly, when they were not repugnant to thofe of Chri-
ftianity ; and that this treaty fhould be ratified' by the
Spanifh General, and his Sovereign the Emperor of
the Romans.
The Spaniards infilled, on their parts, that the In-
dians fhould profefs the Chriftian religion ; that a
part of the country fhould be aftign’d them for their
fubfiftence, and that they might retain the Indians
as hired fervants, tho’ not as flaves : Which the In-
dians agreed to, and difmifs’d their prifoners with
rich prefents : But Pizarro and Almagro at
firft pofitively refus’d to ratify the articles, and would
hear of nothing but an abfolute fubmiffion, and an
entire furrender of their country and their perfons to
the will of the Chriftians, which occafton’d long and
bloody wars afterwards : Whereas the Spanifh hifto-
rians admit, they might have eftablifh’d Chriftianity
in Peru without fpilling a drop of blood, if the am-
bition and avarice of the Adventurers had not pre-
vented it. The people were as. well difpofed, they
obferve, to receive the Chriftian faith, as could be
wifin’d, and ready to have acknowledg’d the King
OF PERU
3 2 3
Cufco aban-
don’d by the
Indians.
CHAP, of Spain their Sovereign ; and that their Inca fnoukl
X. hold his dominions of him, if they might have been
treated as fubjefts and freemen ought to be ; and the
Inca would have affign’d lands and revenues to the
Spaniards, provided his fubje&s might have been al-
low’d to have liad any property in the refidue ; but
this would not fatisfy the views of the rapacious Spa-
niards, they could not have plunder’d their temples
and palaces, ufurp’d whole provinces, enllaved the
natives, and arriv’d at fovereign power, if they had
cultivated a friendlhip, and enter’d into an alliance
with the natives. What zeal foever therefore the
Spaniards might pretend for propagating the Chriftian
religion, it is evident wealth and power were the
only deities thefe Adventurers ador’d, as has been al-
ready obferv’d in the conduct of their brethren in
Mexico. But to return to the hiftory of Peru.
The General Pizarro, continuing his march
towards Cufco, was again attack’d by feveral parties
of the Indians, at fome difficult palTes in the moun-
tains ; but finding themfelves unable to refift the
fire-arms and horfesof the Chriftians, they fled, after
a faint refiftance, to the capital city ; declaring,
that it was in vain for any human force to oppofe
the Spaniards, who were arm’d with thunder and
lightning, and could kill their enemies at fo many
hundred yards diftance. Whereupon the people of
Cufco, without offering to defend their walls, or that
impregnable caftle already defcrib’d, fled with their
wives and children, and what was moil valuable to
them, to the woods and mountains ; and Pizarro
T he Spar.!- enter’d the city without oppofition in the month of
Odfober 1532, where he met with a prodigious
booty, notwithflanding the citizens had fo much time
to carry off their beft goods and treafure.
Go mara, a Spanifh writer, relates, “That
“ the next day after the Spaniards enter’d Cufco,
“ they fell to work, fome to unrip the gold and fil-
“ ver from the walls of the temple ; others to dig
“ up the jewels and veffels of plate, which were bu-
“ ried with the dead ; -others pillaged and rifled the
“ idols, and lack’d the houfes, and the fortreis,
“ where ftill great quantities of gold and filver were
‘ c preferv’d, which had been there amafs’d and laid
“ up by Hu ana Cap ac. In fhort, there was
“ mors gold and filver found in this city, and in
“ the parts about it, than was produc’d at Caxamalca
“ by the ranfom of A r a b i l i p a . However, the
“ particular {hare belonging to every individual per-
“ Ion, did not amount to lb much as the former di-
“ vidend, by reafon that the number was greater
“ which was to partake thereof ; nor was the fame
“ of this adlion fo loud as the firft, which publifh’d
“ the triumph of riches, with the imprifoment
“ ot a King. A certain Spaniard entering into a
“ vault, found there an entire tomb of filver, lb
“ thick and maffy that it was worth fifty thoufand
‘ pieces of eight, or crowns ; others had the fortune
to find fuch as were of lefs value ; for it was the
,c cuftoin of rich men of thofe countries to be bu-
ards enter
Cufco,
Some account
of their plun-
dering that
capital.
A ducat ?s
about a noble*
“ ry’d in this manner up and down the fields, and CHAP
“ there to be laid in flate, like idols. Nor were the X.
“ Spaniards contented with this prize, but ftill thir-
“ fling after greater riches, were hot in the purfuit
“ of thetreafuresof Huana Capa c, and of others
“ hidden by the ancient Kings of Cufco 3 but nei-
“ ther then, nor afterwards, were all thofe treafures
“ difcover’d, tho’ they tortured the poor Indians to
“ make them difcover the places where their Great
“ men were interr’d.
“ It is certain, lays Go mar a, that for the fpace
“ of feven or eight years after the Spaniards had re-
“ main’d in quiet pofleffion of that empire, feveral
“ treafures were difcover’d both within and without
“ the city ; and particularly within the precinbfs of
“ that palace call’d Amuruchancha, which, upon
“ the divifion made, fell to the lot of Antonio
“ Altamirano ; where it happen’d that a horfe,
“ galloping round a court-yard of that palace, ftruck
“ one of his feet into a hole, which they fuppofed at
“ firft to be fome old fink, or drain for water from the
“ houfe ; but looking more narrowly, they found
“ the hole opening to a jar of gold, weighing above
“ two hundred pounds weight; for the Indians make
“ greater or lels of thefe as their occafions require,
“ ufing them to boil their drink and liquor in. With
“ this great jar they found others of gold and filver ;
“ and tho’ they were not lb large, yet they were
“ valued at about eighty thoufand ducats. More-
“ over, in the convent of the SeleH Virgins, and
“ particularly in that part which fell to the fhareof
“ Pf.dro del Barco, and afterwards came to
“ the pofleffion of Hernando de Segovia,
“ who was an Apothecary, and with whom I had
“ an acquaintance ; this Hernando altering his
“ houfe, and removing ibme part of the foundation,
“ found a treafure of feventy-two thoufand ducats,
“ with which, and with above twenty thoufand du-
“ cats more, which he had gain’d by his practice,
“ he returned into Spain, where I faw him at Se-
“ ville ; where in a few days after his arrival he died
“ for mere grief and forrow that he had left Cufco,
“ as feveral others had done, whom I knew in the
“ fame condition.”
Pizarro having thus poflefs’d himfelfof the ca-
pital city of Peru, from whence the Inca Manco
C a p a c and the greateft part of the inhabitants were
fled, thought fit to invite them to return to theirdwel-
lings ; apprehending, if they were made defperate,
that the whole power of Peru would aflemble againft
him, and might reduce him to great flraits, by cut-
ting off his provifions, tho’ they durft not meet him
fairly in the field. The Indians accepting Pizar-
Ro’s invitation, return’d to their houfes in Cufco,
and even the Inca made loirse overtures to him, in-
timating that he ffisould be content to embrace the
ChriPcian religion, and hold his dominions of the"
Tmperor of the Romans, provided that neither he
nor his fubjeHs fliould be molefted for the future in
their perfons or dates : And being encourag’d by
T t 2 Pizarro
3 2 4
the present state
A peace be*
tween Pizar-
ro and the
Inca Manco
©apaco
Qbn Pedro
de Alvarado
Mads in Peru.
.^detach-
ment onder
Aknagro
/eat againft
^m>.
Alvarado one
of the con-
querors of
Mexico.
Pizarro to believe he flioukl have the terms he
demanded, the Inca came in perfon to Cufco, and
had an interview with the Spanifh General, who
caufed him to be crown’d and invefted in the empire,
by binding the royal wreath, or coronet, about his
head, and proclaiming him Inca in the fame manner
his fuccefTors ufed to be inaugurated into that dig-
nity, and aflur’d the Inca he would ftridlly obferve
the capitulation made by Fr A N c I s d e C h e v e s,
and the reft of the Spanifh prifoners with his people.
Thefe pacific m oaf-ires the Spaniards found them-
felves under a neceffity of taking at this time, not
only becaufe they faw all the fouthern provinces of
Peru afiembling againft them under the Inca Man-
co Capac, but becaufe Rumminavi, Quis-
qjjis, and other Peruvian Generals had aftembled
a very great army in the northern provinces, and:
poftefs’d themfelves of Quit to, which obliged him to
fend a confiderable detachment of his forces under
the command of Sebastian Belalcazar, to
reinforce the new colony at St. Michael’s, and to
make head againft the Peruvian Generals in Quitto.
Belalcazar thereupon marching into Quitto,
made himfelf matter of the capital city, and was in
a fair way of reducing the reft, when advice was
brought, that Don Pedro de Alvarado was
come upon the coaft of Peru with a confiderable
fleet, and had landed feven or eight hundred men,
intending to take the government of Peru upon
him, and expel Pizarro and Almagro from
thence ; at which news thefe two Adventurers were
thurlder-ftruck, apprehending they fhould be difpof-
fefs’d of all the fpoils they had taken, and perhaps
fent prifoners to Spain, to give an account of their
condudi in murdering the late Ilica Ataeilipa,
and maflaermg his people ; they continued therefore
to cultivate a good underftanding with the Indians
of the fouthern provinces, and treated the Inca and
his fubjeGs as their friends and allies, promifing to
perform punftually whatever they had promis’d,
knowing how great an advantage it muft be to have
the country in their intereft, if they were oblig’d to
contend with Alvarado for the pofleffion of it.
The next precaution Pizap.ro took, was to
detach an hundred Spaniards under the command of
his confederate Almag r o, towards the fea-coaft,
to join with Belalcazar, and obferve the moti-
ons of Alvarado ; for they were determin’d not
to refign eafily what they had obtain’d with fo
much labour and hazard. And here it will be ne-
ceft'ary to enquire who this Alvarado was, and
what title he had to alfume the government of
Peru. If the reader pleafes to turn to chap. VII.
pag. 1 79. of Mexico, he will obferve that Don Pe-
dro de Alvarado was one of the principal
Generals that accompanied Cortez in the con-
queft of Mexico, and obtain’d the government of
Guatimala, one of the molt confiderable provinces
of that empire. This Gentleman was become
vailly rich by the fpoils of the Mexicans, and his .
government in extent was little inferior to that of CHAP.
Spain ; here he exercis’d an unlimited command, X.
treating the natives rather like Haves than fubjedts ;
but underftanding there was greater plenty of gold
and filver in Peru than was to be found in North-
America, and his ambition and avarice increafing
with his acquifitions, fome fay he obtained a com-
miffion from the Emperor Charles V. to be Go-
vernor of fo much of Peru as was not actually
conquer’d by Pizarro and Almagro. Others
relate, that Don Alvarado undertook this ex-
pedition by his foie authority, without the content
of the Emperor, believing that as he was an elder
Genera], and one of the firft that was employ’d in
theconqueft of America, Pizarro and Alma-
gro would have fubmitted to him on his allowing
• • ®
them to lhare that country with him ; or if they
fhould refufe, he determin’d to carry fuch a force
with him as fhould compel them to fhare it with him :
But however that was, it is agreed, Alvar ad O'
equipp’d a good fleet in the harbours of Guatimala
on the South-fea, where he embark’d feven or eight
hundred men, mod of them cavalry (and amongft
them feveral perfons of quality, and old officers that
had ferv’d in theconqueft of Mexico, who were
induc’d to engage in this enterprize, by the fame of
the Commander, and the vaft wealth they expedted
to find in Peru) and wdth thefe he fet fail from Gua- He embarks
timala for the coaft of Peru, in the year 1535 ; in for Peru,
which voyage he endur’d very great hardfhips for His hardships
want of provifions, having been kept at fea longer at fea, an d
than they expected, by contrary winds ; and he was march'after*
at laft forc’d to land at Cape St. Francis, one degree wards,
north of the Equator, and march over almcft im-
pafiable bogs and mountains, where he loft a great
many of his men and horfes : However, he arriv’d
at length near the Spanifh colony of St. Michael’s,
having got a much greater body of troops left than
were under the command of Pizarro and Al-
ai A G R O.
Gomara and Carate, two Spanifh writers, An enquiry-
relate fome occurrences that happen’d in this march into the truth
of Alvarado’s, that are fcarce credible ; and De
la Vega feems to atteft the truth of them: As i ar s related
firft, that Alvarado and his men pafs’d over a here>
mountain cover’d with fnow, under the Equator^
where fixty of their number where frozen to death ;
of which 1 muft fufpend my belief, becaufe I have
no where feen or heard of fnow, much Ids' moun-
tains cover’d with fnow, under the Equator. I have
indeed been as cold near the Equator, as in the fro-
zen regions of Europe ; hut this has proceeded from
the rains, and not from froft or fnow, when we
have been forced to lie in the fields in the night-time
during the rainy feafon, with our wet cloaths on,
our people have fhook with extreme cold ; perhaps
we were more fenfible of the coldnefs of the depend-
ing rains in that hot climate than in a cold country,
as a man who goes into a river in the middle of the
dav ; n Uiauier, is more fenfible of the coldnefs of
the
OF P
CHAP, the water, than he that bathes in the evening : And
X. fome writers, poffibly hearing Alvarado’s fol-
diers complaining of the cold they endur’d on the
mountains near the Equator, concluded that could
only proceed from the froft and fnow, and thought
fit to give us their own conjectures, rather than
the fa&s, as they heard them : Had they laid the
fcene near either of theT ropics, inftead of the Equa-
tor, I fhould have made no fcruple to believe them.
We know that there are mountains cover’d with
fnow in the latitude of 22 and 23, when the Sun is
in the oppofite Tropic ; but none of our travellers
of late years pretend to have feen fnow under the
Equator.
Secondly, another particular mention’d by the
Spanifh authors, w’ho give an account of Alva-
rado’s march, is, that paffing over a fandy de-
fart feveral days journey, where there was no wa-
ter, they fhould infallibly have perifh’d, if they
had not met with large groves of Bambou-canes,
bigger than a man’s leg, which between the joints
were filled with good water, of which they had e-
nough both for their horfes and themfelves : To
which it is objected, that though we find Bambou-
canes of this bignefs in feveral hot countries, we fee
none of them feplenifh’d with water, as it is reported
thefe Peruvian canes were : I am apt to believe
therefore, that this alfo is a miftake.
If it had been laid, that Alvarado’s men had
met v/ith groves of Coco-nut trees, which are very
common near the Equinoctial, and had quench’d
their tbirft with the milk, or water, that is lodg’d
in the infide of the young Coco-nuts (of which each
nut holds near a pint) the ftory would have had no-
thing very improbable in it ; but the changing the
Coco-nut into a cane, is that which fhocks my be-
lief ; and lam very well fatisfied, many fuch miffakes
are made by the writers of voyages and travels,
efpecially where they have their accounts at fecond
hand, which they mult have in many inftances ; it
Being impoffible for any man to fee with his own
eyes every thing the country affords which he travels
through.
But to return to Alvarado: Whatever were
the hardfhips and lofles he Buffer’d in his march,
Almacro was in a terrible confirmation upon the
advices he receiv’d of his approach, efpecially when
he underflood he had furpriz’d a party of horfe Al-
ma c, R o had lent out to get intelligence of his mo-
tions, and made them prifbners ; but the men re-
turning to his camp foon after, and telling him that
Alvarado treated them handfomely, and fet
them at liberty, he began to entertain hopes that
their refpeCfive pretenfions would be adjufted by a
treaty, without coming to an open rupture with
them : And this he was confirm'd in, when Alva-
rado was pleas’d to invite him to a conference;
Arricle; fce* which Almagro accepting, the following articles
n&Tand Ai- were a g ree< I on between them, viz. that Pizarro
magro. and Al m a g ro fhould pay At v a r a d o an hurt-
E R U. 325
dred thoufand Pefo’s (or Nobles) ; that fuch of the CHAP,
officers and foldiers who came with Alvarado, X.
as defir’d it, fhould ferve under Pizarro in Peru,
and be provided for as their own troops were : And
that thereupon Alvarado fhould return to his
government of Guatimala in Mexico ; but being
oblig’d to wait fome time to receive the treafure pro-
mis’d him, Alvarado propofed to vifitPiz ar ro
at Cufco, and take a view of that famous capital,
of which he had heard fuch furprifing accounts ; all
which Almagro took care to advifePiz arro of;
who apprehending that Alvarado might alter his
mind upon feeing the rich city of Cufco, fenthim
a compliment, that he would not give him the trou-
ble of taking fo long a journey, but would meet
him in the valley of Pacha Carnac, and bring the'
fum with him Almagro had promis’d ; and ac-
cordingly, leaving Cufco to the care of the Inca
and his brothers, he fet out with a party of horfe,
and a detachment of Indians, and arriv’d at the
valley of Pacha Carnac, where he met with Al-
varado and Almagro; and to ingratiate him-
felf with the former, gave him the command of all
the troops while he remain’d there, commanding all
the officers to obey Don Alvarado’s orders, and
acknowledge no other General while he continued
in Peru ; and was fo much better than his word,
that he paid Alvarado twenty thoufand Pefo’s
more than he had ftipulated, for the expences of his
journey, befides a great number of turquoifes, eme-
ralds, and veffels of gold for that General’s particu-
lar ufe : Whereupon Alvarado return’d toMexi- Alvarado re-
co, entirely fatisfied with his reception, and the trea- tlirns . to
furehe had acquir’d ; efpecially when he faw all the eXIC0 “
gentlemen that had accompanied him in this enter-
prize well provided for : However, it is conjectur’d
that he found Pizarro and Almagro better
eftablifhed in Peru than he expended, or he would
not have quitted that country fo eafily, which he
had undergone fuch hazards and expences to vifit.
Certain it is, Pi z arr o and Almagro reap’d
great advantages by the troops Alvarado brought
with him. The Indians feeing fo confiderable a
reinforcement arrive and join Pizarro, and ex-
pelling more every day, defpair’d of ever throwing
off a foreign yoke, and generally fubmitted to the
Spaniards; fo that Alvarado richly deferv’d all
the money they had paid him. And poffibly they
wo: Id have advanced as much more, rather than
he ihould not return to Mexico ; for though
the troops he brought with him, as it happen’d,
eftablifh’d their conqueft of Peru, the fame troops
were in a condition to have driven them from thence
when Alvarado arriv’d ; or at leaft, both fides
would probably have periih’d in contending for the
pofieffion of that country, and by that means the
Peruvians would have recover’d their liberties. But
fince fo much has been faid of Don Pedro de Al-
varado, I Iha 11 take the liberty of relating what
happen’d ip him, after his return to his government
THE PRESENT STATE
326
C H A P, of Guatemala ; and it feems he was a Cavalier of fuch
IX. an enterprifing or ambitious fpirit, that he knew not
how to live out of acftion. Tho’ he was now grown
old in war, and enjoy’d as much wealth and power
as moll Princes of his time ; it having been pro-
pofed by the Viceroy of Mexico, to make fome
conquefts to the northward, our Hero, Don Pedro
de Alvarado, took upon him to command the
army; andpurfuing fome Indians, that were retired
to a precipice, with a party of horfe, when he was
advanced about half way up, it proved fo fteep, that
one of his trooper-horfes (or, as others fay, part of
the rock) fell upon him, and carried him to the bot-
tom, by which he was fo bruifed, that he died a
-dav or two after. But to return to Peru.
Soon after the figning the treaty between Pi-
zARRoand Don Alvarado, Almagro w4s
detach’d with part of the troops that arrived'with
Alvarado to Cufco, whilft Pizarro applied
himfelf to the building of towns, and fettling colo-
L’lma found- nies upon the coaft : Particularly he founded the
ed> capital city of Lima, in i 2 degrees and a half fouth
latitude, on the bank of a river, about fix miles
from the South-fea, and as much from the ifland and
harbour of Callao : This city, De la Vega ob-
ferves, was built in the year 1534, and not in the
year 1530, as fome writers relate: For, fays De
A piece of LA Vega, all authors agree, that it was in the
chronology. y ear 1525, when Pizarro, Almagro and
De Lugne, did firft enter into articles. Three
years afterwards were fpent in the difcovery before
they arriv’d at Tumbez (in 3 degrees fouth latitude)
the firft time. Two years more palled in Pizar-
ro’s return to Panama, and his voyage to and from
Spain. In the year 1531, the Adventurers invaded
the ifland of Puna and Tumbez on the continent.
And in December, the fame year, they took the
Inca Atabilipa prifoner ; and in March fol-
lowing, anno 1532, the Inca was put to death. In
Odfober, the fame year, Pizarro and Alma-
gro took poiTeffion of the capital city of Cufco,
where they refided ’till April 1533, when advice
■came of the arrival of Alvarado upon the coaft,
and Almagro was detach’d with an hundred men
to obferve his motions. And in September, the
fame year, was the interview between Pizarro
and Alvarado, when Pizarro paid that Gene-
ral the money he had promis’d him : And in the be-
ginning of the year 1534, viz. the 6th of January,
1 J3 3, being Twelfth-day in the Catholic account,
but the 28th of December, 1533, according to our
account, the city of Lima was built ; to which Pi-
zarro gave the name of Cividad de les Reyes ;
or. The City of Kings ; becaufe on that day, the
Kings or Princes of the Eaft made their prefents to
our Saviour ; but this name is now difufed, and the
city is call’d by the name of Lima, from the valley
wherein it Hands ; the Indians calling the valley Ri-
mac, which the Spaniards corruptly call Lima.
However, to commemorate the day, Pizarro or-
der’d the arms of the city to be three Crowns, with CHAP,
a Star fhining over them. It was built, as has been X.
already obferv’d, after the Spanilh model, a large
fquare in the middle, and wide ftreight ftreets centring
in the fquare, fo that from every corner of the ftreets
the whole town and neighbouring fields may be feen.
On the north lay the riVer, from whence canals were
cut for watering their lands, and fupplying the houfes
with water. The city being laid out, Pizarro
divided the country about it among his Officers and
Soldiers, and other Spanilh Adventurers that came
to refide in it, with the native Indians upon thofe
lands, who held what the Spaniards were pleas’d to
allow them by the bafeft tenures of villainage, viz.
to cultivate, dung and manure their lands, grounds,
carry burthens, and perform other vile offices in
their fields or houfes. And when any Spaniards
purchas’d any of thefe lands of another, the Indians
upon fuch lands were transferr’d with them, as trees,
deer and fiflr are with us, upon the conveying away
an eftate ; fo that all the natives became abfolute
Haves to the Spaniards, and were ufed accordingly,
many of them perilhing in the infupportable drud-
gery they impofed on them : Indeed, part of the
Peruvians were in a manner Haves to their Emperors
and Caraca’s (Lords of the foil) before, being oblig’d
to carry burthens, and draw carriages like horfes,
when they were commanded ; but then that fervice
was far from being fo grievous as the fervice the
Spaniards exacted from them. For firft they ferv’d
their native Lords by turns certains days in the year,
and were never oblig’d to work more than five or
fix hours in a day. They had alfo food and raiment
delivered to them by their Lords, and were always
taken care of by them when they were fick, old and
infirm ; whereas the Spaniards had no compaffion on
them, but made them woik in the mines, fifh for J Iiec f r “^ e u ’
pearls, build houfes and Ihips, carry burthens, and ^f d e ;° ns ,
manure their fields, exadfing their labour with fuch
rigour, and allowing them fo little food, that they
perilhed by hundreds and thoufands, and the coun-
try in a few years was almoft depopulated : Nei-
ther did the Spaniards make much diftindfion between
thofe that were freemen, and thofe that were flaves
and villains, but put them all to the like drudgeries ;
and if the Nobility and Gentry were diftinguifh’d
by any thing, it was by tortures, to make them dif-
cover where their treafures were hid ; and when
they could not produce what was expected from
them, they frequently expired in torments. But to
return to Pizarro: This General having built
the city of Lima, and divided the country about it
among part of his followers, he advanc’d further
northward along the fea-coafts, and founded ano-
ther city on a good harbour, in 8 degrees, odd mi-
nutes fouth latitude, which he named Truxillo, from
the city of that name in Spain, of which it is faid
he was a native ; and here alfo he made a divifion of
the lands and Indians upon them, in the country
about it, among his Fellovz-adventurers, or firft Con-
querors,
OF PER U.
Govern-
ments con-
ferr’d on
Pizarro and
Almagro,
Almagro
takes upon
him the gO'
vernment
»f Cufco.
Which oc-
cafio.ns a war
with the
Pizarro ’s.
Their diffe-
rences ac-
commodated.
querors, as they were call’d, to whom he affigned
that city and its diftridt ; and thus the Spaniards
proceeded in every part of Peru, where they planted
colonies of Europeans.
While Pizarro remain’d at his new city of
Truxillo, advice came from Spain, that his brother
Ferdinando had in a great meafure fucceeded
in his negotiations at that Court ; for whereas Don
Francis Pizarro had petitioned his Imperial
Majefty to extend his government zoo leagues fur-
ther fouthward, to grant him the province of Ata-
billios in Peru, with the revenues thereof ; the
perpetual vafTalage of twenty thoufand Indians, and
the title of Marquis ; his brother wrote word, that
the Emperor had conferr’d on him the title of Mar-
quis of that province, and enlarg’d his government
confiderably to the fouthward ; but as to the com-
mand he defired over the Indians, he would inform
himfelf of the cuftoms of that country, and what
damage or prejudice fuch a conceffion might prove,
and then he would {hew him all the grace and fa-
vour in that particular, as was confiftent with jus-
tice : And as to Almagro, the title of Marfnal
of Peru was confirmed to him, and a government
of two hundred leagues extent of country conferr’d
on him, to the fouthward of the country affigned
to the Marquis Pizarro.
Almagro refiding at the city of Cufco at this
time, and receiving advice that the government of
the country which lay fouth of the Marquis’s go-
vernment was conferr’d on him ; and obferving
that Cufco was not within the limits affign’d to
Don Francis Pizarro, he immediately took
upon him the title of Governor of Cufco, and the
diftridi belonging to it, in his own name, and no
more adced in fubordination to the Marquis.
On the other hand, John and Gonzalo Pi-
zarro, brothers to the Marquis, oppos’d this ufur-
pation of Almagro, as they call’d it; and their
differences arofe to that height, that they enter’d in-
to a formal war with Almagro at Cufco, and
feveral were kill’d on both fides ; of which the Mar-
quis receiving intelligence, caus’d himfelf to be car-
ried in a hammock on the fhoulders of the Indians
to Cufco, who relieving one another at proper ftages,
carried him thither with fuch expedition, that he
arriv’d at Cufco .before he was expended by either
hde : And reprefenting to both parties that tbefe
feuds would probably end in the deftrudtion of them-
felves and their enterprize, if they were not fpeedily
accommodated, he enter’d into a treaty with Al-
magro for adiufting all their differences : And firft
he obferv’d, that Almagro was miftaken in his
opinion that Cufco was without the limits of his (the
Marquis’s) government, for the Emperor had made
him a new grant of the country, which lay fouth
of that conferr’d on him by the firft grant : The
Marquis alfo fuggefted to Almagro, that the
country which lay to the fouthward of the diftridt of
Cufco was richer in gold and filver than any that
had been yet difcover’d, of which he was contented
Don Almagro fhould take the government up-
on him ; and that he fhould march at the head of
beft part of their united forces, and poffefs himfelf
of it ; and in the mean time he would apply to the
Emperor to get him confirm’d in that government,
to which they gave the name of Toledo, extending
it from the diftridt of Cufco to the country of Chili,
which lies fouth of Peru : The Marquis alfo ftipu-
lated, that if the Emperor did not think fit to con-
fer that government on Almagro, he would
divide that of Peru with him ; with which overture
Don Almagro and his party were then pretty
well fatisfied, and immediately made preparations
for an expedition to the fouthward. About the fame
time another detachment of Spaniards and Indians
were fent to reinforce Don Be l alcazar in Quit-
to, to enable him to finifh the conqueft of that pro-
vince; and a third body march’d to the nofth-eaft,
to reduce fome provinces bordering on the moun-
tains of the Andes.
Almagro began his march for Chili in the
year 1535, at the head of five hundred Spaniards,
and fifteen thoufand Indians, part of them arm’d
and lerving for his vanguard, and the reft to carry
his baggage and bring him in provifions. The Inca,
Man co Capac, alfo fent with him his brother
the Inca Paulla, and the High Prieft Villa O-
ma, that he might meet with no impediments in-
his march, but receive all poffible affiftance from the
Indians fubjedf to the Inca in the provinces through
which he pafs’d. The Spaniards alfo took a great
many Negroe flaves along with them ; and that all
the officers and foldiers might be well equipp’d and
provided for this long march, Almagro lent them
the value of two hundred thoufand crowns, taking
only a note from the foldiers he lent any money to,
for re-payment of it out of the fpoils they expedled
in this expedition.
Almagro advanced as far as the province of
Charcas, two hundred leagues to the fouthward of
Cufco, without meeting with any thing to obftrudl
his defigns, the country being all under the domi-
nion of the Inca, and fupplying him with provifions
as he went ; but finding the Charcas a wretched
barren country, and being ignorant of the rich
mines it contain’d, he refolved to proceed forward
to the kingdom of Chili ; tho’ had he known the
invaluable mines of Potofi were fituated in this bar-
ren country, he would certainly have fet up his reft
here; for in this mountain was afterwards found
more filver than any, or perhaps all the countries in
the old world produc’d at that time.
The Indians informed Almagro that there
were two ways to approach the kingdom of Chili,
both extremely difficult and hazardous : The firft
was over a branch of the mountains of the Andes, or
Cordelera’s, that at this time (being winter) were
cover’d deep in fnow, and fo cold that no Indian
could live on the tops of them (tho’ this was much
the
TheMarquis
perfuades
Almagro to
march
Chili.
32 3 THE PRESE
Chap, the fhorteft pafikge, if it could be performed) ; the
X. other way was over a Tandy defart by the fea-fide,
U'V'U in which they fhould be in danger of perifhing by
the exceflive heat and the fcarcity of water ; inti-
mating, they were averfe to the journey either way,
but moft dreaded that over the mountains of the
Andes: However, Almagro refolving to move
forward, took the way of the mountains, as being
the Ihorteft, and more agreeable to the conftitutions
of his Europeans than the parching fands ; and hav-
ing gather’d what provifions the country afforded,
and laid it on the fhoulders of the Indian porters,
he began to afcend the hills ; but had not advanced
far before he found the fnows fo deep that they
were forced to dig their way through them, the
Indians dying by hundreds with the intenfe cold ;
the Spaniards alfo were almoft ftarved, and many of
them perifh’d with their horfes on thofe mountains
either by cold or want ; and fome of the men loft
their fingers and toes who efcaped with their lives.
However, Almagro himfelf, with between three
and four hundred Spaniards, the Inca Paulla, the
High Prieft, and about five thoufand Indians, reach-
ed the other fide of the mountain, and came into a
fine, temperate and plentiful country ; and at the
command of the Inca Paulla, the natives imme-
diately brought all manner of provifions and re-
frefhments into the camp : The people of Chili be-
ing informed that the Spaniards were HSiracorba’s 1
delcended from their god the Sun, and that their
Inca Man co Capac order’d they fhould bring
them all thofe tributes they had laid up during the
late civil wars between Huasc ARand Atabili-
PA, they prefented the Spaniards with gold and
filver veflels to the value of two hundred thoufand
ducats, or nobles ; and not many days after, collect-
ed the value of three hundred thoufand more, and
prefented to Almagro ; whereupon the Marfhal
did not only give up and cancel all the bonds and
notes his foldiers had given him, but diftributed part
of the treafure amongft them.
Almacro having refted and refrefhed his weary
troops, propofed to the Inca Paulla the advan-
cing farther into Chili, and fubduing thofe parts that
were not fubject to the Inca : To which he con-
fented ; and afiembling feveral thoufand Indians to
reinforce the Marfhal, they march’d with their
united forces againft the natives of the more fouth-
ern parts of Chili, with whom they had feveral
fmart encounters ; but at length had the good for-
tune to reduce thofe provinces under their fubjecftion :
/And being joined about this time by Ruis Dias
and John de Harada, with upwards of an
hundred Spaniards more, would have extended their
eonquefts much farther, if Almagro had not ta-
ken a refolution of returning to Peru, to take pof-
feffion of his government of Cufco, which he was
now allured belonged to him by virtue of the Em-
peror’s commiffion, which John de Harada
i
NT STATE
brought him when he join’d the Marfhal with the CHAP,
recruits above-mentioned. X,
Idris commiffion, it feems, conferr’d on Al-
macro the government of fuch provinces in Peru
as lay fouth of thofe granted to Pizarro, for the
fpace of two hundred leagues ; and as Cufco was
above three hundred leagues fouth of the Equator,
which was the utmoft extent of Pizarro’s go-
vernment, Almagro’s friends were of opinion
that Cufco belonged to him ; and that it ought not
to be tamely parted with, being the capital city of
the empire, and fo well fituated to command the
fouthern provinces. His officers therefore were una-
nimous in their opinion, that they fhould march
back and pofiefs themfelves of Cufco, after which all
the countries in the fouth would fall under their do-
minion of courfe
The refolution therefore being taken of return- ^'v^ton- 6 *
ing to Peru, the next thing to be confidered was, turntoCufco*
which way they fhould march ; and both Spaniards
and Indians had fuffer’d fo much in their paffage
over the mountains, that it was unanimoufly deter-
mined to take the way of the plain by the fea-fide ;
and to provide as well as poffible againft the want of
water, Indians were fent before to open and cleanfe
the wells in the great defart, that had been choak’d
up with fand during the civil wars, and to draw
water for the Spaniards, which might ftand fome
time in calabafh-bowls and goat-lkins, to fettle and
purify ; for thefe waters, it feems, were thick and
unwholfome, and fcarce drinkable, when firft drawn.
And as there was no enemy to be expedled in
this country, it was refolved to march in final] parties
over this defart, that they might be more eafily
fupply’d with water and provifions in their march :
Elowever, with all thefe precautions, fays my au-
thor, the hardfhips the Spaniards fuffer’d in tins
fcorching defart, being upwards of two hundred
miles extent, was little inferior to what they fu-
ftain’d on the frozen mountains, of which the Spa-
niards give us many furprizing relations ; particu-
larly they tell us, that Gerommo de Alde- •
r E T T e being Governor of Chili many years af-
terwards, and obferving that thofe mountains at
certain feafons of the year were clear of fnow, made
a journey over them in fearch of the plate and rich
baggage that had been loft there when Almagro
pafs’d it ; and that they found there a Negroe lean-
ing againft a rock, holding a horfe by the reins,
both of them having been frozen to death, and that
they ftood upon their feet, dried and ftiffi, as if their
ikins had been Huffed with ftraw. But I muft leave
Almagro on his march over the great defart,
which lies between Chili and Peru, and obferve what
happen’d in the mean time at Cufco.
The Inca Manco Capac obferving that the Manco Inca
Marquis Pizarro only gave him the title of Inca, rev0,teth "
or Emperor, and that in reality he had very little
command even in the capital city ,of Cufco, where
he
O F P
C H AP. ha refilled, put the Marquis in mind of his promife
X. of reftoring him to his empire, and performing the
capitulations that had been agreed on between them ;
but Pizarro put him off from time to time, tel-
ling him he muff wait with patience ’till he heard thofe
capitulations were ratified by his Sovereign the Em-
peror of the Romans, which he expe&ed to receive
every day by his brother Ferdinand o, and was
going to Lima in hopes of meeting him there ;
defiring that the Inca, during his abfence, would
refide in the caftle, and not ftir from thence. The
Inca finding they would make him prifoner by force,
if he did not voluntarily fubmit to this confinement,
difguifed his refentment, and immediately went to
the caftle, declaring that he Ihould chearfully fub-
mit to any thing that the Spaniards apprehended to
be for their advantage, fince they were pleafed to
acknowledge his tide to the empire.
But the" Indians were far from taking this im-
prifonment of their Inca patiently, they only wait-
ed for a favourable conjuncture to obtain his liberty,
and revenge themfelves on the Spaniards, which was
offered them not long after ; for Ferdinando
Pizarro returning from Spain with his brother’s
new com million and the patent for the title of Mar-
quis, brought fome orders with him that were not
acceptable to the Marquis or his people ; particu-
larly he informed them, that the Emperor expected
The 'Em- they fhould be accountable to him for all the trea-
peror de- fure they had received as the ranlbm of Ataei-
mand 5 great LI pA? h; s Imperial Majefty alone being entitled to
PiTarro’s. It ; or at leaft that they fhould raife him a good
round fum, and fend over to Spain in lieu of it ;
but the Marquis and his Officers reply ’d. This was
neither realbnable nor poffible : As they had hazard-
ed their lives and made a conqueft of the country at
their own expence, without any charge to his Im-
perial Majefty, they ought to reap the fruits of their
labour ; and befides, that money had been long fince
fpent in fupporting the conqueft, building towns,
and planting colonies, to preferve what they had
gained, which would all redound to the honour
and profit of his Majefty, who by that means was
confirmed and eftaliftied in the fovereignty of that
rich country : And Ierdinando Pi zarro
reprefenting that his Imperial Majefty was in great
diftrefs for money, having exhaufted his treafury in
his wars againft the Turks, his expedition to fu-
nis, &c. and that he had promifed him a fupply
from Peru, which the Court of Spain were appriz’d
abounded with gold and filver ; the Marquis reply ’d, It
was not to be expected a country fo lately conquer’d,
and not yet fettled, fhould do more than maintain
itfelf ; and therefore he muft not infift on the fol-
diers refunding their fpoils, but find out fbme other
way to perform his promifes to his Imperial Majefty.
Whereupon Ferdinando defined his brother
would confer on him the the government of the
capital city of Cufco, and he did not doubt but he
Ihould foon have it in his power to raife a fum of
VOL. III.
E iR U. 3 2 9
money to gratify the Court of Spain ; which the CHAP.
Marquis confenting to, his brother f e r d i nando X.
immediately repair'd to his government of Culco ;
where obferving that feveral Officers had been great-
ly inrich’d by prefents Manco Inca had made
them, in order to be kindly ufed, he apply’d him- Ferdinand
felf alfo to the Inca, giving him to underftand that
he would be reftored to his dominions, and all his dealoftrea-
demands granted, if he could procure a confiderable fare from
fum for the Court of Spain ; and fuffer’d the Inca the lncs "
to come out of the caftle to his palace in the city
again, and to be treated with the honours of a fo-
vereign Prince : Whereupon the Inca fent exprelles
to feveral parts of his dominions, diredling them to
bring him their ufual tribute of gold and filver plate,
as the moft probable means of delivering him out
of the hands of the Spaniards. Accordingly a great
deal of treafere was brought in, which the Inca,
prefented to Ferdinando Pi zarro, who ftiii
entertain’d him with promifes of reftoring him to
his empire, in hopes of drawing more treafure from
him : But the Inca finding he was ftill in a man-
ner a prifoner, and not fuffer’d to ftir out without
a guard of Spaniards, concluded they intended him
no good ; but that as foon as they had fqueezed
what they could out of him, would put him to
death, as they had done the Inca Atabilipa :
He was perpetually meditating therefore how he
might deceive the deceivers, and get out of the
hands of his treacherous keepers ; and at laft hit
upon the following ftratagem. He inform’d Fer-
dinando Pizarro, that in the valley of Yuca,
2 or 3 leagues diftant from Cufeo, where the Inca’s
bowels ufed to be interr’d when their bodies were
embalmed, there were feveral rich tombs, and in one
of them a ftatue of folid gold of one of his anceftors,
as big as the life, which he believ’d he could find if
he might be permitted to go thither with his ufual
guard of Spaniards, for he could not diredf any one
to it without going in perfon. This being a prize
which the Governor Ferdinando had fet his,
heart upon, he conferred that the Inca Ihould go
thither with a Spanifh guard, having no fufpicion
of a general confpiracy to refeue their Prince out of
his hands ; for neither the Inca or any of his fub-
jetfts had yet difcover’d the leaft uneaiinefs at the
tyranny of the Spaniards, how infupportable foever :
But Manco Inca having order’d feveral thoufand.
Indians to rendezvous on the adjacent mountains on
a day prefix’d, and having obtained leave of the
Governor to refort to the valley of Yuca, and re-
main there ’till the evening, he found means to The Inca
efcape from his guard, and get to his forces in the e [ ca P es fr°®
mountains ; and the night coming on, before morn- n j ari j s ,
ing he was conducted beyond the reach of the Spa-
niards, who, inftead of getting the golden ftatue
they expected, loft a much more valuable prize, and
w r ere within an ace of lofing all their conquefts.
The Inca being now at liberty, and having fum-
mon’d a council of his Nobility and Generals, re-
U u prefented
33 °
; L H A P, prelented the treachery and perfidioufnefs of the
X. Spaniards, who perform’d none of their articles or
capitulations, but had, on the contrary, imprifbned
and laid him in irons in the caftle of Cufco. He
faid, he had been long apprized of their falfenefs
and treachery, obferving how they divided the
lands of Peru among themfelves, both in the terri-
tories of Cufco and Lima ; from whence it was evi-
dent they had no intentions to reftore his empire ;
and if he had diffembled a compliance with their
meafures, it was only for the fecurityof his perfbn,
and that he might one day be in a condition to aflert
bis own and his country’s rights : And as he was
now determin’d to vindicate their liberties by force
of arms, he defir’d they would affift him with their
advice at this great and important crifis, that the
war with thefe cruel and ungrateful ffrangers might
be carried on to advantage, without whole expul-
sion, they were now convinced they could never ex-
pedt; to enjoy any thing they had in quiet : If they
Suffer’d him or his fubjedls to live, they muff be
Slaves to thefe ufurpers ; a ffate more to be dreaded
than death itfelf. To which, it is faid, a leading
man of the Council anfwer’d :
u ft was never. Sir, the advice of your Council
that your Majefty fhould put your royal perfon
into the hands of ffrangers, or truft to them for
the reftitution of your empire : However, they
were willing to comply and concur with your
Majefty ’s fentiments, whom they found inclin’d
to maintain that peace whidi was concerted with
them by your brother Titu Ataucht, from
' (i which we can now expefit little benefit, if we
' £ fake our meafures from the treatment of your
‘ brother At a bali pa ; who having contracted
for, and paid his ranfom, was afterwards put to
‘‘ death. And we muff attribute it to the mercy
and providence of the Pacha Camac, that
they treated not your royal perfon (when in their
power) in the fame manner as they had done
your brother. As to your refforation to the ern^
pire,. there is little to be expected from a nation
fo entirely given over to avarice ; for it is not
to be imagin'd that tnofe that are greedy of the-
u fruit fhould reftore the tree unto the true pro-
prietor ; but it is more probable they fhould de^
“ ffroy, and put him- and his out of the way, left
they fhould afpire to that empire which they re-
Wherefore, fince the Spaniards
THE PRESENT STATE
folve to enjoy. __ y
u themfelves have given juft eaufe to fufpeCf and
“ doubt the performance of their promifes, your
‘ Majefty ought immediately, without delay, to
raife as many foldiers as poffible, and make fuch
u other provisions as are necefiary for war, wherein
“ no time is to be loft ; for that they now being
“ divided into feveral parties, , may be more eafily
u defeated- than when united in one body : In the
management of which defign, we muff agree to
' 4 attack them all at the fame time in feveral places,,
fertbat they may not be. able to .alTift. or fuccour.
“ each other. We muff alfo fecure the pafies, ftop CHAP-
and hinder all intercourfe and correfpondence be- X.
tween them : And in regard your foldiers are fo
numerous, that their multitudes may eafily over-
whelm fuch a handful as the Spaniards, and are
able to throw the very mountains upon them, if
“ your Majefty fo commands ; nay, if they refufe
to grant tnem fuccours only and provifions, they
“ muft neceflarily perifh with famine, being as it
were befieg’d by your fubjedfs, who encompals
“ them on all fides : But this refolution is to be
“ fpeedily executed, for the fuccefs of the whole de-
“ fign depends thereupon ; of which v/e need not
“ doubt, if we confider the juftice of our caufe.”
An infurredfion being thus refolved on, expreffes A general
were difpatched to every province of the empire, inrurre<a >on
requiring the refpedtive Governors and Officers to dfans!* 6 In>
raife what forces they could, and in one day endea-
vour to furprize the Spaniards in their quarters ; and
three great armies were accordingly aflembled in an
inftant, one whereof was intended to cut off Al-
im agro and his forces in Chili ; a fecond inverted
the city of Lima ; and the third, confiding of two
hundred thoufand men, commanded by Manco
Inca in perfon, attack’d the city of Cufco, took
the caftle, and drove the Spaniards into the grand Cufco be»
fquare in the middle of the town ; but here the ar- f,e s’ d °
tillery, being pointed to the feveral ftreets, mowed
them down by hundreds and thoufands, and the
horfe charging them while they were in this con-
fufion, the Indians were forced to retire to the
caftle, having firft let fire to the greateft part of the
city and burnt it, except the temple of the Sun, the
convent of Selecft Virgins, and ionic other publick
buildings the Spaniards remain’d poffefs’d of : But
notwithftanding the Spanifh horfe and artillery
were always too hard for the Indians, yet as the
latter were mafters of the open country, and could
cut off their provifions from time to time, the Spa-
niards muff have been reduced in a Ihorttime, if
they had not been joined by great numbers of the The Indian;
common people. of Peru, who being Haves to the flaves > oiri
reft, adhered to the Spaniards in thefe wars ; where- nifrdsT"
by they did not only obtain their freedom, and gain
their fuperiority of their mafters, but fhared the plun-
der of their eftatesand fortunes with the Chriftians ;
and without the affifta.nce of thefe Indian flaves,
the Spaniards could never have made a conqueft
of Peru, without employing a much greater force.
But now liberty being proclaimed to all the vaffal
Indians that would join the Spaniards, they reforted
to the affiftance of the befieged in fuch numbers, that
the Inca’s- troops were entirely driven out of Cufco Cufco caftle-
• 1 f l m <i/i vet-3 I rpr\ rn».
and even out of tire caftle ; in the ftorm- r f ta r en b5r
the Spa-
again, ___ ^
ing of which, however, John Pizarro, bro- maids!
ther to the Marquis, loft his life.
The fiege, or rather blockade, of Cufco continu’d
nine or. ten. months, in which the Indians were fo,
remils, or fo unable to refill the Spaniards united:
with their vaflals*.. that, the Chrillians made excur-
sions.
O F P E
CHAP, fions to a very great diftance, and brought in feve-
X. ral thoufand head of cattle, with all manner of
provi nons ; nor did the Inca ever think fit to make
any further attempts upon the city, but contented
himfelf with furprizing fb me fmall parties of the
Spaniards now and then, from whom having taken
their horfes and armour, and being inftrubted by
fome of their prifoners how to make ufe of them,
the Peruvians were feen fometimes charging the
Chriftians with their own weapons. De laVega
gives us an account of one brave Indian that fought
three celebrated Spanifli officers, armed cap-a-pee,
fucceffivelyi, and was too hard for every one of
them fingly : An Indian Captain (fays the royal
hiftorian) polling himfelf in the middle of the road
which leads from Cufco to Callao, attending the
coming of a certain Cavalier (whom I knew) as he
The bravery was making up to him on horfeback with a lance
jtan Indian. j n jp s ] ianc j 5 the Indian with a fierce countenance,
like an undaunted foldier, flood ready with his bow
drawn to receive him ; and at the fame time that
the Spaniard made a thruft at him with his lance,
he {truck the point of it down to the ground, and
catching hold of it, forced it from his hands. Ano-
ther gentleman of my acquaintance Handing' by, and
obferving a Single combat between a Spaniard and
an Indian, did not concern himfelf, becaufe they
were one to one, until he faw that the Indian had
wrefted the lance out of the hand of the Spaniard ;
and then he thought it time to take part with his
companion, and fo made at him with his lance ;
but the Indian bearing off the blow with what he
had in his hands, wrefted alfo the fpear from this
Spaniard, and defended himfelf from both of them
at the fame time ; their names I Ihall conceal out
of refpect to their pofterity ; one of which was a
fcholar with me at the grammar-fchool. Gon-
*2 A Lo Pizarro, who was engaged in another
place, and had put his enemy to flight, happened
to come in at the fame time and be a fpedlator of
this action, and feeing how matters palled, he cried
out with a loud voice, Out, for fhame ! what, two
to one ! The Spaniards knowing the voice of
G.onzalo Pizarro, made a flop, ’dll he him-
felf came up to make trial whether he could deal
better with him than they had done : The Indian
feeing another horfe-man come upon him, fetting a
foot on the firft lance he had gained, with the other
he encountred the third Cavalier, and almoft threw
his horfe back upon his haunches ; but the Indian
finding himfelf hardly befet, quitted his lance, and
catched hold of that in the hand of Pizarro, in-
tending to wreft it from him, as he had done from
the others ; but Pizarro keeping faft hold thereof
with his left-hand, drew his fword with his right,
to cut off the hands of the Indian ; whereupon he
let go the lance, and catched up the other which
was under his feet. And now the two Cavaliers,
which were fpe&ators, thought it time to dally no
longer, but to come in, and without compliment
R 1). 331
to kill the Indian ; but Gonzalo Pizarao cried C PI A IP
out againft it, faying, It was pity fo brave a man X
fnould die ; and that he deferved rather honour and
reward than death. The Indian obferving, that
the two other Cavaliers were reftrained by the
words of Pizarro, and that he had laved his life,
he immediately threw away his lance, and in token
of fubmiffion went to him and killed his right leg,
faying, Plenceforth thou fhalt be my Inca, and I
will be thy fervant ; and for ever afterwarwards he
ferved him with great fidelity.
And it is certain, both in the Eaft and Weft-
Indies, we meet with fome brave fellows fo dex-
trous at their weapons, that they w’ill fingly engage
any of our men ; and yet it is as certain, that a
body of five hundred Europeans will drive ten thou-
fand Indians before them, only by obferving a lit-
tle order.
The Spaniards ufually afcribe their fuccefs in rat-
fing the fiege of Cufco to miracles. They tell us, "endeF^feg.,
that in fome fallics their champion St. Jago, .or cles,
St. James, appeared on a white horfe fighting for
them ; and that at other times the bleffed Virgin,
with our Saviour in her arms, appeared over the
Spanilh quarters, and protected them from the
flames, the fiery arrows were {hot into the roofs
of their houfes, that were compofed of thatch and
other combuftible matter : But it is evident, that
the Spanifh horfe and artillery, with the revolt of
the Indian Haves at this critical juncture, were abun-
dantly fufficient to defend that city againft Mango
Inca and his naked fubjebfs, without the help of
miracles. Indeed, we ever find the bigottea Spa-
niards afcribing their fuccefs both in Peru and Mexico
to fuch pretended miracles as thefe ; infinuadng that
heaven fought for them, and gave them pofTefficni
of the countries, as formerly God gave the land of
Canaan to the Ifraelites. They would have us be-
lieve, that all their ufurpations, oppreffions and!
tyranny, thofe innumerable murders and robberies
they committed in thefe countries, were approved
and countenanced by heaven. But furely heaven
never wrought miracles in fo vile a caufe ; how-
ever, for wife reafons, providence might permit the
cruel rapacious Spaniards to infult and trample on
the poor naked Indians, who never offended them.
But to give fome account of the fuccefs of this in-
furrecftion of the Indians in other places : The Mar-
quis Pizarro, who was at his new city of Lima
at this time, finding all communication and inter-
courfe on a fudden cut off with the city of Cufco p
fufpedfed there was fome mifcbief intended, and was
foon after informed by the Yanacuna’s, or Indian
Haves, in the Spanifh intereft, that Cufco was a£Iu-
ally invefted, and that the Indian Generals were
marching with another army to befiege Lima.
Whereupon be immediately difpatch’d expreffes to
Panama, Mexico, Nicaragua and Hifpaniola, for
reinforcement of troops to prevent the lofs of Peru ;
He commanded alfo all the detachments he had fent
U u 2 out
3 'i 9
6
CHAP.
X.
Several par-
ties of Spa-
niards cut
off in the
mountains.
THE PRESENT STATE
Lima bcfie-
jed.
Almagro on
his return
from Chili.
out to extend his conquefts, to return and join him
for the defence of Lima ; and at the fame time or-
dered a body of an hundred horfe, and foot, under
the command of his coufin Diego Pizarro, to
march towards Cufco, and get intelligence in what
condition his brothers, and the garrifon he had left
in that capital, were.
T he Indians permitted this detachment to march
unmolefted, ’til! they advanced 6o or 70 leagues in
their way to Cufco ; but having drawn them at
length into a narrow paffage between the rocks and
mountains, they rolled down great ftones upon them,
which fo dilbrder’d the Spaniards, that they were all
killed or made prifoners by the Indians. Two or
three parties more, that were fent out fucceffively to
get intelligence, met with the like misfortune ; in-
fomuch that it is Lid, between three and four hun-
dred Spaniards were cut off in this manner, befides
as many more who were difperfed, at the mines, or
at their plantations, about the country ; imagining
that the Indians would have timely fubmitted to their
ufurpation, and never have made an attempt to re-
cover their liberties, notwithftanding the oppreffions
they fuffer’d.
Nor did the Indians only defend the palTes in the
mountains, but being flufh’d with this fuccefs, ad-
vanc’d to the very walls of Lima ; which they block’d
up for a confiderable time, though they could not
take it. The Spanifh horfe were always too hard
for them, when they fall ied out into the plains about
that city, and the artillery upon the walls obliged
them in a fhort time to remove to a great diftance :
However, they Hill continued the blockade of Lima,
where I {hall leave them at prefent, and enquire af-
ter Almagro, whom we left in the fandy defart
of Atacama, in his return from Chili.
Man co Inca, it feems, had difpatch’d expreffes
as far as Chili, to acquaint his fubjedls with his de-
fign of throwing off the Spanifh yoke, requiring
them to rife, and fall upon thofe foreigners, and en-
deavour to expel them. He acquainted alfo his bro-
ther Paulla, the High Priell, and the reft of
the Indians, who march’d with Almagro into
Chili, with his intentions ; whereupon the High
Prieft left Almagro’s camp privately, and re-
turned to the Inca Ma n co Ca p a c, who was then
encamp’d before Cufco. The High Prieft v/as a f-
fifted in his efcape by Ph i li p the Interpreter, who
being about to follow him, was apprehended byAL-
magro, and put to death, and confefled at his ex-
ecution, that his teftimony againft the Inca Ata-
b 1 li pa was falfe, and that he had given evidence
againft him, that he might enjoy one of that Inca’s
wives, with whom he had an intrigue.
As to Paulla, he always remain’d faithful to
Almagro, in which poflibly he had a view to his
own intereft ; for Almagro no fooner heard of
the revolt of Manco Inca, but he proclaim'd
Paulla Inca, or Emperor of Peru, and caus’d his
head to be bound with the imperial wreath or coro-
net : Whereupon Paulla and the confederate In- CHAP’
dians continued to efpoufe Almagro’s caufe, and X.
return’d with him into Peru.
When Manco Inca heard of the approach of The (lege of
Alm agr o, he thought fit to quit the fiege of Cuf- t ' u ^ co rais iJ
co, and retire with a fmall part of his troops to the °" rn J 1
mountains of the Andes, ordering the reft of his magro.
forces to difperfe, and return to their dwellings ; for
as he was not able to drive the Spaniards out of Cuf-
co, when they were not two hundred men, he de-
fpair’d of doing it after they Ihould be join’d by the
five hundred Spaniards which Almagro had un-
der his command : Nay he determin’d, ’tis faid, at
this time, to abandon the government, and lead a
private life ; for he heard his army before Lima alfo
was repuls’d; that frefh fupplies of Spaniards arriv’d
there every day from Mexico and Panama ; and that
the Marquis Pizarro was about to fend another
body of Spaniards to join with thofe already in Cufco ;
But had he known what feuds and divifions there were
among the Spanifh Generals, he would furely have
fufpended that refolution a little longer : And fome
of his Officers, ’tis faid, advifed that Prince to wait
with patience, and foment thofe divifions among the
Spaniards, for the weakeft fide would probably in-
vite the Indians to their affiftance, and give them an
opportunity of re-eftablifhing their Inca upon his
throne. To whom, ’tis faid, the Inca reply ’d, he
was not ignorant of the mifunderftandings among
the Spanifh Generals, but as long as they faw fuch
armies of Indians on foot, he was confident they
would lay afide their private quarrels, and all unite
to maintain their footing in his dominions : And
that the difbanding his forces was the readieft way
to divide thefe rapacious foreigners, who would fall
out about their plunder and thedivinon of the lands
they had ufurp’d, when they imagin’d themfelves fe-
cure, and faw no enemy in the field ; and when
they had weaken’d their forces by civil diffentions
and encounters with each other, then the Indians
might affemble again, and attack them with more
fuccefs than they could hope for at prefent ; but upon
whatever motives Manco Inca proceeded, certain
it is, he commanded all his fubjefts about this time
to quit the fieges of Cufco and Lima, and return to
their xefpeclive dwellings.
And now Alm agro being arriv’d before the
walls of Cufco, and finding the Indians drawn ofty
fent a fummons to Don Fe rd i n ando Pizarr o,
the Spanifh Governor, to deliver up that capital to
him, as being included in that grant the Emperor
Charles V. had made him : But Ferdinan-
d o anfwer’d, he held that city by virtue of a com-
miffion from his brother the Marquis, and fhould
not deliver it up to any man without his orders, es-
pecially as he knew it to be within the limits of his
brother’s government ; and immediately proceeded
to put the place in a pofture of defence, in order to
prevent a furprize ; but part of the garrifon being
friends to Alm a GRO,and holding a correfpondence
with
3 0 n
A CO
o F P E R U,
CHAP, with him, introduc’d his forces into the town at
X. midnight; and Fe R d i na n Doand GonzA lo Pi-
zarro were furpriz’d in their beds, and made
Almagro prifoners ; whereby Almagro became poffefs’d of
Cufco with little or RO bloodfbcd ’ and moft f f . the
makes Fer- troops which had ferved the Pi zarr o s enter d into
d ; nando Pi- h ; g pay>
zarro prion- ^ the mean t : me theMarquis Pi ZARRO hearing
no news from his brothers at Cufco, and concluding
all the parties he had hitherto fent to reinforce them
Marquis Pi- had been cutoff by the Indians, determin'd to fend
zarro fends f uc }-, a body of troops thither, as fhould be able to
Alvarado^o force their way thither againft all the oppofition the
the relief of Indians could make ; and having afiembled five hun-
Cufcoandhis t } rec )Sp an ifh horfe and foot, gave the command of
brothers. ^ j-j on Alonzq de ALVARADO, with
orders to march with all expedition to Cufco. Pe-
ter de Lerma was order’d alfo to march with
this detachment as a private Captain of a troop of
horfe, tho’ he was an older officer than Alvar ado,
and had done great fervice in thofe wars ; which fo
difguftedDE Lerma, that he from this time me-
ditated the ruin of the enterprize, as is fuppos’d by
theSpanifh writers.
Alon zo de ALVARADOcontinuinghis march
with the utmoft diligence, moil of the Indians that
were prefs’d to carry his baggage, amounting to up-
wards of five thoufand, perilh’d in the firft part of
the journey, either by the intolerable fatigue, being
loaded and driven beyond their ftrength, or ftarv’d
for want of food, of which their lords the Spani-
ards took but little care to provide them ; infoinuch
that Alvarado was forced to halt, ’till he could
prefs fome thoufands more of the Indians to fupply
the places of thofe he had loft.
Almagro receiving intelligence at Cuico, that
Don Alonzo de Alvarado was advancing
towards that city, fent fome Spaniards of quality to
him to reprefent, that Cuico belong’d to his govern-
ment, according to the divifion the Emperor had
made of Peru between him and the Marquis P i-
zarr o, and therefore advifed him to retire to Li-
ma again, ’till he and the Marquis ftiould adjuft the
limits of their refpeftive governments : But Alva-
rado was fo far from entertaining any pacifick
thoughts, that he made all the gentlemen prifoners
that were fent to treat with him. Whereupon
Alvarado took the field, conftituting Don Or-
gonn ez his Lieutenant-General ; and having made
a party of Alvarado’s horfe prifoners, underftood
by them that great part of his troops were better af-
fefted to him than they were to the Pi za R ro’s,
particularly he underftood that Peter de Ler-
ma, with a great many of his friends, would defert
Alvarado the firft opportunity.
He advanc’d, therefore, as far as the bridge of
Abancay, on the other fide whereof Alvarado
lay encamp’d ; fo that there was nothing but afmall
river that parted their forces : They remain’d quiet
however, without attempting to attack each other
all day ; but in the night-time Orgonnez fording CHAP,
the river at the head of Almagro’s horfe, put Al- X.
var a do’s forces into great confufion, and giving
Peter de Lerma and the reft of their friends by de f™ t a s g A-
this means an opportunity to join them, Almagro lonzode Al-
gain’d an eafy vidlory with very little bloodfhed, ma- va ^ do > a , nd
king Don Alonzo de Alvarado his prifoner, p r jf oner .
with whom he return’d in triumph to Cufco. This
battle was fought on the i 2th of July, 1537.
Almagro holding a council of war on his arri-
val at Cufco, was advifed by his General Orgon-
nez to improve his victory by marching immedi-
ately to Lima, and taking polTeffion of that city be-
fore the Marquis de Pi zarro was re-inforc’d ;
for he had but a (lender garrifon after the detachment
he had made under the command of Don Alonzo
de Alvarado to Cufco. He alfo advifed him to
take off the heads of FeRDIn ando Pizarro and
his brother Gonzalo, men who had always ex-
prefs’d the utmoft malice and prejudice againft him,
and done him all manner of ill offices both in the-
Court of Spain and in Peru ; and who would, he
fuggefted, infallibly take his life if ever they had him
in their power. He reprefented alfo, that as the
Marquis Pizarro was mailer of Lima and all the
ports and fhipping upon the coaft, he would daily
receive frefh forces and fupplies from Mexico, Pa-
nama, and other places; whereas Almagro not
being mailer of one port or fhip could receive no
recruits, or indeed have any communication either
with Europe or North- America, and confequently
mull foon become much inferior to his rival the Mar-
quis, if he did not lay hold of the prefent happy con-
juncture, and open himfelf a way to the fea.
Thefe overtures appear’d fo reafonable, that Al-
magro at firft refolv’d to follow the advice of Or -
gonnez ; but James de Almagro, another
of his Generals, on whofe advice he ufually rely’d,
having contracted a friendlhip with Ferdinando
Pi za r ro during his imprifonment at Cufco, diffua-
ded Al m agro from putting the two Pi zarro’s
to death that were his prifoners ; and Almagro
being himfelf, ’tis laid, averfe to the {bedding of
blood, and ftill retaining fome friendlhip for the
Marquis their brother, refufed to liften to the advice
Orgonnez had given him in that particular : Nor
did Ire approve of attacking Lima, becaufe that un-
doubtedly belong’d to the Marquis by the Emperor’s
grant, and he muff be deem’d a rebel to his Prince
if he encroach’d on the territories his Imperial Ma-
jefty had conferr’d on another.
However, it was generally agreed, that It: was Almagro
abfolutely neceffary to open a communication with marches to
the lea, that they might have fome harbours where the fea " £oaft
the recruits that were fent them from North- Ame-
rica might land and join them, and from whence
they might have a correfpondence both with Mexico
and Old Spain : And accordingly Almagro ha-
ving afiembled a body of five hundred Spanilh horfe
and foot, and being join’d by fome thoufand confede-
rate
T H E PRESEN T S T A T E
334
CH A P. rate Indians, began his march towards the valley
X. of Chinca on the fea-coaft, taking with him his
prifoner Ferbinando Pizarro, but he left
Alonzo Pi z a r ro and Alonzo d e Alvarado
•prifoners in the city of Cufco.
In the mean time, the Marquis de Pizarro
hearing no news from Alonzo de Alvarado,
and imagining the Indians might have pofi’efs’d them-
felves of the paffes in the mountains, and thereby
cut oft’ his communication with that General, march’d
in perfon at the head of three or four hundred Spani-
ards towards the mountains to gain intelligence :
And after fome days march, receiv’d advice that the
Indians had rais’d the Gege of Cufco ; that Alma-
gro was return’d from Chili, had poflefs’d himfelf
of that capital, and made his brothers Ferdinan-
do and Alonzo prifoners ; and that his other bro-
ther John Pizarro was kill’d during the Gege of
Cufco ; and a day or two alter, had news brought
him of the defeat of Don Alonzo de Alvar a do.
Whereupon he thought fit to retire again to Lima,
and fortify himfelf there, ’till he fhould receive a re-
inforcement of troops, which he expected every day
from North- America ; and to divert Al macro
from taking advantage of his prefent weaknefs, and
putting his brothers to death, he difpatch’d feveral
TheMarquis Spaniards of quality to attend him, and offer him any
terms fho'-fid infift upon to procure his brothers
commodation liberty ; but, according to fome hiftorians, he had no
so A'magro. intention to obferve any treaties with Al macro
any longer than he fhould be in a condition to break
them with advantage. Thefe Commiffioners arri-
ving in Almagro’s camp, he rufufed at firft to
■be amufed by any fallacious treaties ; told them, he
would order Commiffioners to treat with thole of the
Marquis on the frontiers of their refpedfive govern-
ments ; and continued his march as far as Nafca,
within 40 leagues of Lima, where he heard that
Alonzo de Pizarro, Alonzo de Alvara-
do, and a hundred Spanifh prifoners more he left
behind him had made their elcape from Cufco.
^ m Whereupon Orgonnez again prefs’d him to put
plants^! colo- Ferdinando Pizarro to death, but he ftill re-
ny near the fufed it ; and having planted a colony near the coaft
fca-coail. c f t j, e South-fea, | n the vale of Chinca, he fent
Commiffioners to treat with the Marquis ; but, ei-
ther by the orders of the Marquis or without, thefe
Commiffioners were feiz’d and made prifoners by one
of his Generals, and their difpatches broke open ;
Thetreache- which being reprefented to the Marquis as a very
ry of the P.- great outrage, he denied his having any knowledge
of it, order’d the Commiffioners to be fet at liberty,
and their effects reftor’d them, propofmg an inter-
view with Alm ag ro in the field, with only twelve
Lorfemen to attend each of them ; which Alma-
gro agreeing to, contrary to the advice of his
Generals, was very^near falling into an ambufcade
that Alonzo Pizarro had laid for him; of
which receiving fome notice, while he was at the
1
conference with the Marquis, he n.adt Ids efcape CHAP,
with fome difficulty.
The Marquis, however, pretended that he had no
intention to furprize Almagro, and that he had
been mifinfcrm’d, and Commiffioners were agreed
on to adjuft their differences.
It feems, the Bifhop of Panama (or Terra-Fir-
ma Proper) had been appointed in the year 1536,
by the Emperor, to go to Lima, and fettle the li-
mits between PizARRo’sand Almagro’s govern-
ments, being di redied to affign Pizarro all that
part of Peru extending from the Equator to the
Southward, two hundred and feventy leagues ; and
to Almagro two hundred leagues more, to com-
mence where Pizar'Ro’s government ended ; but
Pizarro apprehending then that Cufco belong’d
to the divifion which was allotted to Almagro,
kept him ignorant of the Emperor’s grant, and per-
luaded Almagro to undertake the expedition to
Chili above-mention’d ; and when the Bifhop arriv’d
at Lima, diffuaded him from taking that tedious
journey to Cufco to execute his commiffion : Where-
upon the Bifhop return’d to Panama without doing
anything; but Almagro, on his return from
Chili, finding how he had been abufed by the Pi-
zarro’s, who had ufurp’d part of his government,
ffirpriz’d the city and caftle of Cufco,and made Fer-
d in an do and Go n za l o Pi zarro prifoners, as
has been related already.
Arbitrators being again chofen to fettle the limits
between the two Generals, and not being able to
come to any agreement, Father Bo vadil la was
made umpire of their differences, who thought fit
to allot the capital city of Cufco to the Marquis Pi-
zarro; againft which award Almagro ap-
peal’d to the Council of the Indies, and refolv’d to
maintain by force what he was poffefs’d of, ’till he
fhould receive the determination of that Council.
Whereupon the Marquis, in order to procure his The Marquis
brother Ferdinando’s liberty, pretended he was and Alma "
content that both parties fhould keep what they were on°tefml UP "
poffefs’d of, ’till the Court of Spain fhould determine
otherwife ; and that he would furnifh Almagro
with a (hip, by which he might fend over his Com-
miffioners to Spain to manage his caufe there : And
upon thefe terms Almagro confented to fet Fer-
dinando Pizarro at liberty.
The Marquis having obtain’d what he wanted,
viz. his brother’s liberty, and a great fupply of
troops from North- America, fent a Herald toALMA-
GRo, requiring him to deliver up Cufco to him, and
all hisconquefts in Peru, infilling that his (Pizar-
R o’s) government extended from the Equator to
the Straits of Magellan: And upon Almagro’s
refufing to refign his government, immediately de-
clar’d war againft him, fending his brothers Fer- TheMarquis
DiNANDoand Gonzalo at the head of feven breaks the *“
hundred Spanifh horfe and foot to furprize the city gre€n: * nt ’
of Cufco in the abfence of Almagro; of which
that
O F P ]
CHAP. that General receiving intelligence, march’d with
X. the utmoft diligence to reach that city before them ;
though, 'tis laid, his General Or gonne z again
advifed him to turn back and attack the city of Lima
now the garrifon was fo much diminifh’d ; obferving,
that if he once pofiefs’d himfelf of that city, the
recruits which came from North- America would all
join his troops, and foon make him fuperior to his
competitor; of which Al m agr o was fufficently
convinced, but abfolutely refufed to encroach upon
that government which had been granted to the
Marquis by his Sovereign. He continued therefore
his march towards Cufco ; and being better acquaint-
ed with the country than the Pizarro’s, and his
troops more ufed to that climate, got between the
enemy and Cufco, when advice was brought him
that moft of the Spaniards under the command of
the Pi za r R o’s, being- lately come from Spain, were
fallen fick in the mountains, and that if he would
return back and fall upon ’em, they would very eafily
be defeated ; and of this opinion was Or Go nnez,
and feveral other officers; but whether Almac.Ro
did not credit this advice, or imagin’d he fhould
have a greater advantage of the enemy if they laid
fiege to Cufco with fo fmall an army, he continued
his march thither : And ’tis highly probable, the Pi-
zarro’s would never have been able to have taken
Cufco, if Almagro had remain’d within thofe walls
upon the defenlive, efpecially as the Pi za r ro’s had
no cannon with them, and the garrifon would have
been almoft as numerous as the befiegers : But the
officers under Almagro confiding in the bravery
and experience of their forces, wav’d all the advan-
tages they had in their walls, and no fooner heard
the enemy approach’d, but they prevail’d on their
old General Almagro, contrary to his own opi-
nion, to fuffer them to march out and give the Pi-
zarrifts battle ; and Almagr o, being very old and
infirm, was carried on a couch into the field, rather
to fee the battle than to command in it, having con-
ftituted Org onnez his General.
The firft overfight the Almagrians committed,
’tis faid, was in attacking the Pizarrifts when they
were drawn up among the Salina’s, or Salt-pits,
where their horfe, in which they had the fuperiority,
could be of little or no ufe to them : They were
much deceiv’d alfo, it feems, in the forces they were
to engage, and in their arms ; for they imagin’d
they were moft of them new rais’d undifciplin’d men,
and no better arm’d than themfelves ; whereas they
had been bred up in Flanders, the beft fchool of
war in that age, and confifted chiefly of mufketeers,
of which there were but very few in Almagr o’s
army. But the greateft misfortune was, their Ge-
neral Org onnez being wounded by a, mufket-
fhot in the beginning of the battle, when he was
engag’d with Ferdinando Pizarro, the ene-
my’s General, and had unhors’d him, the perfonal
courage of Or g onnez contributed much to the lofs
ef the day $ for. he was engag’d in this Angle com -
bat when he fhould have been giving his orders, and C H A P.
commanding the army ; and the Almagrians ima- X.
gining he was dead, thought of nothing but a re-
treat: Almagro himfelf fled to the caftle of
Cufco, and the Pizarrifts entring the city pell-mell made prifo-
with the fugitives, the flaughter was very great ; ner , ^dCuf-
Orgonnez and Pedro dE Lerma being the PizasF
cover’d with wounds, were kill’d after quarter gi- rifts,
ven them, and a great many officers more upon
private pique and refentment, no wars being fo
cruel as thofe between countrymen and exafperated
friends ; but poor old Almagro was taken pri-
soner, and refervkl to be murder’d by the forms of
law.
After he had remain’d prifoner fome months in Almagro
Cufco, the Lawyers were employ’d to draw up ar- L ied ior ^
ticks againft the old General ; the principal whereof
were, That he had feiz’d on Cufco by force ; that
he had enter’d into a fecret treaty with the Inca ;
that he had encroach’d on the government granted
to the Marquis by the Emperor ; that he had broken
his articles with the Marquis, and fought two battles
with the Emperor’s forces under the command of
the Marquis, the one at the bridge of Abancay, and
the other at the Salina’s ; and his enemies fitting in
judgment on him, he was capitally con v idled and
condemn’d to die, tho’ he appeal’d to the Emperor,
and apply ’d in very moving terms to Ferdinan-
do Pizarro to fave his life: Fie bid him remem-
ber that he had fpar’d his life, and ever refufed to
put to death any of his relations, on account of the
friendfhip between him and the Marquis; that he
would do well alfo to remember how inftrumental
he had been in enabling his brother to make thofe
conquefts, and railing him to the honours he pof-
fefs’d ; defired the Pizarro’s would confider he
was an old gouty man, who could not live many
years, and fuffer him therefore, after the innumera-
ble hardfhips and hazards he had fuftain’d, to die a
natural death ; but the Pizarrifts looking upon their
old companion and feliow-foldier as the only obfta-
cle to their glory and ambition, and believing by
his death they fhould obtain the foie dominion of
Peru without a rival, they were deaf to his entrea-
ties, and having order’d him to be ftrangled private- And pnt in-
ly in prifon, they afterwards caufed his head to be dwt!i ’
cut off on a fcaffold in the great fquare of Cufco.
His body lay all day expofed almoft naked on the-
fcaff’old, his friends not daring to bury him, left
they fhould incur the difpleafure of the mercilefs
Ferdinando Pizarro, and his enemies not
thinking it worth while to give themfelves any trou-
ble about his funeral ; but towards the evening, a
poor Negroe, who had been Have to the deceas’d,
brought a coarfe fheet, and with the help of fome
Indians, who had been fervants likewife to that
General, wrapp’d up the corpfe, and carried it to-
the church of the Merceds, where the Friars buried:
him under the high-altar,.
This:
^ ° 6
C H A P.
X.
A charafter
of Almagro.
The Pizar-
t-o’s detach
forces every
way to en-
jarge their
conquefts.
iFerainanto
Pizarro
imprifon’d
in Spain.
THE PRESENT STATE
This -£I of cruelty rais’d the Pizarro’s a great
many enemies even amongft their own people :
They did not forbear to call them tyrants, and
threaten revenge. The Indians wept, and lament-
ed the lofs of him, declaring they had never been
abufed by this Commander. The mourning for
him, ’tis faid, was almoft univerlal both among
Spaniards and Indians. He was fixty-three (feme
fay feventy-five) years of age, of a low {future, his
countenance not very agreeable, efpecially after he
loft his eye. He was brave and enterprifing, the
moll patient of fatigue of any man living, of a
fweet difpofition, difcreet, generous, and a friend
to all good men ; but as to his family, it is general-
ly agreed, that he was a foundling, and ignorant
who his parents were; neither was his education
extraordinary, for he could neither write or read.
He may juftly therefore be ftil’d the forger of his
own fortunes, when under thefe difadvantages he
pollefs'd himfelf of more wealth and power than any
private man ever did before him. He had one fon
by an Indian woman, when be dwelt at Panama,
to whom he gave his own name, and made him
joint heir of his fortunes with the Emperor his fo-
vereign Charles V. conftituting James de
Alvarado guardian to his fon: But notwith-
ftanding all thefe precautions to fecure part of Iris
wealth for his fon, the Marquis detain’d the young
Almagro prifoner at Lima, and feiz’d the fa-
ther’s treafure, together with his government.
But the Pizarro’s obferving that this unjuft
and tyrannical condudl created them many enemies,
and render’d them generally detefted among the fol-
dierv ; in order to get rid of thofe that Teem’d leaft
affedfed to them, they made feveral detachments of
their forces to enlarge their conquefts ; Pedro de
Valdivia was commanded to invade Chili ; Pe-
dro de Candia was fent to the weftward to
fubdue the countries beyond the mountains of the
Andes; Pera df. Vergara was fent againft the
Bracamores, and other Commanders to other diftant
parts : And to fupport their intereft at the Court of
Spain, it was refolv’d that Ferdinando Pizar-
ro fhould refort thither, and carry a vaft treafure
with him, to be apply’d as he Ihould judge raoft to
their advantage; for James de Alvarado,
who was appointed guardian to young Almagro,
was already gone over to Spain, to petition the
Emperor to do juft ice to his Ward.
And notwithftanding Ferdinando Piz arro
brib’d almoft every Grandee in the Court of Spain
with the gold' and filver of Peru, yet fo notorious
were the outrages, murders, and devaftations that
he and his brothers had committed, that his friends
could not fave him from being condemn’d aaid im-
prifon’d : And had not his profecutor James de
Alvarado died fuddenly, fuppos’d to be poifon’d
by Pjzarro’s agents, Ferdinando had probably
loft his head : As it was, he remain’d three and
twenty years a prifoner in the city of Medina del
Campo before he obtain’d his liberty.
But to return to Peru. The Indians obferving CHAP,
the diviilons among the Spanifh Generals, had re- X.
courfe to arms again : And tho’ the Spaniards in
Peru now amounted to two thoufand men and up- r ;f e ‘ e T’^*
wards, they found it more difficult to maintain their again,
ground at this time, than they did a-t firft, when
their forces did not amount to four hundred men ;
for the terror the Indians were under at firft from
the fire-arms and horfes, which they had never feen
before, was in a great meafure worn off; and they
had learn’d of the Spaniards to ride and handle their
arms pretty dextroufly ; and having taken fome
horfes, were not afraid to fight the Spaniards at
their own weapons : Nor did there want inftances
of fome parties of Spaniards being defeated by them :
And had not the Indian fiaves and vallals ftuckclofe
to the Spaniards, difcover’d the paffes and places of
ftrength, and from time to time brought them both
provifions and intelligence, probably Pizarro
would have been oblig’d to abandon his conquefts
at laft.
The mod confiderable acquifition the Pizar- Los Charcas
ro’s made after the death of Almagro was the and the
conqueft of the Charcas, in which lay the invaluable p'"“ °g
mines of Potofi, whole treafures drew flich multi- ,]u C ’d.
tudes of Adventurers thither, that the Indians of
that province were at length compell’d to fubmit,
a,nd become fiaves to the Spaniards : But they were
riot fo fuccefsful in Chili, that brave people difputed
the ground with the Spaniards by inches ; nor could
they ever make themlelves entirely mafters of it, as
will be obferv’d in the future hiftory of that coun-
try ; and even in the province of Los Charcas,
Gonzalo Pizarro and his forces were fo fur-
rounded and diftrefs’d by the Indians, that the Mar-
quis was forced to march in perfon with the garri-
fon of Cufco to his relief ; and the Spaniards afcrib’d
the vidlory they obtain’d at that time to a miracle
that was wrought in their favour.
The conqueft of Los Charcas being finifh’d, the
Marquis founded the town of La Plata (fo named La p lata
from the neighbourhood of the mountain Porco, founded, and
and other filver mines) and divided the city and the lan< ? s
country about it, with the Indians that inhabited it, d?vided a-
among the conquerors. To his brother Fer di- mong the
nando Pizarro, who was then in Spain, he al- s P anfcrJSi
lotted a very large fhare; and to his brother Gon-
zalo, another part of the country, in which fome
'time after the filver mines of Potofi were difcover’d:
Ferdinando Pizarro alfo had a Ihare in thefe
mines, as a citizen of the city of La Plata ; and a
particular part of it being affign’d to his officers,
they difcover’d fo rich a vein, that ’tis faid, they
digg’d from it the fincft filver without any alloy.
This divifion of the country was made in the
year 1538 and 1539. AM now the Marquis found
himfelf poffefi’d of a territory feven or eight hundred
leagues in length, viz. from the Equinoctial to the
fouth part of Los Charcas, in which were more
rich mines than in all the world befides ; and yet
was
OF PERU.
the river
Amazon.
CHAP, was not his ambition or avarice fatisfy’d, but in an
X. extreme old age he employ’d his brother Gonz alo
in the conqueft of other Nations. Gonzalo,
who was now Governor of Quitto and all the nor-
thern provinces of Peru, was commanded to under-
take an expedition to the eaftward, the Marquis
being inform’d that thofe countries not only afford-
ed plenty of gold, but yielded fpice very much re-
fembling cinnamon, and for that reafon the country
to the eaftward of Quitto obtain’d the name of Ca-
nela, or the Cinnamon province.
Gonzalo Pizarro had not march’d many
miles before he arriv’d at this country of Canela ;
he alio met with fome gold in the rivulets ; but this
province lying under (or near) the Equinoiftial, he
found it lb wet and full of marfhes, woods and
bogs, that he loft moft of his Spaniards, and four
thoufand Indians he had prefs’d to carry his baggage,
and reap’d very little benefit from this expedition,
unlefs the difcovery of the great river Amazon ; on
which having built a floop and put all his treafure
and baggage on board, he fent one of his officers,
Orellana's named Orellana, with fixty men down the ri-
v.,yage down ver, to make further difcoveries, and then return to
him; but Orellana, having fail’d two hundred
leagues farther down this river, and finding it very
difficult to return againft the ftream, which was
very rapid, fail’d to the mouth of it, and then coaft-
ing along to the northward, came to the Spanifh
ifland of the Trinity, from whence he embark’d for
Spain ; of whofe voyage I fhall give a more particu-
lar account when I come to describe the country of
the Amazons.
As toGoNzALO Pizarro, their General, he
having been compell’d by famine to eat up his horfes,
I aft moft of his men, anch endur’d incredible hard-
fhips for two years and upwards ; he return’d at
length to Quitto, where he receiv’d advice of the
misfortunes of his brother the Marquis, which I
come in the next place to relate.
The Mar- The Marquis, in the abfence of his brothers,
the Alma-” feem’d more intent on fuppreffing the party of Al-
grians. magro than any thing elfe. He made large re-
mittances to the Court of Spain for that end, and
would not fufFer any of the officers or foldiers, that
fliew’d any aftedlion to the family of Almagro,
to enjoy either lands or offices in Peru (thefe were
ufually call’d Chili-men, becaufe they had attended
the deceas’d Almagro in the ccnqueft of that
country) and as to young Al macro, he remain’d
a prilbner at large in the city of Lima, hut was
never fuffer’d to ftir from thence. Thus the
Almagrians being neither pennined to return to
Spain, left they fhould carry frcfh complaints thi-
ther againft the Marquis, nor to enjoy any thing
in the Indies, they were difpers’d all over the coun-
try to get a poor fubiiftence, or liv’d on the benevo-
lence of their countrymen, ’till the cruel Pizar-
ro publifh’d an ediH, that no body fhould relieve
them ; which fbon reduc’d the Chili-men to a ftar-
Vol. III.
337
ving condition, and infpir’d them with thoughts of C H A P-
revenge, or rather put them upon defperate meafures X.
to preferve themfelves from ftarving ; which they Wy-'W
could think of no better way to prevent, than by
cutting off the Tyrant ; and he, confcious how he
much he was hated not only by the Chili-men, but
alfo by his own people, for his oppreffion and cruelty,
feldom ftirr’d out of the city, or even of his palace,
Without a ftrong guard to protedl him.
The Almagrians therefore, fingly, or two orTheAIm*-
three at a time, reforted privately "to the capital
city of Lima, where they did not want friends who a g ?inifth 7
conceal’d them in their houfes, ’till they found they Marquis,
amounted to two or three hundred men, all brave
veteran foldiers, and feveral experienc’d officers a-
mongft them, who refolv’d to attack the Marquis
as he came to the great-church on Midfummer-day,
i 541 ; but he having fome intelligence of the defign,
did not go out of his palace that day ; and the con-
fpirators, upon this diiappointment, had refolved to
wait for the arrival of Vasa de Castro, whom
they underftood the Emperor had fent overtoadjuft
all differences between the Pizarrifts and Alma-
grians ; for advice came about this time, that Va-
ca de Castro was a&ually arriv’d upon the
coaft of Peru.
But the Almagrians being inform’d afterwards
that their plot was difcover’d, and they would fudden-
ly be facrific’d to the fury of the Marquis, if they did
not prevent it by fome bold attempt, twelve of them
(or as fome fay nineteen) met at the houfe of young
Almagro, which flood on one fide of the great
fquare in Lima, on Sunday the 26th of June, at
noon-day, and with their fwords drawn march’d
crofs the market-place to the palace of the Marquis
Pizarro, crying out, “ Long live the King ! but
“ let the Tyrant die.” Nor were they oppos’d by
any man, tho’ there were not lefs than a thoufand
people afiembled in the fquare ; nay, not a man
ftirr’d to give the Marquis intelligence of it ; in-
fomuch, that the confpirators found the gates of the
palace and all the doors open, and the firft notice
the Marquis had of their approach was by one of his
pages, after the Almagrians had enter’d the houfe.
Whereupon he order’d fome doors to be {hut, ima-
gining he fhould be able to defend himfelf ’till af-
fiftance came in but Lieutenant-General Fran-
cis de Chaves, who was then with the Mar-
quis, neglecting to fallen the door, and believing it
had been fome ordinary tumult that would have
been eafily fupprefs’d by his pretence, went out, and
meeting the confpirators upon the great flair- cafe,
demanded the reafon of that infolence, which they
anfwer’d only by feveral mortal wounds they gave
him ; and rufhing forward, the fervants, and all tire
company that were with the Marquis, fled, ex-
cept his brother-in-law Don Francis de Ax-
cant ar a, and two of his pages, who defended
the door-way of the drawing-room, whither the
Marquis was retir’d for fome time ; but at length
X x the
33* THE PRE:
CH A P. the confpirators broke through, and kill’d theMar-
X, quis, his brother, and the two pages, who behav’d
tnemfelves however very bravely, and defperately
The Mar- wounc ] ec j f our c f the Almagrians before they fell,
qinsisanafli- , r . ° . , ' .
u ate d. I hen the conlpirators went out into the market-
place again, declar’d the Tyrant was dead, and pro-
Young AI- claim’d the young Almagro Governor of Peru ;
magro pro- for ail the Almagrians immediately affembled, when
d “ im d * the twelve attack’d the Marquis in his palace, fecu-
ring his guards, and preventing any afliftance com-
ing to him. "They alfo fecur’d all the horfes and
arms in the city, and commanded all the inhabi-
tants that refus’d to join them, not to ftir out of
their houfes without leave. They alfo plunder’d the
houfes of the Marquis, his of brother Francis de
Alc antara, of his Secretary Pizado, and
fome others of the principal Pizarrifts, wherein they
found an immenfe treufure. In the Marquis’s pa-
lace alone, ’tis faid, they found to the value of a
million of crowns in gold and filver ; but did not
meddle with the reft of the furniture, leaving it
Handing for the u(e of the young Almagro, whom
they carried thither after they had proclaim’d him
their Governor.
Thus fell Don Francis Pizarro in the capi-
tal city of Lima, which he had founded ten or ele-
ven years before, and was privately buried by his
fervants by the young Almagro’j permiftion,
no perfon of any figure daring to attend his funeral,
left it fhould give offence to the prevailing party.
And here theSpanifh writers-take an opportunity of
drawing a parallel between thofe two celebrated Ad-
venturers Don Francis Pizarro and Don Di-
ego de Almagro the elder, who refembled each
other in many particulars.
A parallel And firft they cbferve, that they were both bafe-
between ]y born, and had very mean education, neither of
them being able to write or read. GomAra re-
" ,a °‘ jates, that Francis Pizarro was the fon of
Gonzalo Pizarro, a Captain in the province of
Navarre ; that his mother laid him in a church-porch,
and he fuck’d a few feveral days, ’till another nurfe
was provided for him ; that when he grew up, he
was employ’d in keeping fwine ; and having loft
fome of them one day, was afraid to return home ;
whereupon he went in the company of fome ftrol-
]ers to Seville, where he embark’d for the Indies;
and here, it feems, he was inftrumental in fixing a
Soanifn colony at Darien, attended Vasco Nu-
nez de Balboa in the difeovery of the South-
fea, and afterwards went with Pedrarias from
St. Mary’s of Darien to Panama ; and in thefe
expeditions having enrich’d himfelf, he took up his
refidence at the town of Panama, where Alma-
cro, who had rai fed his fortune in the fame man-
ner, iikewife refided ; and here they entered into
that memorable partnerfeiip with De Lugne the
Prieft, which ended in the reduction of that vaft
empire of Peru, wherein they met with thofe inex-
hauftible mines of gold and filver that have been al-
;ent state
ready deferib’d, and became the moft powerful men, CHAP-
if not monarch*, that ever appear’d in that part of X.
the world, and fuperior in wealth to the richeft
Princes of Europe.
They carry the parallel farther, and obferve, that
both Almagro and Pizarro were well ad-
vanc’d in years before they undertook this enter-
prize ; that neither of them ever married, but had
children by their Indian concubines ; particularly
they relate, that one of the Marquis’s concubines
was the daughter of the Emperor Huana'Capac,
and another the fifter or daughter of the Emperor
Atabilipa ; the laft of which was baptiz’d, and
call’d Donna Beatrice.
They obferve alfo, that though both thefe Ad-
venturers were in their lives foimmenfely rich, they
left nothing behind them ; and that they were both
obfcurelv buried by their fervants. Give me leave
to obferve farther, that notwithftanding all their
failings and imperfections, they muft be allow’d to
be poffefs’d of fome very great virtues ; fuch as cou-
rage, fortitude, patience and temperance, to a very
great degree, or they had never made themfelves
mafters of the treafuresof Peru. What men would
have ftruggled fo many yea r s againft winds and. feas,
endur’d the extremities of heat and cold, travers’d
countries almoft impaffable and impenetrable, and
that when they were in a manner totally deferted by
their people, if they had not been endu’d with more
than ordinary patience ? Though it muft be con-
fefs’d, that this virtue feems in a manner common
to the natives of Spain ; andT am apt to think,
fcarce any other European nation would- have per-
fifted with that indefatigable induftry, in profecuting
thefe difeoveries, and brought the Americans under
their power, if the Spaniards had not done it. It is
true, they had feme . advantage of the reft of Eu-
rope in their fituaticn, riot only as they lay the far-
theft weftward of any country in the old world, but
that their climate had a nearer refemblance to that
of Peru, than the countries of their northern neigh-
bours. They were aifo, at that time, the greateft
maritime powers in Europe ; but ftill I aferibe their
fuccefs more to their natural patience and perfeve-
rance, and their abftemious way of life, than to all
their other advantages.
There was one thing thefe two Conquerors, as
the Spaniards ftile them, too well agreed in, and that
was their ill ufage of the hofpitable and defencelefs
Indians; who offering to fubmit to them, and to
become fubjeCt to the Crown of Spain, were never-
thelefs treated as enemies and flaves, their country
taken from them, and their perfens worn out and de-
ftroy’d by cruel bondage ; they were compell’d to
carry burthens, to draw their carriages, dig the
mines, and put upon other rigorous and intolerable
hardfhips ; infomucb, that thev perifn’d by thou-
fands and ten thoufands, and whole countries be-
came in a manner depopulated; but Almagro
appearing the moft compafiionate of the two, ob-
tain’d
OF PER U.
339
CHAP, tain’d thq chara&er of a merciful Prince amongft
X. the Indians ; though it feems no lefs than ten thou*
</V\' /and Indians, who carried his baggage, loft their
lives in his expedition to Chili, : However it came
to pals, the life of a dog, or any brute animal, ap-
pears to have been more valued than that of an In-
dian ; but this does not feem to be a fault peculiar
to thefe two Adventurers, or even to the Spanilh
nation ; for the whole Popilh world at that time
were taught, that Heathens and Hereticks deferv’d
no mercy, and indeed were not entitled to enjoy
any thing in this world, but both their perfons and
eftates were the property of the firft Chriftian that
could feize them, especially if they were authoriz’d
to do it by the Pope, whofe Bull the Spaniards had in
their favour : Infomuch that the Chriftian religion,
which Ihould have inspir’d thefe Adventurers with
tendernels and compaffion, or at leaft have taught
them juftice in their commerce with the world,
was made a pretence for their turning barbarians,
and for all the outrages, cruelty and injuftice that
men could commit. Thus men firft divert them-
feives of their humanity, under pretence of zeal for
religion, and then make that an excufe for becoming
wolves and tygers, or, even worfe, devourers of
their own fpecies.
As for their generoftty, Almagro is laid to be
molt eminent for this virtue : But what fort of ge-
nerofity is that where a man only diftributes the
plunder of thofe he has robb’d and murder’d, among
the villians his occomplices?
But to give the Devil his due, before I conclude
the character of thefe two Adventurers, it mull: be
acknowledg’d, that they were diligent in building
towns, planting colonies, and introducing the fruits,
the hufbandry, the manufactures of Europe in Peru*
we find the mod confiderable towns in South- Ame-
rica were founded, or at leaft rebuilt by them, after
the Spanifh manner ; fuch as Lima, Quitto, Are-
Towns quippa, Cufco, La Plata, &c. But Pizarro v/as
founded by much the more confiderable Planter, having aftumed
iVarro the g 0ve rn,nent of Peru to himfelf, while he fent
Almagro upon that hazardous enterprize againft
Chili, in which he was in great danger of perifh-
ing : Probably Almagro was over-reach’d by P i-
zarro, when he undertook that war. The
Pizarrifts imagin’d they had then happily got rid
of him, and Ihould never have feen him more ;
And tho’ he had the good fortune to furvive, and
get back to Cufco, they never ceas’d plotting againft
him ’till he fell a facrifice to their malice and ambi-
tion ; which piece of barbarity was now retaliated
upon them in kind, and the Marquis loft his life by
a confpiracv of the Almagrians, as old Alma-
gro was deftroy’d by the cabals of the Pizar-
rifts ; which brings me to refume the thread of
the Peruvian hiftory.
The Marquis was no fboner dead, but Lima,
Cufco, and moll of the principal towns, declar’d fer
Don Diego de Almagro, the natural fon of
old Almagro. Some places however refus’d to C H AP
acknowledge Alm AO ro’s authority, but expedted X.
the coming of Vaca de Castro with the Em-
peror’s commiftion ; in which they were encourag’d
by Pedro Alvares Holguin, and other Ge-
nerals and Officers, friends to the Pizarrifts, who
aftembled a good body of troops, and took pof-
feffion. of Cufco again, which they gave out they
would hold for the Emperor; and declar’d war a-
gainft Al M a c R o. Alonzo de Alvarado TfiePbe
aftembled another body of troops between Lima and ri , fts a f en,b ’ e
Quftto, and declar’d alfo for the Emperor ; and and declare’
thefe two Generals preparing to unite their forces, vvar a e a,rft
Almagro march’d out of Lima at the head of ^”"0 A1 "
fix hundred horfe and foot towards Cufco, with an ™ "
intent to retake Cufco, or give battle to Pe dr o de
Ho lguin, before he fhould be join’d by Al on zo
de Alvarado.
In the mean time, Vac a de Castro arriving Vacade
in Quitto, and finding the Marquis was dead, de-
clar'd himfelf Governor of Peru, by virtue of the a^rivesT
Emperor’s commiftion, requiring the fubmifiion of Peru,
all the Spanifh towns, and conftituting fuch Gover-
nors and Officers as he faw fit ; particularly he au-
thoriz’d Fran cis de Barionovo and Ge ro-
mino de Aliaga, to take upon them the go-
vernment of the city of Lima, to whom the Mep-
thates immediately fubmitted, in the abfenceof Al-
magro, who was march’d towards Cufco, as hath
been related ; and Vaca de Castro foon after
arriv'd in perfon at Lima, and was proclaim’d Go-
vernor of Peru, having been joined in his march
from Quitto by Alonzo de Alvarado and
Holguin, with their forces.
In the mean time, Almagro continuing his Almagr*
march to Cufco, took pofleftion of that city, and j^ (re ! T jj
new modell’d the Magiftracy there: His next bufi- Cu?co] f °
nefs was to furniih himfelf with a train of artillery,
which he caft in the founderies there, copper being
plentiful in that province : He alfo made great
quantities of excellent gun-powder ; and the famous
Manco Inca, who always hated thePizARRo’s
for having imprifon’d him and treated him with in-
dignity, alfo join’d the Almagrians with feveral
thoufands of his Indians.
But Al macro was unfortunate in the lols of
his General John df. Rada, who died on the
march to Cufco ; for the command of the army
being afterwards divided between Christopher
de Sotela andGARciA de Alvar ado, they
quarrell’d to fuch a degree, that Garcia kill’d
Sotela in the market-place of Cufco, and had
laid a defign to aftaftinate Almagro himfelf, but
was kill’d in the attempt.
Almagro afterwards conftituted John Bal-
sa the General of his forces, and Peter de O-
nate his Lieutenant-General; and receiving ad-
vice that the Governor Vaca de Castro was
advancing towards Cufco, he march’d out of the
capital at the head of feven hundred Spaniards and
X x 2 feveral
34-o
THE PRESENT STATE
'“HAP. fcveral thoufand Indians, with a good train of ar-
X. tillery, in order to give the Governor battle, if he
cou’d not obtain equitable conditions forhimfelf and
his friends; and receiving advice, that the Governor
was not many leagues diftant from him, he dif-
patch’d Lopez de YDiAQjuEzand James Nu-
nez to reprefent to hirn how eminently and fuc-
cefsfully his father had ferv’d the Crown of Spain,
and how unjuftly and treacheroufly the Pizarro’s
had dealt with him in ufurping the government of
Cufco and New Toledo, which his Majefty had
conterr’d on him ; that he was determin’d ta ferve
the King with the fame fidelity his father had done,
and hop’d the Governor would not efpoufe the party
of Pizarro’s, whole oppreffions and difloyalty
were lb notorious.
The commanding Officers alio fent letters to
Vaca de Castro, complaining of his partiality
in rejecting their fervices, as if they oppos’d their
Sovereign, affirming that the King had not more
loyal fubjeds in Peru than they were ; and defiring
that all mifunderftandings might be amicably adjuft-
ed, that they might unite their forces in the fervice
of their King and Country: And, laftly, it was
propos d that Almagro might continue to com-
mand in Cufco, the capital of Peru, Toledo being
his father’s government ; and the Governor fhould
command in Lima, the capital of New Caftile, ’till
the King’s pleafure was known.
But Vaca de Castro, inftead of treating a-
bove-board with Almagro, endeavour’d privately
to corrupt his Officers, and induce them to defert
him; which Almagro difcovering, both parties
prepar d Jor battle, and drew up their troops in the
vale of Chupa3 : Thele little armies were both com-
pos’d of veteran officers and foldiers : The Gover-
nor had the advantage in point of numbers, his
troops confifting of leven hundred Spaniards befides
Indians, and Alm agro’s of five hundred Spaniards ;
but then the latter had the advantage of a train of
artillery and of the ground, and would probably
have gain’d the victory, if all his officers had been
true to him ; for his artillery was fo pointed, that
the enemy could not approach his camp on any fide
without confiderable lofs : However, to his amaze-
ment, when the great-guns were fired they did no
manner of execution, and the enemy advanced as if
they had nothing to fear from the artillery ; where-
upon Almagro rode up to Pedro de Candia,
who commanded the great-guns, and fufpeding
treachery, kill’d hirn with his own hands ; and le-
velling one of the cannon himfelf, cut off a whole
rank of the Governor’s troops, putting them in
fome diforder. But the enemy were now advanced
too near his train of artillery to fuffer from them,
and his men had quitted the ground, where they
were fo advantageoufly drawn up to meet the ene-
Al'ragro which occafion’d the lois-of the battle, tho’ it
Heat'd at was *°ught with great obfiinacy ’till two hours with-
Cituju-j, in night; when Almag.ro finding his troops over-
power’d retir’d out of the field with Ma n co In c a, C H A P
and three or four Spanifh officers, intending to have X **"
taken refuge in the mountains with the Inca and his w
Indians, ’till he fhould meet with a favourable op-
portunity of recovering his government; but takirw
Cufco in his way, with a defign to carry off his
treafure, and fuch of his effects as would have been
mod ufefui to him in his exile, the very men in
whole hands Almagro had put the government
of that city, hearing he had loft the battle, appre-
hended him, and delivered him up to the victorious Taken an *
Governor, to make their own peace with him; beheaded,
and young Almagro, who was not much above
twenty years of age, was formally try’d, condemn’d,
and executed in the fame place, and much in the
lanw manner his father had been ; and was after-
wards buried by the Friars of the convent of Mer-
ced, in the fame grave with his father, having ob-
tained a much greater character for his humanity,
pai ts and education, tho his conduct and experience
m war could not be fuppos’d equal to his father’s ;
and, indeed, it was unfortunate he was fo young
and unexperienced, and confequently had fo little
influence and command of his troops, every officer
almoft imagining he merited the chief command in
the army, and that Almagro was infinitely
obliged to him for taking his part ; while others
were contriving to purchafe their own peace by
betraying their General : ^ his is frequently the cafe
of malecontents, they all afpire to he commanders,
and none think themfelves obliged to obey their fu-
perior officers any further than they fee fit, efpecially
where they find them young and unexperienced ;
and this being the cafe of Alm agro, tho’ he is
allow d to have been a gallant man, we cannot
much wonder at his ill fuccefs : Nor had the Gover-
nor more compaffion on the officers and foldiers than
on their commander, giving fcarce any quarter in
the field, and hanging up thofe few that were made
prifoners ; fo that the party of Almagro was
now totally extirpated, and never heard of more.
Whereupon the Governor difmifs’d mofl of his for-
ces, and apply d himfelf with all imaginable dili- Vuca de
gence to the regulating the Civil government, and Cdflro ie£li "
particularly he order’d the Tambo’s, or magazines civil
upon the great roads to be ftor ? d with proviiions for meat,
the conveniency of travellers, prohibiting the Spani-
ards to quarter upon the Indians, as they had hither-
to done in their journeys and expeditions, to the
ruin of the natives where they came. He alfo en-
deavoured the converfion of the Indians to the Chri-
ftian faith, and prevail d with the Inca Paul la
to be baptized, giving him the name of Chr isto-
pher: He alfo eroded fchools in feveral towns,
ordering the fons of the Caciques and Caracas to be’
educated there, and inftruded in the principles of
the Chriftian religion : He commanded the Spaniards
alfo to ufe their Indian fervants with humanity,
anj not to opprefs or abufe any Indian whatever.
"Whereupon tne Indians, who had fled to die moun-
O F P
CHAP, tains many of them, return’d and dwelt in Cufco,
X. Lima, and other Spanifh towns, under the protec -
tion of the government. He a Ho regulated the dis-
tribution of the lands and Indians which had been
made very extravagantly, and reftor’d many of the
Indian lords their lands and vaflals, checking the
licentioufnefs of the foldiery, and advifing them to
marry, and apply themfelves to traffick, or fome
honeft employments, and not fpend their whole time
in gaming and excefles, and oppreffing the poor In-
dians to maintain their extravagances, as was fre-
quently the practice of the firft Conquerors; by
which he engag’d the affections of the Indians, but
made himfelf a great many enemies among the Ad-
venturers and military men, who came into Peru
with no other view but to advance their fortunes,
and live at difcretion among the natives, whom
they look’d upon as made only to be fubfervient to
their pleafures. He alfo enquir’d into the conduCl
of the King’s officers, whom heobferv’d had amafs’d
together monftrous eftates, by oppreffing the Indians,
and defrauding the Crown.
Gonzalo Gonzalo Piz A RR o arriving at Cufco while
jPizami thefe regulations were making, found abundance of
malcontent, malecontents there, who being us’d to live at large,
and treat the natives as their flaves, were not eafily
reftrain’d from their former practices ; and looking
upon himfelf as very much wrong’d, by Vac a de
Cas tro’s affuming the government, which he
apprehended belong’d to him as his brother’s fuc-
ceffor, he aflociated with the malecontents there,
and, ’tis faid, had form’d a defign of depofing, if not
affaffinating, the Governor at that time ; of which
Vac a de Castro having fome intimation, or-
der’d Pizarro immediately to refort to the pro-
vince of Los Charcas, where his eftate lay, and not
ftir from thence: And Pizarro not being then in
a condition to difpute his commands, obey’d them,
and the more readily as he underftood there were
feveral rich filver mines lately difcover’d in thofe
lands, in the working and improving whereof Gon-
zalo employ’d himfelf, ’till lie found a better op-
portunity of putting his ambitious projects in execu-
tion, which happen’d not long after.
Thus Vac a de Castro made fome attempts
towards relieving the poor Indians front the oppref-
fions of his countrymen the Spaniards; but hill grie-
vous complaints daily came over to Spain of their
j f being deftroy’d in the mines, and other rigorous fer-
alFo/the vices; and particularly by their being remov’d out of
oppreffionsof their native air and climate, which occafion’d the
the Indians, (J ea th of multitudes, while the women and children in
thofe countries from whence their hufbands and fa-
thers were taken and carried to the mines, perifh’d
by thoufands, having no care taken for their fub-
fiffence, infomuch that it was truly reprefented to
the Court of Spain, that the WelLIndies would in
a fhort time be depopulated, if a Itop was not put
to thefe outrages: And thereupon the Emperor
Charle s theVtij. earned certain orders to be drawn
E R U. 341
up, which he requir’d fhould be ftricftly ohftrved in C H A P,
America under fevere penalties : Some of the pnn- X,
cipal whereof were, “ That the Indians fhould not
“ be compeli’d to carry burthens, or dig in the
“ mines, or be employ’d in buildings, or carried grievances,
“ out of their refpedlivc countries, tho’ they were
“ really flaves : And that none fhould wrongfully
“ be made flaves, the mafter was oblig’d to carry
“ his fervants before a Magiftrate, to be examin’d,
“ before he fhould ufe them as fuch (for it feems,
“ part of the Indians were flaves to the great Lords,
“ or Caciques, before the Spanifh conqueft ; and
“ where an eftate was allotted to a Spaniard, he
“ became the proprietor of all the flaves upon it, as
“ well as of the lands). It was alfo provided, that
“ the Indians might be proprietors of gold and fil-
“ ver mines as w'ell as the Spaniards, and be allow’d
“ to fell their goods in the markets for the beft
“ price they could get ; and that every Spaniard,
“ who had an eftate, fhould take care the Indians
“ upon it were inftrudled in the Chriftian religion,
“ It was alfo ordain’d, that the Vifitors who were
“ deputed to redrefs the grievances of the Indians,
“ fhould repair in perfon to tlieir refpedlive towns,
“ and not fend Commiffioners thither, with a great
“ many other regulations in favour of the Indians.”
The Emperor alfo relolv’d to fend over a Governor A new Ficr-
to Peru, who fhould fee thefe orders duly executed ; fenc t0
and accordingly he made choice of Blasco Nu- ’
nez Vela, who arriv’d at Panama in the year
1544; and meeting with feveral Spaniards there,
who had railed great funis by the fale of Indians to
the mines in Peru, he order’d them to be profecuted, He emiea-
and the money they had made by this kind of traf- vours to put
fick to be feiz’d. He alfo releas’d all fuch Indians P*
as had been brought thither out of Peru, and oblig’d execution,
the Commanders of llhps to carry them back again:
And to fet a good example when he arriv’d in Peru,
he would not fuffer his baggage to be carried by
Indians, but on mules ; and when he was inform’d
there were not mules fufficient, he order’d that fuch
Indians as were employ’d fhould carry but moderate
burthens, and be paid for their labour, with which
the Indians were extremely pleafed ; but the Spani-
ards immediately took a prejudice againft the Vice-
roy for infilling on thefe regulations, and began to
grow very mutinous, pretending their Indians w’ere
their property as much as any other part of their
eftates, and they might ufe them as they pleas’d ; nor
was it poffible to work their mines, or to build and
improve their plantations but by their labour, which
they reprefented to the new V ice-roy, and defired
he would fufpend the execution of thefe ordinances ;
but the V ice-roy anfwer’d, they muft petition the
Court of Spain if they expected any alteration in
them ; and in the mean time, as he had promifed
his Majefty, he was refolved to fee them put in ex-
ecution ; and when fome of the Caciques, or Indian
Lords, complain’d that their vaflals had been taken
away by the Spaniards, he order’d them to be fet at
liberty.
THE PRESENT STATE '
C HAP. liberty, telling the Caciques, that it was the King’s
X. pleafure they fhould be treated as fubjedls, and not
as Haves.
Th is condiuft lo enrag’d the Spaniards, that moft
of the great towns appear’d ripe for an infurrection ;
even the capital city of Lima made fome difficulty
to permit the Vice-roy to enter within their walls,
and when they did think fit to receive him, were
guilty of very rude and threatening language, and
he found an infcription in the room where he was
about to fit down to dinner, of the following tenor;
“ I will take the life of him who comes to take a-
“ way my eftate However, the perfon being dif-
A confpiracy cover’d who wrote it, he forgave him : But the
» gain ft the difaffedtion appear’d almoft univerfal ; the Spaniards
tu-roy. kc; n g determin’d not to fubmit to the new regula-
tions, lent Deputies from all the great towns to
Gonzalo Pizarro at La Plata, defiring he
would be their proteblor, and deliver them from
the oppreffions of the Vice-roy, as they call’d them ;
and that they might have a pretence to affemble in
arms, they declar’d war againft Manco Inca, who
was affembling an army of Indians, as they gave
out, to befiege Cufco again.
Conzalo Pi- H zarro, pleas’d to find the Spaniards fo well
rairo appears inclin’d to him, amafs’d all the treafure he could
at the head g. et at t h e m i nes G f Potofi, which were then newly
of the male- a . . r^r , is . , '
tontents. open d, and came to Cufco ; where having confut-
ed his friends, he beat his drums, and lifted two or
three hundred Spaniards in his fervice ; and having
■conftituted Francis de Caraval his Major-
General, refolved to march to Lima, under pre-
tence of petitioning the Vice-roy in behalf of the
principal towns, to fufpend the putting in execution
the new regulations ; and prevail'd on the Magis-
trates of Cufco to conftitute him Chief-Juftice of
Peru, by colour of which office he affum’d the civil
government of the province, as well as the com-
mand of the militia.
In the mean time, Manco Inca, who was
always an enemy to the Pizarro’s, on account
of their infolent treatment of him when they had
“him in their power, fent one of the" Spaniards,
who had fled to him for refuge after the defeat of
Almagro, to acquaint the Vice-roy that he was
ready to take the field againft Gonzalo Pi-
zarro, and would ferve the Court of Spain to
the utmoft of his power ; with which meffage the
Vice-roy was extremely pleas’d, looking upon it as
great point gain’d to have the natives in his in-
tereft : But there happening a quarrel about this time
between one of thofe refugee Spaniards in the moun-
tains and the Inca as they were playing at bowls,
Manco Inca the Spaniard beat out the Inca’s brains with a bowl ;
i ll'd. whereupon the Indians fell upon the remaining five
.Spaniards, and kill’d them every man. And now
Manco Inca being dead, the Vice-roy was de-
prived of that afliftance he might have expedled
from thofe Indians in the mountains, w r ho had hi-
therto preferv’d their liberties.
The Vice-roy was ftill more unfortunate in hav- CHAP,
mg a mifunderftanding with the four Judges of the X.
royal Court that came over from Spain with him
to adminifter the Civil government. Thefe gentle-
men carry’d their refentment fo far, that they a<ftu-
ally favour’d tire caufe of Gonzalo Pizarro ;
and when the V ice-roy would have railed forces
againft Pi zarro, they oppos’d it, and proceeded
fo far as to make the Vice-roy prifoner, who efcap’d The Vice-
from them however to the city of Quitto, where f^j^buc
he was join’d by fome hundreds of loyal Spaniards : efcapes.
Pizarro receiving advice that the Vice-roy had
been forced to fly from Lima, immediately ad-
vanced thither with his army, where he put to
death or imprilbn’d all who were not in his intereft,
and prevail’d on the Judges to fign a commiffion, Pizarro u-
conftituting him Governor of Peru. After which fur P s the 6°-
he difpatch’d Tejada the Judge moft devoted to his PcTuT^ °*
caule, into Spain, to give a favourable account of
his conduft, and reprefent that he was in a man-
ner compell’d to take the chief command upon him,
ana had accepted it with no other view than to
lerve his Majefly, and prevent a general revolt,
which he fuggefted was very near effected by the
Vice-roy ’s rigorous adminiftration.
Pizarro alfo proceeded to feize all the Ihips
upon the coaft, whereby he became mafter of the
South-fea, and put in new Governors and Magi-
strates in the chief towns, difearding ibrne and hang-
ing up others who had appear’d for the Vice-roy,
making the civil powers fubmit to the military, or
aefting without their concurrence when ever he faw
fit: To maintain his forces, he exadted of the
Spaniards a third part of all the rents or tributes
they receiv’d from the vafial Indians; feiz’d the gold
and filver belonging to the Crown, and apply ’d it to
the fame ufes ; and by his cruelty in murdering and
deftroying thole who appear’d to have any remains
of loyalty left, it was evident he defign’d to call off
all dependance on the Crown of Spain, and become
the foie Sovereign of the empire of Peru.
Having conftituted Machiaco his Admiral, Pjzarro’s
he commanded him to attack the city of Panama,
and take all the (hipping he found in that bay ; ma , S and
which orders were pundtually executed, and Ma- takes all the
chiaco now commanded a fleet of twenty-fix b ' a n yo
fail. He had alio a good number of land-men on
board, and with thefe foldiers committed great out-
rages in the town of Panama, though the Gover-
nor had affembled fix or feven hundred foldiers to
defend that place.
In the mean time. Pi z A R ro having divided his
land-forces, detach’d part of them under his Gene-
ral Carvajal, to the city of Plata, and the
fouthern provinces, where he underftood Cen-
teno and fome other loyal gentlemen had de-
clar’d for the King, and cut off feveral of his ad-
herents ; and with the other part of his forces he
purfued the Vice-roy to Quitto, who being join’d
by Bel alcazar, had collected a body of three
or
\
O F P
CHAP. or four hundred men, with whom he defended him*
X. felf bravely againft all the ftratagems of Pi zar r o
for fome time ; but his officers proving treacherous,
*nd ktlU the he was at length defeated and kill’d in an engage -
vice-roy. ment, on the 1 9th of January 1546, near the walls of
His Generai Pi 7. a R R o’s General, Carvajal, was
R yahfts'near no lefs fuceefsful in the fouthern provinces, difper-
La Plata. fmg the Royalifts there, and forcing Centeno
their General to fly the country ; after which he
plunder’d the city of La Plata, and put to death
many of thofe that had appear’d for the King. And
now Pizarro finding there were no enemies left
in Peru that durft oppofe him, difmifs’d part of his
forces, and return’d to Lima in triumph, looking
upon himfelf as foie monarch of South-America, and
was flatter’d as fuch by his party ; whereupon he
made Hinojosa Admiral of the South-fea, and
commanded his fleet to fail again to the bay of Pa-
nama, where the Admiral landed his men, and fent
a detachment crofs the Ifthmus, under the com-
mand of Ferdinand o Mexia, and furpriz’d
His Admiral Nombre de Dios, fo that Hinojosa was in a
poflefles manner mafter of the North and South-fea, or
Panama °and at leaft was in a condition to prevent any fupplies
Nombre de
Dios.
Pizarro ap-
plies to the
Court ot
Spain-
being fent to the affiftance of the Royalifts either
from Old or New Spain.
Pjzarro, however, apprehenfive that the times
might turn, thought it expedient to keep fair with
the Court of Spain, and pretend at leaft that he had
no thoughts of throwing off his allegiance, and
adfing independently of his Sovereign : He dii-
patch’d Laurence de Aldana therefore to
Old Spain, as commiffion’d from all the cities and
towns of Peru, to petition that he (Pizarro)
might be continu’d their Governor, and that his
Majefty. would fend them a pardon tor all that was
paft ; on which conditions they promifed to make
good whatever had been expended of the King’s
treafure, and to advance a confiderable fum as a
free gift to his Majefty.
The Spaniih Miniftry having been already ac-
quainted with Gonzalo Pizarro’s ufurpation,
gave all Peru for loft, ’til! the arrival of Aldana ;
for though it was propofed in the Council of Spain
to fuhuue that Ufurper by force, yet the difficulty
of fending an army into that remote part of the
world fufficient for fuch an enterprize, made that
advice look’d upon as impracticable. But laying
hold of thefe overtures made them by Pizarro
and the chief towns of Peru, it was refolved to
The Prefi- Lnd over Gafca, a fubtil Lawyer, with the title on-
dent Gafca ly of Prefldent of the royal Court ; but with full
lent to Peru. p 0wers to ^ as ] ie fiiould judge moft for the ad-
vantage of the government when he arrived there.
This gentleman v/as authoriz’d to grant a general
pardon to all delinquents, or to as many as he faw
fit ; to prormfe to repeal thofe ordinances which
prohibited their enflaving the Indians, or levying
money upon them ; to confirm all men in their
poffeffions, however wrongfully obtained ; and to
E R U.
343
conftitute Pizarro himfelf Vice-roy of Peril, if C H AP,
that rich province could not be recovered to the X.
Crown of Spain by any other means ; for as fome
obferved in the Council of Spain, “ It were better
“ to let the Devil to be Vice-roy than the Crown
“ fhould lofe fo invaluable a prize as Peru appeared
“ to be about this time, when the jnexhauftible
“ mines of Potofi were difcovered : ” And fuch
a confidence had the Court of Spain in the loyalty
and dexterity ofGASCA, that they did not only con-
fer on him an unlimited authority in Peru, but all
Vice-roys, Governors, Magiftrates, Generals and
Officers in America were commanded to fupport
him and obey his orders. He carried alfo letters of
various kinds from his Majefty to Pizarro, to The Court
be fent or fupprefs’d as the Prefldent fhould judge of s P ain
proper on his arrival in America ; in one of which' 2arr0i
the Emperor tells that Ufurper, that he ftill confided
in his loyalty, and was not offended at any of the
meafures he had taken.
The Prefldent Gasca arriving at Cartagena,
in Terra-Firma, received advice there that Nom-
bre de Dios was pofleffed by a garrifon com-
manded by Ferdinando Mexia, whom
Hinojosa, Pizarro’s Admiral, had fent thi-
ther. However, the Prefldent proceeded in his
voyage to Nombre de Dios, and fo cunningly in-
fmuated himfelf into the good opinion of Mexia,
that he agreed to defert Pizarro’s fervice, and
hold that place for his Sovereign the Emperor ; and
coming afterwards to Panama, on the 1 3th of Au-
guft 1546, he prevailed on Hinojoso the Admi-
ral and the whole fleet to revolt from Pizarro p ' i 3 JJ°’ s
and declare for his Majefty.
Affairs fucceeding thus far to the Prefident’s wifh, toGaila.
he difpatch’d Paniagua, a gentleman of great
penetration and addrefs, to Lima with a letter
from the Emperor, and another from himfelf to
Pi za r r o.
The Emperor in his letter tells Pizarro, that TheEmpe-
having been informed of the commotions that had p“ a s r ^ tter t0
happen’d in Peru by the late Vice-roy ’s putting the
ordinances too rigoroufly in execution, and believ-
ing that whatever had been done by Pizarro
and his adherents was intended for his Majefty’s
fervice, he had difpatch’d the Lieutenant Gasca,
in quality of Prefldent, with full power and inftru-
Hions to put an end to the divifions that had hap-
pen’d there, and to do whatever might contribute
to the improvement of thofe provinces and the wel-
fare of his fubjeefts, whether planters or natives, re-
quiring Pizarro to affift him in whatever the
Prefldent fhould judge proper for his Majefty’s fer-
vice, concluding, that his Majefty would ever re-
member the fervices that he and bis brother the
Marquis had done to the advantage of their children
and families.
The Prefldent, in his letter to Pizarro alfo, Oafea’afeirer
feems to lay the blame of the late infurreiftions on t0
the Vice-roy, and fays, his Majefty believed that
their
344
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, their oppolition to the Vice-roy did not proceed from
X. any motive to difobedience or differ vice to his Ma-
jefty, but merely from a principle of felf-prefervati-
on, which induced them to oppofe that feverity the
Vice-roy ufed in the execution of the new laws :
That the King had therefore fent him to quiet the
minds of the people by a revocation of thofe laws,
and to publifti a general pardon for all offences of
what kind foever : And, laftly, to take the opinion
and diredlion of the people of the country concern-
ing the methods that were moft likely to conduce to
the advancement of religion, and the common
good and welfare of the inhabitants. Wherefore
he entreated Pizarro that he would confider
thefe things, and like a gentleman and loyal fubjedl,
and with that affedtion and good will which he had
fhew’d for the welfare of his country, fincerely yield
obedience to hisMajefty, and comply with his com-
mands, who had lo favourably interpreted his adti-
ons, acquitting him of rebellion and difloyalty.
Then he advifes Pizarro not to flatter him-
felf with an opinion that he was fo well eftabliftied
as to be able to refill; the forces of fo great a Prince
as his Sovereign the Emperor was, who compell’d
the Grand Signior to retire from Vienna when he
was at the head of three hundred thouland men,
and had obtain’d fo many memorable vidtories over
the infidels and the reft of his enemies.
When thefe letters were read in the Ufurper’s
Council, fome were for receiving the Prefident and
accepting the terms that were offer’d immediately,
obferving that the Court of Spain had granted every
thing they demanded, as a revocation of the ordi-
nances, a general pardon, and a confirmation of
their eftates and pofleffions. But others, infpir’d
with ambition, or dreading the vengeance they
knew was due to their crimes, reprefented, that if
the Prefident was once admitted, he would foon in-
finuate himfelf into the affedlions of the people, and
difpofe of them and their fortunes at pleafure ; and
therefore urg’d that it was neither politick nor fate
Gafca’s agent to admit the Prefident among!! them. In the mean
prepares the time Paniagua, Gasca’s agent, found means
Lknafor a t0 feel ^ ie P u Ke of the principal citizens of Lima,
revolt. who feem’d ready to defert the Ufurper as foon as they
had an opportunity. They were weary of his op-
preffions and arbitrary dominion, who had of late
given the reins to his paffions, putting feveral con-
fiderable men to death, feiz’d their poffeffions, and
made free with their wives and daughters. Under-
ftanding therefore from Paniagua, that a pardon
was offer’d them, and whatever elfe they had de-
manded, they found means to affure this agent that
they were ready to return to their duty, notwithftand-
ing Pizarro had threatened that agent to put him
to death as foon as he arriv’d, if he tamper’d with
any of the citizens : Nor was the revolt of the fleet,
which Paniagua inform’d them of, one of the
leal! motives that induc’d them to make their fub-
miffion to his Majefty.
Pizarro, ftill ignorant of this general difaf- CHAP,
feet ion, tho’ it was a fecret to very few befides, re- X.
folved not to admit the Prefident ; but imagining
his fleet at Panama to be ftill faithful to him, order’d
the Admiral to provide a fhipand fend the Prefident
back to Spain ; however, he gave Paniagua a
letter for him, when he return’d, of the following
tenour.
He defir’d the Prefident to confider him as a per- Pizarro’s sn-
fon naturally devoted to his Majefty’s fervice, and to fwer t0 thc
remember how he and his brothers had been thefe Gifa™*
fixteen years employ’d in augmenting the territories
and revenues of the Crown of Spain : That they had
reduced countries of a vaft extent, and abounding
with more gold and filver than all the kingdoms of
the world produc’d befides, and this at their own
charges, without putting his Majefty to the expence
of a fingle crown, and without gaining any thing
for themfelves but the reputation of ferving their
Prince and country ; for whatever treafure they had
obtain’d was laid out in fettling colonies, and fup-
porting thefe conquefts : They had not the inheri-
tance of an acre of land alfign’d them (the Court
of Spain granting only eftates for lives to the Adven-
turers). And notwithftanding thefe negledls, they
remain’d immoveable in their loyalty, and had no
need to be put in mind of their duty to their Sove-
reign by arguments drawn from his power and fuc-
cefs again!! his enemies.
He proceeds to !hew, that it was the rigorous and
impolitick adminiftration of the late Vice-roy that
had been the occafion of all the mifehiefs and diftur-
bances that had happen’d, and juftifies his own ufur-
pation, by obferving, that he was chofen Agent-Ge-
neral by all the cities and communities of that em-
pire, and impower’d by the Judges of the royal Court
to drive the Vice-roy from thence, having tranfiufled
nothing but by their warrant and concurrence.
Pizarr o alfo fent feveral agents of confidera-
ble quality to the Court of Spain tojuftify his con-
dud!, and get his command confirm’d to him ; but
thefe all deferted him, making their peace with the
Prefident when they came to Panama, and accepting
employments from him. Whereupon the prefident
commanded the Governors of the Mexican provin-
ces, thofe of St. Martha, Cartagena, New-Gra-
nada and Popayan, to levy forces with all expedition,
and fend to his alliftance. He alfo order’d Lau-
rence de Aldan a to fail with four flout (hips
to the coaft of Peru, who landing final] parties in
feveral places, was join’d by great numbers of de- p; zarro <j e „
ferters : And at the fame time James de Mora feted by
affembled four or five hundred men in the inland num "
parts of Peru, and declar’d for the King, appointing
the general rendezvous of Lis Majefty’s forces to he
at Caxamalca.
And now Pizarro receiving advice of the re- He prepare?
volt of his fleet and the approach of his enemies, ap- to defend his
ply’d himfelf with great diligence to raife forces in ufu, t utl0n '
order to defend his ulurpation, and in a fhort time
muftcr’d
CHAP.
X.
Fizarro
abandons
-lama.
Aliens takes
pofleffion of
k for the
JPrefident.
Pizarro
snare lies to-
wards Cufco.
OF PERU.
345
mufter’d upwards of nine hundred men in the city
of Lima only, all veteran troops well arm’d, and tire
horfe well mounted ; nor was their a footfoidier
but had his pad to ride on, and Haves to attend him,
lb that his infantry might be look’d upon as horfe or
dragoons at leaft, engaging either on foot or horfe-
back, as there was occafion, and had a great advan-
tage in marching with expedition from one part of
the country to the other without much fatigue : Be-
fides the forces Pi za R R o had in Lima, he fent ftrong
detachments to Cufco, La Plata, and other places,
caufmg it to be publilh’d every where, that the Pre-
fident Gasca had exceeded his corn million in levy-
ing forces againft him ; that the King had not im-
power’d the Prefident to take the government from
him, but only to endeavour to eftablilh peace, and
prelide in the royal Court ; and that the people were
no lefs concern’d than himfelf to oppofe his encroach-
ments ; for if the Prefident prevail’d, they mult ex-
pert to be plunder’d, and difpoflefs’d of all they had
gain’d with fo much labour and hazard, and perhaps
meet with a halter inllead of a reward.
He alfo order’d procefs to be begun in the Courts
of law againft the Prefident, and againft Hinojo-
sa the Admiral of the fleet, and all the Officers who
had deferted him, procuring them to be condemn’d
to death and declar’d traitors by the Judges at Lima :
But Hill the defertion continued, the people were well
fatisfy’d that the Prefident Gas c a was fufficiently
authoris’d to make war uponPizARRo, and grant
them fuch conditions as he faw lit on their fubmiffion ;
and were not only weary of the Ufurper’s tyrannical
adminiftration, but evidently forefaw he would not
he able to fupport himfelf againft the power of Spain,
and that great difaffeciion that was obferv’d amongft
all forts of people in Peru.
Lawrence de Aldan a being now arriv’d
with his fhips at the port of Callao, 2 leagues from
Lima, PjzARRo’s loldiers took frequent opportu-
nities of deferting to him ; which induc’d the Ufur-
per to abandon that city, and march to the fouth-
wa/d as far as Arequippa ; of which Aldana re-
ceiving advice, landed his men, and took pofleffion
of the city ot Lima for the King ; loon after which
the Prefident arriv’d upon the coaftof Peru with the
remainder of the fleet, and a good body of land-for-
ces, and conftituted the Admiral Hinojosa Gene-
ral as well by land as fea : But he did not think fit
to take the field ’till he had aflembled an army abun-
dantly fuperior to that of the enemy, and fufficient
to fecure the reduction of that empire to the Crown
of Spain* rhis Minifter appears to have proceeded
with abundance of caution and deliberation, and to
have effected more by fly infinuation and artifice,
than could poffibly have been effected by open force,
and at the fame time kept at a diftance from danger,
never undertaking any thing, or advancing a fingle
ftep, hill he was morally fure of fuccels.
In the mean time Go N za l o Pi za r r o receiv-
ing advice that Centeno had raifs’d eight hundred
Vol. in.
or a thoufand men in the Charcas for. the Crown, C H A P.
poflefs’d himfelf of the cities of La Plata and Cuf- X.
co, and kept in awe all the fouthern part of Peru
with his forces ; he march’d towards Cufeo, with a
defign to give that General battle ; and Centeno
being no lefs forward to engage, a battle was fought
in the valley of Guarina, in October 1547, and
Pizarro obtaining a complete vidlory, inoft of Defeats C«v-
Centeno's foldiers, that were taken prifoners, tenD ‘
lifted themfelves in the fervice of the rebels ; and
fome few days after, Pizarro enter’d the city of
Cufco in triumph. From Cufco Pi zarro fent a
detachment of his forces to take pofteffion of the city
of La Plata, where they feiz’d fix hundred thoufand 3 eizes the.
crowns, and hang’d up feveral that were well a f- Kin s’ s
feefted to the royal caufe ; and at the frme time his ***
General Carvaj a L plunder’d the town of Are-
quippa and other places on the fea-coaft, whereby
they amafs’d a prodigious treafure.
The Prefident Gasca, receiving repeated advi-
ces of Pi zarro s fuccefs, at length began his march
towards Cufco at the head of fixteen hundred vete-
ran Spaniards, and feveral thoufand Indians, atten-
ded by a fine train of artillery, and arrived in the
valley of Sacfahnana, within 4 leagues of Cufco, la
the beginning of April 1 548. Upon the approach
of the royalifts, it was debated in Pi zarro’s coun-
cil, whether he fhould advance and fight the Prefi-
dent, or retreat? His Genera! Carvajal, it
Teems, advifed him to retire to certain inacceffible
mountains, a little to the fouth ward of Culco, where
it would have been very difficult to attack him, and
he would have faid a rich country in his rear, that
would have furnifh’d him with plenty of provifions :
But Pi zarro infilled it was diflionourable to re-
treat, and confiding in the goodnefs of his troops,
march'd out of Cufco at tire head of nine hundred
men, to the valley of Sacfahnana, where he refolved
to give the enemy battle, but was deferted by almoft Pizarro
all his men on the day of battle, who laid' hold on r " te , d by ^
the pardon die Prefident Gasca had order’d to be
proclaim d. I hey law the royalifts fo much fupe-
rior to them, and fo advantageoufly polled, that
there was very little profpeeft of fuccefs, and could
not fuppofe they fhould ever meet with fuch another
opportunity of fecuring their lives and eftates.
Pi zarro Hood amaz’d for fome time at this ge-
neial defeition, but at length thought fit to furren- Surremkr®
der to the firft Officer he met with. His Lieute- himfelf a
nant-General Carvajal fled, and was made pri-
loner loon after ; and both of them were carried in
triumph by the Prefident into the city of Cufco,
which open’d her gates to the Conqueror.
Two or three days after, Pizarro, Carvajal,
and feveral other rebels were formally tried and con- co „ a
vidled of their treafon and rebellion againft their So- derated,
vereign. Pizarro was condemned to be behead-
ed, his houfes demolilh’d, and the ground fow’d!
with fait, and a pillar was order’d to be e reded with
this infeription, “ Thefe were the dwellings of that
Y y 44 traitoy
34 6
CHAR
X.
V-rv-s-/
His fpeech
at his execu*
tion.
He is he-
beaded.
THE PRESENT STATE
“ traitor GoNsalo Pizarro.” In purfuance
of his fentence, he was fet upon a Mule, and led to
the place of execution, carrying in his hands the
image of the bleffed Virgin, to whom he pray’d with
great devotion, but in the way exchang’d this image
for a crucifix, which a Prieft gave him that attended
him; on this he fix’d his eyes ’till he came to the
fcaffold, where he made the following fpeech to the
foldiers and Spanifh inhabitants.
Gentlemen,
“ Y E know that our family, my brothers and
“ J- myfelf, have fubdued this empire. Many
<£ of you are pofiels’d ot baronies and lands, which
“ my brother the Marquis conferred on you, and
“ many of you here prefent have receiv’d the like
“ eftates from me. There are alfo many of you owe
“ me money, which I have treely lent you, and o-
thers have receiv’d confiderable gifts and gratuities
44 from me.
“ I, for my part, die poor and deftitute of every
thing ; not fo much as the cloaths on my back
“ are my own, but the fees of the executioner, for
« the fervice he doth in cutting off my head ; fo
“ that I have nothing to give for the good of my
44 foul. Wherefore I befeech you, gentlemen, as
** many of you as owe me money, bellow the lame
t( on malTes for my foul ; for I have lull affurance
“ in God, that through the meritorious death and
44 paffion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and with
44 the affillance of your charity, all my fins (hall be
44 pardon’d, and I fhall be received to mercy.”
Then kneeling down before the crucifix, which
was placed on a table on the fcaffold, the executio-
ner came to bind a handkerchief about his eyes, but
he faid that was unnecefftry, he had often look d
death in the face ; and feeing the hangman draw his
fword to cut ofF his head, he faid, 1-4 Honell Jack,
44 do thy office handfomely The fellow promifing
it fhould be done according to his wilh, took the
prifoner by his beard with his left-hand, and with a
back ftroke, cut off his head at one blow, with the
fame eafe (fays my author) as he would have diced off
the leaf of a Lettice. Diego Centeno paying the
executioner for his cloaths, he was buried in them in
the cloifter of the Mercenarian F riars in Cufco, in
the fame grave where Diego de Almagro the
elder, and Almagro the younger, his fon, had
both been buried upon charity, after they were exe-
cuted in the fame place. After the fury of the war
was over, the Spanifh cities of Peru cauled mafles
to be faid for the foul of Gonzalo Pizarro,
whole faults feem’d all to have been buried in his
grave, and only his conquefts and heroick actions,
remembred by the next generation. The Spaniards,
who poffefs’d thofe mountains of treafure, and that
extenfive country which the Pi z arro’s conquer’d,
could do no lefs than applaud their ablions, and fet
them in the faired; light ; for if thofe countries were
unjuftly obtain’d, they were as unjuftly poffefs’d and CHAP,
enjoy’d by thofe who fucceeded the Pi z arro’s. X.
What title could the King of Spain give any of his
fubjeils to the eftates and perfons of the Indians ? marks of the
Their King, therefore, was the great ufurper and ufurpations
oppreftor. The Pizarro’s truly obferv’d, if con- °[ ar t ^ e 4 p *’
quell gave a right, they had the bell title to Peru, p eru .
who conquer’d it at their own expences, without
putting the Crown of Spain to any charge. But in
truth, neither the Kings of Spain, or the Adventu-
rers, could have a better right to that country than
what pirates or highway-men have to their acqui-
fitions; however, nothing is more common in this
world than to fee one ufurper and oppreflor fit in
judgment upon another, and take upon him to dil-
pofe of men’s lives and fortunes, to which neither
the Judge, or the perfon he condemns for feizing
them, have any right.
Pizarro was condemn’d for ufurping the go-
vernment of Peru ; But was not the King of Spain
the greatell ufurper, who unjuftly countenanc’d the
invading of that country, made advantage of all
the wrongs and outrages the Pizarro’s had com-
mitted, and poffefs’d himfelf of thofe very fpoils and
territories which were ravilh’d from the Inca’s and
their fubjecls ; and continue their unjull poffeffion by
force and violence to this very day ? But to proceed
in the hillory.
The Prefident Gasca having made large promi-
fes to the officers and foldiersthat affifted him to re-
duce Pizarro, was perpetually follicited to make
them good after that war was at an end. His peo-
pie expeffed that all the lands pofiefs’d by the adhe- conte nted,
rents of Pizarro fhould have been divided among
them ; and this, no doubt, the Prefident intended
to have done, if Pizarro’s troops had not de-
ferted him ; but the Prefident had made equal promi-
fes, it feems, to thofe who fhould forfake Pizarro
and come over to him ; and thefe, by abandoning
their General, had finilh’d the deftru£lion of that
ufurper without his running the hazard of a battle,
fo that the Prefident had fcarce any lands to divide
among the numerous claimants ; however, he made
a diftrihution of fuch lands as were confifcated, and
left the inftrument, allotting to every man his ffiare,
foal’d up, when he return’d to Lima, ordering the
Archbilhop of that province to repair to Cufco
and publifh it ; and the clergy were commanded to
exhort the officers and foldiers in their fermons to
fubmit to this partition, which was all that could
poffibly be done at this time. But the petitioners
were fo far from acquiefcing in this divifion, that
they beyan to grow very mutinous, ’till fome of them
were apprehended and made examples of, and others
made eafy by promifes of a further partition in their
favour. The mod dangerous of all the pretenders
was Hernandez Giron, whom the Prefident SeverH^^
could find no means to latisfy, but by granting him f ent U p 0n
a commiffion to refort to Cufco and raife forces, in new con-
order to attempt new conquefts ; and this was <i lie(ia>
thought
OF PERU.
347
CHAP, thought to be a very defperate remedy, to put arms
X. into the hands of a man whofe difaffedbion and am-
bition was but too manifeft : Nor was he long at
Cufco, before he gave the Government very great
difturbance, tho’ he did not break out into adiual
rebellion ’till fome time afterwards.
Another detachment of troops was lent under the
command of the celebrated Peter de Valdi-
via, to finilh the conqueft of Chili; under whom
a great many of the dilaffedled Spaniards lifted them-
felves, in hopes of making their fortunes there,
which they now defpair’d of doing in Peru : And
this feems to have been the condudt of moft of the
Governors of Peru, when they could not fatisfy the
pretenftons of the Spanifh officers and loldiers (every
one of which imagin’d he merited a province by his
fervices) to give them commiffions to enter upon new
conquefts, which they allur’d them fhould be {har’d
among the Adventurers. The Prefident Gasca,
however, found there were ftill a great many that
remained unfatisfy’d, even thofe to whom he had af-
fign’d lands and Indians that produced upwards of an
hundred thoufand crowns a year were not contented,
and he was compell’d to promife them a further di-
vifion to increafe their {hares, which he took care
however, {hould not be publifti’d ’till he was gone to
Europe, for fear of a tumult ; and an order coming
from Spain at the fame time to releafe the Indians
from their perfonal fervices, or rather flavery, he
fupprefs’d that alfo for the fame reafon, ’till he left
the country. And having fleec’d and plunder’d both
Spaniards and Indians, ’till he had amafs’d together
two or three millions of crowns for his matter the
Gafca re- Emperor, he fet fail with it for the bay of Panama,
turns to Pa- we n knowing that fo vaft a treafure would cover all
a^Tft trea- f au hs, and render his adminiftration approv’d by the
&re. Court of Spain, tho’ he fupprefs’d and oppos’d the
repeated orders that were fent over for giving the
Indians their liberty.
The Prefident arriving in the bay of Panama, did
not think fit to make any ftay in the city which
gives name to that bay, but immediately crofs’d the
ifthmus, and arriv’d at Nombre de Dios ( which
flood near Porto Bello) on the North-lea, leaving
moft of the treafure to be brought after him, and
was very near lofing it; for Ferdinand and Pe-
ter de Contreras, the two Ions of Pedra-
R. I as, who reduc’d the province of Veragua, be-
ing turn’d out of their father’s government, and
difpoflefs’d of all his lands, had a little before broke
out into open rebellion : And having feiz’d feveral
{Tips in the South-fea at this time, attack’d Panama,
where great part of the royal treafure was lodg’d,
The treafure and made themfelves matters of it as well as of the
r-beis at town ’ an ^ m ‘ght with eafe‘ have carried it all off,
Panama. hut could not be fatisfy ’d without making the Pre-
fident their prifoner. They fent part of their for-
ces therefore croft the ifthmus in purfuit of the Pre-
fident Gasca, who was now at Nombre de Dios
on the North- fea, of which the citizens of Panama
taking the advantage, fell upon the remainder of the CHAP,
rebels forces that were left behind, cut moft of them A.
in pieces, and recovered the treafure again. Upon W ’*Y^ W
advice whereof, the party that was fent after the
Prefident difpers’d themfelves, very few of them
making their elcape back to Veragua; and the two
brothers, Ferdinand and Peter de Con-
treras, were both of them kill’d ; which put an
end to this rebellion, that would otherwife probably
have been fatal to Spain : For the rebels propofed,
after they had made themfelves matters of both fides
the ifthmus of Darien, fo that no relief could come
over from Old Spain, to have affembled a fleet, and
join’d the malecontents of Peru, whereby they
might have reduc’d that province under their power,
and perhaps laid the foundation of another empire ;
but their dividing their forces defeated ail the hope-
ful projefts they had form’d, and ended in the de-
ftrudfion of the two brothers and their followers j
and the Prefident Gasca could not but blefs him-
felf, when he underftood how narrowly he had ef-
cap’d with his treafure, which he had the good for-
tune to recover and carry over fafe to Spain, to the Gafca «co.
infinite joy of that Court, which was in the utmoft
diftrefs for money to fupport the various enterprises and arrives
the Emperor Charles the Vth. was engaged in with >t ia
at that time. Spauu
I return now to Peru, where the Judges of the
royal Court, in whom the adminiftration was lodg’d,
pui lilh’d the fecond partition the late Prefident had
made of the lands, which gave as little fatisfa&iorft
as the former. Thefe Judges alfo put in execution
the decree of the Court of Spain for releafing the
Indians from perfonal fervice, and would not fuffer
the poor natives to be prefs’d to dig in the mines, to
carry burthens, or to do any other laborious work,
but what they willingly agreed to do, and were paid
for ; which occafion’d an infurredtion in Cufco, and
the difaffedted made choice of Her nandez, or cufco
Hernando Giron, for their Chief, who was fupprefs’i.
ftill in that city, where he had rais’d two hundred
men for the making of new conquefts. This tu-
mult was fupprefs’d with great difficulty, and Gi Rots
fent prifoner to Lima ; but fo general was the dif-
affedtion, that the Judges did not think fit to punifti
this notorious officer, and in a fhort time gave him
his liberty again ; even the General Hi nojosa was
fuppofed to foment thefe diforders, for he had an
eftate in the Charcas, where Potofi and the beft f i-
ver mines lie, of the value of two hundred thou-
fand crowns per ann. and thefe mines could not be
work’d without Indians, for they had no Negroes,
or but very few, in America, at that time.
The royal Court therefore, to bring over the Ge-
neral Hinojosa to their party, made him Gover-
nor of the Charcas; and this for a time kept that
part of the country quiet.
In the mean time, Don Antonio de Men- Mendoza
d o z a arriv’d in Peru, in quality of Vice-roy ; whofe ViCe '
adminiftration was generally lik’d ; but being of a Kjr ‘
Y y 2 weakly
Another m-*
fur reft ion
34 ?
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, weakly conftitution, lie did not live two years.
X. What was moft remarkable in his government was
his fending his fon through all the provinces, to take
a particular account of them ; who brought back
with him draughts of every place that was worth
the taking, and efpecially of the mountain of Potofi,
with all its fdver wins delineated, and an eftimateof
the treafure that might annually be drawn from
thence ; with which draughts theVice-roy fent his fon
into Spain in the year 1552, and died foon after.
Tire royal Court, after the death of the Vice-roy,
taking the adminiflration of the government into
their hands, and reviving the decree for releafing
the Indians from their perfonal fervice, occa-
fion’d great difturbances again ; but no where
more than in the Charcas, where Indians were
io much wanted to work their mines : And here
a Ifo were great numbers of dififflcted people and
difbanded foldiers afiembled, upon a fuppofition
.that Hinotosa would have fet up for himfelf, ha-
ving giving out many dark and dubious fpeeches
(which were interpreted that way) while he remain-
ed at Lima. But this gentleman, being now made
Governor off the country, and pofiefs’d of one of the
greateft eflates in it, had alter’d his mind, it feems,
if ever he had any thoughts of difturbing the Go-
vernment formerly. He endeavoured therefore, by
fair words, to divert the foldiers from their defign ;
telling them, he expended a commiffion every day
to extend their conquefls farther eaftward, and then
they would infallibly be provided for : But finding
themfelves difhppointed from time to time, and that
the General (being perfectly eafy in his own fortunes)
had now no intention of engaging with them, to
bring about another revolution, they made choice of
■Mi infer- Don Sebastian Castilla for their Chief,
anf J determined to afiaffinate Hinojosa ; and tho’
»ias«o he had frequent intimations of the confpiracy, and
was entreated by his friends to take meafures for the
fecurity of his perfon, he too much flighted their
advice: He could not believe that the foldiers, among
whom he had been fo popular, and who had hitherto
appeared devoted to him, could ever enter into a
confpiracy to cleft roy him. He was alfo fearlefi in
in his temper, a plain open-hearted man, not apt
to fufpedf the worft (or perhaps was fo far of Cae-
sar’s mind, that it was better to die once, than to
be always terrify’d with the fears of death; or that
It was time to die when his friends wifli’d him dead).
But however that was, he neither provided guards
to defend his palace, or to attend him when he went
abroad ; and ten or twelve of the confpirators en-
tring his houfe one mornings foon after the gates
were open, went diredlly to his apartment, where
°fh'e rebels' they found him in his morning-gown, and ftabb’d
with their fwords and daggers, without giving
(Governor of him time to lend for his ConfefTor, which was all
tin Charcas. he afk’d of them when he found they were refblved
to imbrue their hands in his blood.
The aliafJIns afterwards went out Into the mar-
ket-place, where they found the reft of their aCcom- CHAR
X.
piices, and cry’d out, “ The tyrant is dead, long
“ live the King P’ They alfo murder’d fcveral of - .. _
the principal citizens, and plunder’d their l oufcs ;
then, beating their drums, required all the inhabi-
tants to rendezvous in the market-place, and take
up arms in their fervice ; declaring Don Seeasti- They make
an their General, and Chief- Juftice of the pro- .
vince. They alfo took upon them to appoint other Ger!eral. ^
officers and magiftrates, both civil and military ;
but ft ill pretended all was dene with an intent to
ferve the King.
The confpirators, within a day or two, made
themfelves mafters of the town of Potofi, where
they feiz’d a million and a half of filver, which be-
long’d to the King or private perfons. They alfo
fent a detachment to furprize the city of Vera Paz,
and murder theMarfhal Alvarado, who com-
manded there : But before this could be effected, a
fudden turn happen'd; part of the foldiers who had
murder’d their General Hinojosa, believing they
fhould merit of the Government, and obtain not
only their pardon but a reward, if they fhould mur-
der their new General Don Se b astian, and de-
clare for the King, afl'affinated the unhappy wretch. And after-
and declared Vasco Godinez their General. wards . mu? *
Like the Romans, they frequently murder’d the ve- der h ‘ m *
ry men they fet up, and the reign of the man they
elected fometimes was not of a week’s duration.
Vasco Godinez compelled the Magiftrates T h e rebels-
and citizens of La Plata to conftitute him Lord ele£t Vaico
Chief- Juftice as well as General of the Charcas (the ^^"chie?
filver country) ; under colour of which office he im-
prifon’d and put to death whom he pleas’d, and a-
mong the reft caufed many of thofe to he murder’d
who had affiffed him in aflaffinating the Governor
Hinojosa; pretending now an extraordinary
zeal for the King’s fervice, and that he had himfelf
been forced into that rebellion : Nor did he fparehis who mur-
moft intimate friends and accomplices, being indu- dersagreat
ced to take off many of them, leaft they fhould many P^P^*
difeover his complicated treafons, and defeat him of
thofe rewards, he expended for murdering Don Se-
bastian ; for he had feiz’d on the great eftdte of
the General Hinojosa, and expected the Govern-
ment fhould have confirm’d it to him, in confidera-
tion of his merit, in declaring for the King againll
Don S e basti an.
The royal Court, being well appriz’d of the trea-
chery and double-dealing of this wretch Godinez^
in order to put a fpeedy end to the infurredlion, dealt-
with the traitor in his own way : They pretended
they were convinced of the fervices he had done the
Government in taking off that ufurper and rebel.
Don Sebastian, and declaring for > is Majefty ;
and caufed it to be intimated to him, that they de-
fign’d to conftitute him General of their forces, and
affign him a very great eftate in the Charcas ; ad-
vifing him to unite his forces with Don Alonzo
B£ Alvarado (Governor of the city of La Paz)
agairs$
O F P
CHAP. again ff the rebels. At the fame time they privately
X. made Dan Alva r ado Generaliffimo and Go-
WYV vernor of the Charcas, and commanded all that
were well-affedled to the King to obey his orders :
Whereupon the General afiembled a good body of
troops, and began his march towards the city ot La
Plata, where Godinez expected him, flattering
himfelf that Don Alvarado was coming to put
him into poiTeffion of thofe eftates and offices that
were in a manner promifed him by the Govern-
General ment : But the General no fooner got him into his
power, than he made Godinez and his accompli-
C.odinez, ces prifoners, and proceeded to try and condemn
andputshim them; and when Godinez was, to his great fur-
withmany P r ‘ ze -> condemn’d and led to execution, the folio w-
more of the ing proclamation was made before him, viz. “ This
difaffe&ed. u man ^ having been a traitor to God, his King,
“ and his Friends, is fentenced to be bang’d, drawn,
“ and quarter’d:” And fo many were involved in
the fame crimes, that, ’tis faid, many of the rebels
were executed every day the fucceeding month ;
when another infurredtion happening at Cufco,
(which I am next to give an account of ) a flop was
put to thefe executions, and a pardon publifh’d, in
order to prevent a general revolt of thofe countries,
which the Government began to be apprehenhve of.
The former rebellion of Sebastian Castil-
la and Vasco Godinez was fomented and en-
courag’d by fbme of the principal citizens of Cufco,
the mines of Potofi, in which they had a large
fhare, remaining un wrought while the Indians were
freed from their perfonal iervice ; but the moft ac-
Another tive among the difaffedted citizens was Hernan-
Hernandez^ DEZ Gikon, already mention’d, who only waited
Giron. to fee what fuccefs the infurredtions in the Charcas
would have before he declared himfelf; and being
inform’d, that General Alvar ado kept a cor-
refpondence with Giles Ramirez, Governor of
Cufco, and that they were concerting meafures how
to furprize him and his friends, he refolved to be
beforehand with them, and put it out ot their pow-
er to hurt him.
Giron therefore, fumm ning his friends toge-
ther, let them know the danger they were all in ;
that General Alvarado threaten’d, as foon as he
had lopp’d off the branches in the Charcas, he would
ftrike at the root of all thefe difturbances, by ex-
tirpating the citizens of Cufco, who incited and
fupported them : He exhorted them therefore, for
their own prefervation, to come to fome fpeedy re-
folution, and not tamely fuffer themfelves to be
maffacred, under a colour of lav/, as their friends in
the Charcas had been ; efpeciallv fince it was the
common caufe of all the Spanifh planters, who could
make no advantage of their mines, or the reft or
their eftates, if their Indians were taken from them;
and confequently they fhould find them ail ready to
join with them, as foon as it v/as known they had
taken up arms for a redrefs of thefe grievances.
E R U. 349
As this affembly confifted either of citizens who CHAP,
were proprietors of the mines, or foldiers who were Xv-
in expectation of making their fortunes by frefh
commotions, there was very little perfuafion necef-
fary to induce them to join in the infurredtion :-
They agreed therefore to take the opportunity of a
great wedding, which was to be folemniz’d at Cufco
on the i 3th of November 1553, to feize on the
Governor and fome of the principal Magiftrates*
who were invited to it; and accordingly Hernan-
dez Giron, with ten or twelve of his accompli-
ces, in armour, rufh’d into the bridegroom’s houfe
on the evening of the wedding-day, where the Go-
vernor and threefcore of the principal citizens were
at fupper ; and fome of the company thereupon ri-
ling from the table in a great fright, Giron bid
them not ftir or be afraid, for they were all engaged
in the fame confpiracy ; which fpeech terrifying the
Governor ftill more/ he ran away and hid himfelf
in a remote part of the houfe among the women
Two or three other Magiftrates were kill’d by the
confpirators on the fpot ; but the reft ot the com- f
pany, whether in the plot or not, were fuller d to
return unmolefted to their houtes.
The confpirators, having continued their fearcb
two or three hours, at length found the Governor
hidden in the women’s apartment; and carrying
him to prifon afterwards, reforted to their friends
in the market-place, where they made proclamation
for all men to affemble, and take up arms in de-
fence of their liberties: Then they feiz’d upon the
King’s treafure, and all the horfes and arms they
could find ; and having mutter'd about an hundred
and fifty foldiers, they appointed officers to com-
mand them and lift more into their tervice ; the
rebels declaring, that what they had undertaken
was for the publick good, and in order to inform hi»
Majefty of their grievances, the royal Court rejedt-
ing all petitions of this kind.
"And fuch was the influence Giron had over
the Magiftrates of the city, that (either for fear or
favour) they conftituted him Chief-Juftice and Cap-
tain- General ; and feveral other great towns, fuchr
as Guamanga and Arequippa, congratulated him on
his exaltation, and promifed to fupport him with
their forces.
The royal Court, receiving advice of this for-
midable rebellion, immediately fufpended the exe-
cution of the decree for freeing the Indians from'
their perfonal ferviee, which they were fenfible was
the principal occafion of thefe commotions, and con-
ftituted the Marfhal Alvarado Captain- General
of their forces againft Hernandez Giron in
the fouthern parts of Peru ; and the Archbilhop of
Lima, and San till an (one of the Judges of the
royal Court) took upon them to command the
forces that were afiembled in the neighbourhood of
Lima, , from whence they prepared to march and
attack the rebels at Cufco : They alfo iffued- a pro-
clajnation, pardoning all thofe v/iu were engaged
35° THE PRES
CHAP. In the rebellions of Pi zarro and Don Sebasti-
X. an, to prevent their joining with Hernandez
Giron, who was by this time become fo ftrong,
that he march’d out of Cufco towards Lima with an
intent to give the royal ids battle.
Giron, being advanced as far as the valley of
Pachacamac, received intelligence that the enemy
were not far from him, and prepared to engage
them ; but finding his men defert in great numbers,
he thought it prudent to retire farther off : Where-
upon Paul de Meneses, one of the Generals
of the royalifts, was detach’d, with an hundred and
fifty horfe, to infult his rear, and keep the rebels in
play ’till the red of the army could come up ; but
Megeses was unfortunately defeated before the
army could come to his adidance ; and there after-
wards happen’d fuch divifions among the Generals
of the royalids, that Giron had leifure to augment
his forces, and form a regiment of Negroes.
In the mean time, Marfhal Alvarado, hav-
ing affembled an army confiding of a thoufand Spa-
niards, and ten thoufand Indians, began his march
from the Charcas ; and advancing as far as Cufco,
took poffeffion of that capital for the King, in the
abfence of Hernandez Giron, who was at
this time in the plains of Nafca, on the fea-coad,
about fifty or threefcore leagues to the northward of
Lima.
T- he Marfhal did not make any long day in Li-
ma ; but having augmented his European forces to
twelve hundred men, by the feveral parties of roy-
alids that came to join him in Cufco, he march’d
towards the fea-coad, in fearch of the rebels, who
feeming to contemn and leffen the number of the
royalids, their General Hernandez Giron bid
them not flatter or deceive themfelves, but dand
upon their guard, and behave themfelves like men
whofe fortunes depended on the points of their
fwords ; for he adiired them there were a thoufand
veteran well-arm’d Spaniards, befides Indians, ad-
vancing towards them from Lima, and a more nu-
merous body under the command of Marfhal Al-
varado, approaching their camp from Cufco:
However, if he had but four hundred men, on
whofe valour and fidelity he could rely, he told
them, he did not doubt but to come off victorious ;
and immediately began his march to poffefs himfelf
of an advantageous camp near Chuquinca, on the
road in which the enemy was marching ; and fuch
was the fituation of the poft he had chofen among
woods, rocks, and precipices, that he wifh’d for
nothing more than that the royalifts would attack
him here : But their Generals, having view’d the
ground (tho’ their forces were treble the number of
Giron s) thought it was not practicable to engage
him in this place ; they determined therefore to fur-
round the rock with their Indians, and cut off his
provifions on every fide ; by which means the rebels
muft have been obliged to furrender in a very fhort
time, or have been ftarved. But an officer defert-
i
ENT STATE
ing over from the rebels to the royalifts, and in- C H A P,
forming them that Giron intended to retire in the X.
night, and that his men were in a miferable condi-
tion, and by no means able to defend that poft, if
they were brilkly attack’d, the Marfhal alter’d his
refolution, and commanded his officers to prepare
to give the enemy battle ; and the attack was begun
early the next morning, at the only two places it
was poffible to approach the rebels ; at one of which
the royalifts were obliged to pafs a rapid river almoft
up to their necks ; and the other pafs was fo narrow,
and encumber’d with rocks and bufhes, that forty
men might defend it againft ten thoufand. Giron,
the General of the rebels, had fo judicioufly drawn
up his men to defend both thefe avenues, that the
royalifts were cut off as faft as they advanced by the
fire of the fmall arms ; and tho’ they renew’d their
attacks feveral times, and were led on by the Mar-
fhal in perfon, they were at length totally defeated, Giron defeats
and put into the utmoft confufion, two-thirds of General
the royalifts being kill’d, or taken prifoners ; and Alvarado “
the reft, with their General at the head of them,
efcaping with great difficulty out of the battle, left
the plunder of their camp to the enemy, which was
the richeft that had been known, even in that rich
country ; the wealthieft Merchants and Planters from
the filver mines of the Charcas and Cufco having
taken the field with the Marfhal in moft fplendid
equipages, and with numerous retinues of fervants,
all their arms, furniture and accoutrements bein°-
adorn’d with gold, filver, and precious ftones, with
which this part of Peru abounds.
Hernandez Giron, having obtained this im-
portant victory, remained five or fix weeks in his
impregnable camp, from whence he fent out ftrong
parties to Cufco, Arequippa, the City of Peace
(or La Paz) and other great towns, which they
plunder’d of an immenfe treafure. He alfo lifted
great numbers of the prifoners he had taken, and by
other means augmented his forces to upwards of a
thoufand Spaniards, befides Indians and Negroes;
and being fenfible he ftill wanted a train of artillery,
to be upon the level with the royalifts, he took fe- He conwti
veral of the bells out of the churches of Cufco, and the belIs*of
with them he caft fix field-pieces, on which he en- Cufc0 into
graved the word Liberty, the rebels motto ; and grest ' glJns *
then began his march towards that capital.
Miferable was the condition both of Spaniards
and Indians at this time ; it was but a very little
before that the royalifts had done juftice, as they
call it ; that is, plunder’d and murder’d the adhe-
rents of Hernandez Giron, and now that re-
bel retaliated the injury he conceived was done him,
both upon Spaniards and Indians that had declared
for the royal caufe, and efpecially on fuch as had
betray d or deferted him ; and, as he was confcious
he had by thefe outrages exafpe rated the citizens of
Cufco, he did not think fir to truft himfelf amongft
them. The clergy were no lefs provok’d (by taking
the bells out of their churches) than the citizens
were
CHAP.
X.
Giron at-
tacks the
camp of the
royalifls, but
is forced to
retire.
O F P E
were by giving up the town to the plunder of his
foldiers. Having therefore fent for his wife and fa-
mily, and all that he valued, out of Cufco, he ad-
vanced to the delightful vale of Yuca, about two or
three leagues from that city ; where he refrefh’d his
troops, and fpent his time in rural fports, ’till he re-
ceiv’d advice that the royalifts (having increafed
their forces to two thoufand men, befides Indians,
and a fine train of artillery) were marching towards
Cufco ; and then he thought fit to retire to a pals
about forty leagues to the fouthward of that city,
where he fo polled his army, that it was impoffible
to force his camp ; and at the lame time had a plen-
tiful country in his rear, which fupply’d him with
plenty of provifions. By taking this pafs he alfo
cover’d the province of Charcas, in which were the
principal filver mines ; lb that he could never want
treafure to pay his troops while he remain’d there.
In this happy fituation he waited for the enemy,
expediting that their fuperiority in numbers would
have encouraged them to attack him, as they had
done at Chuquinca ; but they were grown wifer by
their misfortunes, and chofe to entrench themfelves
in a plain not far from him, where their cavalry
might be of ule to them ; for they had more horfe
than the rebels. Thus the two armies lay looking
upon one another for a confiderable time, only fome
fkirmifhes happen’d between fmall parties, in which
it was oblerved the rebels had generally the advan-
tage; and this encouraged Hernandez Giron
to think of attacking the royalifts, fince there ap-
pear’d little likelihood of their advancing nearer
him : He might reafonably ex peel alfo, that the
royal army would be daily increafed by the arrival
of frelh forces from Old or New Spain ; and was
under fome apprehenfions, probably, that his people
might defert him, and make their peace with the
Government, if he remained unaeftive much longer:
He laid a defign therefore to furprife the royalifts in
their camp, which feems to have been admirably
well concerted ; nor did his officers and foldiers want
refolution to have it put in execution, if the projedl
had not been betray’d to the enemy by two deferters
the very evening before the attempt was made.
The moon going down about two o’clock, Her-
nandez Giron had order’d his regiment of Ne-
groes, with fourfeore or an hundred Spaniards, to
condudl and animate them to attack the enemy’s
camp in front, as foon as the moon was let, while
he, with the reft of his army, ftiould fall upon the
rear ; and he order* d his men to be cloath’d in
white, that they might be able to diftinguifh each
other in the dark : But the enemy (being acquainted
with the fcheme by the deferters above-mention’d)
march’d their army out of their trenches, and drew
up upon a fpot of ground, from whence they in-
tended to have attack’d them in their retreat, or
when they were bufy in plundering their camp.
The Blacks very bravely attack’d the enemies
trenches, and to their furprize enter’d them with lit-
R U. 35'
tie oppofitiors, there being very few left to defend CHAP,
them ; and thefe were order’d to retire on the ap- X.
proach of the enemy : Whereupon the Negroes fell
to plundering the camp (as was expended) while the
royalifts attack’d Giron, and the main body of his
forces, before they came near the trenches. How-
ever, the rebels defended themfelves fo well, that
they made their retreat in pretty good order, and
with very little lofs from the fire of the enemy ; but
fuffer’d extremely by the defertion of two hundred
of their company at the time the retreat was made.
’Tis probable, the deferters apprehended their army
was totally defeated, and that their General would
never beable to make head againft the royalifts again ;
and therefore thought it prudent to fave their lives
by a timely furrender.
Hernandez Giron however ( having
mufter’d his men, and obferved there were fcarce
any miffing befides the two hundred that had defea-
ted) ftill thought himfelf in a condition to maintain
his poll againft all the power of the royalifts; but two
or three days afterwards, Thomas Vasqjjez, Giron de-
who had been one of the forwardeft in promoting foted *
this rebellion, and one of the moft popular men a-
mongft the malecontents, deferting over to the ene-
my, with ten or twelve officers more, on whom
Giron principally relied, he was confounded, ex-
pecting every hour to be betray’d, and deliver’d up
to his enemies : Therefore (without communicating
his fafpicions to his wife, or any mortal) he fled by Flies to the
himfelf to the mountains in the night-time, leaving mountains,
his forces to fhift for themfelves. His departure was
no fooner known, but his Lieutenant-General, with
an hundred more that were devoted to his fervice,
went in fearch of him ; but taking a different way,
were all furprized by Me ne ses, one of the Generals
of the royalifts, who hang’d up moft of the officers
upon the fpot : But another of the rebel Generals,
with great part of his forces, had the good fortune
to go over in time to the royal camp, before the ef~
cape of Giron was known, and were allow’d
the benefit of the pardon that had been publifli’d for
the prefent ; but many of thefe alfo were hang’d up
afterwards for this very rebellion by a lucceeding
Vice-roy.
As to Giron himfelf, he wander’d about the
mountains fome weeks, with fourfeore or an hun-
dred of his friends, who had found the way after him ;
but was at length taken prifoner and carried to Li- G ' ron taK:e ”
ma, where he was condemn d and executed as a -phe rebel-
traitor ; which put an end to the rebellion : And lion entirely
from this time (viz. from the month of November fu PP rels d *
1554, in the reign of Philip II.) the Spaniards
may be faid to have been in the peaceable poffcffion
of Peru ; the fubduing the firft Adventurers, who
endeavour’d to render themfelves independent of the
Crown of Spain, having proved a much more diffi-
cult talk than the conqueft of the defencelefs Indi-
ans. And tho’ the Spaniards are by no means to be
juftified in their invafions of this country, yet their
352 THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. laft Wars, which were carried on by them for refto-
X. ring the natives ro their liberty, and refcuing them
from the oppreffions of the firft planters, muft be ap-
proved by all the world : Had they gone one Hep
farther, and redo red the Inca’s (the Sovereigns of
that country) to their dominion, they had perform’d
the moil juft, and confequently the moil glorious
adl that ever was recorded in hiftory , but this was
too great a piece of felf-denial to be expended, that
they fhould part with a country replenifh’d with
mountains of gold and filver, after they were once
in polTeffion of it.
Fhe Spaniards have alfo this to fay for themfelves,
that the Prince tltey found upon the throne (namely.
At ab i li pa) had no more right to that kingdom
than themfelves ; nay, that none of the Inca’s could
pretend any other right to any part of Peru, but
what they had gain’d by unjuft invafionsand ufurpa-
tions ; and fince it was next to an impoflibility to
difcover who was the lawful Sovereign of any part of
it, they who had gain’d the polleffion of this country
by the fame forcible means the Peruvian Princes had
done, did no body any wrong by maintaining their
poiTeffion. Some of the future Vice-roys, however,
feem to have been of opinion, that the Inca’s had
a better right titan the Kings of Spain, by their put-
ting to death, or ban idling to remote countries, all
the blood of the Inca’s, and even the iffiue of the Spa-
nifii officers who had match’d with any of thePrin-
ceffies of that family ; tho’ I muft do that juftice to
King Philip II. that he reprov’d and punilh’dtne
Vice-roy that was guilty of that piece of barbarity,
telling him, “ He did not fend him over to extir-
44 pate thofe Princes, but to prote<5I them.”
C II A P. XI.
Of their women , marriages , children , Jlaves and
funerals ; and of the navigation and J. hipping of the
Peruvians.
CHAP. T T OW EVER it comes to pafe, we find great
XI. XT. part of the world entertain a very high opi-
nion of a Tingle life. This whimfey prevails in the
Of the mar- new world as well as the old. Mexico and Peru
Peruvians'*' h ave t ^ ie * r cioifter’d Virgins, to whom they pay un-
&c 0 3 common honours; and there are others who devote
•themfelves to a fingle life without confining' their
perfons to a convent ; and thefe alfo, both fexes
have in great veneration. I have already menti-
oned the nunnery in the capital city of Cufco,
where there were five hundred Ladies of the royal
blood, who neither went abroad or were vifited by
any of their relations, except the Queen : Thefe
were called the wives of the Sun, and it was lacri-
lege to touch them ; but if any man was fo pro-
-phane as to attempt their chaftity, he drew upon
himfelf and his whole family the fevereft punifh-
tppnts that could be indicted j and even his houfes,
lands, flocks and herds, and all that he had in the CHAP,
world were deftroyed with him. XI
In every province alio there was a convent of
Nuns, confifting of the daughters of noblemen, and
thofe of the firft quality, and thefe were not to be
approached by any but the Inca ; and as the for-
mer were call’d the wives of the Sun, thefe were
ftil’d the wives of the Inca, though he never faw
them, or had any commerce with them ; however,
they had all a poffibility of being his wives in a li-
teral fenfe, for he fent for them to Court whenever
he pleafed, and took them to his bed ; fo that they
feem to have been nurferies for the royal Seraglio ;
the violating the chaftity of one of thefe was as
penal as an intrigue with one of the former. As
to the marriages of the Peruvians, it appears that
their Princes and Nobility were allow’d a plurality
ot wives and concubines ; though their firft King
and Law-giver decreed, that no private man ftiould
have more than one ; their Kings thought it in-
cumbent upon them to increafe their families by all
poffible Ways. In this they apprehended they ful-
filled the commands of their father the Sun, and
were benefadlors to the world ; hut this does not
confift with the honours they paid to a ftate of
celibacy ; for, by the fame lule, thofe that kept
their virgin vows, and did what lay in them
to put a flop to the propagation of their fpecies, were
to be honoui d, thefe who endeavour’d to people
the world fhoiud have been delpifed, fo inconfiftent
were they with themfelves ; and full as inconfiftent
are we. with ourfelves in this part of the world.
We rejoice when a man is born, and we admire
the virgin that vows there fhall be no more born if
fhe can help it ; but now thefe unnatural and im-
pious vows came to be encourged and approved ei-
ther there or here, is not eafy to conceive. To
proceed in the account of their marriages.
Tiie laws of Peru did not only permit, hut
command the Emperor to marry the eldcft filler of
the whole blood ; though it prohibited all other
bi others and fillers to marry ; however, they were
all obliged to marry in their relpedlive tribes
or families like the Jews, and their marriages were
folemnized by the chiel magiftrate of the province.
H hofe of the tribe or family of their Inca’s or
Kings were married by the King himfelf. Once
a year, or once in two years at moll, the King’s
officers were commanded to make a lift of all the
young men of his family above twenty years of
age, and of all the virgins above eighteen, and
bring them before him, when he match’d them as
he faw fit, the ceremony being no more than this :
The Inca, Handing between the couple that were
to be mairied, call d each of them by their names,
and then joining their hands, fent them home to the
bridegroom s father’s, where the wedding was kept
for feveral days, with feafting, mufick, dancing
and drinking, as in this part of the world. I don’t
finu tnere were any previous addrclles, or that the
parties
O F PERU.
CHAP.
XL
Common
K r omcn-
The Saws of
iefcent and
inheritances.
parties had any knowledge of each other ’till they
came before the Prince, or that he made any judg-
ment how fuitable the match was like to be, in any
other refpects than as to their perfons, their refpe-
£five ages, and their quality. Here was no fuch
thing as courtftnp ; no confent demanded, either
of the parties or their parents ; but the Inca dif-
pofed of both as he faw fit : And in the provinces
of the empire at a diffance from Cufco, the vaffal
Princes perform’d the ceremony, as the Inca did in
the capital city ; but as to the King himfelf, and
the Princes of the feveral provinces, they took what
women they pleas’d for their wives and concubines,
without any manner of ceremony.
And if the common people were not allow’d
more wives than one, they had a liberty however
to entertain a commerce with other women ( be-
fides their wives ) who lived in poor huts in the
fields, or in the fuburbs of great towns, but were
never fuffer’d to dwell or appear among honeft
people, and were generally efleem’d infamous.
Thefe Hews, according to De la Vega, were
conniv’d at by the Government, to prevent greater
inconveniences, fuch as adultery and fodomy ; and
this it is that induces the Pope, ’tis faid, to indulge
his fubje&s in the like liberties, whofe conffitutions
are as warm as the Peruvians.
When any of the royal family of the Inca’s
married, the vafial Indians of that province imme-
diately built houfes for the new-married people,
which were furnifla’d by the fathers of the bride and
bridegroom, and every one of their relations brought
fome prefent for the new-married couple, and came
and rejoiced with them on the occafion : And
when any of the common people married, their
neighbours were oblig’d to afiift in the building
their houfes, and raifing a little plantation of fruits,
roots and herbs ; and every married man had a
portion of food and cloatbing affign’d him every
year out of the royal magazines and ftore-houfes,
in proportion to the bignefs of his family. None
were fuffer’d to ftarve for want of neceflaries, as
they are in fome Chriftian countries ; neither were
any people fuffer’d to live idly, but all were bufied
in hufbandry, or fome mechanick employment ; and
the wives of their Nobility and Gentry carried their
work with them, even upon vifits ; for the wo-
men fpun and wove all their cloatbing, tho’ they
had flaves and vaffals who were oblig’d by their
tenures to do every thing of that kind for them.
As the Emperor or Inca was oblig’d to marry his
eldeft fiffer, and if he had no ifiue by her, the
next, and fo on ; and if he had ifiue by none of
his fillers, to marry his next neareft relation ; fo
none but the eldeft fon of fuch marriages could in-
herit the throne; and thus the crown defcended to
twelve Inca’s fucceffively, ’till the laft Inca, Atabi-
l i p a the baftard, or rather the fon of a foreign
Princefs, (viz. the Princefs of Quitto) ufurp’d the
throne and depofed his brother Hu as car.
VOL. III.
If the Inca or Emperor had no fon,. he was fuc- CHAP,
ceeded by his eldeft brother, or his next male relation ; XL
but De l a ,Ve g a obferves, that the Spanifh hifto-
rians were miftaken, who related that the brother
fucceeded before the fon of the deceas’d Emperor,
The laws of inheritance were not the fame in
every province. In fome, the eldeft fon did not in-
herit unlefs he was the moft deferving ; for the
vaffals had the choice of the fucceflion, provided
they eleCfed him out of the family of the Caraca’s,
or Lords of the diCfriCf ; and they were at liberty
to take the youngeft, or any other fon they appre-
hended would make the beft Governor, without
any regard to their feniority : But in others the eld-
eft fon inherited, as with us ; and if there were no
fons, the eftate went to the eldeft uncle. I don’t
find the daughters ever poffefs’d their lands or real
eftates.
The Peruvians, however, feem to have had a par- Widows and
ticular regard for widows and orphans : Their lands vided"'^ 0 "
were plough’d and cultivated at the charge of the pub- V * ' ° S °
lick, and were preferr’d to the lands belonging to the
temple of the Sun and thofe of the Inca ; but it was
look’d upon as infamous for a widow to marry a fecond
hufband, efpecially if (he had children, and as infa-
mous for a man to marry fuch a widow ; fo that fuch
matches were very rare, and the widows liv’d in
great efteem as long as they kept fingle.
Their children were weaned at two years of age, The ma-
when they fhav’d their heads and gave them their na g ement of
names, at which there was great feafting and re- chl1 *
joicing, and the relations all made prefents to the. ^
infant ; fome brought cloathing, others cattle ;
fome prefented him with arms, and others with
cups and veffels of gold or filver plate, according
to their quality : This was the cuftom at the wean-
ing of the eldeft fon, but no great notice was taken
of the weaning the reft of the children, whether
fons or daughters.
Afi their children were bred up very hardily,
waffl’d with cold water as foon as born, and the
mother bath’d in fome cool ftream as foon as file
was brought to bed, if we may credit the concurrent
teftimony of all the Spaniffi hiftorians ; and they
continued to wafh their children every day with cold '
wa ter, ’till they were grown up and able to bathe
themfelves ; which may be one reafon that the plung-
ing a lying-in woman into cold water was attended
with no ill confequences ; lor it a European lady,
who never ufeu to bathe in cold water, was to make
the experiment in that condition, file would not
come off fo well as the Americans, it is prefum’d.
De la Vega relates alfo, that they never took
their children into their laps or arms, unlefs it were,
to drefs them, but {loop’d down to the cradle where
the infant lay to give it the breaft, and this on-
ly three times a day, keeping them to their fet
meals, from the time they were born, Lying, Ehey
would cry in expectation of it all day long,' if they '
were humour’d in it every time they cry’d ; and
^ a that
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, that the gorging them with milk was the way to
XI. make gluttons and drunkards of them when they
grew up.
The Ladies of the firft: quality always fuckled
their own children, and never put them out to
wet-nurfes ; and though the ordinary time of their
fucking was two years, the women never came near
j their hufbands beds ’till that time was expir’d, nor
had the child any other food ’till it was wean’d, if
the mother’s milk did not fail. When the child
could Hand alone it was taken out of its wooden
cradle, to which it uled to be bound down hard
with filleting, and fet in a little pit, made in the
middle of the floor, which reach’d to the breaft of
the child, and was lin’d or hung with linnen or wool-
len, and the play-things fet about the verge of the
pit or bafon ; fo that they were never troubled to
carry their children about or fit with them in their
laps, as our nurfes and good women are. De la
Vega adds, that the Peruvian women had never
any occafion for midwives, but there was ufually
an old hag of a witch, or enchantrefs, that attend-
ed the labour, who muttering over fome charms,
was fuppofed to facilitate the birth, and contribute
to the good fortune of the infant by the fuperftitious
ceremonies fhe perform’d.
Their time* As to their funerals, the bodies of their Inca’s
jais. or Emperors ( it has been oblerv’d ) were embalm’d
find placed in the tern pie of the Sun, where divine
honours were paid them, but their hearts and bowels
were folemnly interr’d at a country palace of the
Inca’s, about two or three leagues from Cufco, where
magnificent tombs were eredfed, and great quanti-
ties of gold and filver plate and other treafures bu-
ried with them : And at the death of the Inca’s
and Caraca’s, or great Lords, their principal wives,
favourites and fervants, either kill’d themfelves or
made intereft to be buried alive with them in the
fame tomb, that they might accompany them to
the other world, fays De la Vega, and renew
their immortal fervices in the other life, which, as
their religion taught them, was a corporeal and not
a fpiritual ftate. And here he corredfs the errors of
thofe hiftorians who relate, that thefe people were
kill’d or facrificed by the fuccefiors of the deceafed
Prince, which he- feems to abhor as a molt deteft-
ed piece of tyranny and cruelty ; and obferves
further, that there was no manner of occafion for
any law or force to compel them to follow their
benefactors or matters to the other world ; for
when they were dead, they crouded after them fo
faft, that the Magiftrates were forced fometimes to
interpofe, and by perfuafion, or their authority, to
put a ftop to thefe felf-murders, reprefenting,
that the deceas’d had no need of more attendants,
or that it might be time enough to offer him their
fervice when death fbould take them out of the
world in a natural way.
Their belief Ho wever, it is evident from hence, that the Pe-
er another rim * ans believ’d another ftate after this, where they
were to iiva and enjoy their friends to all eternity,
and that they were to be cloath’d with flefti and C H A F„
blood there as well as here ; though they muft ima- XI.
gine the bodies they were to affume would be of a
more heavenly conftitution, to render them im-
mortal, and free from infirmities. Nor could they
believe they would be the fame bodies rais’d again,
and refin’d, becaufe thefe were embalm’d, or re-
main’d in their tombs, while they expedted to be
tranflated to thofe regions of pleafure immediately,
and to be cloath’d with bodies on their arrival there :
And in that cafe it could be of no fervice to them
to receive their former bodies again, after fome
thoufand years were elaps’d. But to proceed in their
funerals.
The firft month after the death of their Prince, Mourning
the whole city of Cufco bewail’d their lofs with
loud cries and lamentations, and every ward, or di-
vifion, of the city afiembled and march’d out into
the fields in proceflion, carrying the trophies of their
late Sovereign with them ; namely, his fhield, his
offenfive arms, his cloaths, and the treafures that
were to be buried with his bowels ; and in fongs
repeated his heroick adlions in the wars, the moil
remarkable inftances of his juftice, and other vir-
tues. After the firft month they commemorated
the death of the Inca at every new and full moon
’till the end of the year, the laft day whereof was
obferv’d with more folemnity than any of the for-
mer. Nor was this done only in the capital city of
the empire, but in the chief town of every province,,
how far diftant foever. They went out in pro-
ceftion to all places, where they remembred their
Inca had ever been a journey, or upon any other
occafion, and there in mournful fongs recited his
great adtions, and bewail’d their lols : And the vaf-
fill Princes, or Noblemen, had much the fame ho-
nours paid them on their deceafe, in their refpedfive
provinces and lordfhips, by their vaflals ; and this
bids me to fay fomething of' the condition of the Pe-
ruvians, in relation to their liberties and properties,
when the Spaniards arriv’d there. The Inca’s were The flats of
abfolute Sovereigns, reftrain’d by no laws or com- ^^ er “ v,an *
padfs, but valued themfelves moft, it feems, in be-span : ardsar-
ing the Protedfors and Fathers of their people. rived there-
Every province had its Caracas, or Prince, as ab-
folute in his territories as the Inca in the empire,
and only accountable to him ; and in every province
were a great many Caciques, or Lords, who had
the command of their vallals, as the Caraca’s had
of them ; and as for the common people, they were
all tenants, or rather Haves to their Lords, both their
perfonsand eftates being in their power to do what-
ever they would with them ; for thefe tenants cul-
tivated and manur’d their Lords lands, built and
repair’d their houfes, carried them on their fhould-
ers when they went abroad, and ferv’d them both
at home and abroad, without any other wages than
the produce of their little tenements and plantations*
and were fold and transferr’d from one Lord to ano-
ther, whenever the lands they lived upon were fold
or alienated. When-
i
OF PERU
355
CHAP. Whenever the Inca, or Emperor, had any parti-
XI. cular fervice to do, he commanded the vaffa! Prince
of the province to fee it done, and he again ifTued
his orders to the Nobility under his government,
who fent their tenants, or {laves, to perform what
was requir’d, or march’d at the head of them in
perfon, if they were commanded to the wars ; fo that
the whole country, like Britain anciently, was di-
vided between the Lords of the foil and their Slaves,
or the Barons and their Bondmen, or Villains.
The generality of the people were in a ftate of fla-
very before the Spaniards arriv’d ; all the difference
was, that during the government of the Inca’s, and
their native Lords, their fervice was extremely eafy
and gentle ; they requir’d their fervice but at certain
times, and by turns, and never over-loaded or over-
drove therrr? or commanded them into fervices or
countries deftructive to their healths. Whereas the
Spaniards had no regard to any of thefe particulars,
but deftroy’d thoufands of them by exacting a too
rigorous fervice, compelling fome to work in the
mines, others to dive for pearls, others to carry
monftrous burthens, and travel into unhealthful
climates, without making a fuitable provifion for
them, and by thefe means perfectly depopulated fe-
veral American iflands and countries. ’Tis true,
the common people were vaffals and Haves to their
fuperior Lords before the Spaniards conquer’d Peru,
as has been intimated already, but then their own
Princes ufed them as children, and the Spaniards
treated them worfe than brutes.
Some of the poorer Indians, however, were gain-
ers by this change, or at leaft thought themfeves fo
at firft ; for the Spaniards, in order to gain them
over to their party, gave many of them their free-
dom, and made ufe of them in fubduing their coun-
trymen : But when the conqueft was finifh’d, thefe
were not ufed much better than the reft, ’till the
Kings of Spain, by their repeated edidfs, in a man-
ner by force compell’d the Adventurers and Planters
* to treat the Indians as fubjetfts, and not as Haves; fince
which time the Spaniards have introduc’d vaft num-
bers of Negroes to work in the mines, and perform
other laborious fervices ; and the horfes, oxen and
mules that have been carried to Peru, have made it
ieis neceffary to exaift thofe hard and laborious fer-
vices from the Indians they did formerly, fuch as car-
rying their baggage, and drawing ther carriages, by
which multitudes perifh’d.
Peru is now poffefs’d by a very different fet of
people than it was at the time of the Spanifh con-
queft two hundred years ago. Befides the na-
tive Indians, there have been tranfported vaft mul-
titudes of Europeans and African Negroes of both
fexes, from whofe mix’d embraces have fprung ano-
ther race, being a compound of all three, which
have different features and different complexions
from the people of any of the three parts of the
world from whence they are deriv’d ; only thofe
that were born in Spain are call’d Spaniards. If any
perfon is born of a Spanifh father and mother in Arne- CHAP*
rica, he is call’d a Criolli, and fo are the children XI.
of the Negroes born in Peru ; and, ’tis faid, this
term Criolli came firft from the Negroes, who call’d
their children fb that were born there, to diftinguifh
them from native Africans.
The children born between a Spaniard and an
Indian, are call’d Meftizo’s ; and fo are the chil-
dren of a Spaniard and a Negroe. Thofe born
of a Negroe and an Indian, are call’d Mulata’s,
or Molata’s ; and to the children of thefe Mulata’s
the Spaniards gave the name of Cholo, which
fignifies a dog of a mongrel breed ; and they efteeni
them little better. The children of a Spaniard and a
Meftizo they call Quartralvo’s, by which they
would fignify they are three parts Spanifh and one
Indian ; but the children of a Meftizo with an In-
dian woman, they call Trefalas, or three parts In-
dian. The defendants of all thefe have different
names and different privileges ; and when any of
them come to refemble the Spaniards fo much in
their features and complexions that they cannot be
diftinguifh’d from them, they chufe to remove to
fome diftant town, where their pedigree is not
known ; and there they enjoy the honours and pri-
vileges of the native Spaniards, efpecially if they are
people of fubftance.
But, as was intimated in the hiftory of Mexico,
there are always great divifions and heart-burnings
between the Spaniards born in Spain, and the Cri-
olli, or thofe that are born of Spanifh parents in Peru.
The Criolli are by far the mod numerous (per-
haps a hundred to one) and poffefs’d of the greateft
part of the lands ; but the power is always lodg’d in
the hands of the native Spaniards : The Vice-roys,
and principal civil and military Officersand Bifhops,are
always Spanifh, which makes the native Spaniards
look down with great contempt on the Criolli, tho*
born of Spanifh parents, and they are perpetually
doing each other ill offices ; even among the Ecclefi-
afticks there are everlafting feuds, and the people
are taught by the Criolli Priefts to hate the Spanifh
Friars; though the religion of all Peru is now the
fame, from what nation, or what mixture of na-
tions foever the prefent inhabitants are defcended.
The Inquifition (that reigns here with greater ter-
ror than in any part of the world) has compell’d
both Indians and Negroes to profefs themfelves Ca-
tholicks ; and their way of inftrudfing them in the
doctrines of Chriftianity, is the fame here as it is in
Spain ; namely, by pictures, images, and theatrical en-
tertainments : Every part of the hiftory of the Gofpel
almoft is thrown into a play, and the Indians are the
aiftors ; one atfts our Saviour, another St. Pe-
ter, a third Pontius Pilate, a fourth Ju-
das, and fo on. This they look upon as the rea-
dieft way of inftrutfting the vulgar in the Chriftian
religion, and to fix the hiftory of it in their memories.
I fhall conclude this chapter with a word or two The navaga-
concerning the navigation of the Peruvians, who "on of the
- Peruvian!.
Zz 2
feem
356 THE PRES
CHAP. Teem to have been provided with moft improper
XI. veftels and vehicles for tranfportation or fifhing, of
any nation in the world. I don’t find that they had
either fhip, boat or canoe upon their coaft when
the Spaniards arrived there ; they crofs’d over their
l ivers on floats of reeds or rufhes, and at fea had no
other way of fifhing, or tranfporting their goods along
the coaft, but on baric-logs, of which Mr. Dam-
pier gives us the following defcription.
Bark-logs. Bark-logsare madeof many round logs of wood,' in
manner of a raft, and very different, according to the
ufe that they are defign’d for, or the humour of the
people that make them, or the matter they are made
of. If they are made for fifliing, then they are
only three or four logs of light wood, of feven or
eight foot long, placed by the fide of each other,
pinn’d faft together with wooden pins, and bound
hard with withes. The logs are fo placed, that the
middlemoft are longer than thofe of the fides, ef-
pecially at the head, or fore-part, which grows nar-
rower gradually into an angle or point, the better
to cut through the water. Others are made to carry
goods ; the bottom of thefe is made of twenty or
thirty great trees, of about twenty, thirty or forty
foot long, fatten’d like the others fide to fide, and fo
fhaped : On the top of thefe they place another fhor-
ter row of tree? a-crofs them, pinn’d faft to each
other, and then pinn’d to the undermoft row ; this
double row of planks makes the bottom of the
float of a confiderable breadth : From this bottom
the raft is raifed to about ten foot higher, with rows
of ports, fometimes fet upright, and fupporting a
floor or two ; but thofe I obferved were raifed by
thick trees laid a-crofs each other, as in wood-piles ;
only not clofe together, as in the bottom of the float,
but at the ends and fides only, fo as to leave the
middle all hollow like a chamber, except that here
and there a beam goes a-crofs it, to keep the float
more compact. In this hollow, at about four foot
high from the beam, at the bottom, they lay fmall
poles along, and clofe together, to make a floor for
another room, on the top of which alfo they lay
another fuch floor made of poles ; and the entrance
into both thefe rooms is only by creeping between
the great traverfe-trees, which make the walls of this
fea-houfe. The loweft of thefe ftories ferves as a
cellar ; there they lay great ftones for ballaft, and
their jars of frefh water clofed up, and whatever
may bear being wet ; for by the weight of the bal-
laft and cargo, the bottom of this room, and of
the whole veftel, is funk fo deep as to lie two or
three foot within the furface of the water. The
fecond ftory is for the feamen and their neceflaries :
Above this fecond ftory the goods are flow’d to what
height they pleafe, ufually about eight or ten foot,
and kept clofe by poles fet upright quite round ;
only there is a little fpace abaft for the fteers-man
(for they have a large rudder) and a fire-hearth before
todrefs their victuals, efpecially when they make long
voyages, as from Lima to Txuxiilo, or Guiaquil,
ENT s T A T E, &c.
or Panama, which laft voyage is five or fix hundred CHAP;
leagues. In the midft of all, among the goods, riles XI.
a mart, to which is fatten’d a large fail, as in our
weft-country barges in the Thames : They always
go before the wind, being unable to ply againft it }
and therefore are fit only for thefe feas, where the
wind is always in a manner the fame, not varying
above a point or two all the way from Lima, ’till
fuch time as they come into the bay of Panama,
and even there they meet with no great fea, but
fometimes northerly winds, and then they lower
their fails, and drive before it, waiting for a change.
All their care then is only to keep off from fhore ;
for they are fo made, that they cannot fink at fea.
Thefe rafts carry fixty or feventy tons of goods and
upwards ; their cargo is chiefly wine, oil, flour,,
fugar, Quitto cloth, foap, goat-fkins drefs’d, Sec.
The float is manag’d ufually by three or four men,
who (being unable to return -'with it againft the
trade-wind) when they come to Panama, difpofe of
the goods and bottom together, getting a paflage
back again for themfelves in fome fhip or boat bound
to the port they came from, and there they take a
new bark-log for their next cargo.
The fmaller fort of bark-logs lie flat on the wa-
ter, and are ufed for fifhing, or carrying water to
fhips, or the like (half a ton or a ton at a time) and
are more governable than the other, though they
have mails and fails too. With thefe they go out at
night, by the help of the land-wind (which is fel-
dom wanting on this coaft) and return back in the
day-time with the fea-wind.
As to the prefent ftate of their navigation, the The prefent
Spaniards have fcarce any fhips on this fea but coaft- p^" 1 ® ot
ing-veflels, and the King’s fhips of war, which
may be ten or twelve in number, and ferve to pro-
tect the trade againft the Buccaneers and Privateers,
who are, however, very often too hard for them ; and
fhould any European Power fend a fmall fquadron of
men of war into the South-fea, the whole royal navy of
Spain on this coaft would not be a match for them :
But of the forces of the Spaniards (by fea and land) .
on the weftern coaft of South- America, I fhallgive
a more particular account when I have furvey’d the
province of Chili.
The Peruvian, or Spanifh inhabitants, have yet
no other foreign commerce but with the reft of the
Spanifh colonies, either in Chili to the fouthward,
or with thofe of Mexico to the northward : They
fail every year from Peru (at the proper feafbns) to
the fairs of Acapulio and Panama, carrying the pro-
duct and rnanufadtures of Peru thither, but chiefly
gold and filver, to a very great value; and at thofe
fairs they furnifb themfelves with the product and
manufactures of China and the Eaft-Indies frqq| the
weft, and thofe of Europe from the eaft ; and in
this rich traffick there are not more than feven or
eight fhrps employ’d within the fpace of a year,,
though they export and import the value of many
millions.
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357
CHAP,
I.
Name.
Situation.
Face of the
COUnfry.
THE
PRESENT STATE
O F
CHILI.
CHAP. I.
Of the name, filiation and extent j/ Chiu, and of the face of the country , their mountains , &c.
T HIS country was named Chili by the firft
Spanifh Adventurers, from a famous river
and valley of that name, where they ob-
tain’d a fignal vi<ftory over the natives :
Whether the people had any common name for the
whole country before the Spanifh conqueft I very
much queftion, it not being united under one So-
vereign, but divided into a great many little clans or
tribes, commanded by their refpetftive Chiefs, when
the Spaniards arrived there ; and every particular
nation or family had a diftir.fl name, which they
receiv’d from or communicated to the feveral coun-
tries they poflefs’d. Chili, in which I Pnall take the
liberty of comprehending Patagonia, the Terra-
Magellanica, and Terra del Fogo, is bounded by
Peru on the north, by La Plata and the Atkntic-
ocean on the eaft, and by the great South-fea on
the fouth and weft, extending in length from north
to fouth 2 7 degrees, 30 minutes, viz. from 25 to
57 degrees, 30 minutes fouth latitude: But the
breadth is very unequal, being about 4.00 leagues
broad in the north, and leftening gradually ’till it is
not 1 00 broad in the fouth, and is confequently of
a pyramidical form, the northern boundary being
the bafe, and Qape Horn the fummit of the pyramid.
The oppofite part of the globe to this country is the
Eaft-Indies.
The face of this country very much refembles
that of Peru ; for all our fea-men agree, that the
coaft of Chili is a high bold fhore, and that further
within the land there arife other hills, which the
Spaniards call Sierra’s, and above them the Andes,
the higheft mountains in the known world, which
extend, as has been obferv’d in the defcription of
Peru, from Santa Martha in Terra-Firma, to the
Straights of Magellan, that is, from,, 10 degrees
north to 55 fouth latitude, running 65 degrees C H A Po
from north to fouth. To the defcription I have gi- I.
ven of thefe hills in Peru, I fhall here add Ovalle’s
account of them, and of the face of this country,
which he had crofs’d often between Chili and La
Plata (as he informs us.)
Thefe mountains, fays that writer, are a prodigy Andes
of nature, and without parallel in the world, being of C ‘ 1 ’*
a high chain of hills 1500 leagues in length, and
40 leagues broad, with many intermediate valleys :
The afeent is fo prodigious that we employ three or
four days in arriving to the top of them, and as
many more in the defcent,that is, fpeaking properly,
and only of the mountain ; for otherwife it may be
affirmed that ore begins to mount even from the
fea-fide, becaufe all the way, which is about 40
leagues, is nothing but an extended (helving coaft,
for which reafon their rivers run with fuch force,
that their ftreams are like mill-ftreams, efpecially
near their fources.
When we come to afeend the higheft part of
the mountains, we feel an air fo piercing and fubtil,
that ’tis with much difficulty we breathe, w'hich o-
bliges us to fetch our breath quick and ftrong, and to
open our mouths wider than ordinary, applying to
them likewife our handkerchiefs to condenfe our
breath, and break the extreme coldnefs of the air,
and fo make it more proportionable to the tempe-
rament whifh the heart requires. This I have ex-
perienced every time that I have pafs’d thofe mighty
mountains.
Don Antonio de Herrera, and other
writers obferve, that thofe who pafs the Andes in
Peru fuffier great reaching and vomitings; becaufe
no one thing produces fo great an alteration at once
as a fudden change of air, and that of the moun-v
tains
THE PRESENT STATE
Sj °
CHAP, tains being fo unproportional to common refpiration,
I, produces in thofe who pafs over it thole furprifing
and painful effects. ’Tis true, that in that part of
the Cordillera in Peru which they call Pariacaca,
there may be a concurrence of other caufes, and a
particular difpofition of the climate, to which may
be attributed fome of thefe effects : For if they were
to be attributed only to the height of the mountain,
we that pafs it in Chili ought to find thole inconve-
niences as much or more, becaufe the mountain is
higheft without companion here ; and yet I never
endured thofe Teachings, or vomitings, nor have feen
any of thofe motions in others, but only the diffi-
culty of breathing, which I have mention’d.
Others experience other effeHs, which I have of-
ten heard them relate; but certain it is, we go
through thefe mountains, treading as it were upon
clouds ; when we afeend to the higheft we can no
longer fee the earth for the clouds below, but the
heavens are clear, and the fun ftiines out in its full
luftre.
The Iris, or rainbow, which in the valleys we
fee croffing the heavens, we obferve from this height
extended under our feet ; nor is it lefs admirable,
that while we travel over thefe hills, and fee at a
diftance teinpefts and ftorms falling into the valleys
beneath, the ferenityover our heads exceeds that of
the fineft fummer’s evening.
^»'\ndes m There are, in this Cordillera, or chain of moun-
tains, fixteen vulcano’s, which at leveral times have
broken out, and caufed effects very terrible and afto-
nifhing to all the country. Amongft the reft, that
which happen’d in the vear 1640 is worthy to be
remember’d ; it broke out in the enemy’s country,
in the territory of the Cacique An ante, burning
with lo much force, that the mountain cleaving in
two, caff forth pieces of rocks all on fire, with fo
horrible a noife, that it was heard many leagues off
juft like the going off of cannons.
The firft of thefe vulcano’s is call’d the vulcano
of Copiapo, and is about 26 degrees on the confines
of Chili and Peru ; in 30 degrees is that of Coquim-
bo; in 31 and a half that of Liqua ; in 35 that of
Peteroa ; in 36 and a half that of Chilau; in 37
and a quarter that of Antoco ; this is followed by
that of Notuco in 3 8 and a half ; that of Villarica
is in 39 ; near this is another in 40 and a quarter,
and in 41 is that of Oforno ; and near that, in lefs
than a quarter of a degree, that of Guanatruca ;
and hr a little more than 42 degrees, that of Que-
trucabi ; and laft of all are two more, one without
a name, in 44, and that of St. Clement, which is
in 43 and a half.
Mines of the Thefe mountains are fuppofed to be very rich in
Andes. mines, but there may be two caufes affign’d why
their riches do not manifeft themfelves more : The
firft is that general ftate-rcafon and inviolable maxim
among the Indians, to conceal and not difeover them
to any other nation : P or if any one among them,
cither out of intereft, negligence, or any other mo-
tive of conveniency, difeovers any thing of this CHAP-
kind, his death is infallible, and no power on earth I.
can fave him.
The other reafon to be affgn’d for not feeking
after thefe mines is, the great plenty of every thing
neceffary for life; fo that hunger, which is the
prompter of covetous defires, being wanting, there
are few that care to run hazards, and go through
impracticable defarts in fearch of hidden treafure ;
efpecially finding already fo much gold in the valleys
and rivers, that even the mines in the low countries
are not wrought.
The difference which may be obferv’d in palling Fmtherob .
the Cordillera between each fide of the mountain is fervations on
fo great, that they feem two different worlds (the eaft the Andes *
and weft parts). One would think heaven had pla-
ced thefe mountains here to divide them as a wall,
and keep off from the weft all the ftorms and ill
weather of the eaft. Any one that travels to the
top of them may experience this clearly, for there
he difeovers both horizons, and when he looks to
the eaft, all is covered with great vapours, which
feem to hinder the light, and fhadow all the coun-
try ; and at the fame time looking weft, the hea-
vens are fo bright, that it caufes pleafure and joy to
look on them. The eaft fide is full of a cloudy
thick air, which engenders ftorms and hail, with
horrible thunders and lightnings : On the other fide,
in the weft, there is not a cloud to be feen, but all
is clear and bright, as if in the heavens themfelves
there were fuch a partition as the Cordillera to di-
vide the climates; and upon earth there is a differ-
ence in the trees, plants, and animals on each fide.
A. curious obferver contemplating once from this
height, this remarkable difference, faid. That na-
ture, in the fabrick of this part of the world, feem’d
to have turnd her back upon the eaftern provinces,
and look’d with her face only upon Chili, giving
bleftings with both hands to this laft, and leaving
the other as it were difinherited, and grieving at the
pre-eminency of its elder brother. In going down to
the eaftward alfo, there are fewer fountains and ri-
vers, and thofe muddy, the face of the land melan-
choly, without fo much as one green tree to recreate
the fight, nor any pleafant verdure ; and when at
laft you meet with fome, as in the valley of Ufpal-
lata, the heats begin to be intolerable, but when we
go to the weft ’tis quite otherwife ; for as foon as we
begin to defeend, we meet with lovely fpririgs, the
trees are green, the groves fragrant and pleafant,
and the little valleys are like fo many refting-places
in that great ftair-cafe; from the very foot of tiie
mountains one feels the mildnefs of the fea-air, and
one is charm’d with the harmony of the birds and
other delightful objeCts.
At the foot of the mountains, on the eaft fide,
on the contrary, the land is barren and little culti-
vated, neither are there flocks of any kind fed or
bred ; fo that the fields look like a barren defiirt,
but this may proceed polfibly from the thinnefs of
the
O F C
CHAP, the people, who have not try’d the fertility of the
I. earth ; for the plains below thefe are extremely fer-
tile where they are cultivated.
The fprings on the weft fide of the mountains do
fo fertilize the fields below, that they keep the earth
frefh and green all the year : And there is fuch va-
riety of trees, fo admirably difpofed, that one would
think they were planted by the hand of man ; many
of thefe are loaded with the fruits of the country,
of which the Indians make excellent liquors, and
fome of their fruits are very good to eat. The
valleys alfo are full of odoriferous beautiful flowers,
produc’d by nature without human induftry, and
there are among them moft extraordinary phyfical
plants. The little hills afford good pafture, and in
their valleys, olives, almonds, and all forts of fruit-
trees thrive extremely. In the plains alfo are vine-
yards, of which are made excellent wines.
'5 ea ' tl P on With the firft rains of the winter, which are a-
t e An es. b out ^ m j c ]j] e Q f May, the Cordillera begins to be
cover’d with fnow, and to put on, as it were, a
white armour to hinder its being paffed, not only
bv men, but even by animals and birds, which are
fo driven out of it by the rigour of that feafon, that
there is not one remaining in it.
Even the Silguerillo’s and Sorfales (birds, which
of their own nature are fo hot, that in the very
beginning of the fummer they take to the moun-
tains) as foon as they perceive that the winter draws
near, come in flocks down to avoid its rigour in the
mountains ; and then the ground being almoft co-
vered with them, it proves the feafon of pleafure,
for the youth of the country take and carry loads of
them home, rderving fome to put in cages, their
notes being very fweet. The Cordillera is thus
fhut up five or fix months in the year ; fo that ’till
Oflober or November, it cannot be paffed without
manifeft danger of one’s life, and in the midft of
winter not at all, becaufe all the paths and ways
are cover’d to the heighth of many yards ; and if
any one fhould be rafh enough to attempt it, he
would not be able to go forward or backward, as
has happen’d to leveral who either upon fome very
preffing concern and intereft, or flying from a death
which threaten’d them for their crimes, have found
it in thefe defarts.
Thefe are bury’d in the very bofom of froft and
fnow, which preferves them without being em-
balm’d, and yet keeps them incorruptible and dry,
for fo they have been found after many years ; fuch
is the cold of thofe mountains, that it dries up all
the moifture that can caufe corruption in dead bo-
dies, and fo preferves them.
This difficulty of paffing the Cordillera is lefs at
the entrance than at the end of the winter, becaufe
the drifts of fnow are not then fo violent as to (hut
up the ways intirely. In thofe feafons, therefore,
fome do venture to pafs, tho’ with great danger,
and fometimes they are fo lucky as to get oft' well,
becaufe they meet witli a clear Iky, yet at ether
HILI. 359
times it cofts them dear, and always ’tis with infi- CHAP,
nite labour that thev get through. I.
In fhort, every body has fome ftory to tell of the
mountain, and complain of it ; for fome lofe their
toes, others their fingers, fome their fight, fome
are be-numb’d and lam’d, and fo remain all their
lives with great infirmities. And I do not wonder
at all at this, becaufe tho’ one fhould pafs without
a ftorm, yet the cold is fo intenfe, that it cannot
but injure nature extremely in that feafon, fince
even in the midft of fummer when we pafs this
mountain, and in the lower part of it we fweat
with heat, as foon as we come to pafs the top we
are forced to put on double cloathing, and prepare
the ftomach with good warm things to withftand
the fharpnels of the cold, and the fubtilnefs of the
air, which penetrates the body through and through
if it be not well cover’d.
’Tis neceffary to obferve, that it is of this cold
of the mountain that authors fpeak when they fay,
that the cold of Chili is fo fevere, that the rivers
are frozen up, and men frozen to death in the fields :
For this is true only of thofe uninhabitable moun-
tains where I believe at that feafon the rivers arc
frozen, and if any fprings do efoape, they are very
few, and that in the valleys moft fecur’d and fhel-
ter’d.
And thus the truth of what hiftorians relate may
be reconcil’d ; for they not knowing the country,
make no diftinflion between the mountains and the
plains, in which there never was feen any fuch ef-
fect of cold in any part of them ; for the fea-air,
which is thick and moift, tempers the fharpnefs of
the blafts from the Cordillera ; and for this reafon
it is, that the colds of the Pampas of Cuyo and
Tucuman, on the eaft fide of the Andes, are fo in-
fupportable ; which being at fuch a diftance trom
both feas, and not enjoying the warmth of its va-
pours, the air in fummer is intollerably fcorching,
and in winter fo cold, and for want of rain fo dry,
that ’tis common for animals to be found dead in
the fields as well as men.
CHAP. II.
Of the fprings , lakes, baths , rivers , ports, feas ,
ivinds , tides, and feafons of Chili.
1 H A V E already taken notice of the numerous CHAP,
fprings, lakes and rivers that are found on the II.
mountains of tire Andes in Peru : There are as many
on the mountains of Chili ; and ’tis obferv’d, that ■
fprings and rivers abound much more in the low lands
of Chili than they do in Peru. The rivers which
run from the Andes weftward, and fall into the
South-fea, both in Peru and Chili, as has been ob-
ferv’d, are rapid torrents, generally occafion’d by tire
melting of the fnows on thofe mountains, and the di~
clivity of the ground, and confequenty are fcarce any
of them nivigable far from their mouths j but near
their
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, their fources they tun fo violently, that there is no
II. crofting them at fome feafons. There are rivers alfo
that precipitate themfelves from the tops of thole
high mountains, forming the mod beautiful natural
cafcades that ever the eye beheld, while others tum-
ble from fo vaft a height, that their waters difperfe and
fall upon the valleys beneath in drops like Ihowers
of rain ; and when the fun fhines upon them, af-
ford a mofl agreeable profpeift as they defcend ; of
thefe, the water-works in the palaces of Italy and
France are but faint refcmblances, and would be
contemn’d by any one that had view’d thofe fplendid
effedls of natural caufes.
Ovallf. mentions feveral famous fountains in
the mountains of the Andes, particularly thofe call’d
Los Oyos de Aqua, or The Eves of Water, in a
valley of about a mile diameter, adorned with ever-
greens and flowers, which make it the very pidfure
of Farad ife, he fays. This valley is furrounded with
prodigious high rocks, and in the middle of it thefe
fountains fpring up, throwing themfelves with great
force into the air, and falling down again form two
large ftreams, running into a winding ferpentine
courfe through the valley, fometimes at a dillance,
and then approaching nearer each other ’till they unite
at length in one channel and form a confiderable ri-
ver, the water whereof is as clear as cbryflal, and fo
extremely cold, that ’tis impoffible to drink a draught
of it. He mentions alfo fome dreams i Idling from
the Andes, that forcing themfelves through a moun-
tain, have a natural bridge over them, form’d of a
rock, the vault whereof is adorned with dones of
various colours, which hang like icicles from the top
and fides of it, under which run five different rivers
of hot water that cure many difeafes.
Baths. There are many fulutary fountains alfo in the plains
and valleys of Chili, particularly one that rifes at the
foot of the volcano of Villarica, and runs into a
neighbouring lake. There are two more which rile
near each other and form the river Chico, one of them
hot and the other cold. The baths ot Rancagua,
near the town of St. Jago, are celebrated alfo for
the cure of many didempers ; thofe of Mayten,
Mapocho and Conidially, have the like healing vir-
tues ; but, my author obferves, thofe fountains are
the bed that are the farthed from the Andes.
Lake?. The mod confiderable frefh-water lakes are thofe
ofTagatagua, near St Tago, and that of Puren, in
which the Chilefians had an impregnable fortrels,
from whence the Spaniards could never drive them.
They have alfo feveral fait- water lakes, which have
a communication with the fea, part of the year. In
dormy weather the fea forces a way into them, and
leaves them full of fifh ; and when the communi-
cation with the fea ceafes, as it does in January, and
tire hot weather comes on, the water congeals, and
leaves a crud of fine white fait a foot thick.
I come now to fpeak more particularly of the ri-
vers of Chili, of which thereare fifty large ones rifing
in the Andes and running wedward into the South-
fe a, and thefe are join’d by many other Idler dreams CHAP-
that fall into them in their courfe, none of them II.
running more than 30 or 40 leagues before they reach
the fea, and that fo precipitately from thofe high
mountains, that they are not navigable (as has been
hinted already) for a vefl’el of any burthen much be-
yond their mouths, ^
The chief of thefe rivers are, 1 . The river of Sa- Salt river.
Iado, a fait river on the fouth confines of Peru,
which falls into the South-fea in 25 degrees of fouth
latitude, the waters whereof are fo hot that they can-
not be drank. But, I prefume, Ovallo talks
merrily when he relates that a horfe which drank
plentifully of them was turn’d into fait while he was
drinking.
2. The river Copiapo, which difeharges itfelf in- Copiapo ri<°
to the fame ocean in 26 degrees fouth latitude.
3 . The river Guafco, which falls into the fea in Ouafco.
28 degrees : The lad two forming good bays at
their mouths for fhipping to ride in.
4. The river Coquimbo, which difeharges itfelf Coquimbc;
into the South-fea in 30 degrees fouth latitude.
5. Govanadore, in 31 degrees, 20 minutes fouth Govanadore,,
latitude.
6. Jongoy.
7. Lemari.
8. Chuapa.
9. Tongotoma.
10. Valparilb, and Valparifo.
1 1 . Maypoco. All which difeharge themfelves Maypoco.
into the South-fea between 3 1 and 33 degrees of
fouth latitude.
12. There are four or five fmaller rivers which
fall into the fea together, near Valparilb, as Fun-
nel relates ; but fays, he does not know another
indance of fo many rivers fo near together on the
whole coad of Chili.
1 3. The river Maule, one of the larged of their Mau!e.
rivers, the mouth whereof is in 33 degrees and an
half.
14. The great river Itata, in 34 degrees. itata.
15. The river Bobio, in 37 degrees, edeemed Bobio.
the larged river in Chili.
1 6. The river Imperial, which falls into the Imperial
South-fea in 38 degrees, 40 minutes.
17. The river of Valdivia, or Baldivia, which Baldivia.
difeharges itfelf into that ocean in 40 degrees fouth
latitude.
1 8. The rivers Chico, Balena, and Coronado, Chico,
which fall into a great bay, form’d by the ifland of Coronado.
Chiloe and the Main, between 4 1 and 43 degrees of
fouth latitude, to the fouthward of which are the
river of Martyrs and the river of theApodles, which
fall into the South-fea between 45 and 48 degrees
of fouth latitude. p 0 fts.
The chief ports of Chili upon the South-fea are,
the port of Copiapo, in 26 degrees fouth latitude ;
of Coquimbo, in 30 degrees; of Govanadore, 31
degrees, 20 minutes; of Valparilb, 32 degrees, 30
minutes ; of Itata, 34 degrees, 35 minutes ; of Con-
2 ception,
CHAP,
II.
Seas and
winds.
Tides.
Seafons.
The three
grand divi-
sions or pro-
vinces of
* Chili.
In Chili
Proper.
O F C H I L I. 361
ception, 37 degrees ; of Santa Maria, 37 degrees. Neither the heat or the cold are fo great here as in C H A P.
30 minutes ; ofLaMoucha, 38 degrees, 30 minutes ; other countries of the fame latitude, but that part of II.
of Valvidia, in 40 degrees; of Brewers-haven, or the country which lies next the fea is warmer than
Carelmepo, 41 degrees, 30 minutes; of Caftro in that which is contiguous to the mountains : Nor is t ^ e ^ er m
the ifland of Chilve, 42 degrees, 30 minutes. there fo much cloudy or rainy weather here in win- i an d 3 .
The feas that border upon Chili, if we include ter as in countries that lie in the fame latitude either
Patagonia, are the Atlantic on the eaft, and the north or fouth. The north wind, which brings
South-fea, or Pacific-ocean; fo nam’d from the wet weather with it, feldom lafts more than two or
fine ferene weather feamen meet with there, on the three days at a time, and then is fucceeded by the
weft ; but this pacific name is only proper to that fouth wind, which is always attended with a bright
part of the Sot h-fea which lies within 3 o or at moil clear heaven, and brings health and pleafure with it.
35 degrees of ibhth latitude, for all that lies fouth of In fummer they have conftant ferene fettled weather
3 3 is as fubjedl to ftorms as any other fea, and the without rain ; nor have they occafion for any, the
winds as variable as in other places. But to the country is fo well watered by the rivers of melted
northward of 35 or thereabouts, the winds are al- fnow, which in the beginning of the fummer de-
ways (outherly two or three points upon the fhore, fcend from the mountains of Andes.
and thefe foutherly winds continue to blow 140 or 2. In the province of Cuyo, which lies eaft of ^ Cuyo,
150 leagues to the weft ward of the fhore before they the mountains of Andes, extending from La Plata
alter ; and at 200 leagues to the weftward, the true to 45 degrees, on the contrary, the winter is extreme
trade-wind fets in at eaft-fouth-eaft ’till you have paf- cold, it freezes in the houfe, and their cattle die if
fed the Pacific-ocean and arrive at the Eaft-Indies. left abroad ; and the heats are equally intolerable in
The tides on this coaft rife but nine or ten foot, fummer : Thunder, lightning, and tempefts, are
it being an open bold fhore, with very few bays or frequent here alfo in the fummer, and fuch deluges of
harbours in it ; and ’tis anobfervation of Damp i er rain in the fpring, asover-flow the country; all
and other feamen, that the tide never rifes fo high which, it is fuppofed, the mountains of Andes fkreen
on fuch a fhore as it does where there are bays, the country of Chili Proper from : But then I find
gulphs and great rivers that confine it. ' the province of Cuvo has fcarce any rain in the winter.
In fpeaking of the feafons of Chili it is neceffary only continued frofts and bright fettled weather,
to have regard to the three grand divifions which are 3* As to that part of the country which is call’d
comprehended under that general name ; for thefe Terra Magellenica, and Patagonia, which I have s em
areas different from each other in many refpe&s as comprehended within the bounds of Chili, and lies
they are from any other part of the world almoft ; between 45 and 57 degrees, 3 c minutes fouth latitude,
only in this they all agree, that when it is fummer, in This is a cold uncomfortable country, and, ac-
thofe countries which lie to the northward of the cording to our feamen, who have furrounded it, the
Tropic of Cancer, as Europe, Afia, and North- cold is more intenfe here than in other countries in
America for the moft part do, then it is winter in the fame latitude in our northern hemifphere. Cer-
Chili and all other countries to the fouthward of the tain it is, that none _ of our European Adventurers
Tropic of Capricorn. have been invited either by the air or foil to plant
The three grand divifions of Chili are, 1 . That colonies either on the eaft or weft coaft of Patagonia,
of Chili Proper, which lies between 25 and 45 de- or Terra Magellenica, hitherto, and the Spaniards
grees of fouth latitude, and between the mountains that poffefs the reft of Chili, contiguous to this
of Andes and the South-fea. 2. The province of country, perfe&ly negleft it, and do not think it
Cuyo, or Cuito, which lies between the Andes on worth their while to penetrate further fouthward
the weft, and La Plata on the eaft ; and 3. Terra- than to the latitude of 45 or thereabouts ; tho’ they
Magel lan ica, comprehending Patagoma and Terra claim the property of the land as far as the pro=
del Fogo, and extending from 45 degrees of fouth montory of Cape Horn, the fartheft boundary of
latitude to Cape Horn, in 5 7 degrees, 30 minutes, South-America.
bounded by the Atlantic-ocean on the eaft, and
the South-fea on the fouth and weft. C H A P, III.
1 . In Chili Proper the fpring begins in the middle
of Auguft, and lafts to the middle of November, Of the provinces and fubdivifiom of Chili, and of then'
when the fummer begins and lafts ’till the middle of chief totuns, buildings , and fortreJJ'es.
February ; and then follows the autumn, which
lafts ’till the middle of May, when they enter upon 'T’HE provinces and fubdivifions or this country CHAP,
their winter. The trees are all bare of leaves, and JL are the fame 1 mention’d in treating of the air HI.
white frofts cover the ground in a morning, which and feafons, viz. 1. Chili Proper. 2. Cuyo, or
are ufually diffolv’d however within two hours after Cuito ; and 3. The fouthern diftrkft of Terra Ma- Provjnses
fun-rife, and ’tis very feldom that anv fnow falls in gellenica, in which is included Patagonia and the
111 1 y 1 J , T , ^ lOvMl&o
the valleys or low grounds. Terra del i H ogo.
VOL, III.
A a a
Thd
THE PRESENT STATE
362
C HAP, { he province or Chili Proper is bounded bv Peru
III. on the north ; by the province of Cuyo, or Cuito,
° n ^ 1C ea ^’ by f be Term Magellenica on the fouth;
' ro> tr ' and by the Pacific-ocean on the weft, being about
fourteen hundred miles in length from north to fouth,
and fcarce an hundred in breadth, from eaft to weft,
being confin’d between the mountains of Andes and
the South -fea.
The chief towns in Chili Proper are, 1 . St. Ja-
go. 2. Conception. 3. Coquimbo, or La Sere-
na. 4. Baldivia, or Valdivia. 5. Imperial. 6.
Villa Rica. 7. Oforno. 8. Caftro. 9. Copiapo.
1 o. Guafco. 1 1 . Angol, or the city of the Con-
fines ; and 1 2. Arauco.
St. Jago. j, The city of St. Jago, fituated in 34 degrees
fouth latitude, 77 weft of London, 2 leagues weft
of the mountains of Andes, and 1 8 eaft of the Pa-
cific-ocean, on a fmall river at the foot of a hill,
in a pleafant and fruitful valley, which is above 28
leagues in circumference, and watered by the great
river Maypo, or Maypocho, on the banks whereof
the Indian villages are very numerous. The Spanifh
writers relate, that there were not Ids than four-
fcore thoufand Indians inhabited this valley when
they firft arrived there, which, from the great river
that run through it, was call’d the valley of May-
pocho.
St. Jago being the metropolis of Chili, before it
was deftroy’d by the natives, was the largeft and
belt built citv in the country, and, according to
the ufual Spanifh model, had a great fquare in the
middle of it, from whence the principal ftreets ran
in a diredl line, and were crols’d by others at right-
angles. O11 the north fide of the great fquare ftood
the town-hall, in which their Courts of juftice were
held ; and on the weft the cathedral and Bifhop’s
palace ; and the other two fides were adorned by
piazza’s and balconies over them. Befides the ca-
thedral, there were feveral parifh-churches, monaf-
teries, and nunneries, built with white hewn ftone,
and richly adorn’d ; and into the principal ftreets
were brought canals from the river, which lies on
the north fide of the town, and from thence their
gardens and the adjacent fields were watered in the
dry feafon, the town being plentifully fupply’d with
all manner of corn and fruits, both European and
Indian, and with flefh of all forts from the numer-
ous flocks and herds that are fed in the valley that
furrounds it. This was a Bifhop’s fee, the feat of
the Governor of Chili, and the Courts of juftice here
Was a univerfity, at leaft the fathers had fchools in
their monafteries, and a power of conferring de-
grees on fuch as had qualified tbemfelves for them
by their ftudies. This city was founded by Pe t e r
de Valdivia, who conquered this part of Chili
in the year 1541. Valparizo is the port-town to it.
Conception. 2. The city of Conception, fituated on a fine bay
of the South-fea, in the form of a crefoent, in 37
degrees fouth latitude, the ifiand of Santa Maria ly-
ing before it, and fowling a good harbour. The
town to the landward is encompafs’d by hills that CHAP,
rife gradually one above another, and are planted HI.
with vines and fruit-trees in a femi-circular form,
affording a moft agreeable profpeift from the fea.
I his town alfo is a Bifhop’s fee, and was founded by
Va ldivia, in the year 1550.
3. Coquimbo, or La Serena, is fituated in 30 Coquimbo.
degrees fouth latitude, on a fmall river in a fine val-
ley (from whence it takes the name of Coquimbo.)
It (lands in full view of a bay of the fea, from which
’tis about two miles diftant, over-looking a fruitful
plain, which lies between the town and the fea.
The place is of a pretty large extent, containing fe-
ven or eight churches, and feveral monafteries, but
of no great ftrength, as the Buccaneers relate, who
took the town and burnt it in the year 1680, with
an hundred men only, tho’ the Spanifh garrifon
confifted ot treble their number; but the people had
carried oft moft of their treafure and valuable effedfs.
This town alfo was founded by Valdivia, in the
year 1 544.
4. The town of Baldivia, or Valdivia, is in 40 Baldivfa.
degrees fouth latitude, fituated on an eminence at
the point of a peninfula, form’d by two rivers,
which, with the iflands before it, make it the fe-
cureft and moft fpacious harbour on the coaft of
Chili. It is defended alfo by feveral forts on the
faid ifiand and peninfula; but, in the opinion of Sir
John Narborough, who vifited this port by
the command of King Charles II. in the year
1670, the town might eafily be taken.
The paffage up to the town for great Chips is on
the eaft fide, being about 6 leagues, but it is not
above 2 leagues from the fea by another paflage on
the weft fide, by which the fmaller veffels go up.
This Commander obferv’d there were three rivers
fell into the harbour, but they were not navigable
much beyond the town : What this place is moft
confiderable for befides the harbour is, the rich gold
mines in the neighbourhood, in the working of
which, Peter Valdivia, who founded it in
the year 1552, and gave his own name to it, em-
ploy’d twenty thoufand Indians, who finding them-
felves cruelly oppreffed, by being forced to dig in
the mines and do other intolerabe drudgeries, rofo
upon the Spaniards, re-took this and moft of the
towns they had built, and making Valdivia pri-
foner, ’tis faid, pour’d melted gold down his throat,
reproaching him, that his avarice was not to be fa-
tisfy’d otherwife. The war continued between the
Spaniards and the Chilefians for an hundred years,
and is not entirely ended at this day ; tho’ the Spa-
niards have repoffefs’d themfelves of Baldivia and
fome other places; but I fhall enlarge upon thefe
articles when I come to treat of the hiftory of this
country.
5. The town of Imperial is fituated on an emi- imperial,
nence at the confluence of two rivers, in 39 degrees
fouth latitude, about 24 leagues to tlx- northward of
Baldivia, being about 3 leagues diftant from the foa,
hut
OF CHI
Villarica.
Oforno.
CHAP, but the port is not deep enough for veflels of any
III. confiderable burthen.
6. The town of Villarica, fituated on a lake
near the foot of the Andes, in 40 degrees fouth la-
titude, 20 leagues eaft of Baldivia. This place ob-
tain’d its name from the vaft quantities of gold
found in the adjacent country. It was taken and
deftroy’d by the Chilefians, in the year 1604, who
put every man they found in it to the fword, not
(paring the Frieits or Monks, and carried the women
into captivity, in revenge for the numerous cruelties
exercifed on them by the Spaniards : Nor can I learn
that the Spaniards have ever re-built the town fince,
or even re-poflefs’d themfelves of this part of the
country.
7. Oforno is fituated on a bay of the fea, in 41
degrees fouth latitude, about 20 leagues fouth of
Baldivia, and was built by Hurtado de Men-
jaozA, who fucceeded Valdivia in the govern-
ment of Chili. This town was alfo deftroy’d by
the Indians in another infurredHon, but the Spani-
ards afterwards rebuilt it, and are poftefs’d of it at
this day.
Caftro, 8. Caftro is fituated on the weft fide of the ifland
of Chiloe, in 42 degrees fouth latitude. This town
was built by the Spaniards, about the year 1600,
when the Chilefians had in a manner driven them
from the continent, and forced them to fly for re-
Chiloeifland. fuge thither. This ifland of Chiloe, according to
Sir John Nar borough, extends from 4 1 ■ — 40
fouth latitude to 43 — 30. It is a fruitful ifland,
and bears good wheat ; and both here and at Ofor-
no, over-againft it, there is great plenty of gold,
which the Spaniards purchafo of the natives ; but the
Chilefians will not fuffer the Spaniards to fearch for
mines as formerly, keeping pofteflion of all the in-
land country, and maintaining their liberties to this
day, which they recover’d with fo much bravery
after the Spaniards had enflaved them, and in ap-
pearance eftablilh’d their dominion.
9. The town of Copiapo is fituated 26 degrees
north latitude, at the mouth of a river of the fame
name, which, with an ifland that lies before it,
forms a tolerable harbour in the South- fea. The
valley of Copiapo, to which this town communi-
cates its name, was the firft the Spaniards pofiefs’d
themfelves of after their conqueft of Peru, being a
fruitful and well-peopled country.
10. Guafco is fituated on a bay of the fame fea,
in 28 degrees fouth latitude, where fhips ride fecure
from the fouth and fouth-weft winds, but is not a
place of any confequence.
1 1 . Angol, or the city of the Confines, is fitu-
ated in 38 degrees fouth latitude, in a fine fruitful
plain 8 leagues weft of the mountains of Andes, be-
ing walh’d by the great river Biobio on the fouth,
and another river on the north, and is faid to be
founded by Valdivia, foon' after the town of
Conception, from which it is about 20 leagues dif-
tant.
Copiapo.
Guafco.
Aflgoi.
L I. 363
12. Arauco is fituated about 5 leagues north of CHAP.
Angol, and gives name to a valley inhabited by the III.
braveft people of Chili, who long defended their
country againft the invafion of the Spaniards, and Ara “ ca *
when they were fubdu’d by the irrefiftible artillery,
fire-arms, and cavalry of the Spaniards, not being
able to bear the oppreffion of their conquerors long,
had recourfe to arms again, took the towns and for-
trelfes that had been built to keep them in fubiec-
tion, and defeated and kill’d their Genera! Val-
divia in battle, as will be more particularly relat-
ed in the enfuing hiftory.
2dly, The province of Cuyo, or Cuito, in which Cl -’P
I comprehend the defarts of Pampas, is bounded P ronnce *
by La Plata on the north ; by the Atlantic-ocean
on the eaft ; by Patagonia on the fouth, and the
mountains of Andes on the weft ; being about a
thoufand miles in breadth generally from eaft to
weft, and extending from the 35th to the 45th
degree of fouth latitude ; of which the Spaniards
are mafters only of a very fmall part between the
Andes and La Plata ; the reft of the country be-
tween the Andes and the Atlantic was never yet
fubdu’d.
I find but three Spanilh towns mention’d in the . Cll l«f towns
province of Cuyo, viz. 1. Mendoza. 2. St. John m Cuy0 *
de Frontiera ; and 3. Oromante, or St. Lewis of
Loyala, all of them upon the northern confines,
the Spaniards pofleffing very little of this country
on the fouth and eaft.
1 . Mendoza is fituated in 3 5 degrees fouth lati- Mendoza,
tude, on a pafs of the mountains of the Andes, be-
tween the provinces of Chili Proper and that of
Cuyo.
2. St. John de Frontiera is fituated to the north- St. John de
ward of Mendoza, on the confines of La Plata. Frontiera.
3. Oromante, or St. Lewis, is fituated fouth- Oromante.
eaft of Mendoza, in 36 degrees fouth latitude, and
70 degrees of w T eftern longitude, which is all the
defeription I can meet with of thefe three towns.
3clly, The province of Patagonia, or Terra Ma- Patagonu
gellenica, in which I include the Terra del Fogo,
is bounded by a line drawn from the Atlantic to the
Pacific-ocean, in 45 degrees of fouth latitude, on
the north ; by the Atlantic-ocean on the eaft ;
and by the South-fea, or Pacific-ocean, on the
fouth and weft. The mod fouthern promontory,
call’d Cape Horn, lying in 57 degrees, 30 minutes
fouth latitude.
In this part of the world I meet with no towns
either of the natives or Europeans, and therefore
I proceed in the next place to deferibe the houfes of
the Chilefians, and their way of life in thefe three
Chilefian provinces.
The Chilefians do not live in towns, hut every Buildings
tribe extends itfelf on the bank of feme river in the of , the
valleys between the mountains, their houfes Hand- ch ‘ lefiar,s ’
ing regularly, and at a diftance from each other ;
neither do they remain long in one place, but re-
move for the conveniency of pafture, and, as the
A a a 2 feafon
364 , THE PRES
C r»
HAP, feafon of the year requires, fometimes into the
III. higher and fometimes into the lower grounds, in
< **'"V'**®' which they do not find much difficulty, for their
houfes are all upon a floor, flightly built of wood,
and confift of three or four rooms only, which are
fo contriv’d that they can be taken afunder and re-
mov’d one after another : Their doors have neither
hinges, locks, or bolts, their furniture being fo
mean, though they live in one of the richeft coun-
tries in the world, that they fear no robberies :
Their beds are the fkins of beafts laid upon the floor,
a block or a ftone ferves them for a pillow, and they
lay a coverlet or two over them, made of the wool
of their country fheep. Their dilhes are of wood,
or made of fome calabafh, or goad, which ferve
them alfo inftead of pails and pitchers ; earthen
pots they have to boil and flew their meat in ; a
rough unhewn block ferves for a feat, and another
of the fame kind for a table ; and their lances,
fwords, and other arms are the principal ornaments
of their houfes : This is to be underftood of the
Indians of the province of Chili Proper ; for thofe
who inhabit Cuyo, and the plains on the eaft fide
of the mountains of Andes, are ftill lefs polifh’d.
Natives of g ome G f them live in caves, and others, after the
fix’d abode. Arabian way, are ever roving from one part of the
country to another ; and that they may do this with
the greater eafe, they have no houfes at all, only a
flight tent made of the fkins of beafts to fhelter
them againft the rain and fun, and they have no-
thing to do but to take up their tent-poles and fkins,
whenever they are difpofed to march.
They look upon it as a fort of imprifonment to
be confin’d to one place, therefore have neither
houfes, gardens, plantations, or furniture to clog
or flop their progrefs.
The liberty of wandering whither they pleafe is
efteem’d the greateft of all earthly bleffings. Some-
times, fay they, we are pleas’d with the frefhnefs of
a river fide, and weary of that, we refort to the
woods and fhades, and then again we remove to the
open and champain country. All the pleafure of
life is in variety. In one feafbn we hunt, in ano-
ther we are employ’d in fifhing, and in another we
enjoy the fruits of the earth, which are produc’d
fpontaneoufly ; when thefe begin to fail us in one
country, we refort to another. Whenever we hap-
pen to encamp, that is our home. We have no
more fondnefs for one place than another. W e go
where we will, without leaving any thing behind
us we much regret or defire, which ufes to torment
thofe who have fix’d habitations when they are
forced to part with them or from them : W e fear
no ill news, having nothing to lofe. Our wives
and children are our only treafure, and while we
have thefe we want nothing.
As to the natives of Patagonia, or T erra Ma-
gellenica, I could never learn there was a fingle town
in the country, and fcarce any thing that looks
like a houfe 3 nothing but poor huts of a pyrami-
E N T STATE
dical form, juft to fkreen the miferable inhabi- CHAP,
tants from the rigour of the weather have ever been III.
feen there, and very few of thefe 3 for this feems
to be the molt thinly inhabited of any part of
South-America.
As the fortreffes, and ftrong places of the Chile- Fortrefle*.
fians, according to the account the Spaniards give
us of them, they feem to refemble thofe of the
ancient Britons. They were ufually fituated in
woods, furrounded by lakes, or moraffes, and the
trees cut down and laid a-crofs ferv’d them inftead
of walls. Where they had no water or marfhes
to defend them, they made broad ditches, and plant-
ed fharp ftakes at the bottom of them. In fome
places the ditch was cover’d over with a flight cruft:
of earth, fo that the Spanifh horfe fell in upon
them when they leaft fufpedfed it 3 and this feems
to have been a common ftratagem all over Amex
rica to dig pits in the roads and fet ftakes in them
whenever they expeefted to be attacked by the Spa-
nifh cavalry ; hut the Spaniards reveng’d themfelves
with great feverity on the natives whenever they
happen’d to lofe either men or horfes by this ftra-
tagem.
CHAP. IV.
Of the perfons and habits of the Chileftans ; their
genius , temper , arts , manufactures, food , exer-
cifes , and diverfions.
T HE Chilefians, according to Sir John Nar- CHAP,
borough, are of the middle fize, and ftrong jy.
limb’d, of a tawny complexion, and have long
black hair exceeding harfb ; their features tolerably Perfons.
good, their teeth white and found, adive of body,
but of a dejedfed countenance. They agree with
the reft of the Americans in pulling the hair off
their chins and other parts of their body, as foon as
it appears, with tweezers, or nippers made of fhells.
Their women are moderately tall, flender, and
well-fhap’d : They braid and curl their hair fre-
quently, letting it grow to a very great length.
When Ov alle, and other Spanifh writers, tell us
that the Chilefians are very fair, it muft be under-
ftood in comparifon of thofe Indians that lie near the
Equinofhal, and perhaps they may be fairer than
fome of the Spaniards and Portuguefe ; but SirJoHN
Narborough, who was an Englifhman, efteem’d
them very tawny compar’d with his countrymen.
As to thofe Chilefians who inhabit the province
of Cuyo, and the plains of Pampas, between the
mountains of Andes and the Atlantic-ocean, thefe
are people of a larger ftature than thofe of Chili
Proper, and of a darker complexion, and the women
paint their faces or fome part of them green.
The third province of Chili, denominated Pata-
gonia, and Terra Magellenica, is the country
which our firft Difcoverers peopled with giants,
dwarfs and monfters : But none that have vifited
tlide
O F C
C H AP. thefe coafts tlie laft hundred years having feen any
IV. thing of this kind, the moft credulous feem now
ready to give up thofe relations as fabulous ; I fhall
fay nothing more therefore of the people that inha-
bit this tradl of land, but that the further we pioceed
to the fouth ward beyond the Equator, the morerobuft
the people are, and the lighter the colour of their
hair, as we find it in our northern hemifphere ; and
as they have very little communication with any
part of the world, they are efteem’d as favage as
any of the Americans.
The men of Chili Proper wear a loofe garment
made of the wool of their country fheep, pretty
full, and reaching down to their knees or lower,
which is put on like a furplice, not being open be-
fore, or on the Tides, and has not flceves. They
have a kind of open drawers and doublets, but no
(hilts, any more than fhoes and (lockings, but
wear a kind of bufkin, or half-ftocking, on their
legs ; and on their heads a (tiff hat or cap, cock’d
up before like a dragoon’s cap, the crown of which
is fometimes adorn’d with a beautiful plume of fea-
thers, dy’d wool, or a nofegay of flowers.
The habits of the women differ little from thofe
of the men, only they have no covering on their
heads, but a kind of coronet of wool of feveral co-
lours binds their temples. Their hair is part of it
curl’d and braided, and the reft flows down their
backs to a great length. The women have alfo a
kind of fa(h with which they bind or fwathe their
bodies from the middle upwards, and when they go
abroad, throw a cloak or mantle over all.
Ornamentf. On feftivals their cloaths are of the fame form,
but finer, and of more beautiful colours ; and as
they adorn their heads with feathers or flowers,
their necks are cover’d with chains of beautiful
(hells, or precious ftones.
The Indians on the eaft fide of the Andes, in the
province of Cuyo and the plains of Pampas, are not
near fo well cioathed as thofe on the weft : They
t are contented with leaves to hide their nudi-
ties, and the (kins of beads (erve them for cloaks,
or mantles, which is all the cloathing they wear as
far as I can learn, and their ornaments are (bme
glittering trifles which they hang upon their lips,
that are bor’d through for that purpofe, and rather
disfigure than adorn their faces, in the opinion of
ftrangers.
As to the people of Patagonia, or Terra Ma-
gellenica, ’tis (aid, they go like the ancient Eritons,
perfectly naked, though they live in an exceeding
cold climate ; fo cold, that the Spaniards who were
lent to build forts and fettle colonies in the Straights
of Magellan, all of them perifh’d, and the whole
country is fo difagreeable toSpanifti conftitutions, that
they have not one colony in it, though they claim
the property of the whole as far as Cape Horn, the
moft (buthern promontory in America.
Genius and As to genius and temper of the Chilefians,
temper. they are the braved: people of the new world, and
H I L I. 365
to this day remain unconquer’d, for the moft part. C HAP.
The Peruvian Emperors formerly made fome im- IV.
predion on their northern frontiers, but were re-
puls’d when they came to the valley of the Arau-
cans, and could never penetrate further. The Spa-
niards, by the advantage of their artillery, fire-
arms and horfe, which tbefe people had never feen
before, alfo fubdu’d feveral of their provinces; but
when the terror of thefe were over, and the Chile-
fians had learned the ufe of fire-arms, and to ma-
nage horfes, they revolted and drove the Spaniards
out of their country, of which they at this day re-
tain but a very fmall part near the coaft of the
South-fea, as will be obferv’d in the enfuing hi-
ftory.
Nor were thefe people lefs remarkable for their
wit than their courage ; they did not only learn the
art of war of the Spaniards, but excell’d them foon
in warlike ftratagems, and their Generals became fu-
perior to the Spaniards : What gave their enemies
a vaft advantage of them at firft was, their being
divided under fo many petty Princes, the heads of
their clans ; but they no fooner united under one
Chief or General, than they became exceeding
formidable.
The Chilefians are remarkable alfo for their pa-
tience and fortitude, being bred up to hardftiips
from their infancy : They endured fatigue, heat,
and cold, to admiration, infomuch that they want-
ed fcarce any qualification that is requifite to form
good foldiers ; and where they apply themfelves to
learn any other art or fcience, frequently excel their
Spanifh matters.
In temperance only they are deficient. In eating,
drinking, and venereal encounters they know no
bounds ; particularly at their feftivals and entertain-
ments, which laft feveral days, they eat and drink
moft immoderately, fcarce ever parting fober ; and
the women, as well as men, frequently drink to
excefs, but then it is by themfelves, and at different
times ; for when their hufbands caroufe, they make
it their bufinefs to attend and take care of them
when they are diforder’d, and prevent quarrels,
which frequently arife when they are elevated.
They eat very little meat, except venifon, before Their food,
the Spaniards arriv’d and (lock’d their country with
beef and mutton, hogs and goats ; for America, as
lias been obferv’d, produced no fuch animals, and
now they feldom eat flefh but at their feftivals :
Their ufual diet is maiz, or Indian-corn, boil’d,
parch’d, or ground, and made into pafte, with pulfe,
roots, fruits and herbs : Their drink is either made
of their Indian-corn dry’d and deep’d, or of their
fruits, and is very ftrong and palatable ; and in the
fouthern provinces the Spaniards have introduc’d
grapes, and make good wine, but the northern pro-
vinces are too cold for it.
They dance, fing, and play upon inftruments at Thrir dIver ,
their feftivals, tho’ they make but dull mufick with fions.
their wooden drums and flutes, as they are call’d ;
and
T H E P RE S E N T S T A T E
366
CHAP, ant! if their wind-indruments are made of the bones
IV. of their enemies, as fome relate, it cannot be very
harmonious. They dance round a kind of maypole,
as the common people fometimes do here, but with
this improvement, that they lodge fcveral bottles of
good ftrong liquor about the pole, and drink round
to one another in the intervals of their dances ’till
they are exceeding merry, and fometimes very drunk.
And thus they frequently pafs away whole nights as
well as days ; and it is when the men are thus heat-
ed with liquor that they refolve upon fome expedi-
tion againfi their enemies, or on a hunting-match,
in both which they will endure incredible fatigues,
tho’ they live fo luxurioufly at other times : And in-
deed it is their laborious exercife, and the hardihips
they fuflain in the field, drat makes them excel all
other Indians in military exploits, and gives them
fuch robud conditutions. Pain and pleafure they
experience alternately, and the labours of the chafe,
or a fevere campaign, give a relifh to their fofter
-amufements.
'Exercife:, Their children are bred up from their infancy to
endure hardihips, to manly fports and the exercife
of arms ; and even their women are not exempted
from them, but attend their hufbands in the moli
hazardous enterprizes, in which they fometimes bear
a part. The whole nation is fo addidled to war,
that it feems to be both their bufinefs and their plea-
fure : Nor did they ever want an exercife for their
courage during the reigns of the Peruvian Emperors,
who were perpetually invading and harraffing their
frontiers, tho’ they could never make any great im-
preffion on them. Since the Spaniards arriv’d, they
have been in a perpetual date of war with thofe in-
vaders, and have learn’d of them to manage their
hcrfes fo well, and to ufe the fire-arms they have
taken from the Spaniards, that to this day they
maintain the inland-country againft them, differing
the Spaniards to poffefs only fome few towns upon
Few sjrtifi- the coaft. This genius for war, poffibly, may be
««• one reafon they have made fo little improvement in
other arts and fciences ; for except thofe who form
their arms, their bows, arrows, lances and darts,
there are very few artificers among them : And in-
deed they have very little occafion for mechanicks,
neither their houfes or furniture requiring many ma-
terials, or much flail to put them together ; and
their cloathing is always- the fame, not fhap’d to
their bodies, but loofe about them, and they never
alter their fafhicns. However, it appears they un-
derdood (pinning, weaving, and dying pretty well,
and could few or tack their cloaths together before
the Spaniards came amongd them ; and where they
apply themfelves to learn any median ick art of the
Spaniards, they make excellent workmen. ~~
Learning. They had no books, letters, or writings among
them any more than the red of the Americans,
but affided their memories by quippo’s, or knots, as
the Peruvians did ; and would cad up an account
by them with great exadhrefs : And many of them CHAP,
are now' become the greated proficients in the liberal IV.
arts who live under the Spanifh jurifdi&ion.
The {kill the natives of Chili had in phyfick and Phyfick.
furgery was very mean ; bleeding, purging, and
vomiting, and the application of certain herbs to
their wounds, was all they knew of this fcience
almod : And indead of a lancet, they ufed a (harp
piece of flint fet in a frnall cane, not much unlike
the inftrument we bleed horfes with. But the na-
tives are faid to be of fuch drorig, hale conditions,
and ufe fo much exercife, that they have very little
occafion for phyfick, and live frequently to an hun-
dred years of age, their memory feldom failing them
to the lad, any more than their teeth or eyes ; but
if they are remov’d into Peru or any hot climate,
they foon dcken and die, as we find by the Chilefian
prifoners the Spaniards take and fend to their colo-
nies nearer the Equinoflial.
So averfe are they to flavery, that there is no Their aver-
keeping them prifoners long in their own country : cs ‘
They will run any hazard to make their efcape,
and fometimes die by their own hands ; fo much do
they dread the cruelty of the Spaniards, who fend
the captive Chilefians therefore to the mod didant
countries. Several of them however have efcap’d
back to their own country, even from Lima, which
is 500 leagues didant from it ; tho’ th'fcy are forced
to creep along by the fea-fide, and traverfe all the
turnings and windings of the diore, which makes
the way as far again ; and in this extenfive journey
they dare not enter any town or inhabited place for
fear of being retaken by the Spaniards, infomuch
that they are forced to feed upon cockles and other
fhell-fidi they find by the fea-fide. Nor are they
Ids put to it for w'ater to drink in the Peruvian
defarts than they are for food : And a further in-
convenience is, that they are forced to fwim crofs
the mouths of feveral rapid rivers in their paffage ;
and yet do they frequently overcome all thefe diffi-
culties by time and patience, and arrive at their own
country.
o valle relates, that fome of thefe Chilefians
being taken captive, and fent in chains from Bal-
di via to Peru on board a {hip, found means to get
off their fetters, and jumping into the fea, fwam
on fhore when the fhip was more than a mile di-
dant from it ; and that one old man, who was not
fo fortunate as to get away w 7 ith the red, when he
found all his companions gone, the next day fell
upon the mader of the fhip, and having wounded
him in feveral places with a knife, threw himfelf
into the fea, but was (hot before he could reach the
fhore ; which occurrence Ovalle produces as an
indance of the bravery of the Chilefians, and the
averfion they have to the being carried out of their
country.
CHAP.
OF CHILI.
3 6 7
CHAP. V.
Of the animals of Chili.
C HA P. J N this country we meet with the Peruvian Sheep
/’"N
Animals.
and Goats, and fuch other quadrupedes as have
> been defcrib’d in Peru, but they don’t feem to have
abounded in four-footed animals in any part of Ame-
rica, or to have had that variety of them as we have
in this part of the world. The Spaniards, how-
ever, transported thither almoft every (pecies about
two hundred years ago, which being left to run wild
in their forefts, are vaftly multiply ’d, infomuch that
’tis faid, the Chilefians can now bring a body of ten
or twelve thoufand horfe into the field at a (hort
warning ; and they carry on a very great trade with
the hides of their black cattle as well as the flefh,
which they dry and fend to Peru, but are forced to
burn or bury vaft quantities of beef every year, not
having a fufficient demand for the flefh of thole nu-
merous droves they annually kill for their Ikins.
Their birds and fowls alfo are much the fame that
are found in Peru ; Eagles, Hawks, Parrots, and
the Couder, a prodigious large and ravenous bird of
prey, two or three of which will feize upon a young
calf or heifer and devour them, and they are not
afraid to attack boys or girls ; but of thefe there are
not many here, any more than in Peru.
The Parrots fly (creaming in fuch numerous flocks,
that they obfcure the fight of the fun, and never
fail to come down from the mountains into the
valleys at the feafon of the year when the fruits are
ripe, of which they deftroy great quantities.
At the time when they daughter their beef, there
comes down another voracious fowl, larger than a
duck, which gorges itfelf with the carcafes that are
left in the fields, fo that it cannot fly ’till it has got
rid of its load ; and they are hunted and knock’d on
the head by the boys at this feafon.
The Oftrich is another bird the natives hunt,
and tho’ he cannot fly, yet by the help of his wings
he runs fo fwiftly that he frequently efcapes from
the fleeted: dogs and horfes.
They have another long-legg’d fowl, bigger than
a turkey, that wades through ponds and rivers, and
lives upon filh. Thefe the Indians hunt for their
leathers, which are red and white, and take many
more fowls on the fame account ; for plumes of
beautiful feathers are the principal ornaments of
their heads. They abound alfo in flinging- birds
of various kinds, many of them unknown to this
part of the world ; and they have feveral the fame
as ours, fuch as Linnets, Nightingales, Blackbirds,
and Finches. Of tame fowls they had but one fort,
between a Duck and a Hen, when the Spaniards ar-
rived here, but now they have introduced all man-
ner of European poultry, which multiply exceeding-
ly, and are much better food here chan in warmer
climates. Thefe only, of all the people of Ameri-
ca, can fay they are gainers by being acquainted CHAP,
with the Spaniards ; for they (fill retain their liber- V.
ties (moll of them) and have acquir’d the pofleffion
of European cattle, fowls, grain and fruits, which
they wanted before. They have alfo learn ’d feveral
arts and fciences of the Europeans, and in many
infhnces excel their mafters.
Their lakes and rivers abound in good fifii as well FiiTi.
as their feas. Whales and Grampus’s are frequent-
ly found on the coaft of Chili, and there is plenty
of Albecores, Boneta’s, flat-fi(h, and fhell-fifh.
C FI A P. VI.
Of their foreft and fruit-trees , grain , plants , herbs,
roots , flowers and minerals.
A MONG the forefi-trees of this country, CHAP
the principal are the Cypre(s-tree, the Cedar, yj
the Oak, the Paregua, and the Cinnamon-tree, fo
call’d, I prefume, from forne refemblance it may Foreft-trees,
have to the true Cinnamon in its colour ; but the
bark has neither that fine fmell or fade as the true
Cinnamon has. This timber is ufed chieflv in their
buildings, and they have alfo the Sandal, the Palm,
the Pine-tree, and the Guayac, which is a wood as
hard and as heavy as iron almoft. There is ano-
ther tree call’d theThorn-bufh, that grows in cluf-
ters, or groves, which is their ordinary fewel near
St. Jago : It has feme refemblance of an Oak, but
more durable ; the heart of it is red, and fcarce
ever decays. They make charcoal of this wood
for their furnaces and forges. Both this and the Oak
lofe their leaves in winter, as well as their fruit-
trees, but there are fome wild trees that do not,
though covered with fnow. The Muftard-plant,
Ovalle relates, grows vaftly large here : He
(ays, he has travell’d many leagues through groves
of Muftard, which were taller than man and horfe,
and the birds, as ’tis faid in the Gofpel, build their
nefts in the branches.
As foon as the firft rains fall in the fpring, the Flowers,
fields are cloathed with green, and within a month
there is good graft, with which nature produces
yellow flowers in great abundance, and after thefe,
a vaft variety of other flowers, red, blue, green,
yellow, &c. of which, Ovalle fays, he num-
bered two and forty feveral forts at one time : Not-
ch'd he reckon among thefe any of their garden
flowers, or thofe brought from Europe, fuch as
Carnations, Rofes, Gilliflowers, Lillies, &c. and
thofe wild flowers fmell extremely fvveet morning
and evening, as do feveral of their green herbs,
from which they diftil perfum’d waters.
They have alfo phyfical herbs of great virtue, Medicinal
and the Spaniards have difeover’d many more, fince herbs '
their arrival, than the natives were acquainted with,
fome whereof will expel poifon.
Ovalle mentions a plant call’d Quincbamalf,
which riles about a foot above the ground, and
fpreading
3 68 T H E P Pv E S E
C FI A P. fpreading like a nofegay ends in little flowers that
VI. refemble faffron ; this they take up and boil with
the roots, and the liquor being drank hot, diffolves
any coagulated blood in the body, occahoncd by
wounds or bruifes, preventing impoftumations.
Another of thefe healing herbs is call’d Albaquilla,
which grows on a fhrub almoft as large as a tree ;
the leaves are fragrant and fweet to the tafte, the
juice wlrcreof apply’d to green wounds is a pre-
fent cure.
A third healing herb grows like a lock of fine
hair, and being boil’d in water, and drank, cures
fevers and pleurifies. There are herbs that cure the
Sciatica, others that diflolve the fitone in the bladder,
and, if we may credit Ovalle, here are herbs
that cure almoft every malady. . ^
Fru'xs, The fruits peculiar to the country mention d by
Ovalle are, the Pengu, a red fruit of an oval
form, fomething bigger' than a Filbert, which they
boil and eat with their meat. The Magne, whofe
fruit is black, like a Mirtle-berry, and well tafted,
-but perfectly dyes the nvouth and hands black.
They have many other fruits, of which they make
good liquor ; but the moll admired is the Murtilla,
which grows in 37 degrees beyond, and is the com-
mon food of the natives of that part of the country :
It is of a red colour, and inform like a fmall grape
with little feeds in it, like thofe we find in figs :
This fruit has a delicious tafte or tmell, and they
make a wine of it, which excels our European
wine, ’tis laid, and all other liquors, and is the
more valuable becaufe it grows in a part of the
country that is too cold for our wine ; and when it
turns four exceeds all other vinegar in flavour.
They had alfo a feed call’d Madi, which afforded
very good oil before the Spaniards introducd o-
lives.
As to their fruits in general, the Spanifh writers
obferve, that they have fcarce any of thofe that
grow in tire countries between the Tropics, and
confequently thofe that found in Mexico and
Peru are not many of them to be met with here.
But then they have this advantange, that whatever
F ri ropean fruits are carried thither from Europe thrive piodi-
gioufly, particularly Vines, Eigs, Olives, Apple-trees,
Pears, Apricots, Peaches, Quinces, Pomegranates,
Cherries, Plumbs, Oranges, Lemons, Citrons and / , 1 -
monds. But the fruit that thrives molt is the Ap-
ple of every kind, of which they have prodigious
orchards, and they are forced to thin them when
they are fmall, or they break down the trees befoie
they are ripe. A
tp.'E. Of Maiz, or Indian-corn, they had great plenty
before the Spaniards arriv’d but they had neither
Wheat, Barley, Oats, Annisf, Cummin, Coriander-
feed, Linfeed, Flax, Hemp, Peas, Cabbage, Lettice,
Raddifhes, Cardoons, Chicory, Endive, Cucumbers,
pJrfly, Garlick, or Onions, all which they have now
in abundance, and in greater perfedtion than they
£ re to be met with here; and their roots, particu-
larly Turnips, grow to a prodigious fize.
N T STATE
Ov a l le obferves, that though every part of A- CHAP,
merica is oblig’d to the Spaniards for fbme of thefe VI.
European feeds and plants, yet they are all to be 1— i
found only in Chili. In fome provinces, fays he,
they have European grain, in others oil, in others
fruit, but in Chili they have now all manner of
trees, plants, feeds and animals almoft that are in
Europe, and here they thrive and multiply to ad-
miration. He adds, that he has feen Apple-trees,
Pears, Mulberry-trees, and Walnut-trees grow to
the five of Elms, Strawberries as big as Pears, and
Quinces as big as a man’s head : That fruit is fo
plentiful that they enjoy it in a manner in com-
mon. No man refufes to let another go into his
garden and take what he pleafes ; and he has feen
their belt fruits grow wild in the fields for a mile
together.
There are mines of Gold, Silver, Copper, Quick- Mines,
filver and Lead in Peru, but the Spaniards feem to
flight all of them but the Gold. When Valdivia
made a conqueft of part of this country, ’tis laid,
he employ’d no lefs than fifty thoufand Indians in
working the gold mines ; at which the natives were
fo provoked, that they made a general revolt, de-
feated and kill’d Valdivia, and drove the Spa-
niards out of moft of the towns they had built.
After which they made a law, that it fhould be ca-
pital to difcover a mine to the Spaniards or any other
foreigners. Nor will they fuller a mine to be
opened now ; fo that though the Spaniards have re-
poffefled themfelves of fome towns upon the coaft,
they meet with no other gold at prefent than what
they purchafe of the Chilefians, who gathar none
but what they find in the fands of their rivers, or
on the furface of the earth, though there are more
gold mines here than in any part of the world.
Both the Englifti and Dutch have endeavour’d to
cultivate an underftanding with the natives of Chili,
in order to traffick with them for their gold, but
could never fucceed. They look upon all ftrangers
to have the like paftion for gold as the Spaniards
have, and imagine, if they fhould fuffer them to ,
plant colonies there, they would attempt to take
their country from them, as the Spaniards have
done. And fince I am now treating of the pro-
duce of this country, it may be proper to fay
fomething of the foreign trade of Chili, which Foreign
confifts altogether in exporting that produce to trade.
Peru and Mexico; namely, gold, copper, and' o-
ther metals, hides, tallow, dry’d flefh,. fifh, corn,
fruits, wine, oil, fait, hemp, flax, cordage, lea-
ther, timber for fhipping and other ufes, medicinal
herbs and drugs : The chief articles in thefe expor-
tations being hides and tallow. Ovalle relates,
that he has known twenty thoufand quintals of
tallow exported in one year from Chili to Lima
only, and hides and leather in proportion. Their
naval ftores are another great article, which the
Peruvians receive entirely from thence, as alfo the
copper,' of which they make their great-guns and
bells : And the. Spaniards of Chili take in return
from
OF CHILI.
CHAP. from Mexico, Panama and Lima, the merchan-
VI. diza of China, Eaft-India and Europe : At lead
‘h-'-V**-’' this was the nature of their traffick when the Spa-
niards were poflefs’d of this country ; but no doubt
it muft be decreafed in proportion to what the na-
tives have recovered from them.
What has been faid hitherto upon this head the
reader will obferve relates to the province of Chili
Proper; as to that of Cuyo, which lies on the eaft of the
mountains of Andes, and between thofe mountains
and the Atlantic ocean, we have not fo perfoft
an account as could be wifh’d, nor indeed of any
of the inland provinces. The reader muft be con-
tent therefore with fuch a one as I can collect from
the authors before me, among whom Ovalle,
a native of Chili, and who was Procurator for the
Jefuits of that province at Rome, is the principal.
The differ- He repeats, in the firft place, feme obfervations
c'iwo > and eCn ma ^ e u P°n another occafion, namely, that it is
■Chili Proper, amazing to reflect when there are only the moun-
tains of Andes between the provinces of Cuyo and
■Chili Proper, they fhould be fo different in their
qualities, and in every refpedt almoft diametrically
oppofite to each other, tho’ the latitude be the fame.
In Cuyo, he fays, the heats are intolerable in dim-
mer, while the weather in Chili is very temperate.
In Cuyo thunder, lightning, rain, and tempefts are
frequent in fummer, while in Chili they have fet-
tled ferene weather, without thunder, lightning, or
rain. In winter the weather is variable in Chili,
but never exceffive cold to the weftward of the
mountains, whereas in Cuyo they have conftant fe-
rene weather in the winter, and exceffive hard frofts,
inlomuch that the cattle die in the fields if they are
not hous’d, and for five or fix months every year
the paffages of the mountains are lo lock’d up by
"•the fnows, that thefetwo provinces have no manner
of communication.
In Chili there are fcarce any fnakes or poifonous
infedls, but in Cuyo they abound, and they are
tormented alfo with buggs, muiquito’s and other
vermine, of which they have none, or very few,
in Chili,
As for cattle, the Spaniards have pretty well
flock’d this province with all manner of European
cattle as well as Chili, and they have great numbers
of Peruvian fheep and goats of their own. They
abound alfo in corn and wine, and their fruits are
■faid to have a better flavour than thofe Chili, their
fummers being hotter, and of this there is fuch
plenty that they fupply the province of La Plata,
and even Buenos Ayres, on the Atlantic-ocean,
with dry’d grapes, dry’d peaches, apples, oil, and
excellent wine. But then this muft be underftood of
that part of the province that lies next the mountains,
for the defarts of Pampas extend fix or feven hun-
dred miles further eaftward, over which they are
forced to pafs in their way to Buenos Ayres. Thefe,
fays my author, are vaft plains, which, like the o-
cean, afford an unbounded profpedl, but produce
VoL. III.
The defarts
M -J’ampjs.
neither trees or herbage ; and then proceeds to re-
late the manner of travelling over thofe defarts,
which gives us fbme further light into the nature of
this country.
They travel, he fays, in covered carts and wag-
gons, made as commodious almoft as an houfe, with
doors to fhut, and windows on each fide to let in
the air ; and they lay beds, or mattrefles, on the floor,
on which they fleep great part of the journey. Thefe
waggons are drawn by oxen, and they fet out a-
bout two hours before fun-fet, travelling all night
and ’till the fun is an hour high the next morning,
and then they bait ( not at an inn, for I can’t
learn there is a Angle houfe in the country ) but
they reft and eat that provifion they carry with
them, nr take in hunting by the way; for thofe that
are difpofed for rurul fports have horfes and dogs
with them, and take great numbers of the guana-
coes and vicunes, a kind of wild fheep and goats*
animals almoft peculiar to South-America, which
have been already deferib’d in treating of Peru.
They take alfo a great many partridges, franco] ins,
and other game, from whence one would be in-
clin’d to think it muft be a mighty pleafant journey
from Chili to Buenos Ayres; but travellers inform
us that they are fubje<fl to inconveniences which
very much abate the pleafore of it, particularly tire
exceffive heats which oblige them to lie ftill all the
middle of the day, and then they have no other de-
fence from the fun or rain than what the waggon
affords at many ftages, though at fome there hap-
pens to be fmall brooks and willows growing by
them that afford the traveller a refrefhing fliade ;
But the greateft inconvenience is the want of water,
which they do not meet with fometimes for fevera!
days journey, and therefore are forced to carry wa-
ter both for themfelves and their cattle ; and fome-
times this is all fpent, as my author fays it happen’d
when he paffed thefe plains, and they muft have
perifh’d if they had not happily been reliev’d by a
fliower of rain. But all this might be remedied if
the country was inhabited ; for they meet with
fprings it feems in many places within a few yards
of the ftirface : And the rains alone, which happen
frequently in fummer, might he preferved in ci-
fterns and refervoirs, if there were any towns or
villages in the country ; but at prefent, fays my au-
thor, thefe are the difficulties we meet with in the
plains of Cuyo, Tucuman, and Rio Plata ; add-
ing, for many leagues we do not fee a hill, a tree,
or a ftone, any more than water, unlefs our way lies
near die banks of the river Plata, or fome other
river.
C H A P. VII.
The hi/lory of Chili , containing the ancient and prc*=
fent Jlate of that country.
T HE fiift account of the Spaniards receiv’d
of Chili was from the Peruvians, who fob- * ,
dud the northern part of that province in die reign
B b h of of Chili,
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, of their tenth Inca, Yupanqjui, but afterwards
. VII. met with fo powerful an oppofition from the con-
federated Chilefians, that the Inca’s determin’d to
make the river Maulle the utmoft bounds of their
empire, and accordingly fortified the banks of k
againft the invafions of the Barbarians, as they
call’d them ; for all we can learn of the ancient
Chilefians from the Peruvians is, that they worfnipp’d
a great many creatures animate and inanimate as
gods, and were very unpolifh’d and unciviliz’d ;
that they had no other form of government than
the patriarchal. Every tribe or family was govern-
ed by its refpedlive head, or chief, who was fuc-
ceeded by his eldeft foil, or neareft relation, on his
deceafe. And when they were invaded, or had
wars with their neighbours, they made choice of
the man moft famous for courage and military fkill
for their General. As to that part of the country
that was conquer’d by the Inca’s, the Chilefians
were obliged to conform themfelves to the religion
and manners of the Peruvians, and their Emperors
made no difference between thefe and the reft of
their fubjeefts.
Almagro’s Don DlEGO DE Al MACRO was the firft of
“gff the Spanilh Generals who, after the reduction of
Cufco, the capital of Peru, undertook an expedi-
tion againft Chili, in which he was introduced by
the Inca Paulla, who put him in pofleffion of
that part of it which was under the dominion of the
Peruvian Emperors, about the year 1535, as has
been already related in the hiftory of Peru : After
which, A L M A g R o fubdu’d fome of the more
fouthern provinces of Chili, and probably would
have extended his conquefts further, if he had not
been oblig’d to return to Peru to make head againft
the Pizarro’s, who had form’d a defign to de-
prive him of his Ihare of that province, and to
have ufurp’d the foie dominion of all the conquefts
the Spaniards had made to the fouthward of the
Equator.
Valdivia's Valdivia, orBALDiviA, was the next Spa-
ic^jj° n ° f nifh Commander that attempted to extend their
conquefts in Chili. He had ferved in the wars of
Italy, and was look’d upon as one of the beft offi-
cers that went over to America, for which reafon
he was made choice of by the Marquis Pizarro
to enlarge their empire on that fide. Valdivia
enter’d upon this fervice in the year 1340, and met
with little oppofition from that part of Chili which
was fubjeeft to the Inca’s ; but on his advancing
further he was frequently encounter’d by the con-
federated Caciques. However, he penetrated as far
as the valley of Mapccho, which he found extremely
^fruitful and well-peopled. In this valley, being
So miles in circumference, and fituate 2 leagues to
-the weft ward of the mountains of Andes, he found-
ed the city of St. Jago, in the year 1541, in 34
degrees fcuth latitude, and built a caftle for the
deience of it and of the gold mines in the neigh-
bourhood, which he compell’d the conquer’d In-
dians to work in : At which the Chilefians were fo C H A K
exafperated, that they railed forces and attack’d the VII,
caftle before it was well finifh’d, and were very near
carrying it ; however, they were at length repuls’d,
-and Valdivia acquainting the Vice-roy of Peru
with the ftate of his affairs, received a reinforce-
ment of troops from thence, under the command
of John Baptista Pastene. But ftill it ap-
pears he was not ftrong enough to make any great
progrefs ; and the Indians giving out that there
were very rich gold mines in a certain part of the
country not far from St. Jago, drew a detachment
of his forces (who went in fearch of them) into an
ambufeade, and cut off every man of them except
their Commander and a Negroe, who efcap’d to
St. J ago by the fwiftnefs of their horfes. Where-
upon Valdivia lent for another reinforcement
of troops to enable them to advance againft the
Chilefians ; and built the town and caftle of Co-
quimbo, or Serena, on a bay of the fea, in 30 de-
grees fouth latitude, to fecure his communication
with Peru, and prevent the fupplies being cut oft’
which he expended from thence.
In the mean time the civil wars breaking out in
Peru, Valdivia w'as commanded thither with
lbme of his officers and foldiers, and left his con-
quefts in Chili to the care of bis Lieutenant Fr a n-
cisco DE Villagra } but the rebels being de-
feated in Peru, Valdivia returned again to
Chili with a good body of veteran foldiers, who had
ferv’d in thofe wars. During the abfcnce of Val-
divia, there happen’d a mifunderftanding between
his Lieutenant Francisco de Villagr a
and Pedro Sanchez de Hoz, to whom die
King of Spain had granted the government of the
further part of Peru and Chili, and who with rea-
fon therefore expected the command of the forces in
Chili in the abfence of Va ldivia ; and indeed he
had a right to that command before Valdivia
himfelf, as he received his commiffion only from
the Marquis of Pizarro, who had no authority
in Chili ; nor would Don Sanchez have fub-
mitted to Valdivia’s taking upon him the com-
mand of that army, but upon condition of his be-
ing put in pofleffion of the richeft part of Chili.
This Valdivia had agreed to, but his Lieute-
nant Villa gra, taking an opportunity to quar-
rel with Sanchez in the abfence of Valdivia,
as has been intimated, made him priloner and cut
off his head, whether by the order of Valdivia
his rival or not, is uncertain, but he appear’d very
well pleas’d with the fatft when it was done, having
thus got rid of a man that had fo much colour to
claim the beft part of his conquefts, and look’d upon
Valdivi a himlelf as a ufurper.
While the Spaniards were thus engaged in civil The civil
broils both in Peru and Chili, the Chilefians made of the
their advantage of them, furpriz’d the Spanilh gar- iVuTnd m
rifons of Copiapo and Coquimbo, and putting them Chili,
to the fword, demolilhed both thofe towns ; And
it
O F C
CHAP, if was with difficulty Francisco de Villagra
VII. defended himfelf in St. Jago itfelf ’till the return of
Valdivia, who bringing a good army with him,
reftor’d his affairs, drove the Chilefians from the
valleys of Copiapo and Coquimbo again, and re-
built the towns the Indians had deftroy’d there ;
after which he marched further fouthward, and hav-
ing pafted the river Maypo, fubdu’d the Promoca’s,
a warlike nation, who had defended their frontiers
not only againft the Peruvian Emperors, but againft
the Spaniards commanded by Almagro. He
afterwards tranfported his troops over the great rivers
Maulle and Itata, and obferving an advantageous
fituation on a bay of the South-fea, in 37 degrees
fouth latitude, he founded a city there in the year
1330, giving it the name of Conception. But the
Chilefians, enraged to fee themfelves thus bridled
and reftrain’d of their native liberties by the towns
and fortreffes erefted by the Spaniards in their coun-
try, affembled in great numbers, and harrafs’d the
new city of Conception with repeated attacks, kil-
ling a great many Spaniards, and endangering the
lofs of their whole army. Valdivia, however,
finifti’d the fortification of that town the latter end
of the year 1530, and having fent out a party to
difcover the country, advanc’d further fouthward in
the beginning of the year 1551, bending his march
towards the plains of Angol ; and having crofs’d the
great river Biobio, founded the city of Imperial on
a hill at the confluence of two rivers in 39 degrees
fouth latitude, 4 leagues eaft of the Pacifick-ocean,
and 40 to the fouthward of Conception.
This city Hands in a fine fruitful plain, inhabited,
as the Spaniards relate, by fourfcore thoufand Indians
when they arrived there, a very peaceable nation,
that gave them no difturbance while they were build-
ing the city, and fuffered Valdivia to parcel out
both their perfons and their lands among his follow-
ers without oppofition.
From hence he marched towards the mountains
of Andes, and 16 leagues to the eaftward of Im-
perial laid the foundation of a city, which he call’d
Villa Rica, from the richnefs of the gold mines he
found there. And here the Spanifh hiftorians take
the liberty of cenfuring the conduct of their hero
Baldivia, in endeavouring to grafp more than
he could poffibly hold with the few Spanifh forces he
commanded. That brave people, they obferve,
had never been vanquifh’d by the Spaniards in fo
many encounters, if they had not been terrify’d and
aftonifh’d at the firing their artillery and final! arms,
which the Indians, at firft, imagin’d to be real and
not artificial thunder and lightning ; and that thofe
who difcharg’d them were rather gods than men :
Their horfes and the men upon them, arm’d cap-a-
pee, feem’d alfo invulnerable, not being able to
pierce their armour with their fpears and darts,
which rendered the Spaniards Hill more terrible.
But the Chilefians being at length undeceived, and
finding their enemies to be but men like themfelves,
H I L I. 3 7!
notwithftanding the difadvantege they had In the C H A
want of horfes, artillery, and armour, refolved to VIL
make another bold pufh for the recovery of their
liberties, being perfuaded they fhould be able, by
their numbers and courage, to expel tbefe ftrangers
out of their country, who had fo unjuftly enflaved
them ; in which they were not entirely miftaken j
for the Spaniards, not confidering that the dread of
their arms and horfes was now worn off, grew re- The chile-
mifs and negligent in their military difcipfine, and funs ^volt,.
attended more to the enriching themfelves than to
the fecuring their conquefts, which was attended
with many ill effedls ; for by compelling the Indians
to dig in the mines, they daily exafperated them
more and more. And by aflembling fo many of
them together at the mines, gave them an op-
portunity of forming fchemes, and executing them
too with better fuccefs than they could have don®
if they had remain’d difperfed in their refpedtive
villages.
The Araucans, the braveff nation of the Chi-
lefians, had oppofed the Spaniards with the greateft
fuccefs, but had been at laft oblig'd to fubmit ; and
this being one of the moft defirable countries in
Chili, Baldivia, in the diftribution of the lands,
had referv’d this valley for himfelf ; and being fen-
fible that the natives were not to be kept under un~
lefs by pure force, he erect eel three caftles in this
valley, and left garrifons in them while he march’d
further fouthward, and built the town of Valdivia,
as has been related ; where finding Hill richer mines,
’tis faid, he employ’d fifty thoufand Indians in the
working of them, and fpent fo much time there in
amaffmg wealth, that the Araucans, taking ad-
vantage of his abfence, engaged the whole country
in a confpiracy againft the Spaniards, and chofe the
celebrated Caupolican for their General.
Valdivia receiving intelligence of the intended C.uipofea®”'
infurre£Hon, return’d in fome hafte to the valley of Gencral of
Arauca, where he found thirteen or fourteen thou- the Chlleftr
fund of the natives affembled in arms, whom he
charged with his horfe, and oblig’d them to retire
into the woods and inclofures as often as they ap-
pear’d, but was not in a condition to difperfe them
entirely ; they frequently rallied and attack’d his
troops, and thus they continued to encounter him
for feveral days in a fort of running-fight.
The Chilefian General obferving that his en- H!e condujjj
gaging the Spaniards with fuch numbers only occa-
fion’d confufion among his people, thofe in the front
frequently giving way to the Spanifh cavalry, and
difordering the reft of his forces before ever they were
engag’d, divided his army into battalions of a thou-
fand each, ordering them to charge the enemy by
turns. He reprefented to them, that the Spaniards
were but an hundred and fifty horfe ; and that a
thoufand of his brave countrymen might eafily main-
tain their ground for fome time againft fo {mail a
number, notwithftanding the advantage the enemy
had in their arms and horfes. However, he only
Bbb 2 dellr’d
37 -
chap.
VII.
THE PRESENT STATE
Eautaro de-
fer h to the
(Shikfej
The Spa-
antd* rcut-
■3d.
ValciTia.
fcksn.
deftrM they would make their utmoft efforts. He
1/ad no expectation that the firft battalion fliould
gain the v'uftov ; but when they found themfelves
oblig'd to retire, requir’d them to take care in their
retreat not to diforder the other bodies, but rally
themfelves, and draw up in the rear, that they
might he ready for a fecund charge ; and the fame
commands he gave to the officers of the other
battalions.
In purfuance of thefe orders, the firft battalion
engaged the Spanifh horfe with great refolution, and
having held them in play fome time, leifurely re-
tir’d, being fucceeded by the fecond and that by the
third, and fo on ’till the Spaniards had continued the
engagement for feven or eight hours without inter-
miffion, and both men and horfes began to faint
with the labours of the day, or for want of refrelh-
ment ; which Valdivia too late obferving,
made a precipitate retreat, ordering his troops to
take pofleffion of a pals about a mile from the field
of battle, where he did not doubt he fhould yet be
able to defend himfelf againft all the power of the
enemy. But a Chilefian, who had been Page to
Valdivia, and baptized by the name of Ph i lip
(whofe Indian name name was Lautaro) hear-
ing his matter give orders for their retreat, deferted
at that inftant to his countrymen, and directed
them to take pofleffion of the pafs before the Spa-
niards could arrive there. He bid them (fays the
royal hrftorian, De la Vega) “ make ufe of
“ the advantage they had in their hands, recover
“ their liberties, and refcue their country from de-
4 ‘ ftruciion, by cutting off thole thieves and ufurp-
s ‘ ers who had invaded it ” : And taking up a fpear,
charged his late lord, Valdivia, at the head
of a company of Chilefians, while another detach-
ment of the Indians feeured the pafs, as he directed
them.
And now the Chilefians feeing the Spaniards un-
able longer to refill their attacks, prefled them on
every fide, without giving them a moment’s time to
breathe, who finding death inevitable, call’d upon
J-eslts Christ, but more upon the blefted Vir-
gin and the reft of the Saints, to fave them ; but
were all cut in pieces on the fpot, except the Gene-
ral Valdivia himfelf, who was taken prifoner
while he was making his confeffion to a miferable
Prieft in the fame circumftances, whom they kill’d
immediately, but brought Valdivia, with his
hands bound behind him, before Caupolican,
the Chilefian General, who ordering him to be ty’d
to a. tree, that he might be executed with more
ceremony than thofe that fell in the battle, Val-
divia, ’tis faid, meanly begg’d his life of the con-
querors, addreffing himfelf chiefly to Lautaro,
who was but a few hours before his Have. He pro-
mifed, if they would fpare him, to withdraw all
die Spanifh forces out of Chili, and never more
difturb their peace, fwearing by all that was lacred
io perform his promife 3 but the unrelenting enemy
was deaf to his entreaties ; even Lautaro ob-
ferved, that it was madncfs to truff to the promifes
of a captive, who would infallibly change his note
if he was let at liberty. Whereupon the General
pronounced his doom, tho’ authors differ about the
manner of his execution. Some affirm, they poured
melted gold down his throat, bidding him fatisfy
himfelf with that metal he fo violently thirfted after.
Others relate, that one of the Indian Caciques, not
bearing to hear it debated whether the deftroyer of
their country fliould live or die, beat out his brains
with a club, without afking the General’s leave ;
and all the Spanifh writers agree that they made
trumpets and flutes of his bones, and preferved his
fkull as a memorial of that important vidtory j
which they celebrated by feafting and dancing after
their country manner, and inftituted publick fports
and exercifes, fuch as running, wreftling, and leap-
ing, to be obferv’d annually in memory of it ; and
expecting the Spaniards would give them another
vifit, they encamped in fome of their moft inac-
ceffible woods and mountains; and Caupolican
conftituted Lautaro his Lieutenant-general for
the fervices he had done in the late -battle, finding
him every way qualified for that poft.
The news of Valdivia’s misfortune arriving
at the city of Conception, his Lieutenant Fran-
cisco deVillagra aftembled the Spaniards
that were dilperfed in the feveral provinces of Chili,
and being joined with feveral thoufand of his Indian
allies, marched to the valley of Arauca to give bat-
tle to Caupolican ; but that General cunningly
retir’d before him, ’till he found the Spaniards fo far
engaged in the woods and defiles that their horfe
could be of little ufe to them ; and then fending
out detachments to poflefs the paft’es in their rear,
he boldly fac’d about and attack’d them in front,
ordering his men not to ftand to be fhot at, but im-
mediately advance and come to a clofe engagement,
mixing themfelves with the enemy, whereby they
avoided the mifchief they ufed to receive from their
fire-arms at a diftance ; and being much more nu-
merous than the Spaniards and their allies, by this
ftratagem gained another memorable victory, killing
no lefs than two thoufand five hundred Spaniards
and Indians on the fpot. After which, Lauta-
ro, with a part of the Chilefian army, marched
towards the city of Conception, and finding it aban-
don’d by the Spaniards, fet fire to the town and de-
molilh’d it.
Lautaro afterwards laid fiege to the city of
Imperial, but die winter coming on, was obliged to
raife it, by the great rains which fall at that feafon ;
tho’ the Spaniards afcribe their deliverance to a mi-
racle, alluring us, that the Virgin Mary appeared
vifibly to the whole army over the city Imperial,
and defended it againft thefe Barbarians.
The Spaniards afterwards rebuilt the city of Con-
ception, but Lautaro drove them from thence a
fecond time; and obferving that the Chilefian liber-
ties
CHAP.
VII.
and executed*
Lautaro
Lieutenant^
general.
The Chi-
lefians obtaioa ■
a fecond
viftory.
Conception
abandon’d
and burnt.
Imperial hs°
fieg’d.
Conception
ichuilt and
deftrey’d a
fecond tiiree.
OF CHILI.
373
CHAP.
VII.
Lautaro
kill’d before
St. Jago.
Caupolicart
taken and
put to death
ties would ever be precarious while the Spaniards
had any footing in their country, he aflembled a
great army and laid fiege to the capital city of St.
Jago, where being unfortunately kill’d with an ar-
row, the fiege was raifed.
However, the Governor of Peru apprehending
all Chili would be loft, fent his fon Don Garcia
de Mendoza with a powerful reinforcement of
troops to (ijpprefs the Araucans, who was fo fortu-
nate, after feveral encounters with various fuccefs,
to make their General Caupolican prifoner,
whom he put to death after he had perfuaded him
to declare himfelf a Chriftian. But this was far
from putting an end to the war, the Chilefians were
determined to perifh rather than become flaves to
the Spaniards, and raifing frefti forces attack’d all
their colonies at once, fome of which were taken
and retaken feveral times ; and thus the war conti-
nued to be carried on with great obftinacy and cru-
elty for upwards of fifty years, when it appears, by
the Spaniards own relation, that they were driven
with great flaughter from moft of their fettiements
Chili almoft. * n that country. ^
The royal hiftorian, GarciLiAsso De la
Vega, being then in Spain, informs us that he re-
ceiv’d the following relation of the naileries of the
Spaniards there from an intimate acquaintance in
two letters, one of which was dated from St. Jago
in Chili, in the month of March, anno 1600, in
which the writer acquainted him, that about break
of day, on Wednefday the 24th of November,
1599, five thoufand Indians-, whereof three thou-
fand were horfe and the reft foot, feventy of them
carrying fire-arms, and two hundred of them in ar-
mour (they had taken from the Spaniards) took the
Imperial city Imperial by furprize, being guided thither by a
taken by the treacherous fpy, burnt and deftroy’d the whole town,
killing and taking four hundred Spaniards, men,
women and children.
And in another letter from Chili, in the year
1604, the writer tells us, that of the thirteen cities
which were eftablifhed in this kingdom of Chili,
Six Spanifh the Indians had deftroy’d fix, namely, Valdivia,
The Spanb
ards driven
out of all
towns taken Imperial, Angol,
ly them P ’ .=> »
Ofornp fiege.
Villarica
taken and’
deftroy’d.
Santa Cruz, Caftro in Chiloe,
and Conception. They overthrew their houfes,
diftionour’d and prophan’d the temples, obfeur’d the
brightnefs of that faith and devotion which ftiined in
thofe parts, and what is worfe (fays the writer) this
fuccefs hath encouraged and raifed the fpirits of the
Indians in that manner, that they are grown bold
and confident, omitting no opportunity or advan-
tage which may offer to rob or deftroy our cities
and monafteries with fire and fword. They have
learned alfo many arts and ftratagems of war ; for
when they befieged the city of Oforno, and com-
pelled the Spaniards to retire within their works,
they fo ftraiten’d them that thev could receive no
fuftenancc, unlefs it were fome fmall quantities of
the feed of herbs, and leaves of turnips, which too
they were fain to fight for and gain with the pomt
of the lance. In one of the fieges of this city they CHAP,
broke the images of Christ and our Lady, and VII.
other Saints, to the great difhonour of God, which
none but his infinite mercy and patience could have
fuffer’d. In the laft fiege which the Indians laid to
this place they furpriz’d the Spaniards and kill’d the
centinels, and without any oppofition entered and
poflefied themfelves of the town, exercifing fuch Taken by
cruelty as was agreeable to the barbarity of their
natures ; for they butcher’d the children, and put
the women and nuns in chains, intending to carry
them away into flavery : But while they were thus
bufily employ’d in packing up and difpofing their
bootv, and plundering every where without order,
the Spaniards took courage, and with that opportu-
nity fell upon them, and God afliffing their endea-
vours, they refeu’d their wives and nuns from their and rece-
violent hands, and with the lots of fome few forced ver d
them to fly, and quit both their prey and their city.
The laft victory which the Indians obtained was
when they took Villarica with great effufion of Spa-
nifh blood : They fet fire to the four quarters of the
town, and killed the Friars of St. Dominick, St.
Francis, and the Merceds-, with all the Clergy
that were there, carrying the women away captives,
many of which were ladies of quality and condition.
And this was the fate of that city, which was once
of fame and great renown, and illuftrious among
the neighbouring cities of that new world. Thus
far proceeds the relation of Chili in the year 1604.
To which nothing can he faid (fays De la Ve-
ga) but that “ thefe were judgments which God on thefe
ctr in his fecret providence permits for the chaftife- caIam *ues»
“ ments of mankind.” Not refledling that thefe
calamities were no more than the Spaniards richly
deferved, who had unjuftly invaded this country,,
and made flaves of the natives without any manner
of colour or pretence.
The Chilefians afterwards recovered feveral other The Hol-
places from the Spaniards, and almoft expell’d them landers at-
their country, of which the Hollanders receiving ^'colonS"
intelligence, their Weft-India company, in the year - m cbilj.
1642, fitted out a fquadron of men of w'ar under
the command of Captain Brewer, and having put
fome land-forces on board, order’d them to fail to
the coaft of Chili, and fettle colonies there, not
doubting to poflefs themfelves of fome of the gold
mines of that country ; for they concluded, that
every people which were enemies to the Spaniards
would be well received by the Chilefians.
The account the Dutch were plcafed to publifh
of this expedition was of the following tenour.
That Brewer and his fquadron fet fail from
the Texel on the 6th of November, 1642, and ar-
riv’d at Fernambuco, on the coaft of Brazil, in 9. —
degrees of fouth latitude, on the 2 2d of December
following, where having confulted with Count
Maurice of Nafiau, General and Commander
in chief for the Dutch in Brazil, he failed from Fer- ■
narnbuco with five flops weft equipp’d and provided
with
Remarks
Z7 i
THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. with neceffaries, on the 1 5th of January, 1 642-3,
VII. and on the 3 th of March they came in fight of the
Straights of La Maire, as they are call’d, which is
•only a paffage between a finall ifland denominated
Slate’s Ifland, and the mod eafterly point of Terra
del Fogo, in 5 4 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude.
They came to an anchor in a bay of Slate’s Ifland,
to the caftward of the Straights of La Maire, where
fia ving remain’d ’till the 25 th of March, they fail’d
round Cape Horn, differing pretty much by florrny
weather, and lofing the company of one of their
fhips, call’d the Orange-tree, and arriv’d with the
Arrive on other four on the coaft of Chili, on the 30th of A-
Pu e , coa A °i P r i h 1643 ; and on the oth of May they came to
an anchor in a bay or tne South-lea, in 41 degrees,
# 30 minutes fouth latitude, to which they gave the
name of Brewer’s-haven, being a little to thefouth-
ward of the Spanifh town of Carelmappa.
An officer being fent on Ihore with a company
of foldiers, they difeover’d great herds of oxen,
fheep, and horfes, and fome houfes, but the inhabi-
tants were fled ; however, they fuppofed that part
of the country to be in the poffeffion of the Spani-
ards, by the large wooden erodes they faw fix’d at
the entrance of the houfes ; and going on fhore the
next day, they difeover’d a party of Spanifh horfe,
and fome cannon-fhot were fired at their boat.
Engage % A company of fifty foldiers being lent on Ihore
again, the 20th of May, they difeover’d the town
of Carelmappa, and had a fmart engagement with
a Spanifh party, confifting of ninety men, horfe
and foot, whom they defeated. Whereupon the
Spaniards abandon’d the town of Carelmappa, and
the Dutch took pofieffion of it, where they remain’d
Til the 25th, and then fetting fire to the town, and
killing the horfes they had taken in the engagement,
they retir’d to their fhips.
They land They afterwards failed to the town of Caftro,
at Caibro. on t h e ifland of Chiloe, where they arrived on the
6th of June. There appeared a good body of Spa-
nifh horfe and foot on the fhore, but the Dutch no
fooner landed fome foldiers than the inhabitants fet
Spaniia
fire to the town and abandon’d it, having before
carried away every thing that was valuable.
They relate that Caftro was heretofore a fine
Spanifh town, replenifhed with magnificent build-
ings, pleafantly fituated on a hill, furrounded with
fruitful orchards and gardens adorned with fountains,
and the fields beyqnd well cultivated ; and that at
the time when the Dutch arriv’d there the fruit then
remain’d on many of the trees, tho’ it was in the
Beginning of their winter.
The Dutch having taken an hundred fheep and
Lome hogs off the ifland, reimbark’d, and on the
s 7th of June returned to Brewer’s-harbour. From
hence they propofed to fail to the river Baldivia, but
the north wind blowing hard in their teeth, they
altered their minds and came before Carelmappa a-
•gain, where landing a company of foldiers on the
ft 6 th of July, they took three Spanifh prifoners,
who inform’d them, that the winters on that coaft C H A F.
were ufually tempeftuous, but that the moft ftormy yiL
month was paft; that there were gold mines at
Oforno, and more at Baldivia, but the mines were
not wrought of late ; and that at Caftro there were
none to be feen, the Indians not having been com-
pelled to work in the mines fince tha general revolt
in *559* , :
They learned alfo from an old Spanifh woman The condl-
they had taken, that before the faid general revolt, tio " of th «
the Spaniards lived in great fplendour at Oforno ; befoTtte
that the meaneft of them had three hundred Indian Indians *
vaffals at leaft, who were compell’d to pay their re- *
fpeftive lords a certain weekly tribute in gold, and
were ufed fo cruelly by the Spaniards, that the Chi-
lefians rofe as one man, drove them from Oforno
and other Spanifh towns, and they poffeffed little
more in this part of Chili than Carelmappa and St.
Michael de Calimbuco. Since which, however,
the Indians of Oforno, Baldivia, Villarica, Imperial,
Tucapel, Aurauco and Puren, had lived in a pretty
good intelligence with the Spaniards ’till very lately,
when the Indians took up arms again, and they
were now a£tually in a ftate of war with the Spani-
ards : which was confirmed by fix Indian Caciques,,
who came on board the 20th of July, and allured
the Dutch they were extremely rejoic’d that they
were come to aflift them againft their ancient ene-
mies the Spaniards. The Dutch anfwered, they
had brought good ftore of arms to exchange with
their countrymen of Oforno, Baldivia, and other
places, for fuch merchandize as Chili afforded, that
they might be enabled to carry on the war againft
the Spaniards, and were ready to affift them to the
utmoft of their power. The Chilefians reply’d,
they lived very uneafily under the Spanifh govern-
ment of Carelmappa, and were contriving how to
get to their friends at Oforno and Baldivia ; but the
Spaniards had poffefs’d the paffes, and the country
was fo over-flow’d by the winter-rains, that they
found it impraflicable to go by land at prefent, and
therefore defir’d the Dutch would carry them to
Valdivia in their fhips; which the General agreeing
to, they returned on fhore to give their friends an
account of it, and make preparationsffor their voy-
age.
The next day more Chilefians went on board,
and one of them brought the head of a Spaniard
with them, whom he had kill’d, and declar’d they
were determin’d to fhake off the Spanifh yoke.
Whereupon the General made a prefent to them of
fome fpears and fwords, as alfo mufkets, with pow-
der and ball : And the Chilefe fent fome black cat-
tle on board in return; but on the 7th of Auguft
the Dutch General Brewer died, who had pro- GenOTj
jefled the enterprize, and was beft acquainted with Brewer
the ftate of that country, and in what manner the
Indians were to be treated, whole death was evi-
dently the reafon the Dutch had no better fuccefs in
this expedition. He had fet his heart upon this un-
dertaking.
O F C
CHAP, ciertaking, and had a profpecl of bringing the whole
VIJ. country of Chili under the dominion of his matters
V^"vO the Dutch; and tho’ Captain Hercke^m an,
who fucceeded him in the command, might have
‘no lefs zeal to ferve his country, yet he certainly
mifearried for want of a proper addrels. He too
foon difeover’d to the natives with what view tire
Hollanders viiited their coaft, and created jealouttes
in them which he found it impoffible afterwards to
remove, as will appear hereafter. The late General
was fo confident of the luccefs of the enterprize, that
he dire&ed his countrymen to take his corpfe with
them and bury it at Baldivia, which he had deter-
min’d to fortify, and appointed the Chilefians to ren-
dezvous there and meet the fleet ; not doubting of a
general revolt in their favour. His great ambition
was to have a tomb ereetted in that place, which
might perpetuate the memory of his being the author
of fo great a good to his country.
But to proceed in the relation. The Dutch ha-
ving taken four hundred and feventy Chilefe on
board, who had furnifh’d themfelves with corn,
cattle, and other provifions for the voyage, fet fail
for the river Baldivia on the 21ft of Augutt, where
they arriv’d the 24th. The river is about a league
over at the mouth ; and the Dutch having fail’d half
a league up it, they obferv’d three channels, of
which taking the middlemoft they run a-ground,
and it was two or three days before they could get
all their (hips a-float again ; fo that it was the 28th
before they arrived at the town of Baldivia, where
they only found the ruins of the ancient gates, which
were very high and ftrong-built, but the place was
now over-run with bufhes and weeds, and more
like a wildernefs than a city. Here they found three
or four hundred Chilefians, horfe and foot, armed
with fpears eighteen foot long; fome of whom came
on board and welcomed them at their arrival. The
Dutch General harangu’d them by an interpreter,
and acquainted them, that the Hollanders were now
in pofteffion of Brazil upon the fame continent, not
above two months fail from them, and were in a
condition to fupply them from time to time with
arms and ammunition, and would affift them to
drive their enemies the Spaniards out of the country,
defiring they would enter into a league oft’enfive and
defenfive with them. He alfo prefented them with
letters from the Prince of Orange of the like tenour,
which were interpreted to the Indians. For we
mutt remember here, that neither the people of the
Eaft or Weft-Indies have any notion of a republican
form of Government; and therefore the Hollanders,
in all their negotiations with thofe diftant nations,
pretend to be authoriz’d to treat with them by the
Prince of Orange, or fome Angle perfon whom they
infinuate is their Monarch, or Sovereign of their
country.
The Caciques gave the General no other anfwer
to his propofitions at prefent, but that they would
conduit their brethren of Olorno and Conco, and
II I L I.
*> -f r
d/D
then return to Valdivia again. Whereupon the CHAP.
Dutch proceeded to land their fokliers on the 2d of VII.
September, and the General took a view of the
ground in order to eredt a fort.
The fame evening arriv’d above a thoufand Chi- A treaty
lefians from Qforno and Coneo to treat with the betwceri
Hollanders, and the next day the General, by his JhFciuC
Interpreter, made them another fpeech, acquainting funs,
them, that the chief motive of their voyage was to
affift the Chilefians, the fame of whofe great addons
had reached as far as Holland ; that the Dutch had
been at war with thefe fame Spaniards for upwards
of fourfeore years as well as the Chilefe, fo& the
prefervation of their liberties, and had met with the
like fuccefs, extending their conquefts as far as Bra-
zil : And if the Chilefe would now enter into 3
confederacy with the Hollanders, they were ready
to fupply them with cannon, fmall arms, and am-
munition, which they would exchange for the pro-
duett of their country, and the Chilefians would be
enabled thereby not only to defend themfelves, but
to expel the Spaniards from their coafts. After
which, a letter was deliver’d to every one of the
Caciques, as fent them from the Prince of Orange.
To which the Chilefians anfwer’d, that they thought
themfelves extremely fortunate to meet with a fop-
ply of arms from fo diftant a country as Holland,
at a time when the war with the Spaniards was re-
vived.
The Dutch thereupon enquir’d if the Chilefe
could fupply their fleet with flefh and other provi-
fions, if they continued on their coaft to proteett
them againft the Spaniards? To which they unani-
moufly anfwer’d, they would not fail to bring them
all the provifions they wanted, for they had plenty
of com and cattle, provided the fleet did not ftir
from the coaft : And they readily entered into a
parole-alliance ofFenfive and defenfive with the Hol-
landers againft the Spaniards, but would not be per-
fuaded to fign written articles which were offered
and interpreted to them, declaring that this was not
cuftomary amongft them, promifes were ever look’d
upon as facred and of equal obligation with written
contrails. But I am apt to think they had an ap-
prehenfion that there was fome witchcraft or charm
in writing, ^is foveral other Americans had when
the Europeans came firft amongft them ; or perhaps
they were fo politick as not to enter into a written
engagement, left the articles might fall into the
hands of the Spaniards, and be made a pretence for
opprefting and tyrannizing over fuch of the Indians
as lived under their government, or were made pri-
foners by them.
The Hollanders then proceeded to build a fort at The Dutch
Baldivia for their fecurity, which the natives did not er ^ d a ( - fort!l
feem to oppofe ; but when the Dutch propofed the their t j, ir ^
trafficking with the Chilefe, and exchanging arms of gold;
for their gold, the Caciques immediately appeared
jealous of their new allies, and declar’d they had no pr j ze .
gold mines, nor was there any fuch thing as gold in
i ufe
37 6 THE PRES
CHAP, ufe amongft them. They remember’d, indeed, that
VII. heretofore they had been forced to pay heavy taxes
to the Spaniards in gold on pain of loiing their ears
and nofes, as many of them did who could not pro-
cure as much as was expelled, and this had given
them fucli an abhorrence of that metal that they
could not bear to hear it nam’d amongft them:
They were very far from valuing or coveting it, as
they found all lfrangers did.
The General finding the natives were not igno-
rant of his views, reply’d, they were not come to
exatft any thing of them, as the Spaniards had done,
but were ready to pav them with arms, or whatever
merchandize they lik’d beft, for their gold. Every
one was at liberty to exchange what he pleafed.
Whereupon the Caciques flared at one another
without returning one word of anfwer ; and the
Dutch relate, they did not think fit to urge them
any further on that head, left they fhould imagine
they intended to ferve them as the Spaniards had
done ; tho’ they had certain information there were
very rich mines in that part of the country.
The Dutch General therefore, fenfible he was
now to exped but little affiftance from the natives,
jnd that it would be impoflible to maintain his
ground long againft the Spaniards, and the reft of
the Chrlefians in alliance with them, difpatch’d Cap-
tain Crispinson with two of his (hips to ber-
nambuco in Brazil, to give their friends an account
of the ftate of their affairs, and to defire a further re-
inforcement, and in the mean time continued to for-
tify the poft he had taken at Baldivia, where he hoped
to defend himfeif ’till thofe fupplies arriv’d.
Tile account In the letter the Dutch General fent by Captain
the Dutch Crispinson to Brazil, he informs that Govern-
nT-e °f nhin ment, that the Spaniards had not more than fifteen
time! hundred foldiers, either on the continent or iflands
cf Chili, viz. three hundred in Valparifo and St.
Jago (this muff be a little port call’d St. Jago on
the coaft, and not the capital city of St. Jago, that
lay far -within land near the toot of the mountains
of the Andes, for that was demolifh’d by the Indi-
ans, and lay in ruins at that time, as I apprehend)
three hundred in the city of Conception (at this
time the capital of the Spanifh fettiements in Chili)
one hundred in Serena, or Coquirobo, one hundred
on the banks of the river Biobio, eighty in 7 ucu-
pel, five hundred in .the forts in the valley of A-
rauco^ one hundred and twenty in the ifland of
Chiloe, Carelmappa and Calimbuco. What the
number of the Spanifh inhabitants were he does
not fay, -only that they were more numerous than
the garrifon foldiers : And it is evident that many
ef -the Chilefe profeffed the Chriftian religion, and
were intermarried with the Spaniards at this time,
and therefore were in a manner one people with
gbp rti ; and that feme tribes or clans that were not
Wilder the Spanifh government were in alliance
with them, tho’ moft of them, were in a ftate of
war with tire Spaniards.
i
ENT STATE
And in thefe cireumftances the Dutch General CHAP,
informs the Government of Brazil, that in cafe ten VII.
fhips and three yachts, with eight hundred foldiers,
feamen, cannon, and ammunition in proportion,
were fent to his affiftance, he did not doubt making
himfeif mafter of all the Spanifh fettiements above-
mention’d, and fhould have no reafon to be afraid
of all the naval force the Spaniards had, either in
Peru or Chili : And if he could make himfeif ma-
fter of Chill by this means, it might encourage the
natives of Peru to throw oft' the Spanifh yoke, thofe
Indians having entertain’d an inconceivable averfion
to the Spaniards. He informs his employers alfo,
that tliey had received advice that the natives of
the neighbouring province of La Plata had rofe
upon the Jefuits (the then Sovereigns, or Ufurpers
of that country) and had murdered many of thofe
Fathers ; which was look’d upon as an indication
of a general revolt againft the Spaniards : And then,
repeating his importunities for a fpeedy and effedtua!
fupply, concludes, that it was not improbable, when
the war fhould be once kindled on that fide, it
might fpread over the whole Spanifh Weft-Indies ;
and the Hollanders might fupplant them in the Weft,
as they had done the Portugucfe in the Eaft-Indies
and Brazil. Such was the ambition of this Dutch
Officer to make his Mafters Sovereigns of all Spanifh-
Ainerica, as they actually were of the moft defirable
and profitable countries in the Eaft, from whence a
little before they expell’d the Englifh as well as the
Portuguefe.
This exprefs had not been difpatch’d a week,
before the Dutch General became fenfible of his
miftake ; and that whatever mifunderftandings there
might be between the Chilefians and the Spaniards,
the natives were now much more afraid of the Hol-
landers than of their ancient enemies ; and would
probably join with the Spaniards to expel him their
country.
For in the next conference he had with the Ca-
ciques, they gave him to underftand that he muft
expedt no provifions from them ; and endeavour’d
to terrify the Dutch, by reporting that the Spaniards
were affembling their forces by fea and land to drive
them from Valdivia. And it is highly probable
that the Dutch in this cafe expedited no affiftance
from their new allies, but were rather apprehenfive
they would betray them to the Spaniards ; for he
fbon after demolifh’d his new-eredted fort, and ha-
ving reimbark’d his people, fet fail for Brazil, on The Dutch
the z 8th of Odtober, 1643 ; and having furround- abandon
ed Cape Horn, repaffed the Straights of La Maire 1 '*
on the 21ft of November, and on the 28th of
December arrived at Fernambuco in Brazil ; fo
that they were but juft two months in their voyage
from Baldivia to the northern part of Brazil. <
I fhall conclude this expedition of the Hollanders Brewer’s-
to Chili with fome remarks they made on Brewer’s- hirbour.
haven, and the port of Baldivia; viz. that Brewer s-
haveja, by fome call’d the Fnglifh-harbour, was a
very
CHAP,
VJI.
BaIJivia har-
ixsur.
Nai bo-
rough’s
voyage to
Chili, ann.
1669.
Sept. 26,
5669.
OF C H I L I.
377
very convenient harbour, there being good anchorage,
and an eafy paflage into the open Tea ; nor did there
want wood or frefh water on the land ; and there
was plenty of fifh, both in the harbour and in the
brooks on fhore : That the country and the neigh-
bouring iflands abounded in horfes, fheep, hogs,
goats, and poultry : That the foil was fruitful in
wheat, peas, beans, turnips, potatoes, flax, and
fruit ; but their fruits were frequently fpoil’d by
ftormy weather before they were ripe.
That the mouth of the river Baldivia formed a
fpacious bay, at the entrance whereof there was a
fmall ifland that would have commanded the paf-
lage if it had been fortified : That the country
thereabouts abounded in horfes, oxen, fheep, hogs,
goats, and tame fowl, producing great quantities
of peas and beans, and fome wheat, very good
apples, and other European fruits : That the
weapons of the natives were chiefly pikes of fif-
teen foot long, and they had fome fire-arms and
armour they had taken from the Spaniards : That
they were generally good horfemen, and manag’d
their lances on horfeback with great dexterity.
The next remarkable voyage to Chili was made
by Captain (afterwardsSir Joh n) Narborough
by the command of King Charles II. in the year
1 669, about thirty years after the faid attempt of the
Hollanders. It feems to have been undertaken upon
fo me intelligence given to the Court of England by
an old Spaniard, ufually call’d Don Carlos, who
had formerly refided in South- America, importing,
That his countrymen had in a manner abandon’d
Chili, and that it would not be difficult for the
Englifh to cultivate a good underftanding with
the natives, and eftablifh a very advantageous traf-
fick there, the principal returns whereof would be
in gold : And he pointed out Valdivia, as the
port where they were mod likely to fucceed, it not
being imagin’d that the Spaniards had re-poflefs’d
themfelves of that place, having deferted it for
three or fourfcore years: For Captain Nar bo-
rough was exprefly commanded not to moleff
the Spaniards in any of their fettlements, or to
commit any a£ts of hoflility againft Spain.
Captain Narborough having perform’d this
voyage, printed a narrative of it, of the following
tenor, viz.
That having received a commiffion to com-
mand the man of war call’d the Sweep-flakes, of
300 tuns and 3 6 guns ; mann’d with fourfcore men,
and proyidcd with fourteen months provifion : And
inflead of beer having four half tuns of Brandy al-
low’d him, with guns, nets, and other implements
for fifhing and fowling, he began this voyage from
England in company with the Batchelor Pink, of
70 tuns, four guns, and mann’d with nineteen
men and a boy, on the 26th of September, 1669,
carrying with him, at his Majefty’s coft, the fol-
lowing goods to exchange with the natives, viz.
knives, feiflars, looking-glafTes, beads, hatchets,
VOL. III.
Made Cape
Verde ifland*
October iS*
hoes, nails, needles, pins, pipes, bells, iinnen and C H A P
woollen cloths and fluffs, tobacco, &c. That VIE
taking his departure from the Lizard at noon the
fame day, he made the ifland of Madera on the
17th of October, and on the 23d of the fame
month he pafied the Tropic of Cancer, and then
thought it proper to have all his men let blood, ha-
ving obferv’d in former voyages to St. Helena and
the coafl of Guinea, that this tended to the prefer-
vation of his men from calentures, and other di-
ftempers in thofe hot climates ; for he never had
one day’s illnefs in thofe or any other hot voyages,
which he imputed to his opening a vein whenever
he approach’d the Equinodlial : And the writer of
thefe fheets well remembers, that Captain Rains,
with whom he fail’d to the Eafl-Indies, obferv’d
the fame rule when he palled theTropicof Cancer,
and had fcarce a man fick the whole voyage, tho’ he
had a hundred and fifty men on board, and pafied
the Equator twice.
But to proceed: Captain Narborough re-
lates, that he made the Cape Verde iflands (in 15 de-
grees north latitude) on the 28th of Odlober, where
having taken in water, cows, hogs, and other frefh
provifions, he failed on the 8th of November to the
iouthward, having firft given orders to the Batchelor
Pink, if fhe was feparated from him, to fail to Port
Defire near Cape Blanco, on the coafl of Patagonia,
in 47 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude ; and that
after he had pafied the mouth of the river Plata,
he fhould keep along the American coafl ’till he
made Cape Blanco aforelaid, and look for him at
Port Defire ; and if he (Captain Nar borough)
fhould be there before him, he would leave an in-
feription engraven on a board, and fattened to a
tree or poll, mentioning the time of his departure,
and the port he intended to make next ; and that
he would do the like at St. Julian, in 49 degrees,
odd minutes fouth latitude, and order’d the Pink to
do the fame, and to flay two wdiole months for the
Sweep-flakes, as fire would for the Pink, if fhe
arrived firft at thofe ports ; and inform’d the Pink,
that file fhould touch on the coafts of South- America,,
beyond the river Plata, to endear our to eftablifh a
commerce with the natives.
The Sweep-flakes and the Pink kept company
together ’till they came into foundings on the coafl
of Patagonia, in 45 degrees fouth latitude ; but
here the Sweep-flakes loft fight of the Pink in foggy
weather, and on the 21 of February the Captain
made Cape Blanco, in 47 degrees, odd minutes fouth Cape Bianco
latitude, having paft Port Defire in a fog. Where-
upon he flood to the northward again, and came Febnusr.
to an anchor at Port Defire, where he went on
fhore and waited fix weeks for the Pink, but heard
nothing of her afterwards.
While the Sweep-flakes remain’d in this port, Some de-
the Captain made ftveral journies into the country, fcriptionof
where he informs us he met with great flore of ,hls Port °'
wild peafe with green leaves and a bluifh blcflom,
C c c fome
Patagonia,
37 '
THE PRESENT STATE
Seal, or Pen*
guin Ifland.
Seals de-
ciib’d.
CHAP, fome fweet herbs like tares, with white and yellow
VII. flowers, and another herb like fage, which made
very good fallads, and prefer ved his men from the
fcurvy. On the rocks they found abundance of
mufcles and limpets, and on a neighbouring ifland
great numbers of feal and water-fowl, which were
excellent food, and his fhip’s crew lived on them
and the fifh he caught there a confiderable time ;
and here he found two tolerable fprings of frefh
water allb, with which he replenifh’d his calks.
That on Friday, on the 14th of March, he went
with his boats and forty men to an ifland near Port
Defire, where they knock’d down four hundred Seals,
and loaded their boats with them, from whence he
gave it the name of Seal Ifland. He obferv’d the
full grown male feals were of the fize of a large
calf, or young heifer, having fhaggy necks, heads
and faces like lions. The females alfo refembled
lionefles before, only their hair was fmooth like
horfes ; whereas the male was fmooth only in his
hinder-parts. Both of them were very deformed,
the body growing tapering downwards ’till it came
to a point, where grew two fins like feet, and
two feet more grew out of its bread, fo that they
could climb up the higheft rocks and hills, though
they delighted chiefly to fleep near the fhore. The
length of this amphibious animal was from eight to
eighteen feet, and they were generally as big about
as a barrel at the fhoulders.
On Saturday, the 5 th of March, he went eight
or ten miles up into the country, and met with fome
herds of guanuco’s,or camel-fheep, which are fo com-
mon in Peru. He alfo faw feveral odriches, a fox
and a wild dog, and five or fix hares, of which
he kill’d one with his greyhound : It refembled
an Englifli hare, only was much larger, and had a
dump of an inch long indead of a tail ; and he
obferv’d they lived under ground like rabbits. They
faw no wood, unlefs fome bufhes like white thorn.
The land was- a dry gravelly foil, moderately hilly,
and produc’d grafe in the valleys, but fcarce any
tiring elfe ; no fruits of any kind.
He found, in a fmall ifland near Port Defire, an
b <T LiM .lire ' n ^' cr ‘P t * on u p on a pod, dignifying that James la
y Maise was at that port in the month of January,
1616 (being written in Dutch); and thereupon he
call’d it La Maire’s Ifland.
The Captain being about to depart from Port
Defire, formerly took pofleffion of that country for
his Britifh Majedy, under an apprehendon that it
might yield gold as Chili, which lies on the oppofite
(bore, does; but though he order’d his people to
fearch diligently in the brooks and gullies for gold
land, and dug in feveral places, he could difcover
nothing that look’d like a mineral.
Finds ihe Q n March the 26th, 1 670. he obferv’d an eclipfe
wi ediple °f the moon, which fhew’d there was four hours,
forty minutes difference of time between the meri-
dian of London and the meridian of Cape Blanco,
which lies in 47 degrees, 20 minutes foutb latitude,
err the fouth-eaft coad of America, From Port
Other
mils.
Soil,
Find? an in-
Defire he fail’d to Port St. Julian, in 49 degrees, 10
minutes fouth latitude, where not finding the Pink
as he expedled, his men were much difeouraged,
confidering, they could expedl no relief if they
fhould happen to run a-ground on that unknown
coad. But the hopes fie gave them of finding im-
menfe riches in Chili, and fetting before them the
example of Captain Drake, who fail’d round the
world in one fhip, when navigation was not brought
to fo great perfection, they recover’d their courage.
That on the 2 id of April, he caught in this port,
with his Sein-net, in the fpace of four hours, five
hundred fifhes of the fize and form of mullets, and
fome of them as big as a man’s leg, which were a
great relief to his fhip’s company. And now the
winter came on apace ; the fnows fell, the waters
froze, and the wind blew very hard and cold from
the fouth-wed ; from whence he concluded he
diould not be able to pafs the Straights of Magellan
at this time of the year, and therefore determin’d
to winter thereabouts, ordering every one of his
men a quart of brandy a week, and for meat they
had falted feals and penguins given them, which
prov’d very good food.
Going on fhore at Fort St. Julian on the 2 2d of
April, he found a falt-pond, or lake, two miles in
length, cruded over with good white fait two inches
thick, of which he laid two tuns in.
Having remain’d here ’till the 6tbof June, he went
on fhore with fixteen men, and travelled ten miles
into the country, hut co uld go no further for the
mountains, which were cover’d with fnow. They
yet few no people, but difeover’d there had been fome
in the fnow, and that they had made fires, and eaten
guanacoes and odriches by the remains they found
of their fead.
That going on fhore again the 2 2d of June, he
fent Mr. Wood, his Lieutenant, to the wedward,
with three armed men, who few feven Indians on
a hill, and three of them advanc’d towards him,
with bows and arrows in their hands, loofe fkins a-
bout their fhoulders, furrson their heads, and pieces
of fkin wrapp’d about their feet, and all the red
naked, only fome part of their faces and bodies
were painted with red and white, their natural colour
being olive: They were of a middle dature, not
fo tall as the Lieutenant, well limb’d, their hair
black ( which they did not wear very long ) and
fpoke in the throat. They came pretty near, hut
would not fufFer themfelves to be touch’d. Tire
Lieutenant threw them a knife and fome other
trifles, which they took up ; but when he odered
them a bottle of brandy they would not drink.
That fome others of his crew few two more of
the natives behind a bufli, and would have ap-
proach’d them, but they run away, leaving a bun-
dle and two little dogs coupled together, which
were brought to the Captain ; and lie found in the
bundle feveral bags made of fkins, with red and
white earth in them, ufed in painting their bodies
and faces. There were alfo flint-dones, arrow-
heads.
CHAR
VII.
Port St. Ju-
lian. He
winters here.
A Salt-lake.
The natives
of Patagonia.
Their
ftature.
CHAP.
VII.
The proof
of their be-
ing canibals.
'Other ani-
mals.
Retiirns to
Port Defne.
o F C II I L I. J79
heads, bracelets of (hells, braided thongs, armadillo- penguins, which he didributed. to the fick, with CHAP.
(hells’ and home other trifles ; that the (kins were fuch fallads as this part of the country affords, and VII.
euanacoes and feals, and fewed together with a green they all recover’d in a .very (hort time.
gut in a flit (lick, and near the bundle were found While the Captain lay on (hore at Port Defire,
two (laves of tough cane, in (hort joints, about he (ays, the natives came in the night-time to the
four foot long. The Captain faw afterwards a place where his men ufed to fill their frefh water,
place where the natives had made a fire, and left and dole from thence an iron pot, and three fuits of
the bones of fome guanacoes and odriches fcatter’d cloaths, with fome linnen ; and he faw, in an adja-
about. He alfo faw the (kulls of three men with- cent valley, a model they had made of his (hip with
out any fle(h upon them ; from whence the Cap- earth and (ticks, which he imagin’d they did in or-
tain conjectures that the natives were man-eaters ; der to preferve the memory of that floating cattle,
and fuch evidence as this is frequently produced to having never feen one before, poffiblyon that coaff.
prove the Americans to be canibals. The Captain Here the Captain takes an opportunity to inform
was fully convinc’d by ocular demondration that us, that the ifle of Penguins, which lies at the en-
the Patagonians were not giants, as the firft Ad- trance of Port Defire, affords fuch numbers of pen-
venturers reported ; but dill he feems to be in doubt, guins and feals, that at the time he was there, as
whether they were not canibals, though the evi- many of them might have been taken as would
dence of both is the fame ; and the Indians might have fill’d three hundred tuns of ca(k, when drefs’d
as well infer that the Europeans were canibals, be- and falted, and that the flefh might be kept fweet
caufe our Surgeons and Apothecaries have frequent- and good for four months, if well cur’d.
Iv (kulls, and fometimes (keletons in their houfes. The Penguin, he obferves, is of the bignefs of a Penguins fie*
But our people, it feems, began to be adram’d of the Brant-goofe, weighing ufually about eight pounds, fcnbu
fabulous relations of the American giants and mon- and lives upon fifh. Indead ot wings it has flat
ders at that time, though they were yet extremely dumps, like fins, and its feathers are a kind of
prejudiced in favour of canibals ; and though Captain down of a blackifh colour, only grey on the head
Narborough is admitted to be a gentleman of and white on the neck and belly. The legs are
good judgment, yet allowances mud be made for diort, like thofe of a goofe ; and the bill hooked,
the age and country every perfon lives in. At fome They are driven in flocks to the boat-fide, and
times, and at fome particular places, magick, knock’d on the head by the fearnen ; fo that (hip-
wichcraft, and apparitions are in great vogue, ping can never be in want of frefii provifions at this
and not a week palTes but our belief is requir’d to port ; and he was of opinion there might be found
fome notable dory of this kind, on pain of being a fufficient quantity of fait alfo here in the fummer to
reputed infidels : While in other countries, and at fait up their feals and penguins, hut if not, they
other times, people imagine they may be very good would never fail of finding fait at Port St. Julian,
Chridians without lwallowing every incredible tale The winter being now pafs’d, the Captain fet Sails from
that weak or defigning people have the confidence fail from Port Defire on the i 3th of October, 1 670.
to affirm the truth of, efpecially when they bring and on the 19th paffed by the cape called Beachy- l67 °J r
no better proof of what they relate than the Cap- head, and the hill of St. Ives, in 50 degrees, to mi-
tain produces to maintain that heavy charge againd nutes fouth latitude, where the land forms a bay,
this nation of their being canibals, namely, that into which the river of St. Cruce dilcharges it-
three (kulls happen’d to be found in the podeffion of felf. And on the 2 2d of O&ober they arriv’d at
fome of the people of the country. Cape Virgin Mary, at the north entrance of the
But to proceed : The farthed journey the Captain Straights of Magellan, fituated in 5 2 degrees, 26 mi- Magellankk
made into the country while he lay at Port St. Ju- nutes fouth latitude, which are in fome parts three
lian, he fays, was twenty-five miles to the north- or four leagues, but in others not half a league 1 1 “ efCs
wed, in which he met with teal and other fowl, a broad,
kind of herons all over red, great numbers of All about the entrance of the Straights, ’till he
guanacoes and odriches, hares and partridges big- came to the fird narrow padage, he obferv’d there
ger than ours, fome fnipes and fmall birds, penwrens, was very good anchorage and not much tide ; but
kites, hawks, owls, (oxes, wild-dogs, brant-geefe in the narrow the tide runs dronger than in the Tides here,
and armadillo’s, hut no fnake or venemous crea- Hope at the Thames-mouth, the flood letting into
tore, or any wild beads, and was of opinion that the Straights, and the ebb out, and kept a con-
the country was very proper both for European corn dant courfe, as on other coads, viz. fix hours flood
and cattle, (eeming to be a good fruitful foil. and — hours ebb, and riles and falls near four fa-
in the mean time the Captain relates, that thorns perpendicular,
twelve of his men, who did not ufe much exercife. The Captain having paffed the fecond narrow
fell ill of the Scurvy, and their legs and thighs in the Straights, went on (hore on the ifland Eliza-
turned perfe&ly black. Whereupon he thought beth, and nineteen of the natives coming down
proper to leave Port St. Julian and fail to Port De- the hill to him, he exchang’d knives, beads, and
fire, where he took great numbers of feals and other implements with them for their bows, ar-
C c e 2 rows 3
La 3
THE PRESENT STATE
So
CHA P, rows, and coats, which were made of the (kins of
VII. guanacoes, feals, and otters : That they were for
laying hands on every thing they faw in a very bru-
tifh manner, and the more he gave them tire more
they craved : That feveral of his men danced and
i ported with them, and fhewing them feme gold,
he intimated by figns, that it they could bring him
any he would purchafe it of them ; but either they
did not underftand him, or knew of none : And
he no fooner left them and went on board, but they
fet fire to the grafs.
K.dves de- fj e relates, that thefe people are of a middle fta-
fcnb d again. ture ^ W ell-limb’d, with round faces, low foreheads,
little nofes, and fmall black eyes ; their teeth are
fmooth, even and white, their hair flaggy and very
black, of an indifferent length, men and women
alike ; they are all full-breafted, of an olive colour,
and painted all over their bodies with red earth and
greafe, their faces daubed in fpots with white clay,
and black ftreaks made with fmut, their arms and
feet the like ; their heads are generally fmall, their
fingers fhort, and their bodies very abtive ; their
cloathing is of the (kins of feals, guanacoes, and
otters fewed together ; their garments are in form
ef a carpet five foot fquare, which they wrap a-
bout them as the Scotchman does his pladding : On
their heads they wear caps of the (kins of fowls
with the feathers, and on their feet pieces of (kins
to keep them from the ground. They are very
hardy, for tho’ it was very cold then, they don’t
wear thefe (kins when they go about any bufinefs
that requires ftirring. They have no hair on any
part of their bodies or faces, nor any thing to cover
their nudities, except that the women have a piece
of Ik in hanging before them. The men and wo-
men are cloathed alike, only the women go with-
out caps, and wear bracelets of {hells about their
necks, which the men have riot. The men are
fomething taller than the women, and fuller faced ;
the men have a harfher voice, and rattle in the
throat, the women fomewhat fhriller ; they often
repeat the word Urfah, and if they did not like any
thins, would cry Ur, Ur. They feed both upon
fifh and fle(h, live under no manner of government,
cr worfhip any thing. At our landing, they came
to us with a great noife, every one his bow ready,
and two arrows in his hand : Their bows are about
an ell long, and every arrow eighteen inches, neat-
ly made of wood, headed with flint- ftones curioufly
wrought, broad-arrow fafhion, and well fattened
to the arrow, the other end being feather’d with
two feathers, and ty’d on v/ith the gut of fome
beaft while yet green and moitt, the bow-ftring is
of twitted guts. They have large mungrel dogs
of feveral colours, not unlike Spanifti dogs. I faw
no other domeftick creatures, nor their boats, which
then lay on the other fide of the ifland towards the
main, where they waited for fair weather to catch
penguins, of which there is a vaft quantity, as alfo
of white- breafted divers.
He faw on both fides of the Straights woods which CHAP
feemed to be regularly planted, and timber in them yjj
two foot diameter. The bark of fome of thefe trees
is as hot as pepper, and when dry’d had the fmell of Tree . s !n tfie
fine fpices, and they ufed it in feafoning their meat A^fpfcy**
and foup, to which it gave a fine flavour, and he bark,
believed this fpice to be very wholefome ; but he
faw no fruit- trees on the fhores, or oak, afh, ha-
zel, or any trees like ours in England, the woods
confifting chiefly of the pepper-rind-tree above-
mention’d, and another like our beech. The largeft
tree he faw in the Straights was about two foot
and a half diameter, and thirty or forty foot high.
Tiie woods wereufualy on the iidcs of hills, the land
being very high on both fhores, and the tops of the
mountains fcarce ever free from fnow.
Heobferves, that Cape Froward, themoft fouther- Cape Fro-
ly land on the continent of South- America (forCape ward the
Horn is upon the ifland Del Fogo) lies in 5 3 degrees,
52 minutes fouth latitude, 68 degrees, 40 minutes tory.
weft of the Lizard : And he computed the whole length of
length of the Straights from Cape Virgin Mary to ' eStraig s °
Cape Difleada to be an hundred and fixteen leagues :
And on the north-weft part of tlie Straights, in the
South-fea, lie four little iflands near Cape Vidtory,
which he denominated The Iflands of Direction,
being a guide to thofe who enter the Straights from
the South-fea. From the Straights mouth he failed Mand of
north to the Ifland of Succour, in 45 degrees (outh Succour,
latitude, where he arriv’d the 26 of November and N c ov ’ 20>
took in frefh water. He faw none of the natives
of this ifland, only one of their huts, which re-
fembled thofe of the natives 0I1 the continent of
Patagonia, and were more like arbours than houfes,
being compofed of boughs of trees.
Between the Ifle of Succour and the continent,
there lies another ifland, where the Captain went
on fhore, and having taken pofteflion of it for his
Majefty, gave it the name of Narborough Ifland. Narlorougfe
Here, he fays, be found his men in pretty good
health, and feventy-two in number ; fo that he
feems to have loft eight in his paffage hither. He
failed from Narborough Ifland to the river of Bal-
divia, where he fet on fhore the Spaniard, Don Baldivia,
Carlos, on the fouth fide of the harbour, on the^ ecen y *5-
15 th day of December. He carried with him a fet^nfooTe
fword and a cafe of piftols, a bag with beads, here,
knives, feiflars, looking-glafles, combs, rings, pipes,
bells, and tobacco, to make himfelf acceptable to
the the natives ; for the Captain does not feem to
have been then apprized that the Spaniards had re-
poflefs’d themfelves of the town of Baldivia and
rebuilt it.
Don Carlos took the path by the fea-fide,
leading to the mouth of the harbour, and after a
quarter of a mile’s walk, turned out of fight behind
a rock. He had directed the Lieutenant who fet
him on fhore to look out for his fire in the night-
time, but they never faw or heard of him more.
The
OF CHILL
: 8 .
CHAP.
VII.
The Spani/h
Fort of
St. Jago,
and the gar-
rifon.
The next morning the Captain fent one of his
Lieutenants with his boat to make fome difcoveries
in the harbour, and coming near a Spanifh fort,
call’d St. Jago, the garrifon wafted a white flag,
and invited them afhore ; whereupon the Lieute-
nant landed in hopes of meeting with Don Carlos,
whom they had feen going along the path leading
directly to this fort between the wood and the fea
fide ; for the fort ftands on an eminence by a wood
on the fouth fide of the harbour. The fort had
feven guns mounted, which were defended by a
breaft-work and fome flight pallifadoes.
The Lieutenant was received on fhore by about
twenty Spaniards and Indians, who conduced him
to the Governor, whom he found fitting with two
other Spanifh gentlemen under a great tree. I he
Governor welcomed him on fhore with a filver bowl
of wine, and afked which way they came into thefe
feas ; and the Lieutenant in hi3 turn enquired whe-
ther the Spaniards were at war with the Indians, to
which the Governor anfwer’d, Yes ; intimating,
that they were enemies all round the harbour, and
tho’ barbarous, were a brave people and good horfe-
men : 7'hat the Spaniards had fcarcc any ground
belonging to their fort, nor durft walk out a muf-
ket’s (hot from their pallifadoes without being well
arm’d : That the Indians had fuch plenty of gold,
the breaft-plates of their armour were of that metal.
After this conference, the Spanifh Governor
made the Lieutenant a handfome entertainment in
a tent ; and he obferv’d, that not only the difhes,
but all the kitchen utenfils were of filver, as were
the hilts of the common foldiers fwords, and thofe
of their officers of gold, and the plate at the butt
end of their mufkets of the fame metal.
When the Lieutenant return’d on board the
thered with difhes in the brooks and gullies between CHAP.
the hills and rocks about thirty leagues from the VII.
fea and that between the fea and thofe hills was a
fine fruitful country (abounding in horfes, oxen,
fheep and goats) which the Indians had taken from
the Spaniards : And that there was more gold in
Chili than in any country yet difeover’d in America.
But the Captain obferv’d the Spaniards had little
knowledge of the country to the fouthward of Bal-
divia, except of Oforno, and the ifland of Caflro
over-againff it, which was a fine ifland fruitful in
wheat ; but the Indians were fo numerous there,
that they would not fuffer the Spaniards to fearch
for gold if there were any in the ifland.
That a fhip loaden with arms, ammunition,
wine, linnen and woollen cloth, tobacco and fu-
gar, came annually from Valdivia and took gold,
bezoar-ftone, and red-wool of the guanaco fheep
in return : That there was a road from Baldivia to
the Spanifh fettlements in the north of Chili, but
they never ufed it, unlefs furnifh’d with a very
ftrong convoy, for fear of the natives : That the
Spaniards reprefented this country as an earthly para-
dife, where people lived in the greateft delight and
plenty in the world ; and indeed the Spanifh gen-
tlemen who came on board him, and thofe he faw
on fhore were corpulent jolly fellows, and had good
rofy complexions.
Upon this intelligence, the Captain fent his boat
and eighteen men on fhore to view the harbour and
fortifications, and to endeavour to fettle a com-
merce with the natives, being of opinion that this
country was loft for want of a true knowledge of
it. The Spaniards bought feveral things of the Narborough
boat’s crew, for which they gave them pieces of trafficks
The account
the Spaniards Sweep-ftakes, four Spanifn gentlemen came with
give ot the j 1Q t 0 conduit the fhip into the har-
Chili. bour ; but the Captain being well acquainted with
the treachery of the Spaniards in thofe parts, civilly
refufed the favour. Thefe Spanifh gentlemen re-
lated, that there was a great deal of gold about
Baldivia, but that the natives being a brave people,
of a gigantick ftature, and able to bring ten thou-
fand horfe into the field, would not let them come
at their gold : That their arms were long lances
or pikes, bows, arrov/s and fwords, and they had
fome mufkets which they had taken from the Spa-
niards : That the Indians were very numerous about
Baldivia, Oforno, and at Caftro in the ifland of
Chiloe, and would barter their gold with the Spa-
niards, tho’ they were not at peace with them.
The Spaniards demanding of the Captain whi-
ther he was bound, he anfwered for China, and only
touched at Baldivia to refrefh his men and take in
provifions. They reply ’d he fhould have what the
country afforded, and pointed to a rivulet where he
might take in frefli water, which they faid had
golden fands ; adding, that the Spaniards bought a
great deal of gold of the natives, which they ga-
,'ith the
Spaniards,
eight, but would not part with their gold or their
bread. However, they hid a confiderable profit by
what they fold them ; as for a fowling-piece, worth
twenty fhillings in England, they had fixteen pieces
of eight (or crowns) ; for a cafe of knives, bought
for three fhillings, they had five pieces of eight ;
for a pair of gloves of ten-pence, a piece of eight ;
and the Spaniards appear’d very defirous of purcha-
fing cloaks of bays, though their under- garments
were very rich, viz. velvet, filk and filver bro-
cades, and they wore fine linnen, and good Flan-
ders-lace : That four of the Spaniards wives came
into the boat, who were born in Peru, of Spanifh
parents ; thefe were drefs’d after the Spanifh mode,
had large gold chains about their necks, and pen-
dants of faphire in their ears : And the Governor
prefented his Lieutenant with fome oftrich feathers,
a filver-headed cane, and fome other trifles ; but
the boat’s crew could find no opportunity of con-
verfing with the natives by themfelves ; for tho’ fuffer d ™
fome Indians made a fire by a wood fide, and hung
out a white flag, as a fignal they would traffick with
them, the Spaniards would not permit the Englifh
to go to them. Whereupon the boat return’d on
board, and the Governor of St. Jago fending word
Ire
But is not
TH E PRESENT STATE
Hi: Lieute-
nant and
three more
made prifo*
liers by the
Spaniards.
T he ftature
of the Chi-
lefians.
Remarks on
the Sp’n Ih
accounts of
America.
he had no orders to permit him to take in water
there, and dire&ing them to go to St. Peter’s Fort,
he fent one of his Lieutenants and three more to
the Governor of St. Peter’s Fort, who receiv’d
them with great civility, but detain’d them prifoners
under pretence he had receiv’d orders from Don
Pedro de Montades, Governor of Chili,
to keep them prifoners ’till the {hip came under the
command of the fort ; which when the Captain
underftood by the feamen who return’d with the
boat, he feem’d refolved to attack the fort and ref-
cue his Lieutenant and his three companions by
force : But whether upon mature confideration he
did not think this pradficable, or remember’d Sir
Walter Ralegh’s fate, who loft his head for
attacking the Spaniards in America when he had no
commiflion for it, he altered his refolution, and left
his four men prifoners at Baldivia, whofe names
were Thomas A r m i g e r, the Lieutenant,
John Fortescu, Gentleman, Hugh Coe,
Trumpeter, and Thomas Highway, the In-
terpreter, who was born of Moorifh parents in
Barbary, but a Chriftian, and lived formerly with
an Englifh merchant at Cadiz : Captain Narbo-
rough obferv’d they were all healthful people,
well qualify ’d to make obfervations, and he hoped
would give a good account of the country ; but I
am afraid they met with worfe ufage from the Spa-
niards than he expecled, and whether any of them
ever return’d to England I cannot learn.
While Captain Nar borough lay in the river
Baldivia, fome Indians under the Spanifh Govern-
ment came on board him, whom he acquainted
that he was come to eftablifh a trade with them, and
defir’d they would communicate this to their friends
in the country. They feem’d glad of it, and were
unwilling to return on fhore, declaring that the
Spaniards were mere devils, infulting and abufmg
thofe they had in their power without mercy, and
faid, that both the Spaniards and the Indians had
abundance of gold. He gave them fome knives,
looking-glaftes, and other toys, when they went
on fhore, and they promifed to acquaint the inland
inhabitants with what he faid. But, it feems, thefe
people were of a middle ftature, they were not
thofe giants the Spaniards had reprefented them. *
And here we may obferve, that the accounts we
have receiv’d of America from the Spaniards are not
agreeable to truth, but formed upon the plan of in-
tereft, bigottry or vanity. They furnilh’d us with
fuch relations as might deter other European nations
from fending colonies thither ; or fuch as might
teem to juftify their ufurpations and cruelty to that
people, and reflect honour on the Spanifh nation,
or the Roman catholick fuperftition, to which they
are known to be more bigotted than any nation in
Europe ; and we poor credulous Proteftants, not-
withftanding our abhorrence of Popery, greedily
{wallowed the mod improbable and incredible tales
- hey were pleafed to frame.
From thefe fources we may derive thofe {hocking C H AP,
relations which obtained fo univerfally on the firft VII,
difcovery of America, of giants, monfters, and
canibuls, tho’ the Spaniards carried the matter fo
far, and dreft’d up their ftories with lo many contra-
dictions and unnatural circumftances, as one would
have thought ftiould have confuted their own nar-
ratives ; and indeed now we come to reflect coolly
and deliberately upon them, and difcern with what
view they were propagated, they need no other con-
futation, where the prejudices of people are not in-
fuperable, and they have an opportunity of exa^
mining them thoroughly.
The Spaniards, we find, inform’d Captain N a R-
borough, that tho’ there was a great deal of gold
in the country, yet the mines were in pofteftion of
the natives, who were a barbarous and gigantick
race, expert in the exercife of arms, both Indian
and European, and who could bring ten thoufand
good horle into the field upon a very Jhort warning ;
from whence they would have him conclude, that
it was in vain for any European nation to attempt to
fettle colonies in Chili, or expcdt to come at their
gold The Spaniards themfelves had no more than
what was found in rivulets, or on the furface of the
earth, which they purchafed of the natives ; and tho’
they had been fettled there lo long, they had been
driven from the mines, and could not at prefent pe-
netrate further into the country than the pallifadoes
of their own forts.
But Sir John Narborough faw with his own
eyes that the natives were not the giants they were
reprefented : That their ftature was rather inferior
to that of the Englifh, and that the Spaniards were
fo much matters of the fea-coafts thereabouts that the
natives durft not come thither to traffick with his
people : He was fenfible alfo, how poor a fortifica-
tion that of Baldivia then was, and that there was
not an hundred Europeans in garrifon there. How
then was it poffible to believe that the Chilefians were
giants, or expert foldiers, and could raife a body of
ten thoufand horfe? This was evidently all gafco-
nade, and only fit to amufe women and children
with. Notwithftanding the Spaniards therefore had
reprefented the Chilefians as fuch a powerful and
barbarous people, and averfe to the entertaining any
commerce with foreigners, Sir John declares it to
be his opinion, that the moft advantageous trade in
the world might be eftablilh’d in thofe parts, if Eng-
land had the freedom of the Spanifh ports there, or
it they had not, that a trade might be carried on in
fpite of all the Spanifh forces on that fide by afqua-
dron of four or five {hips of twenty or thirty guns
each ; and he did not queftion but the natives of
the fouth parts of Chili, about Caftro, Oforno,
and Baldivia, would be willing to exchange their
gold for knives, fciftars, looking-glaftes, beads,
combs, hatchets, and other merchandize of that kind.
But can any one imagine, that a rafcally garrifoa
of a hundred Spaniards, defended only by feven guns
and
i
OF CHILI, 383
CHAP, and a poor bread- work, could have kept the brave
VII. Chilefians in awe, and prevented their trafficking
with foreigners on the coad, if, according to the
Spanife account, the Chilefe could have brought
ten thoufand men of a gigantick dature, completely
arm’d and vers’d in the trade of war into the field?
Would not fuch a force have been able to tofs the
Spaniards and their paltry fort into the fea, and
made their way to the coad againd all the power of
Spain in South-America ?
But to get fome farther light into the date of
Chili, and difcover whether it be yet pradficable, or
worth the while to fettle colonies and edablifh a
trade with that coad, I {hall confider fome other
voyages that have been made with that view to
Patagonia, to the Straights of Magellan, and round
Cape Horn and theTerra Magellenica, to the coad of
Sir J hn Chili, and to the iflands near it : Give me leave
Narborougly only to obferve in the fird place, that Sir John
th^StraO hr. N a R b o R o u G H in his return took his departure
from Cape Gallery, the fouth point of the harbour
of Baldivia, on Thurfday the 2 zd of December,
1 670. failing to the fouthward along the wed coad
of America ’till the 6th of January, when he made
the iflands of Direction, at the wedern mouth of
the Straights of Magellan, which he pafs’d, and ar-
riv’d at Cape Virgin Mary in the North-fea, cn
February 14, 1670-1. he made Cape Blanco on
the 23d, and on the 24th anchored in Port Defire
bay, in 47 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude,
from whence fetting fail on February the 26th,
he arrived at the Lizard in the Englidi channel
on the 10th of June, 1671. fo that he was about
a year and three quarters from home upon
this voyage, but not more than half a year in his
paflage from Valdivia, in Chili, to England. So
that it appears to be much the fame in extent as an
Ead-India voyage, and poffibly may be performed
in lefs time now they have found the way round
Terra del Fogo, and are not hindered by going
through the Straights of Magellan, which, ufually
^ took up fix weeks or two months of the voy-
age.
Spani/h forts Before the paflage round Cape Horn was difco-
on the ver’d, the Spaniards imagining there was no other
Straights of wa y j nto t ^ e South-fea but through the Straights of
Magellan, built forts on the narrowed part of that
Straight, and garrifon’d them with fiveral hundred
men, in order to exclude ail other nations from the
South-fea, and fecure the empire of that ocean and
thofe rich and extenfive countries bordering upon it
to themfel ves ; but Sir T h o m a s Cavendish
paffing the Straights of Magellan in January, 1586.
and coming to the fird Spanifh fort, found no more
than twenty-four alive of four hundred that were
left there, and thefe almod darv'd. He arriv’d af-
terwards at another fort in the Straight, to which
the Spaniards had given the name of Fort St. Philip,
and found it in ruins, molt of the garrifon whereof
perifh’d lor want of food 3 whereupon Sir Thomas
gave it the name of Port Famine, and proceeding C HAP.
in his voyage pafled happily into the South-fea. Se- VII.
veral other Commanders alfo have pafled thefe
Straights fiiccefsfully, particularly Sir Jo H N Nar-
borough, already mention’d; but many how-
ever have been difappointed, drove back and lod by
tempefls ; and the paflage was found for the mod
part fo difficult, that it put fome enterprifing lea-
men upon finding a way round Cape Horn further
to the fouthward, in which both La Maire and Paffages
Admiral Brewer fucceeded : The fird paffing ^
through a fbort and narrow flraight, between Terra jn dBrewe-;
del Fogo and States-ifland on the ead of it, which
has fince obtain’d the name of La Maire’s Straight,
and Brewer paffing through a draight made by
States-ifland, and another fmall ifland to the ead-
ward of it, gave that pafs the name of Brewer’s
Straight; but none of thefe flraights are ufed at pre-
fent; fhips that are bound to the South-fea or coad ^"'Fxerra
of Chili now dand away to the fouth-ead ’till they <j e i p 0g0)
come into 58 or 60 degrees, furrounding the Terra and the
del Fogo, and all the other iflands in the neighbour- otiierillan<3s “
hood of it: Nor do they find any inconvenience
in going thus far fouth but the meeting with vad
pieces of ice, as our mariners do in Greenland,
which are not fo numerous however as to interrupt
their voyage. Our countrymen, Captain Cow-
ley, Captain Dampier, Captain Ro gers, and
Captain Sh a R p, all pafs’d thefe feas round Cape
Horn without any ill accident, and fav’d a great
deal of time by avoiding the Straights of Magellan.
And here I {hall give fome further defcription °f
thofe three confiderable iflands on the coad of Pata- an a Chiiidc"
gonia and Chili, of which all feamen, who vifit the fcrib'd.
Pacific-ocean, take fo much notice, viz. 1 . The
ifland of Terra del Fogo ; 2. The ifland of Chiloe j
and, 3. The ifland of John Fernando.
1. The ifland of Terra del Fogo is bounded by Terra del
the Straights of Magellan on the north, by the At- an( j
lantic-ocean on the ead, and by the great South- extent,
fea on the fouth and wed, being of a triangular
figure, the bafe whereof is the Straight of Magellan,
three hundred miles in length from ead to weft, and
it is about the fame extent from north to fouth, viz.
from the Straights of Magellan to Cape Horn, the
point or fummit of the pyramid, which lies in 57 de-
grees, 30 minutes fouth latitude.
litis ifland, like the continent ovcr-againft it, is Face of the
mountainous and woody, the tops of the mountains countr >'
almod always cover’d with fnow ; but it has feveral
good bays and harbours on the coad to fhelter {hip-
ping from theftorms and tempefts that reign in thefe
feas, and does not want rivulets offrefe water
As to the natives, travellers differ very widely in Natives,
the defcription of them in fome particulars, tho’ they P erfcn8
agree pretty well in others. They all agree, that “ a " n ’'
they are a brave and hardy people, but not very nu-
merous : That they paint both their faces and bodies,
and have no other deaths but a cloak or mantle
made of raw hides, or the {kiss of fife and fowls
tack’d
THE PRESENT STATE
3 S 4
C H A P. tack’d together with green guts, only the men wear
VII. a cap of feathers. The women have nothing on
their heads, but wear a piece of penguin’s fkin be-
fore their nudities. They live in huts, or in arbours,
made of the boughs of trees, and eat feals, penguins,
venifon, and other game they take either by land or
water. 'I 'heir arms are clubs, bows and arrows point-
ed with fharp flints or bones. Their boats are ca-
noes, or hollow trees, and they make their nets of
guts and finews, the fibres of the bark of trees,
or fuch other materials as their country affords.
But fome travellers, efpecially the Dutch, relateJ,
that the natives were giants, ten or eleven foot high at
lead : That they tore up trees by the roots to en-
counter their enemies, and threw ftones at them
big enough to fink their boats : And they reported
alfo, that they were canibals, though it is univerfally
acknowledg’d they liv’d chiefly on the flefh of other
animals.
But late travellers, and even the Dutch them-
felves, fince they have difeover’d the way round the
ifland by Cape Horn, acknowledge the people are
of a moderate ftature, not exceeding that of the Eu-
ropeans : And as to their being canibals, no manner
of proof has ever been brought of it from firft to
Lift ; this fact is fupported folely by the furmifes of
our wife Adventurers, and the credulity of their
readers.
Probably fome of the firft Difcoverers thought it
convenient to give out that the natives were giants,
to excufe their running away from them ; and ad-
ded, that they were canibals, to render them ftill
more terrible, and to juftify their murdering tbefe
naked defencelefs people with their artillery and fire-
arms.
Chiloe ifland. z. The ifland of Chiloe, fituated on the weft fide
of a great bav of the South-fea, near and over a-
gainft the continent of Chili (a multitude of lefier
Situation and iflands (fome fay forty) lying in the fame bay). It
•xtent. a j on g ifland, ftretching from north to fouth, and
extending from 41 degrees, 40 minutes, to 4^ de-
grees, 30 minutes fouth latitude, computed to be a-
bout 140 miles in length, and zo in breadth.
The face of the country is various, confifting of
mountains, valleys, woods, champaign, favannah,
or meadow and marfhy grounds, and has in it fome
fine fprings and rivulets of frefh water,
town. The chief, and, for ought I can learn, the only
town in it is that of Caftro, built by the Spaniards,
and already deferib’d, which is fituated in 42 degrees,
odd minutes fouth latitude, and 84 degrees of
weftern longitude. The country, according to
Brewer and Sir John Narborough, a-
A fruitful bounding in corn, cattle and fruit, both European
country. ari( j l a jj an) though byTECHO,and fome others,
faid to be barren, and one of the pooreft of all
the Spanifh fettlements; which different accounts
may eafily be reconcil’d. I don’t find any reafon
to doubt the relations given us by the Dutch, and
Sir John Narborough, that it appeared a fruit-
ful country when they were there, for this was CHAP,
before the Spanifh plantations were quite ruined. VII.
But in the time of Techo the natives feem to
have recover’d the country again, and left the Spa-
niards little more than the town of Caftro, which
has been fo often burnt and plunder’d, that it is now
reduced to a miferable village with a fmall fort that
defends it : And in thefe circumftances no wonder
the lands are uncultivated, and confequently appear
unfruitful. This is the cafe of many parts of the
world ; the foil feems to alter according to the genius
or circumftances of the inhabitants. We are told
of thefe very Chilefians, that upon the continent
they fow and plant no more then juft furnifhes their
particular families with food, and the Spaniards have
no encouragement to improve a country they are
not maftersof, and where they cannot enjoy the fruit
of their labours in quiet. Befides, the Chilefians
are not now their flaves to do their drudgery, as
they did formerly •, and we are well acquainted with
the pride and lazinefs of the Spaniards even in their
own country, where the French frequently cultivate
their lands for them; the owners will not work or
improve their eftates, tho’ they ftarve upon them ,
and this poftibly is the cafe of their countrymen
in Chiloe, now they have no flaves to work for
them and cultivate the lands in that ifland.
3. The third and laft ifland I propofed to de- Ifland of
feribe on the coaft of Chili is that of Juan, or J ohn
John Fernando, which obtain’d its name from the I ' ernando ‘
firft Difooverer and Planter. This ifland is fitu-
ated in 34 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude, a-
bout 400 miles weft of the coaft of Chili, being
thirty-eight or forty miles in circumference. Hi-
ther it was that Governor Pullen advifed the
fending of a fquadron of men of war during the laft
war with France and Spain in the reign of Queen
Anne, when the Miniftry Requir’d his opinion
concerning the feaziblenefs of preventing the trea-
fures of Peru and Chili from being brought to
Europe by the French and Spaniards, and of exclu-
ding the French from that traffick, whereby they
were enabled to maintain the war fo long againft
the Confederates. It was propofod alfo to the Gover- Propos’d to
nor’s confideration, whether it was not practicable to and P fortify’<J
fix Britifh colonies in thofo rich countries of Chili by England
and Peru, and thereby come in for a fhare in thofe b y Governor
treafures. And becaufe it is very poflible that this Pullen '
nation rnay be in the like fituation again (that is) be
at war with France and Spain again, or at leaft with
the latter, and the fame conduit may hereafter be-
come expedient which was advifeable then ; and be-
caufe we no where meet with a jufter account of the
ftate of the Spanith Weft-Indies, and of Chili in
particular, the country I am now treating of, than
in the writings of this ingenious gentleman, I {hall
take the liberty to tranferibe as much from that effay
of Mr. Pullen’s on the fubjeCt above- mention’d
as I apprehend for my prefent purpole.
I {hall
O F C
& 'p_ 1 fhdll firft begin ((ays Mr. Pullen) with what
yjj is neceflary to be done to ruin their commerce (that
is, of the French in the South-fea ; for then they
were admitted into aH the Spanifh ports in America,
fupplied their towns and colonies with European
goods, for which they received gold and filver in
return, and were entrufted by the Spaniards to bring
their plate to Europe) a commerce the moil benefi-
cial to them, and confequently moft prejudicial to
'Us. To effeCt which, I propofe the fending thither
eight fifty and fixty gun fhips the next feafon ; for
the manning of which fquadron, I propofe but half
the complement of feamen that are allow’d to fuch
fhips by the rules of the navy, and that the reft of
the number fhould be made up with foldiers, either
mariners or detachments out of marching regiments,
as the Government fhall judge moft expedient, pro-
vided they be men acquainted with fervice ; and if
they have ferved fome campaigns, fo much the bet-
ter, becaufe they will be lefs fubjedt to ficknefs, and
not fo foon difcourag'd with har dihips as raw men ;
for probably they may often have their patience ex-
orcis’d in fo long and remote a voyage : And the
reafon why I propofe fo few feamen is, becaufe moft
of the foldiers will be made feamen by the length of
the voyage, and be much more ferviceable both for
landing, of which there will be frequent occafion,
as well as for fmall-fhot upon the decks in an en-
gagement, at which they are much more expert
than our failors.
■I am concern’d that I am oblig’d here to take
notice of the great ignorance of our feamen (gene-
rally fpeaking) in the ufe of fmall-arms, which, by
a great blindnefs, they have too much negleCted of
late days, and endeavour to confirm one another in
the contempt of them, by alledging, that in loading
the great-guns with cartridge-ihot you perform the
fame thing better ; than which nothing is more
falfe in fa£t, and is one of the chief reafons the
French are fo bold in boarding our feventy and
» eighty gun fhips ; for they know that our feamen
are fo unfkilful in the ufe of the mufket, that when
they are beat from their artillery, they feldom give
them much trouble afterwards, and what rcfiftance
they have found upon our men-of-war’s decks of
late time, hath moftly been from our mariners,
who have very juftly acquir’d a great reputation,
and are certainly a moft ufeful body of people, and
the motto which I have feen upon fome of their
caps (Sine his Nihil) is now literally true. I affirm,
this is one of the principal reafons that makes the
French defpife our feamen, and hath expofed us to
fuch lofs both of reputation and (hipping as hath not
been known but of late days, and deferves a very
ferious confideration, in order to procure a fpeedy
and effectual remedy. If I fhould fay that the fire-
arms that are put on board our men-of-war are
both too heavy and too fhort, and the locks good
for nothing, and that the French extremely excel
us in the commodioufnefs of their fire-arms in all
refpeCts, I fhould advance nothing but truth.
Vgl, III,
H I L I. 385
The feafon of the year proper to begin their voy- C H A P<
age is from the firft to the middle of September ; VII,
but I advife by all means that they fhould fet out
by the 15 th of Auguft, that they may arrive fome
fmall time in the South-feas before the French trade,
that goes the fame year : For by this means one
could hardly fail of deftroying all the fhips bound
thither that feafon, and perhaps meet with fome re-
turning home ; for they mull; obferve the fame time
of year and return by the fame rout out of thofe feas
that they went into them by.
To make this (till plainer, it will not be amifs
to fet down here the rout they always ufe going
thither, which is by or round Cape Horn, the fouth-
ermoft promontory of all America ; for they never
venture through the Straights of Magellan, becaufe
they find now by experience, that for one (hip that
gets through, three are forced back, and fo lofe
their voyage that year, to the ruin of their owners:
But having fufficient fea-room the other way, they
are never expofed to any fuch rifque. After they
have doubled Cape Horn, they fleer direCHy for the
idle of Juan Fernando, to refrefh their men, who
by the time they get thither want fufficiently, and
likewife to take in frefh water, for their firft ftock
can’t fail of being near expir’d before they reach
this place. I have taken a great deal of pains to
inform myfelf of this matter from feveral French
failors that have perform’d the voyage, who all a-
greed that they never mifs’d that ifland if they could
help it, becaufe their men are almoft all in the fcur-
vy by that time, and it would infallibly occafion a
mutiny, if the Captain fhould refufe touching there.
It feems neceflary, having mention’d this ifland, Governor
that I fhould give you a defeription of it, the rather Pollen’s
becaufe of the advantages I propofe from the plant- ju fcn n U ". n
ing of it. The ifle of Juan, or John Fernando, lies John Fei°
in the latitude of 34 degrees, 43 minutes, its circuit na “<to<>
may be about thirty-eight or forty Englifh miles,
and its diftance from the continent of South-Ameri-
ca four hundred. Its foil is indifferent upon the
hills, but its valleys are fine, fruitful and pleafant,
interfperfod with favannahs, as they are ufually call’d
here, that is, natural meadows which are common
in the Weft-Indies, and which I have mention’d
eifewhere in the defeription of Buenos Ayres. Thefe
valleys therefore are doubtlefs capable of great im-
provement, fince there need be no queftion of their
producing every thing which is agreeable to this cli-
mate ; and tho’, as I have faid, the hills are in their
foil unfruitful, yet I would not be underftood bv
that to exclude trees, of which there arc many, and
fome which might be of great ufe ; but what prin-
cipally induc’d me to mention the fettling of it j^as
the breeding cattle and railing fruits of the earth,
and by tillage ; by means whereof great advantage
might accrue to the inhabitants, fince the fhips
which pafs the Straights of Magellan, or by Cape :
Horn, conftantly touch here, by reafon that their
crew having by this time contracted an epidemick
feurvy, the Captain’s miffing the ifland might, as
D d d I have
THE PRESENT STATE
386
C H A P. I have laid, occafion a mutiny. I forefee one ob-
VII. jeition which would be made to this propofal, and
v— that is, the difficulty there would be in maintaining
fuch a fettlement at fuch a diftance from Britain and
from any Britifh colonies: Bat to this I anfwer,
“ That never any ifland was more capable of being
“ fortified fo as to refill any enemy who could at-
“ tack it in that part of the world.” There are in
it but two bays capable of receiving fhips, whidi are
both at the eaft end, and a finall charge would foon
build fuch works as would render it impracticable for
any to land there againfl the will of its inhabitants.
The weft end, which is the higheft, rockieft, and
by far the moft barren part of the ifland, hath yet
this advantage, that it is of fuch natural ftrength
that a fmall body of men might defend it, even a-
gainft the greateft force that could be brought a-
gainft it.
Seals are found here in the greateft plenty of any
part of the world, and their fkins are of an extraor-
dinary value from the ftnenefs of the furs : Their
fat makes very good train-oil, and much better ftill
is made of what is call'd the fea-lion, which is a
creature much bigger than the feal, tho' amphibious
like them, yet without a fur. Tire number of thefe
creatures, which is frequently fo great as entirely to
cover the fhore, fufficiently demonftrates the plenty
of fifh which muft be on its coafts, thofe amphibi-
ous animals living on little elfe ; and indeed there
are here as fine, and in ae great quantity, as could
be wiftvd. To thefe advantages may be added the
great abundance of goats, which have been pro-
duc’d by three or four which were left here by its
firft difeoverer. All which, put together, would
render it no difagreeable place for thofe who in the
voyage I propofe have no other view than fettling
fome- where in the world, to. plant themfelyes here,
where they would be fore of finding moft of the
neceflaries of life ready to their hands ; the grafs of
the favannahs in this ifland not being like thofe
throughout the reft of America long and flaggy, but
thick and fhort, extremely fit for grazing, infomuch
that a very competent judge avers, he has not car-
ry \1 his calculation too high in averring, that thefe
Uvan-nahs are now capable of maintaining a thou-
firnd head of cattle, befides goats,, who grow fatteft .
on the moft barren part of the ifland.
John Fernando difeover’d this ifle in the
voyagehe was making from Lima to Baldivia; and
being exceedingly pleafecl with its fituation, foil and
climate, refolvki to fettle it, judging that its produce
might very well fupport four or five hundred fami-
lies. O11 his return to Lima he endeavour’d to
procure a patent for that purpofe. In his firft in-
ftanfe he was favourably receiv’d, but whether it
clafhed in any degree with the private intereft of
the Spanifn Vice-roy, or whether it be a maxim in
the Spanifn policy not to fettle in any place in A-
merica in which are no mines, I ftiall not pretend
to determine,, but fhull only add, that it has conti-
nued uninhabited ever fince, except now and then
fome body who has been left when the fhips water- CHAP
ed there, and who have found a way to fubfrfl tole- VII
rably ’till they have been taken in again by fome
other {hip that came on the fame errand.
But I have dwelt long enough on this fubjeCt of
planting it. Let us next obferve of what ufe in its
prefent ftate it might be to our fquadron. And in
the firft place it is evident, that while our fhips re-
main’d here it would be next to an impoffibility for
them to mils thofe for whom they waited. But be-
fides, we fhould not lofe. a moment’s time here by
fuch a view more than is neceft'ary to all fhips that
come on the fame defign ; and we fhould likewife
hava an opportunity of fitting up our fmall-craft,
defign ’d for landing of men, in order to the fur-
prizing fuch places as it fhould be refolv’d to at-
tempt. Nor can there be a more proper conjunc-
ture than while the fleet lies here, to concert the
fcheme of action while they remain in the South-
feas.
The fquadron having done this, ought to fail for
Aurica, on the coaft of Peru, and by fending a nim-
ble failor a-head, endeavour to learn, by taking fome
prifoners, whether the plate be yet there which is
brought from the mines of Potofi to this place ; for
Aurica is the barcadeer or port to Potofi ; thither the
King’s galleons come once a year to fetch it up in
the firft place to Callao, and from thence, after
fome flay, to Panama, from whence it is font over
land to Porto Bello, where it is put on board of the
galleons, which convey it to Spain.
Now if it fhould happen that the plate be there
(as ’tis odds but it is) I advife without more ado to
land and attack the place, and ’twill be a miracle to
me if you can fail taking it: For Captain Sharpe
took this place with no more than eighty men, tho’
the whole force the country could raife was there to
defend it. But there was a little paltry fort at the
end of the town, that while his fmall force was at-
tacking it, the people whom he had juft before beat
out of the town, return’d and charg’d him at his
back : And tho’ lie beat them out again four or five ‘
times, his fmall number fo diminifh’d by thefe re-
peated attacks, that he was forced to make his re-
treat, tho’ he faw, and was in pofleflion of for fame
time, more filver than would have loaded four or
five fuch fhips as his was. You may fee an account
of this whole matter in Mr. Ring rose’s journal,
who was one of Captain Sharpe’s crew at that
time, and is printed under the name of The hiflory
of the Buccaneers. But if nothing is to be done
at this time here, then fail immediately to Cape
Paflo, under the Equinoctial-line, where you can
hardly fail of taking every fhip that comes from the
coaft of Peru to Panama; for the whole trade of
the South-feas confifts in going and coming from
this laft port to Peru, as ’tis well known to every
one that knows any thing of thefe feas.
In this cruize you will meet with the provifion;
that muft fupport you in thefe parts ; for the city
of Panama is wholly fuftain’d by the provifions fent
from
OF C H I L I. 3 S 7
CHAP, from the feveral ports of Peru, as wheat, flour
VII. from Guanchaco, wine, bacon, and marmalade
from Pifco, and chocolate from Guiaquil, fugar and
oil from Hillo. In my opinion thefe foregoing ar-
ticles may afford a comfortable fubfiftance for our
people, during their flay there, and what they need
never fear meeting with in fufffcient quantities, if
their Commanders underftand the proper methods
for intercepting it.
The provifions the Spaniards are forced to fend
for the fupport of this great city was the reafon
they could never hinder the Buccaneers fubfifting in
thefe feas, which they endeavour’d by all means
within their power : And I am of opinion, that
they might probably effe<ft it were it not for the
continual fupplies they are oblig’d to fend to Pa-
nama, which can never be difpenfed with ; for if
they Ihould take fuch a refolution, that great city
would certainly be famifh’d. I have dwelt longer
upon this article than otherwife I defign’d, to con-
vince people that a fquadron need neither perifti by
hunger, or be driven by it out of thefe feas, if
they 3 know how to take the proper means to pre-
vent it. But I Ihall fay more upon this head when
I come to anfwer the objections again!! the impra-
cticableneis of this voyage, which I propole to do
in the fequel of this difcourfe.
After the fquadron hath made what flay they
find convenient in this laft ftation, they ought to
proceed to the bay of Panama, where there are
feveral fmall iflands that abound with refrelhments
and water, and very good anchoring, in feveral
places. Here they will intercept all Ihips bound
for this port, and likewife a great number of fmall
barks from Natta, La Velia, and Puebla Nova,
which are loaden with fowls, hogs, manatee, and
Indian-corn for the ufe of Panama, and ycrn may
attack Panama itfelf, or the golden mines of
St. Maria, or both, according to the information
you receive from the priloners you take ; and in-
deed if you ftaid long here, the city of Panama
would infallibly be ftarved.
At this place, in my opinion, they Ihould divide
the fquadron, after they have perform d all the fer-
vice they can here, and lend four Ihips to cruize
on the coaft of New-Spain, in order to take the
Acapulco fhip ; two of thefe Ihips muff cruize off
the mouth of Acapulco harbour, or rather to the
northward of it, and the other two muff: take their
ftation near Cape St. Lucar, in Callifornia, which
is always the firft land the Manillia Ihip makes
coming home, except fhe hath reafon to fear an
enemy there, and then fhe endeavours to make the
land as near the harbour’s mouth as fine can, for
which reafon I have placed two fhips in each fta-
tion. The time fhe arrives never exceeds ten days
before or after Chriftmas, 'which makes it almoft
impoftible to mifs of her, if the difpofition I have
here laid down be follow’d. They will likewife
have a chance to take the outward-bound Acapulco
Cuo, if they take care not to be difcover’d from the
coaft, for fhe never fails to begin her voyage be- CHAP,
tvvixt the ioth of December and the 1,0th of Febru- VII.
ary, and is moft prodigious rich in pieces of eight, W''V'" vV
Now to return to the lour fhips which we left
in the bay of Panama, I think they ought to take
this opportunity to go over to the Oalleppagos
( under the Equator) where they will find both great
ftore of excellent refrelhments for their fick men, and
ports where they may careen and refit their ihips,
with all manner of fecurity ; therefore the four
Ihips fent to look out for the Acapulco Hr ip muft be
appointed to rendezvous here after their cruize is
out. Now I have pointed at all the principal things
that can be undertaken at fea in thefe parts, but
have omitted a great many enterprizes that might
be formed againft the rich towns upon the coaft of
Peru, becaufe I would not fwell this difcourfe to too
great a bulk.
Firft,- ’Tis objeded, and with a great deal of
feeming reafon, that having no ports there where
the fquadron can either revi£lual or refit upon any
occafion, that therefore they would run the greateft
rifque imaginable of ftarving, or having the Ihips
in a little time render’d unferviceable.
To which I anfwer. That if they pleafe to make
ufe of the following advice, they need neither
fear the one or the other, viz. To fend all fuch
Ihips as you take in your cruize between Peru and
panama (loaden with provifions) over to the
Galleppagos with one of your frigates, with orders
to chufe out the beft harbour, and where there is
the greateft plenty of refrelhments, and there un-
rig your prizes you think fit to fend, and form a
magazine, which indeed the place itfelf invites you
to, for you need never fear the Spaniards difturbing
you, for two reafons ; Firft, becaufe they have no
naval force, though join’d by the French, capable
to difpute the fea with you. Secondly, becaufe they
know hardly any thing of thefe iflands but the
name, dreading them extremely, and telling ftrange
romantick ftories of whirlpools and currents that
have deftroy’d feveral of their Ihips that had the im-
prudence to come too near them in their voyages
[you may fee more of this in Mr. Ringrosss
journal ] and indeed here is fo many of them, that
it would not be an ealy matter to find that out
which we Ihould pitch upon except by chance. The
ignorance of tire Spaniards in thefe parts is hardly
credible.
I fay, hither they muft fend all the Ihips they
take loaden with provifions, timber, or any other
itores that may prove uleful to them whilft they ftay
here ; and the very Ihips tbemfelvcs may ferve for
hulks to dean by, and fuch of their mails and yards
as are large enough be preferved ror the ufe of our
own (lrips. The only reafon why the Privateers
never did tlris, in my' opinion, was becaufe no-
body had authority enough to make part of the
men ftay here to look after the (lores ; for there
might indeed happen among that unruly fort of peo-
ple forty accidents that might occafion their being
D d d 2 lcfl
3 8B
CHAP.
VII.
VsTV's*'
THE PRESENT STAT
E
left there for ever. But that they made other very
good ufes of them is very plain to them that know
any thing of Captain Davis’s voyage, or Captain
Sharpe’s, or indeed of any of the Rovers that e-
ver enter’d thofe feas for thirty years laft part.
And ’tis worth confidering, that Captain Davis
ftaid in thefe feas three years, and twice took the
very Blips equipp’d out to fight him, which had the
very beft men they were able to pick out of all
Peru, and after furprifing feveral of their rich towns,
return’d to thefe very uninhabited ifiands, where he
fitted and viCluall’d his {hip for his return home,
which he happily perform’d, though he uled none
of the precautious I have here recommended. Cap-
tain Sharpe did yet much more in a Blip of lefs
force; for after having made a good voyage (as
they call it) he fail’d to Nicoya, a fmall village
that confifis all of carpenters, and furprized ft, and
made the very Spanifh carpenters take down
his Blip’s poop, and alter his main-deck to make
her fitter for the fea : And though the Spaniards
could not but know of it, they durft never give
him any interruption ; and when his work was done
to his mind he very generoufly rewarded his Spa-
niards and difmifs’d them, and afterwards fuccefs-
fully perform’d, his intended voyage to the Well-
Indies..
Thus I could name feveral others that have car-
ried their point, in fpite of all the oppofition the
Spaniards could make ; and if it be objected, that
they were only in fmall numbers, therefore could
better fubfift : l anfwer, they perfeCHy miftake the
matter ■; for the force I propofe could upon occafion
ravage the beft and moft plentiful country in thefe
parts in the face of the fun. But things may eafily
be kept from coming to thefe extremities’.
Th'e fecond objection is, that the Spaniards or
French could not fail of being inform’d by their
f ood friends here of the intended expedition, and
i render it ufelefs and unfuccefsfuL To this I an-
swer, that if it was to be carry’d on in a method I
could propofe, they could never know of it, except
it was betray’d by them that only have the power to
put it in execution : But fuppofe it was, I can tell
you, they could ward againft very few of the in-
tended blows , for in the firft place, they could fend
jk> fiiver from Peru to Panama, and fo the galleons
would come empty ; and pray confiaer the confe-
rence of that. In the next place, you rnuflrof
neceffity ruin the French trade during the time you
ftaid there ; neither could they prevent with all
their knowledge your taking their fea-port towns,
t>r the homeward bound Acapulco Blip. In rny
opinion, it could only hinder your taking the gal-
leons going between Aurica and Panama,, or the
Spaniards' bringing their firlver to Aurica- from the
mines ; and as to the French fending a fuperior
fquadron after us, ’tis not fo eafily done as fuppofed,
for reafora too long; to infert here, but fuch as I
fhall be very ready to produce when define!. In my
poor opinion, thefe foregoing objections are the on-
ly ones of weight that can be brought againft this CHAP
propofah. yjj
f have yet left un touch’d a moft noble defign
thatmay be formed' upon Chili, a country thatthe The Gover '
Spaniards have but hold on by the border. King ftulingTo-’
Charles the I Id feem d to aim at fomething of l° n ' es ia
this kind by his fending Sir Jo hn Narbo rou g h Chlli °
thither in the Sweep-ftakes to difeover it ; but the
Spanifh Don who went with him in the nature of
a pilot, and without doubt put the King- upon the
enterprize, after his being put on fhore in the man-*
of-war’s boat where he defir’d, never appear’d
more; upon which, and upon fome other difaftersy
Sir John return’d home. But ’tis certain this is
one of the beft and richefl countries in America^,
where if we could fettle our {elves’, we fliould pro^
digiouffy enrich our native country ; and for my
part, I don’t think it impoffibfe to be done.
In my opinion, the proper time to undertake
this will be in returning home ; for if the defign
does not fucceed, it will not put you a league out
of the way. But I advife by all means to attack
the city of Coquimbo,, which is fituated- upon the
very confines of Chili, bcaufe you will certainly find
here feveral Chilean ftaves, who, if manag’d dex-
teroufly, will prove exceeding ferviceable ; and like-
wife you can’t fail of being inform’d of the pre-
fent pofture of affairs in that country, and'' if it
prove impracticable at this time to profecute the
projeCt any further, the fquadron may take in their
ftores of frefh water' and other excellent provifions
for their voyage home ; for there is not a better
port for that purpofe in all thefe feas. Captain-.
Sharpe took this place with ninety men, and.
though difeover’d before he landed, met with- very
little refiftance.
To make what I here advance more intelligible, ,
it will be neceflary to give a fhort account of the
Spanifh affairs in Chili'. This noble country, which
all the Spanifh authors that have wrote concern-
ing it compare, both- for temperature of air and
productions of the earth, to France, was feareh- - ■
ed into by Pee>ro Baldivia, fome confiderable
time after the conqueft of Peru ; and the principal
city, if not the only one the Spaniards have at this
time in- that country, is call’d after his name. He
found the country to abound with the fineft gold
in the world, which caufed a great many people
from Peru to join, thenvfelves with him. By this
means three confiderable cities were built and forti-
fy’d in a very fmall time in that country, viz. Bal-
divia, Oforno, and Caftro.
After- the Spaniards had fettled themfelves, fe»
curely, as they thought, from any attempts of the
Indians, according to their ulual cuftom, they be-
gan to treat the natives of the country in a moft
inhuman manner, but they prefently found them-
fclves miftaken, and were convinc’d they had to do
with a people the braveftand moft martial of any
in all America ; for they gave the Spaniards feveral
battles, and always routed them, and at laft took
their, .
OF CHILI.
*2q
CHAP, their very cities and utterly expell’d them the coun-
VII. try. In one of the battles, wherein they not only
defeated the Spaniards, but likewifcfook Ba ldivia
their General prifoner, and ferved him as the Par-
thians did Croesus, pouring melted gold down his
throat, and tellng him, at laft they had found a
way to fatisfy his avarice.
In this interim the Dutch made a voyage to the
South-fea with four {hips from Brazil, which was
then almoft: all in their pofleffion, and touched at
Baldivia, which at that time was not re-fettled by
the Spaniards. The natives flock’d down to them
in very great numbers, perceiving they were not
Spaniards by their complexions and hair, and were
overjoy’d when they underftood that they were at
war with them, and would affift them againft
their common enemy upon all occafions. This
good underftanding lafted feveral days, with abun-
dance of interchangeable good offices, ’till unluckily
the Dutch began to be very inquifitive after gold,
which as foon as the Chilefians perceived, they im-
mediately abandon’d the port, and would never af-
terwards converfe with them, notwithftanding all
the endeavours the Dutch could ufe.
After this imprudent negotiation, perceiving they
could never retrieve the blunder they had made,
they fet fail and return’d to Brazil, being only four
months and fome days upon the whole voyage,
which is a remark worth taking notice of. The
Spaniards, fometime after this voyage was made,
re-fettled Baldivia, not being able to fupport the
thoughts of lofing fo rich and pleafant a country
entirely, or perhaps fearing the Dutch might find
means to feize upon it, being then in open war
with them, who befides depriving them of the vaft
quantity of gold they ufed formerly to draw from
this country,, would prove troublefome neighbours
to Peru.
Thefeand the likeconfiderations made the Spani-
ards rcfolve to re-eftablifh a new colony at Baldivia
at all hazards, and without doubt it was done with
great trouble and expence ; for by all the relations I
ever could procure (and I have been very inquifitive)
I can’t find the Spaniards have any other fettlements
in the whole country. But this I am fure of, that
the war continues between the Spaniards and the na-
tives as fierce and bloody as ever. And Mr. P un-
nee fays, in the year i 704 they durft not touch at
the ifland La Moucha, which is on the coaft of
Chili clofe to the main-land, becaufe, fays he, we
fhould run great danger of being murder’d by the
inhabitants, who are always at war with the Spani-
ards, and think all white men to befuch : But grant
they do, there may be found out means to undeceive
them ; but I think the voyage I have quoted fuffici-
cntly refutes that opinion,
I (ball only mention a particular or two more of
the Chilefians, and then come to what I propofe con-
cerning them. Amongft the feveral nations that
inhabit this province, and are at war with the Spa-
niards, there is one call’d -the Araucans, who, the-
Spaniards fay, are fi> valiant that thev attack tnem C id A P>
whenever they meet with them, though inferior VTI.
fometimes confiderabiy in number, and know not,
at lead: have not the ufe of fire-arms ; and netwith- 1
{landing thefe difadvantages, generally are fuccefs-
ful, infomuch that the Spaniards fraud in great fear
of them; and add, that they are fo good at imita-
tion in what relates to war, that they learn to camp
and decamp, and intrench themfelves in places of
advantage to make a handfome retreat of an aflaulf,
with having but once feen them praChfcd ; and
fometimes make improvements upon their teachers
to their great coft, who heartily curfe them for their
docility. A famous Spanifh Poet, during the time
he ferved in die Chilean war, compofed a poem
much efleemed by thofe of his nation, call’d PI. A-
raucano.
Now I propofe, that the Commander of this
fquadron fhould have inftru&ions to endeavour by
all poffible means to get a conference with the na^
tives of this province, which if he can bring about,
the bufinefs will be done to his hand ; for as foon as
they perceive he is an enemy to the Spaniards, he
will want no afliftance they can give him, if he
gives orders that neither gold nor filver be mention’d
in any difeourfe held with them. After this, he
may either attack Baldivia in conjunction with
them, or feize on any other port he finds conveni-
ent, where he may repair to in cafe of need, either
for victuals, which this country abounds with, or
for other occafions. But if he takes Baldivia, which
I recommend if practicable (for I believe it is in a
good pofture of defence, becaufe they have an ene-
my at their very gates, who they fland in great
dread of) in fuch a cafe it would be requifite to leave
a garrifon, a fmall one would ferve the turn, whilft
the fquadron cruized in thofe feas, becaufe the Spa-
niards can’t go thither by land, and durft not peep
by fea during the time it flay’d in thofe parts.
But when it was thought convenient to return
home, it ought to be provided with a very good
garrifon, for this country is well worth the keeping
pofleffion of, and would mightily enrich our native
country, and take off a great quantity of our wool-
len manufacture, becaufe here is a fevere winter of
four months : And I am verily perfuaded, if a pru-
dent man fhould be left Governor, who cultivated
a good correfpondence with the natives, that the
Spaniards, tho’ affifted by the French, would never
dare to ftir a foot to retake it ; or it they did, would
be unfuccefsful, they would be fo harrafs’d and
plagu’d by the Indians, their implacable enemies, -
who, if they had fire-arms, would certainly be too
hard for them on all occafions. Indeed ’tis requifite
this acquifition (if made) fhould be encourag d from
England as a thing of the greateft importance, and
a fufficient number of men, with all other necefla-
ries, be lent away by the fir ft opportunity. For,
Ifefides the riches of this country, you would in-
fallibly in time of peace have a ftol’a trade with
Peru fcr all forts ©f woollen goods, as- we formerly
had
T II E P R ESEN T S T A T E
" 9 °
CHAP, had from Jamaica with the Spaniards inhabiting the
VII. ports of the North- leas ; and the Indians in a Ihort
time would be brought to fupply you with gold
when they faw you paid them for it in goods they
wanted and valued, as cloaths, arms, and toys.
Thefe Indians muft always be treated as a free peo-
ple, and all manner of fatis faction given them upon
all occafions that’s reafonable. I fhould imagine
this following way to be a good method to begin a
friendfhip with them.
Upon taking any towns upon the coaft of Peru,
to enquire narrowly if there be any Chilean Haves ;
and if you meet with any fuch, as you certainly
will, to fend them aboard, and treat them with all
imaginable good ufage, and carry them to their na-
tive country and fet them afhorc, having firft en-
gag’d them to fettle a correfpondence betwixt you
and their countrymen, which without doubt they
will readily undertake, and be as joyfully accepted
of. And thefe Haves, fpeaking the Spanifh lan-
guage, will be of as great ufe as interpreters. I am
mightily miftaken if Mr. Ringrose does not fay,
in fome place, the Spaniards .remov’d their Chilean
Haves from the lea-ports, for fear of their joining
with the Buccaneers when they made deicents upon
the coaft of Peru to furprize any place they had an
intention to plunder. I fhall now difmifs this head,
tho’ there may be much more faid of it; but I think
it will not be amifs to take notice that ’tis fituated
betwixt the 25th and 45th degrees of fouth latitude,
and is the firft country that is inhabited by any
Spaniards, as you come into thofe feas round Cape
Horn.
I have been more concife in the feveral points
treated on in this Ihort work than otherwife I fbould
have been, becaufe I intended at the fame time that
I publifh’d thefe papers of my own, to accompany
them into the world with a fmall treatife of Captain
Lewis Pain’s, a very underftanding honeft gen-
tleman, who was taken by the Spaniards in Europe,
and lent over in 1707 to America, where he was
kept in chains feveral years, being made ufe of as
an engineer, by which means he had paper, pen
and ink allow’d him ; and in thofe intervals he had
ot leifure compofed the following Ihort memoir of
the Hate of the Spaniards there. At lift he found
a way, by means of a Mefteze woman, to efcape
to Jamaica, but dy’d three weeks after his arrival.
I purchafed all his manufcripts for ten piftoles, and
amongft them found this, with which I now prefent
my readers, containing a more exafit and intelligible
draught of thofe truly Terra incognita, the in-land
Spanifh plantations, than any that (I at leaft) have
any where met with.
The love of my native country prevail’d on me
to enter on this work, which I hope will afford at
leaft hints to fome worthy perfons to improve the
naval ftrength of Britain, extend her commerce,
- enrich her inhabitants, employ her hands, and exalt
her glory : Which are the utmoft wifti of the au-
thor of thefe pages, and have been equally the end
of his endeavours, as they were the fartheft aim of CHA P.
his ambition. VII.
“ Thus fat Governor Pullen. I fhall, in the
“ next place, exhibit fuch paffages out of Captain
“ Pain’s papers, which fell into the Governor’s
“ hands, as may enable us to form a juft idea of
“ the ftate of the Spanifh colonies in general, and
“ of this province of Chili in particular, and then
“ proceed to make remarks on the Governor’s
“ fcheme of fending a fquadron of men-of-war into
“ the South-leas in cale of a war with Spain, and
“ the endeavouring to fettle colonies upon the coaft
“ of Chili.”
The empire of the Catholick King in America c.iptain
(Captain Pain obferves) is a iufficient demonftration Pain’s obfer-
that projects, how lurprifing foever in their extent, J^ t e 10n r s e ^,
are not always chimera’s. Columbus, when he fhteof
firft form’d that which with lb much glory he exe- -Vniih-
cuted, offer’d it with all its advantages to his coun- America ’
trymen the Genoefe. Thofe in the government of
the publick affairs examin’d it, and being fatisfy’d
with the reafons, were for encouraging the propo-
fal ; but Signior Lu cio Bf.rnf.rdi representing
to them the condition of the State, and that any
conquefts attained in this new-difcover’d world
w'ould be almoft impoftible to be preferv’d, and
would ferve but to open the way to more powerful
Princes, it was thereupon rejected, perhaps not with-
out caufe. Then it was by Bartholomew
Colum bo offer’d to King He nr y the feventh of
England, next to the King of Portugal, a great
encouragcr of navigation, and laftly, to Ferdi-
nand and Isabella, or rather to her only, for
it feems agreed amongft the Spanifh hiftorians, that
Queen claim’d a foie and peculiar right thereto, fuf-
fering none other but her own fubjeifts, the Caftili-
ans, to pafs over thither; which Ferdinand at
her deceafe alter’d, and left all Spaniards as much
freedom in this refpecft one as another. Several
brave Captains and well-appointed fhipsof war foon
after were tranfported thither ; which quickly fub-
du’d not only the ifiands Columbus had difco-
ver’d, but alfo conquer’d a great part of the conti-
nent, creeling two noble governments on the ruins
two vaft empires, viz. Mexico and Peru. Each of
thefe hath its Vice-roy, who has many great officers
under him, with fome places within the bounds of
thefe two general divifions, which yet are indepen-
dant, and fubjedl only to the Council in Spain ; but
the form, the maxims, and the end of their policy,
being throughout the vaft extent of their American
dominions the fame, I fhall, for the fake of being
at once concife and perfpicuous, firft deferibe their
method of ruling, and then give a particular deferip-
tion of the feveral provinces which are at prefent
under their dominion.
The only effential maxim which runs through
the whole political oeconomy of the Spaniards, in
refpebf of their territories here, is the keeping them
in an abfolute dependance upon Spain. All things
therefore relating to their American .empire, receive
their
O F C H ILL
HAP. their firft form, and all difputes, all projects, and
VII. all defigns of extending or improving their domi-
nions are confider’d in their dernier refort by the
Council for the Indies in Spain, compofed of fuch
who both from theory and experience have attained
a perfect knowledge of thefe countries. As to A-
merica itfelf, it is, as I have faid, divided into two
large governments, Mexico, called alfo New-Spain,
and Peru, each of which hath its Vice-roy, who is
honour’d with a very extenfive commifficn. He
hath for his affiftance a Council, and under him, in
the large provinces of his government, feveral fub-
crdinate officers, who wfear the titles of Prefidents,
Alcaids, & c. appointed at the will of the Vice-roy,
who, notwithftandingfome outward forms and fhew
©f limitations from his Council, is for all that abfo-
lute ; making by prefents, perquifites and traffick,
an immenfe wealth by large fums, out of which he
procures himfelf to be continu’d another five years
(his firft and ufual term) in his government, and
fometimes more. The two chief points which thefe
Vice-roys have committed to their care is, the con-
ferving, and if it be any way practicable, the in-
creafing the King’s revenues in plate, &c. which
yearly is carry’d from Porto Bello to Spain, and the
keeping the natives, Criolio’s, Mefteze and Indians
in fubjedtion, which is executed with the utmoft ri-
gour, and is the fource of all the evils that are felt
here : And fince the chief knowledge that can be
acquir’d of the true fituation of thefe affairs is de-
riv’d from hence, it feems reafonable I fhould ex-
plain it a little farther.
The natural -born Spaniards are folely veiled with
command throughout all the Spanifh-Indies ; they
only enjoy polls of honour, profit and truft ; and
this it is which occafions thofe draughts which have
(o drain’d and weaken’d their dominions in Europe;
for putting no confidence even in the very firft
generation of their defendants, and abfolutely pro-
hibiting all ftrangers from going thither in their fer-
vice, a neceffity follows of fending thither continu-
ally large fupplies, that they may be ftill in a con-
dition to hold the reins with equal tightnels. This
form of government creates an irreconcileable anti-
pathy between the European Spaniards and the Cri-
olio’s, i. e. thofe born of Spanifti parents in the
Weft-Indies. Thefe latter fee with indignation
themfelves equally Unit out from ail confiderable
preferment either in Church or State, the molt pal-
pable partiality Ihewn in all judicial decifions be-
tween them and Spaniards, and in a word, the
whole policy of their Governors bent to diftrefs and
to dejetft ’em. The Spaniards, on the other hand,
no ways ignorant of their fentiments, and moreover
continually jealous of their defire to throw off the
Spanifti voke, entirely exert their utmoft arts to en-
feeble and enflave them : They difeourage, as far as
they are able, all forts of manufactures, of which
being unprovided, they muff of courfe purchafe fuch
as are lent from Spain ; they alfo endeavour to hin-
der plantations (except Eftantians, or Beef- farms)
that they may not have it in their power to poffcfs CHAP,
rich and improv’d fettlements, the caufe why thofe VII;
noble countries are fo little cultivated, and laftly,
they make it their aim to increafe luxury, idleness,
and pufillanimity amongft them, that they more
eafily may be kept in obedience ; whence it appa-
rently follows. Buccaneers and fuch like in fmall
numbers are able to do the utmoft mifehief. And
thus throughout all thefe vaft rich and noble pro-
vinces, the inhabitants feem infpir’d with a fpirit of
diffention, which renders them continually reftlefs--
and uneafy, making almoft ufelefs thofe bleifings in-
dulgent Providence has conferr’d upon them.
As to the religion of the Spanifti Americans it is
univerfally popifh ; and if there be any degree in
bigottry amongft them, it is among the natives,
who almoft adore the Priefts, and arc feverely
fleec’d by them, paying them out of all they have
much more than the tythe. Amongft the Clergy
there are great divifions, occafion’d chiefly by the
national quarrels between the Criolio’s and the Spa-
niards, which have fubfifted long, and feem rather
to increafe than diminifti. The feveral orders of
Friars, as in Europe, are exceedingly jealous of
one another, tho’ they all find ways to gain fo
much upon the minds of the people, that there is
not perhaps in the world finer and more coftly
monafteries and religious houfes than are here, the
power, riches, and grandeur of the church rifing .
no where higher.
The inhabitants of thefe countries are, i. Natu-
ral-born Spaniards. 2. Criolio’s, of Spanifti pa-
rents, born in America. 3. Mefteze, born of
Indian and Spanifti parents. 4. Indians, properly
natives. 5. Negroes brought hither from Africk.
As for the Spaniards, they differ little from thofe
in Europe, except that they are more high and lofty
than in Spain, as they are lords here, pofleffing
every thing, and living on the labour of others.
The Criolio’s fall not a bit ftiort of them in vanity
and haughtinefs ; but, as I have faid, are kept much
under, never allow’d any confiderable preferment,
and are even worfe us’d than the Indians themfelves ;
they are ignorant, lazy, and pufillanimous in gene-
ral, though here and there, efpecially amongft the
church-men, fome deferve a better character, The
Indians are a fimple well-natur’d induftrious people,
much leffen’d in their numbers by the exceffive cru-
elty us’d at firft by their conquerors ; they are yet
fufficiently prefs’d by the yoke of bondage, but
wherever they are allow’d a relaxation, they build
convenient cities, and fo make themfelves rich and
flourifhing. The Negroes here as elfewhcre are
made ufe of as flaves.
As to the commodities of this country, I fnall
{peak more particularly under the defeription I fhall
give of its feveral parts. In refpeci of its trade, it
is wholly domeftick, except what is carry’d on with
Spain in a yearly ibip from Acapulco to the Eaft-
Indies, and the prohibited commerce they us’d to :
carry on with the Englifli. The Spaniards, who,
as-
T
il E
PRESENT S T A T E
f pfam
^Pain’s re-
marks on
Chili.
The author’
remarks on
Governor
Pullen’s pro
; -ct of fet-
tling colo-
nies ia, Chili
as I have faid, own no other maxim in their Indian
politicks, than to keep the Americans in abfolute
fubjeCtion, are in nothing more careful than what
relates to traffick, having taken every precaution
they were able to hinder their intercourfe with other
nations both by heavy fines and fevere punifhments,
which fometimes have extended even to death it-
felf, and by maintaining veffels of force in pay, un-
der the name of Guard de Coda’s, in order to cruize
about, and make prize of whatever fhip they find
within the limits of their feas. They likewife fup-
prefs fome, and carefully difeourage all manufactures
from being carried on there, though for all that,
feme very tolerable cloth is mads in Quitto ; for
it is here as in fome other polite countries, a hand-
forne prefent to thofe in the adminiftration is a cer-
tain method to fir ike juftice, or at leal! the mini-
fters of juftice, both blind and dumb. The (hip-
ping here are neither numerous nor convenient,
’what there are continually pafs to and fro between
the two vaft divifions of this empire ; which as they
were before the only parts of the world known to
the Indians, fo they are now the only places which
have any commerce together under the government
of the Spaniards : But as all is of late fallen under
the direction of the French, * it is highly probable
they foon may be alter’d.
Chili lies next to the province of Peru, and is
abfolutely the fined country and riched in all Ameri-
ca, whether north or fouth. The inhabitants are a
hardy, valiant, and dubborn people, who having
been ill ufed by the Spaniards, drove them out of
*heir country, kill’d their Governor, and are their
inveterate enemies to this day : However, the Spa-
niards have now recover’d Baldivia and fome other
places on the fea-coad. Paraguay, or rather La
Plata, is at the back of Chili, in which the Catho-
lick King hath the valuable fettlement of Buenos
Ayres, one of the fined in America ; the true Pa-
raguay is entirely fubjeCt to, and formed by the
jefuits. Terra Magellenica is the lad Spanifh
fettlement I have to mention, and to fay truth is
difficult enough to determine whether it be fettled
or no ; however, they claim it, and as they reckon
it part of their pod’effion, fo (hall I.
1 come in the lad place to give my own thoughts
on Mr. Pullen’s project, in cafe we fhould ever
_ have another war with Spain ; and mud agree with
the Governor that nothing could more fenfibly af-
fetd the enemy than the interrupting their trade
with Peru and Chili, and that a fquadron might be
well employ’d in the South-fea for that end ; but I
fhould rather chufe the ifland of Chiloe for a dation
for our (hips than that of John Fernando’s, be-
caufe flie latter lies four hundred miles from the
coad, and the other in fight of it, within three or
four leagues of the continent in many places ; be-
sides, the ifland of Chiloe is ten times larger, already
well dock'd with cattle, has many good harbours in
and near it, and is known to be well watered and
fruitful where it is cultivated. And if any thing CHAP
fhould be wanting for the fleet or land-forces, pro- yjj
vifions might eafily be procur’d from the neighbour
ing continent, which is in view of it. Befides,
Chiloe is known to have gold mines in it, which
might be wrought by our Negroe flaves ; and were
we once fix’d here, we fhould command the whole
coad of Chili, if not that of Peru. It would not
be poiTible for the Spaniards, tho’affifted by the na-
tives, to expel us from that important ifland of
Chiloe j and as it lies between the latitudes of 41
and 44 the climate is not difagreeable to Britifh
conditutions in point of health and convenience.
All manner of European grain and fruits grow here,
our cattle multiply and improve to a miracle, and it
might be dock’d with them in a few hours from
the adjacent continent if they were not to be met
with there already.
But further : The town of Baldivia, near which
are the riched gold mines of America, lies almoft;
in fight of the ifland of Chiloe, and would infal-
libly fall into the hands of the Englifh if they were
poflefs’d of that ifland, there being no naval power
in thofe feas that could protect that port againd us.
And tho’ I dont’t fuppofe the Chilefe would willingly
buffer us to open thofe mines at firft, yet were we
once eftablifh’d on the continent, and fupported by
the garrifons I propofe to leave in Chiloe, and a
fquadron of men-of-war, we might traffick with
the natives, as the Spaniards do for the gold they
pick up, and poflibly in time, by one means or
other, procure the mines to be opened and wrought
by our own Negroes 5 for the great objection the
natives have againft working them, is, left they
fhould be put to that drudgery themfelves, as they
formerly were by the Spaniards.
But I muff confefs there are fome very confider- objections
able objections againft our attempting to plant colo- to the fa-
mes on the coaft of Peru or Chili. As firft. That ^"^coaiT
it is a very long and hazardous voyage of five or 0 ( chili
fix months, and if any misfortune fhould happen confider'd.
by tempefts, or the ficknefs of our men, it would
prohably be defeated : That the Dutch actually at-
tempted this, and fix’d themfelves at Baldivia, and
yet were forced to relinquifh it again : Nor have
they ever thought fit to attempt it a fecond time,
tho’ they have frequently been at war with Spain.
It may be objected further. That neither the
French or Dutch would fit ftill and fee the Englifh
in pofl’effion of the gold and filver mines of America,
but would affift both the Spaniards and natives in
expelling us from thence.
As to the firft, I do not think the hazard fo
great as to deter us from attempting an enterprize
that would enrich the nation to fo great a degree,
and weaken our enemies (as this fcheme fuppofes the
Spaniards to be). And as to the mifearriage of the
Dutch in the like attempt, it is evident their fqua-
dron and land-forces were too weak for fuch an
enterprize ; and their lofing their General, who
projected
* This,was wrote during the wars in Queen Anne’s reign.
OF C H I L 1, m
CHAP, projected it, was another great difadvantage to and make us mafters of the trade and navigation C H A P„
VII. them. But their principal misfortune was his be- both of Mexico and Peru : Not a Spanifh {hip VII.
ing fucceeded by a perfon that wanted addrefs, and could ftir either way if we had once fix’d ourfelves
gave the natives foch jealoufies of their defign to on the ifthmus of Darien. We mfeht then pre-
enflave them, as made them his enemies. But what fcribe to the Spaniards what goods they fnould take
difcourag’d the Dutch moil from purfuing this de- of us, and upon what terms we pleafed, which
fign, and making another attempt, was a fufpicion would be more to our purpofe than poileffuw the
very well founded, that neither the French or mines of Spaniih- America, if that was feazfble »
Englifh would fit ftill and fee them in pofieffion of for by this means all our handicrafts and mecha-
the treafures of Peru and Chili. nicks would have full employment, our woollen.
And this is indeed the grand objection againft our manufactures would be difpoled of to the beft ad-
attempting to fix colonies there, and getting poflef- vantage, and the commerce of our neighbours with
lion of the gold and filver mines of Peru and Chili, the Spanifh-Weft-Indies leifen’d in proportion to the
The French and Dutch would no more permit us to increafe of ours.
be mafters of them than we fhould fuffer either of Another reafon for planting colonies on the
thofe nations to monopolize that treafure: We are ifthmus of Darien rather than on the coafts of the
all agreed that they are much better In the hands South-fea is, that the voyage to Darien is but fhort,
of the indolent unaCtive Spaniard, who makes but not above fix weeks or two months, whereas that
little ufe of them to the prejudice of his neighbours, into the South-fea is a voyage of five or fix months.,
Nay, moft of the plate he brings from America is and in cafe of a misfortune we have no friendly
employ’d in paying for the merchandize of Britain, port to fuftain or refrefh our people.
France, Holland, Italy, &c. which countries perhaps We have alfo the ifland of Jamaica a little di-
have this way had as great a profit, or a greater ftance from Darien, from whence our garrifons
(at leaft feme of them) than they could expeCt if might be fupply’d with arms, ammunition and pro-
they were mafters of the mines. We fhould but vifions from time to time, and even with men
fend the fame goods to the Spanifh Weft-Indies di- inured to the fame climate, and confequently not
reCtly which we now fend by the Spanifh Flota : fo fubjeCt to the difeafes of hot countries as out
And had Britain as great a fhare in that traffick northern people are. Though it appears, that
now as formerly, fhe would have no reafon to co- there are feme fituations even upon the ifthmus of
vet thofe treafures ; but unhappily for us, ever fince Darien that are agreeable to Europeans. The Scots
the French ufed thofe feas, and have had fo good an actually found fuch a one when they ereCted their
underftanding with Spain, they have fupplanted us, fort of New- Edinburgh, which was naturally fo
and we are now in a manner beaten out of that ftrong that with a very finall force they could have
moft valuable branch of our commerce, where for maintain’d it againft all the power of Spain, if we
our woollen manufactures, which were difperfed all had not inhumanly and impolitickly deny’d them
over Spain and Spanifh-America, we received chief- provifions at Jamaica and other Englifh fettle-
Jy bullion in return : This traffick is now in a ments.
manner loft to us, as we too fenfibly feel at this day. I know every one will be apt to objedt the mif-
And fince we have loft the afFeCtions and trade fortunes of Admiral Hosier and his fquadron to
of Spain in a great meafure, and are never likely this fcheme : But that w r as a very different cafe,
to recover them again by fair means, the next beft They were oblig’d to lie before Porto Bello, the
t thing we can do is to render ourfelves as formidable moft unhealthful place in Spanifh-America, for an
to the Spaniards as poffible. It is certainly our wif- unreafonable time, without going on fhore, or re-
born at this day, if they perfift to quarrel with us ceiving any refrefhments from thence. The Scot*
and infult our merchants, to poflefs ourfelves of fared much better, who pitch’d upon a place, for
feme port-towns, either on the iflands or continent aught appears, as healthful as any in England ; and
of America, that they may fear us, and be com- why we fhould not plant the fame, or find out
pell’d to admit us into a good fhare of that trade another as good, in cafe of a rupture, I can’t fee,
again, on pain of feeing their own commerce with Nay, why we fhould not immediately endeavour it,
Mexico and Peru interrupted and ruined ; which I fince great part of this country is not under the do-
The advan- am mi 'ght be more effectually done minion of the Spaniards, I can fee no manner of
tageofereft- jT planting colonies and ereCting forts on the reafon. It would make them cautious how they di-
ing forts on ifthmus of Darien than by any fettlements on the fturbed our trade by their Guard de Cofta’s, and
’ ^Dariens^ coa ^ s of: ^ South-fea ; for the firft would give us readier to make us fatisfaCtion for their repeated
the command both of the North and the South-feas, depredations.
Vox., Ill
Ee«
T H E
394
T H E
PRESENT STATE
O F
LA PLAT A,
P A R A G U A.
CHAP. I.
Of the name , fituation , aW extent of La Plata, and of the face of the country.
CHAP,
I.
Plata the
name.
Iti fituation
and extent.
Face of the
sountry.
T H E province of La Plata (fometimes call’d
Paragua) receiv’d its name from the river
Plata, which rifing near the city of that
name in Peru, runs to the fouth-eaft through
this country.
It is bounded by the country of Amazons on the
north, by Brazil on the eaft, by Patagonia on the
fouth, and by Peru and Chili on the weft, lying
between the 12th and 37th degrees of fouth latitude,
and between the 50th and 75 th degrees of weftern
longitude, being about 5 5 o in length, from north
to fouth, and near as many leagues broad in the
middle of it ; but towards the north, where it is
bounded by Brazil on the eaft, and by Peru on the
weft, it is not 200 leagues broad.
That part of this country which lies weft of the
great river Paragua confifts of large plains extending
two or three hundred leagues in length, without
any trees, at leaft any thing that looks like timber,
and fcarcea hilioraftone to be feen in them ; but
m the country to the eaftward of that river which
borders on Brazil, there is a variety of bills and
valleys, woods and champaign.
CHAP. II.
Of the feces, later, fprings, rivers, and feafons of
La Plata .
C H A P.
IL
T HIS is for the moft part an in-land country,
and only borders upon the Atlantic-ocean on
the fouth fide of the mouth of the river La Plata,
near which the city of Buenos Ayres is fttuated.
Lakes they have in great abundance, and fome of C fl A P-
them very large, particularly that of Xarayes, which JJ
our Geographers place in 1 5 degrees fouth latitude,
and out of which the great river Paragua is faid to Lakes,
rife.
There is another call’d the Lake of Venoras, in
3 1 degrees fouth latitude, about eighty miles weft
of the river Paragua ; and a third call’d Caracaroes,
in 30 degrees, 20 leagues eaft of the river Paragua,
which is an hundred miles in length and upwards ;
but there are not many fprings in the flat country.
The fources of their rivers are fome of them in the Riveras,
mountains of Andes; thofe that rife there run to the
fouth-eaft, and fall into the great river Paragua :
Others rife in the hills which feparate this province
from Brazil, and running fouth-weft, fall into the
fame river Paragua, which rifes, as has been faid, Paragua river,
out of the lake Xarayes, in 1 5 degrees, and run-
ning almoft dircdlly fouth, unites its w'aters with,
the Uragua, in 34 degrees ; after which it is call’d
the river of Plata ’till it reaches the Atlantic-ocean.
2. As to that which is properly call’d the River of Plata rives-;
Plata, it rifes, as has been obferv’d, near the town
of La Plata in Peru, and running to the fouth-eaft,
falls into the river Paragua, in 2 8 degrees fouth
latitude, after which it lofes the name of Plata, and
the united ftream is call’d the Paragua ’till it meets
with the river Uragua, and then it refumes the 1
name of Plata again ’till it difcbarges itfelf into the
ocean.
This river is faid to have obtain’d its name of
Plata upon a double account ; r . Becaufe it rifes
near the town, of La Plata: and, 2.
Becaufe the
plate
OF LA P L A T A.
Uragua
fiver.
Parana river,
S«lado river.
Tercero ri-
ver.
Seafons.
Periodical
ftorms and
floods.
plate is feme times brought down this ftream from
Peru to Buenos Ayres.
3. The third considerable river is that of Uragua,
which riling in the mountains that divide Brazil
from this province, runs almoft due fouth ’till it
unites its waters with the Paragua, in 34 degrees
fouth latitude, and is almoft as large as that river,
being navigable for fhips feveral hundred miles.
4? Out of the fame mountains to the northward
rifes the river Parana, another very large ftream,
which running almoft parallel to the former, falls
into the Paragua in 28 degrees (outh latitude.
;. The fifth river I fhall mention is the river
Salado, fo named from the faltriefs of its waters.
This river rifes in the Andes, and running to the
fouth-eaft falls into the Paragua in 33 degrees,
fouth latitude.
The river Tercero, which rifes in the mountains
of Andes, and running almoft due eaft, falls into
the Paragua in 34 degrees, not far from the town
of Spirito Sancfo.
There are a multitude of other rivers both on the
eaft and weft of this province which fall into the
great river Paragua, and fo fertilize the plains that
they abound m good meadow and pafture grounds,
which feed innumerable herds of European cattle,
viz. horfes, cows, fheep and goats, which, from a
few of each fpecies that were carry ’d thither by the
Spaniards two hundred years ago, are multiply’d
to admiration.
As to the feafons, the north part of this country,
which lies within the Tropic of Capricorn, has in
November and December annually, when the fun
is vertical, very heavy rains, ftorms and tempefts,
as other countries which lie in the lame latitude
within the fouthern Tropic have: And th' s
time all the flat country is over-flow’d, their cifterns
and refervoirs of water are replenifh’d, which ierve
them the reft of the year ’till the rains return :
Their lands are moiften’d and made capable of til-
lage, and whenever thefe rains fail it occafions a
famine amongft them. The beginning of the
rainy feafon is the time of fowing and planting, and
the fair feafon, which follows upon the retreat of the
fun to the northward, is their harveft.
But direcftly contrary, in that part of the coun-
try which lies fouth of the Tropic of Capricorn,
it is their fummer (their fair feafon, when the fun
is ncareft them, viz.) in November, December, and
January : And thofe rivers which rife within the
Tropics, particularly La Plata, Paragua, and Pa-
rana, after the rains are fallen within the Tropics,
fwell and overflow their banks as they pafs through
the fouth part of this country, rendering it as fruit-
ful as the Nile does Egypt ; and indeed this is the
cafe in almoft every part of the world where the ri-
vers rife within the Tropics; the periodical rains
fwell them, and occafion them to over-flow their
hanks, fo that the flat country near their mouths
appears like a fea, and as the water goes off the
395
hufbandman begins fo fow and plant his lancfe, which C H A F»
are render’d exceeding fruitful by the inundation ; III.
whereas without this it would be impoffible for him
to raife a crop in many places. Their plains are fb
exceeding hot and dry, and there falls fo little rain
in the countries which lie juft without the Tropics,
as this and Egypt does, that they would produce,
fcarce any thing if they wanted thefe annual floods:
And I am apt to think it is when thefe are at the
height, that the mouth of the river of Plata appears
to be two or three hundred miles broad; for the
fame thing happens annually near the mouth of the
river Niger in Africa, near the mouth of the Ganges,
in the Eaft-Indies, and at the mouth of every river
almoft that has its fource within the Tropics, where
the rain falls in vaft quantities whenever the fun is
vertical.
C H A P IIP
Of the provinces , chief toivns y and buildings of La
Plata.
L A Plata may be thrown into two grand divifi- CHAP.
ons almoft equal in extent, viz. 1. The pro- HI.
vinces on the eaft fide of the river Paragua ; and,
2. Thofe that lie weft of the faid river. The pro- P^ vinceei >
vinces on the eaft fide of the Paragua are thofe of,
1. Paragua Proper; 2. Guayra ; 3. Parana;
4. Uragua. Thofe on the weft fide of the Paragua
are, 5. Tucuman ; and 6. La Plata Proper.
1 . Paragua Proper is bounded by the country of Paragu®
the Amazons on the north, by Brazil on the eaft, P rovmte ”
by Guayra on the fouth, and by the river Paragua,
which feparates it from Tucuman and Peru, on the
weft ; at leaf! thefe are the boundaries aflign’d by
Geographers. But it muft be acknowledg’d that
Paragua Proper is a perfect Terra incognita. I meet
with no author or traveller that pretends to give any
defeription of it, or to know the extent of it : And
our map-makers are fo ingenious as not to incumber
their maps with the name of one town in all the
country.
2. Guayra is bounded by Paragua Proper on the Guayra pre-
north, by Brazil on the eaft, by Parana on the fouth, vince and
The chief
town 0
and by the river Paragua on the weft,
towns whereof are,
1 ft, Guayra, fituate on the river Parana, in 24
degrees fouth latitude.
zdly, St. Xavier, fituate on the confines of Bra- St. Xavier
zil, about 100 leagues to the eaftward of Guayra. town °
3 dly. Conception, fituate on a river about too Conception
leagues fouth-weft of St. Xavier.
3. The province of Parana is bounded by that of Parana P r ° 9
Guayra on the north, by Brazil on the eaft, by the 1 <c "
province of Uragua on the fouth, and by La Plata
Proper on the weft. The chief towns whereof are,
1 ft, Acarai, fituated in 26 degrees fouth latitude, Acaraiiovre
at the mouth of a fmall river which falls into the
Parana.
2dly, Ignatjo, fituated on the fouth fide of the ignatio
river Parana, in 30 degrees, 30 minutes fouth latitude town "
Eee 2 3<% ^poa,.
39 ( >
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAR
III.
Ifapoa town.
Uragua pro*
vince.
Purification
town,
Tapia town.
Tucuman
province.
St. Jago
sown.
Cortina >
Sail*.
La Plata
Ptopor.
Buonost
3tily, Itapoa, fituated to the northward of the
river Parana, in 27 degrees fouth latitude.
4. The province of Uragua., bounded by the pro-
vince of Guayra on the north, by Brazil on the eafl,
by the river Plata and Paragua on the fouth and
weft. The chief towns whereof are,
1 ft, Purification, fituate on the river Uragua,, in
29 degrees fouth latitude.
2dly, La Capia, or Tapia, fituate on the eaft
fide of the river Paragua, in 32 degrees, odd minutes
fouth latitude.
5. The province of Tucuman (in which I in-
clude that of Charco) bounded' by Peru on die north,
by the river Paragua and La Plata Proper on the eaft,
by La Plata Proper on the fouth, and by Chili on
the weft.. The chief towns whereof are,
1 ft, St. Jago de Iffero, fituate almoft in the mid-
dle of the province in 29 degrees fouth latitude, be-
ing a Bi (hop’s foe and univerfity, the capital of Tu-
cuman, and lies in the mid-way between the mines
of Potofi and Buenos Ayres, being about 250 leagues
from each. The plate is brought from Potofi hither
on tire backs of mules, the country of theCharcas,
which lies to the northward of this province,, being
very mountainous ; but from St. Jago to Buenos
Ayres the plate is carry’d in waggons over, one con-
tinued plain, in which there are neither woods or
hills to be feen.
zdly, Cordua, or Cordiiba, is fituated about an
hundred leagues fouth of St. Jago, on the road to
Buenos Ayres. It is a Bi (hop’s fee, and univerfity,
and has feveral fine convents in it, but the Jefuits
infinitely excels all the reft. As the inhabitants trade
chiefly to Peru and Chili, and take gold and filver in
return for their merchandize, they are vaftly rich, and
the Clergy frill richer than the Laity: Their churches
and monafteries are magnificently built and adorned,
3<dly, Salta is fituated on the road from St. Jago
to Potofi, almoft in the mid-way.
6. The province of La Plata Proper fo bounded
by the river Plata towards the north, by the river
Paragua and the Atlantic-ocean on the eaft, by Pa-
tagonia on the fouth, and by Chili and Tucuman on
the weft. The chief towns whereof are,
1 ft-, Buenos Ayres, laid to be fo named from its
healthful fituation. It ftands on the fouth fide
of the river La Plata, 50 leagues from the mouth
of it, in 36 degrees fouth latitude, and in 60
degrees of weftern longitude, the river La Plata
being fever. leagues broad at this town, and navi-
gable for {hips twenty miles higher, but there they
meet with a cateradl that fpoils the navigation.,
Buenos Ayres- is a Bifhop’s fee ; there are in it five
diarchies befides the cathedral, and feveral convents,,
acd it is defended. by a caftle regularly fortify’d with
upwards of forty guns mounted on the walls. It is
a very great mart, for hither all European merchan-
dize is brought, and font from hence to Peru and
Orfti r aad hither great numbers of Negroes alfoare
iraugh'i and: fold. to. Peru, and Chili, which traffick
the Englifh have the advantage of at prefont by vir- CHAP,
tue of the Afliento contraft, and lands are aftign’d III.
them to keep their Negroes upon ’till they meet with
a fale. F rom Buenos Ayres are exported to Europe
part of the gold and filver of Peru, with vaft quan-
tities of hides and talfow, and fuch other merchan-
dize as this part of America affords.
2dly, Santa Fe, or St. Faith, a well-built town, Santa Fe,
fituate in 32 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude, at
at the conflux of the rivers Salado and Paragua, be-
ing almoft furrounded with their waters, and lies
between two and three hundred miles north-weft
from Buenos Ayres on the road to Peru.
3dly, Affumption, fituate in 25 degrees, odd mi- Affumption
nutes, at the conflux of the rivers La Plata and Pa- town °
ragua, between four or five hundred miles north of
Santa Fe. It is faid to be a well-built populous
town, and the fee of a Bifhop; SufFra^m to the
Archbifhop of La Plata in Peru. As to the natives,
before, the Spaniards came amongft them, they lived
in tents or flight huts, wandering from place to place
like the wild Arabs. But this is to be underftood
of thofo that inhabited the plains on the weft fide of
the great river Uragua. Thofo that dwelt on the
eaft fide of the river lived in woods or caves; but
neither the one or the other had any thing like
a town amongft them ’till the Spaniards taught,
or rather compell’d them, to alter their way of
life.
The Jefuits, who are now in a manner Sove*-
reigns of that part of the country which lies between
Brazil on the eaft, and the great river Paragua on
the weft,, boaft of their having reduced ihefe favage
nations to civility, and made Chriftians of them
purely by their preaching. Certain it is, they go-
vern them abfolutely both in fpirituals and tempo-
rals. There is no place in the world where the
people exprefs a more profound fubmiflion to their
fuperiors. Among other things the Jefuits relate,
that they have prevail’d on them to abandon their
brutifti and vagrant way ot life, and dwell in towns The LuJIst
and cantons, as the Miftionanes call them, the fitu- towns,
ation whereof is always chofen and aflign’d them by
thefo Fathers. And as the flat country near the ri-
vers is annually over-flow’d (as has been related al-
ready) and yet in the dry foafon it is abfolutely ne-
ceflary to have their habitation near fome water, as
well on account of their plantations and hufbandry,
there being the greateft increafe where the inunda-
tion has been, as alfo for the conveniency of water-
carriage, and an ealy communication with the feve-
ral cantons : For thefo and many other reafcns, the
Fathers pitch upon fome fair eminence on the fide of
a lake or river where they have plenty of wood, and.
here they lay out a town after theSpanifh model,
that is, they firft forma fquare, on the fide of which
ufually ftands a handfome church, their fchools, the
Father’s houfe, who prefides in the canton, and the
halls and offices of their Courts of juftice, and from
the fey are run broad handfome ftreets of a great
length,.
397
OF LA PLATA,
C H A P. length, having other Greets crofting them where the
III. canton is large.
Father Sepp informs us, that they have twenty-
fix of thefe cantons on the banks of the rivers Ura-
gua arid Parana, each of them containing eight
3-j.ildings, hundred or a thoufand houfes, and feven or eight
thoufand fouls, under the government of two Miffi-
onaries. The church of each canton is ufually built
of brick or ftone, and has a lofty fteeple, contain-
ing four or five bells. It is as richly furnifh’d and
adorn’d with plate, veftments, and utenfils as the
Spunifh churches in Europe: And befides the high-
altar, they have frequently feveral fide-altars and
chapels. They have alfo organs, trumpets, haut-
boys, violins, and other inftrumental mufick, and
fome exceeding good voices ; fo that few cathedrals
are better accommodated than the churches of thefe
cantons.
The Father further relates, that the ffation allotted
him was the canton of Japegu, the firft of the
twenty-fix converted cantons, fituated on an emi-
nence near the river Uragua, in 29 degrees fouth
latitude, in a place form’d for pleafure and delight ;
for to the eaftward of it runs that noble river, the
banks whereof are planted with large timber-trees
for feveral hundred leagues, and there are fome iflands
in it lying in view of the canton, which he defer ibes
as a perfect paradife. On this river and the iflands
In it, fays the Father, I frequently take the air, at-
tended by my difciples and a numerous band of mu-
fick. On the fouth-weft and north the canton is
furrounded with the mod: fruitful paftures in the
world, of a vaft extent, and flock’d with incredible
numbers of European cattle ; venifon alfo is in great
plenty, fuch as deer, wild goats, and Indian fheep ;
and they do not want partridges, pidgeons, and other
fowls wild and tame. They have alfo Ihoals of ex-
cellent fifh in their rivers.
But notwithftanding the pleafant and advantage-
ous fituation of thefe Indian towns thus laid out by
the Jefuits, the buildings were generally mean at
firft : A brick and tiled houfe was very rare. The
materials were ufually thatch and clay, and one room
ferv’d the whole family: Here they lay promifeu-
oufly, fome on the fkins of beafts on the floor, and
others in hammocks of net-work ; their kitchen
utenfils being only fome few pots, pans, and cala-
bafhes, with wooden fpits, and gridirons, on which
they dry’d rather than broil'd their meat.
But the Father tells us they begin to improve both
in their buildings and furniture lince the Jefuits have
taught them to make tiles, and inftrudled them in
other mechanick arts. He had in his canton parti-
eularly fix long ftreets, the houfes whereof were co-
her’d with tiles,,
C II A P. IV.
Of the perfons and habits of the inhabitants of La
Plata \ their genius and temper , food , exerejes ,
and diverfions ; and of their mechanick arts „
I N this country, as in every other part of South- CHAP,
America almoft, the firft Difcoverers were pleas’d IV.
to affirm the natives were giants and canibals, though
we meet with neither of them here at this day. a ata '
Father Sep pis perfectly filent in the article of cani-
bals ; though he lived long amongfl them, and men-
tions the reft: of the food they eat : And as to their
perfons he relates, that they are fo far from being of Perfuna-
a gigantic ftature, that they are not fo tall as the
Europeans. However, he deforibes them to be big"-
boned, ftrong, well-fet men, and their legs ulually
pretty thick : That their faces are flat, and rather
round than oval, and their complexion olive: That
they have black hair as ftrong as horfe-hair, which
they wear very long before they are converted ; but
then tire Fathers oblige them to cut it fhorter : That
thofe who have not yet conformed to the Spanifh
cuftoms, wear only the fkin of fomebeaft about the HaMta.
middle of their bodies ; and the better fort have ano-
ther fkin which ferves for a cloak or mantle ; the
ordinary women have their arms, fhoulders and
breafts bare, and no covering on their heads but their
hair, which they wear of an immoderate length.
Their ornaments are glittering fifh-hones, which
they wear in their ears, and about their necks and
arms in chains, and their Chiefs have a kind of trip-
pie crowns upon their heads. Boys and girls go
perfectly naked.
They feem to be a brave people, having defeated Genijs and
feveral confiderable bodies of Spaniards when they tem P er *
firft invaded their country. It was a great many
years before the Spaniards could fix themfelves even
in the plains : But in the woods and mountains, to
the eaftward of the river Uragua, tire natives de-
fended themfelves fo well that they were never fob-
dued, ’till the Jefuits found means in the laft cen-
tury to infinuate themfelves into their good opinion,
and in a manner wheedled them into a fubmiffion
without making ufe of force.
The fame Father Sepp informs vis, that their prin- Food,
cipal food isTurky or Indian-corn, which they beat
to flour in a mortar and boil with flefh, or make
cakes of it on the hearth : That they eat all man-
ner of fifh, flefh, and fowl, and are the greateft
gluttons in the world : That they are extreme lazy
and indolent, and dull at invention, but will imitate
almoft any thing you give them a pattern of : That
feveral of them are lately become fuch excellent me- Exce]1 enT
ebanicks that they make organs and other rhufical mechanic^
mftruments as good as thofe that are brought from
Europe ; others are watch-makers, painters and
muficians, in all which arts they have been mftrucfo
sd by the Jefuit-Miftionaries, who are taught tire
mechmick
1
39 s THE PRESE
C H AP. mechanick as well as liberal arts before they are fent
IV. a broad, that they may have an opportunity of ren-
W-— V — m j dering themfelves ufeful and agreeable to every dais
of men, and without which they could never have
propagated their fuperftition with that fuccefs in
every kingdom almoft upon the face of the earth :
But this they have done no where with fuch fuccels
as here, where the country is their property, and
may juftly be ftil'd, The Jefuits earthly paradife.
Exerclfesand The exercifes and diverfions of thefe people are
diverfions, at prefent either rural fports, fuch as hunting, fifh -
ing and fowling, or dancing and feafting, as in
other countries : But their principal diverfion, or
rather bufinels, before the Spaniards brought them
to remain in fix’d habitations, was to rove about
the country from place to place, and view new
fcenes every day they lived.
C H A P. V.
Of their bufbandry , plants , animals , and minerals.
C H A P. ' | ' HEY have a wooden plough which does not
V. JL enter the ground above three inches deep,
( anc | yet they have ufuallya very plentiful crop how-
f:;^ ndr y- ever of Turky or Indian-corn. The Mi (lionary
of every canton has commonly forty or fifty acres
fown with European-wheat, and frequently gives
his Indian difciples enough to fow their grounds and
make provifion for their families ; but inftead of
putting it to that ufe, they ufually devour it as foon
as they have it. The Father adds, It may truly be
faid of thefe Indians, that they follow our Sa v iou r’s
rule. Not to be concern’d for the next day ; for if
I happen to allot a cow to a family enough to ierve
them three or four days (lays he) they will often eat
her in one, and come the next morning for more ;
fo that we are forc’d to give to the father, mother,
fon, and daughter, and to the young children to
each his piece of flefh of five, fix, feven, nay eight
pounds, and that twice a day ; for if they had it
at once, they would eat it all at noon, and want
more by night ; for they are fo voracious that the
mother will fnatch the meat from her child, and eat
all that comes in fight of them : For which reafon
each Miffionary has a great barn, into which he
forces them to lay up a certain proportion of corn,
which he gives them back at feed-time : Notwith-
ftanding which they fometimes deceive the Miffion-
ary, or rather themfelves. It is to be obferv’d, that
their feed-time is in June or July, when the Mif-
fionary allots each Indian two or three oxen to plow
withal. One of thefe Indians, after a quarter of an
hour’s plowing, began to grow weary of the fport,
and finding himfelf and his wife very hungry, they
agreed to kill one of the oxen, which they did ac-
cordingly, and having quarter’d the ox ( as they
ufually do) they put the flefh on a wooden fpit, and
(for want of other fuel) made a good fire with the
plow, throwing into it fome of the fuet to increafe
NT ST A T E
the flame ; and thus they roamed and eat it. The C H AP.
Miffionary perceiving the fmoke in the field, be- V.
gan fhrewdly to fufpect the truth ; and making the v— — '
bell of his way to the field, he foonhaw by the
bones that he had not been miftaken in his guefs.
He fell to chiding the Indian, who gave no other
anfwcr, but that he being both tir’d and hungry, he
had made bold with the ox, begging the good Father
to give him another, which he was oblig’d to do,
unlefs he would fee him and his family want bread
all the year after. Such things often happen to the
Miffionaries, thefe Indians being naturally fo lazy,
that often (unlefs compell’d thereunto by blows)
they will not carry in their Turky- wheat when it
is ripe. •
Y'ou wonder, perhaps, which way they can be
compell’d by blows : This is done in the fame man-
ner as we do our children, only that inftead of birch
they make ufe of a fcourge : This is perform’d by
fome Indian or other, who gives the delinquent
twenty-four or more ftrokes, according to the Mif-
iionary’s order. This correction they take very
patiently, without any curfing or fwearing, nay,
without making the leaft noife ; and if they hap-
pen to make any exclamations, it is by the name
of Jdu Maria. The correction being over, they
kifs the Miffionary’s hand, and return him thanks
into the bargain, their love and refpeCt being fuch
towards their Miffionaries, that they take every
thing without the leaft regret at their hands ; which
being imprinted in them from their tender age,
they can never Ihake off afterwards.
As to their fruits and kitchen-gardens. Father Fru:ts.
Se pp gives us the beft account of them I meet with,
in the defeription of his own gardens in the canton
of Japega. Next to my apartment, fays that Fa-
ther, I have a garden divided into feveral partitions,
one whereof is my flower-garden, another my phy-
fick-garden (for they know not what a Phyfician
or Apothecary means) another my kitchen-garden,
befides an orchard and vineyard. In the kitchen-
garden grow all the year round divers forts of fal-
lad-herbs, Endive curl’d and not curl’d, Cichory-
roots, Parfnips, Turnips, Spinage, Radifhes, Cab-
bages, Carrots, Beet-roots, Parfly, Anifeed, Fennel-
feed, Coriander-feed, Melons, Cucumbers, and di-
vers forts of Indian roots. In my phyfick-garden
I have Mint, Rue, Rofemary, Pimpernel, Sweet -
marjorum, &c. My flower-garden producesWhite-
lill ies, Indian-lillies, yellow and blue violets, Pop-
pies, and many forts of Indian flowers.
In my orchard I have Apple and Pear-trees and
Hazel-nut-trees ; but thefe two laft will bear no
fruit here, tho’ they grow very lofty ; Peaches,
Pomegranates fweet and four Lemons, fweet and
four Citrons, Vaninceys, and divers other Indian
fruits.
My vineyard has fo many vines, that fometimes
it may produce five hundred large calks of wine in
one year, but this year I have fcarce had Grapes
* enough
OF chili:
399
No wood in
the plains.
Woods in
the hilly
country.
• HAP. enough for my table ; the reafon is the vaft num-
V. ber of pifmires, wafps, wild-pidgeons, and other
birds, which have devoured ah, tho’ I have con-
ftantly kept eight Indian boys on purpofe to cleanfe
them of the pifmires : Add to this the north-wind,
which has blown continually all this year : A {len-
der recompence for the pains I have taken in pru-
ning, {having, and attending the vines ; but pa-
tience !
However, thefe frequent mifcarriages of the vines
make wine here a dear commodity, a cafk being
fold fometimes for twenty or thirty crowns, a great
price for fuch an unwholefome wine as this, which
is not to be preferv’d without a great deal of lime,
without which it would turn to vinegar in a little
time. This makes us ufe the wine very fparingly,
and fometimes we have fcarce any in fix months,
it being fo fcarce that we fhall not have enough for
the Communion-table.
He relates alfo, that in the plains on the weft
fide of the river Uragua, and particularly between
the city of Buenos Ayres and St. Jago, there is not
a tree to be feen fit for timber or fuel of the na-
tural growth of the country ; but that the Spaniards
have of late years planted fuch abundance of peaches,
almonds and figs, that there are now vaft woods
of them, which ferve for fuel at Buenos Ayres and
other Spanifti towns : On the contrary, that the
country to the eaft-ward of the river Paragua,
has large woods and forefts well replen’fh’d with
timber, extending feveral hundred leagues on both
fides the river Uragua, and that they have the fineft
paftures and meadows in the world, both in the
eaft arid weftern parts of La Plata ; however, there
is no mowing of graft, or making of hay here,
becaufe their cattle feed all the year up to the knees
in graft.
They have alfo whole fields of cotton, but no
hemp or flax growing in the country, which makes
linnen excefiive dear.
They had no great flock
Spaniards imported European
pal were their Indian fheep, goats, fwine, and deer,
already defcrib’d, with a fort of hares, armadillo’s,
arid other American animals, already defcrib’d in
treating of Mexico and Peru ; but the European
cattle are fo vaftly increafed of late years in La Plata,
that there is fcarce a canton which has left than
three or four thoufand horfes and mules, with black
cattle in proportion, and thirty or forty thoufand
European fheep in fome of them : They abound alfo
in hogs, goats, and poultry, and have plenty of fifh
in their rivers.
The fame Father a flu res us, that they fee fome-
times fourteen or fifteen thoufand oxen feeding to-
gether that have no particular owner, but any one
fends and takes what he pleafes : And that the
Jefuits at Buenos Ayres fold at one time, to the
(hipping that came thither, twenty thoufand tall
oxen for twelve thoufand crowns, which were va-
Beafts,
of cattle before the
animals ; the princi-
lued only for their hides, their earcafes being devour’d CHAP,
by wild dogs or birds of prey. VI.
In another place the Father relates, that his can-
ton font out a party of Indians two days journey
into the country, who within two months brought-
in fifty thoufand cows, which were to ferve for
provifions for the canton the following year ; for
they eat cow’s-flefti altogether, and kill the bulls-
only for their fkins, there being no oxen, properly
fo call’d, in that country. Lie adds, that the three
(hips he went over with carry ’d back to Spain thirtv
thoufand bulls hides, without any cows (kins amongft
them : And thefe they had for little or nothing j
tho’ every fkin would make fix crowns in Spain,
fo prodigioufly are European cattle multiply’d in
La Plata : And ’tis obferv’d, that one fheep is more
valued there than three horfes, on account of their
wool ; for a good horfe may be purchas’d for a
knife of the value of fix-pence, and a bridle is of
more value than three horfes, and a horfe-fhoe is
worth fix horfes j but they feldom fhoe their horfes
here on account of the fcarcity of iron, nor do they
much need it, the turf or furfkce of the ground being
very foft, and few ftones in the country.
As to minerals, it is certain there are few or MineriSs,
none in the plains or flat country ; and tho’ ’tis re-
ported the Jefuits have difeover’d fome gold mines
in the mountains that divide La Plata from Brazil^
thofe Fathers do not acknowledge there are any,
C H A P. VI.
Contains analflraft of the hiftory of La Plata , and
treats of the religion of its ancient and modern in-
habitants, and of their marriages.
S the natives of La Plata were divided into a q pj A p
multitude of tribes commanded by their re- yj
fpedtive Chiefs, they knew nothing of the general
hiftory or ftate of their country when the Spaniards Hiftory.
arriv’d : And what they receiv’d by tradition relating
to their particular clans could be very little relied on
as they were not acquainted with letters, and had no
way of recording the atftions of their anceftors. All
that we know of their hiftory is, that thofe on the
weft fide of the river Paragua lived a wandering life
like the Arabs, and thofe on the eaft fide of that ri-
ver in caves : That the Spaniards and Portueguefe
made feveral attempts in vain to fubduethe inhabitants
of the plains from Brazil and the mouth of the river
La Plata, in which they met with very great oppofi-
tion and Ioffes ’till the Spaniih Governors of Peru
and Chili attack’d them from the weft, and then
they made a complete conqueft of that country.
The ftrft Adventurer that penetrated into this,
country was Alexius Garcia, a Portuguefe,
who was font upon that enterprize by the Gover-
nor of Brazil, in the year 1524. He march’d quite '
crofs La Plata, as far as the borders of Peru, where
plate, he was cut
oft'
having amaft’d a vaft quantity of
r H E P H ESEN T STATE
400
C H A P, off in his return with moH part of his men ; and
VI. George Sedenho, with fixty Portuguese, ha-
v ing been lent out to fupport him before the death
of Garcia was known, was alfo cut in pieces
by the Indians with all his party*
In the year 1526, Sebastian Cabot being
employ’d to make a further dilcovery of South-
America by the Emperor Charles V. enter’d the
mouth of the river La Plata ( firft difcover’d by
John Diaz de Solis, in the year 1515) and
failing up that river as far as the place where
Garcia was kill’d, there met with the plate he
had got on the confines of Peru, which he pur-
chas’d of the natives, who did not know the value
of it, for a trifle, and imagining it to be the pro-
duct of that country, concluded he had made a
very important difcovery. Whereupon he eredled
a fort on the north fide of the river, near the place
where the town of Affumption now Hands ; he
alfo detach’d Alvaro Ramon with one of his
jfhips to fail up the river Uragua, and get further
intelligence of the mines he fuppofed were to be
found near the banks of it; but Ramon hav-
ing proceeded three days in that voyage, his fhip
run a-ground, and he and all his people were cut
off by the natives. After which accident, Ca hot
remov’d from that fhore, and built another fort on
the fouth fide of the river of Plata, where the town
of Spirito SanCto now Hands, and leaving a garri-
fon of one hundred and twenty men in it, he re-
turn’d to Spain for a re-inforcement of troops to
profecute his difcoveries : But the natives furpriz’d
the fort foon after he was gone, and put the garri-
£>n to the iword.
However, Cabot reprefenting to the Court of
Spain that Plata was one of the richelt countries
in the world ; and bringing Co much plate and trea-
fure along with him as fufficiently confirm’d his re-
port in the opinion of the Spaniards, feveral of the
befi families of that kingdom made intereH to be
ient on an expedition thither. Whereupon a body
of two and twenty hundred land-men, befides ma-
riners, were embark’d for the river of Plata, among
whom, it is faid, there were thirty heirs of noble
families, the whole being commanded . by Don
Peter de Mendoza, the Emperor’s Sewer;
who arriving at the mouth of the river La Plata,
founded the town of Buenos Ayres, in the year
1535, but not without great oppofition from the
natives, for they attack’d a body of three hundred
Spaniards, commanded by James Mendoza,
the Governor’s brother, and kill’d him with two
hundred and fifty of his men upon the fpot ; and
provifions growing very fcarce at the fame time,
the Governor thought fit to return to Spain, leaving
Ovola his Deputy-governor behind him with part
of the troops. But Oyola thought 'fit to abandon
Buenos Ayres, and built the fort of Affumption, on
the north fide of the river Plata, whither he re-
liev'd with his half-flarv’d garrifon. The Gover-
nor Alvaro Nunf.z Cabeza de Vaca af- CHAP,
terwards made further difcoveries, planting colonies Vl-
as far as the north of Tucuman, and he and his
fuccefibr rebuilt Buenos Ayres and fome other towns
near the mouth of the river La Plata. And in
1553. Francis de Acquire being detach’d
from Chili with two hundred men by Valdivia,
built the city of St. Jago, the metropolis of La Plata;
and two years afterwards John Gomez Zarita
was fen t from Chili to La Plata with another body of
troops, who built the town of Cordua, and made
an entire conqueft of all the country as far as the
river Paragua ; but the provinces to the eaffward
of that river were never conquer’d by force, but
reduc’d, as has been find, by the addrefs of the
Jefuits under the dominion of the Crown of Spain ;
and that Court, in return for this fervice, conferr’d
the property of that country on thofe Fathers. If
it be demanded how the Jefuits were able to effedi
this, I have already intimated, that they are in- Q^ ia Ui3 ca _
flrudled in every art and fcience when they are fent tions of the
upon thefe millions. They don’t only underfland Jefoft Mif-
phyfick and the mathematicks, but almofi every fl0naries '
mechaniek art, by which means they become ex-
ceeding ufeful where they refide. Their admini-
ffring phyfick gratis infinitely obliges the people,
and by their fkill in mathematicks they furprize the
ignorant natives, who are ready to adore them as
gods, and readily refign their underflandings and
confciences to their diredlion. But what prevail’d
Hill more on thefe people to fubmit to the Jefuits
was, the protection they gave them again!! the
Spanilh officers and fbldiers, and preventing their
impofing on them thofe rigorous fervices they did on
other Indians under their government. They even
furnilh’d the natives with arms and ammunition,
and inflructed them in the art of war, whereby they
were enabled to repel the attacks both of the Spa-
niards from the weH, and of the Portuguele from
Brazil on the eaH, who harrafs’d their country for
feveral years ’till they found they had fo formidable
an enemy to deal with, that they loH more than they
got by their incurfions into La Plata ; and the Je-
luits and their fubje£Is who inhabit one of the finefl
countries in the world between the river Paragua
and Brazil, have of late years enjoy’d an uninter-
rupted peace in the greatefi affluence and plenty
imaginable.
As to the religion of the natives of La Plata, if Religion of
we are to credit Techo the Jefuit, he relates, that Larding w
they worfhipp’d the Sun, Moon, and Stars, and Techo,
I hunder and Lightning, as the- Peruvians did, and
had temples dedicated to the Sun; which is not at
all improbable, fince this country is contiguous to
Peru, and part of it was under the dominion of
their Inca’s; and in fome parts of the country, the
Jefuits relate, they worfhpip’d trees, Hones, rivers,
animals, and almoH every thing animate and ina-
nimate; which likewife may be true, becaufe other
nations in South- America have done the like. But as
to
OF THE AMAZONS. 401
'CHAP, to the great ferpent the Fathers tell us of, that was
VI. as big about as an ox, and one of the objeits of their
adoration, we may without offence fufpend our be-
lief of fuch relations ’till we find it prov’d that there
ever were any fuch monfters on the face of the
earth.
But whatever the ancient religion of La Plata
was, the people are now in general as good catho-
licks as the Jefuits can make them, and the molt
obedient vafTals of that order.
Marriage* As to the marriages of thefe Indians, anciently
4“°^‘ n fepp. they allow’d both of poligamy and concubinage,
P and the greateft objection they have to Chriftianity
the Fathers inform us is, their confining them to one
woman. At prefent the Jefuits have the entire di-
rection of this matter : And Father Sepp tells us,
when a virgin is fourteen and a lad fixteen, they
do not fuffer them to remain longer unmarried for
fear of worfe confequences, having found by ex-
perience, that when the maidens and young men
continue in a fingle ftate for any confiderable time,
they have found means to pair themfelves. The
objection which in other places is made againft fuch
young marriages takes no place here, where there
is no difpute about dowry or fettlements, or which
way they will maintain themfelves ; all this they
leave to God Almighty and our care ( fays this Fa-
ther ) never applying themfelves to any trade or pro-
feflion unlels we oblige them to it, and upon the
marriage it is the Miffionary that provides the hutt, CHAP"
it is he that provides the wedding-cloaths, viz. five VI.
yards of coarfe woollen ftufF for each ; a bed they V'Y'W
never want, bull-hides being cheap enough and
the wedding dinner is made with a fat cow, which
is likewife prefented by the Miffionary.
Their marriage agreement confifts only in two
articles, viz. The woman promiles to fetch what
water the hufband wants from the river, in lieu of
which he engages to furnifh the kitchen with fuel.
We allow them no mufick nor dancing at their wed-
dings, but fo foon as they are marry’d and have
heard mafs, the bridegroom goes his way and the
bride her’s : And if the Miffionary has prefented
them with a fat cow, a little fait, and a few loaves 9
they invite their parents to dinner, and fo make the
belt cheer they can. There is one thing peculiar
in their marriages, viz. that here the man does not
woe the woman, but on the contrary the womaa
the man : In this cafe the maid comes to the Miffi-
onary and fays, Pay, i. e. Father (for fo they call
us) I have an inclination to marry fuch or fuch a.
one, if you will be pleafed to give your confent*
Whereupon the Miffionary fending for the perlbn 9
fays, my fon (for fo we call them) fuch or fuch a
one is defirous to be marry’d to you, are you con-
tented Ihe fhould ? Unto which if he replies yes (as
they feldom do otherwife) then the match is macfcj
and wants nothing but the Prieft’s bleffing.
\
Fff
f
V 0Jj , HI
THE
402
THE
PRESENT STATE
OF THE
A Z O N S.
Name of
tie country.
The fitua-
tion and
e.itcnt.
The river
Amazon
difcover’d by
Oonzalo
Pizarro.
T HE country of the Amazons obtain’d its
name from a liippos’d nation of female war-
riors that were laid to inhabit the banks of
one of the greateft rivers in the world, which
runs through this country from weft to eaft. There
is not a circumftance related by the ancients of the
Afiatic Amazons which has not been applied to
thefe by the moderns, tho’ all the ground there was
for thefe fictions feems to have been, that there were
feen Ibme women mingled with the men that came
to gaze on the Spaniards when they firft invaded their
country.
And here it is not eafy to avoid reflecting how
exactly the firft Spanilh Adventurers copied after the
romantic writers among the ancients.
In one part of America they furnilh us with Gi-
ants, in another with Monfters, in a third with
Canibals, and here with a race of Amazons. They
feem to have been a little dull of invention, that
they ftruck out no new whimfeys or monfters in
nature, but barely tranfcrib’d or imitated the fabu-
lous relations they met with in the ancient poets
and other writers, who intended no more perhaps
than beautiful allegories, or to difplay their talents
at invention, never dreaming that after-ages would
look upon fuch flights of fancy as hiftorical facfts.
But to proceed in the defcribing the Situation of this
country, which has obtain’d the name of the Ama-
zons. It is bounded by the Equator, which Sepa-
rates it from Terra-Firma on the north, by Brazil
and the Atlantic-ocean on the eaft, by Brazil and
La Plata toward the South, and by Peru on the
South-weft, lying between the Equator and the 1 5 th
degree of South latitude, and between 50 and 75
degrees of weftern longitude.
As we have no other accounts of this country
than what we have receiv’d from thofe who have
been Sent by the Spaniards and Portuguefe to make
difcoveries either up or down the river Amazon, I
Shall give an abftraift of the Several Adventurers of
this kind, and then collect from them the State of
the country.
Gonzalo Pizarro, brother to the Marquis
(Conqueror of Peru) was the firft that accidentally
discover’d this mighty river, in the year 1540,
when he was Governor of Quitto, the molt nor-
thern province of Peru. Some Indians had allur’d
him, that to the eaftward of Quitto, on the other
fide the mountains of Andes, were countries that
abounded not only in cinamon but in gold, more
than any countries the Spaniards had hitherto disco-
ver’d, tho' they were exceeding difficult of accefs on
account of the rocks and precipices they muft firft
pafs, and the woods and morafles on the other fide
of them, and the little provifions they muft expe£l
to meet with in a defart and uninhabited country •,
and what would render their march extremely trou-
blefome were the heavy rains that fall under and
near the Equator for the greateft part of the year.
But nothing could deter Pizarro from an expe-
dition wherein he expeifted to meet with mountains
of gold in a literal fenfe. He made extraordinary
preparations therefore for this difficult and hazardous
undertaking, aftembled three hundred and forty ve-
teran Spaniards, of whom one hundred and fifty
were horfe, and took with him four thoufand able-
body’d Indians, Ibme of them Soldiers, but moft of
them employ’d in carrying his ammunition, provi-
sions and baggage, and driving Some thoufands of
Indian-fheep and hogs before them, which he pro-
pos’d to kill by the way. And thus provided, he
fet out from the city of Quitto at Chriftmas, in the
year 1 539-
An account of which expedition we find thus re-
lated by De l a Ve g a, in his Royal Commentaries
of Peru. The General (lays the royal hiftorian)
having continued his march fome few days, there
happen’d fo terrible an earthquake that many houfes
in the villages where they then were fell to the
ground ; the earth opened in many places, and fo
terrible were the lightnings and thunder, and fo
very quick, almoft without intermiffion, and fo
fierce were the rains, which pour’d down like buc-
kets of water, that the Spaniards much admir’d at the
nature of that climate, fo different from any thing
they had ever foen in the northern parts of Peru.
After this ftorm was over, which continued forty
or fifty days, they prepar’d to pafs the Andes, or fnowy
mountains, for which tho’ they had made good pro-
vifion, yet the climate was fo extremely cold by the
great quantities of fnow which fell, that many Indi-
ans who went thin in their cloathing perilh’d. The
Spaniards, that they might make hafte out of the
faovv and cold, left their cattle and provifioa behind
them.
The diffi-
culties oF
the firft
Difeoverers..-
F O THE A
them, expelling to find Efficient fupplies of all things
V./'V's-' at the next place where the Indians inhabited. But
the matter fucceeded otherwife; for having pafs’d the
mountains, they enter’d into a country fo barren that
it was void of all inhabitants, wherefore doubling
their journies to get out of it, they came at length to
a province and people call’d Cumaco, fituated at the
foot of a vulcano, where they found plenty of provi-
fions ; but the country was fo wet, that for the fpace
of two months they remain’d there it never ceas’d
one day from raining.
In this province, call’d Cumaco, or Canela, which
is fituate under the Equinoctial, or very near it, grow
the cinamon-trees, as they call them, which they
went in fearch of as well as gold. Thefe trees are lof-
ty, bearing a leaf as big as the laurel, with a fmall fort
of fruit which grows in clufters like the acorn: Some
grow wild in the mountains, and produce fruit, but
not fo good as that which is gather’d from the trees
which the Indians plant and cultivate in their own
■grounds.
The Spaniards found that in Cumaco and the ad-
jacent countries the Indians went naked, without any
cloaths, only the women, for modefty fake, wore a
little flap before them: The climate is fo exceffively
hot that they need no cloaths (fays De la Vega)
and is fo fubjeCl to rains, that they would become
rotten in a fhort time if they had them.
Gonzalo Pizap.ro leaving the greateft part of
his people in Cumaco, took with him a fmall party
of fuch as he efteem’d mod aClive, to fearch for fome
pafs leading out of the country ; for as yet the way for
an hundred leagues together had been nothing but
mountains, defarts and woods, which they were forc-
ed to lay open bv the hatchet and ftrength of their
arms ; and fometimes the Indians, who were their
guides, deceiv’d them, carrying them out of the way
by mountains and deiarts and difficult paflages (where
they fuftain’d hunger and cold, without any other
fuftenance than herbs and roots, and wild fruit) and
conducing them through by-ways, to avoid the
country of their friends and confederates.
With fuch labours and Offerings as thefe, which
may rather be fancy’d than defcrib’d, they came at
length to a province call’d Cuca, which was more
populous than any they had formerly palled. Here
provifions were plentiful, and the Cacique, or King
of the country, came in a peaceable manner to wel-
come them, and brought them provifions.
In thefe parts they remained two months, in ex-
pe<£lation of the coming of thofe Spaniards whom they
had left in Cumaco, and had diredled to follow them
by fuch traces and marks as they (hould find of the
way they had taken before them. Their companions
being come up and refrelh’d after their journey, they
march’d by the banks of a great river for the fpace of
fifty leagues, in all which way they neither found
bridge nor ford.
At length they came to a place where the whole
river falls from the top of a rock above two hundred
fathom high, which cateraft, or railing of the waters.
M A 2 O N S.
makes a nolle that is heard above fix leagues from the
place, at which, tho’ the Spaniards were amazed, yet
it was much more wonderful to lee, above forty or
fifty leagues lower, that immenfe quantity of water
contradled and ftraitened within a channel made by
one great rock. 7'his channel is fo narrow, that
from one fide to the other it is not above twenty foot
wide ; but fo high, that from the top, where the Spa-
niards made their bridge, was two hundred fathom
from the water. Gonzalo Pizarro and his
Captains confidering there was no other paflage to be
found over the river, and that it was neceflary to pals
to the other fide, becaufe the country was barren on
that fide where they then were, agreed to make a
bridge over the top of the rock.
The Indians on the oppofite fide, tho’ few in num«
her, ftoutly defended the pals, but were driven from
it by the fire of the mulkets; and the pals being now
dear, theSpaniards fell to work on the bridge of tim-
ber, which coft much labour before the firft beam
could be palled over to the oppofite rock, by the help
of which a fecond was more eafily laid, and then other
pieces of timber, fo that by degrees they formed %
bridge, over which both men and horfe fecurely pall-
ed : After which they march’d by the fide of the river
over mountains fo thick with wood, that they were
forced to open their way again with the hatchet.
Through thefe difficulties they came at length to a
country call’d Guema, where the Spaniards and their
Indian fervants were forced again to fuflain them-
felves with herbs and roots, and with the tender
fprouts of trees. Thus with famine and the perpetual
rains many of the Spaniards fell lick and dy’d. They
arriv’d afterwards at a country where the natives were
more civiliz’d than the former ; for they eat maiz or
Indian-corn, and cloathed themfelves with garments
of cotton; but ftill the climate was fubje£t to violent
rains.
Whilft they flay’d in this place they fent fmall
parties out every way to fee if they could difcover a
better country; but they all return’d with the fame
news, that they met with nothing but wild mountains
full of bogs, lakes and moorilh grounds, over which
was no paffage. Hereupon they refolv’d to build a They build
brigantine or veflel to ferry over from one fide of the a brigantine,
river to the other, which now was become two
leagues broad. In order whereunto, the firft thing to
be done was to fet up a fmith’s forge for nails and iron-
work, which they made of the horfes fhoes they had
kill’d for food, and fome iron bars they had carry’d
with them ; but iron was now become more fcarce
than gold.
Gon zalo Pizarro, tho’ Chief Commander^
was the firft that laid his hand on the ax to hew down
the timber, and to make the charcoal which was re-
quifite to forge the iron, and was always the moft
forward in every office, tho’ never fo mean, that fo
giving a good example, none might excufe himfelf.
The rofin which blued from certain trees ferved them
inftead of pitch, and their old fhirts and rags were
made ufe of inftead of ockam to caulk the feams ot
F f f 2 theft
4 ° 4
WV'N*'
They em-
bark their
gold and
baggage.
Orellana
with fifty
foldiers eur
barks on
hoard the
brigantine.
THE PRESENT STATE
their veffel, which being in this manner finifh’d, they
launched into the water with great joy and triumph,
imagining that herewith they fhould quickly efcape
out of all their dangers and difficulties. But it proved
otherwife ; for a few days fhewed the contrary, and
gave them caufe to repent that they had ever made it.
All the gold they had gather’d, which amounted to
above the value of one hundred thoufand pieces of
eight, with abundance of emeralds, fome of which
were of great value, as alfo their iron and iron-work,
and whatfoever was of any efteem, they laded on their
veffel ; and fucli as were weak and fick and not able
to travel were alfo put on board. And now after a
journey almoft of two hundred leagues they departed
from this place, taking their courfe down the ftream,
fome by water and others by land, keeping fuch a
convenient diftance each from the other, that at night
they always join’d and lodg’d together ; which jour-
ney was perform’d with great difficulty, for thofe on
the land were forced to open a great part of their way
with hatchet and bill, and thofe on the water were
put to hard labour to keep the veffel from being forci-
bly carry’d down by the current from the company
on fhore, when at any time their palfage was inter-
rupted by fome mountain; fo that they could not
keep near the river : They then ferried to the other
fide by help of their veffel and four canoes they had
made; but this was a great hindrance to them, and
very grievous to men ftarving and perifhing with
hunger.
Having in this manner travelled for the fpace of
two months, they at length met with certain Indians,
who by figns, and by fome words which were under-
ftood by their Indian fervants, gave them intelligence
that about ten days journey from thence they would
find a country well peopled, plentiful of provifions,
and abounding with gold and other riches of which
they were in purfuit ; and farther fignified to them,
that this country was fituated on the banks of another
great river which joyn’d and fell into that wherein
they now were. The Spaniards being encourag’d
with this news, Gonzalo Pizarro made
Francisco de Orei.lana Captain of his bri-
gantine or veffel, and thereon put fifty fbldiers a-
board, giving them orders to pafs down the ftream to
that place where the two rivers met, and that there
leaving the goods he had then on board, he fhould
lade his veffel with provifions, and return towards
them with all the fpeed imaginable to relieve them in
that great diftrefs, many of the Spaniards being al-
ready dead, and more Indians, who from four thou-
fand were now reduc’d to half the number.
According to thefe orders, Francisco deO-
rellana enter’d on the voyage, and in the fpace
of three days, without oars or fail, only by force of
the current, was carry’d to the confluence of the two
rivers mention’d by the Indians, but found no provi-
fions there; whereupon Orellana pretending it
was impoffible to return to Pizarro againft the
ftream, refolved to fet up for himfelf, and accordingly
calling off all care and regard for Pizarro and his
companions then in diftrefs, he refolved to continue
his voyage to the mouth of the river, and then go
over into Spain and obtain the government of thofe ^ a ru "’ t ^
countries for himfelf : But this cruel refolution was the veffel*
oppofed by many of thofe who were then with him,
who told him plainly, that he was not to exceed the
orders of his Captain-General, and that it was inhu-
man to forfake his companions in their great diftrefs,
knowing how ufeful and neeeffary that brigantine
was to them. In this point none were more zealous
than Friar Gaspar Carvajal, and a young
gentleman native of Badajoz, named Hernan-
do Sanchez de Vargas, whom thofe of the
contrary opinion made their Chief, and were fb warm
in their debates on this fubjedf, that the quarrel had
come to blows had not Orellana with fair words
appeafed the tumult : However, he manag’d fo artful-
ly afterwards with thofe who had oppos’d his inten-
tion, that he entic’d them all over to his party, and
then rudely treated the poor Friar whom he had ex-
pos’d to the fame famine and mifery (had it not been
for refpefl to his habit and profeffion) as he did San-
chez de Vargas, whom he left in that defart
encompafled with high mountains on the one fide,
and a great river on the other, to perifh by famine*
Francisco de Ore l la na afterwards found
fome provifions amongft the nations on the river be-
low ; but becaufe the women came out at firft with
their hufbands to oppofe his landing, he gave it the
name of the river of Amazons.
Proceeding yet farther down this river, they found
thefe Indians more civil than the other, who recei-
ved them amicably, admiring the brigantine and
men fb ftrangely habited. Thefe treated the Spani-
ards hofpitably, and furnifh’d them with as much
provifion as they had occafion for. Orellana
remain’d here therefore feveral weeks, and built a-
nother brigantine, for they were much ftraitned for
room in the firft, and having fitted it up as well as
they were able, they adventur’d out to fea, failing Orellana
along the coaft of Caribiana, about 200 leagues to c ° mes int ® 1
the northward, ’till they arriv’d at the ifland of the ftc-oeeanl”
Holy Trinity, having efcap’d fuch dangers that they
often gave themfelves over for loft. At this ifland
Or e l l an a bought a fhip, with which he fail’d into Sails to Spalsi
Spain, where he requefted his Majefty’s commiffion a " d obta,na
for the conqueft and government of the country of men t of the
the Amazons, as he was pleas’d to ftile it. To Amazon
make this enterprize appear the more defirable, countr y“
he alledg’d that it was a country abounding with
gold, filver, and precious ftones, and in teftimony
thereof produc’d the riches which he had brought
with him; whereupon his Majefty granted the re -
queft he made for the government of what he fhould
conquer there, and Orellana wasjoyn’d by five
hundred volunteers, the greateft part of them brifk
young gentlemen, and perfons of honour, with
whom he embark’d at St. Lucar for the river A-
mazon, in the year 1554; but he loft one of his
(hips in his voyage thither, and met with fo many
difficulties and misfortunes before he had fail’d an
hundred
V
O es in an
attempt to
fobdue it.
Pizarro’s di'
ftrefs.
Pizarro re-
turns to
Quitto.
OF THE AMAZONS
4^5
hundred leagues up the river, that he abandon’d the
enterprize, and dy’d in his return home.
And now let us return to Gonz aloPizarro,
whom we left in fuch diflrefs after Francisco
de Orellana was run away with the bri-
gantine : And firft he built ten or twelve canoes
and other floats to pals from one fide the river to the
other, as often as his march was inrerrupted by
impalpable mountains or moraffes, and proceeded
in that manner down the river in hopes to meet
the brigantine they had difpatch’d for provifions.
At the end of two months they arriv’d at the
point where the two rivers met; but inftead of
their brigantine and the provifions they expected
to meet with, they found only the honeft Her nan
de Vargas, who with conftancyof mind, like
a man of honour, had endur’d with great refolution
famine and all the miferies to which he was expofed
in that folitude; and from him they receiv’d a par-
ticular account of the villany of the perfidious O-
rellana, which Pizarro could fcarce credit,
having hitherto entertain’d an entire confidence
in the man.
The General however, putting a good face upon
the matter, cheer’d up his men, and encourag’d
them with hopes of better fortune, telling them,
that they ought, like Spaniards, to bear with equa-
lity of mind thefe labours and dilappointments, and
yet greater if any fuch could be ; That the more
danger the more honour, and the greater would
their renown be in hiftory, which would tranfmit
the fame of their adventures down to future ages.
The foldiersobferving the chearfulnels of their Ge-
neral, who had moft caufe to refent Ore ll ana’s
ufage of him, took heart and continued their march
by the banks of the river, fometimes on one fide
and fometimes on the other.
But the difficulty of carrying the horfes over upon
floats (for there ftill remain’d about fifty of their
number) cannot be exprefs’d, any more than the fa-
mine they were expos’d to : However, the Indians
who remain’d alive ferved their mailers with great
faithfulnefs and affection in thefe extremities, bring-
ing them herbs, roots, wild fruit, fnakes, and other
vermin they found in thofe mountains, all which
went down with the Spaniards ; nor could they
have fubfilled without fuch kind of food.
And now Gonzalo Pizarro being refolved
to return to Peru, left the river and took his way
more to the northward, which proved Ihorter by 1 00
leagues than the way they came, but no lefs diffi-
cult, being forced to cut their way frequently through
the woods, and for want of other provifions they
now eat up all their remaining horfes and dogs; for
the four thoufand Indians, who ufed to purvey for
them, all died in this expedition ; and there were
but fourfcore Spaniards who return’d to Quitto alive,
and thefe almoft without cloaths, and fo fun-burnt
and emaciated with, the fatigue and want of food,
that their neareft friends fcarce knew them,
With fuch infupportable hardfhips and hazards
did the firft Spanifh Adventurers Itruggle in fearch
of gold, even when they had before acquir’d enough
one would have thought to have fatisfy’d the moft
boundlefs avarice. I queftion whether Gonzalo
Pizarro, who was one of the Proprietors of the
mines of Potofi, had not amafs’d more than a mil-
lion of crowns before he enter’d upon this expedition.
Peter de Orsua, w'ho afterwards obtain’d Peter de
a commiffion from the Governor of Peru, in the ° rfua at ~
year 1550, to lubdue the provinces bordering on the atfcover thi»*
river Amazon, embark’d on the river Xauxa in country,
Peru with feven hundred armed Spaniards and two
thoufand Indians, and fail’d down the ftream twos
or three hundred leagues, ’till he came to the con-
fluence of the two rivers Amazon and Xauca, and
continuing his voyage afterwards 200 leagues further,
was kill’d in a mutiny of his men, which put a pe-
riod to that enterprize.
Several other Adventurers made the like attempts
afterwards, but moft of them prov’d unfortunate,
’till two Monks and fome Soldiers, who fet out with Two Friars
John de Palacios from Quitto in Peru, in the Q cc efsfui in
year 1635, and embarking on the river Amazon, dlfcoverin S &
where it firft becomes navigable, fail’d the whole
length of it ’till they arriv’d at Paria in Brazil,
which lies on the fouth fide of the mouth of this
great river: But their Captain, John Palacios,
was kill’d in a fkirmifh with the natives in their
paffage.
The Friars having given an account of their
voyage to the Governor of Brazil, he order’d {loops
and boats to be provided, on which he embark’d fe-
ven ty Portuguefe and two thoufand Indians, and in
October, 1637, order’d them to fail up the river,
under the command of Texeira, a mariner of Texeiw faiiA
great fkill and experience, who by the help of the '
eafterly wind, which generally blows here, fail’d up
againft the current ’till he arriv’d at Les Reyes, a
town of Quitto in Peru ; and the river not being
navigable higher for his veffels, he left them there
and went by land to the city of Quitto, where he
was kindly receiv’d by the Spanifh Governor, and
furnifh’d with whatever he wanted to facilitate his
return to Brazil : And the Governor fent Father
De Acuna and another Spanifh Jefuit down
the river with him, ordering them to embark for
Spain when they arriv’d at Brazil, and commu-
nicate the obfervations they fhould make in this
voyage to his Catholick Majefty ; and Tex e i r a
embarking again at Les Reyes, on the river Ama-*
zon, with the two Jefuits, in the month of February,
1638-9, arrived at Paria in Brazil the December
following; from whence De Acuna and his
companion went over to Spain, and publifh’d a re-
lation of their voyage in 1 640, which is the beft
account of this river and the countries bordering
upon it that is extant.
From thefe feveral relations we learn that the The fomtsa
head of the river Amazon rifes in Quitto, almoft of the me*
under the Equator, in 7 6 degrees of weftern Ion- ^ m,uoc ’
gitude 3
#o6 THE PRESEN
gitude, and running fouth-eaft ’till it unites its
waters with the river Xauxa, continues its courfe
almoft due eaft in the latitude or 4 degrees for
26 degrees of longitude, and then returning to
the north, by many mouths difcharges itfelf into
the Atlantic-ocean, almoft under the Equator.
They compute, that with all its turnings and
windings it does not run lefs than 1800 leagues;
ft? courfe and obferves that it is ordinarily 2 or 3 leagues broad ;
fvdc™ 38 ' 11 " k ut ‘ n the rainy feafon over-flows the flat country
on the right and left, and at the mouth of it is fifty
or fixty leagues broad ; that from the river Negro,
which falls into it about five hundred leagues from
the mouth, it is generally thirty or forty fathom
deep, and up higher from eight fathom to twen-
ty ; that there is one ftraight where it is not above
a quarter of a mile over, and that there are near
two hundred rivers which fall into it from the north
to foutli.
Tfce aii. The Adventurers in general agree that the air is
cooler than could be expended fo near the Equator,
which proceeds from the heavy rains that occafion
the numerous rivers to over-flow their banks one
Weather, half of the year ; from the cloudy weather, from
the (hortnefs of the days, which are never more
than twelve hours long, and from the brifk eaft-
Winds. 1 y wind that blows frequently from the Atlantic-
ocean quite through the country fo ftrong that vef-
fels are enabled thereby to fail again/! the ftream,
and perform the voyage almoft as foon up the ri-
ver Amazon as down it, which I perceive is a
voyage of eight or ten months, where no ill acci-
dent interrupts the pa/Tage. Travellers alio ob-
Thunder. ferve, that they have moft terrible thunder and
lightning great part of the year ; but this is no
more than what is ufual in other countries that lie
S«afons. under the Equinodlial : And it may properly be /aid
they have two fummers and two winters every year;
that is, fair weather when the fun is at the great-
eft diftance from them in either Tropic; and foul
when it is vertical, as it is at the vernal and au-
tumnal Equinox.
Trees and The trees here are ever- greens, and they have
fruns. fruits, flowers and herbage all the year round. Their
fruits are Cocoa-nuts, Anana’s, or Pine-apples,
Guava’s, Banana’s, and fuch other fruits as are u-
fually found between the Tropics. Their foreft and
timber-trees are Cedar, Brazil-wood, Oak, Ebony,
Log-wood, Iron-wood, fo call’d from its weight
and hardnefs, the Canela, or Cinamon, as it is
call’d from its fpicy bark, and feveral forts of dy-
ing-wood.
Com, roots, They have alfo Indian-corn, and the Caffavi-
^ i “" s ‘ root, of which they make flour and bread, To-
bacco, Cotton, Sugar, Yams, Potatoes, Sar/apa-
rilla, and other roots. They have alfo plenty of
Animals* venifon, fifh and fowl, among which they men-
tion Deer, Indian-ftieep, and Goats, Guano’s,
Manatee, Armadillo’s, Tortoife, and vaft flocks of
T STATE, &c.
Parrots of all colours, which forve them for food,,
and their feathers for ornament. w'v*«o
The natives are of the ordinary ftature of men : Pylons of
They have good features, long black hair, and black the natl ' ,e8 '
eyes, and their complexion is a copper colour,
whereas the natives of Africa in the fame latitude,
on the oppofite fide of the Atlantic-ocean, are all
Negroes.
As to die nation of Amazons, which were faid The ftorie*.
to give name to this river and country, they are of Amazo . ns >
now no where to be found, any more than the
Giants andCanibals the firft Adventurers mention’d.
The people are generally acknowledg’d now to
have as much humanity or more than the Europe-
ans who invaded them, and to have a genius for Genius*
painting and fome mechanic arts, particularly they
make good joyners-work, though they have no
other tools than fuch as are edg’d with fharp
ftones. They alfo /pin and weave themfelves cot- Habiti,
ton garments, and are pretty decently cloath’d :
Their earthen-ware alfo is much admir’d ; but I
don’t perceive they have learnt to make bricks, or
build with ftone, the materials of their houfes be-
ing of wood, thatch and clay, but one floor,
and built ufually on fome eminence near the river
fide to avoid the inundation.
The banks of every river, as they relate, are in- Government
habited by a diftindf people, commanded by their
relpective Caciques or Sovereigns, who are diftin-
guifh’d from their fubjedts by coronets of beautiful
feathers : Their arms are bows, arrows, and fpears, Wartj
and they make war on each other by water as well
as land, but have no other boats than canoes, which
are great trees made hollow : Whatever their pre-
tenfions are for war, their principal end in it is to
make /laves ; however, ’tis faid they ufe their /laves
with great humanity, and never fell them to fo-
reigners.
They wor/hip images, and carry them with them Religio*.
in their expeditions ; but I don’t find they have
temples dedicated to any god, or any order of Priefts.
They countenance both poligamy and concubinage.
As to the gold and filver mines the Spaniards went
in fearch of when they firft difcover’d the river of
Amazon, I can’t learn they have yet met with any No gold in
here, though they find fome gold in the rivulets that this counttyi
fall into the river Amazon near its fources in Peru.
After the river is fwoln to any magnitude there is
no more gold to be found ; and this I don’t doubt
is the reafon that neither the Spaniards or Portu-
guefe have planted any colonies in the lower part
of if. The Spaniards made great efforts from Peru
to fubdue this country while they had a notion it
abounded in gold, but feem to have neglected the
difcovery ever fince they v/ere undeceiv’d in this
particular ; and indeed they have a larger dominion
already in America than they can defend, which is
a fufficient reafon for their flighting fuch countries
as do not produce gold or filver.
THE
4 SJ
THE
PRESENT STATE
O F T H E
Spanifti ISLANDS.
CHAP. I.
Of the if and of Cuba.
CHAP.
I.
Situation and
extent.
$ame,
Face of the
country.
I
livers.
-Harbours,
Seafons.
T H E three principal Spanifh iflands that re-
main to be deferib’d are thofe of Cuba,
Hifpaniola, and Porto Rico.
The ifland of Cuba is fituated between
the 20th degree of northern latitude and the Tropic
of Cancer, and between the 74th and 87 th degrees
of weflern longitude, 30 leagues north of Jamaica,
and about as many fouth of Cape Florida, being
300 leagues in length, and generally between 20
and 30 leagues broad.
The natives had given it the name of Cuba be-
fore Columbus arriv’d there, who at firft call’d it
Juanna, ’tis faid, and afterwards Ferdinandino, from
King Ferdinand, who was King of Spain when
this ifland was difcover’d ; but it foon recover’d its
American name of Cuba, which it retains to this
day.
A ridge of mountains run almoft through the
ifland from eaft to weft, well replenifh’d with tim-
ber and other trees, but tho land near the fhore is
generally a plain champaign country.
There are abundance of rivulets which run from
the mountains north and fouth, but none of them
large, falling into the fea after a very fbort courfe,
and no place in the world has better harbours, the
chief of which are St. Jago, at the bottom of a
large bay at the eaft end of the ifland, and that of
the Havana, on the north-weft, which is one of
the ftrongeft and moft commodious havens in A-
merica.
They have no winters here, but great rains and
tempefts ufually when the fun is vertical in July and
Auguft, which cools the air however, and renders
the climate tolerable. The faireft feafon is when the
fun is at the greateft diftance from them, and then
the morning is much the hotteft part of the day ;
for towards noon the lea-breeze begins to blow pret-
ty brifkly, and continues to do fo ’till the evening.
From October to April they have brifk north or
north-weft winds in theie fe as at the full and change
2 »
of the moon, and in December and January they CHAP,
frequently increafe into ftorms, though this be their L
fair feafon: And Dam pier obferves of the Ifle
of Pines, fituated near the fouth-weft coaftof Cuba,
that it rains there when it is fair every where elfe 3
and if we may credit our mariners, they fcarce ever
have a fair day on the Ifle of Pines. The trade-
wind in thefe leas blows from the north-eaft.
I don’t find the ifland of Cuba divided into pro- Province*,
vinces, though fome relate that the eaft part of it
is fuhject to the Governor of St. Jago, and the weft
to the Governor of the Havana.
The chief towns in the ifland are, 1. St. Jago ; Chief town*.
2. The Havana ; 3. Baracoa ; 4. Porto del Prin-
cipe ; 3. Santa Cruz ; 6. Trinidad; and 7. Spi-
rito Sandfo.
1 . St. Jago is fituated (as has been already ob- St. Jago.
ferv’d) at the bottom of a fine bay in the fouth-eaft
part of the ifland, which, with lbme finall iflands
in the bay, form a very commodious harbour : It
was built by General James Velasquez, who
reduc’d this ifland under the dominion of the Spaniards
about the year 1514: And it may ftill be ftil’d the
capital of Cuba, being the only Bilhop’s fee in it, but
is very much upon the decline at prefent, both the
Bifhop and Civil Governor refiding at the Havana,
for the moft part.
2. The Havana, fituate at the north-weft part Tha Havana*
of the ifland, about five hundred miles to the weft-
ward of St. Jago, of which that celebrated tra-
veller GemelliCarreri, who was at the Ha-
vana in the year 1698, gives us the following de-
fcription, together with feme other particulars re-
lating to the country, and the voyage of the gal-
leons from thence to Spain, which I am confident
will be acceptable to my readers.
The Havana (fays Gemelli) is a little city
half a league in compafs, feated in a plain, and in
the latitude of Z3 degrees, 20 minutes. It is almoft
round, inclos’d with poor low walls on the land
fider,
4 oS T H E PRES
CHAP, fide, and defended on the other part by water. The
I. inhabitants are about four thoufand fouls, Spaniards,
Mulatto’s, and Blacks, who live mod of them in
Some de- ] ow houfes. The women are beautiful, and the
fhe^peopie! mer > ingenious. The Governor hath the title of
Captain-General of the ifland, and adminifters ju-
ftice with the abidance of an Afleflor, call’d a Lieu-
tenant, who is appointed by the Council of the Indies.
It is very dear living there ; for three ounces of
bread coft fifteen grains of Naples money; that is,
about three-pence Englifh, and half a pound of meat
the fame price. A hen is worth a noble, and fruit
and other things proport ionably ; lb that a man can
fcarcely live under two pieces of eight a day, efpe-
cially when the galleons are there : Though the cli-
mate is temperate, wheat has not throve there for
fume years, and the reafon is not known ; fo that
what comes from abroad to the bakers is dearly paid
for i But this want is in fome meafure fupply’d by a
root call’d Yuca (the Calfavi-root) whereof they
make bread, boiling and then prefling it to get out
a venemous juice there is in it. T hey bake it upon
little earthen doves, and this bread ferves not only
the poor, but the better fort who have large fami-
lies. This root produces neither leaves nor feed, but
they fet bits of it in the ground to grow again.
The ifland is three hundred leagues in length from
cad to well, and about thirty in breadth. The in-
habitants are poor, having no trade but tobacco and
fuaar ; and all the labour falls upon the Blacks, of
whom their maders exadl four ryals (two {hillings)
a day, and fix when the fleet is there, and at lead
three of the women ; Now what can a miferable
Black do who has two maders, as it often happens ?
In Peru the mader’s avarice is greater ; for they fend
the Black women to be got with child, like cows,
and if they prove barren they fell them.
Fonifkati- The city Havana is encompafs’d on two Tides by
® n * of the its fafe harbour, which is fo deep that the fhips an-
c j 10r vvithin a few fleps of the Ihore. It is defend-
ed by three cadles, the chief of them call’d Del
Morro, on the left-hand of the mouth of it ; the
fecond De la Punta, or Of the Point, on the right ;
and the third call’d only The Fort, on the right of
the lad : We {hall fpeak of them at large hereafter.
Churches. Friday the 3d I faw the little, but neat, church,
call’d Santo Chrido del BuenViage, ferv’d by Secular
Prieds. Next day that of the Recolets, feated on
the bed ground in the city, and in it twelve beauti-
ful chappels, and in the monadery cells for fifty Fa-
thers.
Weather. The weather, which had continu’d ferene and
warm as dimmer, on Thurfday the 9th, chang’d fo
cold, with rain, that I believe the like has fcarce ever
been felt in a place lying in 23 degrees and 20 mi-
nutes of latitude.
Wednefday the i 5 th I heard mals in the church
of St. Clare, which has feven altars well adorn’d.
The monadery will contain an hundred religious wo-
men and fervants, who are there cioath’d in blue.
ENT STATE
Thurfday the 1 6th the cheds of pieces oF eight CHAP,
(crowns) began to be put on board the galleons, the I.
King’s held three thoufand each, and the red two -.'■V'w
thoufand, in all amounting to thirty millions, as ^gaTleon*
well belonging to the King as Merchants, for goods
fold at the fair of Porto Bello, carry’d on between
the traders of Seville and thofe of Lima. The
great faith thefe traders repofe in one another is very
remarkable ; for when once agreed about the price,
they interchangeably deliver one another the bales of
goods and cheds of pieces of eight without feeing
any thing of the contents, but giving entire credit
to the written particulars they deliver to one another ;
for afterwards the bales and cheds are opened in the
prefence of Publick Notaries, and if they find any
thing amils, the Companies of Seville and Lima are
to make all good. This year the Company of Lima
traders paid five thoufand pieces of eight for goods
found over and above in the bales at the foregoing
fair. The lame is pradtifed at Acapulco when the
galleon comes from Manila.
There was alfo deliver’d to the Mafter of Plate A rich pearl,
(which is an officer on board the galleons, who had
charge of all the plate and jewels) aboard the Admi-
ral, a pearl weighing fixty grains, {haped like a pear,
by F. P'rancis de la Fuente a Jefuit,to be
deliver’d to the King. This pearl was taken at Pa-
nama, in the King’s ifland, by a Black belonging
to a Pried, who being rich would not fell it to the
Prefident of Panama for fifty thoufand pieces of
eight, nor to the Vice-roy of Peru for feventy thou-
fand, both of them being to fend it to the King,
but laid, “ He would carry it to his Majedy him-
“ felf .” Being come to Porto Bello with the pearl,
which he call’d La Perfeguida, or the Perfecuted, he
there died before he went aboard, and therefore com-
mitted it to the care of the aforelaid F. Fuente,
who told me that it was larger than that call’d La
Peregrina, but fomewhat duller. The Black had
his liberty for his reward.
There went on board the galleons twenty Dodtors
of Peru, being the fons of Spaniards and Indian,
women going to Court for preferment, and the leaft
that every one of them cariy’d was thirty thoufand P" UVIM ®
pieces of eight.
Monday the 20th, going abroad a {hooting, I Birds,
kill’d a great many of thofe birds they callCotorrera’s ;
fome of them have black and green feathers, and
others blue, others black and green wings, their
breafts red, and half the head white. They are not
amils to eat. Returning home I kill’d two Guaca-
maija’s, which though they do not talk, are fo fine-
ly colour’d that the beft pencil can fcarce equal them.
The country is very delightful, being full of little i
houfes with gardens and farms where there is no
want of Indian fruit. I found a fort of fnails, very
large like the fea-fnails.
Friday the 24th, I faw the church and monaftery eburclie»>
of the Auguftinians ; the firft has thirteen little
altars, the latter very poor dormitories.
Sunday
OF THE SPANISH ISLANDS. 409
CHAP.
I.
Farts.
Fruits,
Cattle,
Birds.
Forts.
Sunday the 26th, I was at the mother-church of
the city, where the Bifhop officiates with the Clergy
belonging to it, his refidence being at Havana, tho’
the cathedral is atSt.Ja go where the Canons refide.
TuelHay the 28th, I heard mafs in the church of
St. John de Dios, which is fmall and has nine altars.
The monaftery is alfo fmall, and the hofpital is for
foldiers ; its revenue is twelve thoufand pieces of
eight per annum.
On Saturday, the r ft of February, arriv’d the
long-wifh’d-for vefTel with provifions for the fleet,
being feventeen hundred quintals, or a hundred
weight of bifcuit, fix hundred load of meal, fifh
and other neceflaries for the galleons.
Tuefday the 4th I went to the hermitage of
St. James, a church built by the Bifhop within the
walls of the city for his own particular devotion,
well adorn’d, an 1 with an apartment for him to
retire to fometimes.
Wednefday the 5th I law thecafile of the Point,
which is very fmall, and has four bullions.
Monday the 1 oth, going to vifit the Caftellan
D. Antony de Roxas, I had the opportunity
of feeing the caftle they call The Fort : Its compafs
is fmall, but it has four good bullions, and a plat-
form towards the mouth of the port, well furnifh’d
with brals cannon.
There are two particular forts of fruit at Havana,
which do not grow elfewhere. One is like a heart,
call’d Guanavana, green without, and has fome
thorny prickles within, made up of white morfels
off an unpleafant tafte, between fweet and four,
with fome ftones. The tree is as big as that which
bears the anana’s, or pine-apple ; the other is ex-
actly like an orange on theout-fide, and within has
a white and red pulp of a fweet tafte. The tree is
as tall as a pear-tree ; the leaf on the one fide is
green, and on the other of a cinamon colour. Of
European fruit there grow quinces, oranges, le-
mons, pomgranates, and other forts.
The mountains are full of wild Hogs, Cows,
Horfes and Mules. Of birds there are abundance,
efpecially Parrots and Partridges, with blue heads,
and as for thofe that are fit for the cage, there is
great plenty of thofe they call Chambergos.
Monday the 3d of March I faw the caftle Del
Morro, built upon a rock on the left of the mouth
of the harbour, which it defends with a platform
of twelve pieces of cannon, call’d the Apoftles,
which lie level with the water. There are in all
about fifty-five guns in the caftle. The ditch about
it is cut out of the rock and filled by the lea. Abun-
dance of the birds call’d Cardinals are brought over
from b lorida ; I faw the people belonging to the
galleons give ten peices of eight a-piece for fome of
them, and fix for the worft. Upon computation,
they laid, there had been eighteen thoufand pieces
of eight laid out upon thofe foolifh birds, notwith-
ftandingthe deplorable lofs of Cartagena, and the ex-
penfivedelay ofkeeping the fleet three years inAmerica.
Saturday the 8th, proclamation was made for-
Vol. Ill,
bidding any that belong’d to the fleet to ftay in Ha- C H A P.
vana upon pain of death, and in the evening a can- E
non was fir’d to warn all abroad.
To return to the defcription of the towns ; 3.
Baracoa is fituated at the north-eaft part of the i- Earacoa.
Hand, upon a good harbour for fmall veftels, but is
not capable of receiving large Ihips.
4. Porto del Principe, fituated on the north fide Porto del
of the ifland, about three hundred miles to the eaft- PrinCl P e>
ward of the Havana.
5 . Santa Cruz, fituated alfo on the north fide of Santa Cruz,
the ifland, thirty miles eaft of the Havana, upon a
very good harbour.
6. Trinidad, fituate at the bottom of a bay on Trinidad,
the fouth fide of the ifland; and
7. Spirito SanCto, fituate alfo on the fouth fide of Sp ;r ^°
the ifland, about thirty miles fouth-eaft of Trinidad. an °°
This ifland produces the lame animals as the Animals,
neighbouring continent ; but there is no place where
the feas and rivers abound more with crocodiles. Crocodiles,
from whence feveral fmall iflands upon this coaft
have obtained the name of Caymans, or the Cro-
codile Iflands. Tortoifes and Manatee are alfo ex- Tortoifes,
ceeding plentiful here, and the European cattle the cattk.^
Spaniards brought hither are fo vaftly increas’d, that
they run wild, and are kill’d chiefly for their hides
and tallow, and their horfes are laid to be the beft
bred in America. Their timber-trees are cedar. Trees an*
cotton, oaks, pines, palms, cocoa-nut-trees, and fruits *
fuch others as are ufually found between the Tropics.
Their fruits plantains, banana’s, anana’s, guava’s,
oranges, lemons, grapes, and other fruits introduced
by the Spaniards ; but their wine turns four and will
not keep, as is the cafe in other countries fituate ia
hot climates. They have alfo ginger, caffia, fiftu-
la, aloes, and long-pepper; but as to cinamon,
■which our voyage-writers talk of, and other fine
fpices, they are only to be found in the Eaft-Indies.
There are a kind of bituminous fountains in the Bitumea,
ifland, which produce a fubftance that forves inftead
of pitch : And there is a ftone-quarry we are told Stones,
where vaft quantities of flints are found of the fhape
and fize of cannon-balls.
Travellers mention alfo gold mines in this ifland; Mines',
but it there were any they are exhaufted, tho’ there
are fome of copper not far from St. Jago.
Columbus firft difcover’d this ifland in the Hiflory,
year 1492, as related in the introduction to this vo-
lume ; but in all the voyages he made to America,
he never found that it was an ifland, and the Spani-
ards fixing firft at Hifpaniola on account of the gold
mines there, this ifland of Cuba was not entirely con-
quer’d ’till the year 1512, or 1514, Don James
Velasquez having the honour of reducing if.
The Spaniards having frequently been difturb’d in
the poiTeffion of it by their enemies and the Bucca-
neers, particularly Captain Cliff took the capital
city of St. Jago in the year 1601, and Captain Mor-
gan the town of Porto del Principe, in the year
1 669 ; for the reft I mull refer fo the introduction
to this volume.
GgS
CHAP.
4io
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP. II.
Of the If and of Hifpaniola.
C H A P. HP H E ifland of Hifpaniola is fituated between
JJ, JL i 8 and 20 degrees of north latitude, and be-
'V'/v tween. 66 and 75 degrees of weftern longitude, be-
Stuation. ing about 80 leagues in length, and generally about
40 leagues broad, and lies 1 5 leagues to the eaft-
ward of Cuba, 20 leagues eaftof Jamaica, and up-
wards of 100 leagues north of Terra-Finna.
The name tire Indians gave it anciently was Bo-
hio, but Columbus call’d it Hifpaniola, or Little
Spain, probably in honour to the Crown of Spain,
which employed him in this difcovery ; and it was
frequently call’d Dominica, or Domingo, from its
capital.
Face of the As to the face of the country, there are mountains
■tountry. in the middle of it well planted with foreft- trees, and
other mountains more barren, in which formerly
were gold mines, that feem to be entirely exhaufted
at this day. On the north and fouth are fine fruit-
ful plains, watered with abundance of pleafant ri-
vers which fall from the mountains, of which thofe
on the fouth fide of tire bland are the largeft. There
are alfofeveral woods and groves of timber and fruit-
trees : And no ifland hath more fecure and commo-
dious ports. The air and leafons are much the fame
J>i vi/Ion. here as in the ifland of Cuba. The ifland may be
thrown into two grand divifions, viz. The fouth-
eaft part which is fubjedt to the Spaniards, and the
north- weft now flibjedl to the French.
■Chief towns The chief towns under the dominion of the Spa-
cf the Spa- mards are, 1 . St. Domingo, or Dominica ; 2. Hi-
guey; 3. Zibo; 4. Cotuy; 5. Afo, or Azua ;
and 6. Conception.
Borouie.o. l - The city of St. Domingo, fituated ona com-
modious harbour on the fouth fide of the ifland, near
the mouth of the river Hayna, in 1 8 degrees, 20 mi-
nutes fouth latitude, and in 70 degrees, of weftern
longitude. This town is built after the Spanilh mo-
del, having a large fquare in the middle of it, about
which are the cathedral and other publick buildings;
2nd from this fquare run the principal ftreets in a
diredl line, being crofs’d by others at right-angles ;
To that the form of the town is almoft fquare. It is
moft delightfully fituated, having a fine fruitful
country on the north and eaft, a large navigable ri-
ver on the weft, and the ocean on the fouth, and is
the lee of an Archbilhop, to whom the Bifnop of
St. Jago in Cuba and feveral others on the continent
of Honduras and T erra-Firma are Suffragans. It is
alfo a royal audience, the moft ancient in America,
and the feat of the Governor of the ifland. There
are in it feveral fine churches and mcnafteries, and
it is fo well fortify’d that it defended itfelf in the
year 1654, againft one of the moft formidable fleets
and. armies that ever was fent to America by the
Englilh. The inhabitants are Spaniards, Meftices, CHAP*.
Mulatto’s, and Albatraces, a fixth part of which II,
may be Spaniards: And in its flourifhing ftate,
when its audience receiv’d appeals from every pro-
vince of Spanifh-America, it might contain about
two thouland houles ; but is very much declin’d of
late years. It was founded by Bartholomew
Columbus, brother to the Admiral, in the year
1 5 9 4 5 who gave it the name of Domingo, or Do-
minic, in honour of their Father who was of that
name.
2. The town of Higuey, fituated 30 leagues to Higuey.
the eaft ward of Domingo, moft confiderable for its
fugar-works.
3. Zibo, 20 leagues eaft of Domingo. zibo.
4. Cotuy, fituated near the eaft end of the ifland cotuy,
formerly a rich town when there were gold mines
in its neighbourhood, but now an inconfiderabie
place.
5. Azua, or Afo, a good port-town at the bot- Afo.
tom of a bay on the fouth fide of the ifland, 8 leagues
weft of Domingo.
6. The city of Conception de la Vega, fituate Conception,,
23 leagues north of St. Domingo, in which is a
cathedral and feveral parochial-churches, and others
belonging to convents, being heretofore a Bilhop’s
fee, founded by Columbus, who from this town
had the title of Duke De la Vega conferr’d on
him by his Catholick Majefty.
The towns fubjecl to the French are, 1. Petit Towns Tub-
Guaves ; 2. Logane ; 3. Port Lewis; and 4. t0 . the
r ^ oT '-° “ French.
Cape St. brancis.
1 . Petit Guaves is a port-town fituated in a great PetitGuaves.
bay at the weft end of the ifland, the principal fet-
tlement the French have upon it.
2. Logane, another port belonging to the French Logane.
in the fame bay.
3. Port Lewis, a good harbour on the fouth- Port Lewis,
weft part of the ifland.
4. Cape St. Francis, the moft eafterly fettlement Cape St.
the French have on the north fide of the ifland, ■ Francis »
near which they have the Fort De Paix. Befides Port Pafe
thefe there are at this day a great many more thri-
ving French colonies on the north and weft part of
the ifland.
As to the inhabitants, it has been already hinted inhabitants. -
that the fouth-eaft part is under the dominion of
the Spaniards, and the north-weft lubjeft to the
French, and confequently the Spaniards and French
are Lords of their refpedtive diftridts; but thefe are
not a fifth part of the people upon the ifland ; the
Crioli, Meftices, Negroes and Albatraces are much
more numerous than their European Lords, tho 5
their fiavery and dependance are as intolerable here,
as upon the continent ; but there is this difference.,
between the French and theSpanifti fettlements, that:
the French work and apply themfelves to bufinefs
fometimes themfelves, whereas the Spaniards live a
lazy indolent life, depending on their vaflals and
Haves entirely for their lubfiftance.
The
CHAP.
Perfons.
f^uadrupedes
Fowl?.
Reptiles and
infedts.
Crocodiles.
Tortoifes.
Fi{h.
Foreft -trees,
OF THE SPANISH ISLANDS.
411-
The ftature and complexion of the natives are
the fame as in the like climates on the continent.
There may be obferv’d a great variety of features
and complexions here, and in all European colo-
nies in America ; fo me of the native Spaniards and
French are fair, and others tawny: The defen-
dants of thefe are a degree browner, and the next
generation ftill of a darker colour : Whereas on the
other hand the imported Negroes and their ilTue are
as black as poftible, and their features like thofe of
other African Blacks ; but mixing with Europeans
or Indians, their children are tawny, and in fome
generations thefe tawny creatures cohabiting with
other Europeans, their children and grandchildren
are fcarce to be diftinguifh’d from native Spaniards
or French by their features or complexions ; and
when their original is forgot have the fame privi-
leges as thofe defended from French or Spanifti an-
cestors on both fides, provided they have acquir’d
fortunes or eftates to fupport their pretentions.
It is very remarkable that when the Spaniards firft
difeover’d Hifpaniola and the neighbouring iflands,
there was not one four-footed animal upon them,
unlels fome little Cur-dogs that could not bark : But
the Spaniards afterwards importing horfs, oxen,
afles, mules, fheep, hogs, dogs, and cats, they
multiplied prodigioufly, and the Spaniards afterwards
deferting this ifland in a manner, having firft de-
ft rov’d the natives, the black cattle run wild in the
mountains and forefts, and for many years were
kill’d by the Hunters and Buccaneers chiefly for their
hides and tallow, of which incredible quantities were
exported to Europe : And here the Buccaneers ufed
to vicftual their fhips with beef and pork and fell the
lame kind of provifions to the {hipping that touch’d
there; but fince the French became mailers of the
north-weft part of the ifland, and the number of
cattle is decreafed by the continual daughter that
was made of them, they have apply ’d themfelves to
the planting fugar, tobacco, &c.
As to the feather’d kind, there is a fort of fowls
in their woods equal to our poultry, which the Spa-
niards call Pintado’s, and great numbers of Parrots
of various colours. Here is alfo the Carpenter-bird,
fo call’d from his pecking holes in trees, with the
Cabrero, a fort of Cormorants, Men-of-war birds,
Ravens, Crows, Swallows, Ducks, Teal, and many
more fuch as are found in the fame latitude on the
continent.
As to reptiles and infeHs, there are ferpents of
various kinds, but none of them venomous ; che-
go’s, Mufketo’s, Fire-flies, Crickets, and Millipedes.
The Caymans, or Crocodiles, and Tortoifes alfo
are as numerous here and in the fmall iflands on the
coaft as in any place of the world, and they have
plenty of fifh in their feas and rivers.
I he principal foreft-trees on Hifpaniola are the
Cedar, the Oak, the Pine, the Maho-tree, the Aco-
rna-tree, Brafil, and other dying woods, and the
Manchinil, the fruit of which laft is poifonous, and
the very faw-duft of this v/ood has been fatal to the CHAP,
workman. They have alfo feveral forts of Palms, II.
as the Latimer-palm, the Prickle-palm, the Wine-
Palm, and the Rofary-palm, with feveral kinds of
fruit-trees, fuch as Banana’s, Plantains, Guava’s,
Anana’s, Oranges, Lemons, Citrons, Limes, Grapes,
Apricots, Caramite-trees, whofe fruit refembles Da-
mafcene-plumbs, the Genipa-tree, not unlike our
Cherry-trees, but the fruit bigger than a tennis-ball,
and the Abelcofe, which yields a fruit as big as a
Melon.
But the principal produce of the ifland at this day Sugar,
is Sugar, of which the French as well as the Spani-
ards have very large plantations: And the great
plenty of provifions, or rather the frugality and
parfimony of the French, enables them to fell this
kind of merchandize cheaper than the Britifh colo-
nies can do, and confequently rnuft diminifh our
trade in that particular ; for which I know no re-
medy but to advife our Planters to live as frugally
as the French, and then poflibly they may recover
the trade they have loft.
They plant Tobacco alfo in Hifpaniola, and have ToWe6c,
feveral gums and drugs that are ufed in medicine. Drugs,
fuch as Gum-elema, Guaiacum, Aloes, Caflia, and
China-root.
The firft difeovery of this ifland, in the year The Hiftot?
1492, and part of its hiftory have been already
treated of in the introduction to this volume.
I fhall take leave to add in this place, that the
Spaniards, after they had made an entire conqueft
of it, lived in great fplendor here for many years,
’till they had exhaufted the gold mines and
worn out the natives in the working of them, and
in other rigorous fervices, infomuch that of three
millions of Indians that were found here there was
not one Indian left upon it. After which the Spa-
niards (who at one time, ’tis faid, amounted to four-
teen thoufand families) deferted the ifland themfelves,
and went over to the continent, moft of them to
Peru and Chili, where they underftood there was
the greateft plenty of gold and filver. Whereupon
this ifland became the habitation of wild beafts ’till
a people no lefs favage than thefe brute creatures,
confiding of Out- laws, Buccaneers, and Pirates of
all nations began to make fettlements here, and.
maintain themfelves by hunting the wild cattle on
fhore, and the prizes they made at fea; or by plun-
dering the maritime towns in thofe feas. The Spa-
niards finding their commerce very much interrupt-
ed by thefe Free-booters, and apprehenfive that other
European nations might at length take pofteffion of
Hifpaniola, and difpute their dominion in that part
of the world, thought fit to fend colonies thither,
and repoftels themfelves of the fouth-eaft part of the
ifland again, but could not entirely drive the Bucca-
neers from the north-weft coaft and the little ifland
of Tortuga over-againft it, where they had fortify’d
themfelves ; and thefe being moft of them French,
his moft Chriftian Majefty at length fent a Gover-
G g g 3 aor
THE PRESENT STATE
412
CHAP, nor thither, and oblig'd thefe diforderly people to
II. build towns, cultivate the lands, and live in fub-
jediion to the laws of France, fince which time they
have made prodigious improvements, infomuch that
Hifpaniola may now be look’d upon as one of the
mod valuable acquifitions the French have in Ame-
rica, particularly with regard to their fugar-planta-
tions (as has been intimated already) and the noble
harbours and forts they are now in poffeffion of on
that coaft, which gives them an opportunity of dif-
turbing and ruining the commerce of other nations
they happen to be at war with, as the Spaniards ex-
perienc’d in King William’s war, and the Eng-
lifli in that of Queen Anne.
One reafon of the Spaniards deferting this fruitful
ifland of Hifpaniola, ’tis fa id, was their being per-
petually harrafs’d and plunder’d by the Englifh and
Dutch in the reign of Queen Elizabeth ; and
why neither of thofe nations poffefs’d themfelves of
this important ifland when they had driven the Spa-
niards from thence is not eafy to be conceiv’d ; for
were either of the maritime Powers poflefs’d of it,
there are fo many fine harbours for the fecurity of
their {hips, and fuch plenty of provifions, that here
they might ride matters of the American feas, and
give laws to all other Powers.
Sir Francis Drake, in the year 1586, took
the capital city of St. Domingo by ftorm with twelve
hundred men, and then quitted it again, as he had
done feveral other Spanifh ports in America. It
feems to have been a maxim then in the Court of
England, to humble the pride of the Spaniards, but
not abfolutely to drive them from their fettlements
in the Weft-Indies.
Cromwell But Cromwell and his Miniftry were of a
conqueft of S different mind. There is no one enterprize that
Hifpaniola. cunning Ufurper feem’d to have fet his heart upon
more than the poffefling himfelf of this important
ifland, which he evidently faw mutt give him the
command of thofe feas, if it did not let him into a
fhare of the treafures of Mexico and Peru. He fent
Admiral Penn and Venables thither therefore,
in the year 1654, with a fine fleet and ten thoufand
land- men on board, who had infallibly made them-
felves matters of the ifland, if fome that envied
Cromwell that glorious conqueft had not defeat-
ed the defign by unneceflary delays in executing his
orders, and fending fuch provifions, arms, and am-
munition on board the fleet, that when they came
to ufe them were found to be good for nothing.
However, tho’ thefe forces were not fo fortunate as
to fiibdue the ifland of Hifpaniola, they did the na-
Hls forces tion the next beft fervice they could poflibly have
reduce perform’d in making a conqueft of Jamaica, which
Jamaica. t ] ie £ n gl)ft) have kept poffeffion of to this day.
3 (lands of There are feveral fmall iflands near the coaft of
Savona, Hifpaniola, of which the chief are Savona and St.
Navazat ^ Catalina, at the fouth-eaft part of the ifland ; Na-
Cuanabo, vaza, at the weft: end of Hifpaniola ; Guanabo, in
Tortuga. £| ie hay of Leogane ; andj laftly, Tortuga, on the
north- weft coaft, an ifland of between twenty and CHAP,
thirty leagues in circumference, in which there is II.
an excellent harbour of difficult accefs.
Here the Buccaneers and Free-booters of all na- Buccaneers,
tions had their firft rendezvous, and fortifying the their original,
ifland, bid defiance to all mankind for fome years.
They confifted chiefly of the French Hunters of Hif-
paniola, who poflefs’d part of that ifland on the
Spaniards deferting it, and fpent their time in hunt-
ing, and taking the black cattle that run wild there.
T hefe were joyned by great numbers of Englifh and
Dutch and other feamen, who having been barbar-
ously treated by the Spaniards, form’d confiderable
fleets, and made all Spanifh fhips prize that came in
their way ; and fometimes, ’tis Bid, they made no
fcruple of feizing the fhips of other nations, or at
leaft plundering them of their ammunition and pro-
vifions when they wanted themfelves; but fince the
French King has oblig’d thofe people to fubmit to a
regular form of government, and eftablifh’d his do-
minion in the north-weft part of the ifland of Hif-
paniola, the Buccaneers have difufed their depreda-
tions at fea as well as their hunting by land, and
apply’d themfelves to cultivate the foil, and parti-
cularly to improve the fugar-plantations there, in
which they have been very fuccefsful. This colony,
as has been intimated already, does not only preju-
dice the Britifh fugar-plantations extremely, but
will ever remain a thorn in our Tides in time of war;
for from hence they will be in a condition to difturb
the trade of our American colonies, unlefs we can
find means to remove them : And one reafon why
the Spaniards have of late years favour’d the French
more than the Englifh may be, that they dread the
power of the French more than the Englifh, fince
they have poflefs’d themfelves of the north-weft part
of Hifpaniola, where they have a variety of com-
modious harbours for the greateft fleets, with which
they can at any time cut off the trade between Spain
and America.
C H A P. III.
Of the if and of Porto Rico.
T HE ifland of Porto Rico is fituated in 1 8 de- CHAP,
grees of northern latitude, and between 64 jjj <
and 66 degrees of weftern longitude, being of an
oblong form, about forty leagues in length from Porto . R^ 0 ”
eaft to weft, and twenty in breadth from north to anTextent.
fouth, and lies about twenty leagues eaft of Hifpaniola.
The Indian name was Boriquen, and Columbus Name,
when he difeover’d it call’d it St. John, but the chief
town being afterwards built upon a commodious
harbour, call’d Porto Rico, or the Rich Harbour, the
ifland loft both its former names, and goes by the
name of Porto Rico to this day.
The whole ifland is pleafantly diverfified with Face of (k$
woods, hills, and valleys, but has few large plains, country-
and is well watered with fprings and rivers ; only
on the little ifland, on which the city of Porto Rico -
Hands, they have neither fpring or brook, but fetch
thei?
OF THE SPANI
CHAP, their frefh-water from the main ifland, or preferve
III. it in the time of the rains in citterns and refervoirs :
However, as two of the moft confiderable rivers
difcharge themfelves into the fame bay, they eafily
import frelh-water from thence in boats.
The chief towns are, i. Porto Rico; and,
2. St. Germains.
Porto Rico j . The town of Porto Rico, or St. John’s, is
CIty ’ fituated on a final l ifland in the harbour from whence
it takes its name, the ifland being about two miles
in length, and joyn’d to the main ifland by a narrow
caufey. The town ftands upon an eminence, and
is about half a league in circumference, built after
the Spanifh model ; and being a Bifhop’s fee, has a
handfome cathedral and fix or feven parochial and
conventical churches. The entrance of the harbour
is very narrow, and defended by ftrong forts and
batteries, which render the town inacceffible by fea.
Nor is the place lefs pleafant than it is ftrong, for
its elevated tttuation gives it the command of the
fea on the one fide, and of the main ifland on the
other, and the fmall ifland in which it ftands is
planted with fruit-trees which are green all the year
Jong.
St. Germains. 2 . The town of St. Germains is fituated at the
weft end of the ifland of Porto Rico, about four
miles from the fea ; but of this I do not meet with
any particular defcription.
Seafons. Their rainy and tempeftuous feafon is in the
months of June, July and Auguft, when the fun is
Winds. near them, and then the winds in thefe feas are at
fouth-eaft, though they are north-eaft at other times;
but the hurricanes (which they are fubjedf to as well
as the Caribbee iflands in their neighbourhood) blow
from every point of the compafs; and it is about
Midfummer, or fomething later, that they expeft
thefe ftorms, though they do not happen every year.
It is very fortunate that it rains here in thofe
months, which would otherwife be the hotteft : And
the fea-breezes are another great relief ; for about
eight in the morning there rifes afrefhgaleof wind
and blows ’till four in the afternoon : From fix in
the morning ’till the fea-breeze rifes is very hot, but
five in the afternoon is the hotteft time of the day :
From three in the morning ’till fix it is cooleft, then
a man may bear the bed-cloaths upon him very
well.
The time of the rains is ufually unhealthful ; fo-
reigners efpecially find it fo, as the Earl of Cum-
berland experienc’d, who, after he had taken
the town of Porto Rico with its caftles,was forc’d to
abandon them again, having loft the greateft part
of his men by the flux ; which leads me to give a
fhort abftraift of the hiftory of this ifland.
Hiftoty of St. John de Porto Rico was difcover’d by Co-
this ifland. Rumbus in his fecond voyage, in the year 1493,
who informs us that he met with fome elegant
buildings and gardens in this ifland ; but being em-
ploy’d in difcoveries on the continent afterwards, it
was not reduc’d under the obedience of the Spam-
SH ISLANDS. 413
ards, or planted by them ’till the year J?ro, when C HAP°
John Pounce de Leon, Deputy-gove nor of III.
Hifpaniola, being inform’d there were gold nines in
Boroquen, obtain’d leave of Nicholas Obando,
the Governor, to plant a colony there, and embark-
ing with fome few Spaniards, arriv’d at Boroquen ;
where pretending he only came to eftablifh a friend-
ly commerce with the natives, the chief Cacique, or
Lord of the ifland, made an alliance with the Spani-
ards, and treated them very hofpitably, fhewing them
two rivers wherein were fome gold lands. Where-
upon Pounce de Leon introducing a good num-
ber of Spaniards, and building feveral forts in the "
ifland, ufurp’d the dominion of it: And not con-
tent with taking the country from the inoftenfive
natives, he obtain’d a commiffion from the Court of
Spain to be Governor of the ifland, under colour
whereof he made all the people Haves, dividing them a-
mong his captains and followers, who employ’d thofe
poor people in digging for gold (of which it feems
there was little to be found) and in all manner of
drudgery, fuch as building, planting, carrying bur-
thens, &c. ufing them as unmercifully as the Spani-
ards had done the natives of Hifpaniola. Where-
upon fome of the Indians run away to the woods and
mountains, and others flood upon their defence ; but
not being in a condition to refill the fire-arms, hor-
fes and dogs of the Spaniards, they were at length
moft of them compell’d to fubmitto that cruel bon-
dage, and thofe that would not were tortur’d or torn The Spam-
in pieces with dogs. The Spanifh writers relate a- ards cruelty
bundanceof incredible ftories of the fagacity of their t° v ^) ena *
dogs in diftinguifhing between thofe who fubmitted
to this flavery and thofe that refufed to obey them :
However, all agree that their country-men hunted
thole naked people with dogs in the woods and
mountains as they would wild beafts or other game,
and frequently tore in pieces men, women, and chil-
dren in mere fport, turning them loofe before their
dogs, as they would a hare or a fox: And when
repeated orders came from Spain to ufe the people
better, and to prohibit the making the Indians flaves,
thofe Adventurers reprefented to his Catholick Ma~
jelly that they were canibals, and procur’d leave to
make Haves of all they were pleas’d to denominate
fuch. And this is one reafon fo many of the Ame-
rican nations have been reprefented as canibals in
Europe ; nothing fhort of fuch prejudices could have
induc’d any Chriftian Prince to have luffer’d his fub-
jedls to be treated fo barbaroufly as the Indians were
by the Spaniards ; for though they claim’d their coun-
try by virtue of the Pope’s grant, no Prince would
ever have authoriz’d them to worry and tear in pie-
ces whole nations after they had fubmitted to the
Spanifh yoke, if thefe favage Adventurers had not
firft drefs’d them up in horrid colours, and falfely
accus’d thofe inoftenfive people of the moft barbarous
and unnatural cuftoms : And ftrange it is (as has
been obferv’d on other occafions) that if almoft all
the American nations were canifals, as the Spanife,
writers
414 THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. writers affirm’d, that there fhoukl not be one of
oporto Rico
-founded.
.'Drake re-
■'Cumberland
-Jakes the
-III. thofe nations left at this day in the inland-countries
that were never under the dominion of any Euro-
pean power, and confequently have not been brought
off thefe cuftoms by any fuch Catholick reformati-
ons. But to return to the hiftory.
The city of St. John de Porto Rico was founded
in the year 1514, and continued in a flourifhing
condition for many years. Sir Francis Drake
puls d there. | iav j n g a g 00 d fleet under his command, with land-
forces on board, gave feveral affaults to the town in
the year 1595, but was beaten from it. The Earl
of Cumberland had better fuccefs ; for with a
much lefs force he made himfelf mafter of the place
.the next year with a fleet fet out at his own expence,
affifted by two regiments of the Queen’s, for it was
Queen Elizabeth’s good hufbandry to encourage
private men to be at the expence of fuch expediti-
ons to the Weft-Indies, only lending them her {hips
and men. It was not often Are put the publick to
the whole expence of them. But it was with great
he Earl of j iazarc j anc [ difficulty the Earl carry ’d the town of
nrr.herland ■' ^ . -p -
Porto Rico, though thus affifted ; for in an aliault
he made upon the place, he fell from a rock into
the fea in his armour, and remain’d fo long under
water before his people could get him out, that he
was almoftdead; and Sir John Barkly conti-
nued the attack ’till the Earl recover’d ; foon after
which the enemy abandon’d the town and retir’d
into their forts, and thefe alfo furrender’d two or
three days afterwards. The Earl had determin’d to
keep poffeffion of Porto Rico, and from thence to
have attack’d the Spanifh fettlements on the conti-
nent and iflands after he fhould have been reinforc’d
from England ; but lofing more than half his men
-men by fick- p,y ffi e bloody-fiux in a very fhort time, he was com-
to quitTt" P e ffd to f et f° r England on the 1 4th of Auguft,
with much lefs treafure than he expecled to have met
with here; for the Spaniards having notice of his
coming, had carried off or conceal’d all that was va-
luable. The beft prize he made was eighty pieces
of brafs cannon he found in the town and forts. He
demanded a great fum of the Spaniards to ranfom the
town from being burnt, which they promifed to pay
him ; but finding his men rot fo faff they negledled
to pay the money, and though the Earl was prefs’d
to fet the city on fire on their difappointing him, he
left the town {landing, and only demolifti’d their
forts.
There is no doubt but Porto Rico would have been
-of vaff advantage to the Englifh if they could have
kept it ; and had they come before it in the dry fea-
ion, poffibly that mortality among the foldiers had
not happen’d ; which the Earl afcrib’d partly to the
great labour his men fuftain’d in this fervice, but
more to the heavy rains that fell at that feafon, and
obferves when there was no rain the dews that
fell in the evening were no left fatal to his men,
who chofe to lie in the open air in that hot country-
in fair weather : The fruits of the country alfo might
ILofes his
contribute to this diftemper ; which brings me to treat CHAP,
of the produce of the ifland of Porto Rico. III.
The foil is rich, producing long coarfe graft, which
they feed their cattle with, but never Aiake into P rodu «. of
hay. They have good timber fit for the building of Pono K °‘
ftiips, and variety of fruit-trees, fuch as Cocoa’s,
Pine-apples, Mammeys, Guava’s, Banana’s, Plan-
tains, Palms, Oranges, Limes, Citrons, Jamaica-
Pepper, and the baftard Cinamon. The country
alfo produces Rice and Indian-corn, but they make
more bread of the Caflavi-root than of corn, be-
ing too lazy to cultivate the foil. The principal
produce of the ifland for exportation is Ginger, Su-
gar, and Hides, for they have vaff numbers of black
cattle here as well as in the neighbouring ifland of
Hifpaniola ; but they have more Gtats and Hogs than
they have of European Sheep, and the mutton they
have is poor dry food : Their pork is excellent, and
their Kids are pretty good meat : They have alfo
all manner of European poultry, and plenty of fifh.
Parrots are as common as Crows in England, and
they are well flock’d with Wood-pidgeons as well as
Guanoes, a kind of great Lizard, which they efteem
good food in the Weft-Indies. They have alio Land- Their dogs
crabs, not unlike the Sea-crab, which burrow in the ° n land '
ground like Rabbets ; hut thefe are the food of dogs
more than of men. Thofe who were in the expe-
dition againft Porto Rico with the Earl of Cum-
berland relate, that the Earl propofing to make
this an Englifh colony, tranfported the Spanifh in-
habitants to other places ; whereupon the dogs fet up
a diffnal howl, which they continued all night after
their Spanifh matters were gone, and run away to
the woods next day, which the Englifh apprehended
was in fearch of their matters. However, the dogs
return d to the town again in the evening ; and af-
ter they were acquainted with the Englifh, left off
their howling in the night-time, but flill went eve-
ry day to the woods by the fea-fide, where the En-
glifh at length obferved that they devour’d the Land-
crabs, thefe being their principal food.
As to the gold mines that travellers relate there Gold, none
are in this ifland, there are none wrought at this day ; * iere>
nor was there ever any that were very confiderable,
but poffibly there might be fome little gold found in
their rivulets formerly, which invited the Spaniards
to take poffeffion of the ifland ; though I believe
their chief realon for keeping Porto Rico at prefent
is, that it may not fall into the hands of fome other
European power that might diflurb their commerce
with their American dominions, and perhaps endan-
ger the lofs cf their more valuable fettlements on the
continent.
The Virgins Iflands are the laft Spanifh iflands I The Virgins
fhall mention. Thefe area clutter of barren rocks, IflandSi
a little to the eaftward of the ifland of Porto Rico, l
through which the paffage is fomething difficult.
They are fcarce worth claiming by the Spaniards, or
any other nation ; though they are generally find to
belong to Spain.
THE
THE
Wy^
Thevaft ex-
tent of the
Spani/h ter-
ritories in
America.
Charles V.
the grand
•Knight-
STHnt,
i 1 S
CONCLUSION
O F
Spanifli-A M E R I C A.
I N this furvey of the Spanifh territories in A-
merica, it appears that they are the richeft
( if gold and filver are to be accounted riches)
and the moil extenfive that ever any Mo-
narch poflefs’d fince the flood. What are the con-
queftsand acquifitions of Alexander or Cjesar
if compar’d with thefe ? efpecially at a time when
Charles V. was upon the throne, who was Em-
peror of Germany, Sovereign of Spain, Italy, and
the Low-Countries, and had part of Afia and Africa
under his dominion ?
This Prince was actually engag’d in war with the
Turk, the French, the Flemmings, the Africans,
and Indians of North and South-America aimoft at
the fame inftant : And in every part of the world
was generally fuccefsful : But the empire of Mexico
and Peru, a dominion of feven thouiand miles ex-
tent aimoft, was entirely fubdu’d by the Spaniards
during his reign ; fo numerous were the enterprizes
his forces were engag’d in, that he might well
be deem’d the grand Knight-errant of his times;
and Cervantes isfuppofedbyfometohavehad an
eye to Charles V. in his DonQuixoT, efpe-
cially where he brings in the hero charging a flock
of fheep, to which the naked Indians might pro-
perly be refembled when they were attack’d by men
arm’d cap-a-pee on horfeback, with the advan-
tages of artillery and fire-arms. In this and in (hip-
ping, it muftbeacknowledg’d that Charles V.had
the better of Alexander and Cjesar, and other
Knight-errants of antiquity ; for though the Greeks
and Romans excell’d in military difcipline, which
enabled them to fubdue the nations about them,
their conquefts probably would have been fwifter
and more extenfive if they had known the ule of
fire-arms, and been better (kill’d in navigation,
Thefe render’d the Spaniards fo much fuperior to the
Indians, that they might well be look’d upon as
fheep, if compar’d with their Conquerors, as they,
were call’d, though with as little propriety as a troop
of horfe may be faid to conquer a flock of fheep or
hares they trample under their feet without refin-
ance. They might have ftiled their expeditions to
America executions, or barbarous maflacres ; buL
the name of conqueft ( which carries in the notion
of it hazard and difficulty, and prefumes the enter-
prize to be juft and honourable) ought never fo be
profaned and apply’d to butchers and hangmen, to
robbers, pirates, and ufurpers, who make no fcru-
ple of torturing and murdering the inoftenfive or
induftrious part of their own fpecies to pofiefs them-'
fe Ives of their country and treafures.
But how barbaroufly or unjuftly foever the Spa- America pofT
niards acquir’d the dominion of America, they re- fefs>d ty the
main’d in the uninterrupted pofleffion of it ( ex- iog
cept Brazil ) for an hundred years, and were pof- yean*
fefs’d of that too for threefcore years and upwards,
namely, while Portugal was in pofieffion of the
Spaniards.
The Englifh and other European nations feem’d
to have refign’d the dominion of that new world to
the Spaniards, fcarce endeavouring tomakeafet--
tlement, or fend a colony thither for three or four-
fcore years after it was difcover’d. Sebastian The firft af-
Cabot was employ’d indeed by Henry VII. of tem P t of the
England to find out a pafiage to the Eaft- Indies by
the north-weft, in the year 1496, and in that at- foundland,
tempt difcover’d the north-eaft coaft of America ; T 5 6o »
but no endeavours were made to improve that dif-
covery ’till the year 1560, when the Englifh and
fome other European nations began to promote a •
filhery on the banks of Newfoundland,
Monfieur Chatillon carried a colony of the ^he French-*’
French to Florida, in the year 1562, and called attempt to
that part of the country Carolina, in honour Q f fe . tt,e co '°~
Charles IX. of France, which name it retains rid*,’" 56s,
to this day ; but the French were driven from it
foon after by the Spaniards, which they revenged
and then abandon’d this country again. In the-
year 1567, Drake failed with Captain Haw-
kins, who had five {hips under his command, to
Gu inea, and from thence to Vera Cruz in Mexico,
with Negroe flaves, where the Spaniards agreed to
traffick with them, but lurpriz’d Hawkins and
three
416 THE PRESENT
three of his Chips in the harbour , and Drake re-
turn’d to England, having loft all he had in the
world, which he reveng’d on the Spaniards two or
three years after by plundering Nombre de Dios,
and feizing abundance of treafure that was coming
from Panama : And on his return to England made
preparations for that memorable voyage round the
world, which he enter’d upon in the year 1577,
and being come into the South-fea, took and plun-
der’d feveral Spanifh towns and made prize of their
drips ; after which he came home by the Eaft-Indies
and the Cape of Good Hope, in the year 1580.
The fame bold Seaman took and plunder’d feveral
Spanifh fettlements in the Nor th-fea afterwards, but
planted no colonies in America. Sir Walter
Ralegh procur’d the firft patent to govern fuch
countries as he flrould difcover in America, in the
year 1584, and fent a colony to Virginia, which
STATE
fames*
Town in
Virginia,
the firft
colony of
the English
in America,
fertled in
1606.
The Spa-
niards in
Timerica in
a perpetual
Rate of war
with other
nations.
But humbled
by the
French,
who are
now very
formidable
thole leas.
was driven from thence by famine again. The
Englifh mifoarried a fecond and a third time in their
endeavours to fettle a colony at Virginia in the years
1586 and 1587 (but here it is neceffary to obferve,
that Sir Walter Ralegh gave the name of
Virginia to all the north-eaft coaft of America, now
In poffeffion of the Englifh, in honour of Queen
Elizabeth his Sovereign). The firft fettlement
the Englifh aCtually made and eftablifh’d in Ameri-
ca was that at James-Town in Virginia, in the
reign of King James I. i 606 : And eight or ten
years afterwards colonies were fent toNew-England :
And about the fame time the French made fome
acquifitions in Canada. From whence it appears
that the Spaniards had the foie dominion of America
for upwards of an hundred years (except that the
Portuguefe were mafters of Brazil part of the time).
And the Spaniards look’d upon themfelves to be fb
much the proprietors of thofe countries, that they
funk the fhips of every nation they met with in
thofe feas, and hang’d up the men ; which put both
the Englifh and Dutch on making reprifals, queftion-
ing by what title the Spaniards claim’d the foie right
to that part of the world ; and thefe difputes con-
tinue in fome meafure to this day, the Spaniards
feldom failing to make prize of fuch fhips as they find
in the gulph of Mexico, or on the coaft of Terra-
Firma, when they find themfelves ftrong enough ;
and we are become fo very tame as to put up thefe
infults for the moil: part, while the French have in
a manner bullied the haughty Spaniards into a fub-
miffion fince their fixing themfelves on the north-
weft of Hifpaniola, and may now be looked upon
as the moft formidable Power in thofe feas ; and in-
n deed that nation feems toaffume the privilege at pre-
fent of giving laws to the Englifh as well as the
Spaniards both on the continent and iflands. But
to return to Spanifh- America.
Notwithftanding the vaft addition of dominion
and treafure to the Spanifh Crown, which their
Princes enjoy’d almoft without a rival for the fpace
of an hundred years, that kingdom has been upon
the decline ever fince they were pofi’efs’d of them.
One reafon whereof may be that the countries ^arc^wea-
fubject to them were too numerous and extenfive ken’d by
for any Prince that had not the capacity of an Angel tfaeir coa ’
to govern them. Even Charles V. who had <luefts "
fo vaft a genius, and who a&ually attempted and
made fome progrefs in the conqueft of three parts
of the world, and was not without hopes of reign-
ing foie Monarch of it, this great Prince funk at
laft under the weight of that unweildy empire.
Some repulfes he met with abroad, and the ftubborn
oppofition of his fubje&s at home fo ruffled his foul,
that he abandon’d the world, and retir’d in difcon-
tent to a cloifter ; and, fully convinc’d that he had
grafped too much for any mortal man to govern, di-
vided his dominions between his brother and his fon.
Another reafon given for the decline of the Spa-
nifh Monarchy on the conqueft of the new world,
is, their fending over annually fuch numbers of
their beft men thither for the fecuring this foreign
prize, and negle&ing their affairs in Europe. And
there is flill a third caufe more fatal than both the
former, namely, that the prodigious treafures which
at firft flow’d in upon them render’d their people
proud, lazy, and inactive, infomuch that moft of
their manufactures were negleCted, and at length
the greateft part of that treafure they receiv’d from
America came to be diftributed among their more
induftrious neighbours for the merchandize they re-
ceiv’d from them, and the Spaniards were little
more than faCtors for the reft of Europe : The gold
and filver of America indeed paffes through their
hands, but very little of it remains long in their
country ; from all which confiderations it is pretty
evident that the Spaniards are rather lofers than
gainers by that envied conqueft.
The next inquiry which it is natural to make is The Ameri*
whether the Americans have been any great gainers
by their intercourfe with the Spaniards. It is true the Spam-
that they firft inftruffled them in the Chriftian re- arts,
ligion, introduced learning, with the liberal and
mechanic arts ; and that the Spaniards firft im- •
ported European cattle, corn, and fruits, by which
no doubt America is or might have been abundantly
improved, and a more elegant way of living intro-
duced than the Indians were before acquainted with.
But how dear did the firft generation of Indians
pay for this ! and in what a miferable fervitude do
their pofterity ftill remain 1 The Spaniards indeed
had religion and reformation in their mouths, but
pradifed the greateft cruelty, injuftice and oppref-
fion : A.nd religion was only made a pretence for
their barbarity. They reprefented the natives as
fodomites, canibals, and monfters, and then ufed
them as fuch. Inftead of reforming they a&ually
extirpated the greateft part of the natives, and the
reft were reduced to a ftate of flavery : And as to
the Chriftian religion, it was fo difguifed by fuper-
t ftitious
OF S P A N 1 S
ftitious rites, and its do&rines fo perverted, that in-
flead of improving their morals, tire natives who
live under the Spanifh government are become the
moft vicious mortals upon earth : And all the pre-
fent inhabitants, whether defcended from European,
Indian, or African anceftors, are opprefs’d to a very
great degree. Neceffitous and rapacious Governors are
fent over from time to time, who make merchan-
dize of all places of truft and profit to their inferior
officers ; and thefe again fleece the miferable in-
habitants in their refpective governments ’till they
have repaid themfelves what has been extorted from
them by their fuperiors, to whom it is in vain to
complain or petition for juftice, while a continued
feries of bribery runs through the whole admini-
ftration.
The communicating the Chriftian religion, arts
and fciences, and the importing fo many valuable
fpecies of animals, corn and plants, might have
been efteem’d a very great happinefs to the Ameri-
cans, if they had not been compell’d to refign their
country and liberties in exchange for them. But
what pleafure can flaves take in the midft of the
greateft affluence ? They fee indeed all that is de-
fireable in life with their eyes ; but as they can call
nothing of all this their own, it does but add to
their mifery when they find they have no {hare in
thefe bleffings, or none at leaft but what they are
liable to be deprived of every moment by their im-
perious mailers. As it feems evident therefore that
the Americans are not much the better for their
commerce with Europe, fo fome make it a queftion
whetner the inhabitants of this continent have gain’d
any great advantage by their intercourfe with the
new world.
We have certainly receiv’d great quantities of
gold and filver from thence, but the multiplication
and increafe of thefe metals does not feem to have
added much to our happinels. In proportion to the
importation the value of them has decreafed ; and
fince eftates have been converted into money, which
may be hoarded up or lodg’d in banks, hofpitality
has vifibly declin’d. The money’d man is general-
ly the moft ufelefs member in a common-wealth,
where he does not apply it to traffick. An ordi-
nary Farmer employs more people, and does more
good in his neighbourhood than a man that is poffefs’d
of ten thoufand pounds and lives on the intereft of it.
But if we are not much better for the gold and
filver of America, it muft be acknowledg’d, how-
ever, that Europe reaps great advantages from the
reft of the produce of that new world, which fur-
nifhes us with abundance of valuable drugs and
merchandize we wanted. Our colonies alfo take
off vaft quantities of our manufactures, and confe-
quently employ great numbers of people on this
fide. Navigation and the knowledge of nature al-
fo has been extremely improv’d fince our difcovery
of thefe countries ; and in time, when we come
to know one another better, and come to treat each
other with more humanity, there is no doubt but
H-A M E R I C A. 417
that they and we {hall receive great advantages by
a mutual intercourfe, and the communication of
of the produce of the refpedive continents.
The laft obfervation I {hall make is, that the beft The uncer-
Spanifti hiftorians cannot be relied on : They have tainty of^he
evidently made fuch reprefentations of the country counts. ^
and the natives, as their intereft, their vanity or fu-
perftition prompted them to make, and have had
very little regard to the truth of things ; and how
falfe foever their relations have been, they have ge-
nerally been tranfcrib’d and copied by other nati-
ons, who had no other opportunity of informing
themfelves of the ftate of thofe countries before the
Spaniards arriv’d, infomuch that I have found as
much difficulty in difcovering the true ftate of thofe
countries as if we had but juft heard of them, efpe-
cially as to the religion and morals of the Indians
when the Spaniards came amongft them.
As to the numerous nations of canibals, giants
and inonfters that were faid to be found in America,
I am perfeCfly fatisfy’d that thefe relations were all
pure fiction : And as to their human facrifices, I am
very much in doubt upon the moft ftriCt and im-
partial review whether there were anv fuch. Cer-
tain it is thefe matters were very much aggravated,
if there was ever any foundation for them : And it
is ftrange, if many Indian nations did formerly fa-
crifice men, there fhould not be one left among the
nations unfubduedand unconverted that facrifice men
at prefent. Their celebrated Acosta and other
Spanifh writers do charge both the Peruvians and
Florida-Indians with facrificing children, which is
now known to be falfe : Why may we not then
fufpeCt the truth of the human facrifices they pre-
tend there were among the Mexican nations ?
Another thing I cannot help doubting of is, the
noble and elegant buildings that are faid to be found
in the city of Mexico and fome other cities at the
arrival of the Spaniards. I muft confefs, when I
firft obferv’d the concurrent teftimony of the Spanifh
writers in thefe particulars, I did give credit to
them, as the reader will obferve in the defeription
of the Mexican cities ; but having obferv’d fince,
that there are no fuch buildings to be found in any
other parts of America, I think we have fome rea-
fon to queftion whether thefe were not fet in a bet-
ter light than they deferv’d : As to the largenefs of
their buildings, and the vaft ftones they were com-
pofed of, thefe particulars poffibly may be true,
fince the whole country were flaves to their Princes,
who could command as many of them as they pleafed
toaffift in building their palaces, temples or fortrefies.
But when it is related, that the materials of their
buildings were of jafper and other polifh’d marble,
when they had no iron tools to form or beautify
the ftone ; and when there are no fuch works to be
found in any part of the country which the Indi-
ans pofl'efs at this day, and when fo many other
particulars in the Spanifh hiftorians have been found
to be falfe, I cannot give entire credit to all that has
been written on this head-
Hhh
THE
4x8
THE
PRESENT STATE
OF THE
B R A Z I L.
CHAP. I.
Of the foliation and extent of Brazil ; of its name , the face of the country, fprings , rivers, lakes, feas, air ,
winds and feafons.
CHAP,
I.
.'Situation,
Tace o-fifie
nasatry.
I COME now to the fecond grand divifion of
America, I propofed to defcribe, namely,
that of Brazil, under the dominion of the
King of Portugal, which is fituated between
the mouth of the great river Amazon, under the E-
quator, and the mouth of the river La Plata, in 3 5
degrees of fouth latitude, being bounded by the At-
lantic-ocean on the north and eaft, by the river La
Plata on the fouth, and by the province of La Plata,
or Paragua, and the country of the Amazons on
the weft, being two thoufand, four hundred miles
and upwards in length from north to fouth, if we
meafure in a diretft line, and near four thoufand if
v/e take in all the turnings and windings of the
court, but is not in many places more than two
thoufand miles broad, though in fome the Portu-
guefe may have penetrated four or five hundred
miles into the country.
The Portuguefe, who firft difcover’d this coun-
try, gave it the name of The Holy Crols, but it
afterwards obtain’d the name of Brazil ( by which
it is now univerfally known ) from the great abun-
dance of Brazil-wood which grows here.
As to the face of the country, the land is rather
low than high near the coaft, but exceeding pleafant,
being chequered (according toD A M P 1 E r’s expreffion)
with woods and favannahs, or meadow-grounds,.
and the trees, for the moft part, ever-greens : But
an the weft fide of it, far within land, are high
mountains, which feparate it from the Spanilh pro-
vince of La Plata, and in thefe are innumerable
JrmipMes f pr i n as and lakes, from whence iflue abundance
ajssnvejs. ^ that fa jj j nto g reat nvers Amazon
and La Plata, or run crofs the country from weft
to eaft, and fall into the Atlantic-ocean, which laft
are very numerous, and of great ufe to the Por tu-
guefe in turning their fugar-mills, and meliorating CHAP,,
their lands, which they over-flow annually, as the L
Nile does Egypt.
Through every province of Brazil there runs a
great river ( befides feveral Idler ftreams ) which
communicates its name to the province, the courfe
whereof will bedefcrib’d in treating of the reipedlive
provinces.
The only lea that borders upon Brazil is that of The Tea,
the Atlantic-ocean, which wafhing its coafts for
the fpace of three hundred miles and upwards, forms
feveral fine harbours, bays, capes, and promonto- Harbours
ries, the principal whereof are, 1 . Cape Roque, in and £a P es ”
4 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude, 2. The har-
bour of Pernambuco, or Recief, in 7 degrees, 30
minutes fouth latitude. 3. Cape St. Auguftin, in
8 degrees. 4. The harbour or bay of All Saints,
in 13 degrees, odd minutes. 5. The harbour of
Porto Seguro, in 16 degrees, 30 minutes. 6. The
port and bay of Reio Janeiro, in 23 degrees fouth
latitude. 7. Cape Frio, iome few minutes eaft of
Reio Janeiro. 8. The pert of St. Vincent, in 23
degrees fouth latitude. 9. Cape St. Mary, the moft
foutherly promontory of Brazil, in 3 4 degrees, odd
minutes fouth latitude. 10. The port of St. Ga-
briel. And, 1 1 . The port of St. Salvador, fituate
on the north ftiore, at the entrance of the river
La Plata : The reft of the ports and bays will be
taken notice of in the defcription of the refpedlive
provinces.
As to the leafons, air and winds, they are not A:r > win*,,
the fame throughout this extenfive country, but va- ar ‘ d ca 03553
ry with the feveral fituations. I fhall divide it
therefore, in reipedf of the feafons, into three
parts, viz. 1 . The moil northerly, which lies next
the Equator 3 2. That part of it which extends
from
OF B R A Z I L.
4 l 9
C H AP. from 5 degrees fouth latitude to the Tropic of Ca-
I.
Near the
Equator.
In the mid-
dieof Brazil.
In the fouth
at Brazil.
pricorn ; and, 3 . That part of the country which
k fituated between the Tropic and 35 degrees of
fouth latitude.
As to the north of Brazil, which lies almoft un-
der the Equator, this, like other countries in the
fame fituation, is fubjedt to great rains and variable
winds, particularly in the months of March and
September, when they have deluges of rain, with
ftorms and tornadoes ; the country is overflow’d,
and the air unhealthful ; but this part is very little
inhabited : The Portuguefe only keep pofTeffion of
the coafts to keep foreigners out. As to the air,
winds and feafons in that part of Brazil which
lies between 5 degrees fouth latitude and the Tropic
of Capricorn, Mr. Dam pier has given us this
account of it.
He obferves, that the winds and feafons are the
very reverfe here to what they are in other parts of
the world in the fame latitudes ; for whereas the
dry feafon comes on in other places fouth of the Equi-
noctial, when the fun goes to the northward of the
Equator,and the wet feafon begins when the fun re-
turns tcthe fouthward ; here the wet feafon begins in
April, when the fouth-eaft winds fet in with violent
tornadoes, thunder and lightning : And in Septem-
ber, when the wind fhifts to eaft- north-eaft, it brings
with it a clear fky and fair weather, and this is the
time of their fugar-barveft.
There are but two winds blow upon this coaft,
viz. the fouth-eaft from April to September, and the
north-eaft from September to April again : But thir-
ty or forty leagues out at lea they meet with the
conftant trade-wind, which blows in the Atlantic-
ocean all the year round from the eaftward with
very little variation.
There is no country between the Tropics where
the heats are more tolerable, or the air more health-
ful than this, being conftantly refresh’d with breezes
from the fea, and abounding in lakes and rivers,
which annually over-flow their banks : And in the
in-land part of the country the winds from the
mountains are ft ill cooler than thefe that blow from
the ocean.
I proceed in the next place to enquire into the
C H A P. II.
Of the provinces and chief towns of Brazil , and the
buildings of the natives „
RAZIL is ufually divided into fifteen pro- CHAP,
vinces, or captainfhips (viz.) i.The captainfhip J£
of Paria. 2. Maragnan. 3. Siara. 4. Potigi,
or Rio Grande. 5. Parayba. 6. Tamara. 7. Per- Provincesof
nambuco. 8. Seregippe. 9. Batria de Todos San- Brazi, ‘
tos. 10. Ilheos. 11. Porto Seguro. 12. Spirito
Sanffo. 13. Rio Janeiro. 14. St. Vincent. And,
15. del Rey.
1. The captainfhip of Paria, or Para, is bound- Paria.
ed by the mouth of the river Amazon and the ocean
on the north, by the province of Maragnan on the
eaft, by the country of the Tapuyers on the fouth,
and by the country of the Amazons on the weft.
The principal river, which gives name to the pro-
vince, runs through it from fouth to north, and falls
into the mouth of the river Amazon ; and the chief
town, call’d alfo Para, or Belem, is fituated at the Para town,
mouth of the river Amazon, in 1 degree of fouth
latitude, and 47 degrees, odd minutes weftern longi-
tude, where ’tis faid the Portuguefe keep a garrifon
air and feafons of the moft foutherly part of Brazil,
which lies without the Tropic of Capricorn, and
this appears to be like other countries in the lame
climate, one of the moft deftrable parts of the world,
having a greater fh are of fair weather, and a more
temperate air than thofe countries that are nearer, or
thofe that are remov’d further from the Equator, and
are generally blefs’d with a moft fruitful foil. The
winds here are variable, at leaft beyond the latitude
of 30, and the little winter they have is when the
fun is in the northern figns ; but the territories of
the Portuguefe are but very narrow here, lying be-
tween the fea and the mountains which divide them
from that part of La Plata fubjedt to the Spanilh
Jefuits, defervedly call’d The Jefujts Paradife,
from the excellency of the foil and climate.
of four or five hundred foldiers. 2. Corupa, fitua- Corupatows,
ted about fifty leagues fouth-weft of Para.
2. The captainfhip of Maragnan, bounded by Maragnan
the ocean on the north, by the province of Siara on P rovince °
the eaft, by the Tapuyers country on the fouth, and
by Paria on the weft.
The chief towns are ; 1 ft, St. Lewis de Ma- Ch!ef town
ragnan, fituated in 2 degrees, odd minutes fouth lati- St ” Lewis, >
tude, on an ifland in a fine bay made by the mouths
°f their three principal rivers, viz. 1 . Mary, or Maragna/s*
Maragnan; 2. Tapucary ; and, 3. Mony.
The town and ifland of St. Lewis were formerly
poftefs’d by the French, and then by the Dutch, but
both nations were driven from thence by the Portu-
guefe, who are now in pofTeffion of it.
2dly, Curtia, fituated on the continent, over- Cismsa
againft the faid ifland of Maragnan.
3. The captainfhip of Siara, bounded by the oce- Siara prs*
an on the north and eaft, by the province of Potigi, vince '
or Rio Grande, on the fouth, and by Maragnan and
the Tapuyers country on the weft. The river Siara, Siara river j
which gives name to the province, runs from the * nci towat 1
fouth-weft to the north-eaft, and falls into the fea
in 4 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude, at the mouth
whereof ftands the town of Siara, and about twenty
leagues to the eaftward of it the fort of St. Luke.
4. The captainfhip of Potigi, or Rio Grande, p ot ; g] - pj- 4 _
bounded by Siara on the north, by the ocean on the vince.
eaft, by the province of Payraba on the fouth, and
by the country of the Tapuyers on the weft. The
chief river of Rio Grande gives name to the pro- rj 0 Granfe
vince, runs from weft to .eaft, and falls into the oce- river,
an in 5 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude, on which
H h h 2 river
420 THE PRES
CHAP, river ftands the town of Tiguares, being the only
II. town I meet with in this province.
5. The captainlhip of Payraba, bounded by Po-
T hl uLe° Wn 0n t ^ e nort ^’ by the ocean on the eaft, by Ta-
PayrabTpro- rnaraka on the fouth, and by the country of the
vince. Tapuyers on the weft.
Payraba ii- The river Payraba running from weft to eaft,
ver, divides this province in two equal parts, and falls in-
to the ocean in 6 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude,
and town. The town of Payraba lies on the fouth fide of
this river, about five leagues from the fea. There
are in it feveral churches and cloifters, and it is de-
fended by a wall and forts ; and two leagues to the
bour n * h3r * nort b °f this town lies the port ot Lucena, which
is a good harbour for fttips.
Tamara pro- Hfhe captainlhip of Tamara, or Tamarica,
;^ v r r ’ bounded by Payraba on the north, the ocean on the
eaft, by Pernambuco on the fouth, and the Tapuy-
ers country on the weft. The chief river whereof
is Tamara, in the mouth whereof lies the illand and
town of Tamarica, which forma tolerable harbour.
Gula town. There is another town call’d Guia, or Goyana,
fituated on the Goyana, about three leagues from
the fea, but of none of thefe towns do I meet with
any particular defcriptions, only ’tis faid the Portu-
guefe have abundance of fugar-mills on thefe rivers,
fugar being the principal produce and manufacture
of the country.
Pernambuco 7. "The captainlhip of Pernambuco is bounded
province. jjy that of Tamera on the north, by the ocean on
the eaft, by Serigippe on the fouth, and by the coun-
try of the Tapuyers on the weft, extending two
hundred miles along the coaft from north to fouth,
and an hundred and fifty miles in breadth from eaft
to weft, and was the principal province belonging
to the Dutch when they were in pofleflion of North-
Pernambuco Brazil. The chief town whereof was Pernambuco,
The Recief, or the Recief. This harbour was call’d Pernambu-
co, or rather Infernoboco, the mouth of hell, by
the Portuguefe, on account of the rocks and (hoals
under water at the entrance of it. It is compofed
partly of a peninfula on the continent, and partly of
feveral fmall iflands which were built upon and for-
tify’d in the time of the Dutch. The peninlula is
call’d The Recief, and lies in 7 degrees, 30 minutes
fouth latitude, and 35 degrees of weftern longitude,
a little to the north of Cape St. Auguftin. South
of The Recief, and juft oppofite to it, is an illand
built upon, and call’d Maurice-town, from the pa-
lace of Prince Maurice, which wasfituated on it,
and hath a communication with The Recief by a
bridge. It w r as naturally ftrong, furrounded by wa-
ter or moraftes, and defended by feveral forts and
redoubts ; but was however furrender’d by the Dutch
to the Portuguefe, in the year 1647, for want of
ammunition and provifions, which the Dutch Weft-
India Company did not take care to fupply their co-
lonies in Brazil with in due time.
OlinJa. zdly. The city of Olinda is fituated on fome fmall
hills on the fea-coaft, a very little north of TheRe-
ENT STATE
ceif, and before the Dutch took it from the Portu- CHAP,
guefe, was the principal port in Brazil, well built II.
and fortify’d, and contain’d two thoufand inhabi-
tants, befides the religious people and Haves, who
were both very numerous.
3 dlv, Porto Calvo, or Cavelo, lies at the con- Porto Calve,
flux of four rivers, about thirty miles fouth of The
Recief, and four leagues weft of the fea-coaft. This
place was ftrongly fortify’d when in the hands of
the Dutch.
4thly, Cape St. Auguftin harbour is fituated near CapeS.Aa-
the moft eafterly promontory of Brazil of the fame S uftin *
name, in 8 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude, and
35 degrees of weftern longitude, and lies about
twenty-five miles north of the little illand of St. A-
lexio. The entrance of the harbour is dangerous on
account of the rocks which lie under water; and
this is the cafe of moft of the harbours upon the
coaft of Brazil, which may however fafely be en-
ter’d by the afliftance of the pilots of the coaft.
8 and 9. The captainlhip of Bahia de Todos Captam/Mp
Santos, or of the bay of All Saints, in which I in- B^hia, or
elude Serigippe, is bounded by the province of Per- pp "
nambuco, from whence it is feparated by the great
river St. Francis on the north, by the ocean on the
eaft, by that of Ilheos on the fouth, and the Ta-
puyers country on the weft, being about two hun-
dred and forty miles in length from north to fouth
along the foa-coaft ; how far it extends to the weft-
ward is uncertain, but it is efteem’d the richeft and
moft populous province in Brazil. The chief towns
whereof are, 1. Serigippe, or St. Chriftophers ;
and, 2. Bahia, or St. Salvador.
ill, Serigippe is fituated on a bay of the fea, in Serigippe
1 1 degrees fouth latitude, between the great rivers town ‘
of St. Francis and Real.
zdly, Bahia, or St. Salvador, of which the laft Bahia, or
is the true name ; but it is generally known by that Salvador,^
of Bahia, or the Bay, on account of thecommodi- Brazil, de-
oufnefs of the harbour on which it ftands. It is fcrib'd.
fituated on a hill above the harbour, in 1 3 degrees
of fouth latitude, according to Dam pier, and is •
the moft confiderable town in Brazil, whether we
regard the beauty of its buildings, its magnitude, or
its trade or revenue. The harbour is capable of re-
ceiving fhips of the greateft burthen. The entrance
whereof is guarded by a ftrong fort, call’d St. An-
toni, and there are other fmall forts which com-
mand the harbour, one whereof is built upon a rock,
about half a mile from the fhore: Clofe by this fort
all fhips muft pafs that anchor here, and muft ride
alfo within half a mile of it at fartheft between this
and another fort (that ftands on a point at the inner
part of the harbour, and is call’d The Dutch fort)
but muft ride neareft to the former all along againft ^
the town, where there is good holding ground, and
lefs expofed to the foutherly winds that blow very
hard here. They commonly fet in about April,
but blow hardeft in May, June, July, and Au-
guft: But the place where the fhips ride is expos’d
to
■
OF BR
C H AP. to thefe winds not above three points of the coni-
II. pals.
Beftde thefe there is another fort fronting the
harbour, and Handing on the hill upon which the
town ftands. The town itfelf confifts of about two
thoufand houfes, the major part of which cannot be
feen from the harbour ; but fo many as appear in
fight, with a great mixture of trees between them,
and all placed on a rifing hill, make a very plealant
profpeft.
There are in the town thirteen churches, chapels,
hofpitals, and monafleries, and one nunnery, viz.
the Ecclefia Major, or cathedral, and the Jefuits
College, which are the chief, and both in fight from
the harbour : St. Antonio, St. Barbara, both parifh-
churches, the Franciicans, and the Dominicans, and
two convents of Carmelites, a chapel for feamen
clofe by the fea-fide, where boats commonly land,
and the feamen go immediately to prayers; another
chapel for poor people, at the farther end of the
fame flreet, which runs along by the (hore, and a
third chapel for foldiers at the edge of the town,
remote from the fea, and an hofpital in the middle
of the town. The nunnery Hands at the outer edge
of the town next the fields, wherein, by report,
there are feventy nuns. Here lives an Archbifhop,
who has a fine palace in the town, and the Gover-
nor’s palace is a fair Hone building, and looks hand-
fome to the fea, tho’ but indifferently furnifh’d with-
in, both Spaniards and Portuguefe in their planta-
tions abroad affecting to have large houfes, but are
little curious about furniture, except pictures. The
houfes of the town are two or three {lories high,
the walls thick and flrong, being built with Hone,
with a covering of pantile, and many of them have
balconies. The principal flreets are large, and all
of them pav’d or pitch’d with final] Hones. There
are alfo parades in the moH eminent places of the
town, and many gardens, as well within the town
as in the out-parts of it, wherein are fruit-trees,
herbs, fallading, and flowers in great variety, but
order’d with no great care or art.
Here are about four hundred foldiers in garrifon.
They commonly draw up and exercife in a large
parade before the Governor’s houfe, and many of
them attend him when he goes abroad. The fol-
diers are decently clad in brown linnen, which in
thefe hot countries is far better than woollen. Be-
iide the foldiers in pay, he can foon have fome thou-
sands of men up in arms upon occafion. The ma-
gazine is on the fkirts of the town, on a fmall rifing
between the nunnery and the foldiers church. ’Tis
big enough to hold two or three thousand barrels of
, powder, but it feldom has more than an hundred.
I here are always a band ot foldiers to guard it, and
centinels looking out both day and night.
A great many merchants always refide at Bahia,
for ’tis a place of great trade. Dam pier found
here above thirty great fhips from Europe, with
two of the King of Portugal’s {hips of war for their
A Z I L. 4 2i
convoy, befide two fhips that traded to Africa only, CHAP.
either to Angola, Gamba, or other places on the
coafi of Guinea, and abundance of fmall-craft that
only run to and fro on this coaH, carrying commo-
dities from one part of Brazil to another. 0
The merchants that live here are faid to be rich
II.
■s>"y~w
and to have many Negroe flaves in their houfes,
both men and women. They are chiefly Portu-
guefe, foreigners having but little commerce with
them; yet here was one Mr. Cock, an Englifti
merchant, Dam pier relates, a gentleman of good
repute, who had a patent to be Englifh Conful, but
did not care to take upon him any publick character,
becaufe Englifh fhips feldom came hither, arid there
had been none in eleven or twelve years before
Dam pier was thsre in the year 1699. Here
was alfo a Dane and a French merchant or two,
but all have their effects tranfported to and from
Europe in Portuguefe fhips, none of any other na-
tion being admitted to trade hither. There is a
cuffom-houfe by the fea-fide, where all goods im-
ported or exported are enter’d : And to prevent a-
bufes, there are five or fix boats that take their turns
to row about the harbour, fearching any boats they
fufpedl to be running of goods.
The chief commodities that the European fhips Goods Im-
bring hither are linnen cloths, both coarfe and fine, P orted an ^
fome woollens, as bays, fearges, perpetuana’s, &c. exporUd *
hats, ffockings, both of filk and thread, bifeuit-
bread, wheat-flour, wine (chiefly port) oil-olive,
butter, cheefe, Sec. and fait beef and pork would
there alfo be good commodities. They bring hither
alfo iron, and all forts of iron tools, pewter veflels
of all forts, as difhes, plates, fpoons, &c. looking-
glaffes, beads, and other toys ; and the fhips that
touch at St. Jago bring thence cotton-cloth, which
is afterwards lent to Angola.
The European fhips carry from thence fugar, to-
bacco, either in roll or fnuff, never in leaf. Thefe
are the ftaple commodities; befides which here are
dye-woods, as fuflick. &c. with woods for other
ufes, as fpeckled wood, brazil. Sec. They alfo carry
home raw hides, tallow, train-oil of whales, &c.
Here are alfo tame monkeys, parrots, parroquets.
Sic. which the feamen carry home.
The fugar of this country is much better than Claying of
that which we bring home from our plantations :
For all the fugar that is made here is clay’d, which dL,cnb
makes it whiter and finer than our mufcovado, as
we call our unrefin’d fugar. Our planters feldom
refine any with clay, unlefs fometimes a little to fend
home as prefents to their friends in England.
Their way of doing it is by taking fome of the
whiteff clay, and mixing it with water ’till ’tis like
cream ; with this they fill up the pans with fugar
that are funk two or three inches below the brim by
the draining of the mobiles out of it, firfl feraping
off the thin hard cruH of the fugar that lies at the
top, and would hinder the water of the clay from
foaking through the fugar of the pan. The refining
is
422
H E
p
r>
IV
SENT STATE
C H A P. is made by this percolation : For ten or twelve days
II. time, that the clayilh liquor lies (baking down the
V X./ pan, the white water whitens the fugar as it pafles
through it, and the grofs body of the clay itfelf
grows hard on the top, and may be taken ofF at
pleafure, when (craping ofF with a knife the very
upper part of the fugar, which will be a little fully’d,
that which is underneath will be white alrnoft to the
bottom : And fuch as is call’d Brazil-fugar is thus
whiten’d. When Dam pier was here, this fugar
was fold for fifty (Fillings per hundred, and the bot-
toms of the pots, which is very coarfe fugar, for a-
bout twenty drillings per hundred, both forts being
then (carce ; for here was riot enough to lade the
(hips, and therefore dome of them were to lie here
’till the next feafon.
rhe voyage The European (hips commonly arrive here in
•T tQ February or March, and they have generally quick
p adages, finding at that time of the year brifk gales
to bring them to the Line, little trouble then in
eroding it, and brifk eaft-north-eaft winds after-
wards to bring them hither. They commonly re-
turn from hence about the latter end of May, or in
June.
i r-.i , Brazil The (Fips that ufe the Guinea trade are final]
.v - ‘--liita. ve {p e i s j n companion of the former : They carry out
from hence rum, lugar, the cotton-cloths of St.
J ago, beads, & c. and bring in return gold, ivory,
and (laves, making very good returns.
The fmall-craft that belong to this town are
chiefly employ’d in carrying European goods from
Bahia, the centre of the Brazilian trade, to other places
on this coaft, bringing back thither fugar, tobacco,
Sic. They are failed chiefly with Negroe (laves,
and about Chriftmas thefe are moftly employ'd in
whale whale-killing; for about that time of the year a
fort Gf whales, as they call them, are very thick
on this coaft. They come in alfo into the harbours
and inland lakes, where the feamen go out and
kill them. The fat of them is boiled to oil,
the lean is eaten by the (laves and poor people.
Thefe are (aid to be but fraall whales, yet here are
fo many, and fo eafily kill’d, that they get a great
deal of money by it. Thofe that ftrike them buy
their licence for it of the King, who, ’tis faid, re-
ceives thirty thoufand dollars per annum for this
Sh : p building fifhery. All the fmall veflels that ufe this coafting
’traffick are built here, and fo are fome men-of-war
alfo for the King’s fervice : And the timber of this
country is very good and proper for this purpofe,
being more ftrong and durable than any we have in
Europe, and they have enough of it.
The way of Befides merchants and, others that trade by fea
Port jefc-.t f rorn this port, here are others pretty wealthy men,
Bahiaf and feveral artificers and tradefmen of moil: forts,
who by labour and induflry maintain themfelves
very well, efpeciallv fuch as can arrive at the pur-
chafe of a Negroe (lave or two. And indeed, ex-
cepting people of the lowed degree of all, here are
fcarce any but what keep (laves in their houfes.
The richer fort, befides the (laves of both fexes CHAP,
whom they keep for fervile ufes in their houfes, IE
have men-flaves who wait on them abroad for (late,
either running by their horfes fides when they ride
out, or to carry them to and fro on their (boulders
in the town when they make (Fort vifits near home.
Every gentleman or merchant is provided with
things neceffary for this fort of carriage. The main Carriages
thing is a pretty large cotton hammock of the Weft- and vifit*.
India faftnon, but moftly dy’d blue, with large
fringes of the fame hanging down on each fide.
This is carried on the Negroes (Foulders by the
help of a bambo about twelve or fourteen foot long,
to which the hammock is hung, and a covering
comes over the pole, hanging down on each fide
like a curtain ; fo that the perfon fo carried cannot
be feen unlefs he pleafes, but may either lie down,
having pillows for his head, or may fit up by be-
ing a little fupported with thefe pillows; and by
letting both his legs hang out over one fide of the
hammock, when he hath a mind to be feen he puts
by his curtain and falutes every one ofbis acquaint-
ance whom he meets in the ftreets ; for they take
a piece of pride in greeting one another from their
hammocks, and will* hold long conferences thus in
the ftreets; but then their two (laves who carries
their hammock have each a ftrong well-made ftaft’
with a fine iron fork at the upper end, and a (harp
iron below, like the reft (or a mufket, which they
flick faft in the ground, ana let the pole or bambo
of the hammock reft upon them ’till their matters
bufinefs or compliment be over. There is fcarce a
man of any fafhion, efpecially a woman, will pafs
the ftreets but fo carried in a hammock.
The chief mechanick trades here are Smiths, Artificers.
Hatters, Shoe-makers, Tanners, Sawyers, Car-
penters, Coopers, &c. Here are alfo Taylors,
Butchers, &c. which laft kill the bullocks very dex-
troufly, flicking them at one blow with a (harp-
pointed knife in the nape of the neck, having firft
drawn them clofe to a rail ; but they drels them
very flovenly, Dampier fays. It being Lent when .
he came hither, there was no buying any flefh ’till
Eafter-eve, when a great number of bullocks were
kill’d at once in the flaughter-boufes within the
town, men, women and children flocking thither
with great joy to buy, and a multitude of dogs
alrnoft ftarv’d following them, for whom the meat
feem’d fitted it was fo lean. All thefe tradefmen
buy Negroes and train them up to their feveral cm- slaves,
ploy men ts, which is a great help to them : And
they having fo frequent a trade to Angola and other
parts of Guinea, they have a conftant fupply of
Blacks both for their plantations and towns. Thefe
(laves are very ufeful in this place for carriage as
porters ; for as here is a great trade by fea, and the
landing-place is at the foot of a hill too fteep for
drawing with carts, fo there is great need of (laves
to carry goods up into the town, efpecially for the
inferior fort. But the merchants have alfo the
con-
OF BR
CHAP. convenience of a great crane that goes with ropes or
II. pullies, one end of which goes up while the other
goes down. The houfe in which this crane is, Hands
on the brow of the hill towards the fea, hanging
over the precipice, and there are planks fet fhelvincr
againft the bank from thence to the bottom againft
which the goods lean or Hide as they are hoifted up
or let down. The Negroe Haves in this town are
fo numerous that they make up the greateft part or
bulk of the inhabitants : Every houfe, as I faid,
having fome both men and women. of them. Many
of the Portuguefe, who are batchelors, keep of
thefe black women for mifles, though they know
the danger they are in of being poifon’d by them
if ever they give them any occafion of jealoufy.
. Thefe Haves alfo of either fex will cafily be engag’d
to do any fort of mifchief, even to murder, if they
are hir’d to do it, efpecially in the night.
Thus far Mr. Dam pier’s defcription, who was
there in the Year 1699 : After which it is almoft
unneceffary to obferve, that Bahia, or St. Salvador,
is the capital of Brazil, the refidence of the Vice-
roy and the Courts of jufh’ce, and the See of an
Archbifhop, to whom the reft of the Bifhops of
Brazil are Suffragans. This city was founded by
T11 omas de Sousa, a Portuguefe, in the year
1 54 r ■> and is obferv’d not to be very ftrong on the
land-fide, being commanded by fome neighbouring
hills, and accordingly it has been frequently taken
and retaken by the Dutch, the Spaniards, and Por-
tuguefe ; but the laft have now continued in the
quiet pofleffion of it for fourfcore years and upwards.
The cap- 10. The captainfhip of Ilheos is bounded by
31 heM P 01 t ^ at °f Bahia on the north, by the ocean on tire
eaft, by the province of Porto Seguro on the fouth,
and by the country of the Tupinambes on the
weft. There are two confiderable rivers in this
St. Antonio province, the one nam’d St. Antonio, which fepa-
rates it from the province of Seguro, rifing in the
weft and running eafterly falls into the ocean in 1 6
degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude, z. The river
Hheos river. Ilheos, which rifing in a lake to the weftward of
this province, runs to the eaft and falls into the fea
about twenty leagues to the north of St. Antonio.
Ilheos town. The chief town, alfo named Ilheos, Hands on a
promontory near the mouth of the faid river, in
1 5 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude, and is only
remarkable for the fugar-mills.
The cap- II. The captainfhip of Porto Seguro is bounded
Porto Seguro. ty that of Ilheos, from whence it isfeparated by the
' river Antonio on the north, by the ocean on the
eaft, by the province of Spirito Sancftq on the fouth,
and by the country of the Tupinambes on the weft,
f Dolce river, Fhe river of Dolce, or the river of fweet-water, is
the largeft in this province. It rifes. in the moun-
tains to the weftward, and running eaftward falls
into the Atlantic-ocean in 20 degrees of fouth lati-
tude ; befides which there are three other rivers that
Three other run parallel to it (viz.) the river of Crocodiles the
iiivera, Aleq.ua, and the river of St, Michael.
A Z I L.
The chief towns are, 1 ft, Porto Seguro, fituate
upon a rock near the fea-coaft, in 1 7 degrees fouth
latitude ; adly, banta Cruz, about 3 leagues fouth
of Seguro ; and Sancfta Amaria, a little further to
the foutbward.
J2. The captainfhip of Spirito Sandto, bounded
oy that of Seguro on the north, by the ocean on tire
eair, by tne province of Rio Janeiro on the fouth,
and oy the country of the I upinambes on the weft.
The principal river of this province is that of Pariba,
01 Parma rivei, which falls into the Atlantic-ocean
in 22 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude. The only
town I meet with here is Spirito SanHo, fituate in
20 degrees, 40 minutes fouth latitude, on the banks
of a river of the fame name, about twenty-fix miles
from the fea, a good harbour, but of difficult en-
423
CHAR
ID
Towns of
PortoSeguro,
SancTa Cruz,
and San£ta
Amaria.
The cap-
tainffup of
Spirito
San£>o.
Pariba river*
Town of
Spirito
Sanfio.
trance.
13. The captainfhip of Rio Janeiro, fo call’d The ca P"
from a celebrated bay and river of that name, dif- rS^L
cover’d in the month of January, in the year 1515,
is bounded by the province of Spirito Sanflo on the
north, by the ocean on the eaft, by the captainfhip
of St. v mcent on the fouth, and by the mountains
which feparate it from La Plata or Paraguay on the
weft, being about two hundred miles long, and as
many broad. I his bay and river are now reforted Bay and rj.
to by the Portuguefe as much as any part of Brazil V( T of J a “
on account of the rich gold mines' that have been X°ted t?
uncovered in the mountains to the weftward of this on account
and the neighbouring province of St. Vincent; thefe ofthe Boi4
have occafion d the building and peopling the banks
of the river Janeiro more than any other part of
Brazil, and brought hither a very great trade.
The cniet city of St. Sebaftian is fituated in 23 Chief town
degrees fouth latitude, on the weft fide of this river, St. Sebaffia**.
about 2 leagues from the fea, and defended bv feve-
ral ihong forts. It is the fee of a Bifhop, Suffragan
to the Archbifhop of St. Salvador, or Bahia, zdly,
Los Reyes, or Angra de Los Reyes, fituate about Los Reyes-,
twelve miles weft of the hay of Rio Janeiro. 3 dly 5
1 ' he town and harbour of St. Salvador, over-againft st. Salvador,
which lies the cape or promontory call’d Cape Lrio, Cape Frio,
m 23 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude, and in 42
degrees of weftern longitude.
14- f he captainfhip of St. Vincent is bounded The Cap-
by that of Rio Janeiro on the north, bv the fea on tainfcip
the eaft, by the province of Del Rey on the fonth^ St *
and by the mountains which feparate it from La
T lata on the weft, extending in length from north
to fouth three hundred miles and upwards, viz. from
the I ropic of Capricorn to 28 degrees fouth lati-
tude, and is reckoned two hundred miles broad at
the north end of it, but not more than ninety or an
hundred miles broad in the fouth. Tne chief towns
aie, ilt, ot. Vincent, fituated at the confluence of Chief town,,
cLrcc rivers on 2 fine bs.y ojf the Atl2ntic-occ2n in
24 degrees, odd minutes fouth latitude, and defended
by fever J forts. Lhis harbour is at prefent in a
flourifhing condition on account of the gold mines
that have oeen dilcoyet’d in the mountains to the
weftward 5
THE PRESENT S T A T E
has the mod im-
2dly, that of St.
St- Paul,
Santos.
The cap-
tainfhip of
Del Key,
Diamonds
and other
precious
flones,
No divifion
of the coun-
try before
the Euro-
pe«ns ar-
riv’d.
Towns,
houfes, and
furniture of
die natives.
weftward i but the town which
mediate advantage by them is,
Paul, built on purpofe for their fecurity, and fituate
about an hundred miles north-weft of the town of
St. Vincent. ?dly, The town of Santos, fituate
on the fame bay with that ot St. Vincent, and a
little to the northward of it, by fome reckon’d the
chief town in the province.
15. The fifteenth and laft province of Brazil is
that of Del Rey, bounded by St. Vincent on the
north, by the Atlantic-ocean on the eaft, by the
mouth of the river La Plata on the fouth, and by
the country of La Plata, or Paragua, on the weft,
extending from latitude 28 to latitude 34, odd mi-
nutes, being four hundred miles in length from
north to fouth, but fcarce an hundred broad in any
place from eaft to weft. This province has been
pretty much neglected by the Portuguefe ’till of late
years. But fince they have found gold in the ad-
joining province of St. Vincent they have built feve-
ral forts on the north fide of the river La Plata, and
on the ifiands at the mouth of it to prevent the Spa-
niards fettling there again, who were once pof-
fefs’d of the north fide of that river. This has al-
ready occafion’d fome hoftilities between the Spani-
ards and Portuguefe, and poffibly may occafion a
war between them one time or other ; for the gold
mines are fuch a bone of contention that no peace
can be of any long duration between two Powers fi-
tuated as the Spaniards and Portuguefe are, for their
territories are divided only by the mountains which
feparate Brazil from La Plata, or Paragua, in which
the gold they both thirft after is fuppofed to be found ;
but no doubt the Portuguefe conceal the place as well
as they can from the Spaniards and all other Euro-
pean nations, as they do their mines of diamonds
and other precious ftones they have difeover’d in
Brazil of late years : However, there is no doubt
but they have great plenty of gold and precious
ftones in fome part of Brazil (and moft probably to
the fouthward) there being brought great quantities
of both from thence annually to Europe, which has
pretty much funk their value.
Before the Portuguefe planted Brazil, the country,
was not divided into provinces, but was all one
great common, every tribe and family inhabiting
and cultivating what part ot it they faw fit, and
removing their dwellings whenever they pleafed, on-
ly every man was look’d upon as the proprietor of
what he planted or pofi'efs’d ’till he remov’d and
left that part of the country with the fruits and pro-
duce of it for another he liked better : And as for
their towns, they confifted ufuallv of five or fix
great barns, each of which contained two or three
hundred, and fometimes a thoufand people, and
over thefe the head of the tribe or family prefided.
The materials of their houfes were only long poles
and reeds, or palmeto-leaves for a covering, and
confequently it was no great trouble for them to re-
move or to eredl their town in another place : Nor
was their furniture any great burthen to them, CHAP,
which confifted of hammocks of cotton net-work, II.
fatten’d to poles, in which they flept ; fome earthen
pots and pans, and their gourds and calabafhes which
ferved them cut in half for pails, tubs, and drink-
ing-cups, for they have them of all fizes ; befides
which they had bafkets, in which they carried their
provifions on a march ; and the ornaments of their
houfes were their bows, arrows, fpears, and other
arms.
There were fome vagrant nations alfo that had no Some
fettled abode, but living in tents were continually grant na "
removing from place to place, and both the one ' "
and the other as often tied their hammocks to the
houghs of trees and flept without doors as within,
but ufed to make fires near their lodging to corre£l
the air, and prevent the ill effedfts of the cold dews
that fell in the night-time, or, as others imagine, to
keep off wild beafts and noxious vermine and
infects.
CHAP. JIT.
Of the perfons and habits of the Brazilians , their
genius and temper , arts and fciences, food , exer-
cifes., and diverfions.
T HE Portuguefe and Dutch writers give the C H A P.
name of Tapuyers to the natives which in- III.
habit the north part of Brazil, and the name of
Tupinambes, or Tupinamboys, to thofe who dwell T ^° ? rea t
in the fouth of Brazil, but divide thefo again into "heBrazili-
feveral petty nations, differing in language, but not ans.
much in manners and cuftoms ; and therefore I
fhall only treat of them under the two firft grand
divifions of Tapuyers and Tupinambes.
The Tapuyers are men of a good ftature (but Tapuyers,
not the head and {boulders taller than Dutchmen, ^ c 3 irper *
as fome have related) and as they inhabit a hot cli-
mate, almoft under the Equator, are of a dark cop-
per colour, their hair black, and hanging over their
flroulders ; but they fuffer no hair on their bodies or
faces, and go almoft naked, the men only inclofing Wear no
the penis in a cafe, as fome other Americans do, deaths,
and the women concealing their nudities with
leaves, like their mother Eve. The man has alfo
a cap or coronet of feathers, but I don’t perceive
the women have any covering on their heads.
Their ornaments are glittering ftones hung upon Ornaments,
their lips or noftrils, and bracelets of feathers about
their arms. Some of them paint their bodies of all Paint,
manner of colours, whereas others rubbing their bo-
dies with gums, ftick beautiful feathers upon them. Feathers,
which make them look more like fowls than human
creatures at a diftance.
The Tupinambes, who inhabit the fouth of Bra-
zil, are of a moderate ftature, and not fo dark a per ’ fon$ii
complexion as their northern neighbours who lie
nearer the Line ; but neither the one or the other
are fo black as the Africans are, who lie in the fame
latitude.
OF BRAZIL; *425
CHAP, latitude, it having been obferv’d already that there a large nut-fhell that holds almoft a handful of to- C h A P,
HI were no Negroes in America ’till they were tranf- bacco. A/Av
ported thither by the Spaniards and Portuguefe. They are a tradable and ingenious people, ready
The Tupinambes, however, refemble the Africans to learn any art or fcience the Portuguefe will teach
in their flat nofes, which are not natural, but made them, and take nothing fo kindly of the Fathers as
fo in their infancy, a flat nofe being efteem’d a the inftru&ing their children ; which has given the
beauty among them. They have alfo black curl’d Jefuits an opportunity of making abundance of
hair on their heads, but fuffer no hair to grow on converts ; and thofe who live under the Portuguefe
their bodies or faces any more than the Tapuyers, generally conform themfelves to their cuftoms in
and paint themfelves like the northern Brazilians. eating, drinking, cloathing, &c. Few of thefe go
Food. The general food of the Brazilians was the caifa- naked,
vi, or mandioka-root, dry’d and ground to powder,
of which they made cakes, like our (ea-bilcuit. C FI A P. IV.
They carry’d this flour with them alfo on journies,
and it ferv’d them, infus’d in water, as the Scots do Of the animals of Brazil*
oatmeal, both as meat and drink ; but I don’t find
they had any fort of corn ’till the Europeans carry’d A S ' lt has been obferv’d of the reft of America, C HAP,
it thither. They ufed alfo to feed on other roots, ii fo here they had neither horfes, cows, fheep, IV,
fruits, and herbs, and fuch venifon as they could afles, hogs, cats, or dogs (unlefs foms little mungrel
take in hunting, as alfo on fifh and fowl, if they curs) betore the Europeans carry d them over, 01 0 f
lived near the water, and with every thing eat a all which they have nov\ 7 great abundance. Europe
great deal of pepper; feme have added, that they The beads that were found in this country were carry 'd
were canibals, and eat human flefh from one end the fame with thofe already defcnb d in Mexico and g eafl . s pr0 p eE
of Brazil to the other ; but late travellers obferving Peru, particularly the Peruvian fheep, their peccaree to this
no fuch thing, little credit can be given to this, (to which the Europeans gave the name of hogs, country.
The general liquor the natives drink is ipring-water, from fome reiemblance they had to our hogs) the
of which, ’tis laid, they have the bell; and the great- floth, the armadillo, the opoflum, the guanoe, the
eft variety in the world ; but there are other kinds racoon, and flying-fquirrel, with great variety of
of liquors which have a good body, made of their monkeys, deer, hares, and rabbets, differing fome-
fruits prefs’d and infus’d, or of honey, with which thing from ours, the ant, bear, and fome lions and
they fometimes get very drunk, fitting w'hole days tygers, but neither 1b large or fierce as thofe of A-
and nights over their cups. They are charg’d alfo frica, and porcupines. Many of thefe animals have
with being a very lazy generation, that wall never different names given us by travellers, but are the
work or hunt but when neceffity compels them: fame already enumerated and deferib’d in Mexico or
Arts and And as to arts and fciences, they were mafters of Peru.
sciences. f carce any, unlefs the art of fpinning and weaving, Their fowls are maccaws, parrots, parroquets, Fowls,
and forming their arms (which confiftcd of bows, the quam, the curafoe, the bill- bird, the cockrecoe,
arrows, launces, and darts) and the art of building, the partridge, the wood-pigeon, the heron, the pe-
which was but mean, for their houfes did not want lican, the crab-catcher, the fifhing-hawk, the oft-
any great contrivance. As for letters, charadlers, rich, the cormorant, the curlieu, the carrion-crow,
and arithmetick, they were perfectly ignorant of and the humming-bird ; all which having been al~
ready deferib’d, I would not tire the reader with
They had fome knowledge of the virtues of feve- repetition. They have alfo great variety of finging-
ral herbs and drugs, which they frequently admini- birds, feveral fpecies of wild-ducks, wiid-geefe, and
fterd with fuccefs to the flick ; but a merry writer dunghii-fowls, and there is not any fort of poultry
relates, that when they defpair’d of recovering the in Europe but what has been carry’d thither by the
patient, all his relations agreed to knock him on the Portuguefe: However, fowls of all kinds are but
head, which they thought much better than a lin- dry meat in thefe hot climates; nor is their mutton
gring death ; and this may be as true as their de- very good ; pork is the belt flefh we eat between
vouring human flefh. the Tropics, and obferv’d to be as eafy of digeftion
Excrcifes. Hunting, fifhing, and fowling were rather their there as any meat.
bufinefs than diverfion, being abfolutely neceflary The moft furprifing relations travellers entertain Serpenis
for the fupport of their families, in a country where us with are concerning the multitude and monftrous 3 ' ‘
■Diverfions. they had no tame cattle or corn: Drinking, flinging, iize of their ferpents. We are told of fome that
and dancing were more properly their diversions, are thirty foot long ana upwards, as big about as an
thefe they pradtifed on their rejoicing days, on a hogfhead, and which will fwallow a whole buck,
victory, or the birth of their children. They are or a man, and that they eafily take either by throw-
great fmoakers, and take the ftrongeft tobacco : ing their tails about them : And I remember, fome
Their pipes are a hollow reed or cane, and the bowl travellers that have wrote of the Eaft-Indies have
Vol, III. * I i i . mention’d
*426 THE P R E S 1
CHAP, mention’d ferpents that have fwallow’d a buck horns
IV. and all ; but as I could never hear of any fuch
W-'Y'-'w monfters when I was in the Eaft-Indies, or of any
ferpents that were any thing near that fee, I can’t
help doubting whether there be any fuch monfters
here, how gravely or pofitively foever fuch {lories
are related ; and I am apt to think at ]aft that they
have miflaken the crocodile for a ferpent here as
well as elfewhere, tho’ even this creature does not
come up to the dimenfions of this pretended ferpent.
The fame writer (Mr. Nieuroff) has fur-
nifh’d us in his cuts with a dragon that has wings
and feet, an animal which I am ftill of opinion had
never any other exiftence than in the brains of the
ancient poets. Indeed the word dragon is found in
feripture, but as the creature is not deferib’d there,
the term may belong to an animal of a different
form. I believe no one will pretend to affirm that
our tranflators have never miflaken, the nature and
form of fome animals we meet with in feripture :
For I don’t find the learned are agreed about the
behemoth and the unicorn any more than they are
about the dragon. But commend me to rny friend
Harris, who tells us of a water-inake in Brazil
near forty foot long, and every- way proportionable,
in whofe body were found two whole wild boars he
bad fwallow’d. One would think our voyage-wri-
ters were lying for a wager in thefe cafes. As for
the amphifbena, or fnake with two heads, I think
ft: is agreed now that he really has but one; only
fome fhort-fighted people miftook his tail for a head,
it feems.
Here is alfo found the rattle-fnake, and feveral
other fpecies of fnakes, which will be deferib’d when
I come to treat of the Britifh plantations in Ameri-
-MaSs. ca. They have alfo fcorpions, centepees, fpiders,
and other venomous infedls of an extraordinary fize:
And their ants are almoft as troublefome here as in
Africa, marching in great bodies, and devouring
every thing in their way, and are only to be de-
ffroy’d by fire or water, and one fpecies of them,
tis faid, have wings. Here alfo is the fire-fly,
which feems to differ but little from the glow-worm,
only in its wings : When any of thefe fix on boughs
of trees they appear at a little diftance like fo many
liars. ^
Of bees they reckon up twelve feveral forts, fome
of which have vaft nefics in hollow trees in the
woods, and others in holes of rocks, and yield, them
great quantities of honey and wax ; and the honey
does not only ferve them for food, but they make a
liquor with it that has fome refemblance of mead.
Fife. Their feas, lakes, and rivers, are full of excel-
lent fifh, and, as Dam pier has obferv’d, the lean
flefti of the whales, of which they have great plenty
on this coaft, is eaten by the flaves and poor people
at Brazil. But the befl fifh on their coaft is the
manatee, as big as an ordinary ox, which has been
already defefib’d in Mexico. They have alfo the
fword-fifh, thrafh er 3 paracood, old-wife, cavally,
%
; N T STATE
gar- fifh, mullets, fnooks, herrings, mackerel, and CHAP;
turpoons already deferib’d, oyfters, crabs, rtirimps, IV.
prawns, and other fhell-fifh. Their heft river-fifh <— ■ v— -Ji
has a refemblance of our perch, and they have others
not unlike jacks and carp.
Of amphibious animals they have tortoifes of Amphibious
three kinds, viz. the hawkfbill, the loggerhead, amrnaIt ’
and the green tortoife ; but of thefe it feems the
Portuguefe never eat, tho’ our feamen efteem the
green tortoife very good food. 'There are alfo great
numbers of crocodiles in their lakes and rivers, but
not fo large as thofe of Africa ; and they have a
creature, which the Portuguefe call cachora de a-
gua, or the water-dog, as big as a maftiff, and hai-
ry from head to tail ; he has four fhort legs and a
long head, and is of a dark colour, and lives in
trefti- water lakes and ponds, but comes on fhore to
fun hirnfelf, and is faid to be good food.
C H A P. V.
Of their plants and. vegetables-.
H E foil of Brazil, according to Dampier, CHAP
is generally good, producing very large trees y
of divers forts, and fit for any ufes. Their favan-
nahs or paftures are loaden with graft and herbsj Vegetables,
and being cultivated, produce every thing that is
proper for fuch countries as lie between the Tro-
pics, as cotton, tobacco, indico,. fugar-canes, maiz
or Indian-corn, and fruits,
Of their foreft-trees the chief are, the fapiera, Foreft tree:,
the vermiatico, the commefferie, the guiteba, and
the ferrie ; the fpeckled-wood, the fuftick, and
other dying- woods; three kinds of mangrove- trees,
and the manchinele-tree.
The fapiera is a large tall tree, very good timber;
and made ufe of in building houfes, as is alfo the
vermiatico, a. tall {freight- body’d tree, which fur-
nifties them with plank two foot broad, and of the
bodies of thefe trees they make their canoes, or little
country boats all of a piece, the body of the tree
being only fcoop’d hollow, and fhap’d fomething
like about at the head and ffern ; and though they
are fo narrow that they frequently over-fet, they
can’t fink, and the Indians, who excel in fwim-
ming, make no difficulty when they are over-fet to
turn them up again.
The commefferie and the guiteba are moft ufed
in building of (hips, for which purpofe they are as
much efteem’d as oak with us, and are faid to be
harder and more durable wood. The ferrie-tree
refembles the elm, and is very durable in water.
Their mangrove-trees are red, white and black,
the red, being ufed in tanning leather here, of the
black they make good plank, and of the white,
marts and yards for their barks, both the black and
white being much larger in Brazil than in the,
gulph of Mexico,
There
OF BR
CHAP. There grows alfo in Brazil a wild cocoa-nut-
IV. tree, neither fo tall or fo large as thofe that grow
in the Eaft or Weft-Indies. They bear nuts as the
others, but not a quarter fo big as the right cocoa-
nuts. The {hell is full of kernel, without any hol-
low place or water in it, and the kernel is fweet
but very hard both for the teeth and digeftion.
Thefe nuts are in much efteem for making beads for
pater-nofters, bowls of tobacco-pipes, and other
toys ; and every fmall (hop at the bay has a great
many to fell. At the top of thefe baftard cocoa-
trees among the branches there grows a fort of long
black thread, like horfe-hair, but much longer,
which by the Portuguefe is called Trefabo; of
thefe they make cables, which are very ferviceable,
ftrong and lading ; for they will not rot as cables,
made of hemp, though they lie expos’d to wet and
heat. Thefe are the cables which they keep in
their harbours to let out to hire to European (hips,
and refemble the Coy re cables.
There are alfo in Brazil three forts of cotton-
trees, but very little of the right Weft-Indian
cotton-fhrub, of which the cotton-cloth is made.
Fruits. As to fruits they have feveral kinds of oranges
and limes, pomegranates, pomecitrons, and Eu-
ropean grapes ; but all thefe have been tranfport-
ed thither by the Portuguefe. There were no fuch
fruits in America ’till the Europeans introduced
them. They have alfo plantains, banana’s, guava’s,
the true cocoa-nut, cabbage-trees, cuftard-apples,
fourfops, cafhews, papahs, jenipabs.
The fourfop is a fruit as large as a man’s head,
of an oval fhape, green on one fide and yellowifli
on the other when ripe. T he outftde or coat is
pretty thick and very rough, with fmall fharp knobs,
the infide is full of a fpungy pulp, with black feeds
or kernels, in fhape and bignefs like a pumpkin-
feed. The pulp is very juicy, of a pleafant talfe
and wholefome. You fuck the juice out of the pulp,
and fo fpit it out. The tree or fhrub that bears
this fruit grows about ten or twelve foot high, with
a fmall fliort body, the branches growing pretty
ftreight up. The twigs are {lender and tough, and
fo is the item of the fruit. This fruit grows alfo
both in the Eaft and Weft-Indies.
The cafhew is a fruit as big as a pippin, pretty
long, and bigger near the ftem than at the other
end, growing tapering. The rind is fmooth and
thin, of a red and yellow colour. The feed of this
fruit grows at the end of it. ’Tis of an olive co-
lour, fhap’d like a bean, and about the fame bignefs,
but not altogether fo flat. The tree is as big as
an apple-tree, with branches, not thick, yet fpread-
ing off. The boughs are grofs, the leaves broad
and round, and in fubftance pretty thick. This
fruit is foft and fpungy when ripe, and full of juice.
It is very pleafant, and gratefully rough on the
tongue, and is accounted very wholefome. This
fruit alfo grows both in the Eaft and Weft-Indies.
A Z I L. *427
The jenipah, or jenipapah, is a fort of fruit, CHAP,
of the calabafh or gourd kind. .. It is about the V.
bignefs of a duck-egg, and fomewhat of the oval
fhape, and is of a grey colour. The (hell is not
altogether fo thick nor hard as a calabafh. ’Tis
full of whitifh pulp mixt with fmall flat feeds, and
both pulp and feeds are taken into the mouth, but
fucking out the pulp they fpit out the feeds. It is
of a fharp and pleafmg tafte, and is very innocent.
The tree that bears it is much like an afh, ftreight-
body’d, and of a good height, clear from limbs ’till
near the top, where the branches put forth a fmall
head. The rind isof a pale grey, and fo is the fruit.
Befide thefe, here are many forts of fruits which
are not met with any where elfe, as arifah’s, meri-
cafah’s, petango’s, Ac. Arifah’s are an excellent
fruit, not much bigger then a large cherry, fhaped
like a catberine-pear, being fmall at the ftem and
fwelling bigger towards the end. They are of a
greenifh colour, and have fmall feeds as big as mu-
ftardYeeds; they are fomewhat tart, yet pleafant,
and very wholefome, and may be eaten by ftek people.
Mericafah’s are an excellent fruit, of which there
are two forts, one growing on a fmall tree or fhrub,
which is counted the beft, the other growing on a
kind of {hrub like a vine, which they plant about
arbours to make a (hade, having many broad leaves.
The fruit is as big as a fmall orange, round and
green. When they are ripe they are foft, full of
white pulp mixt thick with little black feeds, and
there is no feparating one from the other ’till they
are in your mouth, when you fuck out the white pulp
and fpit out the ftones. They are tart, pleafant,
and very wholefome.
Petango’s are a fmall red fruit that grow alfo on
fmall trees, and are as big as cherries, but not fo glo-
bular, having one flat fide, and alfo five or fix fmall
protulerant ridges. ’Tis a very pleafant tart fruit,
and has a pretty large flattifh ftone in the middle.
Petumbo’s are a yellow fruit (growing on a {hrub
like a vine ) bigger than cherries, with a pretty
large ftone. Thefe are fweet, but rough in the
mouth.
Mungaroo’s are a fruit as big as cherries, red ori
one fide and white on the other fide. _ They are
full of fmall feeds, which are commonly fwallowed
in eating them.
Muckilhaws are a fruit as big as crab-apples,
growing on large trees. They have alfo fmall
feeds in the middle, and are well tailed.
Ingwa’s are a fruit like the locuft- fruit, four in-
ches long and one broad. They grow on high trees.
Otee is a fruit -as big as a large cocoa-nut. It hath
a hulk on the out- fide, and a large ftone within,
and is accounted a very fine fruit.
Mufteran deova’s are a round fruit as big a
large hazel-nuts, cover’d with thin brittle ' {hells
of a blackilh colour. They have a fmall ftone
in the middle, mclofed within a black pulpy fob-
* I i i 2 ■ - - fiance.
*428 THE PRES
CHAP, ftance, which is of a pleafant tafte. The outfide
V, fhell is chewed with the fruit, and fpit out with the
ftone, when the pulp is fuck’d from them.
Palm-berries ( called here dendes) grow plenti-
fully about Bahia ; the largeft are as big as wallnuts.
They grow in bunches on the top of the body of
the tree among the branches or leaves, as all fruits
of the palm kind do. Thefe are the fame kind
of berries or nuts as thofe they make the palm-oil
with on the coaft of Guinea, where they abound.
Phyfick-nuts, as our feamen call them, are call’d
here fineon, and agnus-caftus is call’d here car-
repat. Thefe both grow here ; fo do mendibees,
a fruit like phyfick-nuts. They fcorch them in a
pan over the fire before they eat them.
They have plenty of callavances, pine-apples,
pumpkins, water- melons, mufk-melons, cucum-
bers ; and roots, as yams, potatoes, caffava’s, &c.
Garden-herbs alfo good ftore, as cabbages, tur-
nips, onions, leeks, and abundance of fallading ;
and for the pot, drugs of feveral forts, viz. faf-
fafras, fnake-root, &c. befides the wood menti-
on’d for dying and other ufes, as fuftick, fpeckled-
Wood, &c.
Dampier relates, that the Jefuits have intro-
duced the cinamon-tree into their garden at
St. Salvador, but it is probable it degenerates, and
the bark is not fo fine a fpice as that of the Ceylon-
cinamon, from whence it is brought ; for if it
were, there is no reafon they fhould not propagate
it more ; and indeed tire cinamon that grows on
the Malabar coaft in the Eaft-Indies, which is but
a few leagues from Ceylon, is not comparable to it ;
which inclines me to believe that no other foil but
that of Ceylon will bear the true cinamon. I wifh
it were otherwife, that we might {hare that valu-
able fpice with the Dutch, and were not oblig’d to
pay what price they are pleafed to fetupon it.
The Jefuits have mango’s alfo in their garden at
St. Salvador, which is another Eaft-India fruit,, but
I find they are not common in Brazil.
Scm. As to their corn, there is no fort that thrives in
Brazil like maiz, or Indian-corn. Wheat and rye
grow too rank and run up into ftraw ; and the only
way to procure a good crop is to make the foil
poorer by mixing fand with it inftead of dung to
enrich it : And this is the cafe of mod foreign feeds.
Their feed-time is at the beginning of the rainy
feafon, 2nd their harveft immediately after it. Their
own trees and {hrubs bear leaves, bloftbms, and
fruit all the year round ■, and the fame is obferv’d
of their oranges, limes, and forne other fruits that
have been carried thither : And thofe who would
have ripe grapes all the year, ’tis faid, only prune
their vines at different times to eff'edt it, and they
produce a fir.e.lufcious grape as fv/eet as honey ; and
yet they can have no wine that will keep here, or
in any other country between the Tropics, unlefs
in Peru.
And here 1 muft caution the reader to unclerftand
ENT STATE
what is faid above only of that part of Brazil which CHAP,
lies within the Tropic of Capricorn, which is the \G
beft planted and peopled of any part of Brazil ; for
in the countries fouth of the Tropic of Capricorn,
the fame grain and fruits grow as do to the north-
ward of the Tropic of Cancer, and many kinds of
fruit which flourifh between the Tropics will not
come to anything without the Tropics: As the
air and feafons are very different, fo are their grain,
fruits, and plants generally ; tho’ there are fome
will thrive on either fide the Tropic.
The ants in Brazil are great enemies to the corn,
fruits, and other produce of the earth, which the
hufbandmen endeavour to deftroy by fire and water,
but all their care fometimes proves ineffedtual.
As to their minerals, there is no doubt but they Mineral-
have difeover’d very rich gold mines of late years by
the vaft treafures of that kind they fend annually to
Europe ; and ’tis faid there are fome filver mines in
the country. They have alfo difeover’d very rich
diamond mines, jafper, emeralds, chryftal, and o-
ther precious ftones, infomuch that the value of
thefe are. much fallen,
CHAP. VI.
Of their hflory , government , arms, forces , wars,
marriages , women , children , flaves , and funerals.
T HE firft Adventurer that difeover’d the coaft CHAP .
of Brazil was Americus Ves putius, an VI.
Italian, then in the ferviee of the King of Spain :
This was in the year 1498, hut then he fail’d no
further than to the 5 th degree of fouth latitude.
Afterwards, in the year 1 900, being employ’d by
the King of Portugal, he fail’d again to Brazil, and
extended his difeoveries to 52 degrees of fouth lati-
tude ; but he does not give us aey account of the
country, or the natives he faw in either, of thofe -
voyages.
The fame year, 1 500, Emanuel King of
Portugal fending a fleet of thirteen fail to the Eaft-
Indies, they were driven from their intended courfe
upon the coaft at Brazil, where meeting with a,
pretty good harbour, after a ftorm, wherein they
had fuffer’d much, they gave it the name of Porto
Seguro, which lies in feventeen degrees of fouth la-
titude, and to the country they gave the name of
Santa Cruz ; tho’ it foon after loft it, and obtain’d
the name of Brazil, as has been obferv’d already.
The Admiral of this fleet, Petef Alvarez
Capralis, fenr one of his (hips back to Portugal
with an account of the richnefe of the country and'
its agreeable fituation, and then continued his voy-
age to the Eaft-Indies with the reft.
Several private Adventurers upon this intelligence
went over to Brazil with their families, but were
moft of them deftroy’d by the natives, and no fettle-
ment was made to any purpofe ’till the year 1 549,
when John HI. King of Portugal, fent a great
OF BRAZIL,
CHAP.
VI.
Kni vet’s
account of
canibais,
giants,
monfters,
&c.
fleet thither with a thoufand foldiers on board, un-
der the command of Thomas de Sosa their
General, and with them a great many Jefuits,
whom Pope Paul III. defired might be embark’d
in order to endeavour the converfion of the natives.
This fleet arriving at the bay of All Saints, Ge-
neral Sosa there built the city of St. Salvador, of
which Ferdinandez Sardinia was appointed
the firft Bifhop in the following year i 550. .
The Portuguefe finding the Brazilians divided in-
to feveral petty kingdoms and {bates, at war among
themfelves, and joining with one nation again!! a-
nother, by this means fubdu’d firft their enemies and
then their allies, making Haves of all without dif-
tindfion. Serigippe, which lies contiguous to the
bay of All Saints on the north, and which I have
eonfider’d as part of this province, was the firft con-
queft the Portuguefe made.
The French alfo made feveral attempts to fettle
colonies on the coaft of Brazil, but were driven
from thence from time to time by the Portuguefe,
who at length pofiefs’d themfelves of all the coaft
from the river Amazon to the river of Plata.
To juftify their invasions of this country, and the
barbarous maflacres they committed there, they have
reprefented the people as infidels without any notion
of God or religion, and even canibais : And where-
as we have been told by the Spaniards that the coun-
tries of Guiana and Caribiana, which lie contiguous
£0 Brazil, and extend from the Equator to 1 o de-
grees north latitude, were canibais ; now the Por-
tuguefe endeavour to perfuade us, that the Brazili-
ans, whofe country extends from the Equator to 3 5
degrees of fouth latitude, were likewife canibais and
infidels : And indeed this is what the Spaniards and
Portuguefe have affirm’d of all the American nations
at one time or other. They tell us, they were
perpetually engag’d in war with each other, and eat
up their enemies that fell into their hands ; and yet
none of our Englifti Adventurers for an hundred
years paft, none of our Buccaneers, that have pene-
trated through and through the country, and refided
among the Caribbees themfelves, who were mod
fam’d for eating human flefh, have ever feen any
fuch thing.
About an hundred and forty years ago, indeed,
fome of our people, who had their intelligence, I
prefume, from the Spaniards and Portuguefe, pre-
tended that they had feen the Brazilians devour their
enemies, of whom the moft eminent is Kni vet.
This gentleman tells us he was left fick on fttore at
Brazil by Captain Cavendish, in the year 1592,
and being taken prifoner by the natives, together
with twelve Portuguefe, his companions were kill’d,
broil’d, and eaten, but his life was fav’d becaufe the
natives took him for a Frenchman ; and of thefe
executions he gives us the following account.
That having taken a prifoner in battle, and con-
vey’d him into their own country, they gave him
one of then filters of daughters to ferve him as a
*429
temporary wire, furniflimg him w it h the beft iood, CHAP,
and all that is defirable in life ; and when they have VL
fatted him, they proclaim the day and place of his
execution ; in the morning whereof many thoufands
of the people afteffible early, drinking, finging, and
dancing for feveral hours ; after which the captive
is brought out, bound about the body with cords,
which are held by fix or feven people, but his hands
at liberty : In this condition the prifoner ufually
makes a fpeech to the people, and tells them, 44 Thus
44 have I often bound your friends and relations,
46 and then broil’d and devour’d them; nor will my
44 countrymen fuffer my death to be long unreveng-
44 ed. ” Then they bring him ftones and bid him
revenge bimfelf, whereupon he throws them among
the multitude, of whom he frequently wounds feve-
ral ; and having continued this fport fome time, one
advances with the fatal club, and demanding, “ Art
“ thou he that haft kill’d and devour’d our people ?
44 Take leave of all that is pleafant and defirable to
44 thee, for thou {halt fee them no more ; thou {halt
44 be kill’d and devour’d in like manner as thou haft.
44 kill’d and devour’d our friends;” and then beats
out his brains with a club. After which the wife
they had given him comes and bewails the fate of
her hufband, but eats the firft flice of him, however,
when he is broil’d, ’tis faid, and then the reft of the
carcafe is cut in pieces and diftributed among the
people, particularly they give the guts and entrails
to the women, and the head and brains fall to the
{hare of the children. Purchase, Vol. IV. p,
1217. Vol. V. p. 9 1 4.
If any man fhould be found credulous enough to
believe this formal arid improbable tale, yet the reft:
of the monftrous relations contain’d in Mr. Kni-
vet’s narrative, which are now known to be falfe 3
are fufficient to {hock his faith in this.
He relates, that the people of Tucuman, a pro-
vince of La Plata, are pigmies , Purchase, Voh
IV. p. 1 z 3 1 . And that at the Straights of Magellan
he met with another nation of pigmies, of about
five fpans high, and with mouths from ear to ear,,
of whom he faw feveral thoufands ; and that they
trafficked with the Englifti, giving them pearls and
feathers for European toys.
That in the fame Straights he faw naked grants
fixfeen fpans high ; Purchase, Vol IV. p. 1231.
That he faw a monfter of a mermaid, p. 1 240.
That he had feen a fhake that fwallow’d men,
flags, and oxen, and after fuch morfels would lie
fieeping ’till his flefti rotted, or was pick’d clean off
the bones by birds of prey ; after which new flefti
grew upon the bones again, and the creature awak-
ed, his head having been alive all the while, but
bury'd in mud. Purchase, Vol. V. p. 914.
That he knew feveral Brazilians poffefs’d by the
devil, and fome of them kill’d by evil fpirits. He
himfelf heard an Indian difcourfing with an evil fpi-
rit, and threatening to turn Chriftian if the fpirit
did not ceafe to affijdb him. May we not, after
fuch
'*43° THE PRE
CHAP, fuch a multitude of idle ftories, very well fufpend
VI. our belief of the firft in relation to canibals? And
yet this is the man whofe accounts of thefe things
are mod depended upon, and which Purchase,
in his collection, has given fuch countenance to that
he has compil’d his narratives twice over (viz.) in
the fourth and fifth volumes, from whence I took
thefe pretty ftories. But it being acknowledg’d that
the Caribbees and other nations charged with eating
human flelh have generally left it off at this day ;
and the reafon of their prefent abftemioufnefs being
demanded, one of Mr. Purchase’s authors in-
forms us, that they happen’d to eat a Friar whofe
fiefh poifon’d feveral of them, and that was the
reafon they never lik’d man’s-flelh fince. Pur-
chase, Vol. III. p. 865.
Religion. As. to religion, the Portuguefe will not allow the
Brazilians any, and yet they tell us they have Priefts,
and allow a Rate of rewards and punifhments.; that
the brave go to Elyfium, or Paradife, and mean
and cowardly fouls to a place of torment. Pur-
chase, Vol. V. p. 915, &c.
The fame authors admit, that their Priefts direft
them to bring their offerings to them, and aflure
them, on their doing this, that thofe invifible be-
ings who give them food and all the good things
they enjoy, will profper their affairs ; and if they
negleCt this they mull expe£l feme dreadful calami-
ties will overtake them, and that accordingly the
‘•people bring them fuch frtiits as they apprehend will
be moft acceptable. They ‘inform us alfo, that they
believe their fouls furvive their bodies, and are con-
verted into daemons, or fpirits, after death. Pur-
chase, Vol. IV. p. 1239. Vol. V. p. 9 1 6, 917.
Another writer in Purchase’s collection tells
us, they comforted themfolves that they {hould after
death vifit their anceftors beyond certain mountains.
From all which it is evident that this people were
not entirely without religion ; that they believe fome
invifible beings are the authors of all their good and
bad fortune in the world ; and that they (hall be
rewarded and punifti’d hereafter according to their
behaviour in this life, and confequently are not thofe
Infidels they are fometimes reprefented.
And though the idolatrous Portuguefe make their
having no images amongft them another argument
that they have no religion, I prefume that will be
of little weight with Proteftants. But further, we
meet with writers in Purchase that tell us fome
of the Brazilians worlhip the New moon, at leaf!
that they dance and fing when it appears : And that
others worlhip the conftellation call’d the Great
Bear, rejoicing much when it appears in their he-
tnifphere.
As to their having no temples, perhaps they look
upon the heaven over their heads to be the only pro-
per temple to adore the great Creator in, or at leaft
moft proper to adore the Sun, Moon, and Stars, if
they worlhip them as gods, as fome relate.
Nor do thefe people live without government.
SENT ST A T E
They have Kings in their refpeclive territories, who CHAF
adminifter juftice according to the cuftom of their VI.
feveral countries, tho’ they have no written laws : /Vv
And where one man has injur’d another, he is obli-
ged to make him fatisfaClion in kind, if it be poffi-
ble : And no people are more kind or hofpitable to
ftrangers than the Brazilians are, fo far are they
from murdering and devouring foreigners, even by
the relation of thofe very Portuguefe, that have re-
prefented them as canibals.
In their marriages they' are not confin’d to one Marriages,
woman, but enter into a contraCl, however, with
their relations to ufe them well, in which they are
ufually as good as their words ; and when a man
takes home his wife there is great feafting and re-
joicing, but no other ceremony that I can learn.
The women, however, feem to have much the
greateft (hare in the care and trouble of providing
for the family; for they are not only employ’d in
their domeftick affairs, but it falls to their lot to
plant and gather in their fruits, roots, and other
food. The man is only employ’d in making his
arms, or in hunting or fifhing ; and upon a march
or removal, the women carry all the baggage.
They tell us a great many idle ftories in relation
to their womens bearing children, and particularly
that the woman is no fooner deliver’d but fhe goes
about her bufinefs, and the hufband is put to bed in
her ftead, and the child is left to fhift for itfelf upon
the floor. And yet in other places they tell us, that
no people are fo fond of their children as the Brazi-
lians ; and indeed the relations that Purchase has
compil’d are fo inconflftent and full of contradi&i-
ons, that we fcarce know what to make of them.
The bcft account I can coiled of their funerals Funerals,
and mourning is, that upon the death of any perfon,
the friends and relations affemble and fet up a howl,
not unlike that of the wild Irifh, repeating by turns
the praifesof the deceas’d, admiring his wealth, his
ftrength, beauty, and excellent parts, the multi-
tude of his friends, fervants and cattle, concluding
with words of the following tenour ; “ He is
“ dead ; we fhall fee him no more until we dance
“ with him beyond the mountains.” Thefe lamen-
tations having continued fix hours, they prepare to
bury the deceas’d, digging a grave like the mouth
of a well, in which they place the corpfe in a fitting
pofture, and building a little tomb of the form of a
cbme over him, they leave at the place all manner
o c meat and drink, his arms, and whatever was
ufeful to him while alive, coming every day with
frefh fupplies to the grave for a month, making the
fime lamentations they did the firft day, and affiicft-
i ig themfolves during this time by falling and other
penances ; and if he leave wives behind him they
cut off their hair. This mourning-having conti-
nued a month, they refume their former way of life.
The mailer of the family is ufually buried - in the
middle of the houfe, and his tomb adorn’d witff
beautiful feathers and other ornaments.
As
OF BRAZIL.
‘ 43 1
VI.
Wars and
arms.
CHAP. As to the wars of the/e people among themfelves,
they htd no otlrer arms but bows, arrows, and
wooden fwords or clubs, and in fome places fhields ;
and when they charg’d an enemy it was never in
rank and file, but in great confufion if they came to
a field-fight, which was not often, for mod of
their addons were perform’d by furprize. They
would march day and night with great expedition,
and lying in woods fall upon their enemies when
they were unprepar’d to receive them, carrying
away men, women, and children into flavery ; for
their towns had no wails or fortifications to defend
them.
To proceed in the hifiory. I have already ob-
ferv’d that the Portuguefe difcover’d this country in
the year i 500 ; that they made feveral attempts to
plant it with fmall fuccefi, ’till the year 1 549,
when they fix’d themfelves at the bay of All Saints,
and built the city of St. Salvador ; that the French
alfo made fome attempts to plant colonies on this
coaft, but were driven from thence by the Portu-
guefe, who remain’d in Brazil almoft without a ri-
val ’tiM the year 1623 ; but being then under the
dominion of the King of Spain, with whom the
United Provinces were at war, the Dutch Weft-
India Company fitted out a ftrong fleet, and putting
a good body of land-forces on board, fent them to
Brazil, where they attack’d and took the city of
St. Salvador, in the bay of All Saints, with very
little lols : But the King of Spain fending a great
fleet and army thither in the year 1625, recover’d
the city again, and drove the Dutch out of the
country. However, the Hollanders continued to
fend ftrong fquadrons to the coaft of Brazil every
year, where they harrafs’d the Portuguefe fettle-
ments, and made abundance of rich prizes ; and
making a defcent near Olinda, in the year 1 629,
took that city with the fortrefs of The Recief,- and
being join’d by fome nations of the Indians againft
the Portuguefe, at length poffels’d themfelves of the
of Per- entire province of Pernambuco, where they eredled
na.r.buco. a g reat ITia ny forts, and compell’d the Portuguefe
who refided in that part of the country to obey them
Count Ma u - as their Sovereigns ; whereupon Count Maurice
of Naflau was pl'eafed to accept the government of the
Dutch territories in Brazil, and remain’d in that ca-
pacity at Tire Recief, or Pernambuco, from the year
1 637 to the year i 644 ; during all which time the
Dutch and Portuguefe remaining in a ftate of war.
Prince Maurice recover’d from the Portuguefe
three more of their northern provinces : Nor did
he content himfelf with taking places from the Por-
tuguefe 10 Brazil, but detach’d from thence a Iqua-
dron to the coaft of Africa, and took from them
the important fort of Del Mina, the ftrongeft for-
trefs on the Guinea coaft, which the Hollanders are
in, poffelfion of at this day. But the Dutch Weft-
India Company not fupplying the Count with fuch
a number of forces as he apprehended was necefiary
to fecure th eir. conquefts againft the Portuguefe, he
St. Salvador
retaken by
the Spani-
ards.
The Dutch
take Olinda
and the
who le pro
rice, Gover-
nor of
Dutch Bra-
id.
Reduces
three pro-
vinces more.
return’d to Holland in difguft, in the year 1644,0 HA ?„
after which the affairs of the Dutch in "Brazil de- VI.
din’d apace ; for the Portuguefe who lived under
the government of the Hollanders, joining their
countrymen, by degrees recover’d all the towns
which the Hollanders were in pofteftion of, and
drove them entirely out of Brazil again, in the year
1634.
However, the Dutch ftill continuing their pre-
tenfions to Brazil, and committing continual depre-
dations on the Portuguefe at fea, the latter agreed,
at a treaty of peace made between the King of Por-
tugal and the States-General, by the mediation of
England, in the year 1661, to pay the Dutch eighty
tuns of gold to relinquifh their intereft in that coun-
try ; which was accepted, and the Portuguefe have
remain’d in the peaceable poffeflion of all Brazil
from that day to this. "
I come now to confider the prefent inhabitants of The prefect
Brazil, which are, 1 . Portuguefe ; 2. Crioli ; 3 . i nhabirjnts
Meftize; 4. Negroes; and, 5. Brazilians. The ° f BuzU ‘
Portuguefe of Europe, who are the Governors, are
the feweft in number; the Crioli, or thofe born of
Portuguefe parents in Brazil, are more numerous';
and the Meftize, or mingled breed, ftill more nu-
merous than either ; for few of the Portuguefe but
have had black or tawny miftreffes, and theiffueof
thefe having intermarry’d, they are multiplied to a
very great degree : But whether the Negroes do not
exceed all the reft I much queftion, there having
been fo many imported annually from Africa for an
hundred and fifty years paft. The Dutch relate*,
that when they were poffefs’d of the northern pro-
vinces of Brazil, which are not a third of the whole,
they employ’d no lefs than forty tboufand Neo-roes
in their fugar-works and other hufbandry: And as -
the Portuguefe employ’d a proportionable number,
which have been increafing and multiplying for up-
wards of an hundred years, and 10 many thoufands
annually imported all the while, they muft of ne-
ceffity fwarm upon the Brazil coaft by this time;
and indeed there are fome Portuguefe Planters, ’tis
faid, that have feveral hundreds of Negroe Haves,
and when they have not employment for them they
fuffer them to work tor themfelves, paying their
matters fomething weekly out of what they get ;
And thofe Negroes which are bred up to any trade,
fuch as Carpenters, Smiths, and Bricklayers, bring
in their matters a handfome income.
As to the native Brazilians, they are partly freemen
and partly Haves ; but the Negroe Haves are much
more valued than the Brazilians, being of more ro- -
butt: conftirutions, and litter for labour : As they
come from the coaft of Africa, oppofite to Brazil,
which is much hotter, they endure fatigue in the
hot feafon better than the natives. Nor are the
latter now very numerous ; for the Portuguefe, on
their invafion of this country, like the Spaniards, in
their conquefts deftroy’d the unfortunate natives by
all the cruel ways they could iny«nt 5 infomuci* that
©f ■
T H E P R E S E N T S T A T E, &c.
* 43 : 2
C H A P.of.an hundred tboufand men they found . in the final!
VI, province of Serigippe (if we may credit the Dutch
writers) they reduced them in a few years to four
or five hundred men.
The force As to the forces and ftrength of the Portuguefe
tu'ueibin* in Brazil, I don’t at all doubt but that it is fuffici-
BrLii. ent at this day to maintain the dominion of that
country againft any other Power. The Englifh
and Dutch and other Powers may difturb their na-
vigation, and perhaps now and then furprize their
maritime places, but I don’t apprehend they would
any of them be able to take this country from them,
if they fhould attempt it; for that mixture of peo-
ple, Portuguefe, Crioli, natives, Meftize, and Ne-
groes, are now in a manner one people, their re-
ligion the fame, and their blood intermix’d by mar-
riages, and would infallibly unite therefore againft
all the reft of the world, however they may difa-
gree among themfelves while they have no enemy
to contend with. And this is an advantage that
the Spaniards, Portuguefe, and French have of the
Englifh in America ; thefe nations always make the
natives and Negroes, where they haye any power, of
their own religion, and thefe, in a little time, dip-
cover as much or more zeal for their fuperftition
than the Spaniards themfelves, and would never
bear that any people, who carry ’d the name of he-
.reticks, fhould plant themfelves amongft them, it
they had no other reafon to oppofe it.
Nor is the circumftance of marriage and alli-
ance inconfiderable. Blood and relation lays ftrong
obligations upon all people to unite againft {Dan-
gers; and this the Englifh do not enough confider C PI A P.
when they prohibit their people matching with the VI.
natives or Negroes, and we feem as averfe to the in-
ftrudfing them in our religion as we do to the ming-
ling our blood with theirs ; which is the reafon they
generally remain in a feparate intereft, and inftead
of ferving their allies or matters faithfully, are ever
confpiring to cut their throats, and efcape out of
their hands, and poffibly would rather join an ene-
my than oppofe him.
But to proceed. Any European Power would
find much greater difficulties in driving the Portu-
guefe from their fettlcments in Brazil than they did to
fix themfelves there ; for the inhabitants were then a
naked defencelefs people, and divided into a great
many little ftates and kingdoms ; whereas the pre-
fent inhabitants are all united and underftand the
art of war as well as we do. They are alfo ufed
to that hot climate, which muft prove fatal to a-
bundance of Europeans on their arrival there, as
well as the want of proviftons, which the Portu-
guefe would not fail to deftroy in order to diftrefs
their enemies. From all which confiderations I
conclude, that the Portuguefe are now fo well fix’d
in Brazil that it is not in the power of any other na-
tion to expel them from this country and fix them-
felves in it.
If the Dutch, who had poftefs’d themfelves of
four of their provinces, and had fo many fortrefles
in Brazil, could not maintain their ground, it ie
reafonable to believe that no other Power will be
able to fucceed in fuch an enterprize.
7ol. j .p. ysjf.
ToC. j./>. +2J-
THE
Prefent State of the Britifh PLANTATIONS.
CHAP. i.
Of the name , filiation,
extent, and [ubdivifim of the Britifh plantations on the continent of America ; and
more particularly of the province of Virginia.
CH \ P H E Britifh dominions in America come
j * I next to be confider’d : And thefe are divi-
ded ^ nto ’ 1 • Thofe that are fituated on the
Britifh plan • continent : And, 2dly, the iflands. The territories
^tions. fubjedl to Britain on the continent (except Hud-
tion and ex- Ion’s bay, or New-Britain) lie contigious, and are
tent. extended along the eaftern coaft of north- Ame-
rica from 31 degrees of northern latitude to 50 and
upwards ; lying between the 63d and 83d degrees
of weftern longitude. And as the coaft runs or ex-
tends from the fouth-weft to the north-eaft, they
are about fifteen hundred miles in length, and ge-
nerally under two hundred miles broad, but in no
place four hundred; unlefs we take in the Iroquois
and other Indian nations under our protection, and
then they may be extended further weftward.
When the Spaniards firft difeover’d the country
north of the gulph of Mexico, they call’d it all by
the general name of Florida ; but having grafped
more than they could cultivate or defend, they in
a manner deferted this part of America, and fix’d
themfelves in thofe parts of it that abounded in fil-
ver and gold. Whereupon the Englifh, French,
and Dutch thought themfelves at liberty to fend co-
lonies to north-America, and gave fuch names to
the countries they refpectively polfiefs’d themfelves
of as they faw fit.
The name. Sir Walter Ralegh was the firft Englifh ad-
venturer who attempted to fettle colonies on this
coaft, and gave it the name of Virginia, in honour of
his foveraign, the virgin Queen Elizabeth, as
will appear more at large in the chapter affign’d for
treatins of the hiftory of this country. It was after-
wards divided into north and fouth-Virginia, but
at this day we find it fubdivided into the eight fol-
lowing provinces (viz.) 1. Carolina, in winch
Georgia is comprehended. 2. Virginia Proper.
3. Maryland. 4. Penfilvania. 5. New-jerfey.
6. New-York. 7. New- England ; and 8. New-
Scotland, call’d alfo Acadia and Acady. 9. I here
is ftill a ninth province call’d New-Britain, or the
Terra de Labarador ; which is in a great meafure
the fame with that call’d Hudfon’s bay and freights,
and is feparated from the reft of the Britifh terrjto-
V 0 L. III.
ries by the river of St Laurence and part of the CHAP.
French Canada. It extends from 50 to 64 de- j
grees of north latitude, and lies between 60 and
go degrees of weftern longitude. Britifh
And that I may not be thought to have aflign’d Plantations.-
this vaft country to Britain without any foundation,
I fhall here prefent the reader with that article in
the treaty ofUtrecht, made in theyear 1712, where-
by the French refign’d this part of America toGreat-
Britain, which is of the following tenour (viz.)
“ The faid mod chriftian King fhall reftore to
“ the kingdom and Queen of Great-Britain, to be
“ poflefs’d in full right for ever, the bay and freights
“ of Hudfon, together with all lands, feas,fea-coafts,
“ rivers, and places fituated in the fame bay and
“ freights, and which belong thereto, no traits of
“ land or fea being excepted which are at prefent
“ poflefs’d by the fubjedts of France. All which,
“ as well as any buildings there made in the con-
“ dition they now are, and likewife all fortreftes
“ there eredted, either before or fince the French
“ feiz’d the fame, fhall, within fix months from
“ the ratification of the prefent treaty, or fooner,
“ if poffible, he well and truly deliver’d to the Bri-
“ tifh fubjedts, having commiffion from the Queen
“ of Great-Britain to demand and receive the fame,
« entire and undemolifta’d, together with all the
“ cannon and cannon-ball, and powder, Ac. which
“ are therein.”
As the French have yielded this country to the
Englifh, they have at leaft given us all the right
they had to it ; and excluded themfelves from it ;
what right we may have to it in regard to the na-
tives is another point that will be difeuffed hereafter.
I proceed now to deferibe the refpeddive provin-
ces in the order of time they were feverally planted
of which Virginia Proper being the firft, naturally,
becomes the firft fubject of our enquiries.
This country with the reft of the abovefaid pro-
vinces, obtain’d the name of Virginia, .as has been al-
ready ohferv’d, from fir W a l t e r R a l e g h , who
call’d itVirginia in honour of Queen El i z a b e t h ;
but the province to which the name of Virginia is
now appropriated is bounded by the great river Pa-
I i i toy/mack fituafeu.
426
C H A P.
I.
C H A P,
II.
Virginia.
The face c
Virgnia.
Seas.
Cape Henry
CapeCharles
G y o; Chefe
Me.
Rivers.
James rivejr.
York river.
THE PRESENT STATE
towmack on the north-eaft, by the Atlantick ocean
on the eaft, by Carolina on the fouth, and by the
Apalathian mountains, which feparate it from Flo-
rida, on the weft, extending from 36 to 39 degrees
two minutes north latitude, and lying between 74
and 80 degrees of weftern longitude, and is about,
two hundred and forty miles in length from north to
fouth, and one hundred and twenty miles in breadth
from eaft to weft.
CHAP. II.
Of the face of the country , its mountains , fcas , capes ,
bays , rivers , firings, lakes, winds, tides and
feajons.
, TT HERE are no mountains in Virginia, unlefs
we take in the Apalathian mountains, which
feparate it from Florida ; but thefe have not yet
been planted or inhabited by the Englifh or any
f other people that I can learn.
As we approach Virginia from the ocean, it
appears to be low land, infomuch that (according to
Mr. Clayton) the trees feem at a little diftance
to grow out of the water : and for an hundred miles
up into the country, there is fcarce a hill or a ftone
to be met with; only in fome places there are rocks
of iron ore appear, and in others there are banks of
petrefy’d oyfter-fhells, fome of them above twenty
yards deep. The whole country, before it was
planted, was either forefts or Bogs and moraftes,
which the people in the weft-indies call fwamps ;
and fuch the greateft part of it is at prefent. Their
trees being much loftier than ours, and no under-
wood or bufhes growing beneath, people travel with
eafe through thefe forefts on horfeback, and never
want a fine {hade to defend them from the fummer
heats.
The only fea that borders upon Virginia is that of
the Atlantick ocean on the eaft, in which aretwo
very remarkable capes or promontories, (viz.) i.That
.of cape Henry ; and 2. that of Cape Charles. Cape
Henry lies in 37 degrees north latitude, and cape
' Charles about thirty miles to the northward of it ;
.between which capes {hips enter the great bay of
Chefepeak, which runs up through Virginia and
Maryland, almoft due north three hundred miles
and upwards, being navigable moft part of the way
for large {hips. This bay is at the entrance feven
or eight and twenty 'miles over, and in moft places
about twenty miles broad.
Into the weft fide of this bay fall four great ri-
vers, which rife in the Apalathian mountains, all
of them running from the north- weft to the fouth-
■ ea ft. The moft foutherly of thefe is James river,
the Indian name whereof was Powhaton; being
generally about two miles over, and navigable at
leaft fourfeore miles. York river, whofe Indian
name was Pamunky, is a little to the northward
of James river, and in fome places they approach
one another fonear that they are not five miles afun- CHAP.
der. To the northward of York river is the river II.
of Raphanack, which in fome places is not ten miles
diftant from York river, and either of them as^ a P hanack
broad or broader than James river. North of r ' er '
Raphanack is the great river of Patowmack, which Patowmack
in fome places is not above feven miles diftant from nver ‘
Raphanack river, and in other places upwards of
fifty : this river of Patowmack is navigable near
two hundred miles, being nine miles broad in fome
places, but generally about feven. The mouth of
the river Patowmack and that of James river are
about an hundred miles afunder ; but the heads of
all the four rivers rife in the fame hills pretty near
each other, and, as Mr. Clayton exprefies it, the
heads of thefe rivers interfere and are lock’d within
each other, as they are alfo within the heads of fe-
veral other rivers that rife in the fame mountains and
run towards the weft.
The tides in thefe Rivers regularly ebb and Tide?,
flow about two foot perpendicular ; and at James
town there is a tide and half tide, as they call it;
that is, it flows near two hours along by the fhore
after it is ebb in the chanel, and again it ebbs near
two hours by the fhore after it is flood. This is
a great advantage to the boats palling up and down
the river. I fuppofe, fays Mr. Clayton, this is
caufed by the numerous creeks and branches of
the river, which are many of them as broad as the
Thames at London, fome ten miles long, and
others above twenty, that have little frefh wa-
ter in them, their current primarily depending up-
on the flux and reflux of the fea ; fo that after the
tide is made in the chanel it flows by the fhore a
confiderable time afterwards, thofe creeks being
{till to fill, and therefore (as it were) draws up a
fource upwards by the fhore, and likewife when the
tide returns in the chanel, the creeks that could
not fo readily disburfe their water, being ftill to
empty themfelves, they make an ebbing by the
fhore a confiderable time after it is flood in the
chanel ; and fo far as the fait waters reach, the
country is deem’d lefs healthy.
As to their fprings, Mr. Clayton obferves, that Springs,
their waters are generally more eager than thofe in
England, and require more malt to make beer ;
nor will they bear foap. Pie faw a fpring in the
ifle of Wight county, he fays, from whence there
iffu’d a greater body of water than ever he met with,
except that of Holy- well in Wales ; and there is
another fpring fo cold that it is dangerous drinking
of it in fummer-time. He obferv’d alfo, that moft
of their waters had a petrefying quality.
As to lakes, I don’t find there are any on the Lakes,
eaft fide of the mountains ; unlefs their fwamps or
bogs are to be accounted fuch (as they very well
may in winter-time;) and of thefe indeed they have
as many as any country can boaft of ; but on the
weft fide of the mountains are a great many large
lakes.
OF VIRGINIA,
427
CHAP, lakes, of which theFrench are in pofieffion, as ’tis laid ;
II. but thefe have not a communication with each other,
or with the river of St. Laurence, as is commonly
reported.
The air, The fame writer in his letters to the Royal Socie-
winds, and ty obferves, that the air and feafons depend very
much on their winds, as to heat and cold, dry nefs
and moifture. The north and north-weft winds
are very nitrous and piercing cold and clear, or elfe
ftormy. The fouth-eaft and fouth, hazy and ful-
fry hot. Their winter is a fine clear air ; and dry,
which renders it very pleafant. Their frofts are
Ihort, but fometimes very (harp, that it will freeze
the rivers over three miles broad ; nay, the fecre-
taryof ftate aifur’d me, fays Mr. Clayton, ithad
frozen Patowmack river, over-againft his houfe,
where it is near nine miles over. Fie adds, I
have obferv’d it freezes there the hardeft when from
a moift fouth-eaft, on a fudden the wind palling by
the nore, a nitrous (harp nore-weft blows, not
with high gufts, but with a cutting brilk air; and
thofe valleys then that feem to be (helter’d from
the wind, and lie warm, where the air is moft ftag-
nant and moift, are frozen the hardeft and feized
the fooneft, and there the fruits are more fubjedl to
blaft than where the air has a free motion. Snow
falls fometimes in pretty great quantities, but rarely
continues there above a day or two. Their fpring
is about a month earlier than in England ; in April
they have frequent rains ; May and June the heat
increafes, and it is much like our fummer, being
mitigated with gentle breezes that rife about nine
of the clock, and decreafe and incline as the fun ri-
fes and falls. July and Auguft thofe breezes ceafe,
and the air becomes ftagnant, that the heat is vio-
lent and troublefome. In September the weather
ufually breaks fuddenly, and there falls generally
very confiderable rains. When the weather breaks
many fall fick, this being the time for cachexies,
Difeafo, fluxes, fcorbutical dropfies, gripes, or the like ; which
I have attributed to this, fays Mr. Clayton,
that by the extraordinary heat, the ferment of the
blood being rais’d too high, and the tone of the
ftomach relaxed, when the weather breaks the
blood palls, and like over- fermented liquors is de-
pauperated, or turns eager and fnarp, and there is
a crude digeftion, whence the abovenamed diftem-
Remedies. pers maybe fuppofed to enfue ; and then chalybi-
ates, that raife the decay’d ferment, are no bad
practice, after which, I conceive, armoniack fpi-
rits might be very beneficial. But their dodlors
are fo learned, that I never met with any of them,
fays this gentleman, that underftood what armo-
niack fpirits were. Two or three of them one
time ran me clear down by confent, that they were
vomitive, and that they never ufed any thing for
that purpofe but Crocus Metallorum, which indeed
every houfe keeps, and if their finger ach they im-
mediately give three or four fpoonfuls thereof ; if
der.
this fail they give them a fecond dofe, then perhaps C FI A P.
purge them with fifteen or twenty grains of the II.
rofin of jallop, afterwards fweat them with Venice-
treacle, powder of fnake-root, or Gafcoin’s pow-
der : and when thefe fail, Conclamatum eft. ’Tis
wonderful, he adds ; what influence the air has
over mens bodies, whereof I had myfelf fad affuran-
ces ; for though I was in a very clofe warm room,
where was a fire conftantly kept, yet there was not
the leaft alteration or change, whereof I was not
fenhble when I was fick of the gripes ; and when
a very ingenious gentlewoman was vifited with the
fame diftemper, I had the opportunity of making
very confiderable obfervations. I flood at the win-
dow and could view the clouds arife ; for there
frnall fleeting clouds will arife and be fwiftly car-
ry ’d crofs the whole dement; and as thefe clouds
arofe and camenigher her torments were increafed,
which were grievous as a labouring woman’s ; there
was not a cloud but lamentably affedced her, and
that at a confiderable diftance ; but by her fhrieks
it feem’d more or lefs according to the bignefs and
nearnefs of the clouds. The thunder, fays Mr. Frequent-and'
Clayton, isattended often with fatal circumflan- terrib ^ e thun—
ceshere. I was with my lord Howard of Effing-'
ham, the governor, when they brought word that
Dr. A. was kill’d therewith after this manner : he
was fmoaking a pipe of tobacco, and looking out of
his window, when he was ftruck dead, and immedi-
ately became fo ftifr that he did not fall, but flood
leaning in the window, with the pipe in his mouth,
in the fame pofture he was in when ftruck : and
thefe things are remarkable, that it generally breaks
in at the gable end of the houfes, and often kills
perfons in or near the chimney’s range, darting
moft fiercely down the funnel of the chimney, more
efpecially if there be a fire (Ifpeak here confufedly
of thunder and lightning) for when they do any
mifchief, the crafh and lightning are at the fame
inftant, which muft be from the nearnefs of the
cloud. One time, when the thunder fplit the maft
of a boat at James town, I faw it break from the
cloud, which it divided in two, and feem’d as if it
had Hoot them immediately a mile afunder to the
eye. It is dangerous when it thunders (landing
m a narrow paSTage, where there is a thorough,
wind, or in a room betwixt two windows, tho’
feveral have been kill’d in the open fields. ’Tis
incredible to tell how it will ftrike large oaks,
fhatterand Oliver them, fometimes twilling round
a tree, as if it ftruck the tree backwards and
forewards. I had noted a fine fpreading oak in
James town ifland ; in the morning I faw it fair
and flourifning, in the evening I obferv’d all the
bark of the body of the tree, as if it had been ar-
tificially peel’d off, was orderly fpread round the
tree in a ring, wiiofe femi-diameter was four yards,
the tree in the center ; all the body of the tree was
(baleen and fplit, but its boughs had all their
lii 2 bark
THE PRESENT STATE
428
CHAP, bark on, few leaves were fallen, and thofe on the
II. boughs as frefti as in the morning, but gradually
afterwards wither’d, as on a tree that is fallen. I
have feen fevered vail oaks and other timber trees
twilled, as if it had been a fmall willow that a
man had twilled with his hand ; which I could
fuppofe had been done by nothing but the thunder.
I have been told by feveral planters, that thirty or
forty years fince, when the country was not fo
open, the thunder was more fierce, and that fome
times after violent thunder and rain the roads
would feem to have perfedl calls of brimflone :
and he feems to be of opinion, that the fierce
and frequent thunders they had formerly, proceed-
ed from the air’s being more flagnant when the
motion of the winds was impeded by the trees, be-
fore the country was clear’d.
CHAP. III.
Of the Provinces and chief towns of Virginia , and of
the Buildings of the Indians.
CHAP. T 7 O W the country was divided when the In-
III.
''v
Provinces
and chief
towns.
^ -k dians had the dominion of it does not ap-
pear, only the firft adventurers inform us, that
there were a great many petty monarchs in it,
who commanded on the feveral rivers ; and that
the moll potent frequently fubdu’d his weaker
neighbours, and held them in fubjedlion during
Ins life, after which every principality ufually re-
turn’d to the original proprietor; but I fhall be
more particular on this head in the chapter affign’d
for the hiftory of this country.
Virginia is at prefent divided into twenty five
counties, (viz.) 1. James county. 2. Henrico coun-
ty. 3. Prince George. 4. Charles county. 5. Sur-
rey. 6. Ifle of Wight. 7. Nanfamund. 8. Norfolk.
Princefs Anne. 10. York County. 11. War-
12. Elizabeth. 13. New Kent. 14. King
15. King and Queen.
9 .
wick
William.
16. Gloucefter,
Richmond. 20.
Lancafler. 23.
and, 25. Nor-
ing and
17. Middlefex. 18. EiTex. 19.
Stafford. 21. Weftmorland. 22.
Northumberland. 24. Acomack ;
thampton.
James 1 . James county lies on both Tides of James
eount -' river, and is bounded by New-Kent on the
norch, by York county on the eaft, by Surrey on
the forth, and Henrico county on the w r ell, and
contains five parilhes (viz.) 1. James town. 2.
Williamsburg. 3. Wallingford, all which lie on
the North fide of James river. 4. Merchants
Hundred; and 5. Bruton, on the fouth fide of the
river.
James town. I- James Town, the capital of this county
and of the whole province, is fituated in a penin-
fula on the north fide of James river, about forty
miles from the mouth of it, the river being at
this place about a mile bread. There are not a-
bove three or fourfeore houfes at prefent in it, and CHAP,
thofe molt of them pubiick houfes, kept for the III.
entertainment of fea -faring people who re fort '-✓‘WJ
hither ; for it is not agreeable to the humour or
bufinefs of the Virginian planters to live inTowns.
Every man of fubftance almoft chufes to refide
upon his eftate, and have his farms and plantati-
ons under his eye ; and when they have amafs’d
as much wealth as fatifies them, they either remain
in the place they acquir’d it, or return to Eng-
land ; but feldom refide in the little towns of
Virginia. Another reafon which makes James
town now fo inconfiderable is, the removing the
courts of juftice and the feat of the government to
Williamfburgh : And laftly, James town fuf-
fer’d very much in the rebellion during the reign
of King Charles II. when it was almoft entirely
burnt down to the ground. Before that misfor-
tune happen’d, ’tis faid, there were feveral fpacious
ftreets and handfome buildings in James town,
and the government feem’d to be fet upon peo-
pling and improving it, by obliging all {hipping to
unload their merchandize at this place, but that
order was never obey’d. Few towns are capable
of being made ftronger than James town, as it
is fituated on a peninfula, which, at high water,
is a pcrfedl Bland, and there is no approaching it
but on one fide, which might eafily be render’d
inacceffible ; but the fortifications I perceive are
mean.
2. Williamfburgh, heretofore call’d Middle Williams-
Plantation, is fituated about feven miles from t ' u,B ^'
James town, further within land ; and this, tho’
the feat of the government, and the place where
their parliament or general affembly meets, is
but a very fmall place, confifting only of thirty
or forty houfes that are not contiguous. Governor
Ni c H o L s o N did all that lay in his power to increafe
the buildings and enlarge the town, in the year
1689 5 particularly he built a town-houfe, to which
lie gave the name of the Capitol. A fine col-
lege alfo was e reeled here, and a good revenue fet-
tled upon it; but this was unfortunately burnt
down. There are fome redoubts and batteries of
guns erected for the defence of the place, but of
no great confequence ; what the late orders for the
repairing and ftrengthening our fortifications in
America may produce, we {hall fee in a little
time. This county contains 108,362 acres of
land.
I {hall not pretend to give the boundaries of the
reft of the counties, only obferve in what part of
the province they lie, with the parifties and the
number of acres contained in them.
2. Henrico county is fituated the moft weft- Henn ’ c< >
erly of all thofe that lie on the fouth of James r i_ count - v ’
ver, and contains the two parifties of Henrico and
Briftol, in which are 148,787 acres of land.
3. And
OF VIRGINIA.
429
CHAP. 3. And 4. Prince George and Charles counties
HI. are fituated over-againft Henrico county, on the
north fide of James river, in which are the three
Prince parifhes of Martin Brandon, W yanoke, and Well-
Charts over, containing 161,239 acres of land; and
counties. twenty miles higher, above the falls of James ri-
ver, is the Monacan tov/n, where the French re-
fugees are fettled.
Surrey- ^ Surrey County is fituated over-againft James
vouay. county, on the fouth fide of James River, con-
taining the two parifhes of Southwark and Lyons
creek, in which are 1 1 1,050 acres of land.
Ifle of Wight 6. Ille of Wight county, is fituated fouth eaft of
county. S urr ey county, on the fouth fide of James river,
containing the two parifhes of Warwick-Squeak
and New-Port, in which are 142,796 acres of
land.
Nanfamund 7. Nanfamund county, which lies fouth of the
county. Iflg of Wight county, containing the three pa-
rifhes of Upper-Parifh, Lower-Parifh, and Chuk-
katuck, in which are 131,172 acres of land. In
this county rifes the river of Nanfamund, which
running to the north-eaft falls into James river,
near Bennet’s creek.
Norfolk g_ Norfolk county lies fouth-eaft of Nanfa-
mund county, extending to the borders of Caro-
lina, and contains only the parifh of Elizabeth, in
which are 112,019 acres of land. In this coun-
ty rifes the river Elizabeth, which running due
north falls into James river, between the eafl; and
Weft Bay.
Princefs Princefs Anne county lies north-eaft of
nne county. Norfolk, having the bay of Chefepeak on the
north, and the ocean on the eaft, and contains
only the parifh of Lynhaven, in which are 98,305
acres of land. Cape Henry is a promontory on
the north eaft part of this county.
York county. „ I0 . York county, fituate between York and
James rivers on the eaft of James County, in
which are the three parifhes of York, Hampton,
and New-Pokofon, and contains 60,767 acres of
land.
Warwick u. Warwick county lies contiguous to York
county, and fouth eaft of it between the fame
rivers, in which are the two parifhes of Denby
and Mulberry Ifland, containing 38,444 acres of
land. In this county rifes the river of Pokofon,
which running to the eaftward difeharges itfelf in-
to the mouth of York river.
Elizabeth j2, Elizabeth county lies contiguous to War-
wick county, and to the eaftward of it, having
the Bay of Chefepeak on the north, and the Mouth
of James river on the fouth. It hath but one pa-
rifh, call’d Elizabeth, in which was a city of the
fame name, but it is of late years dwindled to a
village. This county contains 29,000 acres of
land.
New- Kent. 13. New- Kent lies north of James county on
the fouthern branch of York river, and contains
the two parifhes of Blifsland and St Peters inCHAP.
which are 171,314 acres of land, being one of III.
the largeft and moft populous counties in Virginia.
In the weft part of this county are fome hills of
glittering fand, which the ftrft adventurers miftook
for gold, and loaded home a (hip with it, and to
their great mortification it prov’d but common
earth.
14. King William county is contiguous tOKlngWil.
New- Kent, and lies to the weftward of it, the Ham county,
river Pamunky (being the fouthern branch of
York river) running through it. It contains only
the parifh of St. John’s, in which are 84,324 acres
of land.
15. King and Queen county lies on the fouth King and
of King William county, and is contiguous to it, ^H. een C0U!1 ”
and contains the two parifhes ofStratton Major and y
St. Stephen’s, in which are 131,716 acres of land.
In this county rifes the river Chicohomony, and
running eaftward falls into James river, near
Bromfield’s plantation.
16. Gloucefter county is fituated between the Gloucefter
mouth of York river and Prankitank river, county,
having the bay of Chefepeak on the eaft, and con-
tains the four parifhes of Perfo, Abington, Ware,
andKingfton, in which are 142, 450 acres of land,
17. Middlefex county lies north of Gloucefter, Middlefex
having the river Raphanock on the north, and count y*
the river Prankitank on the fouth, containing only
the parifh of Chrift-Church, in which are 49,500
acres of land.
18. The county of EfTex lies on the river Ra- Effex county*
phanock, north-weft of Middlefex, containing
the three parifhes of South-f arnham, Sittingburn,
and St. Mary’s, in which are 140,920 acres of
land. Upon the confines of this county and that
of Middlefex there is a great fwamp or bog almoft
fixty miles in length, call’d Dragons Swamp, co- Dragon*
ver’d with bufhes and flags, in which harbour wild Swam P-
beafts and game in abundance.
19. And 20. Richmond'and Stafford counties Richmond
lie north- weft of Effex, upon the fame river Ra- a ^tsft° r d
phanock, and contain the three parifhes of North-
Farnham, St. Paul’s, and Overworton.
21. Weftmoreland county lies eaftward of the Weftmor-
laft, between the two rivers of Raphanock and ljnd -
Patowmack.
22. Lancafter county lies on the north fhore ofLancafter
the river Raphanock, near the mouth, being di- county,
vided into two parts by the river Cartomain, and
contains the two parifhes of Chrift-Church and
St. Mary White- Chapel.
23. Northumberland county is bounded by the Northum-
mouth of Patowmack river on the north, and by
the bay of Chefepeak on the eaft, containing
the two parifhes of F airfield- Bawtry, and Wico-
moco.
24. Acomac county lies in the peninfula on Acomac
the oppofite fide of the bay of Chefepeak, having county.
part
THE PRESENT STATE
do'-*
CHAP, part of Maryland on the north, the Alantick Oce-
lli. an on the eaft and fouth, and the bay of Chefe-
t "v* peak on the weft, in which is the parifh of Aco-
mac only ; but contains, however, 200,923 acres
of land, being the largeft county of Virginia, but
not fo well peopled as thofe on the weft-ftde of the
bay.
N'ort’namp- 25. Northampton county lies fouth of that of
c^-n count}. y^ comaC} and forms the fouth part of the penin-
fula on which the promontory call’d cape Charles
is fttuated. This is a long narrow county lying
between the ocean and the bay of Chefepeak, in
which is but one pariih, call’d Hungers, contain-
ing 99,384 acres of land.
Numbers of In all which counties, it is computed there may
people, be at (-hjg (j a y a k ou t an hundred thoufand fouls,
beftdes fervants and Haves, which are above three
times that number.
Indian villa- As to the towns of the Indians, I don’t find
tfilir^ they had any thing that deferved the name of a
1U ' v ’ town even in their greateft profperity, before the
Englifh came among them. They liv’d difpers’d
in fmall villages of ten or twelve huts a-peice
(fcarce any of them exceeding thirty fuch houfes)
either in the woods or on the banks of rivers,
where they had little plantations of Indian corn
and roots, fcarce Efficient to fupply their re-
ipecfive families half the year, fubfifting the re-
mainder of it by hunting, fifhing,and fowling, and
the fruits of the earth, which grow fpontaneoufly
in great plenty there.
The materials of their houfes were poles cover’d
with bark or rnatts ; the poles being let into the
ground in a circular form were bent inwards, and
made the hutt of the (hape of a bee-hive : The
hearth or fire-place was in the middle of it, a-
bout which they lay upon matts, or the skins of
beafts. The palaces of their greateft men were
no better than ordinary barns, in which were fe-
veral partitions made by matts, and might there-
fore be call’d fo many rooms, in the furtheft of
which was placed their favourite idol, and fome-
times two or more, which they carry’d with them
on every enterprize, and whenever they removed.
The length of thefe barns (or palaces, as fome
call them) were from twelve to twenty-four yards
in length, and ufually half as broad as they were
long. Their furniture confuted of their skins
and furrs, fome earthen pots and pans ; gourds
and calabafhes cut afunder ierv’d them for tubs,
pails, cups, and difhes.
The country was then very thinly inhabited,
thefe fmall villages being; ufually feveral miles a-
iunder, as appears by the concurrent relations of
the firft adventurers, collected by Hackluit
and Pup. chase.
Captain Smith, one of the firft adventurers,
fays, the land is not populous within fixty miles of
James town. There - ' are about feven thoufand
people, but of men fit for war fcarce two thou- CHAP,
fand : feven or eight hundred are the rnoft that IV.
have been feen together : fo that there is little
reafon to charge the Englifh with deftroying fuch
numbers, as fome have done either ignorantly
or malicioufly. The middle of America, be-
tween the tropicks, where the Spaniards fix’d
themfelves, indeed was very populous, but to-
wards the north and fouth there were few inha-
bitants. Even at this day thofe parts of Flo-
rida which have never been under the fubjection of
any Europeans, and confequently have not been
deftroy’d by them, live in the like little villages,
and are very thinly peopled.
C H A P. IV.
Of the perfons and habits of the Virginians, their
genius and temper , arts , manufactures, food, ex-
ercfes, and diver fans, difeafes, and remedies.
A S to the perfons of the Virginians, their fta- CHAP.
ture is much the fame with the people of Eu- jy
rope. In fome provinces there are huge lufty fel-
lows like the Germans, whom fome people are Perfons of
pleas’d to call a gigantick race, and there are o- t i? eVir & i "
1 o o 2 ^ nians,
thers as little as the French, but all in general
well made, ftrong and adtive. They are born
tolerably white, but take a great deal of pains to
darken their complexion by anointing themfelves
with greafe, and lying in the fun. They alfo
paint their faces, breafts, and fhoulders of various
colours, but generally red. Their hair and eyes
are black, the men cutting their’s in feveral forms 5
and perfons of condition have always a long lock
behind. The women wear their hair long, fome-
times loofe and flowing, and at others twifted and
adorn’d with beads, (hells, and feathers. The
men fuffer no hair on their chins, or any part of
their bodies. Their features are good, efpecially
thofe of the women, their limbs dean and ftrait,
and fcarce ever any crooked or deform’d perfons
among them. Their noblemen and chiefs wear a
coronet adorn’d v/ith feathers, and fometimes a
whole fowl fluff’d and dry’d on their heads, their
Ornaments being ear-rings of copper, chains of
(hells, feathers, and beads about their necks, and
bracelets of the fame about their arms.
Their cloathing is only a piece of a skin aboutHabits.
their waift that reaches down to their knees ; and
thofe of condition have the skin of a deer or fome
other bead for a mantle, and another piece of skin
ferves them for (hoes or bufkins.
Their characters are given us varioufly by dif- Genius and
ferent travellers ; which, I prefume, proceeds 1 em F er -
from the various circumftances the Indians or our
people were in. When they were friends with our
people and entertain’d them hofpitably ; then
they were all that was good, and when in a date
of
/
OF VIRGINIA,
C H A P. of hoftility, no character was thought bad enough
IV. for them ; but I think they all agree, that the
Virginians did not want wit or natural parts.
Mr. Whitaker, chaplain to the colony of
Virginia, obferves, that the Indians are neither fo
ignorant or fo innocent as fome fuppofe them, but
are a very underftanding generation, quick of ap-
prehenfion, fudden in difpatch, fubtle in their deal-
ings, exquifite in their inventions, and induftri-
ous in their labour : That the world has not better
.markfmen with bow and arrow than the natives,
who kill birds flying, fifhes fwimming, and wild
beafts running, and fhoot their arrows with fuch
prodigious force, that one of them fhot an Eng-
lifhman quite through, and nail’d both his arms
to his body with the fame arrow. And he faw a
boy of twelve or thirteen years of age kill a bird
with an arrow.
In the chara&er captain Smith gives of them,
be fays, they are ftrong, nimble, and hardy ; and
when they are at war, or engag’d in an enter-
prize, they will lie all night abroad in the hardeft
-winters under a tree, making fires about them.
That they are inconftant, crafty, quick of ap-
prehenfion, and very ingenious, fome bold, fome
timourous, but all of them cautious, circumfpedt
and favage : That they are foon mov’d to anger,
and fo malicious that they feldom forget an in-
jury.
However, the fame captainS m i t h acknowledges
the Englifh were hofpitably entertain’d when they
landed firft in Virginia, before the natives had any
apprehenfion the Englifh came to invade their
country, and ufurp the dominion of it : And the
reafon he gives them an ill character in other pla-
ces feems to be, becaufe they would not tamely buf-
fer the yoke to be put about their necks by foreign-
ers. But if we would judge rightly of thefe people,
I think we ought to obferve how they treated ours
before any injury was offer’d them. And it appears
that in the firft voyage that was made thither by
captain Philip Amid as, and captain Arthur
Barlow, in the year 1584, they were here feafted
and carefs’d beyond their expectations. The politeft
and moft hofpitable people of Europe could not have
ufed them better. They relate, that on their com-
ing to an anchor near cape Hateras, an Indian
came on board, to whom they gave fome wine and
a difh of meat 3 and that thereupon the Indian re-
turning to his boat, caught them as many fifh as
it would hold, and brought them.
That the next day, the brother of one of their
kings came to the fea-fide with forty or fifty atten-
dants, and fetting himfelf down over-againff the
(hip, Mr. Amid as and feveral more of the Englifh
went on fhore with their arms. Whereupon this
Prince, without being terrify’d at their warlike
appearance, invited them to fet down on the matt
his fervants had provided, and made a great many
figns to exprefshis joy at their arrival : after which C HA P ■
they traffkk’d with the natives for their deer- IV.
fkins, furrs, and other peltry, giving them difhes,
kettles, hatchets, knives and ether implements in
return for them.
That afterwards, the Prince brought his wife
and feveral other women on board the fhip, where
the Englifh entertain’d them in the beft manner
they could 3 and the lady, in return, invited them
on fhore, and gave them venifon roaft and boil’d,
fifh, melons, and other fruits ; and the captain, who
was one of the company that was thus feafted by
the natives, and wrote this relation, fays, they found
the people moft gentle, loving, and faithful, void
of all guile and treachery.
As to arts and fciences they underftcod but little. Arts and
They knew no more of letters than the reft of the icienccSi
Americans, but appear’d very tradable and capable
of learning any thing. There were no companies
or focieties of mechanicks or artificers amongft
them, but every family did their own bufinefs.
They all underftood how to build their hutts, make
their cloaths, fow and plant their grounds ; and
the greateft of them bufied themfelves in thefe
works ; their Princes were not exempted. King
Powhaton, according to captain Smith, made
his own robes, fhoes, bows, arrows, pots, and pans,
as well as the meaneft of his fubjeds.
They did not know the ufe of iron, and the
copper they had only ferved them for ornaments.
Their edg’d tools were fharp ftones, or fhells, fet
in wood. They burnt down the timber they ufed,
hollow’d the trunks of their great trees with fire, of
which they made their canoes, or country boats,
all of a-piece, feraping them fmooth with ftones
or fhells, and fome of thefe boats were thirty foot
in length.
They were infinitely furprlfed at the effeds of
the loadftone 3 the compafs, and mathematical in-
ftruments, the burning-glafs, the perfpedive-guns,
clocks and fire-works amazed thefe people 3 they
looked upon them to be the works of the gods ra-
ther than men, or at leaft that the men that made
them muft be taught by the gods ; which gave them
an uncommon veneration for the Englifli when
they arrived upon their coafts, and made them rea-
dy to liften- to whatever was propofed.
The Virginians reckoned their years by win-
ters, and their months by the moon, and fome fay
they reckoned every fpring and autumn a new year,
beginning it at either equinox, which was theoc-
cafion that fo many of their people were reckoned
upwards of an hundred when the Englifli came a-
mongft them. They kept their accounts with a
notch’d ftick, and reckoned from one to ten, and
fo to an hundred, as we do ; but large fums con-
founded them.
Their ufual food was hommony, which is In-
dian corn boiled to a pulp, and comes the neareft
buttered
43 2
THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. butter’d wheat of any thing I can compare it toy
IV they eat alfo venifon, fifh, and fowl, great part, ot
their time being employed in hunting and taking
1 ^ t hem ; for theyhad no tame cattle or fowls. They
both broil and flew their meat, and their fifo they
drefs with the fcales on, and without gutting them.
They eat alfo peas and beans, and feveral other
kinds of pulle and roots, and among the reft the
caflavi root, of which they make bread, as in other
parts of America ; ’tis laid they eat fnakes alfo and
other vermin with as great a guftasany other flefo.
Diverfions. On rejoycing days they fing and dance in a
rin^, taking hands, as other Americans do, and
are "much delighted -with mafquerades ; one of which
captain Smith gives a particular relation of, being
performed for his diverfion when he was in the
court of King Powhaton.
They carryed him into afield by a woodfide, and
having feated him and his company on matts by a
fire, thirty young women iffued out of the wmods
perfectly naked, only fome leaves to hide what all
the world conceal, their bodies painted red, white
and black, and all manner of colours, and on
their heads every one a pair of flags horns, having
bows and arrows in their hands and quivers at tneir
backs. Thus accoutred, thefe ladies took hands,
danced and fung about the fires and the itrangeis,
and having continued this exercife for an hour, they
retired into the woods, where they invited the cap-
tain and his friends to as elegant a feaft of frfh, flefh,
fowl and fruits, as Indians were capable of making,
fome of the nymphs finging and dancing, while
others attended them; and if we may credit this
traveller making io''e to him with fo much fond-
nefs, that he was perfectly forfeited with it.
The natives are generally healthful and lor.g-
XKf-afM ana liv’d, fubjecf to but few difeafes, and thofe chiefly
remedies. proceeding from colds, which they endeavour to
get off byYweating ; but they are fometimes fwept
away by eoidemical diftempers, occafioned by un-
kindly feafons ; and the fmall-pox proves as fatal
to them as the plague. As to the Europeans that
live amongft them, fevers and agues, the gripes,
and fluxes°are the moft common diftempers here,
as in the reft of the Britifh plantations, the occa-
fion whereof, and the methods of cure, fir Hans
Sloan, who refided fome time in Jamaica, has gi-
ven very particular accounts of, and from him I
foall take the liberty to communicate them to my
j , a q ers when I come to the defeription of that Bland,
and "only obferve here, that the bark is an infalli-
ble remedy for their fevers and agues.
C H A P. V.
Of the Virginian animals.
ON has given us
There were neither horfes, cows, fheep, or fwine CHAP,
in all the country before the coming of the Englilh ; V. ,
but now there is good ftore of horfes, though they
are very negligent and carelefs about the breed. It Horfes<
is true there is a law, that no horfe {hall be kept
ftoned under a certain fize, but it is not put in ex-
ecution. Such as they are there is good ftore, and
as cheap or cheaper than in England, worth about
five pounds a-piece. They never {hoe them, or
ftable them in general ; fome few gentlemen may
be fomething more curious, hut it is very rare ; yet
they ride pretty foarply, a planter’s pace is a pro-
verb, which is a good hand gallop. The Indians
have not yet learned to ride, only the King of
Pamonkie had got three or four horfes for his own
faddle, and an attendant, which 1 think fnould
be indulged ; for I look on the allowing
ruiPTHE defeription Mr. Clayt
^ V 1 of thefe is fo full that, little can he added to it
and therefore I {hall give it the reader in Iris own
Animals, words, viz.
in no wu a .
them horfes much more dangerous than even guns
and powder.
Wild bulls and cows there are now in the unin-Klne.
habited parts, but fuch only as have been bred
from fome that have {frayed and become wild, and
have propagated their kind, and are difficult to be
foot, having a great acutenefs of fmelling. The
common rate of a cow or calf is fifty {hillings un-
fight un-feen ; be foe big or little, they are never
very curious to examine that point.
Their fheep are of a midling fize, pretty fine Sheep,
fleec’d in general, and moft perfons begin to keep
flocks, which hitherto has not been much regarded
becaufe of the wolves that deftroy them ; fo that
a piece of mutton is a finer treat than either venifon
wild-goofe, duck, widgeon, or teal.
Elks: I have heard of them beyond the inhabi-Elks.
tants, and that there was one prefented to fir
William Berkly, which he kept fome time ;
but they are not common.
There are abundance of brave red deer ; fo that Deer,
a good woodfman, as they call them, will keep
his houfe with venifon. The Indians make artifi-
cial forts of heads of boughs of trees, which they
confecrate to their gods, and thefe they put on to
deceive the deer when they go a {hooting or hunt-,
ing as they call it, and by mimicking the feecung of
the deer, they by degrees get within foot.
Swine they have now in great abundance. Hogs.
Shoats, or porkrels, are their general food, and I
believe as good as any Weftphalia; certainly far ex-
ceeding our Englilh.
Raccoon : I take it to be a fpecies of a monkey, Raccoons,
fomething lefs than a fox, grey hair d, its feet
formed like a hand, and the face too has likewife
the refemblance of a monkey’s, belides, being kept
tame, are very apifo. They are very prejudicial
to their poultry, as I remember.
An opoffum : as big, and fomething foaped likeopoffum.
our badgers, but of a lighter dun colour, with a
long tail fomething like a rat.
but as thick as a
man s
O F V I R G I N I A. 433
CHAP, man’s thumb. The skin of the females belly is tirement when the water rifes higher than ordina- CHAP.
V. very large, and folded fo as to meet like a purfe ; ry : they are confiderably large, having much V .
wherein they fecure their young whillt little and tralh and lumber to make their houfes withal. I
tender: which will as naturally run thither as fuppofe they live moftly on fi(h.
Chickens to a Hen 5 and in thefe falfe bellies they Batts : as I remember, at lead two forts, one Batts,
will carry their young. Thefe alfo feed on and a large fort with long ears, and particularly long
devour corn. ftragling hairs : The other much like the Englifh,
Karcs. Hares : many will have them to be a Hedge- fomething larger I think ; very common.
rabbet, but I know not what they mean there- I had never heard of any lions ; they told me Lions,
by. I take them to be a perfect fpecies of Hares, of a creature killed whilft I was there in Glou- lygers *
becaufe I have feen Leverets there with the white celler county, which I conceived to be a fort of
fpot in the head, which the old ones have not ; fo pard, or tyger.
it is in England, and the down is perfectly of the Bears : there are but few in the inhabited part Bears,
colour of our Hares ; they fit as our Hares do, and of Virginia. Towards Carolina there are many
make no holes and burrows in the earth : true, more. There was a fmall bear killed within three
they are but about the bignefs of an Englifh Rab- miles of James city, the year that I left the coun-
bet, and run no fafter : they generally take into try ; but it was fuppofed to have frayed and fwam
feme hollow tree within a little fpace ; which then over James river. They are not very fierce,
the people catch by gathering the wither’d leaves. Their fiefh is commended for a very rich fort of
and fetting them on fire within the hollow of the pork ; but the lying fide of the bear, as I remem-
tree, and fmoaking them fo till they fall down, her, is but half the value of the other, weight for
Sometimes they take long briars and twift them weight.
in the down and skin, and fo pull them forth. There are feveral forts of Wild-cats, and Poll- Wild-cats,
Squirrels. Their Squirrels are of three forts, the firft is the cats.
great Fox-fquirrel, much larger than the Englifh, Beavers build their houfes in like manner as the Braver*,
and are grey almofl as a common Rabbet. Thefe Musk-rats do, only much larger, and with pieces
are very common. I have eaten of them at the of timber make dams over rivers, as I fuppofe
beft gentlemens tables, and they are as good as a either to preferve their furs dry in their paifiage
Rabbet. The fecond is the Flying-fquirrel, of a over the rivers, or elfe to catch fifli by handing to
lighter dun colour, and much lefs than the Englifh watch them thereon, and jumping upon them on a
Squirrel. The skin on either fide the belly ex- fudden. They are very fubtle creatures, and if
tended is very large betwixt the fore-leg and hind- half the fories be true that I have been told, they
leg, which helps them much in their (kipping from have a very orderly government among them. In
one bough to another, that they will leap farther their works each knows his proper work and ftati-
than the Fox-fquirrel, the’ much lefs ; yet this is on, and the overleers beat thofe young ones that
rather skipping than flying, tho’ the diftin&ion be loiter in their bufinefs; and will make them cry
well enough. The third is the Ground-fquirrel. and work ftoutly. Thefe will be further deferi-
I never faw any of this fort ; only I have been told bed in New-England.
of them, and have had them deferibed to me Of Wolves there are great (lore ; you may hear Wolves,
to be little bigger than a Moufe, finely fpotted a company hunting in an evening, and yelping
like a young Fawn ; by which I further appre- like a pack of beagles ; but they are very cowardly,
hend, they are an abfolute fort of Dor-Moufe, and dare fcarce venture on any thing that faces
only different in colour. them ; yet if hungry, will pull down a good large
Mu/k-nts Mud;- rats : in all things fhap’d like our Wa- fheep that flies from them. I never heard that any
ter-rats, only fomething larger, and are an abfo- of them adventured to fet on man or child,
lute fpecies of Water-rats, only having a curious Foxes: they are very much like ours, only foxes,
mufky feent. I kept one for a certain time in a their furr is much more grided or grey ; neither
wooden cheft : two days before it dy’d it was ex- do I remember ever to have feen any fox-holes 5
traordinary odoriferous, and Rented the room very but of this I am not pofitive.
much, but the day that it dy’d and a day after the Every houfe keeps three or four mungrel dogs D °ge.
feent was very fmall; yet afterwards the skin was to deftroy vermine, fuch as Wolves, Foxes, Rac-
very fragrant ; the ftones alfo fmelt very well, coons, Opoffums, & c. But they never hunt with
They build houfes as Beavers do in the marfnes and Hounds ; I fuppofe becaufe there are fo many bran-
fwamps (as they call them) by the water-fides, ches of rivers that they cannot follow them. Nei-
with two or three ways into them, and they are ther do they keep Grey-hounds, becaufe they fay,
finely daub’d within. I pull’d one in pieces pur- that they are fubjedl to break their necks by run-
pofely to fee the contrivance ; there were three ning againft trees, and any cur will ferve to run
different lodging rooms, very neat, one higher their hares into a hollow tree, where, after the
than another, as I conceive purpofely made for re- aforefaid manner, they catch them,
Vol, III. Kkk They
THE PRESENT STATE
Tortoifes,
frogs.
Toads,
Lizards.
Snakes,
Ratde-
feake.
P. They have great ftore both of land and water-
tortoifes, but they are very fmall I think. I never
faw any in that country to exceed a foot in length.
There is alfo another fort of land-tortoife, diffe-
rent from the common fort, with a higher-ridged
back, and fpeckled with red fort of fpots.
Frogs they have of feveral forts ; one of a prodi-
gious largenefs, eight or ten times as big as any in
England ; and it makes a flrange noife, fomething
like the bellowing of a bull, or betwixt that and
the hollow founding noife that the Englifh bittern
makes.
Another very common fort which they call toads,
becaufe black ; but I think differs nothing from
our black frog. They have toads alfo, like ours
in England, and another fmall fort of frog, which
makes a noife like pack-horfe bells all the fpring
long. Another little green frog that will leap pro-
digioufly, which they therefore call the Flying-frog.
There is Fill heard in the woods a fhrill fort of
noife, much like that which our Shrew-moufe
makes, but much {harper. I could never learn
the certainty what it was that made this noife.
It is generally in a tree, and fome have afferted
to me that it was made by the green frog, yet I
fcarcely believe it. Mr. Banister affured me that
it was made by a fort of Scarabaeus-beetle, that is, I
think, full as big as the Humming-bird ; but neither
do I believe that, and for this reafon, becaufe I ne~
ver faw that beetle fo low as the falts, but always
as high up in the country as the Frefhes, and that
noife is frequent all over the country.
Lizards are grey and very common here ; the
fnakes feed much on them, for I have taken feve-
ral of them out of the bellies of Snakes.
Snakes : about feven feveral forts. The Rattle-
fnake, fo called from certain rattles at the end of
the tail. Thefe rattles feem like fo many perifhed
joints, being a dry husk over certain joints ; and
the common opinion is, that there are as many
rattles or joints as the fnake is years old. I killed
four or five, and they had eleven, twelve, or
thirteen joints each ; and the young ones have no
rattles of a year or two old, but they may be known
notwithftanding, being very regularly diced or
checquered black and grey on the backs. The old
ones fnake and fhiver thefe rattles with wonderful
nimblenefs when they are in any ways difturbed.
Their bite is very deadly, yet not always of the
fame force, but more or lefs mortal according as
the fnake is in force or vigour ; and therefore in
June or July much worfe, and more mortal than
in March and April. This fnake is a very maje-
ftick fort of creature, and will fcarce meddle with
any thing unlefs provoked ; but if any thing offend
it, it makes diredtly at them. I was told a pleafant
fforyof an old gentleman, Colonel Cle y b ORN,as
I remember, was his name, the fame that fent the
Rattle-fnakesto the Royal-fociety fome years fincc ;
he had an odd fancy of keeping fome of the fnakesC HAP.
always in barrels in the houfe ; and one time an V.
Indian pretending to charm them fo as to take
them by the neck in his hand without biting of
him, the old gentleman caufed a Rattle-fnake to
be brought forth ; the Indian began his charm with
a little wand, whiffing it round and round the
Rattle-fnake’s head, bringing it by degrees nigher
and nigher, and at length flung the fwitch a-
way, and whiffed his hand about in like man-
ner, bringing his hand ftill nigher and nigher by
taking lefs circles, when the old gentleman im-
mediately hit the Snake with his crutch, and the
Snake fnap’d the Indian by the hand, and bit
him very fharply betwixt the fingers, which put
his charm to an end, and he roar’d out, but
ftretch’d his arm out as high as he could, calling
for a firing, wherewith he bound his arm as
hard as poffibly he could, and clap'd a hot burn-
ing coal thereon and finged it ftoutly, whereby
he was cur’d, but look’d pale a long while af-
ter. And I believe this truly one of the beft
ways in the world of curing the bite either of
a Viper or mad Dog. I was with the honoura-
ble ’fquire Boyle when he made certain expe-
riments of curing the bite of Vipers with cer-
tain Eaft-India Snake-ftones, that were fent him
by King James the fecond, the Queen, and fome
of the nobility, purpofely to have him try their
virtue and efficacy ; for that end he got fome
briff Vipers, and made them bite the thighs of
certain Pullets, and the breafts of others. He
apply’d nothing to one of the Pullets, and it
dy’d within three minutes and a half, as I remem-
ber; but I think they all recover’d to which he ap-
ply’d the Snake-ftones, tho’ they turn’d wonderful
pale, their combs, &c. immediately, and they be-
came extreme fick, and purg’d within half an hour,
and the next morning all their flcfli was turn’d
green to a wonder ; neverthelefs they recover’d
by degrees. The manner of the application was
only by laying on the ftone, and by two crofs bits
of a very flicking diachylum plaifter, binding it on ;
which he let not lie on part an hour or two, and I
think not fo long; then took the ftone off and put it
into milk for fome time; for fome ftones were of
much ftronger virtue than others. I propos’d apiece
of unquench’d lime-ftone to be apply’d, to fee whe-
ther it might not prove as powerful, but know not
whether ever it was try’d. But here one telling
Mr. Boyle the ftory of this Indian, he approv’d
the method of cure, and faid, an actual cautery
was the moft certain cure. The poifon both of
a Viper and mad dog (as I conceive) kill by thick-
ning of the blood, after the manner that runnet
congeals milk when they make cheefe. Vipers,
and all the viperous brood, as Rattle-fnakes, &c.
that are deadly, have, I believe, their poifonous
teeth fiftulous,, for fo I have obferv’d the Vipers
teeth:
OF VIRGINIA.
C H A P. teeth are, and the Rattle- fnakes very remarkably ;
V. and therefore they kill fo very fpeedily by injecting
the poifon through thefe fidulous teeth into the
very mafs of blood ; but the bite of mad dogs is
oft of long continuance before it get into and cor-
rupt the mafs of blood, for that it flicks only to
the out-fides of the teeth ; and therefore when
they bite through any thicknefs of cloaths, it rare-
ly proves mortal, the cloaths wiping the poifon oft
before it comes to the flefti.
Colonel Spencer, the fecretary of {late in Vir-
ginia, a very ingenious gentleman, told me that his
fervant brought him word once that a fow having
farrowed, a Rattle-fnake was got into the den and
had kill’d the pigs. The colonel went to fee the
fnake, which they faid was dill coyl’d in the den ;
there follow’d him two or three mungrel curs, and
they fet one of the dogs at the fnake, which was
too quick for the dog and fnapt him by the nofe ;
whereupon he fet a howling, and run immediately
into the adjacent river and dy’d very fhortly after.
Another of the dogs upon the like attempt was bit
by the fnake alfo, and fell a howling and frothing
and tumbling ; but he not dying fo foon as the
other dog did, they fetch’d fome of the herb which
they call dittany, as having a great traditionary
virtue for the cure of poifons. They pounded it,
and adding a little w T ater expreiTed the juice, and
gave the dog frequently thereof, neverthelefs he di-
ed within a day or two. The howlings of the
dogs he fuppos’d gave notice to the fow, and made
her come furioufly bridling, and run immediately
into her den, but being likewife bit by the fnake,
fhe fet up a miferable fqueak, and ran alfo into the
river and there dy’d.
A gentlewoman, who was a notable female
dodlrefs, told me, that a neighbour having been
bit by a Rattle-fnake, fwell’d exceffively. Some
days afterwards (he was fent for, who found him
Swell’d beyond what (he thought it had been poffi-
ble for the skin to contain, and very thirdy. She
gave him oriental Bezoar, fhav’d with a drong
decoction of the aforefaid dittany, whereby {he re-
cover’d the perfon. To the bed of my remem-
brance it was he that told me. Afking him after-
wards what he felt when the fnake did bit him,
he faid it feem’d as if a fladi of fire had run through
his reins.
The Blow- Beddes the Rattle-fnake, there is the Blowing-
ing-foake. fnake, an abfolute fpecies of a viper, but larger
than any that I have feen in Europe. It is fo call’d
becaufe it feems to blow and fpread its head, and
fwell very much before it bites, which is very
deadly. It is remarkable there is none of their
fnakes which make any of that hiding noife that
ours in England make, but only {hoot out their
tongues, fhaking them as ours do, without
any noife at all. This is a fnort thick fort of a
{hake.
4 35
There is another fort of deadly fnake, call’d theC II A P*
Red-fnake. I once narrowly efcap’d treading on V.
the back of one of them. They are of an ugly
dark brown colour, inclining to red; their bellies JP 1 ® Re<i “
are of a more dufky white, with a large dreak of U e ”
vermillion red on either fide. This too is of the
viper kind, but is not fo {hort, and its tail is more
taper and fmall.
The Horn-fnake is, as they fay, another fort The Hot*
of deadly fnake. I never faw any of them unlefs fnake ”
once, fhortly after my arrival in that country. I
could not fee the horn, which they fay it has in
its front, wherewith it drikes, and if it wounds
is as deadly as the Rattle-fnakes’s bite. This, I
think, may not improperly be refer’d to the Dart-
fnakes.
The Black-fnake I think is the larged of all The Black*
others, but I am fure the mod common. I have fnake °
kill’d feveral of them full fix foot long. Their
bite is not deem’d mortal, hut it fwells and turns
to a running fore ; they feed upon lizards, mice,
rats, frogs, and toads, which I have taken out of
their bellies. I was once a fimpling in the woods
on a fair fun-fhine day, when I faw a fnake craw-
ling on a tree that was fallen, and licking with
its forked tongue as it mov’d. I dood dill to ob-
ferve it, and faw it lick up fmall infedts and flies
with wonderful nimblenefs, catching them betwixt
the forks of its tongue.
The Corn-fnake is mod like the Rattle-fnake of Tlie Com-
all others in colour ; but the cheequers are not f 0 luake °
regular, neither has it any rattles. They are mod
frequent in the corn fields, and thence I fuppofe fo
call’d. 'Fhe bite is not fo venomous as the Black-
fnake’s.
The Water- fnake is a fmall Snake. I never faw Water ”
any of them above a yard long, tho’ I have feen na " e ‘
fometimes forty or fifty at once. They are of an
ugly dark blackidi colour. They fay they are the
lead venomous of any.
To this account of Mr. Cl AYTON’s,if I add Sir Sir Hans
Hans Sloan’s remarks on the fame animals, and^“£ s s re "
the indances he produces of the effedls their bite on Snakes.,
has upon other creatures, I prefume it will not be
unacceptable.
The various relations, fays that gentleman,
not only of curious and credible authors who have
given us accounts of Virginia, Carolina, and the
neighbouring countries, but alfo the tedimonies of
feveral men of integrity by word of mouth con-
cerning what they call charms, enchantments, or
fafcinations by fnakes, have often feem’d to me
greatly furprifmg, without my being able to fatis-
fy my felf of the true caufe of fuch appearances.
Tlrefe opinions are the greated fupport of a com-
mon notion, that feveral chronical wading difea-
fes, and fuch diforders of the nerves as are not eafi-
ly accounted for, not only in men but in cattle,
are believ’d to be the ededls of an evil eye, of old
K k k z malicious
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, malicious women, kc. thought to be witches and
V. forcerers, or affifted by the devil.
In particular, as to Rattle- fnakes, they all agree
in their relations, that thofe Snakes keeping their
eyes fix’d on any lmall animal, as a Squirrel,
bird, or fuch like, tho’ fitting upon the branch of
a tree of a confiderable height, (hall, by fuch fted-
faft or earned: looking, make or caufe it to fall dead
into their mouths. This is a thing fo well atteft-
ed, that they think there is no reafon to queftion
their belief of it.
Mr. Read, an eminent merchant in the city of
London, had a Rattle-fnake fent him alive in a box
with feme gravel from Virginia, which he did me
the favour to give me. It had liv’d three months
before, without any fuftenance, and had in that
time parted with its outer coat, or Exuviae, which
was found amongft the gravel. Mr.R AN b y , a very
ingenious furgeon and anatomift, undertook the
lodging it ; and captain Hall, a very underftand-
ing and obfervant perfon,who had liv’d many years
in that country in great repute, ventur’d to take
the fnake out of the box, notwithftanding that the
poifon from the bite thereof is almoft prefent death;
for he gave us an infiance of a perfon bitten, who
was found dead at the return of a mehenger going
to the next houfe to fetch a remedy or antidote, tho’
he was not gone above hall an hour. Nay, fo
certain are the mortal efFefts of this poifon, that
fometimes the waiting till an iron can be heated in
order to burn the wound, is faid to have proved
fatal. This gentleman told me, he thought the
fecureft way was immediately to cut out the part
where the wound was made ; for he had feen feve-
ral who had carry ’d thefe hollow fears about them,
as marks of the narrow efcape they had had, and
never felt any inconvenience afterwards.
Tho’ providence hath produc d a creature fo
terrible to other animals, yet it feems to have pro-
vided it with the rattle at its tail, that the noife
thereof might give warning to them to get out of
its way*.
I defir’d an experiment Ihould be try d before
feveral phyficians, which v/as accordingly done in
the garden belonging to their college in London.
The captain, by keeping the head faft with a fork-
ed flick, and making a noofe, which he put about
the tail of the fnake, ty’d it faft to the end of a-
nother flick, wherewith he took him out of the
box and laid him upon the grafs-plat ; then a dog
bein2 made to tread upon him, he bit the dog,
who thereupon howled very bitterly, and went
away fome few yards diftant from the fnake, but
in about one minute of time he grew paralytick
in the hinder legs, after the manner of dogs who
have the Aorta Defcendens ty’d. He dy’d in lefs
than three minutes time, as is related by Mr.
Ranby in an account of this experiment in Phi-
lof. Tranf. N°. 401. p. 377. and by captain Hall*
No, 399? p. 3 ° 9 ~
In my opinion, the whole myftery of their en- C H A P.
chanting or charming any creature is chiefly this, V.
that when fuch animals as are their proper prey, L/'y-'J
namely, fmall Quadrupedes, or birds, kc. are fur-
pris’d by them, they bite them, and the poifon al-
lows them time to run a fmall way, as our dog did,
or perhaps a bird to fly up into the next tree, where
the fnakes watch them with great earneftnefs till
they fall down, or are perfectly dead, when having
lick’d them over with their fpawl or fpittle, they
fwallow them down, as the following accounts re-
late.
Some people in England(fays colonel Beverley,
in his hiftory of Virginia, edit. 2. p. 260. Lond. account
1722. 8vo.) are ftartled at the very name of the of the
Rattle-fnake, and fan ly every corner of that pro-
' ■ 7 J J
vince fo much pefter’d with them that a man goes
in confleant danger of his life that walks abroad in
the woods ; but this is as grofs a miftake as moft
of the other ill reports of this country ; for in the
firft place, this fnake is very rarely feen, and when
that happens it never does the leaft mifehiefs. unlefs
you offer to difturb it, and thereby provoke it to
bite in its own defence : But it never fails to give
you fair warning by making a noife with its rat-
tle, which may be heard at a convenient difiance.
For my own part, I have tra veil’d the country as
much as any man in it of my age, by night and by
day, above the inhabitants as well as among them,
and yet before the firft impreffion of this book I
had never feen a Rattle-fnake alive and at liberty
in all my life. I had feen them indeed after they
had been kill’d or pent up in boxes to be fent to
England. The bite of this Viper, without fome
immediate application, is certainly death ; but re-
medies are fo well known that none of their fer-
vants are ignorant of them. I never knew any
kill’d by thefe or any other of their Snakes, altho 5
I had a general knowledge all over the country,
and had been in every part of it. They have fe-
veral other Snakes which are feen more frequently,
and have very little or no hurt in them, viz. fuch
as they call Black-fnakes, Water- fnakes, and
Corn-fnakes. The Black-viper-fnake, and the
Copper-belly’d-fnake, are faid to be as venomous
as the Rattle-fnake, but they are as feldom feen.
Thefe three poifonous Snakes bring forth their
young alive, whereas the other three forts lay
eggs, which are hatch’d afterwards, and that is the
dfftinaion they make, efteeming only thofe to be
venomous which are viviparous. They have like
wife the Horn-fnake, fo call’d from a fharp horn
it carries in its tail, with which it affaults any
thing that offends it with that force, that, as it is
faid, ° it will ftrike its tail into the butt end of a
mufket, from whence it is not able to difengage
itfelf.
All forts of Snakes will charm both birds and
Squirrels ; and the indians pretend to charm them,
(thes
OF VIRGINIA,
CHAP, (the Snakes.) Several perfons have feen Squirrels
V. run down a tree diredtly into a Snake’s mouth.
They have likewife feen birds fluttering up and
down, and chattering at thefe Snakes, till at laft
they have dropped down juft before them.
In the end of May, 1715, flopping at an
orchard" by the road-fide to get fome Cherries, be-
ing three of us in company, we were entertained
with the whole procefs of a charm between a
Rattle- fnake and a Hare, the Hare being better
than half grown. It happened thus : one of the
company, in his fearch for the beft Cherries, efpi-
ed the Hare fitting, and altho’ he went clofe by
her, fhe did not move, till he (not fufpefting the
occafion of her gentlenefsj gave her a lafh with
his whip •, this made her run about ten toot, and
there ft down again. The gentleman not find-
ing the Cherries ripe, immediately returned the
fame way, and near the place where he ftruck
the Hare, he efpied a Rattle-fnake. Still, not ful-
pedting the charm, he goes back about twenty
yards to a hedge to get a flick to kill the Snake,
and at his return found the Snake removed, and
coiled in the fame place from whence he had moved
the Hare. This put him into immediate thoughts
of looking for the Hare again, and foon efpied
her about ten foot off the Snake, in the fame
place to which (he had ftarted when he whipped
her. She was now lying down, but would fome-
times raife herfelf on her fore-feet, ftruggling as
it were for life, or to get away ; but could never
raife her hinder parts from the ground, and then
would fall fat on her fide again, panting vehe-
mently. In this condition the Hare and Snake
were when he called me, and tho’ we were all
three come up within fifteen foot of the Snake,
to have a full view of the whole, he took no no-
tice at all of us, nor fo much as gave a glance
towards us. There we flood at leaft half an hour,
the Snake not altering a jot, but the Hare often
ftruggling, and falling on its fide again, till at
laft the Hare lay Hill, as dead, for fome time ;
then the Snake moved out of his coil, and fid
gently and fmoothly towards the Hare, his co-
lours at that inftant being ten times more glori-
ous and Ihining than at other times : as the Snake
moved along, the Hare happened to fetch another
ftruggle, upon which the Snake made a flop, ly-
ing at his length till the Hare lay quiet again for
a fhort fpace, and then he advanced again till he
came up to the hinder parts of the Hare, which
in all this operation had been towards the Snake ;
there he made a furvey all over the Hare, railing
part of his body above it, then turned off, and
went to the head and nofe of the Hare ; after
that to the ears, took the ears in his mouth, one
after the other, working each apart in his mouth,
as a man does a wafer to moiften it ; then re-
turned to the nofe again,, and took the face into
437
his mouth, {training and gathering his lips fome- CHAP,
times by one fide of Iris mouth, fometimes by the V.
other. At the fhoulders he was a long time puz- w'*V**v^
zled, often hauling and {Fetching the Hare out
at length, and ftraining forward firft one fide of
his mouth, then the other, till at laft he got the
whole body into his throat ; then we went to him,
and taking the twift-band oft' from my Hat, I
made a noife, and put it about his neck : this
made him at length very furious, but we having
fecured him, put him into one end of a Wallet,
and carried him on horfeback five miles to Mr.
John Baylor’s houfe, where we lodged that
night, with a defign to have fent him to Dr.
Cock at Williamfburgh ; hut Mr. Baylor
was fo careful of his Haves, that he would not let
him be put into his boat, for fear he fhould get
loofe and mifchief them ; therefore the next morn-
ing we killed him, and took the Hare out of his
belly. The head of the Hare began to be digeft-
ed, and the hair falling off, having lain about
eighteen hours in the Snake’s belly.
I thought this account of fuch a curiofity would
be acceptable, and the rather becaufe, tho’ I live
in a country where fuch things are faid fiequent-
ly to happen, yet I never could have any fatisfac-
tory account ot a charm, tho’ I have met with
feveral Perfons who have pretended to have feen
them. Some alfo pretend that thofe fort of Snakes
influence children, and even men and women by
their charms. But this that I have related of my
own view, I aver (for the fatisfaclion of the
Learned) to be punctually true, without enlarg-
ing or wavering in any refpedl, upon the faith of
a Chriftian.
In my youth I was a bear- hunting in the
woods above the inhabitants, and having ftraggled
from my companions, I was entertained at my
return with the relation of a pleafant rencounter
between a Dog and a Rattle-fnake about a Squir-
rel. The Snake had got the head and {boulders
of the Squirrel into his mouth, which being fome-
thing too large for his throat, it took him up
flame time to moiften the furr of the Squirrel with
his fpawl to make it flip down. The Dog took
this Advantage, feized the hinder Parts of the
Squirrel, and tugged with all his might. The
Snake on the other fide would not let go his hold
for a long time, till at laft fearing he might be
bruifed by the Dog’s running away with him, he
gave up his prey to the Dog. 'I he Dog eat the
Squirrel, and felt no harm.
Another curiofity concerning this Viper, which
I never met with in print, I will alfo relate from
my own obfervation.
Some time after my obfervation of the charm,,
my waiting-boy being fent abroad on an errand,
alio took upon himfelf to bring home a Rattle-
frctks in a n wfc. I &ut off the head of this
3nak%,
THE PRESENT STATE
43 ^
CHAP. Snake, leaving about an Inch of the neck with
V. it. This I laid upon the head of a tobacco hogs-
%SY head (oucStephen Lankford, a Carpenter,
now alive, being with me.) Now you mull
note, that thefe Snakes have but two teeth, by
which they convey their poifon, and they are pla-
ced in the upper jaw, pretty forward in the
mouth, one on each fide. Thefe teeth are hol-
low and crooked, like a Cock’s fpur ; they are
alfo loofe or fpringing in the mouth, and not fatten-
ed in the jaw bone, as' all the other teeth are ;
the hollow has a vent alfo through, by a fmall hole,
a little below the point of the teeth. Thefe
two teeth are kept lying down along the jaw,
or {hut like a fpring-knife, and don’t thrink up,
as the talons of a Cat or Panther. They have
alfo over them a loofe thin film or fkin of a flefh
colour, which rifes over them when they are rai-
fed ; which I take to be only at the will of the
Snake to do injury. This {kin does not break
by the rifing of the tooth only, but keeps whole
till the bite is given, and then is pierced by the
tooth, by which the poifon is let out. The head
being laid upon the hoglhead, I took two little
twiggs, or fplinters of flicks, and having turned
the head upon its crown, opened the mouth, and
lifted up the fang or fpringing tooth on one fide
feveral times ; in doing of which I at laft broke
the fkin : the head gave a hidden champ with its
mouth breaking from my {licks, in which I ob-
ferved that the poifon ran down in a lump like
oil round the root of the tooth ; then I turned
the other fide of the head, and refolved to be
more careful to keep the mouth open on the like
occafion, and obferve more narrowly the confe-
quence ; for it is to be obferved, that tho’ the
heads of Snakes, Terrapins (a fort of Tortoife)
and fuch like vermine be cut off, yet the body
will not die in a long time after ; the general
faying is, till the fun fets. After opening the
mouth on the other fide, and lifting up that fang
alfo feveral times, he endeavoured to give another
bite or champ, but I kept his mouth open, and
the tooth pierced the film, and emitted a flream
like one full of blood in blood-letting, and caff
forne drops upon the fleeve of the Carpenter’s
fhirt, who had no waiftcoat on. I advifed him
to put off his fhirt, but he would not, and recei-
ved no harm; and tho’ nothing could then befeen
of it upon the fhirt, yet in waffling there appear-
ed five green fpecks, which every wafhing appear-
ed plainer and plainer, and ladled as long as the
fhirt did, which the Carpenter told me was about
three years after. The head we threw afterwards
down upon the ground, and a Sow came and eat
it before our faces, and received no harm. Now
I believe had this poifon lighted upon any place
of the Carpenter’s fkin that was fcratched or hurt,
it might have poifoned him. I take the poifon
to reft in a fmall bag or receptacle in the hollow CHAP,
at the root of thefe teeth ; but I never had the V.
opportunity afterwards to make a further difcovery \zy\J
of that.
I will likewife give you a ftory of the violent
effedls of this fort of poifon, becaufe I depend on
the truth of it, having it from an acquaintance
of mine of good credit, one Colonel James
Taylor of Metapony, ftill alive. He being
with others in the woods a furveying, juft as they
were ftanding to light their pipes, they found a
Rattle-fnake, and cut off' his head and about three
inches of the body ; then with a green flick
which he had in his hand, about a foot and an
halt long, the bark being newly peeled off, urged
and provoked the head, till bit the ftick in fury
feveral times. Upon this the Colonel obferved
fmall green ftreaks to rife up along the flick to-
wards his hand; he threw the ftick upon the
ground, and in a quarter of an hour the ftick of
its own accord fplit into feveral pieces, and fell
afiinder from end to end. This account I had
from him again at the wiiting hereof. Bever-
ley’s hiftory of Virginia, p. 260 to 267.
Father Lab at likewife tells us (in his Nouveau
voyage aux ifles de PAmerique, tom. IV. p. 96
and 106, edit. Paris, 1722, in 8vo.) that Ser-
pents when they bite their prey* retire to avoid
being hurt by them, and when dead, cover them
with their fpittle, extend their feet along their
fides and tails, if quadrupedes, and then fwallow
them.
A certain Viper- catcher who fuftered himfelf
to be bitten before forty gentlemen of the uni-
verfity of Cambridge laft month (July, 1737) for
the {lender reward of twelvepence he received of
every one of the fpedlators, having provoked a
Viper to fallen upon his wrift, faid he felt at that
inftant a moft exquifite pain as high as his elbow*,
and was in no fmall confternaticn, tho’ he had ,
been bitten a great many times before, both ac-
cidentally in catching Vipers, and defignedly for
a reward, and particularly before fome gentlemen
of the Royal- foe iety.
He kept ftroaking down his arm to the wrift:
from the time he was wounded, but applied no-
thing to it except common Sallad-oil, and did
not do this till half an hour after he was bitten,
and his arm was pretty much fwelled, and the
next day he appeared perfectly well.
Give me leave to add, in relation to the Horn-
fnake, that I fawa letter lately which Mr. Wil-
kinson, fellow of Emmanuel-college, received
from his brother, then at Virginia, who affured
him that trees had been killed by this Snake’s
ftriking his born into them ; which does not feem
more improbable than the fplitting of a ftick that
has been penetrated by the tooth of a Rattle-
fnake ; but as to the bufinefs of charming, I have
very
OF VIRGINIA.
439
CHAP, very little faith in it, unlefs as I have hinted, in
V. treating of the Eaft- India Serpents, that birds
may be delighted with the fparkling eyes of
Snakes, as they are with the Fowler’s glafs, or as
a Moth is with the flame of a candle, and be ta-
ken in flying to the Snake to fatisfy their curio-
fity.
Fowls and As to the feathered race, fays Mr. Clayton,
Birds. already cited, there are three forts of Eagles ;
the largeft I take to be that they call the grey Ea-
Eagles. gle, being much of the colour of our Kite or
Glead.
The fecond is the bald Eagle, for the body and
part of the neck being of a dark brown, the up-
per part of the neck or head is covered with a
white fort of down ; whereby it looks very bald,
whence it is fo named.
The third is tire Black-eagle, refembling moft
the Englilh-eagle. They build their nefts gene-
rally at the top of fome old tree, naked of boughs,
and nigh the river-fide, and the people fell the
tree generally when they take the young. They
are moft frequently fitting on fome tall tree by
the river-fide, whence they may have a profpedft
up and down the river, as I fuppofe to obferve the
Filhing-hawks ; for when they fee the Fifhing-
hawk has ftruck a Filh, immediately they take
wing, and it is fometimes very pleafant to be-
hold the flight ; for when the Fifhing-hawk per-
ceives herfelf purfued, (he will fcream and make
a terrible noife, till at length {he lets fall the
Fifti to make her own efcape, which the Eagle
frequently catches before it reach the earth or
Water. Thefe Eagles kill young Lambs, Pigs,
&c.
The Fifhing-hawk is an abfolute fpecies of a
hawk. King’s-fiftier, but full as large or larger than our
Jay, much of the colour and Chape of a King’s-
ftfher, tho’ not altogether fo curioufly feathered,
y It has a large crop as I remember. There is a
little King’s- fifber, much the fame in every re-
fpedt with ours.
If I much miftake not, I have feen both Gofs-
baw'k, and Faulcon ; befdes, there are feveral
forts of the lefler kind of Stannels.
Thefe is likewife the Kite and the Ringtale.
I never heard the Cuckow there to my remem-
brance.
Owls. There is both a brown Owl and white Owl,
much about as large as a Goofe ; which often kills
their Hens and Poultry in the night. The white
p Owl is a very delicate feathered bird ; all the
feathers upon her breaft and back being frtow-
white, and tipped with a punftal of jet-black ; be-
fdes, there is a Barn-owl, much like ours, and
a little fort of Screech-owl.
! Ravens. There is both the Raven and the Carrion-
crow. I do not remember I faw any Rooks
there.,.
The Night-raven, which fome call the Virgi- C H AP.
nian Batt, is about the bignefs of a Cuckow, V.
feathered like them, but very fhort legs, not dif-
cernible when it flies, which is only in the even-
ing, feudding like our Night-raven.
There is a great fort of ravenous Bird that Burtard.
feeds upon carrion, as big very nigh as an Eagle,
which they call a Turky-buftard ; its feathers are
of a dufkifti black ; it has red gills, refembling
thofe of a Turky, whence it has its name. It
is nothing of the fame fort of bird with our Eng-
lifti Turky-buftard, but is rather a fpecies of the
Kites, for it will hover on the wing fomething
like them, and is carnivorous. The fat thereof,
difiblved into an oil, is recommended mightily
againft old aches and Sciatica pains.
I think there are no Jackdaws, nor any Mag-
pies. They there prize a Magpy as much as we
do their Red-bird.
The Pica Glandaria, or Jay, is much lefs than Ft*
our Englifn Jay, and of another colour ; for it is
all blue where ours is brown, the wings marbled
as curioufly as ours are ; it has both the fame cry
and fudden jetting motion.
There are great variety and curiofty in the Wocid -P ec? s-
Wood-peckers. There is one as big as our Mag- ers '
pye, with blackifh brown feathers, and a large
fcarlet tuft on the top of the head. There are
four or five forts of Wood-peckers more varie-
gated with green, yellow, and red heads, others
fpotted black and white, moft lovely to behold.
There are wild Turkies extreme large : they Turkies*
talk of Turkies that have been killed which have
weighed betwixt fifty and fixty weight. The
largeft that ever I faw weighed fomething better
than thirty eight pound. They have very long
legs, and will run prodigioufly faft. I remem-
ber not that ever I faw any of them on the wing
except it were once. Their feathers are of a
blackifh fhining colour, that look in the fun-fhine
like a Dove’s neck.
Hens and Cocks are for the moft part with- Poultry
out tails and rumps; and as fome have aflured wltll0Ui:
me, our Englifh Hens, after fome time being r ' 1
kept there, have their rumps rot off’ ; which I am
the apter to believe, being all their Plens are cer-
tainly of an Englifh breed. I am forry I made
no anatomical obfervations thereof,, and remarks
about the ufe of the rumps in birds, which at
prefent I take to he a couple of Glands, contain-
ing a fort of juice for the varnifhing the fea-
thers, having obferved all birds have much re-
courfe with their bills to the rumps when they
drefs their plumes, whereby they feud through the
air more nimbly in their flight.
Partridges there are much fmaller than ours, and Partridge?,,
refort in covies as ours do. Their flefh is very
white, and much excels ours in my mind ; fed
de. guftibus non eft difputandunt.
Their
44 °
T HE PRESENT S T A T E
CHAP. Their Turtle-doves are of a dufkifh blue co-
V. lour, much lefs than our common Pigeon ; the
whole train is longer much than the tails of our
Doves. Pigeons, the middle feather being the longeft.
There is the ltrangeib ilory of a vaft number of
thebe Pigeons that came in a flock, a few years
before I came thither ; they bay they came through
New-England, New- York, and Virginia, and
were bo prodigious in number as to darken the
Iky for beveral hours in the place over which
they flew, and brake maffive boughs where they
light, and many like things which I have had
aflerted to me by many eye-witnefles of credit,
that to me it was without doubt, the relaters be-
ing very bober perfons, and all agreeing in a fto-
rv. Nothing of the like ever happened fince, nor
did I ever lee paft ten in a flock together, that I
remember. I am not fond of buch ffories, and
had fupprefled the relating of it, but that I have
heard the fame from very many.
Thrufh. The Thrufh and Fieldfare are much like ours,
and are only been in winter there, according as
they are here.
Mocking- Their Mocking-birds may be compared to our
tird ‘ Singing-thrufhes, being much of the fame big-
nebs. There are two forts, the grey and the red;
the grey has feathers much of the colour of our
grey Plovers, with white in the wings like a Mag-
pye. This has the much bofter note, and will
imitate in its binging the notes of all Birds that it
hears, and is accounted much the fineft binging
bird in the worlJ. This Mocking-bird, having
its name from mimicking all other birds in bing-
ing, is a wonderful mettled bird, bold and brifk,
and yet beems to be of a very tender conffitution,
neither binging in winter, nor in the midft of bum-
mer ; and with much difficulty are any of them
brought to live in England.
The red Mocking-bird is of a dufkifh red, or
rather brown ; it bings very well ; but has not bo
foft a note as the grey Mocking-bird.
Nightia- Of the Virginia Nightingale, or Red-bird, there
are two forts ; the cocks of both forts are of a
pure bcarlet, the hens of a dulkifli red. I difli-n-
guifii them into two forts ; for the one has a
tufted cops on the head, the other is fmooth fea-
thered. The boys catch them, and fell them to
the merchants for about fix-pence a piece, by
whom they are brought to England. They are
fomething iefs than a Thrufh.
Starling. There is a bird very injurious to corn they
call a Blackbird. I look on it as a fort of Starling,
for they cry fomething like them ; but do not
fmg, are much about the fame bignefs, have
flefn blackifh like theirs. They refort in great
flocks together. They are as black as a Crow
all over to their bills, only fome of them have
fcarlet feathers in the pinions of their wings.
Query, whether a diffinct fpecies.
Tliev have a Lark nothing differing from our CHAP,
common Lark. They have another bird which V .
they call a Lark, that is much larger, as big as
a Starling ; it has a foft note, feeds on the Larks,
ground, and, as I remember, has the fpecifical
character of a long heel. It is more inclined to
yellow, and has a large half moon on its breaft of
yellow. If it have not a long heel, query, whe-
ther a lpecies of the Yellow-hammer.
They have a Martin, very like, only larger Martin,
than ours, that builds after the fame manner.
The honourable Colonel Bacon has remarked
for leveral years, that they conftantly come thither
upon the ioth of March; one or two of them ap-
pearing before, being feen hovering in the air for
a day or two, then go away, and, as he fuppofed,
returned with the great flock. The Colonel de-
lighted much in this bird, and made holes like Pi-
geon holes at the end of his houfe with boards
purpofeiy for them.
Their Swallow differs but little from ours. Swallow.
They have a bird called a Blue-bird, of a Clue -bird,
curious azure colour, about the bignefs of a Cha-
ffnch.
There are other forts of Finches, variegated Finches,
with orange and yellow feathers, very beautiful.
Sparrows, not much different from the Eng- Sparrows,
lifh, but build not in the eaves of houfes, that
ever I faw.
The Snow-bird, which I take to be much the Snow-bird,
fame with our Hedge-fparrow. This is fo called
becaufe it feldom appears about houfes, but againfl:
fnow or very cold weather.
The Humming-bird, which feeds upon the ho- Humming-
ney of flowers. I have been told by fome perfons b ‘ ldl
that have kept of thefe Humming-birds alive,
and fed them with water and fugar, they are
much the fmalleft of all birds, have long bills
and curioufly coloured feathers, but differ much
in colour.
Herons, three or four feveral forts, one larger Herons,
than the Englifh, feathered much like a Spanifli
Goofe.
Another fort that only comes in fummer, milk
white, with red legs, very lovely to behold.
The Bittern is there lefs than in England, and Bittern,
does not make that founding noife, that ever I
heard.
Curlews, fomething lefs than our Englifh, tho’ Curlews,
bigger than a Wimbrel.
The Sand-piper, much refembling the Englifh. Sand-piper.
The Snipes, two forts, one refembling ours, Smpe ‘
the other much lefs.
The Tewits are (mailer than the Englifh, andTewita.
have no long toppins, but juft like a young one
that begins to fly.
There are a great number of wild Swans, wild Wila Swans,
Geefe, and Brent-geefe all winter in mighty DucJtSj &Ct
flgcks, wild Ducks innumerable, Teal, Wigeon,
Sheldrakes,
!
OF V I R G
CHAP. Sheldrakes, Virginia Didappers, the black Diver,
V. &c.
tvOOU There are in Virginia a great many Cormorants,
Cormorants, feveral forts of Gulls, and in and about the bay
Culls. TJ .
many Bannets.
Fifh There is no place abounds with fca and river
Herrings. fifh more than Virginia. In February, March,
April, and May, there are (hoals of Herrings come
up into their very brooks, fome of the fize of ours,
but for the moft part much larger. There are alfo
Cod-fifli, plenty of Cod-fifh, and the Stingrafs is faid to be
Stingrai's, peculiar to this country, being fo called from ha-
ving a fling in its tail. It is efleerned good food.
In their rivers there are the Old- wife, the Shecps-
Trout head, an excellent fifh, Trouts, Green-fifh, Stur-
Sturgeons, geons in great plenty, Place, f founders, Whitings,
Carp, Carp, Pikes, Mullets, and Perch : And for
Oder’s, &C ’ Shell-fifn they have Oyfters, Crabs, Cockles, and
Whales! Shrimps : Of thofe that are not eaten they have in
their foas Whale, Dog-fifh, Sharks, Porpus’s,
Gar-filh, and Sword-fifli.
Toad-fi/h. There is alfo a fi(h they call the Toad-fifh, from
his fwelling monftrouny when he is taken out of
Rock-filh. t p, e wate r ; and the Rock-fifh, fome fpecies where-
of are poifonous, and have been fatal to thofe that
have eaten them ; tho’ others, which are not eafy to
to be diftinguifhed from the former, are very whole-
fome food.
Skip-jack. The Skip-jack, fo named from his flopping out
of the water, is tolerably good food. And the
Tobacco- Tobacco-pipe- fifh, fo called from its being long and
r ip e filh. fl enc j er like a Tobacco-pipe.
Colonel Beverley, alfo, who has furniftied us
with the abovcfaid Defcription of the Rattle-fnake,
gives us the following account of fome of the reft
of the Virginian animals, and their management
of them, (viz.)
Cattle. When I come to fpeak of their cattle (fays that
gentleman) I cannot forbear charging my coun-
trymen with exceeding ill hufbandry in not provi-
ding fufficiently for them all winter, by which means
they ftarve all their young cattle, or at leaf!: flint
their growth ; fo that they leldom or never grow
fo large as thev would do if they were well mana-
ged ; for the humour is there, if people can but
lave the lives of their cattle, tho’ they fuffer them
to be never fo poor, in the winter, yet they will
prefently grow fat again in the fpring, which they
efteem fufficient for their purpofe. And this is the
occafion that their Beef and Mutton are feldom or
never fo large or fo fat as in England ; and yet
with the leaft feeding imaginable they are put into
as good cafe as can be expected ; and it is the fame
with their Hogs.
Fifh. Their filh is in vaft plenty and variety, and
fk/hVtid extraordinary good in their kind. Beef and Pork
fcwL are commonly fold therefrom one Penny to Two-
pence the pound, or more, according to the time
of year ; their fatteftand largeft Pullets at Six- pence
You III,
I N I A. 3 4i
a-piece, their Capons at eight Pence or nine Pence CHAP,
a- piece, their Chickens at three or four Shillings V.
the dozen, their Ducks at Eight-pence or Nine-
pence a-piece, their Geefe at Ten-pence or a Shil-
ling, their Turkey-hens at Fifteen or Eighteen-
pence, and their Turkey-cocks at two Shillings
or Half-a-crown ; but Oyfters and wild-fowl are
not fo dear as the Things I have reckoned before,
being in their feafon the cheapeft victuals they
have. Their Deer are commonly fold from five to
ten Shillings, according to thefcarcity andgoodnefs.
All the troublefome vermine that ever I heard Infs&s.
any body complain of are either Frogs, Snakes,
Mufqueto’s, Chinches, Seed-ticks, or Red-worms,
by fome called Potatoe-lice ; of all which I Ihall
give an account in their order.
Some people have been fo ill informed as to (ay. Toads and
that Virginia is full ofToads, tho” there never yet Fr ° ss '
was feen one Toad in it. The marfhes, fens, and
watry grounds are indeed full of harmlefs Frogs,
which do no hurt, except by the noife of their
croaking notes ; but in the upper parts of the
country, where the land is high and dry, they are
very fcarce. In their fwamps and running ftreams
they have Frogs of an incredible bignefs, which
are called Bull-frogs, from the roaring they make.
Laft year I found one of thefe near a ftream of frefti
water of fo prodigious a magnitude, that when I
extended its legs I found the diftance betwixt them
to be feventeen inches and a half. It any are good
to eat thefe muft be the kind.
Mufquetoe’s are long-tailed Gnats, fuch as are MufquttaY,
in all fens and low grounds in England, and I think
have no other difference from them than the name.
Neither are they in Virginia troubled with them
any where but in their low grounds and marfhes,
Thefe infe&s, I believe, are ftronger and continue
longer there (by reafon of the warm funj than in
Eneland. Whoever is perfecuted with them in his
houfe, may get rid of them by this eafy remedy;
Let him but fet open his windows at fun-fet and
(hut them again before the twilight be quite (hut
in, all the Mufqueto’s in the room will go out at
the windows.
Chinches are a fort of flat Bug, which lurks Buss,
in the bedfteads and bedding, and diflurbs people’s
reft a-nights. Every neat houfe-wife contrives there
by feveral devices to keep her beds clear of them.
But the beft way I ever heard effectually to deftroy
them is by a narrow fearch among the bedding
early in the fpring, before thefe vermin begin to
knit and run about ; for they lie fnug all the
winter, and are in the fpring large and full of
the winter’s growth, having all their feed within
them, and fo they become a fair mark to find, and
may with their whole breed be deftroyed. They are
the fame as they have in London near the dripping.
Seed-ticks and Red-worms are lhrall infeCfs that Tjefao
annoy the people by day as Mufqueto’s and Chin-
L 1 1 dies
THE PRESENT STATE
342
CHAP.
V.
Red-worms.
Sheep,
Bees,
Cattle and
pafture.
Hogs,
Ship worms
ches do by night ; but both thefe keep out of your
way if you keep out of theirs ; for Seed-ticks are
no where to be met with but in the track of cattle,
upon which the great Ticks fallen and fill their
fkinsfo full of blood that they drop off, and when-
ever they happen to fall they produce a kind of
Egg, which lies about a fortnight before the Seed-
lings are hatched. Thefe Seedlings run in fvvarms
up the next blade of Grafs that lies in their way,
and then the firil thing that brufhes that blade of
Grafs gathers off moft of thefe vermine, which
flick like Burs upon any thing that touches them.
They void their Eggs at their mouth.
Red-worms lie only in old dead trees and rotten
logs, and without fitting down upon fuch, a man
never meets with them, nor at any other feafon
but only in themidll of fummer. A little warm
water immediately brings ofl both Seed-ticks and
Red- worms, tho’ they lie ever fo thick upon any
part of the body. But without fuch remedy they
will be troublefome ; for they are fo fmall that
nothing will lay hold of them but the point of a
pen-knife, needle, or fuch like; but if nothing be
done to remove them, the itching they occafion
goes away after two days.
Their Sheep increafe well and bear good fleeces,
but they generallv are fuffered to be torn ofl their
backs by briars and bufhes inflead of being (horn,
or elfe are left rotting upon the Dung-hill with
their lkins.
Bees thrive there abundantly, and will very
eafily yield to the careful houfe-wife a full hive of
Honey, and befides lay up a winter flore fufficient
to preferve their flocks.
The Beeves, when any care is taken of them in
the winter, conies to good perfection. They have
noble marines there, which, with the charge of
draining only, would make as fine paflures as any
in the world ; and yet there is hardly an hundred
acres of marfh drained throughout the whole
country.
Hogs fvvarm like vermine upon earth, and are
often accounted fuch, infomuch that when an in-
ventory of any confiderable man’s eflate is taken
bv the executors the Hogs are left out, and not
lifted in the appraifement. The Hogs run v/here
they lift, and find their own fupport in the woods
without any care of the owner, and in many
plantations it is well if the proprietor can find and
catch the Pigs or any part of a farrow when they
are young to mark them ; for if there be any mark-
ed in a gang of Hogs they determine the property
of the reft, becaufe they feldom mifs their gangs,
but as they are bred in company fo they continue
. to the end, except fometirnes the Boars ramble.
In the month of June annually there rife up in
the falts vaft beds of Seedling-worms, which enter
the fhip 4 {loops, or boats where-ever they find the
coat of pitch. tarr, or lime worn off the timber 5
and by degrees eat the plank into cells like thofe of C H A P,
an Honey-comb. Thefe Worms continue thus V.
upon the furface of the water from their rife in
June until the firft great rains after the middle of
July, but after that do no frefti damage ’till the
next fummer feafon, and never penetrate farther
than the plank or timber they firft fix upon.
The damage occafioned by thefe Worms may
be four feveral ways avoided.
1. By keeping the coat (of pitch, lime, and
tallow, or whatever elfe it is) whole upon the bot-
tom of the fhip or vefiel ; for thefe worms never
faften nor enter but where the timber is naked.
2. By anchoring the large veftels in the
ftrength of the tide during the worm-feafon, and
hailing the fmaller a-fhore, for in the current of a
ftrong tide the Worms cannot faften,
3. By burning and cleaning immediately af-
ter the worm-feafon is over, for then they are
but juft {luck into the plank, and have not buryed
themfelves in it ; fo that the lead fire in the world
deftroys them entirely, and prevents all damage
that would otherwife enfue from them.
4. By running up into the frefhes with the
fhip or vefiel during the five or fix weeks that the
Worm is thus above water ; for they never enter
or do any damage in frefh water, or where it is
not very fait.
CHAP. VI.
Of the Virginian foil and vegetables , viz. of their
forefl and fruit trees , plants , corn , herbage , roots,
and hufbandry ; and of their Jlones , earth , and
minerals.
'T 1 FI I S country, upon the firft difcovery of it, CHAP.
v/as found to confift, like many others, either yj
cf forefts or bogs. The forefls contain’d abun-
dance of noble timber of various kinds, which Soil and Ve-
grew to an unufual height and bulk, much be- gf ; tablcs-
yond any thing we fee in Europe ; the trees Hand- Foreft-trees.
ing at fuch a diftance from each other that a
coach and fix might drive through them with
pleafure. The chief of them were Oaks, Cedars,
Firrs, Cyprefs, Elm, Afh, and Walnut, which had
no boughs to a very great height ; the Oaks be-
ing fo large as to meafure two foot fquare, and
fixty foot high. There was no Underwood or
bufhes among the timber ; but a great deal of
this in their bogs and morafles, mix’d with long
Grafs, Flags and Sedge. They had alfo Beech,
Poplar, Hazel, Eldern, and Willow, with trees
which yield Gums, and feveral forts of fweet
wood, and woods ufed in dying, with Safiafras,
Sarfaparilla, Stc.
Among their fruits they had Grapes that grew Fruits,
wild, and" the European Grape comes to great per- Gra P eI ’
fedion here, and yet they have never made any
quantities
OF VIRGINIA,
343
Cherries.
Plumbs.
Peaches.
Apples.
Indian
P ruits.
Figs-
Oranges.
Quinces.
Grafs.
Silk-grafs.
Flax.
Coin.
Indian Corn
HulbancTry
quantities of wine ; the reafon ufually given for
which, is, that it will not keep..
Cherries are very plentiful, being of three forts,
one of which grows in bunches like Grapes, ano-
ther fort is black, and a third is called the Indian
Cherry.
They have feveral forts of Plumbs of their own
growth from the bignefs of a Damfin to that or a
Pear, the largeft much refembling the tafte of an
Apricot ; and they have a wild Plumb like our
white Plumb j but Engiiln Plumbs do not ripen
kindly here.
Peaches are very large, and fo plentiful, that
they are given to the Hogs in fome places : And
there is no place where Apples and Pears abound
more. They have alfo the Chinquamine, a fruit
that refembles a Chefnut ; the Macoquex, not un-
like an Apple ; the Mattaquefumack, or Fig ; the
Mattacocks, a fort of Strawberry ; and the com-
mon Fiffs grow very well here, tho’ the foil is not
favourable to Oranges and Femons, T here aie a
fort of Acorns that yield a fweetoyl, and Quinces
are fo plentiful that they make a great deal of Li-
quor, as well as Marmalade of them.
Their Grafs is long coarfe fluff, of which they
fcarce ever make hay ; but their cattle broufe
upon it both winter and fummer, having very lit-
tle fodder befides, except the leaves of the Indian
Corn, which are given them very fparingly. Silk-
grafs urows here fpontnneoufly, and the foil is ex-
tremely proper for Hemp and b lax ; and yet they
have no manufacture of Silk or Linen.
As to their bread Corn it is of two forts, r . Eng-
lifh Wheat ; and 2. Maiz, or Indian Corn. The
Engl ifh Wheat, Mr. Clayton obferves, gene-
rally yields between fifteen and thirty fold increafe,
the ground being only once ploughed, and that
without any Dung or Manure ; whereas it is
efteemed a good crop that yields eight fold increafe
in England, fo much more fruitful is the Virgi-
nian foil than ours.
The Indian Corn is not unlike our Peas in tafte,
but grows in a great ear or head as big as the
handle of a large horfewhip, having from three
hundred to feven hundred grains in one ear, and
fometimes one grain produces two or three fiich
ears or heads, it is of various colours, red, white,
yellow, blue, green, and black, and fome fpeckled
and ftriped ; but the white, and yellow are moft
common. The ftalk is as thick as an ordinary
walking cane, and grows fix or eight foot high
in joints, having a fweet juice in it, of which a
fyrup is fometimes made, and from every joint
there grow long leaves of the fhape of Sedge leaves.
The manner of planting it is in holes or trenches
about five or fix feet diftant from each other ; the
earth is opened with a hough (and of late years
with a plough) four inches deep, and four or five
grains thrown into each hole or trench, about a
fpan diftant from each other, and then cover’d CHAP,
with earth ; they keep it weeding from time to A I,
time, and as the ftaik grows high they keep the
moidd about it like the hillocks in a hop ground.
They began to plant in April, but the chief plan-
tation is in May, and they continue to plant till
the middle of June. What is planted in April
is reap’d in Auguft, what is planted in May is
reap’d in September, and the laft in Odlober.
They make both bread and ftrong liquor of it,
and feveral forts of dilhes, ot which Hommony,
already mentioned, is the chief.
Mr. Clayton obferved, that they had only
cultivated their higheft and barreneft lands when
he was there, leaving their richeft vales untouched,
becaufe they underftood not any thing of drain-
ing ; fo that the richeft meadow lands, which are
one third of the country, are boggy morafles and
fwamps, whereof they make little advantage, but
lofe in them abundance of their cattle, efpecially
at the firft of the fpring, when the cattle are
weak and venture too far after young Grafs.
Whereas a vaft improvement might be made of
thefe morafles. The generality of Virginia is a Soil,
fandy land, with a {hallow foil ; fo that after they
have cleared a frefh piece of ground out of the
woods it will not bear Tobacco paft two or three
years, unlefs cow-penned ; for they manure their
ground by keeping their cattle, as in the fouth
you do your Sheep every night, confining them in
hurdles, which they remove when they have fuf-
ficiently dunged one fpot ot ground, but they can-
not improve much thus : Befides, it produces a
ftrong fort of Tobacco, in which the ImoaKers
fay they can plainly tafte the fulfomnefs of the
dung ; therefore every three or four years they
muft be for clearing a new piece of ground out
of the woods, which requires much labour and
toil, it being fo thick grown all over with maffy
timber. Thus their plantations run over vaft tradfs Plantations
of ground, each being ambitious to engrofs as mucli _
as he can, that he may be lure to have enough to na g cc ;,
plant, and for their flocks and herds of cattle to range
and feed in. Plantations of a thoufand, two thou-
firnd, or three thoufand acres are common, where-
by the country is thinly inhabited, their living
folitary and unfociable, trading confus d and dil-
pers’d, befides other inconveniences. Whereas
they might improve two hundred, or three hun-
dred acres to more advantage, and would make
tire country much more healthy ; for thole that
have three thoufand acres have fcarce cleared fix
hundred acres thereof, which is peculiarly termed
the plantation, being furrounded with the two
thoufand four hundred acres of woods ; fo that
there can be no free or even motions of the air,
but the air is kept either ftagnant, or the lofty ful-
phureous particles of the air, that are higher than,
the tops of the trees, which are above as high again.
L 11 2 as.
344 THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, as the generality of the woods in England, dc- folved to have it done, and therefore defined me CH A P*
VI. icending when they pals over the cleared fpots of I would again difcourfe her overfeer ; which I did VI.
ground, mult needs in the violent heat of fum-
mer raife a preternatural ferment, and produce
bad effects. Nor is it any advantage to their
flocks or crops ; for did they but drain their
fwamps and low lands, they have a very deep foil,
that would endure planting twenty or thirty years,
and fome would fcarce ever be worn out ; for they
might lay them all winter, or when they pleas’d,
in water ; and the produdl of their labour would
be double or treble, whether Corn or Tobacco,
tho’ (when 1 have difcourfed the fame to feveral,
and in part Ihewn them how their particular
grounds might be drained at a very eafy rate)
they have either been fo conceited of their old
way, and fo fottifh as not to apprehend, or fo
negligent as not to apply themfelves thereto. But
on the plantation where I lived, I drained a good
large fwamp* which fully anfwered expectation.
The gentlewoman where I lived was a very inge-
nious lady, who one day difcourftng the overfeer
of her fervants about pitching the enfuing year’s
crop, the overfeer was naming one place where
he defigned to plant thirty thoufand plants, another
place for fifteen thoufand, another for ten thoufand,
and fo forth ; the whole crop defigned to be about
an hundred thoufand plants : Having obferved the
year before he had done the like, and fcattered his
crop up and down the plantation, at places a mile
and a half afunder, which was very inconvenient,
and whereby they loft much time ; I interpofed,
and afked why they did not plant all their crop to-
gether ? The fellow fmiled as it were at my igno-
rance, and laid, there was very good reafon for it.
I replyed that was it I enquired after ; he return-
ed, the plantation had been an old planted plan-
tation, and being but a fmall plat of ground, was
almoft worn out, fo that they had not ground all
together that would bring forth Tobacco. I told
him then, that they had better ground than ever
yet they had planted, and more than their hands
could manage. He fmiled again, and afked me
where ? I then named fuch a fwamp. He then
faid fcornfully, he thought what a planter I was ;
that I underftood better how to make a fermon
than manage Tobacco. I replyed, with fome
warmnefs, tho’ I hoped lb, that was impertinence,
and no anfwer. He then faid, that the Tobacco
there would drown, and the roots rot. I replyed,
that the whole country would drown if the rivers
were ftopt, but it might be laid as dry as any land
in the plantation. In fhort, we difcourfed it very
warmly, until he told me, he underftood his own
bufinefs well enough, and did not defire to learn
of me. But the gentlewoman attended fomewhat
better to my reafonmg, and got me one day to go
and fhew her how I projected the draining of the
fwamp, and thought it fo feafible, that ftie was re-
leveral times, but he would by no means hearken
thereto, and was fo pofitive, that {lie was forced
to turn him away, and to have her fetvants fet about
the work : And with three men in thirteen days I
drained the whole fwamp, it being fandy land, foaks
and drains admirably well, and what I little ex-
pelled, laid a well dry at a confiderable diftance.
Now to teach her how {he might make her To-
bacco that grew in the fwamp lefs, for it produced
fo very large that it was fufpedled to be of the
Aranoko kind, I told her tho’ the complaint was
rare, yet there was an excellent remedy for that
in letting every plant bear eight or nine leaves
inftead of four or five, and fhe would have more
Tobacco and lefs leaves. Now you mud know
they top their Tobacco, that is, take away the
little top bud when the plant has put forth as ma-
ny leaves as they think the richnefs of the ground
will bring to a fubftance ; but generally when it
has {hot forth four or fix leaves, and when the
top bud is gone, it puts forth no more leaves, but
fide branches, which they call fuckers, which they
are careful ever to take away that they may not im-
poverifh the leaves. I have been more tedious in
the particulars, the fuller to evince how refolute
they are, and conceitedly bent to follow their own
practice and cuftom rather than to receive direc-
tions from others, tho’ plain, eafy, and advanta-
gious. There are many other places as eafy to
drain as this, tho’ of larger extent, and richer
foil, for fome of which I have given directions,
and have only had the return perhaps of a flout
afterwards. Even in James town ifland, which
is much of an oval figure, there is a fwamp runs
diagonal-wife over the ifland, whereby are loft at
leaft one hundred and fifty acres of land, which
would be meadow, and turn to as good account
as if it were in England : Befides, it is the great an-
noyance of the town, and no doubt but it makes
it much more unhealthy. If therefore they only
fcoured the chanel, made a pretty ordinary trench
all along the middle of the fwamp, and placed a
fluice at the mouth where it opens into the back
Creek, for the mouth of the chanel there is nar-
row, has a good hard bottom, and is not paft
two yards deep when the flood is out, as if na-
ture had defigned it before hand ; they might thus
all drain the fwamp abfolutely dry, or lay it under
Water at their pleafure.
But now to turn to the reflections of impro-
ving and manuring of land in Virginia. Hither-
to, as I have faid, they have ufed none but that
of cow-penning, yet I fuppofe they might find
very good Marie in many places. I have feen both
the red and blue Marie at fome breaks of hills. This
would be the propereft manure for their fandy land,
if they fpread it not too thick, theirs being, as I
have
345
OF VIRGINIA.
CHAP, have Paid, a {hallow fandy foil, which was the
VI. reafon I never advifed any to ufe lime, tho’ they
have very good lime of Oyfter-fhells ; but that s
the propereft manure for cold clay land, and not
for a fandy foil. But as moft lands have one fwamp
or another bordering on them, they may certainly
get admirable flitch wherewith to manure all their
up-lands : But this, fay they, will not improve
ground, but clods and grows hard. ’Tis true it will
do fo for fome time, a year or two at the firft ; but
did they call it in heaps, and let it lie for two or
three years, after a froft or two had feiz’d it, and
it had been well pierced therewith, I doubt not
but it would turn to good account.
® airies. They neither houfe nor milk any of their Cows
in winter, having a notion that it would kill them ;
yet I perfuaded the aforemention’d lady where I
liv’d, to milk four Cows the laft winter that I
ftaid in the country, whereof fhe found fo good
effedt, that {he allur’d me file would keep to my
advice for the future ; and alfo, as I had further
urged, houfe them too, for which they have migh-
ty conveniencies,theirTobacco-houfes being empty
ever at that time of the year, and may eafily be fit-
ted in two or three days time, without any pre-
judice, whereby their cattle would be much fhel-
ter’d from thofe pinching lharp frofts that fome
nights on a fudden become very fevere. I had ano-
ther projedl (for the prefervation of their cattle
prov’d very fuccefsful) I urged the lady to fow her
Wheat as early as poflible fhe could, fo that be-
fore winter it might be well rooted, to be early and
flourilhing at the firft of the fpring ; fo that Ihe
might turn thereon her weak cattle, and fuch as
Chould at any time be fwamp’d, whereby they
might be recruited and fav’d, and it would do the
Wheat good alfo. I advifed her likewife to fave
and carefully gather her Indian Corn tops and
blades, and all her Straw, and whatever elfe could
be made fodder for her Cattle ; for they get
no Hay, tho’ I was urging that too, and to
fow Saint-foin ; for being a fandy foil, I am
confident it would turn to a very good account.
They have little or no grafs in winter, fo that
their cattle are pin’d and ftarv’d, and many
that are brought low and weak when the fpring
begins venture too far into the fwamps after
the frefh grafs, where they perifh ; fo that fome
perfons lofe ten, twenty, or thirty head of cattle
in a year.
But as it is the excellence of the Virginian To-
bacco which diftinguifhes this from all countries,
it is fit I fhould give fome further account of their
Hiisbandry management in the husbandry and curing of this
<of Tobacco. p] an t, which they have brought to that per-
fection.
The Tobacco feeds are firft fown in beds, where
having remain’d a month, the plants are tranf-
planted into little hillocks, like thofe in our Hop
grounds, the firft rainy weather : And being grown CHAP,
a foot high there, within the fpace of another VI.
month they top them and prune oft' all the bot'
tom leaves, leaving only feven or eight on the
ftalks, that they may be the better fed, and thefe
leaves in fix weeks time will be in their full
growth. The planters prune off the fuckers, and
clear them of the Horn- worm twice a week, which
is call’d worming and flickering, and this work
lafts three weeks or a month, by which time the
leaf from green begins to turn brownifh, and to
fpot and thicken, which is a fign of its ripening.
As faft as the plants ripen they cut them down,
and leave them in the field for half a day, then
heap them up and let them lie and fweat a night,
and the next day carry them to the Tobacco-houfe,
where every plant is hang’d up at a convenient dif-
tance from each other, for about a month or five
weeks ; at the end of which time, they ftrike or
take them down in moift weather when the leaf
gives, or elfe it will crumble to duft ; after which
they are laid upon fticks, and cover’d up clofe in ,
the Tobacco-houfe for a week or a fortnight to
fweat ; and then opening the bulk in a wet day the
fervants ftrip them and fort them, the top leaves
being the beft, and the bottom the world Tobacco.
The laft work is to pack it in hogfheads, or bun-
dle it up, which is alfo done in a wet feafon; for
in curing of Tobacco, wet feafons are as neceilary
as dry to make the leaf pliant.
To this account of the Virginian foil and vege- Colonel
tables, I {hall here add Colonel Be ve RLE y’s * c _
obfervations on the fame fubjedd. count of
The foil (fays this gentleman) is of fuch vari- the fol ' and
ety, according to the difference of fituation, that ve§e a eb ‘
one part or other of it feems fitted to every fort of
plant that is requifite either for the benefit or plea-
lure of mankind. And were it not for the high
mountains on the north-weft, which are fuppos’d
to retain vaft magazines of fnow, and by that
means caufe the wind from that quarter to defcend
a little too cold upon them, ’tis believ’d that ma-
ny of thofe delicious fummer fruits, growing in
the hotter climates, might be kept there green
all the winter without the charge of boufing,
or any other care than what is due to the natu-
ral plants of the country when tranfplanted into
a garden ; but as that would be no confidera-
ble charge, any man that is curious might with
all the eafe imaginable preferve as many of them
as would gratify a moderate luxury ; and the
fummer affords genial heat enough to ripen them
to perfe&ion.
There are three different kinds of land, accord- Various
ing to the difference of fituation, either in the low- l0lls “
er parts of the country, the middle, or that on the
heads of the rivers.
i. The lands towards the mouths of the river
are generally of a low, moift, and fat mold, fuch
as
346 THE P R E
C H A P. as the heavier fort of grain delights in, as Rice,
V I. Hemp, Indian Corn, &c. This alfo is varied here
and there with veins of a cold, hungry, fandy foil
of the fame moifture, and very often lying under
water. But this alfo has its advantages, for on
luch land generally grow the Huckle-berries, Cran-
berries, Chinkapins, &c. Thefe low lands are for
Trees. the moil part well ftor’d with Oaks, Poplars, Pines,
Cedars, Cyprefs, and Sweet-gums, the trunks of
which are often thirty, forty, fifty, fome fixty or
feventy foot high, without a branch or limb. They
likewife produce a great variety of ever-greens, un-
known to me by name, befides the beauteous Hol-
ly, Sweet-myrtle, Cedar, and the Live-oak, which
lor three quarters of a year is continually dropping
its Acorns, and at the fame time budding and bear-
ing others in their Head.
-'crings, &c. I he land higher up the rivers throughout the
whole country is generally a level ground, with
fhallow vallies full of llreams and pleafant fprings
of clear water, having interfpers’d here and there
among the large levels fome fmall hills and exten-
five vales. The mold, in fome places, is black,
fat, and thick laid, in others loofer, lighter and thin.
Lhe foundation of the mold is alfo various, fome-
tinres clayey, then gravel and rocky ftone, and fome-
times marie. The middle of the necks or ridges be-
tween the rivers is generally poor, being either a
light fand, or a white or red clay with a thin mold ,
yet even thefe placesare ftor’d with Chefnuts, Chin-
kapins, Acorns of the Shrub-oak, and a Reedy-grafs
m fummer, very good for cattle. The rich lands
lie next the rivers and branches, and are ftor’d with
large Oaks,Vv alnuts, Hickories, Afn, Beech, Poplar,
and many other forts of timber of furprifing bignefs.
Ttv* »r- The heads of the rivers afford a mixture of hills,
ger lanas. vallies, and plains, and fome richer than other,
whereof the fruits and timber trees are alfo vari-
ous. In fome places lie great plats of low and very
rich ground, in other large fpots of meadows and
favanna’s, wherein are hundreds of acres without
any tree at ail, but yield reeds and grafs of incre-
dible height : And in the fwamps and funken
grounds grow trees as vaftly big as I believe the
world affords, and ftand fo clofe together, that the
branches or boughs of many of them lock into one
another ; but what leffens their value is that the
greateft bulk of them are at fome diftance from
water carriage. The land of thefe upper parts af-
fords greater variety of foil than any other, and as
great variety in the foundations of the foil or mold,
of which good j udgment may be made by the
plants and herbs that grow upon it. The rivers
and creeks do in many places form very fine large
marfhes, which are convenient fupports for their
flocks and herds.
Flowers, Ol fpontaneous flowers they have an unknown
variety ; the fineft Crown imperial in the world ;
the Cardinal flower, fo much extoll’d for its fcarlet
SENT STATE
colour, is almoft in every branch ; the Moccafin C FI A P„
flower, and a thoufand others not yet known to VI.
Englifh herbalifts. Almoft all the year round the
levels and vales are beautify’d with flowers of one
kind or other, which make their woods as fragrant
as a garden.
There is alfo found the fineTulip-bearing Laurel-
tree, which has the pleafanteft fmell in the world,
and keeps blofioming and feeding feveral months
together ; it delights much in gravelly branches of
cryftal ftreams, and perfumes the very woods with
its odour. So alfo do the large Tulip-tree, which
we call a Poplar; the Locuft, which refembles much
the Jeffamine, and the perfuming Crab-tree, during
their feafon.
A kitchen garden don’t thrive better or fafter in Kitchen gay-
any part of the uni verfe than there. They have dens *
all the culinary plants that grow in England, and
in greater perfection than in England. Befides
thefe, they have feveral roots, herbs, vine-fruits,
and fallad-flowers, peculiar to themfelves; mod of
which will neither increafe nor grow to perfection
in England : Thefe they difh up various ways, and
find them very delicious fauce to their meats both
roaft and boil’d, frefh and fait ; fuch are the In-
dian Creftes, Red-buds, Saftafras- flowers, Cym-
nels. Melons, and Potatoes.
You may raife Apples from die feed, which ne- A FP ! «»
ver degenerate into Crabs there, but produce as good,
or perhaps better fruit than the mother tree (which
is not fo in England) and are wonderfully improv’d
by grafting and managing ; yet there are very few
planters that graft at ail, and much fewer that take
any care to get choice fruits.
The fruit-trees are wonderfully quick of growth, Cyder,,
fo that in fix or feven years time from the planting
a man may bring an orchard to bear in great plen-
ty, from which he may make ftore of good cyder,
or diftill great quantities of brandy, for the cyder
is very ftrong and yields abundance of fpirit ; yet
they have very few that take any care at all for an •
orchard ; nay, many that have good orchards are
fo negligent of them as to let them go to ruin, and
expofe the trees to be torn and bark’d by the cattle.
Peaches, Nectarines, and Apricots, as well as p eaclie .
Plumbs and Cherries, grow there upon ftandard&c, ^
trees. They commonly bear in three years from
the ftone, and thrive fo exceedingly that they feem
to have no need of grafting or inoculating, if any
body would be fo good a husband. And truly 1
never heard of any that did graft either Plumb,
Nectarine, Peach, or Apricot, in that country till
very lately.
Peaches and Nedtarines I believe to be. fpontane-
ous fomewhere or other on that continent, for
the Indians have and ever had greater variety and
finer forts of them than the Englifh. The heft
fort of thefe cling to the ftone, and will not come
off clear, which they call Plumb-nedtarines and.
Plumb*-
OF VIRGINIA.
347
C H A P. Plumb-peaches, or Cling- drones. Some of thefe are
VI. twelve or thirteen inches in the girt. Thefe forts
i^"y s sJ of fruits are raided fo eafily there that fome good
husbands plant great orchards of them purpofely
for their Hogs, and others make a drink of them,
Mobby. which they call Mobby, and either drink it as cy-
der, or diflcil it off for brandy. This makes the
bed; fpirit next to Grapes.
Grapes. Grape Vines of the Englifh ftock as well as thofe
of their own production bear mod: abundantly if
they are differ’d to run near the ground, and in-
creafe very kindly by dipping, yet very few have
them at all in their gardens, much lefs endeavour
to improve them by cutting and laying. But late-
ly fome vineyards have been attempted, and one
is brought to perfection, yielding feven hundred
and fifty gallons a year. The wine drinks at pre-
fent greenifh, but the owner doubts not of good
wine in a year or two more, and takes great de-
light that way.
When a fingle tree happens in clearing the
ground to be left Handing with a Vine upon it,
open to the fun and air, that Vine generally pro-
duces as much as four or five others that remain
in the woods. I have ieen in this cafe more Grapes
upon one fingle Vine than would load a London
cart. And for all this the people, till of late, ne-
ver remov’d any of them into their gardens, but
contented themfelves, throughout the whole coun-
try, with the Grapes they found thus wild.
A garden is no where fooner made than there,
either for fruits or flowers. Tulips from the feed
flower the fecond year. All fort of herbs have
there a perfection in their flavour beyond what I
ever tailed in a more northern climate : And yet
they have not many gardens in that country fit
to bear the name of gardens.
All forts of Engliili grain thrive and increafe
there as well as in any other part of the
world ; as for example. Wheat, Barley, Oates,
Rye, Peas, Rape, &c. And yet they don’t make
a trade of any of them. Eheir Peas indeed are
troubled with Wivels, which eat a hole in them ;
but this hole does neither damage the feed nor make
the Peas unfit for boiling : And fuch as are fow’d
late, and gather’d afier Auguft, are clear of that
inconvenience.
Rice. Rice has been try’d there, and is found to grow
as well as in Carolina; but it labours under the
fame inconvenience, the want of a community to
hulk and clean it, and after all to take it off'the
planters hands.
^ Flax, Hemp, Cotton, and Silk-worms have
thriven there formerly, when encouragement was
given for making Linen, Silk, &c.~ But now
all encouragement of fuch things is taken away,
or entirely dropt by the afl’emblies ; and fuch ma-
nufactures are always negleCted when Tobacco
&ears any thing of a price.
Silk-grafs is there fpontaneous in many places. CHAP.
I need not mention what advantage may be made VI.
of fo ufeful a plant, whofe fibres are as fine as G , ''Y''W 1
Flax, and much ftronger than Hemp. Silk-grafs.
The woods produce great variety of Incenfe
and fweet Gums, which diftill from feveral trees ;
as alfo trees bearing Hony and Sugar ; but there is ^ U gTi-- trees,
no ufe made of any of them, either for profit or
refrelhment.
All forts of naval ftores may be produced there, Naval
as Pitch, Tarr, Rofin, Turpentine, Plank-tim- ftores ”
her, and all forts of Adafts and Yards, befides Sails,
Cordage, and Iron ; and all thefe may be trans-
ported by an eafy water carriage.
CHAP. VII.
The Hiflcry of Virginia.
HP H E north-eaft part of the continent of Ame- CHAP.
rica was firff difcover’d, as has been oblerv’d VII.
already, by SebastianCabot^ native of Briftol.
He was the fon of John Cabot, a Genoefe or Hiiiory,
Venetian pilot, who refided in that city, and had
made a great many voyages in the fervice of the
court of England, or of Englifh merchants, and
gain’d a mighty reputation for hisfkill in maritime
affairs, which indue d King Henry VII, to em-
ploy him, in the year 1497, to out a north- Vil V n? f
weft paffage to China; which tho’ Cabot was bot.
not fo fortunate to accomplifh, yet he difcover’d
all the north-eaft coaft of America, from cape
J lorida in 25 degrees north latitude to 67 and an
half, from whence England claim’d a right to
that country prior to the Spaniards or any other
European power : And the reafon no attempt was
made to plant or fend colonies to North- America
for a confiderable time, Cabot himfelf informs us 5
was the wars that happen’d immediately after.
It feems ftrange, however, that neither in the
reign of Henry VII, or in that of his fon, Henry
VIII, or in the reign of Edward VI, or Queen
Mary, nor till the latter end of the reign of
Queen Elizabeth, which was near an hundred
years after this difeovery of Cabot’j, the Englifh
fhould endeavour to make any fettlements in this
country ; but I prefume we were diverted from it No 'colonies
for fome time by our wars with Scotland or France,
as Cabot intimates, and afterwards by the various afterwards^
changes that were made in religion, which en-
gag’d our whole attention at home, till the pro-
teftant Religion was eftablifh’d here by Queen
Elizabeth. And when this was effected, flie
was engag’d in fupporting the proteftants of France,
the Low-Countries, and Scotland, againft the po-
pilh powers ; fo that it was late in her reign be-
fore fhe was at leifure to call her eyes upon North-
America,
Ir
34 §
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP. In the mean time the Spaniards from Mexico
VII. invaded Florida, and made themfelves maflers of
that P art °f ^ which lies upon the gulph ot Mexi-
co, as far as the Atlantick ocean. The French
alfo made fome attempts to fettle themfelves near
cape Florida, but were driven from thence by the
Spaniards, who notwithftanding abandon’d this
country themfelves for many years, except the
feuth-weft part of it, which they retain’d on ac-
count of it’s filver mines, giving it the name of
New-Mexico: For the Spaniards feem’d to flight
every country in America how fruitful foever, that
did not produce gold or filver ; and this I prefume
was the reafon that it remain’d in a manner de-
ferted for fo many years, and might have re-
main’d fo much longer if Queen Elizabeth
had not at length obferv’d, that the moft effedtual
way to diflrefs the Spaniards was to interrupt their
trade with America, and intercept the galleons
that annually brought their plate from thence.
Mr. Ra- This induced her to fit our feveral fquadrons of
xegh firft men of war under the command of Drake, Haw-
ftxwtato 0 kins, Ralegh, and other brave fea commanders,
diere. to cruize on the coaft of North-America, and
furprife their ports and (hipping there; in which
expeditions the Englifh became well acquainted
with this fruitful and beautiful country of Florida:
And Mr. Ralegh being inform’d there were gold
mines in it, obtain’d a patent or grant from Queen
Elizaeeth, in the year 1584, of all fuch parts
of it as he fhould difcover and plant from 33 to
40 degrees north latitude : And becaufe this was
the firft patent that ever was granted to any Eng-
lifhman, authorizing him to fend colonies to the
continent of America, and will furnifh us with
abundant matter for our reflections as to the juf-
tice and expedience of pofleffing ourfelves of that
country, I (hall here give an abftraCt of it.
“ Elizabeth, by the grace of God, of Eng-
f E r GH *‘ “ land, France, and Ireland, Queen, defender
Patent to « of the faith, &c. To all people to whom thefe
f.ni colonies £{ pre p ents fhall come, greeting. Know ye, that
“ of our fpecial grace and mere motion, we have
“ given and granted, and by thefe prefents, for
“ us, our Heirs and Succeflors, do give and grant
« to our trufty and well-beloved Walter Ra-
“ LEGH, Efq; and to his heirs and affignes for ever,
4 ‘ free liberty at all times, for ever hereafter, to
« difcover and view fuch remote heathen and bar-
« barous lands and territories not actually poflefs’d
of any Chriftian prince, or inhabited by Chrifti-
tc an people, as to him or them {hall feem good:
« c And the fame to have, hold, occupy and en-
« joy to him, his heirs and affignes, for ever,
T>e comi- “ with all prerogatives, jurifdidtions, royalties,
nion of all ct privileges, and franchifes thereunto belonging by
heathen IC fea or land : And the faid Walter Ralegh,
granted him, « his heirs and affignes, are hereby impower d to
not pofTefs’d ct build aft d fo rt ify on fuch lands, &C, St their
by chriftianSj J
“ diferetion, any ftatute againft the departing or CHA P.
“ remaining out of the realm, or any other fta- VII.
“ tutes to the contrary notwithftanding.
“ And we do likewife impower the (aid Wal-
“ ter Ralegh, his heirs and affignes, to take
“ and lead in the faid voyage, or to inhabit there as
“ many of our fubjeCts as fhall willingly accom-
“ pany him or them, with fufficient (hipping and
“ neceflaries for their tranfportation. So that
“ they be not reftrain’d by us, or our fucceflors.
“ And further, the faidW alter Ralegh, his
“ heirs and affignes, fhall hold, occupy, and en-
“ joy all fuch lands and countries fo to be difeo-
“ ver’d and poflefs’d, and the cities, towns,
“ caftles, and villages in the fame, with the roy-
“ alties, franchifes, and jurifdiCtions thereof, with
“ full power to difpofe of them in fee fimple,
“ or otherwife, to any of our fubjeCls, referving Rendering a
“ to us, our heirs and fucceflors, the fifth part ^
“ of all the gold and filver ore that (hall be ac- of all fervi-
“ quired or trotten in fuch countries: And the cestothe
1 ^ ^ crowrio
“ fame (hall be holden of us, our heirs and fuc-
“ ceflors by homage, and the payment of the faid
“ fifth part in lieu of all fervices.
“ And moreover we do by thefe prefents grant,
that the faid Walter Ralegh, his heirs
“ and affignes, may encounter, expulfe, and re-
“ fiftall fuch perfonsas (hall, without his or their
“ licence, attempt to inhabit in the faid coum.
“ tries, or within two hundred leagues of the
“ places where they (hall abide or fix themfelves,
“ within the fpace of fix years next enfuing ;
“ or who (hall attempt to annoy him or them
“ by fea or land, impowering the faid Walter
“ Ralegh, his heirs and affignes, to take and
“ furprife all fuch perfons, with their (hips, vef-
“ fels, goods, and furniture, as without their
“ licenfe fhall be found trafficking in any har-
“ bour, within the limits aforefaid, and to de-
“ tain and poflefs them as lawful prize.
“ And we do further grant to the faid Wal-
“ ter Ralegh, hisheirs and affignes, full pow-
“ er and authority to corredt, punifh, pardon,
“ and govern, as well in cafes capital as cri-
“ minal and civil, all fuch of our fubjedls as
“ fhall adventure themfelves in the faid voya-
“ ges or inhabit fuch lands or countries, accord-
“ ing to fuch laws and ftatutes as fliall be efta-
“ blifhed by him and them for the better go-
“ vernment of the faid people, fo as fuch laws
“ be as agreeable to the laws of England as may
“ be, and be not contrary to the Chriftian faith
“ profefled in the church of England, and fo as
“ as the faid people remain fubjeft to the crown
“ of England.
“ Witnefs ourfelf at Weftminfter, 25 March
“ in the twenty-fixth year of the Queen, an-
4 ‘ no 1584.”
While tins commiffion was preparing, Mr.
Ralegh:
OF VIRGINIA.
CHAP. Ralegh formed a fociety among his friends and
VII, acquaintance, who contributed large fums, and
provided two (hips to go upon this difcovery, with
all manner of neceffaries for fuch an enterprize :
The command of which being given to Captain
Two fhips Philip Amidas and Captain Arthur Bar-
gini a . t0 Vjr " L0W ’ the y fet fr° m the weft of England on
the 27th of April 1584, and tire 10th of May
arrived at the Canaries, from whence they bent
their courfe to the Caribbee Iflands, which they
made on the 10th of June, keeping a more fouth-
erly courfe than they needed to have done, as they
themfelves obferved afterwards, apprehending that
the current fat fo ftrong to the northward on the
coaft of Florida or Virginia, that there was no
ftemming it ; and that miftake made them go
two or three thoufand miles out of their way :
They arrive However, they arrived at theifland of Wokokon,
of Woko- nd near coa ^ Virginia, or rather of North-
s' on. Carolina (of which this country is now reckoned
a part) and took pofleffion thereof in the name of
Queen Elizabeth, whom they proclaimed
'rightful Queen and Soveraign of the fame, to the
ufe of Mr. Ralegh, according to her Majefty’s
grant. But they foon difcQvered it to be but an
ifland of twenty miles in length, and fix in breadth,
and lying in 34 degrees odd minutes north latitude ;
the land producing Cedars, Cyprefs, Pines, and
vaft quantities of Grapes ; nor was there any want
of Deer, Hare, Rabbets and wild fowl.
After they had continued here three days, an
Indian came on board them, and was entertained
in the (hip, after*. which he catched fome fifh and
prelented to the Englifli ; and the next day Gran-
ganimo, the brother of Wincina, King of
Wingandacoa (as the neighbouring continent
was called) came down with forty or fifty of his
people to the fea-fide. Whereupon feveral Englifli
officers went over to him, and were invited to
fit down with him on the mats that were fpread
for that purpofe. the Prince ftriking his head and
his breaft, and making a great many figns to
fignify they were heartily welcome, as they ap-
prehended. Whereupon they made him fome
imall prefents, as they did to four of his people,
who fat on the lower end of the fame mat ; but
the Prince took away the things from his men,
intimating that they were his fervants, and that
all prefents were to be made to him : And having
taken leave of the Englifli, he returned with
Theyt raf- more of his people twa days after, bringing Deer-
i 1 sheTMians. ^ c ' ns ? Euft, and other peltry to trade with them.
Whereupon they fhewed Granganimo all their
merchandize, of which nothing pleafed him fo
much as a bright Pewter-difh : He took it up,
clapped it upon his breaft, and having made a
hole in the brim, hung it about his neck, intima-
ting it would be a good fhield againft his enemies
arrows. This Pewter-difh they exchanged for
Vox. III.
twenty fkins, worth twenty Nobles, and a Copper- CHAP,
kettle for fifty fkins, worth as many Crowns. They VII.
offered alfo a very advantagious exchange for t^y^J
their Axes, Hatchets, and Knives, and would
have given any thing for their Swords, but the
Englifli would not part with them.
I wo or three days after, the King’s brother Mutual d-
came on board their fhips, and eat and drank villtieE “
with them, and feemed to relifh their wine and
food very well ; and fome few days after he brought
his wife and daughter and feveral more of his
children with him. His wife had good features,
but was not tall ; fhe appeared exceeding modeft,
and had a cloak or mantle of a fkin with the furr
next her body, and another piece of a fkin before
her. About her head fhe had a coronet of white
Coral, and in her ears pendants of Pearls about as
big as Peas, hanging down to her middle, and fhe
had Bracelets on her arms. Her hufband alfo wore
a Coronet or. band of white Coral about his head
fometimes, hut ufually a Coronet of Copper, or
fome other fhining metal, which at firft our ad-
venturers imagined to be gold, but were miftaken.
His hair was cut fiiort, but his wife’s was long.
The reft of his habit was like his wife’s. The
other women of the better fort, and the Prince’s
children, had feveral pendants of filming Copper
in their ears. The complexion of the people in
genera] being tawny and their hair black. The
Prince’s wife was ufually attended by forty or
fifty women to the fea-fide ; but when fhe came
on board (as fhe did often) ftie left them on fiiore,
and brought only two or three with her.
The King’s brother, they obferved, was very
juft to his engagements ; for they frequently deli-
vered him merchandize upon his word, and he
ever came within the day and delivered what he
had prornifed for them. He fent them alfo every
day as a prefent, a brace of Bucks, with Hares,
Rabbets, and fifh, the heft in the world ; together
with feveral forts of fruits, fuch as Melons, Wal-
nuts, Cucumbers, Gourds, Peas, and feveral kinds
of roots, as alfo Maiz, or Indian Com.
Afterwards feven or eight of the English offi-
cers went in their boat up the river Occam, twen-
ty miles to the northward, and came to an ifland
called Roanoak, where they were hofpitablv en-
tertained by Granganimo’s wife in his abfence.
She prefled them to ftay on (here all night, and
when they refufed fhe was much concerned they
ftiould be apprehenfive of any danger, and fent the
provifion on board their boat which (he had provi-
ded for their fupper, with mats for them to lie up-
on : And the Captain who wrote the relation it
feems, was of opinion they might fafely have con- The Virgl-
tinuecl on fhore ; for a more kind and loving peo- Q n Y" n in “
pie he thought there could not be in the world, hofa table
as he exprefled himfelf. people.
Thefe Indians having never feen any Europeans
M m m before,,
350
THE PRESENT STATE
C rl A p. before, were mightily taken with the whitenefs
VII. of their fkins, and took it as a great favour if an
Englifhman would permit any of them to touch
his breaft. They were amazed alfo at the mag-
nitude and ftruchure of their {hips, and at the firing
of a Mufket they trembled, having never feen any
Fire-arms before.
The Englifh continued to trade with the Indians
till they had difpofed of all the goods they had
brought, and loaded their (hips with skins, Safla-
fras and Cedar. They procur’d alfo fome Pearls
from them, and a little Tobacco, which they found
^ the Indians very fond of. After which they parted
Iiihhetufn with this P eo P le in a very friendly manner, and re-
iiome. turn’d home to England, taking with them Man-
teo and Wanchese, two Indians, who ap-
pear’d defirous to embark for England with them ;
and having made a very profitable voyage, they
gave Mr. Ralegh and the reft of their employers
fuch a glorious account of the country as made
them impatient till they had provided {hips for
another voyage. The Tobacco the Captains Ami-
das and Bar low brought home with them in this
voyage was tire firft that had been feen in Eng-
land, and was foon cry’d up as a mod valuable
plant, and a foveraign remedy for ahnoft every
malady. But to proceed.
Mr. Ralegh and his friends having fitted out
a fleet con lifting of feven fhips, and given the com-
A fecond m.<nd of it to Sir Edward Greenvile, theyfet
voyase by from Plymouth, on the 9th of April 1585, and
Sir Ed- made the Canary Iflands on the 14th of the fame
Greek- mont: N from whence they fleer’d to the Antilles,
•vile. which they made the yth of May, and on the 1 2th
came to an anchor at the ifland of Porto Rico, where
they put their men on fhore and took in frefh water
and provifions ; and letting fail again on the 29th
They arriv of May they arrived at the ifland ofWokokon on
kokon/°" 2oAl 0iC J une 5 where the Admiral’s fhip was
caft away going into the harbour, but himfelf and
the crew faved.
Make Dif- The Admiral with feveral of his officers, atten-
theronti-" 1 ded with a S ood g uard 3 went over to the conti-
nent., nent on the nth of July, and came to the town
of Secotan, where they were hofpitably entertain’d
by the natives ; but fome pilfering Indian having
ftclen a filver cup from the Englifh, which the na-
tives promis’d to reftore ; and neglecting to do it,
the Admiral, in his return plunder’d one of their
Burn an In- towns and burnt it with all the Corn growing in
dian town. their fields ; at which the country being incens’d
the admiral fet fail from the ifland of Wokokon on
the 2 1 ft of July, and arriv’d at Cape Hatteras,
wnere Granganimo, brother to King W ing-
in a,, came on board the fleet, and had a friendly
conference with the Admiral; after which the Eng-
Sail to the lift landed on the ifland of Roanoak, in the mouth
^oanoak. ° f A]bermarls fiver.. Here the fleet remained
about- fix weeks, during which time Sir Edward
Gtiujjsnyix-E took, a view of the neighbouring
continent again, and made experiments of the CHAP,
goodnefs of the foil by feveral forts of grain he VII.
low’d, which came up very kindly during his flay ^-yxj
there : And on the 25th of Auguft he fet fail for
England, leaving one hundred and eight men up- A co]ony of
on the ifland of Roanoak, under the command an hundred
of Captain Ralph Lane, with directions to make a " d n e j ght
further difcoveries, promifmg them fuch fupplies "here.^
and reinforcements as might enable them to i'ub-
due the neighbouring continent.
Sir Edward Greenvile was no foonersirED-
faii d for England hut Mr. Lane made prepara- war d
tions with his boats (for I don’t perceive one fir ip ^ REEN *
was left him) to difcover the continent to the north tlmstoEn-
and weft ; and to the north he view’d the coaft glsrid -
from the ifland of Roanoak almoft to cape Henry, mak/dffc*
at the ent lance ol the bay of Chefepeak, being veries to the
about an hundred and forty miles, m which he northward -
met with no oppofition from the natives ; but af-
terwards communicating his defign of making a
difcovery as far to the weftward up the river Mo- Propofe the
rotock, or Albermarle, to his friend King Win- do ’ n & t ' le
gin a, the foveraign of the oppofite continent, that tjj w ‘° d the
Prince was alarmed and gave notice to the neigh- whicTa-’
bouring Princes, his allies, to be upon their guard • Ja-ms the
for the Englifh intended nothing lefs, as heconceiv- lndians
ed, than to make an entire conqueft of their coun-
try, and to extirpate the inhabitants, ortornake diem
flaves ; and orders were immediately difpatch’d
through the whole country to carry off or deftroy
all their Corn and provifions, and to retire from the
banks of the river Morotock with their wives and
families, that the Englifh might find no fubfiftance.
I-Iowever,KingWlNGIN A,OrPAMISPAN,ashe A eonfede-
is fometimes call’d, {till pretended great friendfhip ra 7 form ’ d
for the Englifh, and promis’d Mr. Lane to fur- colony. ^
mft him with guides in this expedition ; and to
incite him to undertake it told him, there were
great quantities of Gold to be found towards the
head of the river Morotock, about thirty or forty
clays journey to the weftward, and that fome few
days march beyond the head of that river, they
would arrive at a great ocean ; for as the Englifh
had madeW ingina acquainted with their intend-
ed expedition, weakly imagining they fhould be
fupported in the enterprize by his advice and af-
fiftance ; the penetrating Indian difcerning that the
principal views of the Englifh were to rob them of
their treafures, to make a conqueft of the country,
and find a pafiage to fome ocean they apprehended,
lay weft of Virginia, encourag’d Captain Lane
to believe that their expectations would not be
difappointed,but that they would find fome Gold of
mineral like it in their mountains, and arrive at
the ocean they mentioned within the fpace of
forty days, where they would meet with Pearls of
an uncommon fize ; for he propofed by fuch re-
prefen tations to draw the Englifh far up the river
into the inland country, where they would run a
great hazard of being famifii’d before they could
get
OF VIRGINIA.
35i
CHAP, get back to Roanoak ; their fire-arms being fuch
VII. a terror to the Indian Princes, that they defpaired
of overcoming thefe invaders but by fome fuch
ftrategem.
Mr. Lane not imagining King Wingina,
his Indian friend, had fagaci ty enough to difcover
the bottom of his defigns, but ftiil had the fame
friendlhip for the Englifhhe had hitherto profefs’d,
enter’d upon the expedition to the weftward with
the guides Wingina had lent him; and not
doubting but he fhould be able to purchafe Corn
and flefh of the natives who inhabited the banks
of the river Morotock, he took little provifion
with him ; but to his great furprize he found the
The country whole country abandon’d, and that there was no
abandon’d by f° oc * to met with : And as he advanced he ob-
the natives, ferved the natives made fires to give notice of his
approach, and fled with all their effedls. So that
our adventurers, after they had rowed four days
fonon^the U P the river, were reduced to great ftraits, having
difcovery in nothing left to fubfift on but the flefh of two maf-
danger of be- tiff Dogs they kill’d. Whereupon they haflened.
arve ‘ to the mouth of the river again, to which they
were by good fortune carry’d down in much lefs
time than they went up, and arriv’d at the ifland
of Roanoak on Eafter-day, 1586 ; where they
found Wingtna and his Indians, who ftiil made
great profeffions of friendlhip for the Englifh, but
A fecond immediately enter’d into another confpiracy with
gai'na'thcm." t * ie ‘ r a ^ es t0 deftroy them : And the firft ftep
Wingina took towards it was to prohibit the
natives to furnifh the Englifh with proviftons ; for
want of which he was fenfible they muff divide
themfelves into feveral parties to procure food by
hunting and fifhing. Then he appointed a gene-
ral rendezvous of the Indians near the coaft, or-
dering them on the 10th of June, in the night-
time, to embark in their canoes and make a
defcent on the ifland of Roanoak ; at which in-
ftant he promifed them to fet fire to the hutts of
the Englifh, and as they would he reduc’d to a
fmall number by their fending detachments to the
neighbouring iflands- in fearch of food, he did not
doubt but the natives would be able to knock
thofe on the head who remain’d at Roanoak, when
they fhould run out of their houfes naked and un-
arm’d to avoid the flames. But this confpiracy
being difcover’d to Captain Lane by Skyco, the
fon of Menatonon, an Indian Prince, with
whom Captain Lane had contracted an intimate
friendlhip, the Captain refolved to be before-hand
with Wingina, and on the laft of May fur-
prifed b im with feveral more of the Indian Chiefs
and cut them in pieces. And on the 8th cf June
Admiral following, Sir Francis Drak e arriv’d on the
zrr R iv A es K a t coali: with a fleet of men °f war under his corn-
Roanoak. mand; whicnhad been employed in attacking and
plundering the Spanifh towns and harbours in
North-America.
The admiral being directed to give the colony CHAP,
at Roanoak all the afllftance he could, agreed to VII,
leave with them a fhip and fome men and pro- l
vifions, to enable them to make further difcove-
ries on the continent; but underftanding in what
ill terms they were with the natives, and that it
would be impoffible to eftablifh a colony there
without a much greater force now the Indians
were become their enemies, he order’d them to
return to England the following Auguft, which
was no fooner agreed on than there arofe a ftorm,
in which the whole fleet was in danger of fiiip-
v/reck, and the fhip and provifions the Admiral
had given them was driven out to fea and loft.
Whereupon he thought fit to take Mr. Lane Takes up
and his company to England with him ; and thus
ended the firft attempt of Mr. Ralegh to fet- them home,
tie a colony on the American coaft.
It was but a very few days after Sir Francis
D rake had carry’d away Captain Lane and
his company from the ifland of Roanoak, before A /hip with,
a fhip arriv’d with men, ammunition, and pro- ^ 1 °^^
vifions for the colony ; but not finding any Eu-
ropean there or in the adjacent iflands or conti-
nent, they concluded the colony had been deitroy-
ed, and return’d to England.
About a fortnight after the laft fhip had left
Sir Ed-
w ARD
~ R E E N«
the ifland of Roanoak, Sir Edward Green-
vile arrived there with three Clips, and a much
more ample fupply of ammunition and provifions, vile ar-
and made all the enquiry he was able after the
colony, but could hear nothing of them ; how- "
ever, he left fifteen men, with ammunition and Leaves fif-
provifion for two years, and return’d to England. at
In the beginning of the year 1587, Sir Wal- AnoXrco-
ter Ralegh fitted out three Clips more, on W of 15®
board of which he put one hundred and fifty men, V cn . le V t0
betides mariners, giving the command of them urder Cay.t.
to Captain John White, whom he appointed WliIT£ -
governor, but added twelve afiiftants, incorpo-
rating them by the name of the Governor and
Affiftants of the city of Ralegh in Virginia. This
little fquadron fet fail from Pcrtfmouth on the
28th of April, 1587, and the 19th of June fol-
lowing made the Caribbee iflands, landing the
planters at the ifland of Santa Cruz to refrefih
them and take in frefh water : And re-imbark-
ing their' people three days after, they fet fail a-
gain and arriv’d at Cape Fear (in Carolina) on the
1 6th of July, where they were. in great danger
of being caft away ; for they did not fee the cape
till they were within a cable’s length of it.
From Cape Fear they flood to the northward,
and arriv’d at Cape Hatteras, near the ifland of
Roanoak, on the 22 J of July ; whereupon they
fent a party of men to fearch the ifland cf Roa-
noak for the fifteen men Sir Richard Green- .
vile had left there the year before, but could ^, 0 ^ e
find none of them, nor any iigns of their having to be found,
M m m 2 been
35 l
CH AP.
VII.
U'Y'SJ
THE PRESENT STATE
An Englifn-
manfurpris’d
and killed by
the Indians.
A detach-
ment lent to
Creatan.
been there, unlefs the bones of one man they fup-
pofed had been kill’d. But at the north end of
the ifiand they found the fort which had been e-
refted by Captain Lane, and the firft: colony
with feveral of their houfes undemolifhed ; the
lower rooms however were over-run with Melons,
and Deer feeding on them.
Sir Walter Ralegh had order’d Captain
V' hite and the colony not to fix themfelves at
Roanoak, but to fail northward as far as the Bay
of Chefepeak, and eredl a town there ; hut this
was oppos’d by Ferdinando the Spanifh pilot, to
whofe care the fleet was committed, under pre-
tence that it was too late in the year to look out
for another port. Whereupon Governor White
and the reft of the planters determin’d to ftay at
Roanoak, and to repair the fort and houfes they
found there. They had not been on fliore a week
before Mr. George How, one of the court of
affiftants, ftraggling a mile or two from the fort,
was delperately wounded with fixteen arrows by
a party of Indians, who had conceal’d themfelves
in the reeds and flags by the fea-fide, and feeing
him difibled, they beat out his brains with their
wooden fwords and clubs.
On the 30th of July, twenty men, under the
command of Captain Stafford, were detach’d
to the ifland of Croatan, with Mentf.o the In-
dian, whofe mother and relations dwelt in that
ifland, to enquire after the fifteen men, and to re-
new their ancient friendfhip with the people of
that ifland. The natives feem’d at firft prepared
to oppofe CaptainSTAF ford’s landing; butup-
on his marching towards them with his mufketeers
they fled. Whereupon Manteo call’d to his coun-
trymen, telling them the Englifh carne as friends ;
and the Indians knowing his voice return’d, and
throwing away their bows and arrows, bid the
Captain welcome, and afterwards conducted him
to their town, entertaining him and his people in
the beft manner they could ; but they defin’d the
Englifh would give them feme badge or mark
whereby they might be diftinguifh’d from their
Indian enemies when they met with them out of
the ifland, for want of which feveral of then-
friends had been hurt and wounded the year be-
fore by Captain Lane and his people. This Cap-
tain Stafford agreed to, and afterwards direct-
ed the Croatans to go over to the continent and
acquaint the inhabitants of Secotan, Pomeiok, &c.
that if they would accept of the friendfhip of the
Englifh, and enter into an alliance with them, all
paft injuries fhould be forgot, which the chiefs of
the Croatans promis’d to do, and to return with-
in feven days with the anfwerof the Weroances,
or heads of thofe tribes (to which our adventurers
"were pleas’d to give the titles of Kings.)
They underftocd alfio from the inhabitants of
Cioatanj that the fifteen, men. Sir Edward
Greenvile had left at Roanoak the year be- CHAP,
fore, had been furprifed by the people of Secotan VII.
and fome other Indian powers, who coming over t/V'sl
to the ifland as friends, took an opportunity to *f th
fet fi re to their houfes, and murder’d fome of fifteen Eng-
them as they run out unarm’d to avoid the flames : life that
However, eight or nine of the Englifh efcap’d to were loft ‘
the water-fide, and went over in their boat to a
little ifland on the right-hand of Cape Hatteras ;
that the Englifh fome time after remov’d from
the faid ifland, but whither they went or what
became of them they could not tell.
Captain Stafford afterwards return’d, and 4 n ex P e . dl *
acquainting governor W hite with what he had Se^ta?. 1 " '
done, it was refolved to wait feven days for the
anfwer of the Weroances of Secotan, Ac. before
they enter’d upon further acftion. But the feven
days being expir’d, and none of the Weroances
of Secotan, &c. appearing, nor any anfwer to their
meilage being brought by the men of Croatan, as
they had promis’d, the Governor took four and
twenty men with him, well arm’d, and went over
to the continent on the 8th of Auguft, in the
evening, determining to be reveng’d on the people
of Secotan and their allies for driving the fifteen
Englifh from Roanoak, and murdering Mr.
How ; And having been inform’d where one of
their principal towns was, he attack’d it in the
night-time, with an intent to deftroy all the
men in it ; but inftead of his enemies he found
his friends of Croatan poffiefs’d of the place, and
hurt and wounded feveral of them before he dif-
cover’d his miftakc ; for the people of Secotan,
after they had murder’d How, expelling this
viflit, had retir’d to the in-land country with pre- T
• • , , r , . . „ / . The Indianr
cipitation, and left their Corn, tobacco, and on tiie fea _
fruits behind them, which the people of Croatan coaft run a-
had been gathering in : And this was the reafon way ‘
they did not return within the feven days, as they
had promifed. They readily acknowledg’d there-
fore that the mifchief they had receiv’d was by
miftake, and that they themfelves were the occa-
fion of it by not keeping their words.
Governor White being return’d to Roanoak Manteo
on the 1 qth of Auguft, Manteo the Indian war, ba P tlz
conftituted Lord of the ifland of ™ or of^croa-
baptiz’d, and
Roanoak, and of the oppoftte continent of Defa- tan.
mongapeak, as Sir Walter Ralegh had or-
der’d; and on the 1 8 th of the fame month,
Mrs. Eleanor Dare, wife of Mr. Ananias
Dare, one of the court of affiftants, and daugh-
ter of governor White, was deliver’d of a daugh-
ter, afterwards baptized by the name of Virgi Mrs. D a r e
nia. And now all the planters ftores and prc,- deliver ’ d of
vifions being landed, and the {hips ready to fail, vYrgi^”
the colony determined to fend back two of the
court of affiftants to England to folicit for further
re-inforcements and fupplies, thofe they had with
them not being thought fufticient to eftablifti a
colony
OF VIRGINIA.
353
Governor
White
fent to Eng-
land for fup
plies.
CHAP, colony on the continent, as the Indians were mod;
VII. of them their profefs’d enemies. But at length
it was thought moft proper to depute governor
White himfelf, who had the greateft intereft at
the court of England, and on whofe diligence
and application they could moft rely : And with
great reluitancy he was prevailed on to undertake
this office, apprehending his reputation might fuf-
fer if he left the colony and return’d to England
before he had effected any thing.
White ar Captain White fetting fail for England ar-
land a little riv a there at a time when the nation was alarm d
before the with the rumour of the intended Spanilh invafi-
lonin 1 588* on ’ w h* c f> was attempted the following fummer,
1588, to oppofe which the Queen and the whole
kingdom were employ’d, efpecially Drake, Ra-
legh, and the reft of the fea commanders. And
as the ftate feem’d to be in imminent danger, all
leffer enterprizes were negleited or poftpon’d, and
confequentiy governor White’s application in
behalf of the unhappy colony he had left in Ame-
rica was very little attended to, infomuch that he
was not able to obtain leave for any (hips to be
fent thither till the beginning of the year 1590 :
And then all that he could procure was an order
Above two
years before
he could get that three fmall men of War, which were going
any /hips £ 0 cru i z<e againft the Spaniards in the Weft-In-
fent to Roa- r ■ r ,
noak. dies, inould take iome re-inrorcements and pro-
vifions on board for the colony at Roanoak ; which
order they were far from obeying as they ought
to have done, for they only took Governor
White on board, refuting to carry either plant-
ers or provifions thither. Sir Walter Ralegh
either had not intereft enough at this time to caufe
his orders to be obey’d, or was employed in enter-
prizes wherein he expeited to acquire more wealth
or glory than in fupporting his Virginian colony,
which occafion’d his neglecting thofe unfortunate
people who had been induc’d to hazard their lives
f and all that was dear to them in his fervice.
Mr. White relates, that the commanders of
the men of war with whom he went to Ameri-
ca, having fpent moft of the fummer in cruizing
among the Spanifh Iflands, did not arrive at Roa-
noak till the middle of Auguft, 1590 ; and that
fearching the ifland of Roanoak they found, by
fome infcriptions cut on the trees and beams of
the houfes, that the colony was remov’d to the
ifland ol Croatan. But before they remov’d they
had buried their chefts, and great part of their
effects, which the Indians afterwards dug up and
fpoiled. Governor Whit e, with much impor-
tunity, procur’d the confent of the Captains of the
men of war to follow the colony to Croatan.
But the weather growing tempeftuous they were
in great danger of fnipwreck, and loft moft of
their anchors and cables. Whereupon they fail’d
direitly to England, and left the Colony to fhift
for themfelves; and whether they were famifh’d,.
The colony
remov’d to
Croatan.
CHAP.
VII.
Where they
peri/hed, be-
ing abandon-
ed by Sir
Walter
Ra ugh,
or cut in pieces by the Indians, or perifh’d in at-
tempting to get home by fea, I could never learn,
for they have never been heard of from that day
to this. This muft render people exceeding cau-
tious how they engage in fuch enterprizes on the
faith and promifes of courtiers to fupport them.
The fafety of the ftate, a projeit of more impor-
tance, or the profpeit of gaining greater treafures
another way, are too often thought fufficient rea-
fons for abandoning our diftrefled friends : And in-
deed, during the year 1588, when the whole
kingdom was at ftake, there might be fome co-
lour for Sir Walter’s not fending re-inforce-
ments to his colony ; but when that was over,
and an invafion no longer fear’d, he might, one
would have thought, have caft an eye towards a
company of men who had run the greateft haz-
ards, relying upon his word and honour to fuf-
tain them. He might, furely, have re-inforc’d
his colony, or brought them back, confidering
the figure he then made in the court of England
and royal navy : But I doubt, the capture of the
Galleons, the plunder of Cades, and the Gold-
mines of Guiana, which he went in fearch of
foon after, put the Virginian colony too much out
of his head, after he found himfelf difappointed in
his principal view of poffefling mountains of gold
in Virginia.
Sir Walter alfo feems chargeable with levi-
ty as well as avarice, fince after he had obtained
the property of Virginia by letters patents from
Queen Elizabeth, and had fent feveral colonies
thither, he became in a Ihort time fo regardlefs of
that country, or the fate of thofe who had embark-
ed in that enterprize in confidence of being fupport-
ed by him, that he went in fearch of other Gold- Goes in
mines in Guiana, the magazine of all rich metals fearc!l °/
(as he terms it) and made fome voyages in perfon at °Ouiana!"
thither, in which he was however miferabiy dif-
appointed, and difcovered great weaknefs and cre-
dulity in the accounts he has left behind him of
that country ; for he was made to believe there
was more Gold and precious ftones in Guiana than
in Mexico and Peru ; tho’ it appears there is lefs
of either there than in any part ofSpanilh America.
He was made to believe alfo that one of the na-
tions of Guiana were a headlefs people, and that
their mouths were in the middle of their breafts,
and their eyes in their Ihoulders ; of which he tells
us, there was no doubt to be made, behaving
been affured of it from a cloud of witneffes.
Whatever prudence and conduit Sir Walter
may have difcovered on other occafions, the prof-
peit of Gold-mines and mountains of precious
ftones he expected to find in Guiana feem to have
difordered- his brain to a very great degree ; for
after repeated difappointments, he never defifted '
his fearch until at length it proved fatal to him.
Pu R c h a s e indeed relates, that while he was en-
deavouring;
Sir w a l-
ter charg-
ed with le-
vity as well
as avarice.
354 THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, deavouring in p.erfon to difcover the Gold-mines
VII. ot Guiana, he did order fome veJTels to enquire
after his colony at Roanoait, but was deceived by
thofe he employed, who never went the voyage,
except one Mace, who undertook it in the year
1602, and was killed by the natives on his going
on {hare with feveral ot his crew, the reft efcaping
with difficulty.
Thus it appears but too evident, that Sir Wal-
ter Ralegh’s expectations of difcovering im-
menfe treafures in Guiana were in a great meafure
the ruin of our firft attempts to fettle colonies in
Virginia.
He feems in raptures when he firft viftted thofe
fhores, which he endeavours to make his friends
believe were all gold and precious ftones.
I am affined, fays Sir Walter, by fuch
Spaniards as have feen Manoa, the imperial city
ot Guiana, and which they (the Spaniards) call
El Dorado, or the Golden-city, that for t he great-
nefs, the riches, and excellent fituation, it exceeds
all the world. All the veffels and utenfils of the
Emperor’s houfe are of Gold and Silver, with fta-
tues of Gold, refembling giants. There are alfo
the figures of all animals, beafts, birds, and fifties,
as big as the life. There is not any vegetable but
they have the figure of it in gold ; and Golden-bil-
lets lie piled up on heaps, in imitation of Fire-wood.
And in another place he relates, that there were
mountains of Diamonds in Guiana ; which it is
evident he believed hirnfelf, tlio’ in fact there was
never any fuch city as Manoa, or fuch an Empe-
ror as he mentions, and very little Gold to be met
with in Guiana, as the French and Dutch will
inform us, who have fettlements in that very coun-
try, which he places between the Equator and 5
degrees of north latitude, or between the rivers
Oronoque and Amazon. However, his expecta-
tions of finding it what he deferibes was no doubt
the reafon of his neglecting thofe colonies which he
had fent to Virginia: That he was confcious of
the diftrefs they muft be reduced to appears by his
telling the Spaniards, in one of the voyages he made
to Guiana, that he was bound for Virginia, to re-
lieve the people he left there : And he informs us,
that he had an intention to have vifited them in his
return from Guiana, if the winds had favoured
him.
And it is not the moft improbable corsjedlure,
that the reafon Queen Elizabeth did not affift
him with her {hips and forces to fubdue this golden
country, as he had reprefented it to be, was, that
he had deceived her once before, by reprefenting
Virginia as fuch which he now negiedled. She
had round his weak fide. She difeerned his ava-
rice and creduiny, and did not think fit to hazard
her / hips or fubjects until fine had better proofs of
the reality of thofe treafures. Thefe are fbme of
the reafons that thb Prineefs made no further at-
tempts to fettle colonies in America in her reign, CHAP,
tho’ die lived a dozen yearsor more after Whit e’s VII.
laft expedition to Virginia. She was too wife a
Prineefs to be deceived twice by one perfon in the
fame cafe, and no private adventurers would un-
dertake to fend colonies thither after they faw fuch
a body of men abandoned by their employers.
As Sir Walter himfelf obferves, it was the
hopes of Gold that was the principal and almoft
only motive to thefe undertakings. Our people
had obferved the fuccels of the Spaniards, and
imagined that Gold and Silver- mines were as com-
mon in America as Lead-mines are in Europe.
I he firft adventurers, whether Englilh or Spanifti ,
had no view or thought of finding, any thing elfe
in that new world but Gold and Silver, that would
anfwer the expence and hazard of luch voyages.
1 hey did not dream at that time, that the Vir-
ginian Tobacco would be as profitable as a Gold-
mine, as we found it afterwards to be, when we
purchafed with it moft of the merchandice of Eu-
rope as with ready money. Nor did they fore-
fee that extenfive and profitable traffick that is
now carryed on between Europe and the plantati-
ons ; which is, in reality, of greater advantage to
fome powers than the mines of Peru and Mexico
are to the Spaniards.
I have been the more particular in this part of the
hiftory relating to the firft attempts of the Englifh
to fettle colonies on the coaft of Virginia, becaufe
I find Colonel Beverley and Mr. Oldm ixon,
who have written the hiftory of it, have omitted
many material fails, and do not fee m to have
entered into the real motives of defeating that en-
terprize in the reign of Queen Elizabeth.
Mr. Old Mixon alfo has committed fome Some errors
miftakes in the fhort relation he gives us ; for Mr -
firft he tells us, that feveral of the colony left at on’s hifi.o-
Roanoak, under the command of Captain Lane, ry.
were cut off by the natives, whereas there was
not one of Captain Lane’s men killed by them. •
He adds alfo, that they remained at Roanoait un-
till Auguft, 1586, when it appears Sir Fran-
cis Drake took them onboard in June, 1586,
and carryed them, to England.
He makes Captain White to conftitute a
government, confifting of a Governour and
twelve counfellors, whereas; White himfelf was
appointed governor by Sir Walter Ralegh,
and twelve affiftants given him before he left Eng-
land, who were incorporated by the name of the
Governor and Affiftants of the city of Ralegh
in Virginia.
lie relates, that Mrs. Dare, who was deli-
vered of the firft child on the coaft of Virginia,
was the daughter of Mr. Ananias Dare; but it
feems the was the daughter of Governor W kite,
and Wife of Mr. Dake, one of the court of
affiftants..
Tlie
OF VIRGINIA.
C H AP. The colony is likewife reprefented to be in great
VII. diftrefs before Governor W kite returned to Eng -
land, v/hereas he did not remain at Roanoak above
two or three months at moll, returning to England
the latter end of the year 15 87, in which time the
provifions they carryed' with them could not be
fpent ; and it appears to have been Autumn,
when the Corn and fruits were ripe, of which they
received large fupplies from the continent while
Governor White was there, and had then plen-
ty of fifh upon the coaft. The reafon of fending
Governor White to England was to procure a
re-inforcement of troops, and Applies of ammuni-
tion and provifions, without which it was forefeen
they could not eftablifti themfelves cn the conti-
k nent, as they were then in a ftate of hoftility with
the Indians, who would neither treat or traffick
with them after they found the Englifh intended
to ufurp the dominion of their country, and had
taken upon them to put to death fome of their
Weroances or great men.
Mr. Qldmixom relates alfo, that after two
years, Governor White procured three Clips to
be fitted out with men and provifions for the co-
lony at Roanoak ; whereas according to Mr.
- White’s own account of that matter, all that he
could procure of the government was, to permit
three men of war, which were going to cruize in
the Spanifh Weft-Indies, to call at Roanoak, and
complains that they refufed to take either men or
provifions on board, and would not fo much as let
him carry a fervant with him.
Mr. Oldmixon adds, that the misfortunes of
this colony were the occafion that no further at-
tempts were made to plant Virginia in this reign;
whereas it is agreed on all hands, that no-body
knew what their fate was until a great while af-
terwards. Sir Walter did not fuppofe the
Virginian colony was loft in the year 1594, for in
that very year he tells us, he had fome thoughts of
[ calling on them in his return from Guiana ; and
Purchase obferves he fenta bark to enquire after
them fo late as the year 1602.
An enquiry Give me leave, before I proceed further in this
by what . hiftory, to make fome reflections on that authority
tianVrnces" Chriftian Princes and States have heretofore af-
invade Pa- fumed and exercifed (and which fome frill claim)
f~- of invading and ufurping the dominion of all infi-
del nations, and treating the natives as their flaves
and vaftals, and to confider the right they pre-
tend to of excluding both Chriftians and Pagans
It from all countries whither they have fent any
colonies.
The Pope feems firft to have aflumed an autho-
rity of difpofing of fuch countries as were in the
pofteffion of Infidels or Heriticks by virtue of the
powers he pretends to derive from Je s us Ch rist
And in this all Chriftian Princes appear to have
acquiefced when he granted the eaft to the For-
355
tuguefe and the weft to the Spaniards. No Eu- CHA P,
ropean power pretended to difturb either of thofe VII.
crowns in the enjoyment of what they poflefle'd
themfelves of in the heathen world for many years.
But the Pope’s power of transferring Infidel King-
doms to whom he pleafed was no fooner called
in queftion than every foveraign Prince in Eu-
rope aflumed the like authority, and in all their
patents for difcovery granted their fubjec’cs the do-
minion and property of every Pagan- country they
finould invade ; being induced to it, I prefume, bv
the Turkiih maxim, that dominion is founded in
grace, or in other words, that unbelievers could
have no right to this world any more than the next.
This feems to have been the univerfal opinion both
Proteftants and Papifts when Queen Elizabeth
granted Sir Walter Ralegh a patent to fub-
due and govern thofe Pagan- countries he fhould
difcover ; the tenour of that patent implying as
much ; Tho’ at this day we are as generally agreed,
that Chriftian Princes have nothing to do to invade
or enflave Heathen-nations, but that Pagan Princes
and States have as good a right to their countries,
their liberties and pofieffions as the beft and moft
powerful Chriftian Monarchs have to their domi-
nions in this part of the world ; and confequently
all the invafions and ufurpations that have been
made upon the Heathen- world by Chriftians were
unjuft, and the conqueft of them upon fuch unjuft
grounds could give none of them a right to the ter-
ritories of thofe Pagan powers, or to the properties
of their fubjedts, fo long as there were any heirs
remaining to claim their refpedtive rights ; which
the Spaniards, Portuguefe, and Dutch, feem to
have been fo confcious of, that they in a manner
extirpated the nations they conquered to defeat all
prior claims, and thus by an excefs of villany have 3 .
as they imagine, derived a ri ght to themfelves by-
way of occupancy : The pofleftor being deemed
by fome to have the beft right where none can
fhew a better, efpecially after a long and uninter-
rupted pofielflon. But this can never he found
dodlrine furely in regard to kingdoms, inafmuch as
it encourages wicked ufurpers to be ftill greater vil-
lains in order to eftablifti themfelves* One would
rather be enclined to believe that any neighbouring
nation had a right to fuch ruined and abdicated
kingdoms, and that it was incumbent on all other
powers to unite in driving the ufurper from a coun-
try he had thus barbaroufly invaded and deftroyed.
On the other hand it is faid, that America was
but thinly inhabited in comparifon of this part of
the world, and there was room enough both for
them and us : That no Prince or private man can
have a right to exclude all others from a country
too large for the prefent pofieflors to enjoy or cul-
tivate : And. that by teaching the natives hufbandry
and other arts, we Clewed them the way to live
elegantly and to make five hundred acres of land
THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. of more value than twenty thoufand, which were
VII. before nothing but bogs or forefts, and inhabited
by wild beafts more than men. It could never be
the defign of the creation that the earth fhould
remain the property of a few Huntfmen, unim-
proved and uncultivated, as America muft have
done if the Europeans had been excluded from
fending colonies thither.
To this it is reply’d, that we ought not how-
ever to have intruded ourfelves by force to the
prejudice of the original inhabitants, but to have
proceeded in the method fome of the ancients did.
We ought to have infinuated ourfelves into their
good opinion, to have {hewn them the beauty and
the excellence of the Chriftian religion, and the
benevolent principles it taught : We ought to
have convinced them how beneficial the European
arts and fciences would be to them and their
country, and then we fhould not have failed of be-
ing received with kindnefs, and even veneration,
as Cep.es and Bacchus anciently were: We
fhould have been looked upon as good angels, or
at lead: as the great benefactors of mankind ; and
admitted and even invited to {hare their country
with them for the fake of the improvements we
might make in it. But admitting we had a right
to fix ourfelves in any vacant parts of America,
we certainly could have none to drive the natives
from the reft, and infult and tyrannize over them :
And I have not obferved any inftance from our
firft attempts to fettle colonies there to this day,
where we have treated the natives with humanity
and benevolence, but they have been ready to re-
fign to us as much of their refpe£five countries as
we could plant and cultivate, upon very moderate
confiderations.
And as for that other piece of tyranny fo gene-
rally pradifed by the Spaniards, Dutch, and Por-
tuguefe, namely, the excluding the natives from
converfing or trafficking with any other people but
their own, and the debarring all other nations from
entering their ports, I cannot fee the juitice of it.
Every free people in this part of the world have
certainly the liberty of trading with thofe of ano-
ther without afking leave of the Spaniards or the
Dutch, notwithstanding thofe powers may have
colonies in fome part of the faid continent or illands.
How their poffeffing a town or two upon the Indian
coaft can give them a right of excluding all other
European nations from reforting thither and traf-
ficking with the natives, or what right any Eu-
ropean powers can have to lie with their (hips before
the Indian harbours, and to oppofe and even mur-
der the natives for attempting to fell the produce
of their country to foreigners, as the Dutch do in
the Eaft- Indies, and the Spaniards in America, is
not eafy to conceive.
Such reflections as thefe are not only natural
but unavoidable upon enquiring into the original
(if our American colonies.
I proceed now to the remaining part of the CHAP.
Virginian hiftory ; and though I cannot approve VII,
the conduCt of our nation in all places, yet it t/*Y '%J
will appear that we have ufed lefs violence and op-
preffion in the fettlements we have made than any
other nation, and in many places have fairly con-
traded with the inhabitants for what we have ob-
tained, and given them what they efteem’d a va-
luable confideration for the lands they transferred
to us.
In the year 1602, on the 26th of March, The
Captain Gilbert alfo fet fail from Plymouth continued^
with thirty-two mariners and landmen ; the land-
men being commanded by Captain Gosnold,
and defigned for a colony. They arrived in that
part of Virginia now called New- England, be-
ing in 42 degrees north latitude, on the 14th of
May following ; where there came on board them
feveral of the natives in an European boat, fome of
them alfo being cloathed like Europeans, the boat
and cloaths having been given them by fome
fifhermen who frequented Newfoundland ; but
moll: of them had mantles of Deer-fkins. They
afterwards fail’d to the fouth-ward, and came to
a promontory call’d Cape Cod, from the ftioals of
Cod-fifh they met with there, and that name it
retainsto this day. Here Captain Gosnold went
on fhore, and found Peas, Strawberries, and other
fruits growing, and faw a great deal of good tim-
ber. They failed from this point to the fouth-
ward, and arriv’d at another promontory, which
they call’d Gilbert’s Point, the name of the cap-
tain of the ftiip, the (bores appearing full of peo-
ple. Some of them came on board, and tho’ they
were peaceable enough, they were obferv’d to be
thievifh. The Englifli afterwards bending their
courfe to the fouth-weft, they came to an uninha-
bited ifland in 41 degrees, to which they gave
the name of Martha’s Vineyard ; and to another
ifland, a little further to the fouthward, they gave
the name of Elizabeth Bland, and thefe illands •
are ftill call’d by thofe names.
Upon Elizabeth Ifland, lying about four miles
from the continent, Captain Gosnold propofed (o
fettle with his little colony, and to that end went
on (here there on the 28th of May. He found
the ifland cover’d with timber and Underwood,
among which were Oak, A(h, Beech, Walnut,
Hazel, Cedars, Cyprefs, and Saflafras. And as
to fruits, here v/ere Cherries, Vines, Goofber-
rles. Strawberries, Rafberries, Ground-nuts, and
Peas ; and alfo variety of roots and Sallad-herbs,
Here, in the middle of a frefli water lake, which
furrounded a little rocky ifland, containing an
acre of ground, they began to eredf a houfe and ^
fort capable of receiving twenty men. Englilh.
While this was doing. Captain Gosnold fail’d
over to the continent, where he found a great
many people, and was treated very courteoufly by
them.
OF VIRGINIA.
357
CHAP, them, every one making a prefent of what he had
VII, about him,' fuch as fkins, furrs. Tobacco, chains
and necklaces of Copper, {hells, and the like,
for which the Englilh gave them fome toys, and
return’d to their fort.
Two or three days afterwards, one of the In-
dian Chiefs, with fifty flout men armed with bows
and arrows, came over from the continent to the
ifland in their country boats, and there being then
but eight Englifhmen on fhore, they flood upon
their guard until the natives gave them to under-
hand they came in a friendly manner to vifit them.
Whereupon they were invited to eat and drink,
and fat down to dinner with the Englifli on their
heels, expreffing a great deal of good humour.
The Indians made them another vifit two or three
days after, when they behaved themfelves very
peaceably alfo ; but one of the natives having flolen
a fhield, was made to return it, and they feerned
apprehenfive the Englifh would revenge it ; but
finding them ftill ealy and fociable, they were
merry together, and parted jigain in a friendly
manner. But as two of the Englilh were {hag-
gling by the lea fide two days after, to get Crabs,
four Indians attacked them, and wounded one of
the Englilh with an arrow ; whereupon the other
Englifhman difarmed the aggreffor, and the reft
run away. This feems to have been the only
quarrel there was between the Englilh and the In-
dians in this voyage ; however, the colony which
was defign’d to be left there, who were twenty in
number, being apprehenfive it would be difficult
for them to fubfift till fupplies and re-inforcements
came from England, it the natives fhould prove
their enemies, efpecially as their provifions, upon
examination, appear’d much fhorter than was ex-
pected ;it was refolved to abandon their little fort
The Eng- > n the ifland, and return (all of them) to England,
lifh abandon Having therefore taken on board fome Cedar and
t their fort Saflafras, Beaver-fkins, Deer-fkins, black Fox-
to England, {kins, and other peltry they had receiv’d of the
natives for the goods they carry’d thither ; they fet
fail from the ifland of Elizabeth on the 1 8 th ofjune,
arriving at Exmouth in Devon, on the 23d ot July
following, without having loft one man; but they
made no attempt to find their unhappy countrymen,
who had been left at Roanoak, in the year 1587.
Mr. Hack The ne xt year (1603) the reverend Mr. Ha ck-
othersV"' 1 luit, Prebendary of the Cathedral of Briftol, a
cenfed to gentleman of an enterprizing genius, who compiled
trade to Vir- t j ie co H e £l;ion of voyages that ever was pub-
Walter lifted > n Englifh, having convers’d with fome of
.Ralegh, the laft adventurers, propos’d to the Merchants of
Briftol the fending fome {hips on the fame voyage;
which they confented to, and be agreed to be-
come an adventurer with them : But as Sir Wal-
ter Ralegh had a patent for the pluntingVirgi-
nia, it was thought proper to fend Mr. Hackluxt
and fome others to him to obtain his leave tor
Vol. III.
making the voyage ; which he readily granted un- CHAP,
der his hand and feal, together with all the profits VII.
they fhould make by it, having no longer any
thoughts of planting that country himfelf.
Being thus authoris’d to traffick to Virginia,
our adventurers fitted out a fmall Veflel, called
the Speedwell, burthen fifty ton, and man’d with
thirty hands, of which Martin Pringe, an
expert mariner, was appointed commander. They E « s
alfo fent another fmall bark with him of twenty- voyage,
fix ton, and carrying fourteen hands ; both which
veflels being vidtual’d for eight months, they put
on board a cargo confifting of cloathing both Li-
nen and Woollen, Hats, Shoes, Stockings, Car-
penters tools, implements of hufbandry and gar-
dening, Looking-glafles, Pins, Needles, Thread,
and other Haberdafhers wares ; Knives, Sciflars,
Fifli-hooks, Bells, Beads, and other glittering toys,
which they apprehended moft acceptable to the In-
dians ; with which they fet fail from King’s-Road,
near Briftol, on the 20th ot March, 1603-4; but
being put back by contrary winds, they run into
Milford-Haven, where they lay till the 10th of
April (in which interval they heard of the death
of Queen Elizabeth, that happen’d on the Queen
24th of March 1603-4) when fetting fail again, et
they arriv’d on the coaft of Virginia (now New-
England) in 43 degrees north latitude ; from
whence they bent their courfe fouth-weft till they
came into 41 degrees, and going on ftiore there,
cut a good quantity of Saflafras and carried it on
board ; but left they {hould be furpris’d in the
woods by the natives while they were at work,
they ereAed a little fort or redoubt, wherein they
left their effects and four or five men to guard
them while the reft were at work. The natives
came and traffick’d with the Englifli, forty or fifty
in a company, and fometimes upwards of an hun-
dred, who eat and drank and were very merry
with our adventurers, efpecially when they obferv’d
a lad in their company playing upon a Gittar.They
would get round about him, and taking hands,
dance twenty or thirty in a ring, after the Ame-
rican manner. Our adventurers obferv’d, that the
natives were more afraid of two maftiff Dogs they
carried with them than of twenty men ; and when
they defign’d to get rid of their company they let
loole one of thefe Maftiffs ; whereupon the natives
would fliriek out and run away to the woods ; but
— *tis probable this ufage, and the erecting a forti-
fication in their country, made the Indians at
length look upon the Englifh as their enemies ;
for our adventurers inform us, that a party of
Indians came and furrounded their fort a few days
after, when moft of them were abfent, and would
probably have furpris’d it, if the Captain of the
{hip had not fir’d two Guns and alarm’d the work-
men in the woods, who thereupon return’d to the
relief of the fort. The Indians pretended indeed
N n 11 they
35
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, they had no hoftile intentions. But our people
VII. never cared to trull them afterwards. And the
day before the Englifh embark’d, the natives
came down again in great numbers and fet lire to
the woods where they had cut theSaffafras ; which
’tis probable, was defigned to let the Englifh know,
they would preferve nothing in their country
which Ihould invite fuch guefts to vifit them a-
gain ; for no doubt the great guns and fire-arms
had rendered the Englifh very terrible to them as
well as their Dogs.
As to the produce of the foil. Captain Pr inge
made the fame obfervations as Captain Gosnold
had done in the former voyage, adding, that the
natives wore their hair tied up and adorned with
a great many feathers, flowers, and glittering toys;
and that the men had nothing before their nudities
but a piece of fkin of a hand-breadth, which was
fattened to their girdles, before and behind, and
brought between their legs ; and to thefe girdles
which were made of Snake-fkins, they alfo hung
their Tobacco-pouches. They law but two of their
women, who wore aprons made of fkins that reach-
ed down to their knees, and had mantles of bear-
fkins, which they , hung on one Ihoulder. Their
boats v/ere made of the bark of the Birch-Tree,
much of the form of ours; but larger, and fewed to-
gether with Ofier-twigs, the feams being covered
with a kind of Rofin or Turpentine of a very fra-
grant fmell : And thefe veffels were fo exceeding
light, that one of them, which would carry nine
men, did not weigh fixty pounds.
The latter end of July, our adventurers loaded
their leaft bark with Saffafras, and fent her home
to England ; and on the 9th of Auguft they fet
fail with their other (hip, having gotten a cargo
of fkins and furrs, for which they truck’d away
the cloathing and hard ware they carried thither.
Fringe gfhey arrived at the Soundings, in the chaps of
England. the chanel, within five weeks after they left the
coaft of Virginia, . where they met with contrary
winds, fo that they did not come to King’s Road
till the 2d of October, 1604; the Speedwell, the
biggeft (nip, having been out fix months in this
voyage, and the leaft ftiip, called the Difcoverer,
five months and an half.
The Lords In the year 1605, two enterprizing noblemen
ionand™!- ( v ‘ z ’)H enr y Earl of Southampton, and Thom as
rundel fend Lord Arundel, equip’d a (hip called the Archan-
afhiotovir- g e J 5 a nd gave the command , of it to Captain
DptWEY. George Weymouth, who fet fail from the
mouth’s Down on the 31ft of March, and came upon the
royage,. coaft of Virginia, or rather New- England, on the
14th of May following, being then, as he found
by obfervation, in 43 degrees of north latitude.
From whence he flood to the fouthward, and arriv-
ed at a good harbour, not far from the mouth of
Hudson’s river, in 41 degrees odd minutes ; and
becaufe they difcovered this harbour on Whitfun-
day they gave it the name of Pentecoaft Harbour. CHAP,
Here they traded with the natives to great ad- VII.
vantage, getting forty Beaver- fkins for the value V/VN
of live (hillings in Knives and other cutlers wares.
Several of the Indians came on board and were
entertained, and fome of the Englifh went on
fhore, and lay in the Indian houfes all night; but
always took that caution to keep fome of the na-
tives on board as hoftages ; and thefe people not Some of tfie
uttng the like caution, when the Englifh had fi- prifeTand^*
nifhed their buttnefs they furprifed three or four of brought a-
the natives and detained them on board, refolvina: K ay , b I tbfi
y o F.nplifh
to carry them to England ; of which their friends e
being apprifed, ufed various ftrategems to make
reprifals by taking fome of the Englifh, but had
no opportunity ; for our adventurers never went
on fhore afterwards but in a body and well armed,
nor would they venture far into the country, hav-
ing difcovered an ambufcade of feveral hundred In-
dians that lay ready to intercept their retreat ;
whereupon our adventurers cry out mightily of the
treacherous difpofition of the Indians ; whereas
they themfelves were much more guilty of treache-
ry in furprifing and running away with feveral of
the natives. It was natural to expedf the Indians
would revenge this piece of violence if they could
have met with an opportunity, either upon them-
felves or the next Europeans that vifited their
coaft, and whenever they have upon the like
provocations endeavoured to do themfelves juftice,
our people never fail to exclaim againft the trea-
chery and barbarity of the Indians, who have much,
more reafon to complain of the Europeans for their
invafions and treachery than we have to exclaim
againft them for retaliating fuch injuries.
There happened nothing more worth mention-
ing in this voyage, but that our adventurers having
made a very good market, fet fail for England on
Sunday the 16th of June, and made the iflands of Capt.WE y-
Scilly, near the land’s end of England, on the “ t °
1 6th of July foilov/ing. England.
The enterprizing and mercantile part of the
nation being by this time fufficiently apprized that
a very advantagious commerce might be carried on
with North- America, tho’ they fhould not meet
with Gold and Silver, as the Spaniards had done in
that part of the world, and Sir Walter Ra-
legh’s patent being forfeited by his attainder in
the fir ft year of this reign, feveral gentlemen and
merchants petitioned bis majefty King James I.
for a patent to enable them to laife a joint flock,
in order to fettle colonies in Virginia, obferving
that this could never be done eftedtually but by a
company or corporation.
Whereupon King James, by his letters patents, King
dated the 10th of April, 1606, reciting, that ^
Sir Thomas Gates aud Sir Geor c e Sum- planting
mers; Knights, Richard Hacluit Clerk, Virginia,
Prebendarv of Weftxninfter, Edward Maria
Wing-
OF VIRGINIA.
CHAP. Wingfield, Thom as Hanham, and Ra-
VII, legh Gilbert, Efquires; William Park-
ER anc ^ George Popham, Gentlemen, and
divers others his loving fubjedts, had petitioned
him for leave to fend colonies to Virginia, and
fuch other parts of America as either appertained
to this crown, or which were not actually pof-
feffed by any other Chriftian Prince or people, and
lying between 34 and 45 degrees of northern lati-
. tude, and within an hundred miles of the fea coaft ;
and, for the fpeedy accomplishment of the faid plan-
tation, intended to divide themfelves into two fe-
veral companies, the one confifting of the adven-
turers of the city of London, who were defirous
to fix themfelves between the 34th and 41 lb de-
grees of north latitude 5 and the other, confifting
of the adventurers of the cities of Briftol and Ex-
eter, and the town of Plymouth, who were defi-
rous to fettle between 38 and 45 degrees on the
coaft of Virginia in America. His Majefty, in
order to promote fo noble a work, which might
tend to the glory of God by propagating the
Chriftian Religion among the Infidels and Sava-
ges, and bring them to humanity and civility, did
gracioufly accept their petition : And for himfelf,
his heirs and fucceflors, did grant and agree, that
the faid Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George
Summers, Richard Hack lu it, and Ed-
ward Maria Wingfield, Adventurers of
the city of London, and all others that fhould af-
fociate with them, fhould be called the firft colo-
ny, and might begin their firft: plantation at any
place upon the faid coaft of Virginia or America,
where they fhould think lit, between 34 and 41
degrees of latitude ; and fhould have all the lands,
woods, rivers, ports, fifhings and hereditaments
whatfoever to the fame belonging or appertaining,
from the firft feat of their plantation for fifty miles
either way along the coaft north and fouth, and an
f hundred miles to the weftward within land, with
all the iflands over-againft the faid coaft, for
the fpace of an hundred miles at fea, with all
the lands, ports, rivers, harbours, fifhings and
mines thereto belonging or appertaining ; and li-
berty to build, plant, and fortify thereon : And
that no other fubjedbs of this crown fhould be per-
mitted to fettle themfelves on the lands to the weft-
ward of this colony without their leave. And his
Majefty did grant to theaforefaid T hom as PIan-
ham, Ralegh Gilbert, William Par-
ker, and George Popham, of the cities of
Briftol and Exe ter, and town of Plymouth, in the
county of Devon, and all others that fhould affo-
ciate with them, that they fhould be called the
fecond colony, and might begin their firft planta-
tion upon the faid coaft of Virginia or America,
where they fhould think fit, between 38 and 45
degrees of latitude, and enjoy all the lands, ports,
rivers, fifhing, and hereditaments thereto belong-
359
ing, with the like extent of land and fea from the CHAP,
feat of their plantation, as was granted to the firft VII.
colony. l/’Y'sJ
And it was provided, that the refpedbive colo-
nies fhould not plant within the fpace of one hun-
dred miles of each other.
That each company fhould have a council con-
fifting of thirteen perfons, in whom the govern-
ment fhould be lodged ; but limited by certain
articles under the privy-feal.
They were impowered alfo to dig mines in and
beyond their refpedlive limits to the weft-ward,
paying the crown a fifth of all Gold, and a fif-
teenth of all Copper-Ore they fhould get. They
were alfo impowered to feize all fhips that fhould
trade within thier refpedbive limits, to coin money,
raife forces for their defence, &c. Three /hips
The London adventurers, or the firft com-
pany, were no fooner authorized to fend colonies adventurers,
to Virginia by this patent but they fitted out three
vefiels, (viz.) one of an hundred tons, another of
forty, and a pinnace of twenty tons, in which
were fent an hundred and ten land-men, with
arms, ammunition, tools and implements for
building, fortification and tillage, cloathing, toys,
and other merchandize, to traffick with the Indi-
ans, and every thing proper for a colony : The
command of this little fquadron being committed
to Captain Christopher Newport, an excel-
lent feaman, and one who was ufed to Weft-India
voyages $ but the orders for the government of the
colony, and the names of the members of the coun-
cil, who were to have the adminiftration of affairs
when they arrived in Virginia, were fealed up, and.
directed not to be opened until they went on Chore.
They fet fail from London on the 20th of
December, 1606, but the wind not being favou-
rable, they made it the 5th of January before they
reached the Downs, and were detained here and
upon the coaft of England feveral weeks more.
After which they bent their courfe to the Canary
Iflands, where they took in frefh water, and then
failed to the Caribbee Iflands, where they arrived
on the 23d of February. They fet their men 011
fhore on feveral of thefe iflands, and remained
amongft them a month and upwards, but chiefly
on the ifland of Nevis, where their men lived up-
on the provifions they found in the ifland.
On the 3d of April they fet fail from Nevis,
and on the 29th of the fame month difeovered the
land of Virginia, and the fame day were fo fortu-
nate as to enter the bay of Chefepeak, between
the two Capes ; the fouthermoft of which they
named Cape Henry, and the northermoft Cape
Charles, in compliment to the two Princes, the
King’s fons ; which Capes are about feven leagues
(not nine leagues, as I faid by miftake in deferi-
bing their fttuation) afunder.
They could not pofiibly have found a better
N n n 2 place
3 6 °
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, place for their purpofe (tho, they were driven thi-
VII. ther by a ftorm, and hit upon it by accident) there
being more commodious rivers and harbours in
this bay than in any part of North America ; the
want whereof, in a great meafure, defeated Sir
Walter Ralegh’s attempts of fettling colo-
nies on this coaft.
They land at They landed firft on the fouth fide, near Cape
i C n' r 3 e - H d"T’ Henry, which lies in 37 degrees north latitude,
grces north and found it a very fruitful and delightful coun-
latuude. try ; which while fome of the gentlemen were
taking a view of with uncommon pleafure after
the fatigue of a tedious and tempeftuous voyage,
A fkirmifli they fell into an ambufcade of Indians, who (hot
uiththena-afhower of arrows from the woods and defpe-
rately wounded two of the Englilh ; but upon the
firing a volley of fmall (hot they took to their
heels and fled, giving notice by fires from place
to place of the arrival of our adventurers.
The water, upon founding the fouth fide of
the entrance of the bay, being found fo fhallow
that their fhips could not come near the fhore, it
was refolved to try the oppofite coaft, where they
found the chanel clofe to the land to be eight
or ten fathom deep. Whereupon they named that
Joint Com- point of land Point Comfort, and brought their
fhips thither, having the day before eredled a
Poffeffion crofs at Cape Henry, and formally taken poffeflion
tiieTounti ■ cou ntry in the name of King James I.
At their landing on Cape Comfort, five of the
natives appear’d at a diftance, and feem’d very
much afraid of the Englifh, till Captain New-
port, made figns of peace and friendlhip, when
they laid down their Bows and Arrows, and came
forwards with a great deal of courage, inviting
the Englifh to their town, which they pointed to,
and call’d by the name of Keccughtan ; and a
party of our adventurers going thither with them
The Englifh were entertain’d very hofpitably. They brought
hy^herT' 1 t ^ iem a ^° P'P es an d Tobacco to fmoak, and danc-
; i veSi ed and fung after the manner of their country,
to divert their new guefts ; of whom, however,
they feem’d to have fome apprehenfions, for when
the Englifh firft came to the town, they fet up
a lamentable howling, and laying their faces on
the ground tore it up with their Nails ; which the
Englilh then look’d upon as fome religious cere-
mony, but I am apt to think, by their howling
and geftures, they rather exprefs’d their fears that
thofe foreigners would one day fubdue their coun-
try, being acquainted with the Execution they had
done with their fire-arms in the firft encounter
they had with their countrymen on the other fids
the bay. The entertainment being ended. Cap-
tain Newport made the natives fome prefents
of Beads and other toys, and then, return’d to his
Chip.
As to the colony, the firft bufinefs they enter’d
npon after they landed was to open their orders,
where they found the following gentlemen ap- C H A P.
pointed of the council (viz.) Bartholomew VII.
Gosnold, Edward Wingfield, Chris-
topher Newport, John Smith, John
Ratcliffe, John Martin, and George
Kendall, of whom Wingfield was chofen
Prefident, but they thought fit to leave Captain
Smith out of the council ; for it feems the reft
of the gentlemen were fo fet againft him that
they had confined him Prifoner ever fince their
leaving England; whichPuRCH ase infinuates was
occafioned by their envy at his fuperior Talents,
and becaufe the company in England feemed to
rely more on his lkill and experience than on any
of the reft : And it appears, that the planters
themfelves were fo convinced of his abilities after-
wards, that they were obliged not only to admit
him into their council, but in a manner to refign
the adminiftration into his hands, after they had
by their perpetual jarrs and weak management
aimoft ruined the company’s affairs. To proceed.
On the 4th of May, Captain N ewport had an
interview with one of their Weroances, or Kings,
asthe Englifh call them, named Paspahe, and
the day following with Rapa hanna, the We-
roance or Chief of another tribe, who invited the
Englifh to his town, and treated them handfbmely.
The next three or four days they failed up the
river Powhaton, to which they gave the name of
James River, in fearch of a proper place to fettle
the colony ; and having pitched upon one between
forty and fifty miles from the mouth of the river,
they landed all the men there that were intended
to be left in the country, and began to erecft a
flight fort, which they barricadoed with trees,
and built fome few huts, to which they gave the The colony
name of James Town. ^, x at J anr - ts
The place they chofe was a Peninfula, two
thirds thereof being encompafted by the river
Powhaton, and the other third by a fmall narrow
river, capable however of receiving veffels of an
hundred, tons aimoft as far as the main river, and
at fpring tides it over- flows and runs into the ri-
ver Powhaton, making the place a perfect ifland,
containing about two thoufand acres of firm land,
befides, a great deal ofmarfhy ground ; which fitu-
ation was looked upon as a great fecurity againft
the attacks of the Indians.
The very firft night the Englifh landed, the
natives furrounded the ifland with their canoes ;
but finding our adventurers upon their guard and
ready to receive them, they fled. On the 1 8th of
May, the Weroance Paspahe., in whofe country
they were fettled, came to their quarters, attended
by an hundred armed Indians ; and obferving the
Englilh Hand to their arms, would have had them
laid them down ; but the colony apprehending he
had fome hoftile intentions, refufed, and one of
his company Healing a Hatchet, the perfon from
whom
OF VIRGINIA.
361
CHAP.
VII.
v'-Y'n*
Captain
N e w-
POR T
returns to
England.
The colony
reduced to
great diftrefs
Captain
Smith
goes in
fearch of
provifions.
Takes it by
f^rce from
the natives
on their re'
fufal to fell
liim any.
whom he took it ftruck the favage, and took it
from him ; whereupon his countrymen were pre-
paring to revenge the affront, and the Englilh to
defend their companion, when the Weroance fud-
denly rofe up and departed in a great rage : How-
ever, he fent a Buck to the fort as a prefent foon
after, and pretended to be their friend, offering
them as much of his country as they defired for
a plantation ; but I find the colony remained jea-
lous of this Weroance, fufpefting he only waited
for an opportunity to furprife them.
On the 15th of June, 1607, their fort was
finilhed, being of a triangular figure, with three
baftions and four or five pieces of artillery mount-
ed on each. And now they thought themfelves
ftrong enough to refill: all the power of the natives.
They planted alfo two pieces of ground on the
Peninfula with Indian Corn to ferve them the fuc-
ceeding winter ; and Captain Newport, on the
22 d of June, 1607, returned to England, leaving
in the colony one hundred and four eftedfive Men,
who foon began to find the want of the fhips,
from which they had hitherto purchafed bread,
flower, and ftrong liquors, and remained in pretty
good health : But the fruits of the country being
now the principal part of their food, and very
little good liquor ftirring, many of the colony fell
ftck of fluxes and fevers, and feveral dyed, among
whom were Captain Gosnold, one of the coun-
cil, and fome other gentlemen of quality ; and
others were cut off by the natives in the woods,
as they wandered in fearch of fruits or game, and
the reft were in a manner {hut up and befieged in
their fort, where, with continual watching, bad diet,
and want of good lodging, they were reduced to
a very miferable condition, and by the month ot
September had burved fifty of the colony : The
reft alfo had perifhed if the natives had continued
their attacks ; but it feems they were now become
more pacifick, and confented to traffick with the
Englilh again, giving them venifon, wild-fowl,
Corn, and other provifions for their merchandize.
But every man endeavouring to under-fell his
neighbour, and the Indians imagining they had
been cheated and impofed upon therefore in their
former bargains, broke off all commerce and in-
tercourfe with the colony again, and they were
a fecond time reduced to a ftarving condition.
Whereupon every one turned his eyes upon Cap-
tain Smith as the only man that could extricate
them out of thefe difficulties; and having depofed
their prefident, they made choice of another, who
committed the conduct of their affairs entirely to
the Captain. This gentleman having made fome
addition to their fortifications, to fecure the colo-
ny againft the attacks of the Indians, and made
their houfes and lodgings more commodious, he
took feven armed men with him in his boat, and :
went down- the river in order to purchafe Com
of the more diftant tribes of Indians, who refuf- CHAP,
ing alfo to fell him any, he went to their houfes VIE
and took their Corn away by force. Whereupon
three or four fcore of the favages affembled , and
marching with their idol carryed before them,
charged the Englilh with their bows and arrows.
The Captain returned their compliment with a
volley of his mulkets, loaden with piftol {hot.
Whereupon they run away, leaving their idol
behind them ; and this brought them to a capitu-
lation, wherein they agreed, that upon reftoring
their God they would furnifh them with as much
Corn as they wanted : And having loaded his
boat, he returned in triumph to the fort, where he
found the Prefident and fome others had formed a A defign
defign to abandon the plantation, and return in the f ° rm f d t0
. 0 -r- 1 1 -n 1 • , f abandon the
pinnace to England : But having now plenty or f ort-
Corn, and abundance of wild-fowl in the rivers,
as the winter came on, thefe thoughts were laid a-
fide for the prefent ; and Captain Smith proceed-
ed on another expedition to make difcoveries and
bring in more Corn for the colony, in which he
had feveral fuccelsful encounters with the forces
of the Weroance of Powhaton ; but going on
Ihore in a certain creek with only two of his men,
he fell into an ambufcade of his enemies, the two Smith
men were killed, and himfelf falling into a bog l aken ^ tllE!
was taken pruoner by Apaconcanough. p ow -
Powh at on’s general, and being brought before ha ton,
that Prince, he ordered his brains to be beaten
out with clubs, an ufual execution among the fava-
ges : However, his life was laved by the inter- ^
ceffiion of Pacahunt a, Powhaton’s daugh- p A c
ter, who was fo enamoured with the Captain hunt a,
that ftie took him in her arms, and vowed fne A ~
would die with him if he fuffered, and at length daughter;
prevailed upon her father not only to give him and a peace
his life but his liberty, and furnifli him with t ™ a e j^
whatever he wanted ; and the Captain returning natives and
to the fort was frequently vifited by this lady, who the colony^
revealed to him the ftrategems of his enemies, and
defeated the defigns of the Indians againft the Fort,
tho’ ’tis faid fhe was not more than fourteen or
fifteen years of age when (lie tran failed thefe
affairs.
In the mean time the colony had laid another
plot to abandon the plantation, which the Cap-
tain returned juft time enough to prevent ; but
upon his arrival, Powhaton’s people bringing
to the fort great plenty of Corn, venifon, wild-
fowl, and all manner of provifions, all of them
altered their minds, and determined to wait till
they received frefh fupplies from Europe : Nor
was it long after Captain Smith’s return to the
fort before Captain Newport came from Eng- Captain-'
land with fupplies of men and provifions ; but the New *
Phcenix, commanded by Captain Nelson, which,
came in company with him till they made the land
of Virginia, was- driven back as far as the Ca-
ribbee
port ar**-
rives^
362 THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, ribbee Iflands by ftormy weather, and did not ar-
VII. rive at James Town till fome time afterwards.
Captain Newport had received directions
from the company in England to endeavour to
cultivate a friendfhip with the Indian Princes, and
particularly with Powhaton, who is ftyled Em-
peror by our adventurers, the reft paying him
fome kind of homage, tho’ all of them feem to
have been foveraigns in their refpeCtive territories.
To Powhaton, therefore, the company fent
a crown of gilded Copper, a bed, and chair of
ftate, with robes and other enfigns of majefty, or-
dering the colony to fee him folemnly crowned,
upon condition that he would acknowledge the
King of Great-Britain his foveraign, without re-
figning however any part of his dominions to him
or his fubjeCls, except what they Ihould purchafe
of him or his vaiTals for a valuable confideration ;
which Powhaton agreeing to, Captain New-
port, and Captain Smith marched with three
or four fcore more of the colony to Powh atom’s
Powha- capital, where they crowned and enthroned the
/rowned. Indian Monarch in the beft manner their circum-
ftances w'ould admit of ; and the other Princes,
who attended his coronation, had prefents made
them, and promifed alfo to acknowledge the King
of Great-Britain their foveraign, feveral of them
accepting of Copper and other merchandize for
fuch parts of their refpective territories as they
yielded to the Englifh ; but great complaints were
made by fome againft Captain Newport’s con-
duit in paying too great a fubmiilion towards
Powhaton, and faltering him to take all man-
ner of Englifh merchandize at his own price,
whereby the value of Englifn goods was funk ;
and would purchafe nothing to any advantage :
And Powhaton and his vaffal Princes became
exceeding infolent in their demands. The Cap-
tain is alfo cenfured for embezzling the provifions
he brought for the ufe of the colony, and felling
thofe very provifions the company fent them at ex-
travagant prices, making a perfect tavern of his
fhip for three or four months he remained in the
country, and eating up part of thofe ftores with
his, feamen which were defigned for the fupply of
the colony, whereby they were reduced to great
ftraits as foon as he was gone, and mult have pe-
rilled if Captain Smith had not taken fome
extraordinary meafures for their prefervation ; for
the colony relying on the late treaty of alliance
concluded with the Indians, imagined they ihould
be fupplyed with Corn and flefh from the country
by way of barter or truck for their goods, and
had neglected to plant Corn, or lay up any pro-
vifions againft a time of need ; from which they
were chiefly diverted by an affair which they ap-
prehended would make all their fortunes at once,
namely, the gathering the gilded Sand they found
in a neighbouring rivulet, which they took to be
Gold, and were fo confident of it that they loaded C H A P.
Captain Newport’s lliip home with it, tho’ VII.
it proved to their great difappointment common
duff. But they fent home alfo certain fpecimens The Colony
of Pitch, Tar, Glafs, and Soap- Allies, which c^mon^
had been made by fome Poles and Germans the Sand for
company hired to go to Virginia to promote
thefe manufactures ; and thefe might have turned an/cials* 1 *
to good account if the colony had not been di- made in
verted from proceeding in them by other purfuits. Vlrglnia *
In the mean time Captain Smith obferving to The Eng-
what low circumfhnces the colony was reduced lifll taJce
again, and that the Indians refufed to fell them f^ om
provifions urlefs at extravagant prices, he made the natives,
feveral incurfions into their country, and compel-
ed the natives to bring him in both Corn and flefh
at the former prices, reprefenting to the council
that the Indians were not to be dealt with in any
other manner ; they muff either refolve to aban-
don the country or exert their authority, and fliew
the Indians they were in a condition to force pro-
vifions from them, if they refufed. This he look-
ed upon as the only way to preferve the colony
from ftarving, and to plant the country to advan-
tage : And the council not being : able to find out
any other expedients for their prefervation, thought
fit to concur in the Captains meafures. He after-
wards proceeded to rebuild James Town, which
had been deftroyed by a fire while he and Cap tain
Newport were attending on Powhaton.
He alfo caufed a fufficient quantity of Indian
Corn to be planted, to ferve them the following
year : And the (hip Phcenix arriving foon after
with provifions from Europe, the colony was now
in no want of any thing. Whereupon Captain
Smith left the council to take care of the fort,
and went with a party upon further difcoveries up
the feveral bays and rivers ; at which all the , In-
dian nations were greatly alarmed, no longer Captain
doubting but that the defign of the Englifh was to 5 ™ 1 T r H
1 - . ni r 1 • 1 makes >ur-
make an entire conqueit or their country, and t h er ^ir C o*
therefore oppofed him wherever they thought them- veries.
felves ftrong enough, and laid ambufcades in the
woods and bogs to cut of his retreat ; but he was
fo fortunate as to efcape all their ftrategems, defeat- Defeats fe-
ed feveral bodies of Indians, and made Pas p ah e vend Indian
and feveral more of their Chiefs prifoners. In
thefe excurfions be difcovered the country of the
Monacans, that of the Acomacks on the eaftern
fide of the bay of Chefepeak ; the nations of W ico-
moco and Patowmack, and even the Safquehannah
Indians at the head of the bay of Chefepeak ; and
fo harraffed the territories of the Emperor Pow-
haton that he and his vaffal Princes were glad
to make their fubmiilion, and to accept of fuch a
peace as Smith was pleafed to grant them.
I (hall not go about to juftify this conduct of
Smith any further than it was neceffary ; but if
we would lay the faddle upon the right horfe, the
original
CHAP, original caufe of thefe outrages muft be afcribed
VII. either to the company in England, who made Co
little provifion for the colony that they had no way
to fubfift but by rapine, or upon fome of thofe
they employed, who took no care to plant Corn,
or lay in provifions at the proper feafons, whereby
they were reduced to the wretched circumftances
already mentioned : And the roguery of the Cap-
tains and Agents employed to carry over fupplies
to the colony was Hill another occafion of their
d iftrefs ; for it feems they frequently applyed fuch
ftores to their own ufe, and what was worfe,
fold them to the colony at extravagant rates ; and
under all thefe wants and mifmanagements it
was no wonder there were divifions among them,
which was another reafon they had no better fuc-
cefs, and were forced to plunder the country inftead
of planting it.
Captain Smith obferves, that two thirds of
the Adventurers came over with a view of find-
ing every thing provided to their hands without
any care or labour of their own, and were fubfifted
by the labours of the other induftrious third, until
he compelled them all to take {hare in the work,
and then he foon planted ground enough to fubfift
the colony in plenty : And by moderate exercife
and good food faw them not only reftored to their
healths, but in a very flourifhing condition ; and as
there was now no longer any neceffity of pro-
curing food from the Indians by violence, they li-
ved and trafficked very amicably together ; and the
Weroances buffered him to make feveral other
fettlements in their country. When their affairs
were in this profperous fituation, there arrived fix
or feven {hips from England, with between three
and four hundred Planters, and fuch ample fupplies
of ammunition and provifion as would have ena-
bled the colony to have made an entire conqueft
of Virginia, or at leaf!: to have procured what terms
they law fit of the Indians, if they had been un-
der any command ; but as things were managed,
this fupply only brought the affairs of the colony
into confufion. For the company in England
imagining that the divifions among the council
in Virginia, in whom the government there was
lodged, were the occafion of moft of the mifma-
nagements that had happened, procured a new pa-
tent from King James, whereby they were im-
powered to appoint a Governor, with a more am-
ple authority than they had by the preceding pa-
Lord D e tent, and prevailed on the Lord De la War to
Appointed accept of tne government of their new colony,
■governor, who thereupon made Sir Thomas Gates, Sir
George Summers, and Captain Newport
his Deputies until his arrival : And thefe gentle-
men fet fail from England with nine (hips and
five hundred rnen in the month of May, 1609.
All the three deputy Governors being embarked in
one fliip, were unfortunately call away on the
iflands of Bermudas, being then uninhabited, hut CH A P.
they and all the people efcaped to the fhore, where VII.
finding plenty of provifions they took poffeffion of
thefe iflands for the crown of England ; and from Sir
Sir George Summers they have been ever fince ^ E ° RGE
called the Summer-Iflands. MEES and
In the mean time the reft of their fleet arrived the two
fafe in the bay of Chefepeak, with the re-inforce- '
ment abovementioned, where they found Captain way on the
Smith prefident ; but gave out they were not Wands of
obliged to obey him, fince there was another com-
million granted, which had fuperfeded his, and fleet arrive
they expected the arrival of the Deputy- governors in Vil 'S inia *
every day.
However Captain Smith kept them in tolerable
good order while he remained amongft them ; and
made fome new fettlements, particularly at Nan-
famund, and the falls of James River ; but being
unfortunately blown up with gun-powder, as he
was out upon difcovery, he was fo mangled and
wounded that he was forced to return to England ;
after which there happened fuch divifions among
the Englifh again that every thing was neglected
which tended either to their defence or fubfiftance ;
and they were reduced by thefword, ficknefs or
famine, from five hundred to three or fou.rfcore,
when Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George -
Summers arrived from Bermudas to their relief;
having built two veffels with fuch materials as they
found upon that ifland, to tranfport them and their
people to Virginia; where meeting with nothing
but complaints from the colony, and feeing little
likelihood of fucceeding in the plantation, as they
wanted provifions and all other neceffaries, they
agreed to return to England with the colony ; and
were actually failing out of the bay when the
Lord De la War arrived from England, and
obliged them all to go back to James Town.
The Lord De la W ar, upon his arrival, re-
primanded the planters for their divifions, idlenefs,
and ill conduct, which had occafioned their mis-
fortunes ; advifmg them to reform, or he fttould
be compelled to draw thefword of juftice and cut
off the delinquents : Declaring, however, he had
much rather draw his lword in their defence and
protedlion ; and telling them, for their encou-
ragement, that he had brought them fuch plenty
of provifions that they would be in no danger
of wanting for the future, if they were not want-
ing to themfelves in providing fuch things as the
country produced. Then he proceeded to confti-
tute a council, confifting of Sir Thom as Gates,
his Lieutenant General ; Sir George Summers,
his Admiral; the honourable George Percy, one
of his Captains ; Sir Ferdinando Weinman,
his Matter of the Ordinance, and Christopher
Newport, his Vice-Admiral. Thefe and the
reft of his officers having taken the oaths to the;
government, and entered on their feveral employ- j
snents.
3 6 4
THE PRESENT STATE
C HAP. ments, his next care was to furnifh his people
VII. with flefh ; for notwithftanding there were not
lefs than five or fix hundred Hogs in the planta-
tion when Captain Smith went to England,
there was not one left alive at this time : They
had been either eaten by the colony, or killed
by the Indians, who, to diftrefs them, had alfo
driven all the Deer and other game out of the
country ; and the Englifh were fo ill provided
with nets, that though there was plenty of fifh in
their rivers, they knew not how to take them.
The company had fent over a fupply of cloath-
ing, Bifcuit, Flower, Beer, and other liquors ;
but taking it for granted that they had Hogs, ve-
nifon, fowl and fifh enough in the country, had
made no provifion of flefh. Whereupon Sir
George Summers, the Admiral, was dif-
patched to Bermudas to bring over live Hogs from
thence ; for thefe Sir George found plenty of
in that ifland when he was caft away there, though
there were no people upon it. The Governor
alfo fet fome to fifhing within the bay, and others
without, where there were fhoals of Cod-fifh ; but
their nets and tackle were fo defective that they
could not catch any ; whereupon he endeavoured
to fettle a correfpondence with Powhaton and
other Indian Princes, that he might purchafe
flefh of them for other Englifh goods ; and in
fome of thefe negotiations he fucceeded, particu-
larly with the King of Patowmack, one of the
moll potent of the Indian Princes. But notwith-
ftanding he reprefented to Powhaton that he
had already promifed to acknowledge the King of
England for his foveraign, accepted of a Crown
and Sceptre, and other enfigns of royalty from
him, with prefents of great value ; this Prince
would give him no other anfwer, but that he
expeCted the Englifh fhould depart his country,
or confine themfelves within the limits of James
Town Ifland, and not range through every part
of the country, as they continued to do, only
with a view of fubduing it, as he apprehended ;
Powha- threatning td iffue his orders to cut them off and
threaten- deftroy them, if ever they were found without
tt»> En gli fh. the limits he prefcribed them ; and commanded
the meffengers his lordfhip fent to him not to
fee his face again unlefs they brought him a coach
and fix horfes ; for in thefe he had been informed
by fome Indians, who had been in England, their
great W eroances were drawn in.
The Lord De la War finding he was to ex-
bnn»; him P e< ft no friendfhip from Powha ton, determined
to terms, he fhould fear him : Having taken an Indian pri-
foner, therefore, he cut off his right-hand, and
lent him to his mafter Powhaton, letting him
know that he would ferve all his fubjeCts in that
manner, and burn all the Corn in his country
(which was ripe at this time) if he did not for-
hear all aCL of hoftility for the future j which
Had fo good an effeCt that the colony lived in CHA P.
peace and plenty for fome time, every day making VII.
frefh difcoveries, and forming new alliances with
fome Indian Princes. And thus the company’s
affairs being happily eftabliflied again by the con-
duct of the Lord De la War, Sir Thomas
Gates was fent to England to give an account
of the ftate of the colony, the (hips being freighted
home with Cedar, Black Walnut, and Iron Ore ;
which returns appeared fo inconfiderable, that the
company were in fufpence whether they fhould
not fend for the Lord De la War and the co-
lony home : However, they firft defired Sir Tho-
mas Gates’s opinion upon it ; who told them,
that thefe were not the only returns they were
to expect ; that if they would fend over men
who underftood how to make Pitch, and Tar,
and plant Hemp and Flax, they might furnifh
England with all manner of naval ftores ; and Nava] (tores
that it would be very eafy alfo to fet up a ma- Virginia? ”*
nufaCture of filk, the country abounding in And Silk.
Mulberry-Trees as well as Silk-Grafs ; that the
foil was exceeding fruitful, producing Corn,
Grafs, Grapes, and other fruits in abundance ;
that European cattle and poultry multiplied pro-
digioufly ; and there was great plenty of venifon,
fifh and fowl, which they could never want when
they fhould be provided with boats, nets, and
engines to take them : The company need then
be at very little charge to fupport the colony.
On the contrary, they would in a fhort time
meet with returns anfwerable to their expecta-
tions. Whereupon the company refolved to pro-
ceed with alacrity to improve their Virginian
plantation ; in which refolution they were con-
firmed by the Lord De la War, who returned Lord De
to England about this time (Anno 1610 ) for the LA war
recovery of his health. England,
He acquainted the company, that he had no in-
tention to abandon their fervice ; but as foon as
his health was reftored he would return to his go- .
vernment again. In the mean time he had left
Mr. George Percy his Deputy-governor, a
man of great honour and refolution, in whofe
conduit they might confide, till Sir Thomas
Gates fhould return thither: That Captain
Ar-Goll had fettled a trade with feveral of the
Indian Chiefs ; and for the defence of the colony
he had ereCted three forts more than he found there,
viz. two near Point Comfort ; and a third at the
falls of James River, adjoining to which were large
fields he had ordered to be planted with Indian
vines, and roots ; fo that there was no danger
of the colony’s being in any diftrefs for the future,
if they were not wanting to themfelves.
On the 10th of May, 1611, Sir Thomas Dale car-
Dale arrived at Virginia with three fhips and fup- ( ies , over a
plies of men, cattle, and provifions, and immediate- lul£hy ‘
!y fet his people to work to plant Corn (which the
colony
OF VIRGINIA, 365
CHAP, colony had negledted, tho’ it was late in the fpring) the firft man that fhe had fet her affections upon, CHAP.
VII. and had a tolerable good crop. and I make no doubt he had promifed to marry VII.
Sir Thomas Gates arrived in Auguft fol- her when he was in her father’s court ; for when NJ
Gate’s lowing with fix fhips, three hundred and fifty he came to wait upon her, on her arrival in
pHnters, and a proportionable fupply of cattle, am- England, fhe appeared lurprifed, turned away
munition and provifions, taking the government from him with the utmoft fcorn and refentment,
upon him as Deputy to the Lord De la War, and it was fome hours before fhe would be pre-
who ftill remained Tick in England. This gen- vailed with to fpeak to him. She could not be-
tleman planted and fortified Henrico County, to lieve any man would have deceived her for whom
the weftward of James Town, and made lines, fhe had done fo much, and run fo many hazards ;
defended with palifadoes, to preferve their cattle and when fhe did vouchfafe to hear his excufes,
from the Indians; for ftill King Powhaton re- fire ftill reproached him with ingratitude. In all
fufed the alliance of the Englifh, and harraffed her behaviour, ’tis faid, fire behaved herfelf with
and plundered their plantations which lay expofed. great decency and fuitabie to her quality, and
Whereupon Captain Argoll took an opportunity mighty expectations there were of the future fer-
of furprifing his celebrated daughter, the Princefs vices fire would have done the Englifh upon her
Pacahunta, in the year 1612, and carried her return to her own country ; but fhe was taken ill
to James Town, where fhe was treated however at Gravefend, as fire was about to embark for
according to her Quality, and the eminent fervices Virginia, and died in that town a very devout
fire had done the Englifh : And ftill continuing Chriftian, ’tis faid, leaving one only fon, named
her good Offices, the King her father was, after Thomas Rolf, whofe pofterity now flourifh in
two years, reconciled to the colony, and confent- Virginia, and enjoy lands defcended to them as
The Princefs ed to her marrying Mr. John Rolf, an Eng- heirs of the Princefs Pacahunta. But to re-
h unt'a ^ g ent ^ eman - And had more of our people in- turn.
married to ter-married with the Indians I am inclined to Captain It ardly, during his ad m in iftration, Captain
Mr. Rolf, think it would have been the moft effedfual way of firft promoted the planting of Tobacco, finding Ya r d lV
eftablifhing the colony in peace; for Powhaton there began to be a great demand for it in Europe,
is laid to look upon this match as a fincere mark of which brought an immediate gain to the com- planting To-
the friendfhip of the Englifh. But our adventur- pany ; but ’tis faid he did not fo much regard the bacco *
ers appear’d unaccountably fqueamifh in this par- buildings and fortifications, and planting of Corn,
ticular. ^ hey feemed to delpife and abhor fuch as he ought to have done. O11 the contrary, he
alliances, which rendered the natives averfe to us entered into the greateft intimacy with the Indi-
afterwards. Whereas, if the Englifh had conti- ans, employed them in hunting and fifhing for
nued to inter-marry with them, they would in the colony, and they lived together very fociable
time have became one nation, and thofe maflacres in his time. Captain Argoll, who fucceeded Argoll,
and other calamities thatenlued had infallibly been him, did not approve of this familiarity and con- Governor,
avoided. The natives probably would have em- fidence in the natives, but repaired the forts that
braced the Chriftian Religion voluntarily, as this were running to decay, and aftecfted to render
Princefs did. But to proceed. himfelf more formidable to the Indians than his
A peace be- A peace being concluded with King Powha- predeceffor. Both thefe gentlemen feem to have been
* EnglEhand TON u P on this marriage, in the year 1613, the but deputies to the Lord De la War; for in
king Pow- Englifh and his fubjedfs lived in a good underftand- the year 1618, that noblemen embarked again for
waton. mg, and trafficked together for fome time : And his government of Virginia with a re-inforcement
the Chickahommony Indians, another tribe, by of two hundred men, and fupplies for the colony ;
their example alfo concluded a peace with the co- but meeting with contrary winds, which rendered
Jony which now appeared in a very flourifhing the paflage more tedious than ufual, the fh ip’s corn-
condition : And in the year 1616, Sir T homas pany became fickly, and his Lordfhip died in the x, ord De
Dale leaving the adminiftration of the govern- voyage, with thirty or forty planters more that a War
ment to Captain Yardly, returned to England, embarked with him. Whereupon Mr. Argoll <i * £s '
^ he Princefs cari yirsg Mr. Rolf and the Princefs his wife with was continued fome time longer in the govern-
hu'nta him, where King James’s Queen and court paid ment, which he fpent in making difeoveries on
comes to her the fame honours that were due to a Europe- the coaft of New-England and New-Scotland, or
inland. an Lady of jhe fome quality, after they were in- Acadia; and finding the French had made fome
formed by Captain Smith what fervices fhe had fettlements there he expelled them from thence, The French
done tne Englifh nation, and particularly how fire the crown of England claiming thofe countries as driven from
had faved the Captain’s life when his head was up- parts of Virginia. This year (1618) alfo died the J fe J r ‘ En «“
on the^ block.^ But it feems before this Princefs famous Powhaton, being fucceeded in his em-powHA-
marrieo Mr, Rolf, fhe had been given to under- pire by his brother Itopatin ; but he being a T0N dies,
i.anJ that Captain Smith was dead; for he was weak. Prince, Oppaconcanough, King of
v 0 L ° O 0 o Chicka-
THE PRESENT STATE
366
CM A P. Chickahommony, afterwards ufurp’d the empire,
VII. reducing feveral more of the neighbouring Wero-
ances under his dominion ; however, both Oppa-
concanough and Itopatin renewed the peace
with the Englifh on the death of Powhaton.
Sir Governor Argoll, being recalled from Vir~
George^ ginia foon after his expedition to the northward,
feond'go- 3 t ^ e adminiftration in the hands of Captain
fcrnment. Powel, to whom Captain Yard ly fucceeded,
having been knighted by King James. He car-
ried over with him a re-inforcement of twelve
hundred men, and proportionable fupplies of cat-
tle and provifions. I prefume the company were
by this time fenfible of the advantage of planting
Tobacco; and as Sir George Yardly firft
put them upon it, thought him the propereft per-
fon to encourage that plantation.
The govern - Sir George, upon his arrival, applied himfelf
meyt fettled t 0 renc J er t] ie government as like that of Eng-
as in hng- . mi . gii ^ r
land, land as pomble. He mcreafed the number of
the council, intending they fhould fupply the
place of a houfe of lords, and fummoned an
affembly of burgeffes from every fettlement in the
The firft country. The firft affembly or parliament fet at
afiembiy, James Town in Virginia, in May, 1620, and
then compofed but one houfe, tho’ they afterwards
feparated, and fat as the parliament do in Eng-
land in two houfes; and Mr.BEVERLE y infinuates,
that the views of the upper and lower houfe have
been different ever fince.
Negroes firft Negroes were firft brought over to Virginia
imported, this year in a Dutch fhip ; and proving extreme-
ly ferviceable in planting Tobacco, more were
parceled out irr >ported annually from Guinea : And now Sir
among the George proceeded to parcel out the lands, al-
pianters, lotting to the company a certain proportion in fe-
veral diftricts for the rapport of the government ;
other portions were allotted for the ufe of a col-
lege and fchools intended to be erected. Glebes
were affigned in every parifh for the fupport of
the minifters, and the planters had their refpedtive
fhares allotted them ; whereupon, ’tis faid, they
became exceeding induftrious, and began to vye
with each other in planting, building, and other
improvements ; and encouragements were offered
to all fuch as fhould come and fettle in Virginia,
and increafe the colony. Whereupon frefh fup-
plies of men and cattle continually arrived, and
new fettlements were daily made in all parts of
the country. Salt-works were fet up at Cape
Charles, on the eaftern ftiore, and an Iron-work
at Falling-Creek in James River, where they
found the Iron-Ore good, and had near brought
that work to perfection. At this time, fays my
aut; hor, (Mr. Beverley) the fame of the riches
and plenty in which the English lived at Virginia
was exceeding great, and afcribes their happinefs
in a great meafure to the prudent condudft of Sir
George Yaidly, but condemns him however
for neglecting the fortifications ; and indeed if he C H A P,
took upon him to parcel out the lands of the Indi- VII.
ans among the Englifh without their leave, and
gave them no valuable confideration for them, it
could not be expedted the natives fhould long re-
main their friends ; however, during his govern-
ment, I meet with no complaint or mifunderftand-
ings on either fide, which makes me of opinion
thefe allotments were made with the confent of the
Indians ; and if the fucceeding governor had be-
haved himfelf in the like friendly manner towards
the natives, poftlbly none of thofe heart-burnings
or maffacres which followed had ever happened.
Sir George Yaroly’s government of threeWYAT’s 1
years expiring in the year 1621, he was fucceeded S° ve mment»
by Sir Francis Wyat, a young gentleman,
who arrived in James Town in the month of
October, with twelve hundred planters ; and the
fame year fifty men more were carried thither by
Captain Newport, whom he planted in a part
of the country to which he gave his own name.
But there was, it feems, fuch quantities of To-
bacco exported from Virginia at this time, that
orders were fent from England, that no planters
fhould be permitted to fend over more than an
hundred weight of Tobacco in one year. They
were advifed to apply themfelves to the making
of Pot-afh and other manufactures ; to plant more
Corn, and improve their flocks of cattle inftead
of running too much upon Tobacco.
In the year 1622, according to colonel Be- C ourts of
verley, inferiour courts were firft inftituted byj“/| 1Ce in “
the general-affembly under the name of country
courts, for the trial of civil and criminal caufes,
referving an appeal to the Governor and council,
which remained ftill the fupreme court of judica-
ture. The Colonel proceeds to give us an account
of the maftacre which happened the fame year,
wherein he obferves, that the great increafe of the
planters, and the long quiet the Englifh had en-
joyed among the Indians fince the marriage of the -
Princefs Pacahunta with Mr. Rolf, had
lulled all men into a fatal fecurity. The Eng-
lifh became everywhere familiar with the Indians,
eating, drinking and fleeping arnongft them ; by
which means they were perfectly acquainted with
all our Englifh ftrength and the ufe of our arms,
knowing at all times when and where to find our
people, whether at home or in the woods, in bo-
dies or difperfed, in condition of defence or inde-
fenfible. This expofing of their weaknefs gave
them, occafion to think more contemptibly of the
Englifh than otherwife perhaps they would have
done ; for which reafon they became more hardy
to attempt any thing againft them.
Thus, upon the lofs of one of their leading Oppa-
men (a War-Captain, as they call him) who was conca-
fuppofed to be juftly put to death, however, their k° u t °
King Qppaconc anougm appeared enraged, facre the
and E n sk&»
3 6 7
OF VIRGINIA.
CHAP.
VII.
Three hun
<dred and
forty feven
uuirdered.
The confpi-
racy difco-
rered by an
Indian.
and in revenge laid the plot of a general maflacre
of the Englifh, to be executed on the 22d of
March, 1622, a little before noon, at a time
when our men were all at work abroad in their
plantations, difperfed and unarmed. This con-
fpiracy was to have taken effect upon all the feve-
ral fettlements at one and the fame inftant, ex-
cept on the eaftern fhore, whither this plot did
not reach. The Indians had been made fo famili-
ar with the Englifh as to borrow their boats and
canoes to crofs the river when they went to con-
fult with their neighbouring Indians upon this
execrable confpiracy ; and to colour their defign
the better, they brought prefents of Deer, Tur-
kies, fikn, and fruits to the Englifh the evening
before. The very morning of the maflacre they
came freely and unarmed among them, eating with
them, and behaving themfelves with the fame free-
dom and friendfhip as formerly, till the very mi-
nute they were to put their plot in execution ;
then they fell to work all at once, every where fur-
prifing and knocking the Englifh on the head,
fome with their Hatchets, which they call Tom-
mahauks, others with the Hoes and Axes of the
Englifh themfelves, fhooting at thofe who elcaped
the reach of their hands ; fparing neither age nor
fex, but deftroying man, woman, and child, ac-
cording to their cruel way of leaving none behind
to refent the outrage. But what ever was not done
by furprize that day was left undone, and many
that made early refiftance efcaped.
By the account taken of the Chriftians murder-
ed that morning, they were found to he three
hundred and forty feven, mod of them falling by
their own inftruments and working-tools.
The maflacre had been much more general had
not this plot been providentially difcovered to the
Englifh fome hours before the execution. It hap-
pened thus :
Two Indians, that ufed to be employed by the
Englifh to hunt for them, happened to lie together
the night before the maflacre in an Englifhman’s
houfe where one of them was employed. The In-
dian that was the gueft fell to perfuading the other
to rife and kill his maker, telling him that he
would do the fame by his own the next day:
Whereupon he difcovered the whole plot that
was defigned to be executed on the morrow. But
the other, inftead of entering into the plot and
murdering his maker, got up (under pretence cf
going to execute his comrade’s advice) went into
his maker’s chamber, and revealed to him the
whole ftory that he had been told. The maker
hereupon arofe, fecured his own houfe, and before
day got to James Town, which together with fuch
plantations as could receive notice time enough,
were faved by this means ; the reft alfo who hap-
pened to be watchful in their defence efcaped.
Captain Croshaw in his veffel at Patowmack
had notice given him by a young Indian, by which CHAP,
means he came off untouch’d. VIL
The occafion of Oppaconc anough’s furi-
ous refentment was this : TheWar-Captain men-
tioned before to have been killed was called N maflacre.
mattanow. He was an adtive Indian, a great
warrior, and in much eiteem amongk them ; in-
fomuch, that they believed him to be invulnerable
and immortal, becaufe he had been in many con-
kidts and efcaped untouched from them all. He
was alfo a very cunning fellow, and took great
pride in preferving and increakng this their fuper-
kition concerning him 5 affedting every thing that
was odd and prodigious to work upon their admi-
ration ; for which purpofe, he would often drefs
himfelf up with feathers after a iantaffick manner,
and by much ufe of that ornament obtained among
the Englifh the nick-name of Jack of the Feather.
This Nf.m att anow coming to a private fet- Nem at-
dement of one Morgan, who had feveral toys, s
he had a mind to perfuade him to go to Pamun-
ky to difpofe of them. He gave him Hopes
what mighty bargains he might meet with there,
and kindly offered him his affikance. At laft
Morgan yielded to his perfuakon, but was no
more heard of ; and it is believed that Nemat-
tanow killed him by the way, and took away
his treafure ; for within a few days this Ne-
m att anow returned to the fame houfe with
Morgan’s Cap upon his head, where he found
two kurdy boys, who afked for their maker, and
would have had him before a jukice of peace, but
he refufed to go, and very infolently abufed them ;
whereupon they krot him down, and as they were
carrying him to the Governor he died.
As he was dying he earneflly preffed the boys
to promife him two things ; ik, that they would
not tell how he was killed ; and, 2dly, that they
would bury him among the Englifh. So great:
was the pride of this vain infidel, that he had
no other views but the being ekeemed after his
death (as he had endeavoured to be while he was
alive) invulnerable and immortal ; tho’ his increas-
ing faintnefs fufficientiy convinced him of the fal-
fity of both. He imagined, that being buried
among the Englifh perhaps might conceal his
death from his own nation, who might think him.
trankated to fome happier country. Thus he
pleafed himfelf to the laft gafp with the boys pro-
mifes to carry on the delukon. The killing this
Indian champion was all the provocation given
to that haughty and revengeful man Oppacon-
canouc-h to a£l this bloody tragedy, and to take
fuch indefatigable pains to engage in fuch horrid
villany all the Kings and nations bordering upon
the Englifh fettlement on the weftern fhore of
Chefepeak.
This maflacre (adds Mr. Beverley) gave
the Englifh a fair pretence of endeavouring the
O o 0 2 total
3 6 S THE PRESE
CHAP, total extirpation of the Indians, but more efpeci-
VII. ally of Oppacohcanou c h and his nation : Ac-
cordingly they fet themfelves about it, making
ufe of the Roman maxim (frith is not to be kept
with Hereticks) to obtain their ends ; for after
fome months fruitlels purfuit of them who could
but too dexteroufly hide themfelves in the woods,
aft a trea ■ * ^ ie Englifh feigned a defire of peace, giving them
cherous till manner ot fair words and promifes of oblivion,
rart ' defigning thereby (as their own letters now on
record, and their own actions thereupon prove)
to draw the Indians home, and entice them to
plant their Corn near their habitations adjoining
to thofe of the Englifh, and then to cut it up
when the fummer fhould be too far fpent, and
fo to leave them no hopes of another crop that
year ; by which means they propofed to bring
them to want neceffaries and ftarve. And the
And miffa- Englifh did accordingly bring the Indians to plant
ere the Indi- their Corn at their ufual habitations, whereby
Turn/ £U g aine d an opportunity of repaying them
fome part of the debt in their own coin ; for
they fell fuddenly upon them, cut to pieces fuch
ot them as could not make their efcape, and af-
terwards totally deftroyed their Corn.
Another effedt of the maflacre of the Englifh
was the reducing all the fettlements again to fix
or feven in number for their better defence. Be-
fides, it was fuch a difheartening to fome good
projects then juft advancing, that to this day,
they have never been put in execution ; namely,
TheGlafs- the Glafs-houfes in James Town, and the Iron-
turTand wor k at Falling-Creek, which has been already
Iron-work mentioned. ft he maffacre fell fo hard upon this
ruined. laft place, that none efcaped but a boy and a girl,
who with great difficulty hid themfelves.
A Lead- The fuperintendant of this Iron-work had alfo
Mine^difco- difeovered a vein of Lead-Ore, which he kept
private, and made ufe of to furnifh all the neigh-
bours with bullets and fhot : But he being cut
off with the reft, and the fecret not having been
communicated, this Lead-Mine could never after
be found, till Colonel Bird fome years ago pre-
vailed with an Indian, under pretence of hunt-
ing, to give him a fign, by dropping hisTom-
mahauk at the place (he not daring publickly to
difeover it for fear of being murdered.) The fign
was accordingly given, and the company at that
time found feveral pieces of good Lead-Ore upon
the furface of the ground, and marked the trees
thereabouts ; notwitbftanding which, I know not
by what witchcraft it happens, but no mortal
to this day could ever find that place again, tho’
it be upon part of the Colonel’s own poffeffions ;
and fo it refts till time and thicker fettlements
difeover it.
Thus the company of adventurers having, by
frequent a£ls of rnifmanagement, met with vaft
Liles and misfortunes, many grew lick of it.
NT STATE
and parted with their fhares, and others came CH A P.
into their places, and promoted the fending in VII.
freih recruits of men and goods ; but the chief
defign of all parties concerned was to fetch away
merchandife from thence, aiming more at fudden
gain than to form any regular colony, or eftabliih
a fettlement in fuch a manner as to make it a
lafting happineis to the country.
Several gentlemen went over upon their par- Grants to
ticular ftocks, feparate from that of the com- p )(j.' Cu ^ ar
pany, with their own fervants and goods, each n-ndTVo/*
defigning to obtain land from the government as t!ie compa-
Captain Newport had done, or at leaft to ob- ny *
tain patents according to the regulation for grant-
ing lands to adventurers ; others fought their
grants of the company in London, and obtained
authorities and jurifdidtions, as well as land, dif-
tindft from the authority of the government ;
which was the foundation of great diforder, and
the occafion of their following misfortunes. A- Occafions
mong others, one Captain Martin, having confuf i° n .
made very confiderable preparations towards a fet-
tlement, obtained a fuitable grant of land, and
was made one of the council there ; but he grafp-
ing ftill at more, and aiming at dominion as
well as boundlefs pofteffions, caufed fo many dif-
ferences, that at laft he put all things into dif-
tradtion ; and the Indians, ftill feeking revenge, Another
took advantage of the diffenfions, and fell foul malTacre "
again on the Englifh, gratifying their vengeance
with new blood-fhed.
The fatal confequences of the company’s male-
adminiftration cried fo loud, that King Charles
I. coming to the crown of England, expreffed
a tender concern for the poor people that had been
betrayed thither and loft; upon which confidera-
tion he diffolved the company in the year 1626, T,ie con> "
reducing the country and government under his folTd/ 1 '"
own immediate direction, appointing the Gover- The crown
nor and council himfelf, and ordering all patents appuints a
and procefs to i flue in his own name, referving
to himfelf a quit-rent of two Shillings for every
hundred acres of land, and fo pro rata.
The country being thus taken into the King’s
hands, his Majeflcy was pleafed to re-eftablifh the
conftitution by a governor, council, and aftembly,
and to confirm the former methods and jurifdic-
tions of the feveral courts, as they had been ap-
pointed in the year 1620, and placed the laft
refort in the aftembly. He likewife confirmed the
rules and orders made by the firft aftembly for
apportioning he land and granting patents to
particular adventurers.
This was a conftitution according to their
hearts defire, and things feemed now to go on
in a happy courfe for encouragement of the co-
lony : People flocked over thither apace, every
one took up land by patent to his liking, and, not
minding any thing but to be matters of great
tra<fts
OF VIRGINIA.
CHAP, tradls of land, they planted themfelves feparately on
VII. their feveral plantations ; nor did they fear the
Indians, but kept them at a greater diftance than
formerly ; and they, for their parts, feeing the
Englifh fo'fenfibly increafe in number, were glad
to keep their diftance and be peaceable.
This liberty of taking upland, and the ambi-
tion each man had of being lord of a vaft, tho’
unimproved territory, together with the advan-
tage of the many rivers which afford a commodi-
ous road for {hipping at every man’s door, has
made the country fall into fuch an unhappy fet-
tlement and courfe of trade, that to this day they
have not any one place of cohabitation among
them that may reafonably bear the name of a
town.
The conftitution being thus firmly eftablifhed,
and continuing its courfe regularly for fome time,
people began to lay afide all fears of any future
misfortune. Several gentlemen of condition went
over with their whole family, fome for bettering
their eftates, others for religion, and other rea-
fons beft known to themfelves ; among thefe the
noble Cecilius Calvert, Lord Baltimore, a
a Roman-catholick, thought, for the more quiet
exercife of his religion, to retire with his family
into that new world ; for this purpofe, he went
to Virginia, to try how he liked the place ; but
the people there looked upon him with an evil
eye, on account of his religion, for which alone
he fought this retreat, and by their ill treatment
difcouraged him from fettling in that country.
Upon that provcoation his Lordfhip refolved
upon a farther adventure, and finding land enough
up the bay of Chelepeak, which was likewife
blefled with many brave rivers, and as yet altoge-
ther uninhabited by the Englifh, he began to think
of making a new plantation of his own ; and for
his more certain direction in obtaining a grant of
f it, he undertook a journey northward, to difcover
the land up the bay, and obferve what might moft
conveniently fquare with his intent.
Lord Bald- His lordlhip finding all things in this difcovery
Tgrant b of mS accor ding to his wifh returned to England ; and
Maryland, becaufe the Virgin iafettlements at that time reached
no farther than thefouth fide of Patowmack River,
his Lordfhip got a grant of the propriety of Mary-
land, bounding it to the fouth by Patowmack
River, on the weftern fhore, and by a line from
Point Look-out on the eaftern fhore ; but died
himfelf before he could embark for the promifed
land,
Maryland had the honour to receive its name
from Queen Mary, royal confort of King
Charles I.
The old Lord Baltimore being thus taken off,
and leaving his defigns unfinifhed, his fon and
heir, in the year 1633, obtained a grant or patent,
and went over in pcrfon to plant this new colony.
369
By this unhappy accident a country which na- CHAP,
ture had fo well contrived for one became two fe- VII.
parate governments. This produced a moft un-
happy inconvenience to both ; for thefe two being
the only countries under the dominion of England
that plant Tobacco in any quantity, the ill confe-
quence to both is, that when one colony goes about
to prohibit the trafti or mend the ftaple of that
commodity, to help the market, then the other,
to take the advantage of that market, pours into
England all they can make, both good and bad,
without diftindtion. This is very injurious to the
other colony, which had voluntarily differed fo
great a diminution in the quantity, to mend the qua-
lity ; and this is notorioufly manifefted from that
incomparable Virgina law appointing fworn agents
to examine their Tobacco.
Neither was this all the mifchief that happened to
Virginia upon this grant, for the example of it had
dreadful confequences, and was in the end one of
the occafions of another mafiacre of the Indians ;
for this precedent of my Lord Baltimore’s grant
which intrenched upon the charters and bounds of
Virginia, was hint enough for other courtiers
(who never intended a fettlement as my Lord did)
to find out fomething of the like kind to make
money of. This was the occafion of feveral very
large defalcations from Virginia, within a few
years afterwards, which were forwarded and affift-
ed by the contrivance of the Governor Sir John Other parts
Harve y ; infomuch, that not only the land itfelf,
quit-rents and all, but the authorities and jurifdidti- f rom
ons that belonged to that colony, were given away;
nay, fometimes in thofe grants he included the ve-
ry fettlements that had been before made.
As this gentleman was irregular in this, fo he
was very unjuft and arbitrary in his other methods
of government : He exacted with rigour the fines
and penalties which the unwary affemblies of thofe
times had given chiefly to himfelf, and was fa
haughty and furious to the council and the beft
gentlemen of the country, that his tyranny grew
atlaft infupportable ; fo that in the year 1639 the
council fent him prifoner to London, and with
him two of their number to maintain the articles
againft him. This news being brought to King
Charles I. his majefty was very much dilplea-
fed, and without hearing any thing caufed him to
return Governor again ; but by the nextfhipping
he was gracioufly pleafed to change him ; and fo
made amends for this man’s male adminiftration,
by fending the good and juft Sir William
Berkley to fucceed him.
While thefe things were tranfacling there was fo
general a diffatisfadtion, occaftoned by the oppreffi-
ons of Sir John Harvey, and the difficulties in
getting him out, that the whole colony was in
confufton. The fubtle Indians, who took all ad-
vantages, relented the incroachments upon them
370 T HE PRES
C H A P. by his grants : They faw the Englifh uneafy and
VII. difunited among themfelves, and by the direRion of
Oppaconc anouch their King, laid the ground-
Aihird work of another maflacre, wherein by furprize
majiacre. t hey cut of near five hundred Chriftians more.
But this execution did not take fo general effedt
as formerly, becaufe the Indians were not fo fre-
quently fuffered to come among the inner habita-
tions of the Englifh ; and therefore the maflacre
fell fevereft on the fouth-fide of James River, and
on the heads of the other rivers, but chiefly of
York River, where this Oppaconc anough
kept the feat of his government.
Op p A con c anough was a man of large fta-
ture, noble prefence, and extraordinary parts ; tho’
he had no advantage of literature (that being no
where to be found among the American Indians;)
yet he was perfectly (killed in the art of go-
verning his rude countrymen. He caufed all the
Indians far and near to dread his name, and had
them all entirely in fubjection.
This King, in Smith’s Hiftory, is called bro-
ther to Po what on, but by the Indians he was
not fo efteemed : For they fay he was a Prince
of a foreign nation, and came to them a great
v/ay from the fouth-weft. And by their accounts
we fuppofe him to have come from the Spanifh-
Indians, fomewhere near Mexico, or the mines
of St. Barbe. But be that matter how it will,
from that time till his captivity, there never was
the leaf! truce between the Indians and the
Englifh.
Sir William Berkley upon his arrival
Ihewed fuch an oppofition to the unjuft grants
made by Sir John Harvey, that very few of
them took effect, and fuch as did were fub-
jedted to the fettled conditions of the other parts
of the government, and made liable to the pay-
ment of the full quit-rents. Re encouraged the
country in feveral efTays of Pot-Afh, Soap, Salt,
Flax, Hemp, Silk, and Cotton. But the Indian
war enfuing upon this laft maflacre, was a great
obftruclion to thefe good defigns, by requiring all
the fpare men to be employed in defence of the
country.
Oppaconc anough, by his greatage and the
fatigues of war (in which Sir William Berk-
ley followed him clofe) was now grown fodecrepid
that he was not able to walk alone, but was
carried about by his men wherever he had a mind
to move. His flefh was all macerated, his ftnews
ilackened, and his eye-lids became fo heavy that
he couid not tee, but as they were lifted up by his
fervants. In this low condition he was when Sir
William Berkley hearing that he was at
forne diftance from his ufttal habitation, refolved
at all adventures to feize his perfon, which he hap-
pily effected ; for with a party of horfe he made
a fpeedy march, Unprized him in his quarters,
ENT S T A T E
and brought him prifoner to James Town; where CHAP,
by the Governor’s command he was treated with VII.
all the refpeR anti tendernefs imaginable. Sir
W jlliam had a mind to fend him to England, Oppa-
hoping to get reputation by prefenting- his Ma- C0NCA *
jeity with a royal captive, who at his pleafure taken prifo-
couli call into the field ten times more Indians ner >
than Sir William Berk ley had Englifh in
his whole government. Befides, he thought this
ancient Prince would be an inftance of the healthi-
nefs and long life of the natives in that country.
However, he could not preferve his life above a
fortnight ; for one of the foldiers refenting the ca-
lamities the colony had fuffered by this Prince’s
means, bafely ftiot him through the back after he Killed,
was made prifoner, of which wound he died.
He continued brave to the laft moment of his
life, and fnewed not the leaf! dejeRion at his cap-
tivity. He heard one day a great noife of the
treading of people about him, upon which he
caufcd his eye-lids to be lifted up, and finding
that a croud of people were let in to fee him,
he called in high indignation for the Governor,
who being come, Oppaconcanough fcorn-
fully told him, that had it been his fortune to take
Sir William Berkley prifoner, he fhould
not meanly have expofed him as a fhew to the
people.
After this Sir William Berkley made a A peace
new peace with the Indians, which continued for
a long time unviolated, infomuch that all thoughts
of future injury from them were laid afide ; but
he himfelf did not long enjoy the benefit of this
profound peace, for the unhappy troubles of King The grand
Charles the firft increafmg in England, proved rebellion in
a great difturbance to him and all his people. En = laad<
'I hey, to prevent the infection from reaching that
country, made fevere laws againft the Puritans,
though they were as yet none among them. But
all correfpondence with England was interrupted,
the fupphes lefiened, and trade obftruRed. In a
word, all people were impatient to know what
would be the event of fo much confuficn.
At laft the King was traiteroufiy beheaded in
England, and Oliver inftalled ProteRor. How-
ever, his authority was net acknowledged in Vir-
ginia for feveral years after, till they were forced
to it by the laft neceffity. For in the year 1651,
by Cromwell’s command. Captain Dennis,
with a fquadron of men of war, arrived there
from the Caribbee-Iflands, where they had been
fubduing Barbadoes. The country at firft held
out vigoroufly againft him ; and Sir William
Berkley, by the affiftance of fuch Dutch vef-
fels as were then there, made a brave refxftance.
But at laft Dennis contrived a ftrategem which
betrayed the country. He had got a confiderable
parcel of goods aboard which belonged to two of
the council, and found a method of informing
them
OF VIRGINIA.
CHAP, them of it. By this means they were reduced to
VII. the dilemma either of fubmitting or loiing their
Wv goods. This occafioned factions among them, fo
that at laft, after the furrender of ail the other
Englifh plantations, Sir William was forced
to yield to the Ufurper cn the terms of a general
pardon. However, it ought to be remembered
to his praife, and to the immortal hononr of that
Virginia the colony, that it was the laft of all the King’s do-
King^do- m ‘ n ' ons that fhbmitted to the ufurpation, and af-
minions that terwards the firft that call: it off ; and Sir Wil-
fubmitted to liam never took any poft or office under the
the Ufurper. Ufurper>
Oliver had no fooner fubdued the plantations
but he began to contrive how to keep them under,
that fo they might never be able for the time to
come to give him further trouble. To this end
he thought it neceffary to break off their cor-
refpondence with ail other nations, thereby to pre-
vent their being furnifhed with arms, ammuni-
The ordi- tion, and other war-like proviftons. According
nance con- t0 ^his defign he contrived a fevere aft of parli-
vigadon "to* ament, whereby he prohibited the plantations from
the plantati- receiv ing or exporting any European commodities
but what fhould be carried to them by Englifh-
men, and in Engliih-built fhips. They were ab-
folutely forbid correfponding with any nation or
colony not fubjeft to the crown of England ;
neither was any Alien fuffered to manage a
trade or faftorv ; in all which things the planta-
tions had been till then indulged for their encou-
ragement.
Notwithstanding this add of navigation, the
Protestor never thought the plantations enough
fecured, but frequently changed the Governors
to prevent their intriguing with the people ; fo
that during the time of the ufurpation they had
no lefs than three Governors there, namely,
Diggs, Bennet, and Matthews.
. The ftrange arbitrary curbs he put upon the
plantations exceedingly afflifted the people. He
had the inhumanity to forbid them all manner of
trade and correfpondence with other nations at a
time when England itfelf was in diftraftion, and
could neither take off their commodities, nor fup-
ply them fufficiently with its own. Neither had
they been ever ufed to fupply them with half the
commodities they expended, or to take off above
half the Tobacco they made. Such violent pro-
ceedings made the people defperate, and infplred
them with a defire to ufe the laft remedy to re-
lieve themfelves from the lawlefs ufurpation. In
a fhort time afterwards a fair opportunity hap-
pened ; tor Governor Matthews died, and no
perfon was fubilituted to fucceed him in the go-
vernment. Whereupon the people applied them-
felves to Sir William Berkley, (who had
continued at this time upon his own plantation in
a private capacity) and unanimoufly re-chofe him
tire it Governor,
Sir William Berkley had all along re- CHAP,
tained an unftsaken loyalty for the royal family, VII.
and therefore generoufly told the people, that he
could not approve of the Proteftor’s rule, and ^^Vugi-
was refolved never to ferve any body but the law- throw off
ful heir to the crown ; and that if he accepted the the Ufur-
govemment it fhould be upon their fokmn pro- per s '
mife, after his example, to venture their lives and
fortunes for the King, who was then in France.
This was no great obftacle to them, and there-
fore with an unanimous voice they told him, that
they were ready to hazard all for the King. Now
this was actually before the King’s return to
England, and proceeded from a brave principle of
loyalty, for which they had no example. Sir
William Berkley embraced their choice,
and forthwith proclaimed Charles the fecond
King of England, Scotland, France, Ireland, and
Virginia, and caufed all procefs to be iffued in his
name. Thus his Majefty was actually King in
Virginia before he was fo in England. But it
pleafed God to reftore him foon after to the
throne of his anceftors; and fo that country efca-
ped being chaftifed for throwing off the ufurpation.
Upon the King’s reftoration he fen t Sir WrL-
liam Berkley a new commiffion with leave
toreturn to England, and a power to appoint a de-
puty in his abfence ; for his majefty in his exile
had received intelligence of this gentleman’s loyalty,
and during that time had renewed his commiffion.
ETpon this Sir William Berkley appointed
Colonel Francis Morrison Deputy- Governor,
and went for England to wait on his Majefty, by
whom he was kindly received. At his return he
carryed his Majefty’s preffing inftruftions for en-
couraging the people in hufbandry and manufac-
tures, but more efpecially to promote Silk and
Vineyards. There is a tradition that the King, in
complement to that colony, wore at his coronati-
on a robe made of the Silk that was fent from,
thence. But this was all the reward the country
had for their loyalty ; for the parliament was plea-
fed to renew the aft contrived by the Ufurper for
difcouraging the plantations, with feverer reftraints
and prohibitions by bonds, fecurities, &c.
During the time of SirW illiam Berkley’s
abfence, Colonel Morrison had, according to
his direftions, reviled the laws, and compiled
them into one body, ready to be confirmed by the
affembly at his return. By thefe laws the church Several be-
of England was confirmed the eftablifhed religion, nefi ^ lal lawi "
the charge of the government fuftained, trade and a f ter ' th e e
manufactures were encouraged, a town projefted, reftoration,-
and all the Indian affairs fettled.
The parifhes were likewife regulated, compe-
tent allowances were made to the minifters to the
value of about fourfcore pounds a year, befides
glebes and perquifites ; and the method of their
preferment was fettled,. Convenient churches
and
THE PRESENT STATE
37 *
CHAP.
VII.
U'-’-'OO
Du ties.
Silk and
Linen Ma-
nufactures
encouraged.
Leather.
Salt.
Ship-build-
The limits
between the
Lng : ih and
the Indians
fettled.
The only
■Way to pro
mc-te the
building of
towns.
and glebes were provided, and all neceffary parifh-
officers inftituted. Some fteps were made alfo to-
wards a free'-fehool and college, and the poor were
effectually provided for.
For fupport of the government, the duty of
two Shillings per Hogfhead on all Tobacco’s, and
that of one Shilling per ton port-duty on {hipping,
were made perpetual ; and the collectors were
obliged to account for the fame to the general
affembly.
For encouragement of manufactures, prizes
were appointed for the makeis of the belt pieces of
Linen Cloth, and a reward of fifty lb. of To-
bacco was given for each lb. of Silk. All per-
fons were enjoined to plant Mulberry-trees for the
food of the Silk-worm, according to the number
of acres of land they held. Tan-houfes were fet
up in- each county at the county charge, and
publick encouragement was given to a Salt-work
on the eaftern fhore. A reward was appointed m
proportion to the tonnage of all fea veflels built
there, and an exemption allowed from all fees and
duties payable by fuch {hipping.
The King had commanded that all fnips trading
to Virginia fhould go to James Town, and there
enter before they broke bulk ; but the affembly,
from the i mpracficablenefs of that command,
excufed all except the James River fhips from that
order, and left the others, in the rivers they were
bound to, to ride difperfed as the commanders
pleafed ; by whofe example the James River fnips
were no fooner entered with the officer in James
Town but they all difperfed themfelves to unload
and trade all over the river. By this means the
deffgn of towns Was totally baulked, and this
order proved only an eafe to the Officer of James
River, and a means of creating a good place to
him.
Peace and commerce with the Indians was fet-
tled by a law, and their boundaries preferibed.
Several other a£ts were made fuiting the neceflity
of the government, fo that nothing then feemed to
remain but the improvement of the country and
encouragement of thofe manufactures the King
had been pleafed to recommend
fuch others as fhould be found beneficial.
Sir William Berkley, at his return,
gave a function to this body of laws, and being
then again in fall poffefiion of his government,
and at perfedf peace with the Indians, fet all
hands induftrioufly to work in making country
improvements. He paffed a new act for encou-
ragement in James Town, whereby feveral hou-
fes were built therein at the charge of feveral coun-
ties. However, the main ingredient for the ad-
vancement of towns was ftil! wanting, namely,
the confinement of all (hipping and trade to
them only ; by defeat of which all the other expe-
dients availed nothing $ for moft of the buildings
together with
were foon converted into houfes of entertainment. CHAP.
Anno 1663, clivers fedtaries in religion begin- VII.
ning to fpread themfelves there, great reftraints ’■VV'N^
were laid upon them under fevere penalties to
prevent their encreafe. r i es .
This made many of them fly to other colonies,
and prevented abundance of others from going
over to feat themfelves among them. And as the
former ill treatment of my Lord Baltimore
kept many people away, and drove others to
Maryland, fo the prefent feverities towards the
Nonconformifts kept off many more who went to
the neighbouring colonies.
The rigorous circumfcription of their trade, A plot of
the profecution of the fedtaries, and the little de- ^
mand of Tobacco, had like to have had very the govern,
fatal confequences : For the poor people becom- ment.
ing thereby very uneafy, their murmurings were
Watched and fed by feveral mutinous and rebelli-
ous Oliverian foldiers that were fent thither as
fervants. Thefe depending upon the difeontented
people of all forts, formed a villainous plot to
deftroy their mafters and afterwards to fet up for
themfelves.
This plot was brought fo near to perfection
that it was the very night before the designed exe-
cution e’er it was difeovered ; and then it came
out by the relenting of one of their accomplices,
whofe name was Birkenhead. This man
was fervant to Mr. Smith of Purton in Glocefter
County, near which place, (viz.) Poplar-Spring,
the mifereants were to meet the night following,
and put in execution their horrid confpiracy.
Upon this difeovery by Birkenhead, notice Detefted,
was immediately fent to the Governor at Green-
Spring ; and the method he took to prevent it
was by private orders that fome of the militia
Ihould meet before the time at the place where the
confpirators were to rendezvous, and feize them as
they came flngly up to it ; which orders being hap-
pily executed their devilifh plot was defeated. How-
ever, there were but a few taken, becaufe feveral
of them making their efcape turned back fuch of
their fellows as they met on the road, and prevent-
ed moft of them from coming up or being dif-
eovered.
Four of thefe rogues were hanged, but Bir-
kenhead was gratifyed with his freedom and
a reward of two hundred pounds fieri ing.
For the difeovery and happy difappointment of
this plot an anniverfary thankfgiving was appoint-
ed on the 1 3th of September, the day it was to
be put in execution : And it is great pity fome j
other days are not commemorated as well as that.
The news of this plot being tranfmitted to
King Charles the fecond, his Majefty fent his
royal commands to build a fort at James Town,
for the fecurity of the Governor, and to be a
curb upon all fuch fraiterous attempts for the fu-
ture
OF VIRGINIA.
373
CHAP.
VII.
The planta-
tions to re -
ceive their
merchandize
and proviii-
ons only
from Eng-
land.
The Virgi-
nians prohi-
bit the plant-
ing Tobacco.
ture; but the country thinking the clanger over,
only railed a battery of feme fmall pieces of can-
non.
Another misfortune happened to the plantations
this year, which was a new aft of parliament
in England, laying a feverer reftraint upon their
fupplies than formerly. By this aft they could
have no foreign goods which were not firft land-
ed in England, and carried direftly from thence
to the plantations ; the former reftraint of import-
ing them only by Englifhmen in Englifh built
{hipping not being thought fufficient.
This was a misfortune which cut with a rou-
ble edge ; for i ft, it reduced their ftaple Tobacco
to a very low price ; and 2 dly, it raifed the value
of European goods to what the merchants pleaf-
ed to put upon them.
For this their aflembly could think of no re-
medy but to be even with the merchants, and
make their Tobacco fcarce by prohibiting the
planting of it for one year; and during that idle
year to invite the people to enter upon manufac-
turing Flax and Hemp. But Maryland not con-
curring in this projeft, they were obliged in their
own defence to repeal the aft of aflembly again,
and return to their old drudgery of planting "1 o-
bacco without profiting by it.
The country thus milled of their remedy in the
flint of Tobacco, which on the contrary multi-
plied exceedingly by the great increafe of fervants.
This, together with the abovementioned curbs on
trade, exafperated the people, becaufe nowtheyfound
themfelves under a neceflity of exchanging their
commodities with the merchants of England on
their own terms. The aflembly therefore again
attempted the flint of T obacco, and palled ano-
ther aft againft planting it for one year ; and Ca-
rolina and Maryland both agreed to it. But
fome accident hindering the Agent of Carolina
from giving notice thereof to Maryland by the
day appointed, the Governor of that province pro-
claimed the aft void, altho’ every body there knew
that Carolina had fully agreed to all things re-
quired of them. But he took advantage of this
nice punftilio becaufe of the lofs fuch a diminu-
tion would have been to his annual income ; and
fo all people relaps’d again into the difeafe of
planting Tobacco.
Virginia was more nettled at this ill ufage from
Maryland than at her former abfolute denial ;
but was forced to take all patiently, and by fail-
means get relief if file could. They therefore ap-
pointed Agents to re-aflume the treaty, and fub-
mitted fo low as to fend them to St. Marys,
then the refidence of the Governor of Maryland,
and the place where the aflemblies met. Yet
all this condefcenfion could not hold them, to
their bargain. The Governor faid, he had ob-
served his part of the agreement., and would
Vo L. Ill,
not call an aflembly any more upon that fubjeft. CHAP,
In this manner two whole years were fpent, VII.
and nothing could be accompliftted for their relief.
In the mean while England was ftudious to pre-
vent their receiving fupplies from any other coun-
try. To do that more effeftually, it was thought
expedient to confine the trade of that colony to one
place. But that being not found prafticable be-
caufe of the many great rivers that divide their
habitations, and the extraordinary conveniences of Forts order,
each, his Maiefty fent direftions to build forts in ed or ! feve "
the feveral rivers, and enjoined all the fliips to ride fhj ps t0 r y 8
under thofe forts : And farther ordered, that thole under,
places ftiould only be the ports of trade.
This inftruftion was punftually obferved for a Which took
year, and preparations were made for forts by P iace forone
calling up breaft-works in fuch places as the aflem- J ’ 1 ° n ‘ J '
bly appointed, and the flopping did for that time
ride at thofe places. But the great lire and plague
happening in London immediately upon it made
their fupplies that year very uncertain ; and the
terror the people were in left the plague ftiould be
brought over with the flaps from London, pre-
vented them from refiding at thofe ports, for fear
of being all fwept away at once; and fo every
body was left at liberty again.
Still no favour could be obtained for the To-
bacco trade, and the Englifh Merchants afforded
but a bare fupport of cloathing for their crops.
The aflembly was full enough of refentment, but
overlooked their right way of redrefe. All they
could do was to caufe looms and work-houfes to
be let up in the feveral counties at the county
charge. They renewed the rewards of Silk, and
put great penalties upon every negleft of making
Flax and Hemp. About this time they fuftained
fome damage by the Dutch War, for which rea-
fon they ordered the forts to be re-built with brick.
But having yet no true notion of the advantage
of towns they did not oblige the fliips to ride under
them ; which thing alone, well executed, would
have anfwered all their defires.
Sir William Berkley, who was al- F-urtherdii-
ways contriving and induftrious for the good °f tempted,^"
the country, was not contented to let a ufeful
example at home by the eflays lie made ol Pot-
afh. Flax, Hemp, Silk, kc. but was alfo refolv-
ed to make new difeoveries abroad amongft the
Indians.
For this end he employed a fmall company of a-
bout fourteen Englifh and as many Indians, under
the command of Captain Henry Batt, to go
upon fuch an adventure. They fet out together
from Appamattox, and infevendays march reach- The Apaia-
ed the foot of the mountains. The mountains
they firft arrived at were not extraordinary high
or fteep, but after they had palled the firft ridge
they encountered others that feemed to reach the
clouds-, and were fo perpendicular and lull of pre-
P p p- dpices*
374 THE PRESENT S T ATE
C H A P. ciptces, that fometimes in a whole day’s march
VII. they could not travel three miles in a d i re£h line.
In other places they found large level plains and
fine favanna’s three or four miles wide, in which
were an infinite quantity of Turkies, Deer, Elks,
and Buffaloes, fo gentle and undifturbed that they
had no fear at the appearance of the men, but
would fuffer them to come almoft within reach of
their hands. There they alfo found Grapes fo pro-
digioufiy large that they feemed more like Bullace
than Grapes. When they traverfed thefe moun-
tains they came to a fine level country again, and
difcovered a rivulet that defcended backwards.
Down that ftream they travelled feveral da is till
they came to old fields and cabbins where the In-
dians had lately been, but were fuppofed to have
fled at the approach of Batt and his company.
However, the Captain followed the old rule of
leaving fome toys in their cabbins for them to
find at their return, by which they might know
they were friends. Near to thefe cabbins were
great marfhes, where the Indians which Captain
Batt had with him made a halt, and would po-
fitively proceed no farther. They faid, that not
far from that place lived a nation of Indians that
made Salt and fold it to their neighbours; that this
was a great and powerful people which never buf-
fered any Grangers to return that had once difco-
vered their towns. Captain Batt ufed all the
arguments he could to get them forward, but in
vam ; and fo to pleafe thole timorous Indians the
hopes of this difcovery were fruftrated, and the
detachment was forced to return. In this journey
it is fuppofed that Batt never crofied the great
ridge of mountains, and kept up under it to the
fouthward ; but of late years the Indian traders
have difcovered on this fide the mountains, about
Difcoveries five hundred miles to the fouthward, a river they
as called Oukfulky, full of broad funken grounds and
Mexico.’ marfhes, but falling into the bay or great gulph
between cape Florida and the mouth of the Mif-
iifippi ; which I fuppofe to be the river where
Batt faw the Indian cabbins and marfhes, but
is gone to from Virginia without ever piercing the
high mountains, and only encountering the point
of an elbow, which they make a little to the fouth-
ward of Virginia.
Upon Captain Bat t’s report to Sir Wu-
ii am Berkley he refolved to make a journey
himfeif, that fo there might be no hindrance for
want oi fufficient authority, as had been in the a-
fc -Said expedition. To this end he concerted mat-
tersfor it, and had pitched upon his Deputy-Gover-
nor, The aflembly alfo made an act to encourage
ft. But all thefe preps anions came to nothing by
she confufiou that happened there foori after by
Bacon's rebel 1 Ion; And fine? that, there has ne»
ver been any fitch difcovery attempted from Vir-
E alJS > unlefs when Governor Spots wood found
a paflage over the great ridge of mountains and CHAP,
went oyer them himfeif. VII.
The occafion of this rebellion is not eafy to be J
difcovered ; but his certain there were many things Bacon’s
that concurred towards it; for it cannot be ima- rebelll0n *
gined that upon the infiigation of two or three
traders only, who aimed at a monopoly of the In-
dian trade, as fome pretend to fay, the whole
country would have fallen into fo much diftradli-
on, in which people did not only hazard their
necks by rebellion, but endeavoured to ruin a Go-
vernor whom they all entirely loved, and had una-
nimoufly chofen; a gentleman who had devoted
his whole life and eftate to the fervice of the coun-
try, and againft whom, in thirty- five years expe-
rience, there had never been one fingle complaint.
Neither can it be fuppofed that upon fo flight
grounds they would make choice of a leader they
hardly knew, to oppofe a gentleman that had been
fo long and fo defervedly the darling of the peo-
ple. So that in all probability there was fome-
thing elfe in the wind, without which the body
of the country had never been engaged in that in-
furreefion .
Four things may be reckoned to have been the The grie-
main ingredients towards this intelline commotion. vanc j swJl /^
/ ' r; - i t-m . r „ , occasioned it.
(viz, Tint, I he extreme low price of Tobacco,
and the ill ufage of the planters in the exchange
ol goods for it, which the country, with all their
earned endeavours, could not remedy. Secondly.
The fplitting the colony into proprieties, contra-
ry to the originial charters, and the extravagant
taxes they were forced to undergo to relieve them-
felves from thofe grants. Thirdly. The heavy
reftraints and burdens laid upon their trade by
ad I of parliament in England. Fourthly. The
difturbance given by the Indians ; of all which in
their order.
Firft. Of the low price of Tobacco, and the
difappointment of all fort of remedy, I have fpoken
fufficiently before.
Secondly. Ot fplitting the country into proprie-
ties.
King Charles the Second, to gratify fome
nobles about him, made two great grants out of
that country. Thefe grants were not of the un-
cultivated wood-land only, but alfo of plantations,
which for many rears had been feated and improv-
ed under the encouragement of feveral charters
granted by his royal anceftors to that colony.
Thofe grants v/ere diftinguifhed by the names of
the northern and feuthern grants of Virginia, and
the fame men were concerned in both. They
were kept dormant fome years after they were
made, and in the year 167 . 4 . begun to be put in
execution, As Icon as ever the country came to
know this, they remonftrated againft them, and
the aflembly drew up m humble addicts to his
Majefty, complaining of the faid grants as ’
tory
OF V I R
CHAP, tory to the previous charters and privileges grant-
VII. ed to that colony by his Majefty and his royal
progenitors. They fent to England Mr. Secre-
tary Lud well and Colonel Park as their Agents,
to addrefs the King to vacate thefe grants : And
the better to defray that charge, they laid a tax ot
fifty pounds of i obacco per poll tor two yeais
together, over and above all ether taxes, which
was an exceffive burden. They likewife laid a-
mercements of feventy, fifty, or thirty pounds of
Tobacco, as the caufe was, on every law cafe
tried throughout the country. Befides all this,
they applied the ballance remaining due upon ac-
count of the two Shillings per Hogfhead and fort
duties to this ufe ; which taxes and amercements
fell heavieft on the poor people, the effedf of whofe
labour would not cloath their wives and children.
This made them defperately uneafy, especially
when after a whole years patience under all thefe
preflures they had no encouragement from their
Agents in England to hope for remedy, nor any
certainty when they fhould be eafed of thofe hea-
vy impofitions.
Thirdly. Upon the back of all thefe misfor-
tunes came out the a£t of 25 Car. II. for better
fecuring the plantation trade. By this a£t feveral
duties were laid on the trade from one plantation
to another. This was a new hardfhip, and the
rather becaufe the revenue arifing by this adt was
not applied to the ufe of the plantation wherein it
was raifed, but given clear away ; nay, in that
country it feemed to be of no other ufe but to
burden the trade, or create a good income to the
Officers ; for the Collector had half, the Comp-
troller a quarter, and the remaining quarter was
fubdivided into falaries till it was loft.
By the fame adt alfo very great duties were laid
on the fifheries of the plantations, if manufadtur-
ed by the Englifh inhabitants there, while the
people of England were absolutely free from all
cuftoms : Nay, tho’ the Oil, Blubber, and Whale-
bone, which were made by the inhabitants of the
plantations, were carried to England by Englifh
and in Englifh-built ftfips, yet it was held to a
confiderable duty more than the inhabitants of
England paid.
Thefe were the affiidtions that country laboured
under when the fourth accident happened, viz.
the difturbance offered by the Indians to the fron-
tiers.
This was occafioned : Firft, By the Indians on
the head of the bay. Secondly, By the Indians
on their own frontiers.
Firft. The Indians at the head of the bay drove
a conftant trade with the Dutch in Monadas,
now called New- York; and to carry on this they
ufed to come every year by the frontiers of Vir-
ginia to hunt and purehafe Skins and Furrs of the
Indians fo the fouthward,. This, trade was carried
G I N I A, 375
on peaceably while the Dutch held Monadas, and CHAP,
the Indians ufed to call on the Englifh in Virgi- VIE
nia on their return, to whom they would fell part
of their Furrs, and with the reft go on to Mona-
das. But after the Englifh came to poffefs that
place, and underftood the advantages the Virgi-
nians made by the trade of their Indians, they in-
fpired them with luch a hatred to the inhabitants
of Virginia, that inftead of coming peaceably to
trade with them, as they had done for feveral
years before, they afterwards never came but only
to commit robberies and murders among them.
Secondly. The Indians upon their own fronti-
ers were likewife infpired with ill thoughts of
them ; for their Indian Merchants had loft a con-
fiderable branch of their trade they knew not
how, and apprehended the confequences of Sir
William Berkley’s intended difeoveries (ef-
poufed by the affembly) might take away the re-
maining part of their profit. This made them ve-
ry troublefome to the neighbouring Indians, who,
on their part, obferving an unufual uneaiinefs in
the Englilh, and being terrified by their rough
ufage, immediately fufpected forne wicked defign
againft their lives, and fo fled to their remoter
O . -
habitations. This confirmed the Englifh in their
belief that they had been the murderers, till at lafi:
they provoked them to be fo in earneft.
This addition of mifehief to minds already full
of difeontent, made people ready to vent all their
refentment againft the poor Indians. There was
nothing to be got by Tobacco, neither could they
turn any other manufacture to advantage; fo
that moil of the poorer fort were willing to quit
their unprofitable employments and go volunteers
againft the Indians.
At firft they flocked tumultuotifly, running in
troops from one plantation to another without a
head, till at laft the feditious humour of Colonel
Nathanael Ba con led him to be of the party.
This gentleman had been brought up at one of the
Inns of Court in England, and had a moderate
fortune. He was young, bold, active, of an in-
viting afpeCt, and powerful elocution. In a word,
he was every way qualified to head a giddy and un-
thinking multitude. Before he had been three
years in the country he was, for his extraordinary
qualifications, made one of the council, and in
great honour and efteem among the people,. For
this reafon he no fooner gave countenance to this-
riotous mob, but they all prefently fixed their eyes
upon him for their General, and accordingly made
their add relies to him. As foon as he found this,
he harangued them publickly : He aggravated the
Indian mifehiefs, complaining that they were occa-
fioned for want of a due regulation of their trade :
He recounted particularly the other grievances and
preflures they lay under, and pretended that he ac-
cepted of the command with bo other intention
P p p- a, fouS.
37 6
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, but to do them and the country fervice, in which
VII. he was willing to encounter the greateft difficul-
C^rv' ties and dangers. He farther allured them he
would never lay down his arms till he had re-
venged their bufferings upon the Indians, and re-
dreffed all their other grievances.
By thefe infinuations he wrought his men into
fo perfect an unanimity that they were one and all
at his devotion. He took care to exafperate them
to the utmoft, by reprefenting all their misfor-
tunes. After he had begun to minder them he
difpatched a meflenger to the Governor, to whom
he aggravated the mifchiefs done by the Indians,
and defired a commiffion of general to go out a-
gainft them. This gentleman was in fo great ef-
teem at that time with the council that the Go-
vernor did not think fit to give him a flat refufal ;
but fent him word he would confult the council
and return him a farther anfwer.
In the meantime Bacon was expeditious in
his preparations, and having all things in readi-
ngs began his march, depending on the authority
the people had given him. He would not lofe fo
much time as to ftay for his commiffion, but dif-
patched feveral meffengers to the Governor to
haften it.
On the other hand, the Governor, inftead
ot a
7 —
commiffion, fent pofitive orders to him to difperfe
his men and come in perfon to him on pain of
being declared a rebel.
This unexpedted order was a great furprife to
Bacon, and not a little trouble to his men ;
however, he was refolved to profecute his firft in-
tentions, depending upon his ftrength and intereft
with the people ; neverthelefs he intended to wait
upon the Governor, but not altogether defenfe-
lefs. Purfuant to this refolution he took about
forty of his men down with him in a floop to
James Town, where the Governor was with his
council.
Matters did not fucceed there to Mr. Bacon’s
fatisfa&ions ; wherefore he expreffed himfelf a little
too freely, for which being fufpended from the
council, he went away in a huff with his floop and
followers. The Governor filled a long boat with
men and purfued the floop fo clofe that Colonel
Bacon removed into his boat to make more hafte:
But the Governor had fent up by land to the fhips
at Sandy Point where he was flopped and fent down
again. Upon his return he was kindly received by
the Governor, who knowing he had gone a ftep be-
yond his inftrudhons in having fufpended him, was
glad to j dm it him again of the council.; after which
he hoped ail things might be pacified.
Nc withftandiug, Colonel Bacon ftill infilled
upon v: commiffion to be General of the volunteers,
and to go out again ft the Indians, from which the
Governor endeavoured to difluade him but to no
purpofe $ hecaufe he had feme fecret project in view.
He had the luck to be countenanced in his impor- CHAP,
tunities by the news of frefti murders and robbe- VII.
nes committed by the Indians. However, not
being able to uccomphfh his ends by fair means,
lie ftole privately out of town, and having put
himfelf at the head of fix hundred volunteers,
marched dire&ly tojames Town, where the affem-
bly was then fitting. Pie prefented himfelf before
the afiembly, and drew up his men in battalia
before the houfe wherein they fat. He urged
to them his preparations, and alledged, that if the
commiffion had not been delayed fo long, the war
againft the Indians might have been finifhed.
The Governor relenting this infolent ufage
worft of all, and now abfolutely refilled to grant
him any thing, offering his naked breaft againft
the arms of his followers. But the afiembly fear-
ing the fatal confequence of provoking a difcon-
ted multitude ready armed, who had theGovernor,
council, and afiembly entirely in their power, ad-
drefied the Governor to grant Bacon his requeft.
’'hey prepared themfelves the commiffion, confti-
tuting him General of the forces of Virginia, and
brought it to the Governor to be figned.
With much relucftancy the Governor figned it. The Gover-
and thereby put the power of war and peace into nor com P e1 '
E ac on’s hands. Upon this he marched away b! ^
immediately, having gained his end, which was commiffion
in effect a power to fecurea monopoly of the Indi- of Genera!<
an trade to himfelf and his friends.
As fcon as General Bacon had marched to fuch
a convenient diftance from James Town that the
afiembly thought they might deliberate with fafety,
the Governor, by their advice, iffued a proclaim- But r
tion of rebellion againft him, commanding his claimThim
followers to furrender him and forthwith difperfe a rebelaf ter-
themfelves, giving orders at the fame time for wards ’
raffing the militia of the country againft him.
! he people being much exafperated, and Ge-
neral Bacon by his addrefs and eloquence having
gained an abfolute dominion over their hearts,
they unanimoufly refolved, that not a hair of his
head fhould be touched, much left to furrender
him as a rebel. Therefore they kept to their
arms, and inftead of proceeding againft the Indians
they marched back to James Town, directing their
fury againft fuch of their friends and countrymen
as fhould dare to oppofe them.
The Governor feeing this fled over the bay to The Gover .
Acomack, whither he hoped the infection of nor forced
Bacon’s confpiracy had not reached : But there , t0 trom
inftead of that people’s receiving him with open ihTchthT 1 *
arms in remembrance of the former fervices he had rebels burnt,
done them, they began to make terms with him
for redrefs of their grievances, and for the eafe
and liberty of trade againft the a£ls of parliament
abovemeritioned. Thus Sir William, who
had been almoft the idol of the people, was, by
reafbn of their calamity andjealoufy, abandoned
by
OF VIRGINIA.
377
C H A P. by all except fome few who went over to him from
VII. the weftern fhore in (loops and boats, among which
Major Robert Beverly was the moft adlive
and fuccefsful commander ; fo that it was fome
time before he could make head againft Bacon ;
but left him to range through the country at dif-
cretion.
General Ba c o n at firft held a convention of
fuchof the chief gentlemen of the country as would
come to him, efpecially of thofe about Middle
Plantation, who were near at hand. At this
convention they made a declaration to juftifyhis
takesan unlawful proceedings, and obliged people to take
oath of his an oath of obedience to him as their General.
and°furi S Then by their advice, on pretence of the Gover-
monsanaf- nor’s abdication, he called an affembly by writs
tembly, figned by himfelf and four others of the council.
By this time the Governor had got together a
fmall party to fide with him. Thefe he furnifhed
with floops, arms and ammunition under com-
mand of Major Robert Beverly, in order to
crofs the bay and oppofe the malecontents. By
this means there happened fome fkirmifties, in
which feveral were killed and others taken pri-
foners. Thus they were going on by a civil war
to deftroy one another, and lay wafte their infant
country, when it pleafed God, after fome months
confufion, to put an end to their misfortunes as
Bacon well as to Bacon’s defigns by his natural death,
dies, which JR dyed at Di'.Green’s inGloucefler County,
to th^rebd- but where he was buryed was never yet difcovered ;
lion, tho’ afterwards there was great enquiry made
with defign to expofe his bones to publick infamy.
In the mean while thofe diforders occafioned a
general negledt of hufbandry, and a great deftruc-
tion of the flocks of cattle ; fo that people had a
dreadful profpedt of want and famine. But the
malecontents being thus difunited by the lofs of
their General, in whom they all confided, they
* began to fquabble among themfelves, and every
man’s bufinefs was how to make the beft terms he
could for himfelf.
Lieutenant General Ingram (whofe true
name was Johnson) and Major General
Walk late furrendered on condition of pardon
for themfelves aud their followers ; tho’ they were
both forced to ftibmit to an incapacity of bearing
office in that country for the future.
Peace being thus reftored, Sir William
Berkley returned to his former feat of govern-
ment and every man to his feveral habitation.
While this inteftine war was fomenting there,
the Agents of the country in England could not
fucceed in their remonftrance againft the propriety
grants, tho’ they were told that thofe grants fhould
be revoked $ but the news of their civil war reach-
ing England about the fame time, the King would
then proceed no farther in that matter ; fo the
Agents thought it their beft way to compound
with the proprietors. Accordingly, they agreed CHAP,
with them for four hundred Pounds a man, which VII.
was paid, and fo all the clamour againft thofe
grants ended, neither was any more heard of them
until above a dozen years afterwards.
But all thofe Agents could obtain after their com-
pofition with the Lords was merely the name of
a new charter, granting only fo much of their
former conftitution as mentioned a refidence of
the Governor and Deputy, a granting of efcheat
lands for two lb. of Tobacco per acre compofition ;
and that the lands fhould be held of the crown in
the fame tenure as Eaft Greenwich, that is free
and in common foccage, and have their immediate
dependance on the crown.
When this ftorm, occafioned by Bacon, was A regiment
blown over, and all things quiet again, Sir Wil- Virginia* 1
liam Berkley called an affembly for fettling from Eng-
affairs in the country, and for making repara-
tion to fuch as had been oppreffed. After which
a regiment of foldiers arrived from England,
which were fent to fupprefs the infurredtion 5 but
they coming after the bufinefs was over, had no
occafion to exercife their courage. However,
they were kept on foot there about three years
after, and in the Lord Cole pepper’s time paid
off and difoanded.
The confufion occafioned by the civil war, and
the advantage the Indians made of it in butcher-
ing the Englifh upon all their frontiers, caufed
fuch a defolation and put the country fo far back
that to the year 1704 they had feated very little
beyond the boundaries that were then inhabited.
At that time James Town was burnt down to the
ground by Richard Laurence, one of Ba-
con’s Captains, who, when his own men, that
abhorred fuch barbarity, refufed to obey his com-
mand ; he himfelf became the executioner and fired
the houfes with his own hands.
This unhappy town did never after arrive to
the fplendour it then had ; and now it is almoft
deferted, by removing, in Governor Nichol-
son’s time, the affembly and general court from
thence to Williamiburgh ; an inland place about
feven miles from it.
With the regiment above mentioned arrived
commiffioners, to enquire into the occafion and
authors of this rebellion ; and Sir William
Berkley came to England, where from the
time of his arival his ficknefs obliged him to keep
his chamber till he dyed ; fo that he had no op- Sir Win-
portunity of killing the King’s hand. But his b J'r , 7 E _
Majefty declared himfelf well fatisfyed with his tu diesis
conduct in Virginia, and was very kind to him En s land »
during his ficknefs, often enquiring after his
health, and commanding him not to hazard it
by too early an endeavour to come to court.
Upon Sir William Berkley’s voyage to J 1 • *
England, Herbert Jeffreys, Efq; was ap- Governor.
pointed
T H E PRESENT STATE
I 7 8
CHAP,
VII.
UY'v
Chi-
C H E L E Y
Governor,
The Virgi-
nians mif-
t-^ke their
intereft.
E.ord'
Co LE-
?F.FPI«
Governor.
The Englifh
Merchants
(difcourage
the building
-towns in
Ifirgicia,.
pointed Governor. I-Ie made formal articles of
peace with the Indians, and held an affembly at
Middle Plantation, wherein they fettled and al-
lowed a free trade with the Indians, but reftrain-
ed it to certain marts to which the Indians
fhould bring their commodities; and this alfo to be
under fuch certain rules as were by that affembly
direfted. But this method was not agreeable to
the Indians, who had never before been under
any regulation. They thought that if all former
ufages were not reftored the peace was not perfect;
and therefore did not much relye upon it, which
made thofe new reftriftions ufelefs.
Governor Jeffreys’s time was very fhort
there; he being taken off by death the year fol-
lowing.
After himSir Henry Chicheley was made
Deputy- Governor in the latter end of the year
1678. In his time the affembly, for the greater
terror of the Indians, built magazines at the heads
of the four great rivers, and furnifhed them with
arms, ammunition, and men in conffant fervice.
This affembly alfo prohibited the importation
of Tobacco, which Carolina and fometimes Ma-
ryland were wont to fend thither in order for its
being (hipped off for England. But in that I
think Virginia miffook her intereft ; for had they
permitted this cuftom to become habitual, and
thus ingroffed the (hipping, as would loon have
happened, they could eafily have regulated the
trade of Tabacco at any time, without the con-
currence of thofe other colonies, and without fub-
mitting to their perverfe humours as formerly.
The fpring following, Thomas Lord Cole-
pepper arrived there Governor, and carry ed
with him fome laws which had been drawn up
in England to be enafted in their affembly : And
coming with the advantage of reftoring peace to
a troubled nation, it was not difficult (or him
to obtain whatever he pleafed from the people.
His influence too was the greater by the power
he had of pardoning thofe who had a hand in
the diforders committed in the late rebellion.
In his firft affembly he paffed feveral afts very
obliging to the country, (viz.) Firft, an aft of
naturalization, whereby the power of naturaliz-
ing foreigners was placed in the Governor. Second-
ly, an aft for cohabitation and encouragement
of trade and manufactures, whereby a certain place
in each country was appointed for a town, in
which all goods imported and exported were to be
landed and (hipped off, bought and fold ; which
aft was kindly brought to nothing by the oppo^-
fition of the Tobacco Merchants of England.
Thirdly, an aft of general pardon and. oblivion,
whereby all the tranfgreflions and outrages com-
mitted in the time of the late rebellion were en-
tirely remitted, and reparation allowed to people
that ihould be evil fpokea of on that account.
By palling fome laws that obliged the country, CHAP,
the Lord Colf.pepper carryed on that which VII.
was very pleafmg to himfelf, (viz.) the aft for rai-
fing a publick revenue for the better fupport of The Gover-
the government. By this he got the duties con- “^ah^of
tained therein to be made perpetual, and that the 2000. per
money, which before ufed to be accounted for to annum,
the affembly, fhould from thenceforth be difpofed
of by his Majefty’s foie direftion, for the fupport
of the government. When this was done, he
obtained of the King, out of the laid duties, a
falary of two thoufand Pounds per annum, inftead
of one thoufand which was formerly allowed. Alfo
one hundred and fixty Pounds per annum for houfe-
rent, befides, all the ufual perquifites.
In thofe fubmiflive times his Lordfhip reduc-
ed the greateft perquifite of his place to a cer-
tainty, which before that was only gratuitous j
that is, inftead of the mafters of fnips making
prefents of liquors or provifions towards the Go-
vernor’s houfe-keeping, as they were wont to do,
he demanded a certain fum of money, remitting
that cuftom. This rate has ever ftnce been de-
manded of all Commanders as a duty, and is
twenty Shillings for each fhip or veffel under an
hundred tons, and thirty Shillings for each drip
upwards of that burden, to be paid every voyage
or port-clearing.
This noble Lord feemed to lament the unhap- Coin„.
py date of the country in relation to their Coin.
He was tenderly concerned that all their ca(h
fhould be drained away by the neighbouring
colonies, which had not fet fo low an eftimate
upon it as Virginia; and therefore he propofed
the raffing of it.
This was what the country had formerly de-
ftred, and the affembly was about making a law
for it ; but his Lordfhip ftopt them, alledging
it was the King’s prerogative, by virtue of which
he would do it by proclamation. This they did,
not approve of, well knowing if that were the
cafe, his Lordfhip and every other Governor would
at any time have the fame prerogative of altering
it, and fo people (hould never be at any certainty,
as they quickly after found from his own praftice;
for his drift was only to make advantage of pay-
ing the foldiers. Money for that purpofe being
put into his Lordftiip’s hands, he provided light An artifice-
Pieces of Eight, which he with this view had of theGo "
1 i 1 ur- 1 • • vernor to
bought at a cheap rate. W nen this contrivance defraud the
was ripe for execution he extended the royal pre- people,
rogative, and iffued forth a proclamation for rai-
ling the value of Pieces of Eight from five to
fix Shillings, and as foon as they were admitted
current at that value he produced an order for
paying and difbanding the foldiers. Then thofe
poor fellows and fuch as had maintained them were
forced to take their pay in thofe light Pieces of
Eight at fix Shillings, But his Lordfhip foon after f a i ar y.
himfelf
OF VIRGINIA,
CHAP, himfelf found the inconvenience of that proclama-
VII. tion, for people began to pay their duties and their
fhip-money in coin of that high eftimate ; which
was like to cut fhort his Lordlhip’s perquifites,
and fo he was forced to make ufe of the fame pre-
rogative to reduce the money again to its former
flandard.
In lefs than a year the Lord Cole pepper re-
turned to England, leaving Sir Henry Chi-
chele y Deputy-Governor.
The country being then fettled again, made
too much Tobacco or too much trafh Tobacco
for the market ; and the merchants would hardly
allow the planter any thing for it.
This occafioned much uneafinefs again, and
the people from former experience defpairing of
fucceeding in any agreement with the neighbouring
governments, refolved a total deftruction of the
Tobacco in that country, efpecially of the fweet-
fcented; becaufe that was planted no where elfe.
In purfuance of which deiign they contrived that
all the plants fhould be deftroyed while they were
yet in the beds, and after it was too late to fovv
more.
The Virgi- Accordingly the ring-leaders in this project be-
theT ToL™^ ^ an t ^ ie ^ r OWn anC ^ l ^ en Went t0 CUt
COj 1 ~°“ x ' U p t hc plants of fuch of their neighbours as were
not willing to do it themfelves. However, they
had not refolution enough to go through with
their work.
This was adjudged fedition and felony. Se-
veral people were committed upon it, and fome
condemned to be hanged : And afterwards the
aiTembly palled a law to make fuch proceedings
felony for the future (whatever it was before) pro-
vided the company kept together after warning
by a Juftice.
After this accident of plant-cutting, the Lord
Colepepper returned and held his fecond af-
fembly, in which he contrived to gain another
great advantage over the country. His Lord-
fhip, in his fir ft voyage thither, perceiving how
eafily he could twift and manage the people, con-
ceived new hopes of retrieving the propriety of the
Northern-Neck, as being fo fmall a part of the
colony. He conceived that while the remainder
efcaped free, which was far the greater part, they
would not engage in the intereft of the leffer
number, efpecially confidering the difeouragements
they had met with before in their former felicita-
tion 4 tho’ all this while and many years after-
wards his Lordfhip did not pretend to lay pub-
lick claim to any part of the propriety.
It did not fquare with this project that appeals
fhould be made to the general-affembly, as till
then had been the cuftom. He feared the bur-
gefi’es would be too much in the intereft of their
countrymen, and adjudge the inhabitants of the
Northern-Neck to have an equal liberty and pri-
vilege in their eftates with the reft of Virginia, C H A P.
as being fettled upon the fame foot. In order VII.
therefore to make a better pennyworth of thofe
poor people, he ftudied to overturn this odious
method of appealing to the affembly, and to fix
the laft refort in another court.
To bring this point about, his Lordfhip con- LordCot e-
trived to blow up a difference in the aiTembly promotes*
between the council and the burgeffes, privately en- divifions a-
couraged the burgeftes to infift upon the privilege
r i • • ii , , , r j 5 Virginians,
of determining all appeals by themfelves exclu-
five of the council; becaufe they having given their
opinions before in the General-court, were for
that reafon unfit judges in appeals from themfelves
to the affembly. This fucceeded according to his
wifh, and the burgeffes bit at the bait under the
notion of privilege, never dreaming of the Snake
chat lay in the grafs, nor confidering the danger
of altering an old conftitution fo abruptly. Thus Drprives-. y
my Lord gained his end, for he reprefented that e
quarrel with fo many aggravations that he got 0 f hearing “
an inftrudfion from the King to take away all a fP ea ^ s -
appeals from the General- court to the affembly
and caufe them to be made to him in council, if
the thing in demand was of three hundred Pounds
value, otherwife no appeal from the General-court.
Of this his Lordfhip made iufficient advantage ;
for in the confufion that happened in the end
of King James the fecond’s reign, viz. in Octo-
ber 1 688, he having got an affignment from the
other patentees, gained a favourable report from
the King’s council at law upon his patent for
the Northern-Neck.
When he had fucceeded in this, his Lordfhip's
next ftep was to engage fome noted inhabitant
of the place to be on his fide. Accordingly he
made ule of his coufin. Secretary Spencer,
who lived in the fame Neck, and was efteemed
as wife and great a man as any of the council.
This gentleman did but little in his Lordfhip’s
fervice, and only gained fome few {frays that ufed
to be claimed by the Coroner in behalf of the
King.
Upon the death of Mr. Secretary Spencer,
he engaged another noted gentleman, an old ftan-
der in that country, tho’ not of the Northern-
Neck, Colonel Phillip Ludwell, who was
then in England. He went over with this grant
in the year 1690, and fet up an office in the Neck,
claiming fome efeheats ; but he likewife could
make nothing of it. After him Colonel George
Brent and Colonel William Fitz-Hugh,
that were noted Lawyers and inhabitants of the laid
Neck, were employed in that affair, but fucceed-
ed no better than their predeceflors. The people
in the mean while complained frequently to their
affemblies, who at laft made another addrefs to
the King, but there being no Agent in England
to profecute it a that likewife mifcariyed. At
§8o
T FT E PRESENT STATE
CHAP.
VII.
L:rdCo u-
PEPPER
gains the
propriety of
the Nor-
thern Neck
by artifice.
Shortens
proceedings
at law.
. irts demo-
lifted and
guards of
jighr liorfe in
their Head.
iLorct How-
ard of
Effingham
Governor.
His extorti-
ons and, op-
jseffrons.
laft Colonel Richard Lee, one of the coun-
cil, a man of note, an inhabitant of the Northern-
Neck, privately made a compofition with the
proprietor for his own land. This broke the ice,
and feveral were induced to follow fo great an
example ; fo that by degrees they were generally
brought to pay their quit-rents into the hands
of the proprietor’s Agents. And at laft it was
managed for them by Colonel Ro eert Ca r t e r,
another of the council, and the greateft freeholder
in that propriety.
To return to my Lord Colepepper’s go-
vernment. I cannot omit an ufeful thing which
his Lordfhip was pleafed to do with relation to their
courts of juftice. It feems nicety of pleading,
with all the juggle of \'V eftminfter-Hall, was
creeping into their courts. The clerks began in
fome cafes to enter the reafons with the judg-
ments, pretending to fet precedents of inviolable
form to be obferved in all future proceedings.
T. his my Lord found fault with, and retrenched
all dilatory pleas as prejudicial to juftice, keeping
the courts clofe to the merits of the caufe, in
order to bring it to a fpeedy determination, ac-
cording to the innocence of former times, and
caufed the judgments to be entered up (hort, with-
out the reafon, alledging, that their courts were
not of fo great experience as to be able to make
precedents to pofterity, who ought to be left at
liberty to determine according to the equitv of
the controverfy before them.
In his time alfo were difmantled the forts built
by Sir Henry Chicheley at the heads of the
rivers, and the forces there were diibanded, as
being too great a charge. The alfembly appoint-
ed fmall parties of light horfe in their ftead, to
range by turns upon the frontiers ; thele being
choien out of the neighbouring inhabitants might
afford to ferve at eafier rates, and yet do the bu-
ftnefs more effectually. They were raifed under
the title or name of Rangers.
After this the Lord Cole pepper returned
again for England, his fecond ftay not being much
longer than the firft ; and Sir Henry Chiche-
ley being dead, he proclaimed his kinfman Mr.
Secretary Spencer, Prefident, though he was not
the eldeft member in the council.
The next year, being 1684, upon the Lord
Colepepper’s refuting to return to Virginia,
Francis Lord Howard of Effingham was
• fent over Governor. In order to increafe his
perquifites, he impofed the charge of an annual
under feal of twenty Shillings each for School-
mafters, five Pounds for Lawyers at the General-
court, and fifty Shillings each Lawyer at the
County-courts. He alfo extorted an exceffive fee
for putting the feal to all probates of wills and
letters of adminiftration, even where the eftates
of the deceafed were of the meancft value. Nei-
ther could any be favoured with fuch adminiftra- CHAP,
tion or probate without paying that extortion. VII.
If any body prefumed to remonftrate againft it, (/V"^
his Lordfhip’s behaviour towards that man tvas-
very fevere. He kept feveral perfons in prifon
and under confinement from court to court with-
out bringing them to trial ; which proceedings
and many others were fo oppreffive, that com-
plaints were made thereof to the King, and Colo-
nel Philip Ludwell was appointed Agent to
appear againft him in England ; whereupon the
feal- money was taken off.
During the firft feffion of affemhly in this noble
Lord’s time, the duty on liquors imported from
the other Enghfh plantations was firft impofed.
It was then laid on pretence of leffening the levy ,
by the poll for payment of publick taxes, but
more efpecially for re-building the State-houfe,
which had not been re-built fince Laurence
burnt it in Bacon’s time.
This duty was at firft laid on Wine and Rum
only at the rate of Three-pence per Gallon, with
an exemption of all fuch as Ihould be imported
in the fhips of Virginia owners ; but the like
duty has iince been laid on other liquors alfo,
and is raifed to Four-pence per Gallon on Wine
and Rum, and one Penny per Gallon on Beer,
Cyder, Lime-juice, &c. and the privilege of Vir-
ginia owners taken away, to the great difeou-
ragement of their (hipping and home trade.
This Lord, though he pretended to no great
(kill in legal proceedings, yet he made great inno-
vations in their courts, pretending to follow the
Englifh forms. Thus he created a new court of
chancery diftindt from the general-court, which
had ever before claimed that jurifdiction,- He
erecHd himfelf into a Lord- Chancellor, taking the
gentlemen of the council to fit with him as mere
affociates and advifers, not having any vote in the
caufes before them. And that it might have
more the air of a new court, he would not fo
much as fit in the State-houfe where all the other
publick bufinefs was difpatched, but took the Di-
ning-room of a large houfe for that ufe. He
likewife made arbitrary tables of fees peculiar to
this high court. Plowever, his Lordlhip not be-
ginning this project very long before he left the
country, all thefe innovations came to an end
upon his removal, and the jurifdiftion returned to
the general- court again in the time of Colonel
Nathanael Bacon, whom he left Prefident..
During that gentleman’s prefidency, which i
began in 1689, the project of a college was firft
agreed upon. The contrivers drew up their fcheme
and prefented it to the Prefident and council.
This was by them approved and referred to the
next affembly ; but Colonel Bacon’s adminiftra-
tion being very fhort, and no affemblycalled all the
while, this pious defign could proceed no further,.
Anno
OF V I R
CHAP. Anno 1690, Francis Nicholson, Efq; be-
VII. ing appointed Lieutenant-Governor under the
Lord Effingham, arrived there. This gentleman
Nichol- difcourfed freely of country improvements, in-
BOr , itituted publick exercifes, and gave prizes to all
thofe that fhould excel in the exercifes of riding,
running, fhooting, wreftling, and cudgel-playing.
When the defign of a college was communicated
to him, he promifed it all imaginable encourage-
ment. The firft thing defired of him in its be-
half, was the calling of an afiembly ; but this he
could by no means agree to, being under obli-
gations to the Lord Effingham to Have off af-
femblies as long as he could, for fear there might
be farther reprefentations fent over againft his
Lordfhip ; who was confcious to himfelf how un-
eafy the country had been under his defpotick ad-
miniftration.
When that could not be obtained, then they
propofed that a fubfcription might pafs through the
colony, to try the humour of the people in general,
and fee what voluntary contributions they could
get towards it. This he granted, and he himfelf,
together with the council, fet a generous example
to the other gentlemen of the country ; fo the fub-
fcriptions at laft amounted to about two thoufand
five hundred Pounds, in which fum is included the
generous benevolences of feveral Merchants of
London.
Anno 1691 an afiembly being called, this de-
fign was moved to them, and they efpoufed it
heartily ; and foon after made an addrefs to King
William and Queen Mary in its behalf, and
fentthe reverend Mr. James Blair their Agent
to England, to folicit. their Majefiies charter
for it.
It was propofed that three things fhould
be taught in this college, viz. languages, divi-
nity, and natural philofophy.
The afiembly was fo fond of Governor Ni-
cholson at that time, that they prefented him
the fum of three hundred Pound as a teftimony
of their good difpofition towards him. But he
having an inffrudtion to receive no prefent from
the country, they drew up an addrefs to their
Majefiies, praying that he might have leave to
accept it, which was granted \ and he gave one
half thereof to the college.
Mefted 86 Their Majefiies were well pleafed with that pi-
*“ ous defign of the plantation, and granted a charter
according to the defire of Mr. Blair their
| Agent. _
Their Majefiies were gracioufiy pleafed to give
near two thoufand Pound fterling, the ballance
then due upon the account of quit- rents, towards
the founding the college ; and towards the endow-
ing of it they allowed twenty thoufand acres of
choice land, together with the revenue arifing by
the Penny per pound on Tobacco exDorted from
VoL III,
G I N I A. 48,
Virginia and Maryland to the other plarfta- C H AP,
tions. VII.
It was a great fatisfaciion to the Archbifhops
and Bifhops to fee fiich a nurfery of religion
founded in that new world ; efpecially for that
it was begun in an epifcopal way, and carryed
on wholly by zealous conformifts to the church
of England.
_ I n this firfi afiembly, Lieutenant-Governor
Nicholson pafied afts for encouragement of
the Linen Alanu/adfure, T anning, Currying, and
Shoe-making. He alio in that Seffion pafied a
law for cohabitation and improvement of trade.
Before the next afiembly he tacked about, and
was quite the reverfe of what he was in the firft,
as to cohabitation. Inftead of encouraging ports
and towns, he fpread abroad hisdifiikeof them,
and went among the people finding fault with
thofe things which he and the afiembly had una- Thebuild-
nimoufiy agreed upon the preceding feffion : Such ! ng To ! vn!
a violent change there was in him that it pro- diflufaged
ceeded from fome other cauie than barely the in- again,
conftancy of his temper. He had received direc-
tions from thofe Englifh Merchants, who well
knew that cohabitation would lefien their con-
figned trade.
In February 1692, Sir Edmund Andros Androb
arrived Governor. He began his government Governor,
with an afiembly which over-threw the good de-
figns of ports and towns : But the ground- work
of this proceeding was laid before Sir Edmund’s
arrival. However, this afiembly proceeded no
farther than to fufpend the law till their Majefiies
pleafure fhould be known. But it feems the
Merchants in London were difiatisfyed and made
publick complaints againft it, which their Majef-
ties were pleafed to hear, and afterwards referred
the matter back to the afiembly again, to confider
if it were fuitable to the circumftances of the
country, and to regulate it accordingly. But the
afiembly did not then proceed any farther in it,
the people themfelves being infefted by the Mer-
chants letters.
At this feffion Mr. Neal’s project for a Poft~
Office, and his patent of Poft-Mafter General in
thofe parts of America were prefented. The af-
fembly made an acf to promote that defign, but
y reafon. of the inconvenient diftance of their
habitations and want of towns this project fell,
to nothing.
With Sir Edmund Andros was fent over
the college charter, and the fubfequent afiembly
declared that the fubferiptions which had been
made to the college were due and immediately de-
mandable. Thqy likewife gave a duty on the
exportation of Skins and Furrs for its more plentiful
endowment, and the foundation of the college was
laid.
The fubfcription money did not come in with'
Q. q q the.
4$2 T HE P RES E
CHAP, the fame readirtels with which it had been under-
VII. written. However, there was enough given by
their Majefties and gathered from the people to
keep all hands at work and carry on the build-
ing, the foundation whereof they then laid; and
the reft upon fuit had judgment given againft
them.
Sir Ed- Sir Edmund Andros was a great encoura-
— Co- ger °f manufactures. In his time Fulling-Mills
vernor. were fet up by act of aflembly. Fie alfo gave
particular marks of his favour towards the pro-
pagating of Cotton, which ftnee his time has been
much negledted. He was likewife a great lover
of method and difpatch in all forts of buftnefs,
which made him find fault with the management
of the Secretary’s office ; and indeed with very
good reafon, for from the time of Bacon’s rebel-
lion till then there was never any office in the
world more negligently kept : Several patents of
land were entered blank upon the record, many
original patents, records, and deeds, with other
matters of great confequence, were thrown loofe
about the office, and buffered to be dirtyed, torn,
and eaten by the Moths and other infedls. But
upon this gentleman’s acceffion to the government
he immediately gave directions to reform all thefe
irregularities ; he caufed the loofe and torn records
of value to be tranferibed into new books, and
ordered conveniences to be built within the
office lor preferving the records from being loft
and confounded as before. He preferibed methods
to keep the papers dry and dean, and to reduce
them into fuch order as that any thing might be
turned to immediately. But all thefe conveniences
were burnt foon after they were finifhecl in Octo-
ber 1698, together with the office itfelf and the
whole State-houfe : But his diligence was fo great
in that affair, that tho’ his ftay afterwards in the
country was very fhort, yet he caufed all the
records and papers which had been faved from the
fire to be lorted again, and regiftered in better or-
der than ever they had been before. In this con-
dition he left them at his quitting the govern-
ment.
He made feveral orders to rebuild the State-
houfe in the fame place ; and had his govern-
ment continued fix months longer, ’tis probable
he would have effected it after fuch a manner
as might have been leaft burthenfome to the peo-
ple, defigning the greateft part at his own coft.
Sir Edmund Andros being upon a progrefs
one lummer, called at a poor man’s houfe in Staf-
ford County for water; there came out to him
an ancient woman, and with her a lively brilk
lad about twelve years old. The lad was fo rud-
dy and fair that his completion gave the Gover-
nor a curiofity to alk fome queftions concerning
him ; and to his great furprife was told that he
was the fo n of that woman at feventy-fut years
N T S T A T E
of age. His excellency fmiling at this improhabi- CHAP,
lity, enquired what fort of man had been his fa- VII.
ther. To this the good woman made no reply,
but inftantly ran and led her hufband to the door,
who was then above an hundred years old. He
confirmed all that the woman had faid about the
lad, and notwithftanding his great age was ftrong
in his limbs and voice, but had loft his fight.
The woman, for her part, was without complaint,
and feemed to retain a vigour very uncommon at
her years. Sir Edmund was fo well pleafed with
this extraordinary account, that after having made
himfelf known to them, he offered to take care of
the lad ; but they would by no means be perfuaded
to part with him : However, he gave them twenty
Pounds.
In November 1698, Francis Nicholson,Nichoi-
Efq; was removed from Maryland to be Governor S0N Go "
of Virginia ; but he went not then with that againi
fmoothnefs on his brow he had carried with him
when he was appointed Lieutenant-Governor. He
talked then no more of improving manufactures,
towns, and trade ; but inftead of encouraging the
manufactures, he fent over inhuman memorials
againft them, oppofite to all reafon. In one of
thefe he remonftrates, that the Tobacco of that
country often bears fo low a price that it would
not yield cloaths to the people that make it ; and
yet prefently after in the fame memorial he recom-
mends it to the parliament to pafs an a£t forbid-
ding the plantations to make their own cloathing,
which in other words is defiring a charitable law
that the planters fhall go naked. In a late memo- p ropoj - ecl t0
rial concerted between him and his creature Colo- have one
nel Quarry, ’tis molt humbly propofed, That Vicerey^o-
all the Englifh Colonies on the continent e
North America be reduced under one government and a ftand-
and under one Viceroy, and that a Handing army
be there kept on foot to fubdue the Queen’s ene-
mies, furmifing that they were intending to fet
up for themfelves.
He began his government with a fhew of zeal Two fides of
for the church. In the latter end of his time one the
half of the intended building, that is, two fides of® olIegefi _
the fquare, were carried up and finifhed ; in which nilhed.
were allotted the publick hall, the apartments and
conveniences for feveral mailers and lcholars, and
the publick offices for the domefticks : 1 he mailers
and fcholars were alfo fettled in it ; and it had
its regular vifitations from the vihtors and gover-
nors thereof.
Soon after this acceffion to the government, he The feat of
procured the afiembly and courts of judicature to the govern-
be removed from James Town, where there were ™^ 0 ved.
good accommodations for people, to Middle-Plan-
tation where there were none. There he flatter-
ed himfelf with the fond imagination of being the
founder of a new city. He marked out the ftreets
in many places fo as that they might reprefent the
figure
OF VIRGINIA.
CHAP, figure of a W, in memory of his late Majefty
VII. King William, after whofe name the town
» y^V'-sj was called William (burgh. There he procured a
The town ft a tfdy fabrick to he eredted, which he placed op-
ed°The a Ca' P°fi te to th e college, and graced it with the mag-
gitol. nificent name of The Capitol.
In the fecond year of this gentleman’s govern-
ment there happened an adventure very fortunate
for him, which gave him much credit, and that
was the taking of a Pyrate within the capes of that
country.
It fell out that feveral Merchant-fhips were
got ready and fallen down to Lynhaven Bay, near
the mouth of Jame’s River, in order for failing.
A Pyrate being informed of this, and hearing that
there was no man of war there except a fixth
rate, ventured within the capes and took feveral
of the Merchant- (hips. But a (mall veffel hap-
pened to come down the bay, and feeing an en-
gagement between thePyrate and a Merchant-man,
made a (hi ft to get into the mouth of James Ri-
ver where the Shoram, a fifth-rate man of war,
was newly arrived. The fixth-rate, commanded
by Captain John Aldred, was then on the
careen in Elizabeth River, in order for her return
to England.
The Governor happened to be at that time at
Kiquotan fealing up his letters, and Captain Pas-
senger, commander of the Shoram, wasa-(hore
to pay his refpedfs to him. In the mean while
news was brought that a Pyrate was within the
capes ; upon which the Captain was in hade to
go aboard his (hip, but the Governor (fayed him
a little, promifing to go along with him. The
Captain foon after alked his excufe and went off,
leaving him another boat if he pleafed to follow.
It was about one o’clock in the afternoon when
the news was brought, but it was night before his
Excellency went on board, (faying all that while
^ a-(hore upon fome weighty occafionSi At lad he
followed, and by break of day the man of war
was fairly out between the capes and the Pyrate,
where, after ten hours (harp engagement, the Py-
rate was obliged to ftrike and furrender upon the
terms of being left to the King’s mercy.
Now it happened that three men of this Py-
rate’s gang were not on board their own (hip at
the time of the furrender, and fo were not in-
cluded in the articles of capitulation, but were
tried in that country. In humming up the evi-
dence againft them (the Governor being prefent)
the Attorney-General extolled His Excellency’s
mighty courage and conduct, as if the honour of
taking the Pyrate had been due to him. Up-
on this Captain Passenger took the freedom to
interrupt Mr. Attorney in open court, and faid
he was commander of the Shoram, that the Py~
rates were his prifoners, and that no body had pre-
tended to command in that engagement but him-
483
felf. He farther defired, that the Governor, who CHAP,
was then prefent, would do him the juftice to de- VII.
clare whether he had given the lead word of com-
mand all that day, or directed any one thing dur-
ing the whole fight. This his Excellency acknow-
ledged was true, and fairly yielded the honour of
that exploit to the Captain.
This Governor likewife gained fome reputation
by another infbnce of his management, whereby
he let the world know the violent paffion he had
to publilh his own fame.
To get honour in New-York, he had zealouf-
ly recommended to the court of England the
neceffity that Virginia (hould contribute a certain
quota of men, or elfe a fum of money towards
the building and maintaining a fort at New York.
The reafon he gave for this was, becaufe New-
York was their barrier, and as fuch it was but
juftice they (hould help to defend it. This was
by order of his late Majefty King William pro-
pofed to the affembly ; but upon the moft folid
reafons they humbly remonftrated, That neither
the forts then in being, nor any other that might
be built in the province of New-York, could in
the lead avail to the defence and fecurity of Vir-
ginia ; for that either the French or the northern
Indians might invade that colony and not come
within an hundred miles of any fuch fort. The
truth of thefe objections are obvious to any one
that ever looked on the maps of that part of the
world : But the fecret of the whole bufinefs in
plain terms was this : Thofe forts were neceffary
for New-York, to enable that province to engrofs
the trade of the neighbouring Indians, which Vir-
ginia had fometimes (hared in when the Indians-
rambled to the fouthward.
Now the glory of Colonel Nicholson got in'
that affair was this: After he had reprefented Vir-
ginia as republican and rebellious for not comply-
ing with his propofal, he faid publickly, that
New-York fhould not want the nine hundred
Pounds tho’ he paid it out of his own pocket, and
foon after took a journey to that province.
When he arrived there he blamed Virginia ve- a Gafco-
ry much ; but pretending earned defires to ferve nade of Go
New-York, gave his own hills of exchange for ' ernc j 1
nine hundred Pounds to the aforefaid ufe, but pru- son’s.
dently took a defeafance from the gentleman to
whom they were given ; fpecifying. That till her
Majefty (hould be gracioufly pleafed to remit him
the money out of the quit-rents of Virginia, thofe
bills (hould never be made ufe of... This was an
admirable piece of (ham generofity, and worthy
of the great pains he took to proclaim it. I my
felf have frequently heard him boaft that he gave
this money out of his own pocket, and only de-
pended on the Queen’s bounty to repay him; tho”
the money is not paid by him to this day.
Neither' was he contented to fpread abroad this
Q^q q 2 - untruth
4§4
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, untruth there, but he alfo foifted it into a memo-
VII. rial of Colonel Quarry’s to the council of trade,
i/VN. > n which are thefe words : As foon as Governor
Nicholson found the aftembly of Virginia
would not fee their own interelf, nor comply with
her Majefty’s orders, he went immediately to
New-'i ork, and out of his great zeal to the Queen’s
fervice and the fecurity of her province, he gave
his own bills for nine hundred Pounds to anfvver
the quota of Virginia, wholly depending on her
Majefty’s favour to reimburfe him out of the reve-
nues of that province.
Certainly his Excellency and Colonel Quar-
ry, by whole joint wifdom and fincerity this me-
morial was compofed, muft believe that the coun-
cil of trade have very imperfedl intelligence how
matters pafs in that part of the world, or elfe they
would not prefume to impofe fuch a banter upon
them.
But this is nothing if compared to fome other
paffages of that unjuft reprefentation, wherein they
took upon them to defcribe the people of Virginia
to be both numerous and rich, of republican noti-
Hemifrepre-ons and principles, fuch as ought to be corredfed
Virginians an< ^ lowered in time ; and that then or never
and the reft was the time to maintain the Queen’s prerogative,
ot the plan- and put a flop to thofe wrong pernicious notions
court. which were improving daily, not only in Virgi-
nia but in all her Majefty’s other governments.
A frown now from her Majefty will do more than
an army hereafter, &c.
With thefe inhuman falfe imputations did thofe
gentlemen afterwards introduce the neceffity of a
ftanding-army.
Thus did Governor Nicholson continue to
Governor rule till Auguft 1705, when Edward Nott,
L 1 T ' Efq; arrived Governor and gave eafe to the coun-
try by a mild rule. His commiftion was to be
Governor-General, but part of bis falary was paid
my Lord Orkney as chief. Governor Nott had
the general commiftion given him becaufe it was
fuggefted that that method, viz. the fupreme title
would give the greater awe, and the better put
the country to rights.
Governor Nott called an aftembly the fall
after his arrival, who paft the general revifal of
the laws which had been too long in hand : But
that part ot it which related to the church and
clergy Mr. Commifiary could not be pleafed in ;
wherefore that bill was dropt, and fo it lies at
this day.
This aftembly alfo palled a new law for ports
and towns, grounding it only upon encourage-
ments, according to her Majefty’s letter to that
purpofe ; but it feems this alfo could not pleafe the
Virginia Merchants in England, for they com-
plained agamft it to the crown, and fo it was
alfo fufpended.
This aftembly alfo palled the law making ilaves
a real eftate; which made a great alteration in CHAP,
the nature of their eftates, and becomes a very VII.
good fecurity for Orphans, whofe parents happen
to die mteftate. Slaves made
This aftembly alfo voted a houfe to be built for 3
the Governor’s refidence, and laid duties to raife
the money for it ; but his Excellency lived not
to fee much effected therein, being taken off by
death in Auguft 1706. In the firft year of his
government the college was burnt down to the
ground.
After this Governor’s death, there being no
other nominated by her Majefty to fucceed him,
the government fell into the hands of Edmund’
Jenings, Efq;^ the Prefident, and the council,
who held no aftembly during his time, neither did
any thing of note happen here, only we heard
that Brigadier Robert Hunter received com-
miftion to he Lieutenant-Governor underGEORGE
Earl of Orkney the chief, and fet out for Virgi- EarlofOrk-
nia, but was taken prifoner into France. ne y Gover-
, During Brigadier Hunter’s confinement in n ° r '
France, a new commiftion iffued to Colonel
Alexander Spotswood to he Lieutenant-Go- Sp 0Ts -
yernor, who arrived in Virginia anno 1710, and W00D E>e-
improved the colony beyond imagination. His puty ' Gover ’
conduiff, according to Colonel Beverley, pro-
duced wonders. And it was the happinefs of
Virginia that this gentleman’s adminiftration was
of a longer duration than ufual, whereby he had
an opportunity of putting in practice the pru-
dent ichemes he had laid ; in which he was fup-
ported and encouraged by the Earl of Ork-
ney, who died Governor of Virginia in the year
1 7 37 *
CHAP. VIII.
Of the civil government of Virginia , both Mian and
Englijh.
E F O R E I proceed to defcribe their civil go- C H A P
vernment, give me leave to obferve, that the yuj
boundaries of the feveral counties in Virginia have
been much altered fince they were firft laid out, Thebounda-
and fome others added to them, as Colonel Be- ries of the
v e r l e y i nforms us. The defeription therefore ^fted'by 01 ’ ’
already given of them, which was taken from Eever.
Mr. Oldmixon’s hiftory of this country, muft LEY>
of ncceftity be corrected by the Colonel’s^ prefent
ftate of Virginia; who relates, that in the new
modelling of the fubdivifions of this province they
contrived it fo that each county might be fituated
on fome fingle river for the benefit of trade and
{hipping.
That in the northern neck of land, which lies
between the rivers Patowmack and Rappahan-
nock, which is the property of the Lord Cole-
pepper’s family, are contained fix counties,
j, Laneafter,
I
OF VIRGINIA.
A Q &■
4°3
CHA P. i. Lancafter, in which are two parifhes, namely,
VIII. Chrift-Church and St. Mary White- Chapel.
2. Northumberland, two parifhes, viz. Fairfield-
Boutracy and Wiccocomoco, 3. Weftmoreland,
two parifhes, viz. Copely and Wafhington. 4.
Stafford, two parifhes, viz. St. Paul and Over-
worton. 5. Richmond, one parifh, viz. North-
Farnham, and part of another, viz. Sittenburn.
6. King George County, one parifh, named Han-
over, the other part of Sittenburn.
In the neck between Rappahannock and York
Rivers are contained fix other counties, viz. 1.
Gloucefter, in which are four parifhes, viz. Pef-
fo, Abingdon, Ware, and Kingfton. 2. Mid-
dlefex, only one parifh, viz. Chrift-Church.
3. King and Queen, two parifhes, viz. Stratton-
Major and St. Stephen’s. 4. King William, two
parifhes, viz. St. John’s and St, Margaret’s. 5.
Effex, three parifhes, viz. South-Farnham, St.
Anne, and St. Mary’s. 6. Spotfylvania, one pa-
rifh, viz. St. George.
In the neck between York and James Rivers
there are feven counties and part of an eighth ;
the feven entire counties are, 1. Elizabeth City,
in which is only one parifh, named alfo Elizabeth
City Parifh. 2. The county of Warwick, in
which are two parifhes, viz. Denby,and Mulberry-
Ifland. 3. York, in which are two parifhes,
viz. Charles and York-Hampton, and part of a
third called Bruton. 4. James-City, in which
are three parifhes, and part of two others, viz.
James City, part of Wilmington, Merchants
Hundred, and the other half of Bruton. 5. New
Kent, two parifhes, viz. Blifland and St. Peter’s.
6. Charles City, two parifhes, viz. Weftover and
part of Wilmington. 7. Hanover, one parifh,
viz. St. Paul’s ; and 8. Part of Henrico county
on the north fide of James River, by which river
the parifhes are alfo divided, there being two pa-
rifhes in the whole county, viz. Henrico and St.
James’s, and part of a third called Briftol.
On the fouth fide of James River are feven
counties, and the other part of Henrico ; the feven
counties beginning at the bay, as I have done in
all the reft, are 1. Princefs Anne, in which is
but one parifh, namely, Lynhaven. 2. Norfolk,
alfo one parifh, called Elizabeth River. 3. Nan-
famund, in which are three parifhes, viz. Low-
er Parifh, Upper Parifh, and Chickaluck. 4. Me
of Wight, in which are two parifhes, viz. War-
wick Squeeke Bay and New Port. 5. Surrey,
two parifhes, viz. Lyon’s-Creek and Southwark.
6. Prince George, in which is one parifh, viz.
Martin- Brundon, and the other part of Briftol
Parifh in Henrico. 7. Brunfwick, a new coun-
ty, conflituted towards the iouthern pafs of the
mountains, on purpofe tint by extraordinary en-
couragements the fetdements may lend up that way
£rft, as is given alfo to Spotfylvania County for
the northern pafs. It is made one parifh by theCH A P „
name of St. Andrew. VIII.
On the eaftern fhore, that is, on the eaft fide
of the great Bay of Chefepeak, the place wdiere
Sir William Berkley retired to in the re-
bellion, without withdrawing from his govern-
ment (as Mr. Oldmixon declares he did) are
two countries. 1. Northampton, having one
parifh, named Hungers. 2. Accomack, having
one parifh, named alfo Accomack.
In all, there are at prefent twenty nine coun-
ties and fifty four parifhes.
The Colonel alfo in his prefent ftate of Vir- Cthev mif-
ginia, points out fome other miftakes Mr.
mixon has made in the geography of Virgi- on correft-
nia ; obferving that Prince George County, wdiich U^olo-
lies on the fouth fide of James River, Mr. Old- VERLE y„
mixon places on the nortli ; and that he places
fome part of James City County on^the fouth
fide of James River ; whereas not an inch of it
has been placed on that fide of the river thefe
threefcore years.
That the fame gentleman makes Elizabeth
and Warwick Counties lie upon h ork River,
whereas both of them lie upon James River,
and neither of them comes near \ ork River :
That he placed King William County on both
Tides of Pamunky River, whereas it lies all on
the north fide ot Pamunky River ; and tho’ he
placed King and Queen County upon the fouth
of New Kent, at the head of Chickahomony
River, that county lies north of New Kent, and
there are two large rivers and two entire counties
between the head of Chickahomony River and
King and Queen County : And whereas he fays
that York and Rapahanock Rivers ifi’ue out of low
marfhes, it is very certain thofe rivers have their
fources in the higheft ridge of mountains, as
he (Colonel Beverley) avers upon his own
view of them.
Some of thefe miftakes of Mr. Oldmixon’s
I was fo unfortunate to follow in deferibing the
Virginian Counties ; but ftnee I have added Co-
lonel Beverley’s corrections I hope I fhall be
forgiven. I fnould not have followed this gentle-
man of all men in his effays on religion or po-
liticks, or in his hifiory of the Stuarts ; but
as there was nothing ot party in deferibing the
fttuation or fubdivifions of an American province,
I thought I might have given fome credit to him,
efpecially when he allures us, p. 278 of his hiftory,
that he was well acquainted with the modern
furveys of that country. If I was cautious how
I took his word before, I fhall be much more
fo after he has led me into thefe errors, which i
committed before I could get the laft edition of
Colonel Beverley’s prefent ftate, or I had laid
Mr. Oldmixon’s hiftory of Virginia entirely
alide ; for what he lias valuable relating to that:
country
THE PRESENT STATE
486
CHAP, country I perceive he was obliged to the Colonel
VIII. for.
I proceed now to enquire into the Virginian
Government government ; and firft that of the Indians, which
ot the Virgi. accor ding toColonel Beverley, is monarchical,
but the crown defcends to the next brother, and
not to the fon of the preceding monarch : And
if there are no fons, to the fillers fucceffively and
their refpedtive ilTue, according to their feniority.
The Prince is reftrained by no laws, but ails
arbitrarily ; and the ufual punifhment for capital
offences is the knocking out the offenders brains
with clubs. But tho’ the civil power is lodged in
the King, there is another Weroance, or great
man, who is their General, and has the condudl
of all military affairs : And neither the one nor
the other of thefe tranladls any thing of confe-
quence without confulting their Priefts and Prophets
(or Conjurers) as our people call the latter : But
the fame perfon, I perceive is fometimes Prieft,
Prophet and Phyfician ; and in fome parts of
Florida the Prieft is their General alfo.
Hufkana-.v- But to qualify any man for a poll, either in
ing a necef- the {late or army, he is obliged to undergo very
coUon U fcrVn ^ evere difcipline, which is called Hufkanawing.
officer in The fons of fome of the beft families at llxteenor
the Rate or eighteen years of age are carryed by their Priefts
into fome folitary wood, and there fhut up for
feveral months in a kind of cage of a conick form ;
not buffered to converfe with any man but their
Tutors, or to eat any thing more than will juft
keep them alive ; but they are obliged to drink a
certain intoxicating liquor, which makes them
rave like madmen, and forget every thing that ever
happened if we may believe them. But what ever
eftedl the liquor may have, or how great foever
the change may be that is wrought in their Pupils,
the endof all this is as the Indians themfelves
relate, to extinguifh all childifh impreffions, and
that partiality to perfons and things which is fo na-
tural to all men ; and to eradicate fuch prepof-
feffions and unreafonable prejudices as they may
have imbibed, alledging, that until this is done
they are by no means fit for minifters or magif-
Irates. Thefe gentlemen, thus difciplined are
called Cockroufes, and of them the King’s council
is always compofed, and no others are ever advan-
ced to any poft in the government civil or mi-
litary.
Piopenies. As to their goods or perfcnal eftate, every man
claims a right to what he poffeffes as well as to the.
fruits of his labour and hiscloathing : TIis planta-
tion and the buildings he eredls on it are efteemed.
his property alfo fo long as he remains in that part
of the country, but no longer ; for the whole terri-
tory belonging to one King or Tribe is really no
more than one great common, no man claim-
ing a diftindl property in any part any longer
than while he actually ufes it. When he removes.,.
another is at liberty to fettle on the fame fpot of C H A Pi
ground : But every Prince or Tribe has their VIII.
refpedlive territories bounded by fome wood, river, '/y\J
or other natural fence, and will not fuffer their
neighbours to encroach upon them ; tho’ I can’t
perceive they made any other ufe of their lands
before the arrival of the Englifh than to bunt and
take the wild beafts, game and fowl they found
upon them ; unlefs it were that every man had a
little garden or fpot of ground wherein he planted
juft Corn and roots enough for the ufe of his
own family. They had no fort of tame cattle to
graze in their field until the Englifh arrived.
As to the government of the Englifh in Vir- The Go-
ginia, this is formed upon the fame model as that
ot England, and has a very near refemblance to it. ; n virginia,.
The legiftative authority is lodged in the Governor,
the Council,, and the houfe of Reprefentatives :
And the Governor has a negative as the King
has here, but their adls mull be ratifyed after-
wards by his Majefty in England : However,
they are of force in Virginia immediately upon re-
ceiving the Governor’s affent, until his Majefty ’s
pleafure is known.
The Governor is appointed by his Majefty during The Gover-
pleafure, and is obliged to act according to his nor.
inftrudlions. He calls affemblies by the advice
of the council, but prorogues and diffolves them
by his own authority : He prefides in all councils
of ftate, where he alfo has a negative.
Ele appoints Commiflioners or Juftices to ad-
minifter juftice in theCounty-courts by the confent
of the council : He grants commiflions to all the
officers of the militia, and is himfelf veiled
with the. title and. office of Lieutenant-General,
having the foie command of that body.
He tefts all proclamations, difpofes of all un-
patented lands agreeably to his inftruclions and the
laws of the country ; and the feal of the colony
for this and all other matters of ftate is in his |
keeping.
He is alfo conftituted Vice-Admiral by a com-
million from the Admiralty of England : The
iffues of the publick revenue muft hear his teft ;
and his friary is two thoufand Pound per annum,
befides perq.uifites, computed to amount to near
one thoufand Pound more.
On the death of the Governor, the admini-
ft ration devolves on the Preftdent and Council.
The members of the council are appointed by
letters or inftrudlions from his Majefty, which
only diredls them to be fv/orn of that body : Their >
ufual number is twelve, and if there happens to
be under nine refident in the country, the Gover-
nor is impowered to fwear fuch gentlemen as he
thinks fit to make up that number.
All bills which comes from the affembly muftr
have their affent ; but I do not find any bills brought
in by the council and fent down to the lower, houfe,
as-
O F V I R
C H A P. as is praclifed in the Englifn houfe of Lords fre-
VIII. quently. There is an annual fum of three hundred
and fifty Pound dillributed among the members
of the council, in proportion to the trouble they
are at in attending general courts and affemblies.
General af- The free-holders of every country eleft two
iembly. Burgefies to reprefent them in the general aflembly.
James City eledls one, and the college one, fo
that there are in all fixty Burgefies. They are
fummoned by writs iil’ued from the Secretary’s
office under the feal of the colony, and tefted by
the Governor, being directed to the refpedlive
Sheriffs, and bearing date forty days before their
return : The writs and notice of the intended
election being publifhed in every church and chapel
of each county two Sundays fucceffively ; and con-
troverted elections are determined by the houfe
as in England.
A Speaker is alfo chofen, and freedom of fpeech
and other privileges allowed the aflembly on the
Speaker’s application to the Governor, as in the
Britifh parliament to the King : And a fpeech is
made, acquainting them with the occafion of their
meeting ; which is ufually once a year, or oftner
if the Governor fees fit.
Having treated of their aflembly or high court
of parliament, I come naturally to enquire into
the conftitution of their other courts ; which are
chiefly two, viz. the General-court and their re-
fpedlive County-courts.
General- The General-court confifts of the Governor
amrt * and Council, or any five of them, who are the
Judges of it and take cognizance of all caufes,
whether civil, criminal or ecclefiaftical ; from
whence there is no appeal, unlefs the matter in
difpute exceed the value of three hundred Pounds
fterling ; and then there lies an appeal to the King
and Council, and is there determined by a committee
of the Privy Council, called the Lords of appeals.
But in criminal cafes there is no appeal from this
court, only the Governor is empowered to pardon
all crimes fave treafon and murder ; and even in
thefe inftances may reprieve the criminal from
time to time until the King’s pleafure is known.
The General-court is held annually on the 15 th
of April and the 15th of October, each term or
feffion continuing eighteen days, exclufive of
Sundays ; and thefe were formerly the only times
of goal-delivery ; but at this day the Governor
appoints Commiffioners for the trial of criminal
caufes.
Trhls, In the General-court civil caufes are not tried
by a jury of the county where the parties live, but
by gentlemen fummoned from all parts to attend
the General-court ; but in criminal cafes the She-
riff is ordered to fummon fix of the neareft neigh-
bours to the prifoner, who may be fitppofed to
be bell acquainted with his life and converfation 5
to which fix, are added fix more of the gentlemen
G I N I A. 487
fummoned to attend the court ; and the prifoner C H AP.
is allowed his challenge, as in England. VIII.
Civil caufes are ufually brought to a trial and
determined in the third term or feffion ; fo that
a' year and half puts an end to fuits in the General-
court, and three or four months in the County-
court, the latter being held monthly : And where
any one appeals from the County-court to the
General-court, the appeals is tried and determined
at the next General-court.
Every one is allowed to plead his own caufe
by himfelf or his friends, or by his Attorney or
Council, at his option ; and though the fuitor
may appeal from the County-court to the Gene-
ral-court, the General-court does not take cog-
nizance of any caufe originally, where the matter
in difpute is not of the value of ten Pound fterling,
or two thoufand Pounds of Tobacco.
The Judges or Commiffioners of the County- Judges of
courts receive their commiffions from the Gover-
nor, and are Juftices of Peace in their refpeclive
counties, being eight or more in number. They
are authorized to determine all civil caufes in law
or equity, and fuch criminal caufes as do not af-
fect life or member ; and in the cafe of hog-fteal-
ing they are empowered to condemn the offender
to lofe his ears for the fecond offence ; their pro-
ceedings refembling thofe of the General-court,
except that here every caufe is tried by a jury of
tire fame county where the parties live, or the
fails are committed.
This Monthly-court hath alfo the care of Or- Orphans,
phans, and of their eftates and effeils, and put out
apprentices, and provide for fuch Orphans as are
in low circumffances : And in September annu-
ally audit the accounts of Orphans, and enquire
into their education and maintenance, putting
feme to fehool and others to trades, as they fee
proper : And where they find children negleiled
or hardly ufed, they remove them to other
mailers ; and when poor Orphans have ferved the
time they were bound for, their mailers are obliged
to furnilh them with a flock of cattle, tools, &c.
to enable them to begin the world with to a cer-
tain value ; the boys being bound till twenty-one,
and the girls till eighteen years of age, when the
maids, if they behave well, ufually get good hus-
bands, and live plentifully.
Of the publick officers, there are three befides p u blkk of-
the Governor, which have their commiffions im- ficers.
mediately from his Majelly, viz. the Auditor of
the Revenue, the Receiver- General, and the Se-
cretary of State.
ill. The Auditor audits all the publick ac- Auditor,
counts, and tranfmits the Hate of them to Eng-
gland ; his falary being 6 per cent, of the publick
money.
2ly. The Receiver-General fells the publick Receiver-
Tobacco, and iffues the money or the produce of General,
it
4$8
THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. it by the King’s order j his Salary alfo being 6 per
VIII. cent.
3<ily. The Secretary, who keeps the publick
Secretary, records, viz. all judgments of the General-court,
and deeds and other writings proved therein ; iffues
all writs relating thereto ; makes out and records
all patents of lands, and takes the returns of all
inquefts of efcheat. In his office alfo is kept a
regifter of all commillions of adminiltration and
probates of wills, of marriages, births, and bu-
rials ; of all perfons who leave the country, and
of all houfes of entertainment, &c. From this
office iffues the writs for electing Burgeffes, and
here are kept authentick copies of all proclama-
tions. His revenue arifes from fees for bufinefs
done in his office, and amounts one year with
another to feventy thoufand lb. of Tobacco, out
of which he pays twelve hundred and fifty to
Clerks.
TheBlffiop's There are two other publick officers, viz. the
Coinmiffary. Bcclefiaftical Commilfary, who vifits the feveral
churches of the province, and receives his autho-
rity from the Bifhop of London, Ordinary of all
Treafurer of the plantations: And, 2. The Treafurer of the
tne Province p rov ince, who is appointed by the General Af-
fembly to receive fuch fums as are railed by their
ads.
Judge of the There is alfo a Judge of the Admiralty ; but he
Admiralty. j s a pp 0 ; n ted from time to time, as bufinefs hap-
pens, and is not a Handing officer.
Other offi- The reft of the publick officers are Efcheators,
Sheriffs of counties. Coroners, Collectors, Survey-
ors of lands, Clerks of courts, and others of lefs
moment.
Revenues of The conftant publick revenues are of five forts..
Virginia. i ft. A rent referved by the crown out of all
lands granted by patent, which is called his Ma-
jefty’s Quit-rent, being two Shillings for every
hundred acres fo granted, and two Pence an acre
for all lands efcheated to the crown (which is paid
by all except the inhabitants of the Northern-
Neck, who hold of my Lord CoLtrErpER’s fa-
mily, the proprietor’s of that diftrid) which Quit-
rents amount to about 1500 1. fterling per annum,
and are left in bank there againft any fuddea
emergency ; except it be fent for to England.
A duty of zdly. A revenue granted by an ad of affembly
j WO f° r ^ ie hipport of the government arifing fall by
Hogflread. tvvo Shillings per Hogfhead for every Hogfhead
Fifteen exported. 2dly. By a rate of fifteen Pence per
Ton Ce ^ on ^ or ever y voyage a fhip makes. 3dly. By a
Six Pence duty °f fix Pence per head for every paffenger.
per pafien- brought into the country. qthly. By fines and
lines, waifs, ^ or ^ e ‘ tLires impofed by feveral acts of affembly •,
and ftrays, by waifs and ftrays, compofitions for efcheated
vempofiti- lands an J goods,. &c. which revenue amounts to
three thoufand Pounds per annum and upwards,
and is difpofed of by the Governor and Council
for defraying th§ expences of the government. *
which accounts may be infpe&ed by the general CH AP.
affembly. VIII,
3dly. Revenues arifing by ad of affembly re-
ferved to their own difpofal, viz. a duty on li- A duty on
quors importing from the neighbouring plantati- toreign 11 '
ons, and upon all flaves and lervants imported. Oaves’ and 11
The duty on liquors four Pence per Gallon for fervants.
Rum, Brandy or Wine ; and one Penny for Beer,
Cyder, and other liquors. The duty on fervants
and flaves, twenty Shillings for each fervant not a
native of England, and five Pounds for each Have
or Negroe.
4-thly. The revenue granted to the college by a duty for
a duty on Skins and Furrs exported raffing about tlle “liege
an hundred Pounds per annum. and^urrs
5 thly . The revenue raifed by Britifh ads of
parliament on the trade there, being a duty of
one Penny per lb. on all Tobacco exported to the One Penny
plantations and not carried diredly to England ; P er ib - on
which was given by an aft of W. & M. to the tTfcoTkge!
college, but does not raile two hundred Pounds
per annum.
But thele are trifles compared to the duties laid Duties laid
upon Tobacco imported into England by ad of?" Tobacci5 ,
parliament, which do not amount to lefs than two 1 " n£ anc ’
hundred thoufand Pounds fterling one year with
another ; which is all applied to the fupport of the
crown and government of England, its mother
country ; which no doubt will have a fuitable re-
gard for a daughter that makes fuch noble and
grateful returns.
The moft ufual way of railing money in Vir- Po’l-tax irr
ginia next to thofe already mentioned (of laying Virginia °n
duties upon trade and Shipping) is by a Poll- tax, ^ 1 r) E t s heable:
affeffing a certain rate or portion of Tobacco on
the head of every taxable or titbeable perfon, as
they call them.
Titheable perfons are all Negroes male and fe-
male, above Sixteen years of age, and white men
of that age ; but white women and white chil-
dren under Sixteen are not deemed titheable or '
Subject! to a Poll-tax, either for the Support of the
government, or towards any county or parifh-
rates.
And that it may be known what titheable
perfons there are in each county, every mafter.
of a family is obliged,, under a Severe penalty, to
bring a true lift of every titheable perfon in his
family to the Juftices of the peace at their re-
spective feffions. Thefe Poll-taxes and Levies are
of three kinds. 1 ft. Such as are enaded by the
general affembly for the fupport and defence of
the government. 2dly. Such as are ordered to-
be raifed by the Juftices of peace of each county
at their relpedive feffions for building and repair-
ing their court-houfes, prifons, &c. and 3dly.
Parifh levies, which are affeffed by the veftries of
the refpedive parifhes, for the building and adorn-
ing churches and chapels, building parfonage-
houfesa..
OF VIRGINIA.
CHAP, houfes, buying glebes, and railing a revenue for
VIII. the Minifter, Reader, Clerk, and Sexton.
C''V''Nd The next head proper to be treated of in this
Tenures of pi ace j s that of tenures. And it appears that
their lands are holden by free and common foc-
cage, according to the cuftom of Eaft-Greenwich,
and are granted by letters-patents under the feal
of the colony tefted by the Governor. And thefe
How a right grants are obtained by petition: ift, upon a
obt lined IS f urve y of lands that have never been granted to
any one before : 2dly, on a lapfe : and 3dly,
where lands are efcheated to the crown.
Lands are faid to be lapfed when any man who
has obtained a patent or grant of them does not
plant them within three years, as his patent re-
quires. But if within three years after the date
of his patent, or before another prefers a petition
for them, he plant the lands they cannot after-
wards be forfeited unlefs by attainder, when they
return to the crown, and the Governor and
council grant them to whom they pleafe, referv-
ing only a rent of two pounds of Tobacco per
acre to the crown for fuch efcheated lands.
Every man has a right to a grant of fifty acres
of land in confideration of his perfonal tranfpor-
tation to Virginia ; and if he carries his family
with him, he is entitled to the like number of
acres for his wife and every one of his children :
But where there is nothing of this nature ftipulat-
ed with the perfon who tranfports himfelf, a
right to fifty acres of land may be purchafed for
five Shillings when he comes there.
It is the bufinefs of the Surveyor to lay
out and mark the boundaries of every man’s
plantation who has obtained a right ; a copy
whereof, with the Surveyor’s certificate, being
brought to the Secretary (if there be no objection
to it) a patent is made out of courfe, which gives
the patentee an eftate in fee-fimple, fubjedf to a
\ quit-rent of twelve Pence for every fifty acres,
provided he plant three acres of every fifty within
three years, and build a houfe, and keep a flock
of black cattle, Sheep or Goats thereon ; which
conditions if he does not perform, the land
lapfes, and the Governor grants it to whom he
fees fit upon a petition perferred.
Naturaliza- Foreigners are naturalized, and have all the
£10n * privileges of Engliflnnen allowed them in Vir-
ginia on taking the oaths to the Government
there.
Laws, The laws of England are generally in force
1 in Virginia ; and not only the adds of parliament
of Great- Britain, but even orders of council have
the force of laws in moft of the plantations.
Some of the laws enafted by their general af~
femhly, and peculiar to Virginia, are thefe that
follow.
A£b of af- When a perfon Is fued for a debt he may dif*
fembiy, count whatever appears due to him from the
Vo l. HI,
489
plaintiff, and (hall be obliged to pay no more CHAP,
than the ballance of the account. VIII.
Upon fufpicion of any perfon’s intention to
remove out of the country, in order to conceal
or withdraw himfelf from his creditors, any
Juftice of peace, upon complaint, mayiflueout
an attachment againft fo much of his eftate as
amounts to the value of the debt claimed by
the creditor, he giving fecurity to pay the de-
fendant fuch damages as fhall be awarded in cafe
he (the creditor) be caft.
None (hall praiflife as an Attorney unlefs li- Attornies
cenfed by the Governor ; and no licenfed Attor- tees>
ney fhall demand or receive for bringing any
caufe to judgment in the General-court more
than five hundred pounds of Tobacco, and in
the Country-court one hundred and fifty ; and
if any Attorney refufe to plead for the faid fees
he fhall forfeit as much as his fees fhould have
been.
No man fhall be debarred by this a£l from
pleading and managing his own caufe.
Every perfon refilling to have his child baptiz- Baptifm,
ed by a lawful Minifter forfeits two thoufand
pounds of Tobacco.
The baptizing Haves or their children fhall Slaves,
not alter their condition as to bondage or free-
dc m .
No county fhall fend above two BurgefTes Burgeffes,
to the general-aflembly, provided that James
City, being the capital, may eleift one ; and every
county that will lay out an hundred acres of
land, and people it with an hundred titheable
perfons, fhall have the like privilege.
A Burgefs not appearing in the affembly on
the day of the return forfeits three hundred
pounds of Tobacco. No Burgefs is to be arreft-
ed during a feftion, or within ten days after a
difTolution or adjournment.
None but free-holders and houfe-keepers to
have voices in eledtions.
Every county not fending two BurgefTes for-
feits ten thoufand pounds of Tobacco.
The allowance to every Burgefs is one hun-
dred and twenty pounds of Tobacco per Diem,
and for travelling charges, ten pounds of Tobac-
co per Diem for every Horfe, or the charges
of a water-paflage.
No Horfe or Mare to be imported from any Horfes,
other plantation on pain of forfeiture.
Surgeons and Phyficians are obliged to declare Phyfkians
upon oath what drugs have been taken bythe lses ’
patient, and then the court will allow 50 per
cent, above the value of the drugs, and as much
for cure and attendance as the court fees fit :
And if any one negledts his patient he fhall be
fined at difcretion.
For laws relating to the church, fee the Church,
chapter of religion,
R r r Til®
49 9
CHAP.
VIII.
U^VVJ
Circuits,
Manufac-
tui is.
Debts,
Conveyan-
ces.
THE PRESENT STATE
Corn,
General-
court.
County-
sourt.
By-Laws,
Hog-fteal-
irentes.
Ssrvanis..
The Governor, and one or two of the coun-
cil commiffioned by him, fhall go the circuit
annually in Auguft, and vifit the County-courts,
hearing and determining the caufes depending in
them.
Encouragements were ena&ed, anno 1682,
for the planting and manufacturing Hemp and
Flax, and for thofe that fhould make Hats and
Stockings ; but they ftill receive thefe and almoft
every other kind of manufacture from England.
A debt acknowledged before two Commiffio-
ners (quorum unus) to be of the nature of a judg-
ment.
Conveyances of lands in Virginia made in
England to be fent over thither by the firft
{hipping, and recorded there, or otherwife to be
deemed fraudulent.
Every man, for each titheable perfon in his
family, fhall plant two acres of Corn or Pulfe
on pain of five hundred pounds of Tobacco for
every acre neglected ; provided that the fowing
one acre of Englifh Wheat {hall excufethe plant-
ing two acres of Indian Corn or Pulfe as afore-
faid.
The court held by the Governor and council,
and called the General-court, to be held three
times a year : The firft on the 20th of March,
and to continue eighteen days befides Sundays >
the fecond on the 20th of September, and to conti-
nue twelve days ; and the third on the 20th of
November, and to fit twelve days.
Four gentlemen at leaft to be commiffioned
by the Governor to act as Juftices of the peace
in every county : And the courts of the fa id
Juftices to be called County-courts ; which fhall
not take cognizance of any caufe under the value
of two hundred pounds of Tobacco, or twenty
Shillings fterling ; but matters under that value
{hall be determined by a fingle Juftice of peace.
Two men (hall be chofen in every parifti, who
being returned by the Church-wardens fhall fit
.n the feveral County-courts, and have equal voices
with the Juftices for making of by-laws.
Any perfon who {hall fteal or unlawfully kill
a Flog that is not his own {hall forfeit a thou-
fand pounds of Tobacco to the owner, and as
much to the informer ; and he that brings home
a Flog without his ears fhall be adjudged a Hog-
ftealer, and the receiver {hall be punifhed as the
thief.
The fecond offence of Hog-ftealing to be pu-
nifhed with lofs of ears, after two hours {land-
ing in the pillory ; and the third is made felony.
Every planter fhall make a fufficient fence
about his ground, at leaft four foot and an. haif
high.
Where a freeman is punishable by a fine, a
fervant fhall receive corporal puniihmc.it, viz.
for every five hundred pounds of Tobacco twenty
lafhes, unlefs his mafter will pay the penalty. CHAP.
A man or woman committing fornication fhall VIII.
pay each of them five hundred pounds of To-
bacco ; and if either of them be a fervant, the Fornication,
mafter to pay the five hundred pounds of To-
bacco, and the fervant to ferve half a year be-
yond his time ; and if the mafter refufe to pay
it, the fervant is to be whipped. If a baftard
be born of a woman fervant, ihe lhall ferve her
mafter two years beyond her time, or pay him
two thoufand pounds of Tobacco, and the father
{hall give fecurity to keep the child.
Conveyances of lands, cattle, or goods, {hall Conveyan-
be regiftered in the General-court or County- ceSi
court within fix months after alienation, or be
deemed fraudulent.
Hides, Wool, and Iron, are prohibited to be
exported.
No Englifhman {hall purchafe land of an In- Indians,
dian ; and whoever {hall defraud or injure them
{hall make them fatisfaction.
No perfon {hall buy or receive any commo-
dity of an Indian without the Governor’s li-
cenfe.
No perfon, of what quality foever, {hall pre-
fume to imprifon an Indian King, without a
fpecial warrant from the Governor and two of
the council : And no encroachments {hall be
made on the Indians lands.
No Indian {hall come into the Englifti bounds
without a badge in their company to {hew what
King they belong to ; and if any injury be done
by them, his King or Chief fhall be anfwerable
for it.
When a tributary Indian King has notice of
the march of any ftrange Indians near the Eng-
lifti colonies, he {hall acquaint the next Officer
of the militia with it ; and if the friendly In-
dians defire affiftance, a party fliall be immedi-
ately fent to fupport them by the Colonel of the
militia.
No Indian fervant {hall be fold for a Have 5
and no Indian {hall be entertained by any one
without the leave of the Governor.
No man fhall fell arms, powder or {hot to
the Indians, on pain of forfeiting ten thoufand
pounds of Tobacco.
Where an Englifhman is murdered by Indi-
ans, the next Indian town fliall be anfwerable
for it with their lives and liberties.
The Weroance, or General of the Indians,
{hall not be chofen by them, but the Englifti
Governor lhall appoint fuch perfons as he can.
confide in co be Commander in Chief of the In-
dian towns ; and in cafe any town difobey fuch
commands, they lhall be treated as rebels.
No Indian or Negroe, baptized and enfran-
chifed, fhall be capable, of purchafing a Chriftian
fervant..
Proof
OF VIRGINIA,
CHAP
VIII.
C/'V'O
JBog-fteal-
jng.
Marriage.
Militia.
Slaves.
KFotfce to
be given
when any
t one leaves
the country.
Pofleffion.
Scolds.
Servants,
Proof by Indians fhall be good to eonvidt other
Indians of Hog-ftealing ; and the Indians who
keep Hogs fhall put fuch a mark on them as
fhall be appointed by the adjacent counties.
No marriage fhall be reputed valid which is
not folemnized by a lawful Minifter, according
to the book of Common-Prayer ; and none fhall
marry without a licenfe from the Governor or
his Deputy, or banes thrice publifhed. The chil-
dren of other marriages deemed illegitimate, and
their parents to be punifhed as for fornication.
Servants who procure themfelves to be marryed
without the confent of their mafters, fhall each
of them ferve their refpedtive mafters a year be-
yond their time : And if a freeman marries a
fervant without the mafter’s leave, he (hall forfeit
fifteen hundred pounds of Tobacco to the mafter,
or one year’s fervice.
Forty titheables obliged to fet out one man
and Horfe in the militia.
Minifters, fee religion.
Children begotten by an Englifhman on a
Negroe woman to be Haves, or free, according
to the condition of the mother : And if a chriftian
commits fornication with a Negroe the offender
fhall pay double the fine impofed on fornication.
Negroe women, though enfranchifed, liable to
pay taxes.
No Negroe may carry any weapon or club,
or go off his mafter’s ground without a certi-
ficate from his mafter or overfeer.
A Negroe or flave lifting up his hand againft
any Chriftian, to receive thirty lafhes.
If a Negroe or flave hide himfelf from his
mafter’s fervice, and reftft thofe that are autho-
rized to apprehend him, it fhall be lawful to
kill him.
No mafter of a fhip Avail tranfport any perfon
out of the country without a pafs from the Se-
cretary, on pain of paying all his debts and a
thoufand pounds of Tobacco to the Secretary :
And all perfons, before they can obtain paffes,
muft fet up their names at the Monthly-court
ten days before their departure, or have their
names publifhed two Sundays in every parifh
of the county, or give fecurity for the payment
of their debts.
Five years peaceable poffeffion fhall be deemed
a good bar to any claim of lands, except as to
Orphans, Feme-coverts, and perfons out of the
country, or non fane.
Scolds are ordered to be ducked by an add of
affembly.
Servants, ccming into the country without
indenture, fhall ferve five years if upwards of
fix teen s and all under that age till they are twen-
ty-four.
Servants abfenting themfelves from their maf-
ters fervice fhall make fatisfaction by ferving
491
after their times expired double the time of the CHAP,
fervice fo neglected, or longer if the court fa VIII.
determine.
If an Englifh fervant run away in company
with Negroes, who cannot make fatisfaction by
an addition of time, the Englifh, after their
own time is expired, fhall ferve the mafters of
the faid Negroes as long as the Negroes fhould
have done ; if they had not been flaves.
Servants receiving immoderate correction, or
not being provided with competent cioathing,
diet, or lodging, may complain to a Ccmmifiioner
of the county, who is impowered to redrefs the
grievance.
A fervant laying violent hands on his mafter*
to ferve a year beyond his time.
None may traffick with a fervant without
his mafter’s leave under fevere penalties.
Servants bringing goods with them, or hav-
ing goods affigned to them in the country, fhall
have the property thereof and liberty to difpofe
of them to their own ufe.
A woman fervant got with child to ferve two
years after her time expired.
No mafter fhall make any bargain with his
fervant, but before a Juftice of peace.
Servants and facraments, fee religion. Religion.
None but a Commiflioner fhall be Sheriff of sheriffs,
a county; and fuch Commiffioners fhall execute
the office fucceffively.
Commiffioners of every county fhall be an-
fwerable for all publick levies and taxes laid on
the county, and for the Sheriff’s due performance
of his office ; and are impowered therefore to take
fecurity of him on his admiffion.
Any one of the council of ftate may fit in any
court in Virginia, and have a voice as the Jullices
have.
No perfon not born in this country fhall No perfost
have an office here till he has been Refident three t0 jT’e y
T _. .... . r poit till he
years, unlefs by the King s immediate commit- has been re-
fion. fident three
No perfon convicted of felony in England or conWfta
elfewhere fhall be capable of bearing any office difabled.
civil or military.
Whoever fhall build a veffel, and fit her out
for the fea in this country, fhall receive of the
publick a premium of fifty pounds of I obacco
per ton.
Mafters of (hips fhall provide four months ships,
victuals for their paffengers in letting out from
England, and take care that poor fervants do not
want bedding during the voyage.
For the better taking alarms on the approach
of an enemy, the firing Guns at merry meetings Guns,
are prohibited.
In the year 1662 the planters were enjoined Silk,
to plant a certain number of Mulberry-Trees in
order to fet up a Silk Manufacture, and encou-
R r r 2 rage meats
THE PRESENT STATE
492
CHA P. ragements were given for the making of Silk ;
VIII. but they have long fince laid afide all attempts
i L*''V"NbJ this nature.
Slaves. If a Have refill his mailer, or thofe who cor-
rect him by his mailer’s orders, and he, by the
extremity of the correction, chance to die, the
perfons correcting him ihall be indemnifyed.
All fervants imported by ihipping, who are not
Chriilians, ihall be ilaves for life ; and fuch as
come by land ihall ferve twelve years ; and if
boys and girls till they are thirty.
Taxes. All Miniilers officiating in any publick cure,
and fix of their refpective families, ihall be ex-
empted from publick taxes.
Weights None ihall buy or fell but by Engliih weights
fures^ ea * an< ^ meafures.
widows and The widow may make choice of any third
orphans. part G f th e real eftate, where her hufband dies
inteilate, and ihall have a third of the perfonal
eitate, where there are not more than two chil-
dren ; but where there are more the perfonal
eilate Hull be divided equally between the mo-
ther and the children.
CHAP. IX.
Of the religion both of the Indians and Englijh ; and
of their marriages , women , children, flaves, and
funeral rites.
C HAP.'T' H E firft account we meet with of the re-
IX. ’*• ligion of the Virginians is that given us by
l/VNJ Mr. Harriot, an Officer of Sir Walter
iteiigion of Ralech’s, whom he employed in the difcovery
t a Ss Virgini ' of that country.
Harri- Mr. Harriot relates, that the Indians be-
ot’s ac- Heved there were many gods of various orders
thdTfahh. and degrees, though but one only fupreme God,
who had exiiled from all eternity, and by whom
every thing in the univerfe was produced into
being : That he firft made gods of a fuperior
order to be his miniilers and inilruments in the
fucceeding creation and government of the world :
That he afterwards created the Sun, Moon, and
Stars, which are gods of an inferiour clafs, who
were to be Miniilers and Agents of thofe of the
Of the ere- higher order : That then the waters were created,
a d° n ’ out of which the gods formed all other creatures,
vifible and invifible ; but laft of all, a woman,
who being impregnated by one of the gods, had
children, from whom all the reft of mankind
proceeded; but how long it was fince the crea-
tion they do rot pretend to know.
They believed that all their gods were of hu-
man form, and therefore reprefented them as
Cods. of hu- fuch in the images they made, and placed in
sian form, their temples ; in fome of which he had feen
one, and in others two or three.; and that the
iDsvotbn, Indians worihipped, prayed, fung, and made of-
ferings to them..
They believe, that as foon as the foul is de- CHAP,
parted from the body (according to its behaviour IX.
in this world) it is either carryed to heaven, the
habitation of the gods, to enjoy perpetual happi- a ftate of
nefs, or elfe to a great pit or gulph ; which as and
well as their paradife they take to be in the m ents.
mod weftern part of the world, there to burn
and be tormented for ever, which place of tor-
ment they call Popogolfo ; and for the confir-
mation of their opinion, they related, that a few
years before the arrival of the Englifh the grave
of a certain wicked man, who had been buryed
the day before, being feen to move, he was taken
up alive, and declared that his foul had been car-
ryed to the very entrance of Popogofio ; but
that he was faved by one of the gods, who or-
dered him to return and tell hisfiiends what they
fhould do to avoid that place of torment : That
another, who was buryed the fame year the
Englifh came thither, being taken in like man-
ner out of his grave, declared that his foul, im-
mediately after death, was conduced along a fpa-
cious road, planted on each fide with beautiful
groves and the moft delicious fruits, fuch as he had
never feen before, or was able to deferibe. This
road led him to magnificent buildings, near which
he met his father, who commanded him to return
to his friends, and inftruct them, what they
fhould do to obtain the pleafures of that place.
That this he learned from their Priefts (with
fome of whom he was very intimate) and this
he took to be the fum of their religion : That
upon his acquainting them v/ith the principles of
the Chriftians, they gave that religion the pre- The opinion,
ferenee to. their own ; nay, the Weroances ^Vrifen-
and great men, when they were fick, would tertained of
defire the Englifh, whom they looked upon as th ^
a kind of inferior deities, to mediate with hea- religion!!
ven, that their lives might be fpared, or that
after death they might enjoy eternal blifs : Such 1
was the opinion they at firft entertained of the
Englifh ; and had it not been for the unhappy
conduct of fome of our firft Adventurers, it had been
then the eafieft matter in the world to have brought
the Indians to have embraced our religion and
fubmitted to our government, without ufing any
manner of force. Our fhips and artillery, our
Fire-arms, our Clocks and other pieces of mecha-
nifm were fo amazing, fo much beyond any thing
they were acquainted v/ith, that they looked upon
them as more than human productions ; efteeming j
them either the works of gods, or of men ex- |
ceedingly favoured and inftruCted by the gods.
Mr. "White, who was Governor of one of
the firft colonies, lent to Virginia by Sir Wal-
ter Ralegh, relates, that they worihipped Worfhip of*
the Sun with great folemnity : That, at break ©f the Sun *
day, before they eat cr drank, men, women, and
children upwards of ten years of age, went to the
wate£
OF VIRGINIA.
493
CHAP. water and bathed until theSunarofe, and then of-
IX. fered Tobacco to this planet and that they did
the like at fun-fet.
The next gentleman who gives us an account
of the religion of the Virginians is CaptainSivtiTH,
who was very inftrumental in eftablilhing the firll
with faces carved on them and painted. WeCHAP>
did not obferve any window or paffage for the IX,
light, except the door and the vent of the chim-
ney. At laft we obferved that at the farther
end about ten foot of the room was cut off by
a partition of very clofe mats, and it was dif-
Colonel
Sever-
iiy’s ac-
count of
their reli-
gion.
colony at James Town, and had the government of mal dark behind that partition. We were at firft
it a confiderable time.
But as Colonel Beverley has included great
part of Mr. Smith’s narrative in the relation
he gives of the religious rites and ceremonies of
the Virginians, I {hall in the firft place prefent
the reader with what the Colonel has given us
on this head.
I do not pretend (fays Colonel Beverley)
to have dived into all the myfteries of the In-
fcrupulous to enter this obfcure place ; but at laft
we ventured, and groping about we felt feme
polls in the middle ; then reaching our hands up
thefe polls we found large {helves, and upon thefe
Ihelves three mats, each of which was rolled up
and fewed fall : Thefe we handed down to the
light, „and to fave time in unlacing the Teams we
made ufe of a knife, and ripped them without
doing any damage to the mats. In one of thefe
we found fome vail bones, which we judged to
of earning them as Father Hennepin and Baron be the bones of men ; particularly we meafured
LAHONTANhad by living much among the Indians one thigh bone, and found it two foot and nine
in their towns ; and becaufe my rule is to fay inches long. In another mat we found fome
dian religion, nor have I had fuch opportunities
nothing but what I know to be truth, I fhall
be very brief upon this head.
In the writings of thefe two gentlemen I can-
not but obferve diredl contradictions^ altho’ they
travelled the fame country, and the accounts they
pretend to give, are of the fame Indians. One
They were
riot fo fhy
whn the
fir it a '.ven-
turers arri-
ved.
makes them have very refined notions of a Deity
and the other does not allow them fo much as the
name of a God : For which reafon I think roy-
felf obliged fincerely to deliver what I can war-
rant to be true upon my own knowledge, it
being neither my intereft nor any part of my
vanity to impofe upon the world.
I have been at feveral of the Indian towns,
and converfed with fome of the moll fenfible of
them in Virginia ; but I could learn little from
them, it being reckoned facrilege to divulge the
principles of their religion ; however, the follow-
ing adventure difeovered fomething of it : As I
was ranging the woods with lome other friends,
we fell upon their Quiccofan (which is their houfe
of religious worlhip) at a time when the whole
town was gathered together in another place, to
confult about the bounds of the lands given them
by the Englifh.
Thus finding ourfelves mailers of fo fair an
opportunity (becaufe we knew the Indians were
engaged) we refolved to make ufe of it and to ex-
amine their Quiccofan, the infide of which they
never fuffer any Englishman to fee ; and having
removed about fourteen logs from the door with
which it was barricado’d, we went in, and at
firft found nothing but naked walls and afire-place the arms
in the middle : This houfe was about eighteen fentation
foct
wiae
vf
md
Indian Tomahawks finely graved and painted.
Thefe refembled the wooden faulchion ufed by
Prize-fighters in England, except that they have
no guard to fave the fingers,. They were made of
a rough heavy wood, and among thefe Toma-
hawks was the largeil that ever I law. There
was faftned to it a wild Turkey’s beard, painted
red, and two of the longed feathers of his wings
hung dangling at it by a firing of about fix inches
long, tyed to the head ol a Tomahawk.
In the third mat there was fomething which
we took to be their idol, tho’ of an underling
fort, and wanted putting together. The pieces
were thefe, firft, a board three foot and a half
long, with one indenture at the upper end like a
a fork, to fallen the head upon ; from thence
half way down were half hoops nailed to the edges
of the board, at about four inches dillance, which
were bowed out to reprefent the breaft and belly :
On the lower half was another board, of half the
length of the other, fattened to it by joints or
pieces of wood, which being fet on each iide flood
out about fourteen inches from the body, and
half as high. We fuppofed the ufe of thofe to be
for the bowing out of the knees when the image
was fet up. There were packt up with thefe
things red and blue pieces ol Cotton Cloth, rolls
made up for arms, thighs, and legs bent too at
the knees. It would be difficult to fee one of
thefe images at this day, becaufe the Indians are
extream lliy of exponng them. We put the cloaths
upon the hoops for the body, and fattened on
and legs, to have a view of the repre-
; but the head and rich bracelets which
thirty foot long, buiit after the it is ufually adorned with were not there, or at
manner or their other cabbins, but larger, with leaft we did not find therm We had not leifure
a hole in J.e nil lie of the roof to vent the fmoke, to make a very narrow fearch, for having fpent
the door being at one end. Round about the about an hour in this enquiry, we feared the
houfe at feme diftance from it were fet up polls, tunnels of the Indians might be near over, and
that
494
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, that if we ftaid longer we might be caught offer-
IX. ing an affront to their fuperftition ; for this reafon
tOT^ we wra P t U P thofe holy materials in their feveral
mats again, and laid them on the fhelf where we
found them. This invge whendreffed up, might
look very venerable in that dark place where it is
not poffible to fee it but by the glimmering light
that is let in by lifting up a piece of the matting,
which we obferved to be conveniently hung for
that purpofe ; for when the light of the door and
chimney glance in feveral directions upon the image
through that little paflage, it mull needs make a
flrange reprefen tat ion, which thefe poor people are
taught to worfhip with a devout ignorance.
There are other things that contribute towards car-
How does rying on this impofture. Firft, the chief Conjurer
“Renters within the partition in the dark, and may,
undifcerned, move the image as he pleafes. Se-
condly, A Prieft of authority Hands in the room
with the people to keep them from being too inqui-
fitive, under the penalty of the Deity’s difpleafure
and his own cenfure.
Their idol bears a feveral name in every nation,
as Okee, Quiccos, Kiwasa. They do not
look upon it as one fingle being, but reckon
there are many of the fame nature. They like-
wife believe that there are titular Deities in every
town.
Captain . 1 here are Hill fome things in Captain Sm ith’s
IrnnnAf reIa tion that Colonel Beverley hath not men-
of their tioned as 1 remember, or at leaft in the manner
religion. the Captain exprelTcs himfelf, particularly, that
the Virginians do not only worfhip the Devil,
whom they call Ok.ee, but converfe familiarly
with him.
That they adore every thing they fear, as Fire,
Water, Thunder, great Guns, Fire-Arms, and
Horfes ; and fome of them feeing an Englifh
Boar, according to Smith, appeared ready to
adore him.
He makes alfo the head-drefs and ornaments of
their Priefts to be the fame with thofe Mr. Be-
verley affigns to their Conjurers, and fays their
devotions are generally fung ; that they affemhle
about a great fire dinging and dancing, fhouting
They ufu- and making a moil hideous noife with their rat-
with rattles f ^ es * or ^ ome ^ ours > after which they fit down and
in then- ipend the reft of the day in feafting, having made
hands, an offering of the firft piece to the Fire, as it is
laid the better fort do at every meal. Some re-
late, that they do not fo much as take a pipe of
Tobacco but they offer the firft fumes of it to the
Sun, or to the Fire, as incenle.
theirTeveral ^' rorn £ ^ e fe feveral accounts of the religion of
relations?* ** t ^ ie Virginians, it may be obferved, that there
are fome things in which all travellers agree, tho’
they differ in many, and there is fcarce any one
writer confiftent with himfelf throughout.
They all agree, that the Indians acknowledge
one God, the creator of all things, who is infi-CH AP.
nitely happy in himfelf, but has little or no regard IX.
to the trifling concerns of men, having committed
the government of the world to certain inferior
Deities or Daemons, to whom therefore they pay
their devotions ; and thefe our travellers have de-
nominated Devils : But if the Indians pray to
thefe Daemons, and depend on them for health,
victory, and fruitful feafons, which they difpenfe
to mankind, in their opinion, as well as afflicti-
ons and calamities, why we may not call thefe
imaginary deities gods as well as thofe the Greeks
and Romans paid their devotions to, I cannot
conceive ; tho’ we admit both the one and the
other to be falfe gods, or rather no gods.
Again ; their Priefts are frequently called Con-
jurers, and fome make the Prieft and the Conju-
rer diftinct Officers ; but it is admitted that both
of them perform the fame religious rites fome-
iimes ; both pretend to foretel future events, to
command the elements, and do abundance of
fupernatural things, and both of them are Phyfi-
cians : So that I am apt to think they are of the
fame tribe and order, and only receive different
denominations according as they apply themfelves
to this or that part of their office ; tho’ it feems
probable from thefe relations, that before a Prieft:
is admitted to be a Prophet or Pawawer, he is
obliged to undergo a very fevere difeipline : And
for ought I perceive, he is neither allowed to adt
as a Prieft or Prophet until he is advanced in years.
T hofe writers feem to be under a miftake who
relate, that their Priefts are eledted out of the beft
families ; for it is very evident the priefthood is
hereditary amongft them. Thofe young noblemen
that undergo the difeipline of Hufkanawing, it
appears, are defigned for Cockroufes, or Minifters
of ftate, and Generals, and not for the priefthood.
Ncr is the Indian creed in all particulars confift-
ent with itfelf; for if they apprehend God to be
unconcerned at their behaviour in this life, how
comes it to pafs that they believe he configns the
good to Paradife and the wicked to an eternity of
torments ? It he dees this he miift infpedt their
actio- and have a regard to their everlafting
welfare, tho’ it fhould be admitted he has com-
mitted the condudt of their affairs in this life to
in the language of the vulgar to
an religion
in Virginiaa
his Angels, or.
Devils.
As to the ftate of the Chriftian religion in Vir- The ftate of
ginia. Colonel Beverley has given us the fol- theC i 1 iq fti -
lowing account of it.
There is in each parifh a convenient church
built either of timber, brick, or ftone, and de-
cently adorned with every thing neceffaryfor the
celebration of divine fervice.
If a parifh be of greater extent than ordinary,
it hath generally a chapel of eafe, and fome of the
parishes have two fuch chapels, befsdes the church,
for
OF VIRGINIA.
CHAP, for the greater convenience of the parifhioners.
VIII. In thefe chapels the M miller preaches alternately,
always leaving a reader to read prayers when he
can’t attend himfelf.
The people are generally of the Church of Eng-
land, which is the religion eftablifhed by law in
that country, from which there are very few dif-
fenters ; yet liberty of confcience is given to all
other congregations pretending to chriftianity, on
condition they fubmit to all parilh duties. They
have but one fet conventicle amongft them, name-
ly, a meeting of Quakers in Nanfamund County ;
others that have lately been being now extind:
And ’tis obferved by letting them alone they de-
creafe daily.
The maintenance for a Minifter there is appoint-
ed by law at fixteen thoufand pounds of Tobac-
co per annum (be the parilh great or fmall) as al-
io a dwelling-houfe and glebe, together with cer-
tain perquifites for marriages and funeral-fermons.
That which makes the difference in the benefices
of the clergy is the value of the Tobacco, accord-
ing to the diftind fpecies of it, or according to the
place of its growth. Befides, in large and rich
parilhes, more marriages will probably happen,
and more funeral-fermons.
The fee, by law, for a funeral-fermon is forty
Shillings, or four hundred pounds of Tobacco ; for
a marriage by licenfe twenty Shillings, or two hun-
dred pounds of Tobacco ; and where the banes
are proclaimed only five Shillings, or fifty pounds
of Tobacco.
When thefe falaries were granted, the affembly
valued Tobacco at ten Shillings per hundred, at
which rate the fixteen thoufand Pounds, comes to
fourfcore Pounds fterling ; but in all parilhes where
the fweet-fcented grows, fince the law for appoint-
ing Agents to view the Tobacco was made, it has
generally been fold for double that value, and ne-
^ ver under.
In feme parilhes likewife there are, by donation,
flocks of cattle and Negroes on the glebes, which
are alfo allowed the Minifter for his ufe and encou-
ragement, he only being accountable for the fur-
render of the fame value when he leaves the parilh.
For the well-governing of thefe and all other
parochial affairs, a veftry is appointed in each pa-
rilh. Thefe veftries confift of twelve gentlemen
of the parilh, and were firft chofen by the vote
of the parifhioners ; but upon the death of any
have been continued by the furvivor’s electing a-
'i nother in his place. Thefe in the name of the
parilh make prefentation of Minifters, and have
the foie power of all parilh affeffments. They
are qualified for this employment by fubfcribing
to be conformable to the dodrine and difcipline o^
the Church of England, If there be a Minifter
incumbent, he always' prefides in the veftry.
For the eafe of the veftry in general, and for
difcharging the bufinefs of the parilh, they chufe CHAP,
two from among themfelves to’be Church-wardens, VIII.
which mull: be annually changed, that the burthen
may lie equally upon all. The bufinefs of thefe
Church- wardens is to fee the orders and agreements
of the veftry performed, to colled all the parilh
Tobacco, and diftribute it to the feveral claimers;
to make up the accounts of the parilh, and to
prefent all profanenefs and immorality to the Coun-
ty-courts, and there profecute it.
By thefe the Tobacco of the Minifter is col-
leded, and brought him in hcgfheads convenient
for dripping, fo that he is at no farther trouble but
to receive it in that condition. This was ordain-
ed by the law of the country for the eafe of the
Minifters, that fo they being delivered from the
trouble of gathering in their dues, may have the
more time to apply themfelves to the exercifes of
their holy fundion, and live in a decency fuitable to
their order. It may here be obferved, that the labour
of a dozen Negroes does but anfwer this falary,
and feidom yields a greater crop of fweet fcented
Tobacco, than is allowed to each of their Minifters.
Probates of wills and adminiftrations are, ac-
cording to their law, petitioned for in the County-
courts, and by them fecurity taken and certi-
fied to the Governor, which, if he approves the
commiffion, is then figned by them without fee.
Marriage-licenfes are iffued by the Clerks of thefe
courts and figned by the Juftice in commiffion, or-
by any perfon deputed by the Governor, for which
a fee of twenty Shillings mull be paid to the Go-
vernor. The power of indudion upon prefenta-
tion of Minifters is alfo in the Governor.
In the year 1642, when the fedaries began to
fpread themfelves fo much in England, the affem-
bly made a law againft them, to prevent their
preaching and propagating their dodrines in that
colony. They admitted none to preach in their
churches but Minifters ordained by fome reverend
Biftiop of the Church of England ; and the Gover-
nor for the time being, as the moft fuitable pub-
lick perfon among them, was left foie judge of
the certificates of fuch ordination, and fo he has
continued ever fince.
The only thing I have heard the clergy com* The clergy’s
plain of there, is what they call precarioufnefs in condlt i on
r , . . ’ . , J , r . . 0 . precarious
their livings ; that is, tney have not inductions here,
generally, and therefore are not intituled to a free-
hold ; but are liable, without trial or crime al-
ledged, to be put out by the veftry : And tho s
fome have prevailed with their veftries to prefent
them for indudion, the great number of their
Minifters have no indudion, yet they are very
rarely turned out without fome great provocation ;
and then, if they have not been abominably fcan-
dalous, they immediately get other parifhes : lor
there is no benefice whatfoever in that country that
remains without a Minifter, if they can get one.
49 6 THE PRESE
CHAP, and no qualified Minifter ever yet returned from
IX. that country for want of preferment, They have
O'-y-O frequently feveral vacant parifhes.
The college The college, as has been hinted, was founded
endowed, t h e ir late" Majefties King William and
Queen Mary in the year 1692, towards the
founding of which they gave one thoufand nine
hundred eighty five Pounds, fourteen Shillings. and
ten Pence. They gave more towards the endow-
ment of it twenty thoufand acres of land, the
revenue of one Penny per pound on Tobacco ex-
ported to the plantations from Virginia and Ma-
ryland, and the Surveyor-General’s place of that
colony then void, and appointed them a Burgefs
to reprefent them in the afTemblies. The land
hitherto has yielded little or no profit, the duty
of one Penny per Pound brings in about two hun-
dred Pounds a year, and the Surveyor-General’s
place about fifty Pounds a year ; to which the af-
fembly have added a duty on Skins and Furrs ex-
ported, worth about one hundred Pounds a year.
By the fame charter likewife their Majefties
granted a power to certain gentlemen, and the
furvivors of them as Truftees, to build and efta-
blifti the college by the name of William and Ma-
ry College; to confift of a Prefident, and fix
Matters or Profeftors, and an hundred Scholars,
more or lefs, graduates or non-graduates, enabling
the faid Truftees as a body-corporate to enjoy an-
nuities fpiritua’l and temporal of the value of two
thoufand Pounds fterling per ann. with a provifo
to convert it to the building and adorning the col-
lege, and then to make over the remainder to the
Prefident and Matters, and their fucceftors ; who
are now become a corporation; and by the faid
patent enabled to purchafe and hold to the value
of two thoufand Pounds a year, and no more.
TheVifitors The perfons named in the charter for Truftees
of the col- are made Governors and Vifitors of the college,
iege ' and to have a perpetual fucceffion by the name
of Governors and Vifitors, with power to fill up
their own vacancies happening by the death or
removal of any of them. Their complete number
may be eighteen, -but not to exceed twenty, of
which one is to be Redtor, and annually chofen
by themfelves on the firft Monday after the 25th
of March.
Thefe have the nomination of the Prefident and
Matters of the college, and all other Officers be-
longing to it ; and the power of making ftatutes
and ordinances for the better rule and government
thereof. The building is to confift of a quadran-
gle, two Tides of which are not yet carried up.
In this part are contained all conveniencies of cook-
ing, brewing, baking, &c. and convenient rooms
for the reception of the Prefident and Matters,
» with many more Scholars than are as yet come to
it ; in this part are alfo the hall and fchool- room,
The college was intended to be an entire fquare
NT STATE
when finifhed ; two fides of this Was finiftied at theC H A P,
latter end of Governor Nicholson’s time; and IX.
the Matters and Scholars, with the necefiary houfe- sy* y'Nj
keepers and fervants were fettled in it, and fo con-
tinued till the firft year of Governor Nott’s
lime, in which it happened to be burnt (no-body The collage
knows how) down to the ground, and very little bu rnt.
faved chat was in it; the fire breaking out about
ten o’clock at night in a publick time.
The Governor and all the gentlemen that were
in town came up to the lamentable fpedlacle, ma-
ny getting out of their beds ; but the fire had got
fuch power before it was difcovered, and was fo
fierce, that there was no hopes of putting a flop
to it ; and therefore no attempts made to that
end.
In this condition it lay till the arrival of Colonel Rebuilt.
Spotswood, in whofe time it was raifed again
to the fame bignefs as before, and fettled.
There had been a donation of large funis of
money by the honourable Robert Boyle, Efq;
to this college, for the education of Indian children
therein. In order to make ufe of this, they had
formerly bought half a dozen captive Indian chil-
dren fiaves, and put them to the college ; this
method did not fatisfy this Governor, as not an-
fwering the intent of the donor ; fo to work he
goes among the tributary and other neighbouring
Indians, and in a fliort time brought them to
fend their children to be educated, and brought
new nations, fome of which lived four hundred
miles off, taking their children for hoftages and
education equally, at the fame time fetting up a
fchool in the frontiers convenient to the Indians, Schools e-
that they might often fee their children under the
firft management, where they learned to read,
paying fifty Pounds per annum out of his own
pocket to the School-matter there ; after which
many were brought to the college, where they
were taught until they grew big enough for their
hunting and other exercifes, at which time they'
were returned home, and fmaller taken in their
ftead.
There are large tradls of land, houfes, and
other things granted to free-fchools for the educa-
tion of children in many parts of the country ;
and fome of thefe are fo large that of themfelves
they are a handfome maintenance to a matter :
But the additional allowance which gentlemen
give with their fons renders them a comfortable
fubfiftence. Thefe fchools have been founded by
the legacies of well-inclined gentlemen, and the
management of them hath commonly been left
to the direction of the County-court, or to the
veftry of the refpedtive parifhes. In all other
places where fuch endowments have not been al-
ready made, the people join and build fchcols for
their children, where they may learn upon very
eafy terms. As to the condition of the poor in
OF VIRGINIA.
497
C HAP. this country, they live in fo happy a climate, and
IX. have fo fertile a foil, that no body is poor enough
to beg or want food ; tho’ they have abundance of
The condi- people that are lazy enough to deferve it. I re-
'oor in Vir mem ^ er t ^ ie t * me when five Pounds were left by a
ginia, charitable teftator to the poor of the parifh he lived
in, and it lay nine years before the executors could
find one poor enough to accept of this legacy ; but
at laft it was given to an old woman. So that this
may in truth be termed the beft poor man’s country
in the world. But as they have no body that is poor
to beggary, fo they have few that are rich, their
eftates being regulated by the Merchants in Eng-
land > who, it feems know beft what is profit
enough for them in thefale of their Tobacco and
other trade.
When it happens that by accident or ficknefs
any perfon is difabled from working, and fo is
forced to depend on the alms of the parifh, he is
then very well provided for, not at the common
rate of fome countries ( I prefume he means Eng-
land,) that give but juft fufficient to preferve the
poor from perifhing ; but the unhappy creature is
received into fome charitable planter’s houfe, where
he is at thepublick charge boarded plentifully.
Many when they are crippled, or by long
ficknefs become poor, will fometimes afk to be
free from levies and taxes ; but very few others
do ever afk for the parifh alms,' or indeed fo
much as ftand in need of them.
Oftheir Mr. Beverley, in fpeaking of the Virgi-
women. n J an women, fays, that their drefs is but little
different from that of the men, except in the
tying of their hair : But the ornaments of wo-
men of diftindtion are deep necklaces, pendants,
and bracelets made of fmall cylinders of conch-
fiiell, which they call Peak : That they keep
their fkins clean and fhining with Oil, whereas
the men are ufually daubed all over with paint
. or greafe.
That the women are remarkable for their
fmall round breafts, which fcarce ever hang
down, even when they come to be old : And
as they commonly go naked from the navel
upwards, ar.d from the middle of the thigh down-
ward, they have the advantage of difcovering
their fine limbs and fhape.
Marriages. The Indians folemnize their marriages pub-
hckly, and efteem their vows made at that time
facred and invi lable, as Mr, Beverley" informs
us ; but he does rot give us any account of the man
ner of folemnizing them. He adds, that either
Divorce. nian or woman may obtain a divorce where they
cannot agree : But fo great is the fcandal of a di-
vorce, that married people very feldom let their quar-
rels proceed to a feparation. However, when this
does happen, they efteem all the ties of matri-
mony diffolved, and either party is at liberty to
marry elfewhere ; but while the contrad conti-
V o i t III .
nues difioyalty is efteemed the moft unpardonable CHAP,
crime in either party. IX.
Upon a divorce the children go with the one or
the other, according to the affections of the pa-
rents for them ; for children are not reckoned a
burthen here, but rather a part of their treafure j
and if they happen to difagree about dividing their
children, they part them as equally as may be,
allowing the man his choice.
And whereas it is reported that young Indian
females may proftitute themfelves for Peak, Beads,
or almoft: any toy, he looks upon this to be a
calumny ; for if a fingle woman have a child, it
is fuch a difgrace that fhe can never get her a
hufband afterwards. But the Colonel feems to
except fome cafes, for page 159, he fays, where
an Indian of quality vifits a neighbour, after he
has been entertained with feafting and dancing,
a brace of young beautiful virgins are chofen to
wait upon him at night, who undrefs the happy
man, and as foon as he is in bed gently lay them-
felves down by him ; and they efteem it a breach
of hofpitality not to fubmit to every thing he de-
fires. But he adds, that this kind ceremony is
only ufed to men of great diftindlion : And the
young women are fo fir from fuffering in their
reputations by this piece of civility, that they are
envied by their companions, as having had the
greateft honour in the world done them when they
were fmgied out for that purpofe.
When a child is bom, inftead of keeping it Child-en.
warm, and fwaddling it up in a great many
deaths, as European nurfes do, they plunge it
over head and ears in cold water, and then bind
it naked to a board with a hole for evacuation ;
but the board Is lined with Cotton, Wool, Furrs,
or other foft covering to make the child’s lodging
the eafier ; for it remains thus fattened to the
board feveral months, being only taken off every
day to be wafhed and cleaned. While the child
is thus fattened to the board, they either lay it
flat on its back, or fet the board leaning againft
fomething, or elfe they hang it up by a firing on
the bough of a tree, or againft a wall : And
when it is let loofe from the board they fuffer
it to crawl about on all fours, till it is able to go
alone, except when the woman goes abroad ; and
then Ihe takes her child at her back, naked, if it
be in fummer, having one of the legs under her
arm, and the oppofite hand of the child in hers,
over her {boulder, the child hanging about the
neck with the other hand ; but in the winter
fhe carries her child in her mantle or watchcoat,
as the beggars do theirs in blankets, leaving only
the head expofed to the air.
As to the Engliflh women, Mr. Beverley EngM*
obferves, that the colony was at firft put to hard WOIEess ’
fhifts, very few going over with the adventurers,
who feemed to have an averfion to the Indian
S s s women.
THE PRESENT STAT E
49?
C H A P. vvcmc-n, either on account of their paganifm or
IX. their complexions ; and home, perhaps, were ap-
prehenfive fuch wives would confpire with their
relations and countrymen to deftroy the colony.
But fo foon as the colony was fettled, and the
planters were in good circumftances, a great many
girls went over thither from England, in expecta-
tion of making their fortunes, carrying certifi-
cates with them of their chafte behaviour on this
fide the water ; for without fuch certificates, the
Colonel infinuates, the cautious planters, though
in never fo much diftrefs for wives, would not
admit them to their beds. If they were but mo-
derately qualified in other refpe&s in thofe days
they might depend upon being well marryed.
The Planters were fo far from expecting money
with a woman, that it was a common thing to
buy a deferring wife, who came over thither a
fervant, at the price of an hundred Pounds, if {he
carryed good teftimonials with her. But after-
wards, when the fruitfulnefs of Virginia was bet-
ter known, and the dangers incident to an infant
fettlement were over, people in good circumftances
went over thither with their families, either to
improve their eftates, or to avoid perfecution at
home : And particularly in the time of the grand
rebellion feveral good Cavalier families retired thi-
ther, as thofe of the other fide did upon the refto-
ration of King Charles the fecond : Yet Vir-
ginia had but few of the latter, having diftinguilh-
ed herfelf by her loyalty in adhering to the royal
family after all other people had fubmitted to the
ufurpation. The round-heads, for the moft part
therefore went to New-England.
Servants and The dfttinCHon ufually made between fervants
difference" an£ l Haves is, that the firft are but temporary fer-
betwecn vants and ufually Chriftians ; whereas the latter
them. with their pofterity are perpetually Haves, unlefs
they happen to be enfranchifed.
The cuftom, in relation to temporary fervants,
. where they have no indentures that limit the time
of their fervice is, that if fuch fervants be under
nineteen years of age,, they muft be brought into
court to have their ages adjudged; and from the
ages they are adjudged to be of they muft ferve
until twenty-four, but if they be adjudged upwards
of nineteen, they are then only to be fervants for
five years.
Male fervants and Haves of both fexes are em-
ployed together in tilling and manuring the ground,
in fov/ing and planting Tobacco, Corn, &c.
Some diftin&ion is made between them in their
tloaths and food, but the work of both is no other
than what the overfeers, the freemen, and the
planters themfelves do.
Sufficient diftinClion is alfo made between the
female fervants and Haves ; for a white woman 1s.
rarely or never put to work in the ground if {he
be good far any thing elfe : And to difcourage all
planters from ufing any woman fo, their law C PI A P„.
makes female fervants working in the ground IX.
titheables, while it fufFers all other white women ■v'’Y"’NJ
to be abfolutely exempted ; whereas on the other
hand it is a common thing to work a woman
Have out of doors ; nor does the law make any
diftinftion in her taxes, whether her work be
abroad or at home.
Becaufe I have heard (adds the Colonel) how
ftrangely cruel and fevere the fervice of this country
is represented in fome parts of England, I cannot
forbear affirming that the work of their fervants
and Haves is no other than what every common
freeman does : Neither is any fervant required to
do more a day than his overfeer. And I can.
allure you, with great truth, that generally their
Haves are not worked near fo hard nor fo many
hours in a day as the hufbandmen and day-labour-
ers in England. An overfeer is a man that hath
ferved his time, and acquired the fkill and character
of an experienced planter ; and is therefore entruft-
ed with the dire&ion of the fervants and Haves.
But to complete this account of fervants, I
(hall give you a Ihort relation of the care their laws-
take that they may be ufed as tenderly as poffible-
By the laws of their country.
1. All fervants whatfoever have their complaints
heard without fee or reward ; but if the mafter
be found faulty the charge of the complaint is
caft upon him ; otherwife the bufinefs is done
ex officio.
2. Any Juftice of peace may receive the com-
plaint of a fervant, and order every thing relating
thereto until the next County-court ; where it
will be finally determined.
3. Ail mafters are under the correction and
cenfure of the County-courts, to provide for
their fervants good and wholfome diet, cloathing,
and lodging.
4. They are always to appear upon the firft
notice given of the complaint of their fervants ; ‘
otherwife to forfeit the fervice of them until they
do appear.
5. All fervants complaints are to be received
at any time in court without procefs,. and fhall
not be delayed for want of form ; but the merits
of the complaint muft be immediately enquired
into by the Juftices ; and if the mafter caufe any
delay therein, the court may remove fuch fervants
if they fee caufe until the mafter will come
to trial.
6. If a mafter {hall at any time difobey an
order of court made upon any complaint of a fer-
vant, the court is impowered to remove fuch fer-
vant forthwith to another mafter, who will be
kinder ; giving to the former mafter the produce
only (after fees deduCted) of what fuch fervant
{hall be fold for by publick out-cry.
7. If a. mafter fhould be fo cruel as to ufe his
fcrvan£
OF VIR
C H A P. fervant ill that is fallen fick or lame in his fervice,
IX. and thereby rendered unfit for labour, he mutt be
removed by the Church-wardens out of the way
of fuch cruelty, and boarded in fome good plant-
ers houfe, until the time of his freedom, (the charge
of which mull be laid before the next County-
court, which has power to levy the fame from
time to time upon the goods and chattels of the
mailer ;) after which the charge of fuch boarding
is to come upon the parifh in general.
8. All hired fervants are intituled to thefe pri-
vileges.
g. No matter of a fervant can make a n ew
bargain for fervice or other matter without the
privity and confent of the County-court, to pre-
vent the matter’s over-reaching or terrifying fuch
fervant into an unreafonable compliance.
10. The property of all money and goods fent
over thither to fervants, or carryed in with them,
is referved to themfelves, and remains entirely at
their difpofal.
1 1 . Each fervant, at his freedom, receives of
his matter ten buffiels of Corn (which is fufficient
almoft for a year,) two new fuits of cloaths,
both linen and woolen, and a Gun of twenty
Shillings value ; and then becomes as free in all
refpedls, and as much intituled to the liberties and
privileges of the country as any other of the inha-
bitants or natives are, if fuch fervants are not aliens.
12 . Each fervant has then alfo a right to take up
fifty acres of land where he can find any unpatented.
This is what the lav/s prefcribe in favour of
fervants ; by which you may find that the cruel-
ties and feverities imputed to that country are an
unjuft reflection ; for no people more abhor the
thoughts of fuch ufage than the Virginians, nor
take more precaution to prevent it now, whatever
it was in former days.
As to convicted malefactors, who are trans-
ported to the plantations to ferve a certain num-
ber of years, Mr. Beverley obferves, that the
greedy planter is always ready to buy them ; but
he is of opinion they will in the end prove very
deftrustive to that country, there having been a
great many robberies and murders committed
thereof late years; which he looks upon as the
effecft of that law.
CHAP. X.
Of their fortifications, wars , and forces ; and of their
Jhiffing , foreign trade , and coin ; as alfo of their
roads and way of travelling ; and of their Jlones ,
earths , and minerals.
CHA P.HT ' El E fortifications of the Indians confift only
X. * of a wooden pailifadoe or ftockade, about
ten or tw e l ve foot high, and when they would
Fonificati- make themfelves very fate (Ays Colonel Bever-
ons. ley) they have a triple pahil'adoe, with which they
fometimes encompafs their whole town ; but for
G I N I A. 499
the moft part only their King’s houfes, and as C H A P.
many more as they judge fufficient to harbour all X.
their people upon the approach of an enemy : ^-yxj
And within thefe fortreffes they never fail to fe-
cure their idols and facred relicks, with the em-
balmed bodies of their deceafed princes. In chu-
fing the ground for their fort, they always take
care to have water enough, and a fpacious parade
to draw up their troops ; in which they make a.
fire every evening and dance round it, either in
devotion or for their diverfion, or both ; for I
find travellers are not agreed about it.
The fame writer informs us, that when the Wars.
Indians are about to enter upon a war or any o-
ther important enterprize, the King fummons a
convention of his great men to affift at a grand
council, which, in their language, is called a
Matchacomoco. At thefe aftemblies it is the
cuftom, efpecially when a war is expecled, ior
the young men to paint themfelves irregularly
with black, red, white, and other motly colours,
making one half of their face red (for inttance,)
and the other hall black or white, with great cir-
cles of a different hue round their eyes, with men-
ftrous muftachces, and a thoufand fantaftical fi-
gures all over the reft of their body ; and to make
themfelves appear yet more ugly and frightful, they
ftrew feathers, Down, or the hair of beafts upon
the paint while it is ftill moift and capaole of
making thole light fubftances flick faft on. "W hen
they are thus formidably equipped, they rufh into
the Matchacomoco, and inftantly begin fome very
grotelque dance, holding their Arrows or i oma-
hawks in their hands, and all the while finging
the ancient glories of their nation, and efpecially of
their own families, threatning and making figns
with their Tomahawks what a dreadful havock
they intend to make amongft their enemies.
Notwithftanding thefe terrible airs they give
themfelves, they are very timorous when they
come to action, and rarely perform any open or
bold feats ; but the execution they do is chiefly
by furprize and ambufeade.
As in the beginning of a war they have afiem-
blies for confultation, fo Colonel Beverley
obferves, upon any victory or other great fuccefs,
they have publick meetings again for proceffions
and triumphs ; which are accompanyed with all
the marks of a wild and extravagant joy.
They ufe formal embattles for treating, and are Treaties ani.
very ceremonious in concluding of peace, bury-
ing a Tomahawk, railing an heap of ftones, or
planting a tree on the place, in token that all en-
mity is buried with the I omanawk, that all the
defolations of war are at an end, and that friend-
{hip (hall flcurifii among them like a tree.
They have a peculiar way of receiving itrangers. The
and diftinguifhing whether they corneas friends or c “^ et0 '
enemies, tho’ they do not undericand each others
S s s 2 language :
500
THE PRES
CHAP, language : AnS that is by a Angular method of
X. fmoaking Tobacco, in which thefe things are
always obferved :
1. They take a pipe much larger and bigger
than the common Tobacco-pipe, exprefly made
for that purpofe, with which all towns are plen-
tifully provided ; they call them the pipes of peace.
2. This pipe they always fill with Tobacco be-
fore the face of the ftrangers and light it.
3. The chief man of the Indians, to whom
the ftrangers come, takes two or three whiffs,
and then hands it to the chief of the ftrangers.
4. If the ftranger refufes to fmoak it is alien
of war.
5. If it be peace, the chief of the ftrangers
takes a whiff or two in the pipe, and prefents it to
the next great man of the town they come to
vifit. He, after taking two or three whiffs, gives
it back to the next of the ftrangers, and fo on al-
ternately until they have puffed all the perfons of
note on each fide, and then the ceremony is ended.
After a little difcourfe, they march together
in a friendly manner into the town, and then
proceed to explain the bufinefs upon which they
come. This method is as general a rule among
all the Indians of thofe parts of America, as the flag
of truce is among the Europeans. And tho’ the
fafhion of the pipe differ as well as the ornaments
of it, according to the humour of the feveral na-
tions, yet it is a general rule to make thofe pipes
remarkably bigger than thofe for common ufe,
and to adorn them with beautiful wings and fea-
thers of Birds,, as likewife with Peak, Beads, or
other toys.
Such a pipe i3 a pafs and fafe condutft among
the allies of the nation which has given it: And
in all embaffies the Ambaffador carries that calamet
or pipe, as the fymbol of peace, which is always
refpecfted ; for the Savages are generally perfuaded
that fome great misfortune would befall them if
they violated the publick faith of the calamet
Fortifies- I come in the next place to treat of the forts and
the forces of the Englifn in Virginia : And I find they
formerly had forts at the heads of the rivers in the
up-land country, to defend them againft the in-
curfions of the Indians, and others at the mouths
of the rivers, and at the entrance of the bay of
Chefepeak, for the fecurity of their fhipping againft
Pyrates and enemies ; but thefe have been fuffered
to decay, and they at this day depend altogether
on the militia at land, and the men of war that are
lent thither from England, to defend them againft
any attacks from the feaward. Having nothing
therefore to obferve in regard to their fortifications,
give me leave, before I enquire into their militia,
to take notice of fome elegant buildings they have
erected of late years at Williamfburgh ; which may
now very well be deemed the Capital of Virginia,
as it is the feat of the Governor,
ENT STATE
There are, according to Mr. Beverle y, C H A P,
three fine publick buildings lately ere&ed, which, X.
according to his opinion, are the moft magnificent
of any in Englifh America, viz. 1. The College, Somepub-
which has been already deferibed. 2. The Capi- ? ick . bui j d "
tol, or State- houfe, where the general affembly erStedf 7
fits : And 3. The Governor’s houfe.
In the Capitol the Council and General-courts
are held, and here are apartments for the great
Officers and others ; and not far from it ftands the
publick prifon for criminals, having a large open
yard contrived for the health of the prifonersj and
at the end of it is another prifon for debtors. The
Governor’s houfe is not the largeft of thefe build-
ings, but by far the moft beautiful. This was
enabled to be built by the general affembly in
Governor Mott’s time; but was finifhed and
elegantly adorned, in the manner we fee it at
prelent, by Governor Spotswood. In his time
alfo was built a new brick church and magazine
of arms ; he alio altered the plan of the town,
which had been laid out in the whimfical form of
a W and M, giving it quite another face.
All thefe buildings are of brick, covered with
fhingle, except the uebtors prifon, which is flat-
roofed : Their private buildings alfo were much
improved in the time of Governor Spotswood,
feveral gentlemen building themfelves lara;e brick
houfes, many rooms on a floor p for they do not
affea: to have them high as they have room
enough to build upon, and are in this way of build-
ing left expofed to the high winds which rave on
this coaft at fome feafons of the year : But tho’ 1 they
have not many ftories in their houfes they delfoht
in fpacious 100ms, and of late have made them
much loftier than formerly ; their windows are
large and fafhed with crown glafs, and their a-
partments adorned with rich furniture ; their dair
ries, kitchens, and other offices ftand at a diftance
from the dwelling-houfo.
Their Tobacco- houfes are built all of wood as
open and airy as poffible ; which fort of building
is the moft convenient for curing their Tobacco.
Thefe houfes are covered with Clap-board, as the
others are with Shingle ; that is, oblong fquares of
Cyprefs or Pine- wood ; tho’ they have flate enough
in fome parts of the country, and good clay for
making tiles ; they have very few flate or tiled
houfes.
The militia are the only forces in Virginia. The En -
They are happy (according to Colonel Bev E R- lift forces
lfy) in the enjoyment of an everlafting peace ; in vir 6 inia< -
which their poverty and want of towns fecure to
them. They have the Indians round about in fub-
jebtion, and have no fort of apprehenfion from
them : And for a foreign enemy it can never be
worth their while to carry troops Efficient to con-
quer the country ; and the fluttering method of
their fettlements will not anfwcr the charge of an
^expedition
OF VIRGINIA.
501
GHA P. expedition to plunder them' ; To that they feel
X. none but the diftant effects of war, which, how-
"Nj ever, keep them fo poor that they can boaft of no-
thing but the fecurity of their perfons and habi-
tations.
The Governor is Lieutenant-General by his
commifiion, and in each county does appoint the
Colonel, Lieutenant- Colonel, and Major, who
have under them Captains, and other commiffio-
ned fubaltern Officers.
Every freeman (by which denomination they
call all but indented or bought fervants) from fix-
teen to fixty years of age is lifted in the militia,
which by a law is to be muftered in a general
mufter for each county once a year, and in fingle
troops and companies four times more at leaft.
Moft people there are fkilful in the ufe of fire-arms,
being all their lives accuftomed to fhoot in the
woods. This, together with a little exercifing,
would foon make the militia ufeful.
The exadl number of the militia is not now
known, there not being any account of the num-
ber taken of late years ; but I guefs them at this
time (1722,) to be about 18,000 effedtive men
in all.
And whereas by the practice of former times
upon the militia law, feveral people were obliged
to travel fometimes thirty or forty miles to a
private mufter of a troop or company, which was
very burdenfome to fome more than others to an-
fwer only the fame duty ; this Governor (Spots-
wood) juft and regular in all his condudt, and
fufficiently experienced to put his defigns in exe-
cution, fo contrived it, that by dividing the coun-
ties into feveral cantons or military diftridls, form-
ing the troops and companies belonging to each
canton, and by appointing the mufter-fields in
the centre of each, none are now obliged to tra-
vel above ten miles to a private mufter, and yet
the law is duly executed.
f Inftead of the Soldiers they formerly kept con-
ftantly in forts, and of the others after them by
the name of Rangers, to fcour the frontiers clear
of the Indian enemy, they have by law appointed
the militia to march out upon fuch occafions
under the command of the chief Officer of the
county, on receiving advice of any incurfion or
invafion : And if they upon fuch expedition re-
main in arms three days and upwards,, they are
then entituled to the pay for the whole time ; but
if it prove a falfe alarm, and they have no occa-
fion to continue out fo long, they can demand
1 nothing.
The number of Soldiers in each troop of light-
horfe are from thirty to fixty, as the convenience
of the canton will admit, and in a company of
foot about fifty or fixty. A troop or company
may be got together at a day’s warning.
As to their forces by fea, they are not filt ered
in any of our plantations to build men of war:CH AP,
But fmall guard-fhips are fent from England from X.
time to time, which juft ferve to defend them
againft Pyrates, and hardly that ; for (hips have
been carried away by Pyrates within the capes of
Virginia : Nor do the Virginians apply them-
felves to build merchant-fhips themfelves, though
feveral are built by others in their country. Their
only foreign trade worth mentioning is that to Foreign
England ; and that indeed is very great and very
profitable to England, but not fo to themfelves ; ~ L
the Merchants beating down the price of their
Tobacco to little or nothing.
They had alfo a trade to the Leeward-Ifiands,
whither they fent lumber, Corn, and Flefh ; for
which they took Rum, Sugar, and Moloffes in
return ; but New-England, New- York, and Ca-
rolina have in a manner beaten them out of that
branch of bufinefs.
All forts of naval ftores are produced here ; but
thefe and a thoufand other advantages which this
country naturally affords, fays the Colonel, the
inhabitants make no ufe of ; they fee their naval
ftores daily enrich the Englifb, who fend hither
to build flops, while they, inftead of promoting
fuch undertakings among themfelves, difeourage
them : They fee alfo what advantages the neigh-
bouring plantations make of their grain and pro-
vifions, while they, who can produce them infi-
nitely better, not only negledt the making a trade
thereof, but even a neceffary provifion againft an
accidental fcarcity, contenting themfelves with a
fupply of food from hand to mouth ; fo that if
it fhould pleafe God to fend them an unfeafona-
ble year, there would not be found in the country
provifion fufficient to fupport the people for three
months extraordinary.
Bv reafon of the unfortunate method of the fet- Manufac-
tlement and want of cohabitation, they cannot turc3r
make a beneficial ufe of their Flax, Hemp, Silk,
Silk-Grafs, and Wool; which might otherwife
fupply their neceffities, and leave the produce of
Tobacco to enrich them when a gainful market
can be found for it.
Thus they depend altogether upon the libera-
lity of nature without endeavouring to improve
its gifts by art or induftry ; they fpunge upon
the bleffings of a warm fun and a fruitful foil, and
almoft grudge the pains of gathering in the boun-
ties of "the earth. I fhould be afhamed to publifh
this flothful indolence of my countrymen ( fays
Colonel Beverley ) hut that I hope- it will fome
time or other roufe them out of their lethargy,
and excite them to make the moft of all thofe
happy advantages which nature has given them ;
and if it does this, I am fure they will have the
goodnefs to forgive me.
Inftead of lilver and geld coin the Indians made Com,
ufe of fhells before the Englifh arrived ; of winch
they
502
CHAP.
X.
c s^-rsj
Peak and
Roenoke
del'cribed.
HE PRESENT STATE
Enslifh
money.
Weights
an -d mea-
fcres.
Earths,
ftoties, rnd
ffiinejals.
they had two forts (viz.) Peak and Roenoke, and
thefe ferved them for ornaments as well as money.
Their Peak is of two forts, or rather two co-
lours, for both are made of one {hell, tho’ of dif-
ferent colours ; one is a dark purple cylinder and
the other white. They are both made in lize and
figure alike, and commonly refemble the Engliih
Bugles, but are not fo tranfparent nor fo brittle.
They are wrought as fmooth as glafs, being one
third of an inch long, and about a quarter dia-
meter, lining by a hole drilled through the centre.
The dark colour is the deareft, ancT dillinguifhed
by the name of Wampom-Peak. TheEnglilh-
men that are called Indian traders value the
Wampom-Peak at eighteen Pence per yard, and
the white Peak at nine Pence. The Indians alfo
make pipes of this two or three inches long, and
thicker than ordinary, which are much more va-
luable. They alfo make Runtees of the fmall
{hells, and grind them as fmooth as Peak. Thefe
are either large like an oval bead, and drilled the
length of the oval, or elfe they are circular, and
flat almoft an inch over, and one third of an inch
thick, and drilled edge-ways. Of this {hell they
alfo make round tablets of about four inches dia-
meter, which they polifh as fmooth as the other,
and fometimes they ecch or grave thereon Circles,
Stars, a Half-Moon, or any other figure fuitable
to their fancy. Thefe they wear inftead of me-
dals before or behind their neck, and ufe the
Peak, Runtees, and Pipes for coronets, bracelets,
belts, or long {brings hanging down before the
breaft!; or elfe they lace their garments with them
and adorn their T omahawks and every thing elfe
they value with them.
The Roenoke alfo
money, but of far le{s value than the former.
This is made of the cockle-fhell broken into fmall
bits with rough edges, drilled through in the fame
manner as beads, and this they ufe alfo as Peak
for ornament.
As to the money that pafles among the Engliih,
Mr. Beverley informs us, it is either Gold of the
{lamp of Arabia, or Silver and Gold of the {lamp
of France, Portugal, or the Spanifh America
is current among them as
Spaniih, F rench, and Portuguefe- coined Sliver
fettled by law at three Pence three Farthings the
penny-weight. Gold of the fame coin, and of Ara-
bia, at five Shillings the penny-weight. Engliih
Guineas at twenty fix Shillings each ; and the Silver,
two Pence in every Shilling advance, Engliih old
coin goes by weight as the other Gold and Sliver.
Their weights and meafures are enacted to be of
tne fame ftandard as in England by their general
aflembiy.
And here I fhal! take an opportunity of giving
a further deferiptlon of their earths, Hones, and
minerals, from Mr, Beverley. This gentle-
man informs us, that there are found in this coun-
try a great variety of earths for phyfick, cleanfing, CHAP,
and making all forts of Potter’s ware ; X.
fcouring,
fuch as Antimony, Talk, yellow and red Oker,
Fuller’s-Earth, Pipe Clay, and other fat and fine
clays, Marie, &c.
They have befides in thefe upper parts coal for Coal amj
firing, flute for. covering, and Hones for building flate ‘
and flat paving in vail quantities, as likewife peb-
ble- ftones ; neverthelefi it has been confidently af-
firmed, by many who have been in Virginia, that
there is not a ftone in all the country. If fuch
travellers (fays Colonel Beverley) knew no
better than they faid, my judgment of them is, that
either they were people of extreme fhort memories,
or elfe of very narrow obfervation : For tho’
generally the lower parts are flat, and fo free
from ftones that people feldom {hoe their Hcrfes ;
yet in many places, and particularly near the falls
of the rivers, are found vaft quantities of ftones
fit for all kind of ufes. However, as yet there is
feldom any ufe made of them, becaufe commonly
wood is to be had at much left trouble. And as
for coals, it is not likely they flhould ever be ufed
there in any thing but forges and great towns, if
ever they happen to have any ; for in their coun-
try plantations the wood grows at every man’s Quick
door fo fail that after it has been cut down it will g i owtl1 ,
r - r r . or wood,
in ieven years time, grow up again from feed to
fubftantial fire- wood; and in eighteen or twenty
years it will come to be very good board-timber.
For mineral earths it is believed they have lion and
great plenty and variety, that country being in a ot J ier m?ne "
good latitude, and having great appearances of™ s?
them. It has been proved too that they have
both iron and lead, as appears by what was faid
before concerning the iron work fet up at Fal-
ling-Creek in James River, where the iron pro-
ved reafonably good : But before they got into
the body of the mine the people were cut off in that
fatal mafiacre, and the project has never been fet
on foot fince until of late ; but it has not had its,
full trial.
The gold mine, of which there was once fo
much noife, may perhaps, be found hereafter to
be fomegood metal when it comes to be fully ex-
amined. But be that as it will, the ftones that Briftol
are found near it in great plenty are valuable, ftones.
their luftre approaching nearer to that of the
diamond than thefe of Briftol or Kerry. There
is no other fault in them but their foftneft,
which the weather hardens when they have been
feme time expofed to it, they being found under
the furface of the earth. This place has now plan-
tations on it.
The Indians have fome pearl amongft them, and p ear !.
formerly had many more; but how they came
by them, is uncertain : Beverley is of opinion
they found them in the oyfter- banks whicu a-
bound in this country.
The
OF VIRGINIA.
D H A P. The Indians perform all their journeys on foot,
X. the fatigue of which they endure to admiration.
They make no other provifion for their journey
their way but their gun or bow, to fupply them with food
igtravdl- many hundred miles together. If they carr)^ any
ilefb. in their marches they barbacue it, or rather
dry it by degrees at forne diflance over the clear
coals of a wood fire, juft as the Charibees are faid
to preferve the bodies of their great men from cor-
ruption. Their fauce to this dry meat (if they
have any befides a good ftomach) is only a little
Bears oyl, or oil of Acorns, which laft they
force out by boiling the Acorns in a ftrong lye.
Sometimes alfo in their travels each man takes a
pint or quart cf Rockahomony, that is, the
fined: Indian Corn parched and beaten to powder.
When they find their ftomach empty (and cannot
flay for the tedious cookery of other things) they
put about a fpoonful of this into their mouths and
drink a draught of water upon it, which flays
their ftomachs, and enables them to purfue their
journey without delay. But their main dependance
is upon the game they kill by the way, and the
natural fruits of the earth. They take no care
about lodging in thefe journeys, but content them-
felves with the ftiade of a tree, or a little high
grafs.
When they fear being difcovered or followed by
an enemy in their marches, they every morning,
having firft agreed where they fhall rendezvous at
night, difperfe themfelves into the woods, and each
takes a different way, that fo the grafs or leaves
being but fingly preffed may rife again and not be-
tray them : hor the Indians are very artful in fol-
lowing a track, even where the imprefiions are
not viiible to other people, efpecially if they have
any advantage from the loofenefs of the earth,
from the ftiffhefs of the grafs, or the ftirring of
the leaves, which in the winter feafon lie very
\ thick upon the ground, and likewife afterwards
if they do not happen to he burned.
When in their travels they meet with any wa-
ters which are not fordable, they make Canoes
of Birch-bark, by flipping it whole off the tree in
this manner : i. They gafh the Bark quite round
the tree at the length they would have the Canoe
of, then flit down the length from end to end ;
when that is done, they with their Tomahawks
eaffly open the Bark, and ftrip it whole off.
Then they force it open with flicks in the middle,
Hope the under fide of the ends, and few them up,
i which helps to keep the belly open ; or if the
Birch-Trees happen to be fmall, they few the Bark
of two together. The feams they daub with clay
or mud, and then pafs over in thefe Canoes by
two or three or more at a time, according as they
m
are in bignefs. By reafon of the lightnels of thefe C H A P.
boats they can eafily carry them over land if they X.
forefee they are like to meet with any more wa-
ters that may impede their march ; or elfe they
leave them at the water-hide, making no farther
account of them, except it be to repafs the fame
waters in their return.
The Indians, when they travel ever fo fmall
a way, being much embroiled in war one with
another, ufe feveral marks painted upon their
fhoulders to diftinguifh themfelves by, and fhew
what nation they are of. The ufual mark is one,
two, or three arrows. One nation paints thefe
arrows upwards, another downwards, a third
fide- ways ; and ethers again ufe other diftinclions,
from whence it came to pafs that the Virginia
affembly took up the humour of making badges of
Silver, Copper or Brafs, of which they gave a
fufficient number to each nation in amity with
the Englifh, and then made a law that the Indi-
ans fhould not travel among the Englifh plantati-
ons without one of thefe badges in their company,
to {hew that they are friends.
The Englifh inhabitants are very courteous to Hofpitality
travellers, who need no other recommendation °f the f na '
but the being human creatures. A ftranger has p ); es t ]-, e
no more to do but to enquire upon the road place of inns,
where any gentleman or good houfe-keeper lives,
and there he may depend upon his being received
with hofpitality. This good-nature is fo general
among their people, that the gentry, when they
go abroad, order their principal fervant to enter-
tain all vifitors with every thing the plantation
affords. And the poor planters, who have but
one bed, will very often fit up or lie upon a form
or couch all night to make room for a weary tra-
veller to repofe himfelf after his journey.
If there happen to be a churl that either out
of covetoufnefs or ill-nature won’t comply with
this general cuflom, he has a mark of infamy fet
upon him, and is abhorred by all.
As to the roads, there are no where better, the R 0 ;i s ,
country being for the moil part level, and fcarce
any rugged or deep ways ; infomuch that it is a
common thing to ride forty or fifty miles in an
afternoon, and fometimes an hundred in a fum-
mer’s day.
As the Indians travel on foot, fo the Englifh Land and
generally ride on horfeback, or go by water from Y ater cal '*
one part of the country to the other, their nume- r ‘ 1Ee ‘
rous rivers and creeks affording them water car-
riage to every plantation almoft ; which renders
flage-coaches and waggons perfe&iy ufelefs in
moil places : And I don’t find they have any other
way of carrying their merchandice or baggage by
land, than on the backs of porters or Pack-horfes.
T H
T H E
Prefent State of M A R Y L A N D,
CHAP. I.
Of the name , fituation , and extent of Maryland ; and of the face of the country , its mountains , forefls ,
fas, bays, rivers and fprings.
CHAP, T 7 MNG Charles I, was pleafed to give
I- t his province the name of Maryland, in
■*“ ^ honour to his Queen Henriett a-Ma-
Name. r i a, daughter of Henry IV. of France, when
he granted it by patent to George Calvert,
Lord Baltimore, anno 1631.
Situation, Maryland is fituated between the 38th and 40th
degrees of northern latitude, and between the
74th and 78th degrees of weftern longitude, as
is generally computed ; but it muft be confefTed
the weftern boundaries are very uncertain, fome
extending them beyond the Apalathean Mountains.
Our firft adventurers particularly were of opinion
that Virginia, under which name they compre-
hended all the Britifh Plantations, extended weft-
ward as far as the Pacifick Ocean, tho’ later dif-
coveries have convinced us that the continent to
the weftward of our plantations is more than two
thoufand miles Road ; and fhould we continue to
enlarge our weftern frontier for a thoufand years
to come, without any opnofition from the natives,
the French, or Spaniards, I doubt we fhould not
be able to people or plant one half of it.
The north end of the bay of Chsfepeak divides
Maryland into two parts, called the Eaftern and
Weftern Shores. It is bounded at prefent by part
of Penfylvania on the north, by another part of
Penfylvania and the Atlantick Ocean on the eaftj
by Virginia Proper on the fouth, and by the Apa-
lathean Mountains on the weft. It is feparated
from Virginia on the fouth, by the river Patow-
mack on the weftern fhore, and. the river Pocomo-
Exteat. ac on the eaftern fhore. The length from north
to fouth being about an hundred and forty miles,
and the breadth from eaft to weft, if we extend
it no further than the country already planted,
will not be fo much, tho' its future limits pofiibly
may extend much farther.
cf'f, he A tG tbe face of the country, this, as well
as Virginia, may be divided into : j, The low
lands next the fea : 2. The hilly country to-
wards the heads of the rivers : And 3. The Apa-
lathean Mountains beyond, which are exceed-
sng high, md run parallel to the Atlantick Ocean,
viz. from the north-eaft to the fouth- weft.
The low lands heretofore confided of fwamps or C H A P.
woods, being one continued foreft: almoft till the I.
Englifh cleared a good part of it, either to make
room for their plantations, or for the building of
fhips and houfes, and the making Tobacco-cafks
and Pipe-ftaves for exportation ; which has made
fuch havock among their woods, that fome of
them begin to apprehend the want of timber, efpe-
dally near their ports and rivers ; for as to that
which lies remote from the water, it is of little
ufe to them, the price of the carriage exceeding
the value of the wood.
Towards the heads of the rivers there are a
mixture of hills and vallies as in Virginia, well
planted with a variety of timber and fruit-trees ;
and where thefe are wanting there are large mea-
dows or favannahs, where the grafs grows to a
furpriftng length.
This "country, like V irginia, alfo is watered Springs and
with innumerable fprings, which form a great nve!s -
many fine rivers, of which the chief are, 1. Pa- Patowmsck.
towmack, which rifing in the mountains on the
north-weft runs to the fouth-eaft, and feparates
Maryland from Virginia on the fouth- weft, falling
into the middle of the bay of Chefepeak. 2. The
river Pocomoac, which rifing near the ocean runs Pocomcac,
almoft di redly fouth, and then turning to the'
weft falls into the bay of Chefepeak, near Wat-
kins’s Point ; a line drawn from the mouth of the
river diredly eall to the Atlantick Ocean is the
true boundary between Maryland and Virginia
on the eaftern fhore. 3. The river Patuxent, Patuxent,
which rifing in Anne Arundel County runs to the
fouth-eaft, and falls into the bay of Chefepeak,
about twenty miles to the northward of the mouth
of Patowmack River. 4. Severn River, which Severn,
rifes on the north- weft part of Maryland, and
running South-eaft falls into the upper part of the
faid bay. 5. Cheptonk, which rifing on the cheptonk.
eaftern fhore runs to the fouth-weft and falls into
the fame bay. 6. Saftafras River, which rife in Saffrfns.
the north-eaft of Maryland, and running almoft
due weft falls into the north end of the faid bay.
7. Wicomo River, which riling on the eaftern w/como.
fhore runs to the fouth-weft, and fails into the
hay
5°5
THE PRESENT ST AT E, See.
CHAP, bay almoft againft the mouth of Patowmack River.
I. The 8th and laft river I (hall mention is St.
George’s, on the weft fide of the bay, which
St, George, running from north to fouth falls into the
the mouth of the river Patowmack : Here the
Englifh firft fettled and built the town of St.
Mary’s. There are a great many more rivers ca-
pable of receiving large {hips, which with the nu-
merous bays and creeks that indent the land on
every fide, give the feamen an opportunity of
bringing their veffels up to the very planters doors
Sea-coaft. to receive their freight, as in Virginia. As to that
part of the coaft of Maryland which lies upon the
Atlantick Ocean, the fame may be faid of it
which Colonel Beverley fays of Virginia, that
it is a bold even coaft with regular foundings, and
open all the year round ; fo that having the lati-
tude, which can hardly be wanted where there
is fo much clear weather, any {hip may go in by
foundings alone by day or night, in fummer or
winter, and need fear no dififter if the Mariners
underftand any thing. Let the wind blow how
it will, and chop about never fo fuddenly, they
will find an opportunity by the evennefs of the
coaft either of {landing off and clearing the fhore,
or of running into a fafe harbour within the
capes of Virginia ; to which conveniences there
is the addition of good anchorage without the
capes.
CHAP. H.
Of the air , feafons , winds and tides .
CHAP T HE air °f this country, I perceive, is ex-
j j ’ ceffive hot fome part of the fummer, and e-
qually cold in winter when the north-weft wind
Air and blows : But the natives, who would have us be-
feafons, lieve their country a perfedl paradife, tell us they
are happily fituated between the heat and cold ;
that their heats are very feldom troublefome, and
then only by accident in a perfedl calm, but that
this does not happen above two or three days in a
year, and then lafts but a few hours at a time ;
and even that inconvenience is made very tolera-
ble by their cool {hades, their open and airy rooms,
arbours and grotto’s ; and in fpring and fall the
weather is as pleafant as can be wiftied.
T'hat their winters are not of more than three
or four months duration, and in thefe they feldom
have one month of bad weather ; all the reft they
are happy in a clear air and a bright fun, and are
fcarce ever troubled with fogs. It is acknowledged
they have hard frofts lometimes, but they laft no
longer than while the wind blows from the north
and north-weft points, which is feldom more than
three or four days. At other times they have no
fro ft at all ; and their frofts are attended with
bright ferene weather : And in the fpring, fum~
Vot, III.
rner and winter, thefe winds are only cool plea- C H A P*
fant breezes. IL
Their rains, except in the depth of win- 'NJ
ter, are very agreeable and refrefhing. In fum-
mer they laft but a few hours and then bright
weather fucceeds. Hov/ever, it is acknowledg-
ed that the {bowers which fall in fummer are ve-
ry heavy for the time they laft, and that part of
the country which lies on the bays of the fea and
the mouths of the rivers, which is much the heft
peopled, is certainly hot and mcift, and confe-
quently unhealthful : Indeed higher up the coun-
try, whither their plantations are now extended,
the air is much more healthful ; efpecially fince
their lands are cleared of wood. They have here
however dreadful thunder in (he heat of fummer,
but as it cools and refrefhes the air, they rather
wi{h for it than fear it, they tell us ; tho’ it
fometimes does much mifehief.
Their tides are very fmall as well on the coaft Tides,
bordering on the ocean as in the bay of Chefe-
peak, as was obferved in treating of Virginia, to
which I mull refer the reader for further fatisfac-
tion on thefe heads , thefe countries being fituated
almoft in the fame latitude and on the fame bay
of Chefepeak.
CHAP. III.
Of the provinces and chief towns of Maryland ; and
of the buildings of the Indians.
’VVT HEN the Englift: planted this country they CHAP,
* found a King or Chief called a Weroance, HI.
upon almoft every river as in Virginia ; but the
limits of their refpedlive countries are not exadlly Provinces,
known : Since the Indians transferred or yielded
this province to the Englifh, it has been divided
into ten counties, fix on the weft fide of the bay
and four on the eaft fide of it : Thofe on the
weft fide taking them from fouth to north are,
I. St. Mary’s County. 2. Charles County.
3. Prince George County. 4. Calvert County,
5. Anne Arundel County ; and, 6. Baltimore
County.
The counties on the eaft fide of the bay, be-
ginning alfo from the fouth, are, 1. Somerfet
County. 2. Dorchefter County. 3. Talbot County.
4. Cecil County. As for the county of Kent,
that or the greateft part of it is now held to be in
Penfylvania,
St. Mary’s, the capitcl of the county of the
fame name, and for fome time of the whole pro-
vince, is fituated on the eaft fide of the river St. St. Mary’s
George, in 38 degrees odd minutes north latitude. Q°y n " y ana
This, as has been intimated, was the firft town
in Maryland, built by the Englifh, who raifed a
fort for its defence ; but I don’t perceive in its
moft flourifhing ftate it had more than three or
T t t four
THE PRESENT STATE
506
C H A P,
III.
O'Y'v’
Prince
Chsrles
County.
Prince
George
County.
Cs! .'ert
County.
Anne
Arundel
County.
Annapolis,
the caoital
of the pro-
vince.
Baltimore
County.
Somerset
Town and
County.
Dorchefter
County.
Talbot-
County.
Cecil
County.
- “--ridings.
four fcore houfes in it, and fince the feat of the
government has been removed to Annapolis, feems
to be upon the decline ; for the fame humour
prevails here as in Virginia of living on their re-
fpebtive plantations and not in towns. In this
county aifo are the parilhes of Hervington, St.
Clement’s, and St. John’s ; and here is a noble
feat of the Lord Baltimore, the proprietor, call’d
Mettapany, fituate near the mouth of the river
Patuxent.
In Prince Charles County, which lies north
of St. Mary’s, are the parilhes of Briftol and Pif-
cataway ; and in that of Prince George the parilh
of Mafterkout. In Calvert County, which is di-
vided from Charles County by the river Patuxent,
are the parilhes of Abington, Warrington, and Cal-
verton. In the county of Anne Arundel, which
lies north of Charles County, the chief town is
Annapolis, now the capital of the province, and
formerly called Severn ; being fituate on the river
of that name, in 39 degrees odd minutes north
latitude : Here the courts of jullice and the gene-
ral aiPemblies were ordered to be held in the year
1699, and this has ever fince been the refdence
of the Governor ; notwithflanding which, ’tis
faid there are not yet an hundred houfes built in
the town. In Baltimore County, which lies be-
tween Anne Arundel County and the province of
Pcnfylvania, is the parilh of Baltimore, fituate on
the north-weft part of the bay of Chefepeak.
In Somerfet County, which is the molt foutherly
county on the eaft fide of the bay, are the town
and parilh of Somerfet. In Dorchefter County,,
which lies north of Somerfet, are the town and
parilh of Dorchefter, befdes a great many Indian
towns. In Talbot County, which lies north of
Dorchefter, are the parilhes of Oxford, St. Mi-
chael’s, and Bolingbroke ; and Cecil, the moft
northerly county on the eaft fide of the bay, is
bounded both on the north and. eaft by the pro-
vince of Penfylvania ; but the limits hereof will
be more particularly deferibed when I come to
treat of Penfylvania.
In this province are more Indian towns and
better peopled than in Virginia, Specially on the
eaft fide of the bay ; there never having been any
wars, and fcarce any mifunderftanding between
the Englilh and the natives. The houfes of the
Indians, which they call Wigwams, or Wig-
wangs, are of two forts, the fmaller refembling
a bee-hive, and the larger being of an oblong
form, are roofed like a barn ; and both built with
green poles and covered with bark, which they
tie together with the fibres of roots, or the rind
of trees. Their windows are only holes in the
fides of the houfe, which they clofe with flrutters
of bark in bad weather, leaving only the windows
open to the leeward. Their fire-hearth is in the
middle of the houfe, and a little hole at the top of
it to let out the fmoke ; but it not being confin’d C H AP,
as in a chimney, the fmoke often fpreads all over IIL
the houfe, and can only be borne by thofe who
have been bred up in fuch places from their in-
fancy. Their door is no more than a piece of
matting hung upon a firing ; and when they go
far from home they barricade the door with great
pieces of timber, to keep out wild beafts. The
houfe feldom has more than one room ; unlefs it
be a great man’s palace, which has ufually fome
partitions in it made wdth poles and mats.
As to their furniture, the better fort have mats Furniture*,
or carpets to fit on, and ufually fit with their
legs ftretched out, and not crofe-leged, like the
eaftern nations : Their lodging is upon a couch
of boards or reeds, fixed to the fide of the hou fe,
and covered with mats or fkins. In winter
they will lie upon the fkin of a Bear or fome o-
ther animal about the fire, covering themfelves
with their watchcoats ; but in warm weather they
lie only on a mat, rolling up another mat for
their pillow. When they are at war, or appre-
henfive of the approach of an enemy, they fur-
round their town with pallifadoes, or at leaft the
houfes of their Weroances or Chiefs ; within,
which they all retire with their families and ef~
fedls, as in Virginia, upon receiving any alarm.
CHAP. IV.
Of the perfons and habits of the Indians ; their genius
and temper , manufactures, food , exercifes and di-
verfons ; the difeafes they are fubjeCl to, and their
remedies.
THE ftature of the Indians, as has been ob-CHAP.
ferved in treating of Virginia, is not different IV.
from that of the Englifn. Their bodies are ftrait,
and well proportioned ; their features tolerable ;
their complexion would be the fame as that of the i an d Indians,
people in the fame latitude in Europe, if they did
not take a great deal of pains to make them darker
by greafing, and then expofing themfelves to the
fun from their infancy: The features of their
women are not very engaging, and following
the fame cuftom of anointing themfelves, and ly-
ing in the fun as the men do, their complexions
are very dark, and fome have obferved they have
an odd caff with their eyes, which are generally
black.
The hair of both fexes is black ; the men cut
theirs fhort in various forms, and either greafe or
paint it ; and perfons of diftindfion leave a long
lock behind. The men pull off the hair of their:
beards by the roots with tweezers made of fliells,
and neither men or women fufferany hair to grow
on their bodies : The women wear the hair of
their heads very long; fometimes flowing down
their backs., and at others tied up with a fillet, or
corone.
OF MAR
CHAP. coronet of {hells and beads ; and men of dif-
IV. tindHon, as well as the women, wear coronets of
{hells and beads of various colours : T he women
alfo have chains of the fame about their necks,
and bracelets on their arms.
Habits. The common people go bare-headed, only
flicking fome beautiful feathers on their crowns ;
and when they are at work, or employed in hunt-
ing, {hooting, and other exercifes, they wear
only a piece of {kin, wrapped about their loins,
being naked from their waift upwards, and from
the middle of the thigh downwards , but when
they are dreffed, efpecially in cold weather, they
have a mantle about their fnoulders, made of the
ikin of a Deer, or fome other animal, which they
fometimes wear loofe, and at others tied clofe
about them ; and they feldom go abroad without
their bow, their quiver of arrows, and their to-
mahawk, or hatchet : They have a kind of (hoes,
made of a piece of Deer-ffin, which they lace,
- or fallen with a thong on the top of the foot.
The drefs of the women does not differ from that
of the men, except it be in their ornaments,
viz. their necklaces, bracelets, &c. and in the
wearing of their hair.
Their Priefts have a garment different from
other men, refembling a fhort cloak, hung up-
on one fhoulder, which being fallened about the
neck reaches down to the middle of the thigh ;
but this garment having been defcribed in Virgi-
nia, I flia.ll not trouble the reader with it again.
Genius and The Indians of Maryland are allowed to be
ten P er - men of quick and fprightly parts, like their
neighbours of Virginia ; but want like them the
advantage of letters and education. They are
nimble, atftive, and indefatigable in their warlike
expeditions, hunting, and journies. There are
alfo men of courage amongft them, but they are
generally timorous, revengeful, and implacable ;
and when they gain a victory, or get advantage of
an enemy, deftroy man, woman, and child.
Their little kingdoms and tribes are perpetually
in a ftate of war, which very much leffens their
numbers ; and if one man kills another of the
fame clan, the quarrel is never forgotten or for-
given, but they endeavour to retaliate injury for
injury, from generation to generation. I do not
find their Princes interpofe in thefe cafes, but
leave every man to take his own revenge. Mr.
H ugh Jones, in his account of the Indians of
Maryland, fays, thoug;h they are timorous and
cowardly in fight, yet when they are taken pri-
foners, and condemned to death, they die like
heroes, braving the moft exq unite torments, and
finging even upon the rack.
Mechanic!? As fco their manufactures and mechanick arts,
am ‘ if We cordkier the badnefs of their tools, they
might be e Seemed excellent workmen, efpecially
as they had no particular trades amongft them j
Y L A N D; 507
but every man was his own artificer, and did the CH AP.
work of a Carpenter, Taylor, Shoe-maker, &c. IV.
for himfelf.
When the Englifn arrived there, they had no
fort of iron tools or inftruments ; their axes
were fnarp ftones fet in wood : With thefe they
made their bows of the Locuft-ff ree, an excel -
five hard wood when it is dry, but they fafhioned
them therefore while it was green and pliant :
Their arrows they made of reeds or flicks, that
wanted but little fafhioning ; and fledged their
arrows with Turkeys feathers, which they glued
to the fmall end of the {haft, and armed the head
with a white tranfparent ftone, a bone or the
fpur of a wild Turkey.
They procured fire, by rubbing a ftick of hard
wood upon a piece that was foft and dry : They
felled trees of a prodigious fize by making a little
fire about the root, and keeping the flame from,
afeending, until they burnt away to much of the
bails, that the leaft blaft of wind brought it down ;
and as it lay on the ground, they burnt it of
what length they pleafed : Then they railed it to
a convenient height to work upon, and burnt it
hollow, when they intended to make a boat of it,
removing the fire from place to place, until they
had made it as deep as they defigned ; after which
they feraped it fmooth, and the canoe, or boat,
was finiflied, being all of a piece : Thefe canoes
are from ten to forty foot in length.
In order to clear the ground for a plantation,
they ufed to chop the trees round with their ftone-
hatchets, or tomahawks, which killed them in
two or three years, and the trees tell of them-
felves ; but they were glad to change their toma-
hawks for European axes, which make much
quicker difpatch.
Their houffould utenfils were earthen pots, Utenffis.
in which they boiled their meat. Bafkets made
of filk-grafs, ' with gourds or calabafhes, fer-
ved them for difnes and bowls; a {hell was
their fpoon, and their knife an edged reed or flint.
Their mats were made of ruffes; their mantles
of the {kins of beads, which ferved them ailb for
bed-cloaths ; and as they never trouble themfelves
to ffape their cloaths to their bodies, it did not
require much {kill or pains to finiff them. The
fibres of the bark of trees, as well as filk-grafs,
ferved them for thread and cordage ; and their
needle was a thorn, or the bone of a fiff.
The Indians here have no fet meals, but eat all Their diet;
day long when they have plenty of provifions,
efpecially when they have luch food as they like :
However, no men endure hunger with more pa- "
tience in a time of fcarcity ; and this they make
more tolerable, it is faid, by girding up their bel-
lies, which makes them not fo fenfible of tire
want of food as they would otherwife be.
They eat fiff, fieff and fowl of alrnoit all forts,
' T t t 2 and
THE PRESENT ST A T E
5o3
CHAP, and even tome fpecies of Snakes and infects, fuch
IV. as Grubs, the nymphe of Wafps ; fome fort of
S Scarabasi, Cicade, &c. They eat alfo Peas, Beans,
and all manner of Pulfe parched and boiled.
Their bread is made of Indian Corn, wild Oats,
or the feed of the Sun-flower ; but they never eat
bread with their meat. They had no fait, but
uied the allies of Hiccory, Stick- weed, or fome
other plants that afforded a falt-afh, to feafon their
meat : And there is no food they feem fonder of
than the green ears of Indian Corn roafted ; for
which reafon they plant it at different times in the
fpring that the feafon may laft the longer.
Various They flew their meat moft commonly : They
ways of alfo broil and toafl it aga inft the fire, and fre-
thtir'fixd q uentl y P ut firh and flefh into their hommony
(which is Indian Corn Hewed over a gentle fire
for ten or twelve hours, untiJ it is as thick as fur-
mety or buttered wheat.) They either broil their
meat upon the coals, or on a hot hearth, and fre-
quently dry it upon a wooden grate, which Hands
very high above the fire, which they call barba-
cuing it ; and this dryed flefh they ufually take
with them on a march, or in their hunting ex-
peditions, and flew it as they want it. They flea
and embowel their venifon and other meat as the
Europeans do, and pull and draw their fowls; but
they drefs their fifh without gutting or fcaling ;
however, they do not eat the guts as the Euro-
peans do thofe of woodcocks and larks.
The Hewed umbles of a Deer is a great difli
with them, audthefoup made thereof much ad-
mired. Their defert confifls of dryed Peaches and
other fruits. They eat no kind of fallads or fauce
with their meats, but boil roots with it, and
make it pretty favoury with Pepper, &c. in the
dreffing. They eat alfo Trubs, Earth-Nuts,
wild Onions, and a tuberous root called Tuck-
aboe, which grows in boggy grounds and is a-
bout the bignefs of a Potatoe, which it refernbles
in tafte.
Liquor. As for liquor, I do not find they drank any
thing but water, until the Englifh taught them
better (or rather worfe ; ) and it is remarkable
that though they had a great variety of fine fprings,
they always chofe pond-water, or any other that
had been expofed to the air and fun, to drink,
rather than fountain or well-water. They are
now very fond of every kind of flrong liquor the
Englifh have, and will be drunk with it as often
as they can get it. They fit drinking, and at
their meals, on a mat on the ground, with their
legs flretched out at length before them , and the
cup or difh between their legs ; and for this rea-
fon feldom more than two eat together.
2$ercues. As to their exercifes and diverhons, there are
no people more conflantly employed in hunting,
fifhing, and fowling than the Indians of this
country 3 during the refpective feafons ; but thefe
may be looked upon rather as their bufinefs than di- C H A P.
veriions, as they fupply their families with food by" IV.
thefe means the greateH part of the year : Their do-
mefiick diverfions are nnging,inHrumental mufick,
and dancing ; which not differing from the mufick
and dancing of the Virginian Indians already de-
fcribed, I fhall not weary the reader with the repe-
tition of what has been already faid upon that head.
The diverfions of the Englifh both here and in Vir-
ginia are chiefly hunting, fifhing and fowling ;
fome ufe Stalking-horfes, whereby they cover
themfelves from the fight of the Deer, until they
come within reach of them ; others cut down trees
for the Deer to browze upon, and lie in wait be-
hind them : Others again fet Hakes in pits near
their fences, where the Deer have been ufed to
leap over into a field of Peas, which they love ex-
tremely. Thefe Hakes they fo place as to run into
the body of the Deer when he pitches, by which
means they itnpale him ; and for a temptation to
the leap, take down the top-part of the fence.
They hunt their Hares (which are very nurne- Hunting*,
rous) on foot with Mungrils or fwift Dogs, which
either catch them quickly, or force them to hole
in a hollow tree, whither all their Hares generally
tend when they are clofely purfued. As foon as
they are thus holed and have crawled up into the
body of the tree, they kindle a fire, and fmo-
ther them with fmoak, until they let go their
hold, and fall to the bottom flifled, from whence
they take them : If they have a mind to fpare
their lives, upon, turning them loofe, they will
be as fit as ever to hunt at another time, for the
mifchief done them by the fmoak immediately
wears off again.
They have another fort of hunting which is
very diverting,, and that they call vermine-hunt-
ing. It is performed on foot with fmall Dogs
in the night, by the light of the moon or ffars.
Thus in fummer-time they find abundance of
Raccoons, Opoffums, and Foxes, in the Corn-
Fields, and about their plantations ; but: at other
times they mufl go. into the woods, for them.
The method is to go out with three or four Dogs,
and as foon as they come to the place, they bid
the Dogs feek out, and all the company follow
immediately. Wherever a Dog barks you may
depend upon finding the game, and this alarm
draws both men and Dogs that way. If this
fport be in the woods, the game by that time
you come near it, is perhaps mounted on the top
of an high tree, and then they detach a nimble
fellow up after it, who muff have a fcuffle with
the beaff before he can throw it down to the Dogs;
and then the fport increafes to fee the verm in e en-
counter thofe little curs. In this fort of hunting
they carry their great Dogs out with them, be-
caufe Wolves, Bears, Panthers, wild Cats, and
all other beaffs of prey are abroad in the night.
FOX:
5°9
OF MARYLAND.
CHAP. For Wolves they make traps, and fet guns
IV. baited in the woods, fo that when he offers to
{ " eize t ' ie Fait, he pulls the trigger, and the gun
difcharges upon him. They have many pretty
devices befides the gun to take wild Turkeys.
Fitting. The Indian invention of weirs in filhing is
mightily improved by the Englifh, befides which
they make ufeof feins, trolls, calling-nets, fetting-
nets, hand-fiihing, and angling; and in each find
abundance of diverfion. Like thofe of the Eux-
ine Sea they alfo fiih with fpilyards, which is
a long line flaked out in the river, and hung with
a great many hooks on fhort firings, fattened to
the main line about three or four foot afunder,
fupported by flakes, or buoyed up with gourds.
They ufe likewife the Indian way of ftriking by
the light of a fire in the night.
Fowling. Their fowling is anfwerable to their fffbing
for plenty,, of game, in its proper feafon. Some
plantations have a vail variety of it.
Beavers. The admirable oeconomy of the Beavers de-
fences to be particularly remembred. They co-
habit in one houle ; are incorporated in a regular
form of government, fomething like monarchy ;
and have over them a fuperintendent, which the
Indians call Pericu : He leads them out to their
feveral employments, which confifts in felling of
trees, biting off the branches, and cutting them
into certain lengths fuitable to the bufinefs they
defign them for ; all which they perform with
their teeth. When this is done, the Pericu or-
ders feveral of his fubjedls to join together and
take up one of thofe logs ; which they mutt
carry to their houfe or damm, as occafion
requires. He walks in ftate by them all the
while, and fees that every one bears his equal
(hare of the burden while he bites with his
teeth and lafhes with his tail thofe that lag
behind, and do not lend all their ftrength. Their
^ way of carriage is upon their tail. They com-
monly build their houfes in fwamps ; and then
to raife the water to a convenient height, they
make a damn with logs, and a binding fort of
clay, fo firm, that tho’ the water runs continu-
ally over, it cannot wafti it away. Within
thefe damms they will inclofe water enough to
make a pool like a mill-pond ; and if a mill
happen to be built on the fame ftream below their
damm, the Miller in a dry feafon, finds it worth
his while to cut it to fupply his mill with water ;
upon which difatter the Beavers are fo expert at
!, their work, that in one or two nights time they
will repair the breach and make it perfectly whole
again. Sometimes they build their houfes in a
broad marfh, where the tide ebbs and flows, and
then they make no damm at all. The doors
into their houfes are under water. I have been
at the demolifhing one of thefe houfes, that was-
found in a marlb, and was furprifed to find it
fortifyed with lops that were fix foot long and CHAP,
ten inches through, and had been carryed at leaf! IV.
one hundred and fifty yards : This houfe was three
(lories high and contained five rooms, that is to
fay, two in the lower, two in the middle ftorie,
and but one at the tcp. Thefe creatures have a
great deal of policy, and know how to defeat
all the fubtilty and ftrategems of the hunter, who
feldom can meet with them, tho’ they are in
great numbers all over the country.
They have many Horfes foaled in the woods' of Wild Hor-
the up-lands that never were in hand, and are a& fes *
Ihy as any favage creature : Thefe having no
mark upon them belong to him that firft takes
them. However the captor commonly purchafes
thefe Horfes very dear by fpoiling better in the
purfuit, in which cafe he has little to make him-
felf amends, befides the pleafure of the chafe :
And very often this is all he has for it, for the
wild Horfes are fo fwift that it is difficult to catch
them, and when they are taken, it is odds but
their greafe is melted, or elfe being old they are
fo fallen that they cannot be tamed.
The difeafes of the Indians proceed from heats- Difeafes- and
and colds, and are ulually removed by fweating ; ^^indlans
but if the humour fixes, and occalions a pain in
any of their limbs, they endeavour to cure it by
burning the part with a live coal; with which ha-
ving made a fore, they keep it running until ther
humour is drawn off.
They alfo fcarify the part and fuck the fare,
and fometimes make ufe of reeds for cauterifing,
which they heat over the fire until they are ready
to flame, and then apply them upon a piece of
wet leather to the grieved part, which makes the
heat more intenfe. As for the rett of their re-
medies, I mutt: refer the reader to Virginia, and
confider, in the next place, the difeafes the Ertg-
lilh are fubjedt to in this part of the world.
Difcempers come not here (fays my author) by of the
choaking up the fpirits with a foggy and thick air, English,
as in fome northern climes, nor by a ftifling
heat, which exhales the vigour of thofe that
dwell in a more foutherly latitude, but by a wil-
ful and foolifh indulging themfelves in thofe plea-
fures which in a warm and fruitful country nature
lavifhes upon mankind for their happinefs, and:
not for their deftrudlion.
Thus I have feen perfons impatient of heat lie
almoft naked upon the cold grafs in the (hades,
and there often forgetting themfelves fall afleep ;
nay, many are fo imprudent as to do this in an
evening, and perhaps lie fo all night ; when be-
tween the dew from heaven, and the damps
from the earth, fuch impreffions are made upon
the humours of their body as occafion fatal di(-
tempers.
Thus alfo I have feen perfons’ put into a great
Meat ay exceffive action, and m the midft of that
teal -
fiio
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, heat {trip off their cloaths and expofe their open
I V . pores to the air : Nay, I have known fome mad
enough in this hot condition to take huge draughts
of cold water, or perhaps of milk and water ;
which they efteem much more cold in operation
than water alone.
And thus likewife have I feen feveral people
(efpecially new comers) fo intemperate in devour-
ing the pleafant fruits, that they have fallen into
dangerous fluxes and furfeks. Thefe and fuch
like diforders are the chief occafion of their dif-
eafes.
i he firft ficknefs that any new comer happens
to have there, he unfairly calls a feafoning, be it
fever, ague, or any thing elfe that his own folly
or excefTes bring upon him.
Their intermitting-fevers as well as their agues
are very troublefome if a fit remedy be not applied ;
but of late the Dodlors there have made ufe of the
Cortex Peruvian with fuccefs, and find that it
feldom or never fails to remove the fits. The
planters too have feveral roots natural to the coun-
try, which in this cafe they cry up as infallible :
and I have found by feveral examples a total irn-
merfion in cold fpring water, juft at the acceffion
of the fit, an infallible cure.
When thefe damps, colds and diforders affedl
the body more gently, and do not feize people
violently at firft, then for want of fome timely
application (the planters abhorring all phyfick, ex-
cept in defperate cafes,) thefe final] diforders are
fuffered to go on until they grow into a Cachexy,
by which the body is over-run with obftinate
fcorbutick humours : And this in a more fierce
and virulent degree I take to be the yaws.
The gripes is a diftemper of the Caribbee-
Iflands, and not of Virginia or Maryland, and
feldom gets footing there, and then only upon
great provocations, namely, by the intemperances
before mentioned, together with an unrealonable
ufe of filthy and unclean drinks. Perhaps too it
may come by new unfine cyder, perry, or peach -
drink, which the people are impatient to drink
before it is ready ; or by the exceffive ufe of lime-
juice and foul ftigar in punch and flip ; or elfe by
the conftant drinking of ur.correcled beer made
of fome windy unwholfome things, as fome peo-
ple make ufe of in brewing.
CHAP V.
Of their hi/lory , government , and religion,
C HAP. IRGIN IA and Maryland were djfcovered
anno i 5 o 6 , by the fame adventurers, and
"stained the fame name until the eighth year of
•s^fco- Charles l, anno 1632,, when that Prince
vc-;-ed. granted that part of Virginia which lay north of
In same, Patowmack river, and was not then planted, unto
Cecilius Calvert, Lord Baltimore, oftheCHAP.
kingdom of Ireland, and his heirs : And this part V.
of the country was afterwards called Mar) land, r .s~v\j
in honour o! the then Queen contort, Henri- Granted to
e tt a-Maria, youngeit daughter of the French L °' d Balti *
ing, Henry IV.
The Lord Baltimore having obtained this grant, planted
fent over his brother, the honourable Leonard anno 1 6 3 3^
Calvert, Efq; with feveral Roman Catholick
gentlemen and other adventurers, to the number
of two hundred, to take poffeffion of the country ;
who Letting fail from England on the 2 2d of
November, 1633, arrived at Point Comfort, in
the bay of Chefepeak, on the 24th of February
following ; where being kindly received and fup-
plied with provilions by the Englifh of Virginia,
they continued the voyage northward to the river
Patowmack, appointed to be the boundary be-
tween Virginia and Maryland, on the weft fide
of the bay.
The adventurers failed up this river, and land-
ing in feveral places on the northern fnore ac-
quainted the natives they were come to fettle a-
rnongft them and trade with them ; but the na-
tives feemed rather to defire their abfence than
their company. EJowever, there were no a£fs
of hoftility committed on either fide, and the
Englifh returning down the river Patowmack a-
gain, made choice of a place near the mouth of
a river (which falls into it, and by them called
St. George’s River) tc plant the firft colony. They
advanced afterwards to an Indian town, called
I oamaco, then the capital of the country, and
at a conference with the Weroance or foveraign
or the place, to whom they made confiderable
prefents, the Weroance cunfented that the Eng-
lish fhould dwell in one part of the town, referv-
ing the other for his own people till the harveft
was over ; and then agreed to quit the whole en-
tirely to the Englifh, and retire further into the
country, which they did accordingly ; and the ■
following March Mr. Calvert and the planters
w ere left in the quiet poftellion of the whole town,
to which they gave the name of St. Mary’s ; and St. Mary’s
it was agreed on both fides, that if any wrong the firft
was done by either party, the nation offending fedTyUi? 1 ”'’
fhould make full fudsfaction for the injury. The Englifh.
reafon the Yoamaco Indians were fo ready to en-
ter into a treaty with the Englifh, and yield
them part of their country, was in hopes of ob-
taining their protection and. affiftnnce againft the
Safquahannah Indians, their northern neighbours,
with whom they were then at war ; and indeed
the Yoamaco Indians were upon the point of a-
bsndoning their country to avoid the fury of the
t" .'quaha.nnah nation before the Engbfh arrived $
•be m whence it appears, that the adventurers Cent
over by t he l ord JEk Itimore cannot be charged
with any mjuftice in fettling themfelves in this
part.
OF MARYLAND,
5i i
CHAP, part of America, being invited to it by the ori-
V. ginal inhabitants.
The Englifh being thus fettled at St. Mary’s,
applied themfeives with great diligence to culti-
vating the ground, and raifed large quantities of In-
dian Corn, while the natives went every day into
the woods to hunt for game, bringing homeVenifon
and Turkies to the Englifh colony in abundance,
for which they received knives, tools and toys in
return. And thus both nations lived in the great-
eft friendlhp, doing good offices to each other, till
Mifunder- fome of the Englifh in Virginia, envious of the
fween^he" happinefs of this thriving colony, fuggefted to the
Englifh and Indians that thefe ftrangers were not really Eng-
the Indians. ]jfh, as they pretended but Spaniards ; and would
infallibly enflave them, as they had done many of
their countrymen : And the Indians were fo cre-
dulous as to believe it, and appeared jealous of
Mr. Calvirt, making preparations as if they
intended to fall upon the ftrangers ; which the
Englifh perceiving, flood upon their guard, and
eredted a fort for their fecurity, on which they
planted feveral pieces of ordinance, at the firing
whereof the Yoamaco’s were fo terrified that they
The Indians abandoned their country without any other com-
abandon pulfion, and left the Englifh in pcffeifion of it ;
try* to the" w ^° rece ‘ving fupplies and re-inforcements con-
Englifh, tinually from England, and having no other ene-
my to contend with than agues and fevers (which
fvvept off fome of them before they found out a
proper regimen for the climate) they foon became
a flourifhing people, many Roman Catholick fami-
lies of quality and fortune tranfporting themfeives
hither to avoid the penal laws made againft them
in England ; and Maryland has been a place of
refuge for thofe of that perfuafion from that day
to this.
During the grand rebellion in England the
Lord Baltimore’s family were deprived of the go-
vernment of this province, but were reftored to
their right by King Charles II foon after his
own reftoration. Whereupon the Lord Baltimore
fent over his fon, Charles Calvert, after-
wards Lord Baltimore, to be Governor of Mary-
land, who continued in that poft upwards of
twenty years (long after his father’s death,) by
whofe prudence the colony became almoft as con-
fiderable as Virginia for its Tobacco and other
products of the foil : And all the Indian nations on
that fide put themfeives under their protection.
The Indian Chiefs were appointed, or at leaft ap-
proved and confirmed in their commands by the
Lord Baltimore, the proprietor, whofe fuccefs is
to be afcribed in great meafure to the endeavours
he uRd to cultivate a good correfpondence with
the Indian nations, and to give them as little of-
fence as poflibie, I can’t learn that this colony
was ever in a flats of war- with the natives, or
ever received any injury from them, unlefs in the
year 1677; when the Indians being at war with C H A P,
the Englifh of Virginia, plundered the frontiers V.
of Maryland, and half a dozen people loft their J
lives : But this proceeded from a miftake ; peace
was foon reftored upon tire Indians making fatis-
facticn for the outrage.
At the revolution the Lord Baltimore was de- The crown
prived of the power of appointing a Governor and £V 0ints a
other Officers, and the government of that pro-
vince fell under the fame regulation as other plan-
tations which are immediately fubjedt to the crown.
The Baltimore family alfo were in danger of
lofing their propriety on account of their religion,
by the a£t which requires all Roman Catholick
heirs to profefs the proteftant religion, cn pain
of being deprived of their eftates : But that pru-
dent family thought fit to profefs the proteftant
religion rather than lofe their inheritance ; and
the prefent Lord Baltimore is now both proprietor
and Governor of Maryland, being one of the
nobleft eftates enjoyed by a fubject of Britain ; for
he is ftill entitled to a duty on every hogfhead of
Tobacco exported, enjoys feveral fair manours,
which may be ftyled his demefne Ends, and has a
rent paid him by every planter, befides other per-
quifites.
The Governor, however, as has been already ob->
ferved, is now appointed by the crown, as are
alfo the members of the council. The aflembly ATembly,
is chofen by the freeholders of the refpeCtive coun-
ties, as in Virginia ; and in the Governor, coun-
cil and affembly, the iegiflative power is lodged.
The Governor has a negative as the King has in
England, and their adls muft be confirmed by the
King : However, they are in force till the King
difapproves of them.
Their Provincial-courts are held once every Courts*
quarter in the capitol town of Annapolis, which
determine common-law caufes of confequence in
the nrft inftance, and on writs of error other
caufes broughtjxom the inferiour County-courts 5
and there is a court of chancery, which gives re-
lief in equity, as in England.
Among the Laws of Maryland, we meet with
thefe that follow.
The parties bringing appeals or writs of er- Laws of
ror in the provincial court from the County- Mar yland.
courts, are required to give fecurity to pay the
cofts and damages in cafe the caufe goes againft
them .
No perfon fhall bring a writ of error or ap-
peal from the County- court, where the debt or
damage does not amount to fix Pounds fterling j
nor from the Provincial-court to the Governor
and council, where it does not exceed fifty Pounds j
but the judgments of thofe courts in fueh cafes
Ihall be final.
None; (hall appeal from the Governor and:
council to the King and council in England, un-
ids
5 12
THE PRESENT STATE
BurgefTes.
C H AP* lefs the thing in dlfpute be of the value of three
V. hundred Pounds fterling.
livery Elector of BurgefTes for the general-
aflembly (hall have fifty acres of freehold land
in the county, or a vifible eftate of the value of
forty Pounds fterling. Four members fhall be
chofen to reprefent each county : Two citizens
fhall ferve for the city of St. Mary’s, and two
for Annapolis, and every other town and bo-
rough privileged to fend members to the general -
affembly.
No Perfon keeping a publick houfe is qua-
lified to be a reprefentative.
Members fhall be allowed one hundred and
forty pounds of Tobacco per diem for their wa-
ges, befides travelling charges.
BUfphemy.
The fame allowance fhall be made to every
Commiffioner or Judge of the provincial court
during his attendance on that court, and eighty
pounds of Tobacco per diem to the Judge of
every County-court. But the latter part of this
ftatute for allowing fabrics to the Judges of the
Provincial and County-courts was afterwards re-
pealed.
Any perfon that fhall blafpheme, or curfe God,
deny our Saviour to be the Son of God, deny
the Trinity of the Godhead of any of the three
Perfons, or the unity of the Godhead, or fhall
utter any reproachful words againft any of the
three Perfons, fhall be bored through the Tongue,
and fined twenty Pounds fterling for the firft
offence, forty Pounds for the fecond offence,
and fuffer death and confifcation of goods for the
third offence.
The penalty for fornication is twenty Shil-
lings fterling, or corporal punifhment, not ex-
ceeding thirty-nine lafhes, at the difcretion of
the court. And the punifhment for adultery
forty Shillings, or corporal punifhment as afore-
faid.
Perfons who harbour fuch lewd people are lia-
ble to the fame penalties.
Carting and The penalty of curftng and fwearing is five
.wearing. Shillings fterling ; and if the offence be com-
mitted in a court of juftice ten Shillings.
Free-Schools we re erebted and endowed in fe-
verai towns in Maryland for teaching latin
and greek, by an act of affembly, anno 1 696.
Englifh ftatutes or adds of parliament,
with Dalton’s Juftice of peace, were ordered
to be provided by the Juftices of peace of every
county m Maryland, by an act of affembly,
anno 1699.
Proof of bib' ., bonds, or other fpedakies, book-
debts or accounts, may he made before two Juf-
tices of peace of any county, or one of the Juf-
tices of the provincial court , and the balance
«iue upon fuch account, being certified under the
hands and Teals of fuch j uftices, Ilia 11 be deemed
F omication.
Adultery.
Schools.
EngliSi fc- qpu
feate-book,
fufficient evidence in any court within the pro- CHAP,
vince. V.
The port of Annapolis in Anne Arundel Coun-
ty was made the chief feat of juftice within the
province, for holding affemblies and provincial
courts, by an a£t of affembly paffed 1 1 . W. HI.
anno 1699.
It was enabled by their affembly 1 1 W. III. Convey-
1699, That no lands or tenements fhould be ali- ances ‘
enated or transferred from one to another, but by
deed, indented and enrolled in the Provincial-
court, or County-court where fuch lands, &e.
lie.
Neceffary Corn for the defendant’s mainte- Executions,
nance, his gun, bedding, tools, and fuch like, {hall
be protected from executions.
No bonds or obligations under hand and feal Limitations
fhall be fuable, unlefs renewed within five years. oiraaions<
No perfon fhall depart the province, unlefs he Debts,
fet up his name three months at the Secretary’s
office before his departure, or give fecurity to the
government to pay his debts.
Every mailer of a fhip, or other perfon, trans-
porting or conveying away any perfon out of
the province without a certificate of his having
complied with this law, is made liable to pay
his debts : And if he convey away any fervant,
he fhall be liable to fatisfy the owner for his
damages.
The JulFces of the feveraP County-courts are Theft,
made Judges of all thefts under the value of one
thoufand pounds of Tobacco (robbery, burglary,
and houfe-breaking excepted.)
Every perfon convicted of fuch theft fhall pay
fourfold the value of the goods ftoln, to the
owner, and be put in the pillory, and whipped,
as the court fhall adjudge, riot exceeding forty
ftripes. If the offender be not able to fatisfy the
owner otherwife, he fhall receive the (aid corpo-
ral punifhment, and pay the faid penalty of four-
fold retribution by fervitude, the time thereof
being determined by the court ; and the receiver
of fuch ftoln goods is made liable to the like
penalties as the thief.
No Perfon fhall range in the woods after wild Wild cattle,
neat cattle, or Borfes, without the Governor’s
licence, on pain of forfeiting five thoufand pounds
of Tobacco for every fuch wild animal killed or
taken. Nor fhall any perfon cut off the ear of
a Hog, taken in the woods, on pain of being ad-
judged a Hog-ftealer,
All fences for inclofing corn-ground fhall be Fences,
five foot high at leaft, and ftrongly made ; and
if any cattle break into fuch fence, the owner of
the cattle fhall forfeit five hundred pounds of To-
bacco, or fuch further damages as a Juftice of
peace fhall award.
No mailer of a fhip, m merchant, fhall import eor.vjfb
a convicted felon into Maryland, on pain of for-
felting
OF MARYL A N D.
OH A.P, felting the value of two thoufand lb. of Tobacco.
V. Whoever fhall take, entice away, or fell any
friend Indian without licence, fhall be fined and
Indians. jmprifoned at difcretion.
In the year 1698, part of Dorchefler County
v/as affigned to the natives ; to hold the fame of
the Lord Proprietor, under the rent of one Bea-
ver fkin.
By an adt, it W. III. 1699, The carrying
ftrong liquors to the Indian Towns was prohibited.
By 12 W. III. anno 1700, Certain perfons
were authorifed by the government to deter-
mine all differences between the Englifh and In-
dians.
Enabled n W. III. 1699, that the libraries
in every parifh fhould be in poffeffion of the
Minilfer ; who fhould preferve them and be ac-
countable for the books.
Marriages. Enacted 4 W. & M. 1692, That the per-
fons intending to marry fhall apply themfelves
to the Minilfer or Magiffrate, and banns fhall
be publifhed in the Church, County-court, or
meeting-houfe next ,io which the parties dwell ;
and upon a certificate thereof the Minilfer or
Magiffrate may, three weeks after fuch banns
publifhed, join the parties in marriage, accord-
ing to the liturgy of the Church of England :
And no perfon lhall contrail marriage with-
out fuch publication on pain of forfeiting one
thoufand lb. of Tobacco, and the Minilfer or
Magiffrate joining them in marriage five thoufand
lb. of Tobacco : And all marriages not made by
fome Minilfer or Magiffrate, before five fufficient
witneffes at leaff, fhall be void : The fees for
marriage being reftrained to one hundred lb. of
Tobacco.
Militia, The Colonels and other Officers of the militia
in every county are impowered to enlift all perfons
to ferve in the horfe or foot from fixteen to fixty
(except Negroes and flaves ;) who are obliged to
mufter in their refpedlive counties from time to
time, at fuch places as the Governor fhall appoint,
and to bring their own arms and Horfes, and
maintain themfelves during fuch mufter. But if
they are fent on adlual fervice, their arms, &c.
are to be provided them out of the public!-: maga-
zines, and they are to be regularly paid by the re-
fpedlive counties they belong to : And Prefs-maft-
ers are appointed in every county to prefs provi-
lions for the troops.
The prifoners and plunder to be equally divided
among the foldiery ; and Troopers loftng their
Horfes to have others bought them at the publick
charge.
Any Soldier being wounded to be provided for
by the publick, as alfb the wives and children of
fuch as are killed in the fervice.
Negroeo The baptized Negroes fhall not alter their
condition as to fervitude,
Vol. III.
513 -
Juftices of peace in each county are impow- C H A P.
ered to appoint Conftables in every parifh. V.
Inns and publick houfes are to be licenfed bv
the Commifficners of each county ; who may af- ”
certain the price they fhall take for their liquor, houfe,
beds, provisions, and provender ; and may fup-
prefs them if diforderly.
The landlord obliged to credit every freeholder
as far as the value of four hundred lb. of Tobacco.
The penalty of perjury twenty Pounds fterling, and Perjury,
fix months imprifonment ; and in default of pay-
ing the penalty, the offender to be fet in the pillory,
and his ears nailed to it.
By 1 1 W. III. 1699, It was made felony to Enemies,
ferve any foreign Prince or ftate againft any other
Prince or ftate in amity with Great-Britain.
And that’ treafons, felonies, pyracies, or robbe- Trials,
ries committed at fea, fhould be tryed in the fame
manner as fuch offences committed on fliore ; the
Commiffioners or Judges to proceed according to
the Englifh ftatue of 28 H. VIII. c. 15.
No County- court fhall take cognizance of Small debts,
any adlion where the debt or damage does not
exceed the value of two hundred lb. of Tobacco,
or fixteen Shillings and eight Pence fterling; but
fuch caufes fhall be determined by any one Juf-
tice of peace of the county where the debtor
fhall refide without fee.
The Court of Chancery fhall not hear any caufe Chancery,
where the original debt or damage does not amount
to the value of twelve hundred lb. of Tobacco,
or five Pounds fterling and upwards ; but the judg-
ments of the County-courts in fuch cafes fhall be
final.
All a els of affembly are required to be publifhed Afe of af-
by the Sheriffs in the refpedlive counties. fembly.
By 12 W. HI. 1700, the book of common- Commoa-
prayer was required to be read in all the churehes P ra y er ”
of Maryland.
For the encouragement of the clergy a tax of clergy,
forty lb. of Tobacco per head was enadled to be
levyed and paid to the Minifters of the refpedlive
parifhes.
Enabled, that none fhould marry within the Marriage,
degrees prohibited.
No Juftice of peace or Magiftrate fhall marry
people in any parifh where there is a clergyman
refident.
The veftry-men of each parifh are incorpora- Veftries,
ted and impowered to receive for pious ufes, and
the benefit of each church and parifh, all lands,
tenements, goods and chattels granted or be-
queathed to them. The Minifter of the parifh
to prefide in the veftry.
No Minifter fhall hold more than two parifhes, Pluralities,
and fhall have the licence of the Governor and
the two veftries for this.
Where there is no Minifter in any parifh the Readers,
veftry may provide a Reader allowing him a fa-
U u 11 lary
5i4 THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, lary out of the forty Pounds per poll, not exceed-
V. ing half the revenue of a Minifter : And fuch Read-
ers are allowed to read divine fervice out of the
Servants and common-prayer-book, and read the homilies,
ilaves. No f ervant or f) ave fhall travel more than ten
miles from his mailer’s houfe without a note from
his mailer or his overfeer, on pain of being deem-
ed a runaway ; and fuch fervant abfenting himft-lf
fhall ferve ten days for every day he is abfent.
PaiTes. Any perfon travelling out of his county with-
out a pafs under the county-feal, and not being
known or able to give a good account of him-
ielf, fnall be deemed a runaway and carryed
before the next Magillrate ; who fhall commit him
to fafe cuftcdy, and give notice to his mailer or
millrefs, if it appear he have any ; or elfe caufe
the name and description of fuch a runaway to be
fet up in the next County-courts, that it may be
difcovered to whom he belongs.
Servants. Every fervant, at the expiration of his time,
fhall have a new iuit of cloaths, two hoes, an ax,
a gun, and three barrels of Indian Corn given
him by his mailer.
No perfon fnall barter goods, or traffick with
any fervant or Have without the mailer’s leave.
Ir any fervant fhall be denyed fufricient meat,
drink, lodging, or cloathing, or fhall be over-
worked or debarred of his natural reft, the County-
court may fine fuch matter ; and for the third of-
fence fet the v/ronged perfon at liberty.
Saftards, If any white woman fuffer herfelf to be got
with child by a Negroe, fine fnall become a fer-
vant for feven years ; and if fhe be then a fervant,
file fhall ferve feven years beyond her time. If
the Negroe who got the child be free, he fhall
ferve feven years ; and their ilTue fnall be fervants
until they arrive at thirty one years of age.
And if a white man get a Negroe woman with
child he fhall undergo the fame punilhment as a
white woman got with child by a Negroe.
If a v/hite woman fervant have a baftard, and
cannot prove who is the father, fine Ihall fatisfy
the damage to her matter by further fervitude ;
and if fhe do produce the father he fhall fatisfy
the damage, if free ; and if a fervant, half the da-
mage : And if the father be a fingle perfon and
promifed the maid marriage before he lay with
her, he fnall be at liberty to perform his prom ife,
or make fatisfadfion otherwife.
Sundays,. No perfon fnall work or ufe any fports on Sun-
days, or fuffer his fervants to work, &c. on that
day (works of neceffity excepted) on pain of for-
feiting two thoufand lb, of Tobacco for every of-
fence.
No publick houfe (hall fell ftrong liquor on
Sundays, or fuffer tip! ing, gaming, or other paf-
time, on pain of forfeiting one hundred lb, of
'Tobacco.
For Irifh fervants or Negroes imported, a duty
of twenty Shillings fterling per head was given by C H AP,.
an adf of I r W. III. 1699, and a duty of three V.
Pence per gallon on rum and wine imported. COf'vJ
Every Conftable Ihall annually on the 20th ofLiftsof tax-
June require of every matter and miftrefs a lift of atlle P crfuns ‘
ail taxable perfons in their refpedtive fam dies, and
fend one copy thereof to the Sheriff and another
to the County-court.
All male children born and refident in this pro-
vince (being above fixteen years of age) all male
fervants of fixteen imported, all flaves male and
female, imported of fixteen years of age, and all
freemen (except clergymen and poor people that
receive alms) fhall be deemed taxable.
Weights and meafures are enadled to be the Weights and
fame as in England. meaiures.
Upon a man’s dying inteftate, one third of hisDiftribution
perfonal eftate goes to his widow, and the other ot inteflates
two to his children ; and if he has no children, to efhtes -
the neareft relations of the inteftate.
And the Juftices of the relpedlive counties are Orphano.
empowered to take care of all orphans, with their
eftates and effects until of age, every male orphan
being deemed of age at one and twenty, and every
female at fixteen, or day of marriage, which fhall
firft happen ; and it was provided that no orphan
fhould be put into the hands of a perfon of a dif-
ferent religion from that of his parents.
The Juftices of the County-courts fhall annu-
ally enquire by a jury, how orphans are main-
tained and educated ; and if they are apprentices,,
how they areufed and inftrudted ; and if they find.
any abufe or negledl, to redrefs the fame.
N. B. The Governors of Maryland have en-
deavoured from time to time to make
their laws refemble thofe of England as
near as poffible ; and they have alfo un-
happily introduced moft of the niceties,
in pleading and dilatory proceedings of
our courts of law and equity; which
their neighbours of Virginia have wifely
provided againft, and retrenched all ex-
orbitant fees ; fo that juftice is adminifi-
tered in that province with much more
fpeed and lefs charge than it is in this.
Mr. Jones, who refided a confiderable time in
Maryland, treating of their religion and govern-
ment, expreffes himfelf in the following manner :
We are governed (fays that gentleman) by the Jones’3-
fame laws as in England, only feme adls of a f- olllerv3tio33 -
fembly we have relating to fome particular cafes,
not under the verge of the Engl ilh laws, or where
the laws of England do not aptly provide for fome
circumftances, under which our way of living
hath put us. The Church of England (God be
praifed) is pretty firmly eftabliffied amongft us.
Churches are built, and there is an annual ftipenft
allowed for every Minifter by a perpetual law,
which is more or left, according to the number
o£
A Buty on-
fervants
5*5
OF MARYLAND.
C H A P. of taxables in each parifh ; every Chriftian male them probably may have deftroyed many more. CHAP.
V fixteen years old, and Negroes male and female I {hall conclude the ftate of Maryland with a V.
above that age, pay forty lb. of Tobacco to the late account Mr. Jones has given us of the col-
Minifter, which is levied by the Sheriff among lege erected at Williamftadt m Virginia, which ^ nt h “
other pubiick levies ; which makes the revenues was built for the education of the youth Oi Ma- the college
of the Minifters, one with another, about twenty ryland as well as thofe of Virginia. «ti»of1he
thoufand lb. of Tobacco, or one hundred Pounds The royal foundation of William and Mary Englilhand
fterling per annum. It hath been the unhappi- college, eredfed with a profpeei Oi doing ine Indians,
nefs of this country, that they had no proteftant greateft good to the colonies of Virginia and Ma-
Minifters hardly among them, till Governor ryland, and feconded with tne ample benefactions
Nicholson’s time, but now and then an iti- of tne honourable Mi. Boyle, and the contn-
nerant preacher, of very loofe morals, and fcan- butions of the country, had many difficulties to
dalous behaviour ; fo that what with fuch mens fmiggle with in its infancy : And two fides of the
ill examples, the Romifh Priefts cunning, and the quadrangle were no fooner finifhed but it was laid
Quakers bigotry, religion was in a manner turned in afhes by a terrible fire, that could not be extin-
out of doors : But (God be praifed) things now guifhed until the whole fabrick was confumed.
Band better, and our churches are crowded as full And tho’ it was afterwards rebuilt and much im-
as they can hold, and the people are pretty fen- proved, it has not anfwered the expectations that
fible of the Romifh fuperftition, and the Quakers were conceived of it ; for it was flill (when Mr.
madnefs fo that their parties both joined toge- Jones wrote, being about twelve years fince)
ther are very inconfiderable to wbat ours is. In- without a fcholaifhip, without a flatute, and with-
deed the Qiiakers ftruggle hard to maintain their out a chapel, and very few books in the library,
footing, and their teachers (efpecially the fe- The Indians upon Mr., Boyle’s foundation,
male fex, who are the raofr zealous) are very free have indeed a handfome apartment for themfelves
of their taunts and contumelies againft us ; but it and their matter, built near the college ; which
is to little purpofe, unlefs to make their own way ufeful contrivance ought to be carryed on to
more ridiculous. the utmcft advantage in the real education and
We have not yet found the way of afTociating converfion of the Infidels ; for hitherto but little
ourfelves in towns and corporations. There are good has been done therein, though abundance of
indeed feveral places allotted for towns, but hither- money has been laid out, and a great many en-
to they are only titular ones, except Amnapclis, deavours have been ufed, and much pains taken,
where the Governor refides. Governor Ni c h- for that purpofe.
olson did his endeavour to make a town of that, The young Indians procured from the tribu-
and there are in it above forty dwelling houfes, tary or foreign nations with much difficulty,
feven or eight whereof afford good lodging and were formerly boarded and lodged in the town,
accommodation for ftrangers. There is alfo a State- where abundance of them ufed to die, either
houfe, a church, and a free-fchool built with through ficknefs, change of provifion and way
brick, which make a great fhow among a parcel of hfe; or, as fome will have it, often for want
of wooden houfes ; but their buildings are much of proper neceflaries, and due care taken of them :
improved fince Mr. Jones wrote. Thofe of them that have efcaped well, and been
As for our predeceffors, the Indian inhabitants, taught to read and write, have, for the moft part,
I cannot give you any further account of them returned to their homes, fome with and fome
than this, viz. That whereas at the firft feating without baptifm ; where they followed their own
of Maryland there were feveral nations of Indians favage cuftoms and heathenifh rites,
in the country governed by feveral petty Kings, A few of them have lived as fervants among
I do not think that there are now five hundred the Englifh, or loitered and idled away their time
fighting men of them in the province, and thofe in lazinefs and mifchief.
are more on the eaftern fhore than on the weft. But it is great pity that more care is not taken
Here they have two or three little towns, and about them after they are difmilTed from fchooh
fome of them come over to the weft in winter They have admirable capacities when their hu-
time to hunt for Deer ; being generally employed mours and tempers are perfectly underftood ; and
by the Englifh. Thefe Indians take delight in if well taught, they might advance themfelves,
nothing eife, and it is rare that any of them will and do great good in the fervice of religion ;
embrace our way of living and worfhip. The whereas now they are rather taught to become
caufe of their diminifhing proceeded not from any worfe than better, by falling into the worft prac-
wars with the Englifh, for we have had none tices of vile nominal Cbriftians, which they add
with them, but from their own perpetual dif- to their own Indian, manners and abfurd cuftoms.
cords and wars among themfelves : And their It is unneceftary to dwell longer on the ftate
drinking and other vices which the Englifh taught of Maryland, having fo largely defcribed that
U u u 2 of
51 6 THE PRESENT STATE
C H AP. of Virginia, Where the climate and foil are the reader will obferve on comparing the abovefaid C H A P #
V. fame ; the government, manners, religion and abftraCts that have been given of the laws of the V.
cuftoms of the Indians the fame; and the Eu- refpeCtive countries. I proceed therefore now to
ropean inhabitants differing but little from thofe the defcription of New-England..
of Virginia in their laws and cuftoms ; as the
THE
Prefent State of NEW-ENGLAND.
CHAP. I.
Of the name, filiation, extent and face of the country. Of its feas, bays, capes, lakes, firings and rivers ;
and of the tides, winds, air and Jeafons.
CHAP. T JN D E R the general title of New-
E If England are comprehended the feve-
ral colonies or governments of I. The
Maffachufets. 2. New Hampfhire. 3. ConneCti-
cut. and, 4. Rhode Xfland, and Providence Plan-
tation.
Name. This country received the name of New-Eng-
land from prince Charles, afterwards King
Situation. Charles I. and is fituated between 41 and
45 degrees of north latitude ; and between 67
and 7 3 degrees of weftern longitude ; being bound-
ed by Canada on the north-weft, by Nova Scotia
on the north-eaft, by the Atlantick Ocean on
the eaft and fouth, and by the province of New-
2xtent. York on the weft ; and as it ftretches along the
faid ocean from the fouth-weft to the north-weft,
is upwards of three hundred miles in length, and
from one hundred to two hundred miles in
breadth.
faeeofthe This like other uncultivated countries was one
u> untry. great toreft, covered with excellent timber when
the Englifh firft vifited thefe fhores : The land
next the fea being generally low, and intermixed
with a great many lwamps or morafles, on which
there grew under-wood and bufhes ; but farther
up in the country the land rifes into hills, and on
the north-eaft is rocky and mountainous.
Ses* The Atlantick Ocean wafhes the fhores on
the eaft and fouth, and there are feveral- good
Says, bays and harbours on the coaft, particularly thofe
formed by Plymouth, Rhode Hand and Providence
Plantation on the fouth ; Monument Bay to the
eaftward of thefe in Barnftable- County ; Well-
Harbour, formed by the bending of the coaft at
Cape Cod ; the harbour of Bofton, which will be
particularly defcribed in treating of that capital ;
Cafco Bay farther northward,, with feveral others
of Ids note, which will be found in the map of C H A P*
the Britifh Plantations ; feveral of thefe are capa- I.
ble of receiving the large!! fleets.
The moft remarkable capes going from fouth Capes,
to north are, 1. that of Cape Cod. 2. Marble
Head. 3. Cape Anne. 4. Cape Netick. 5. Cape
Porpus. 6. Cape Elizabeth ; and 7. Cape Small-
point.
The country is generally well watered with
fprings and rivulets, and there are fome lakes. Springs,
but not of that magnitude as thofe which lie
north and weft of this country. The principal
rivers are, 1. that of Connecticut, which rihng Rivers,
north of New-England runs almoft direCtly fouth, Cunneakuta
and having divided the province of Connecticut
in two parts, falls into the fea between the towns
of Say broke and Lime, almoft over-againfc the
eaft-end of Long Hand ; this river is navigable
with large veffels a great way. 2. The Thames, Thames,
which rifing in fome lake north of the Maftachu-
fets, runs alfo direCtly fouth, falling into the fea
below New London, and to the eaftward of the
river Connecticut. 3. The river Patuxet, which Patuxet,
rifing in the north-weft of the Maffachufets coun-
try, runs to the fouth-eaft thro’ Providence Plan-
tation, failing into a bay of the fea near the town
of Swanfey. 4. The great river Merimack, which Merimack,.
rifxng north of New-England alfo runs to the
fouthward, forming a lake on the weft of New
Hampftiiie, from whence continuing its courfe
fouth to 43 degrees of latitude, then turns about
to the eaft, falling into the fea between Salifbury
and Newbury in the county of Eiilx. 5. The
river Pifcataway, which runs from weft to eaft, Piicataway*
and falls into the fea near the town of Portfmouth
in Hampfhire ; the mouth of which Is more like
an- arm of the fea than a river, and is capable of
receiving.
J./T
OF NEW- ENG LAN D.
CHAP. receiving the largeft {hips. 6, The river Saco,
I. which rifing north of Mew-England takes its
i v /-y-N s j courfe to the fouth, falling into the fea between
Saco. Cape Porpus and Cape Elizabeth in the province
Cafco. of Maine. 7 . The river Cafco, which runs pa-
rallel to the river Saco, and falls into Cafco Bay.
Saghedock. To the eaftward of thefe are the rivers Saghedock,
Kenebeck. Kenebeck, Penobfcot, and many more confider-
Penoblcot. able ftreams, which rifing far to the north run
almoft due fouth, falling into the ocean to the
eaftward of Cafco Bay ; but this part of the coun-
try being but flenderly inhabited and little refort-
ed to, I meet with no further defcription of them.
Tides. The tides on thefe fliores ebb and flow regularly,
rifing ufually nine or ten foot in the bays and
winds. tnouths of rivers. Their winds are variable as
with us, and very boifterous in the winter feafon :
The north and north-weft winds are exceeding
cold, blowing over a long tracft of frozen coun-
Seafons. tries. Their winters are much feverer, and fome
months longer than ours, tho’ they lie nine or
ten degrees nearer the fun than we do ; how-
ever, their heaven is ufually brighter, and the
weather more fettled than in England both in
winter and fummer ; and the fummer, though
fhorter than in England, is a great deal hotter
whilft it lafts ; however, the climate is efteemed
as healthful and agreeable to Englifti conftitutions
as any of our plantations on the continent.
CHAP. II.
Of the provinces and fub-dhuiftons of this, country , ge-
nerally known by the name of New- England ; and
of its chief towns , and publick and private build-
ings.
CHAP. \ 1 /H E N the Englifti arrived here, they found
II. ** this country inhabited by upwards of twen-
ty different nations or tribes, commanded by
1 Indian king.- their refpedfive Chiefs, the territories of feveral
of them not exceeding five and twenty or thirty
miles in circumference. Of thefe the moft power
The Mafia- ful were, 1. The Maffachufets, whofe country
chufets. comprehended the counties of Suffolk and Mid-
dlefex, and ftill a part of the Maffachufets colony.
Neumkeaks. 2. The Meumkeaks, who inhabited that part
of the Maffachufet County which now goes by
the name of the county of Effex.
Narragan- g. The Narraganfets, whofe habitations were
in the county of New London, eaft of the river
Connecticut.
PocafTets. 4. The Pocaffets ; this people dwelt to the
fouth ward of the Maffachufets in the county now
called New Plymouth.
Pequots., 5. The Pequots, who inhabited another part
of Connecticut,
Wompano- £_ The Wompanoags, who inhabited the
country now called New Brifto!..
7. The Moratiggons, feated to the weftwardCHA P.
of the Wompanoags. II.
8. The Patuxets, feated upon the river which W'V^J
ftill bears that name. Moratig-
9. The Maquas, who lived to the weftward | 0 a "^ xetSj
of Connecticut River. Maquas.
10. The Manimoys, who inhabited Barnftable Mammoys.
County.
IX. The Nicanticks, Mattachiefts and Na- Nicantick*.
mafkcts, fituated fouth-weft of Merimack Ri-
ver : And,
12. The Marchicans and Sequems, who were Marchfcan*
feated in New Hampfhire. and Se -
The firft four colonies eftablifhed by the Eng- £oJo .
lifn in this county were, 1. the Maffachufets. n ies firft
2. New Plymouth. 3. Connecticut ; and, 4. ere&ed.
New Haven : Afterwards three more were ad-
ded, viz. 5. The province of Maine. 6. New
Hampfhire ; and, 7. Rhode Ifland and Provi-
dence Plantation.
Thefe feven colonies have fince been reduced The prefer, t
to four, 1. The provinces of the Maffachufets, f. lvlfions of
New Plymouth and Maine, are now included in
one charter and fubject to the fame government.
2. New Hampfhire is at this day a feparate go-
vernment. 3. Connecticut and New Haven are
now included in one charter ; and, 4. Rhode
Ifland and Providence Plantation have a diftinct
charter, and are a colony independent of any of
the former ; the occafton of which alterations
will appear in the chapter affigned to treat of
the hiftory of this country.
I proceed in the next place to defcribe the
fituation and boundaries of the prefent larger
fubdiviftons, and to enumerate the counties and
chief towns comprehended in each of thefe divi-
ftons.
I. The Maflachufet Colony, which at this day Maffachufet'
includes the following grand fubdiviftons ; viz. 1. Co W-
That of Maffachufet Proper. 2. New-Plymouth.
and, 3. That of Maine.
1. Maffachufet Proper is bounded by New-
Hampfhire towards the north, by the Maflachufet
Bay on the eaft, by Plymouth and Connecticut
on the fouth, and by the province of New- York
on the weft, containing the counties of Suffolk, Counties.
Middlefex, and Effex, all of them fituated on t^MiMefex,
Maflachufet Bay, of which Suffolk is the moft Effex.
foutherly, comprehending the towns of, 1 . Bofton chief
the capital of the province. 2. Braintree. 3.
Dedham. 4. Dorchefter. 5. Hingham. 6. Hull.
7. Medfield. 8. Mendon. 9. Milton. 10. Rox-
borough. 11. Weymouth. 12. Woodftock. 13.
Wrentham. 14. Brooklin ; and, 15. Needham.
Bofton, the capital of New-England, accord- Bofton..
ing to Mr. Neale, is fituated in 42 degrees
24 minutes north latitude, and 71 degrees of
weftern longitude, making London the firft me-
ridian. It Hands in a peninfula about four miles
ini
THE PRESENT STATE
518
CHAP, in circumference, at the bottom of a fine bay
II, of the fea, at the entrance whereof are feveral
rocks, which appear above water, and above a
dozen fmall iflands, fome of which are inhabited.
There is but one fafe chanel to approach the
harbour, and that fo narrow that three fhips can
fcarce fail through abreaft ; but within the har-
bour there is room enough for five hundred fail
to lie at anchor. The entrance is defended by
the caftle of Fort William, on which are one
hundred guns mounted, twenty of which lie on
a platform level with the water ; fo that it is
fcarce poffible for an enemy to pafs the caftle :
And to prevent furprife, they have a guard placed
on one of the rocks, about two leagues diftant,
on which alfo there ftands a light-houfe, from
whence they make fignals to the caftle when any
fhips come in fight. There is alfo a battery of
great guns at each end of the town, which com-
mand the harbour, to the fire whereof an enemy
would be expofed if he fhould be fo fortunate
to pafs the caftle.
At the bottom of the bay there is a pier near
two thoufand feet in length, with warehoufes for
the Merchants on the north fide of it ; and fhips
of the greateft burden may come up clofe to the
pier and unload without the help ol boats.
The fame writer adds, that the town of Bofton
lies in the form of a crefcent about the harbour,
the country beyond rifing gradually, and afford-
ing a moft delightful profpedt from the fea: That
there are feveral ftreets not much inferior to the
beft in London, the chief of which runs from the
pier up to their town-houfe or guild-hall; a hand-
fome building, where are walks for the Merchants,
as on the exchange ; and here alfo are the coun-
cil-chamber, the houfe of reprefentatives, and
their courts of juftice ; the exchange being fur-
rounded with bookfellers {hops, who have trade
enough to employ five printing-prefles here. There
are ten churches of all denominations, of which
fix are Independents, the moft prevailing party in
New- England : And the number of fouls in the
towns may be about fourteen or fifteen thoufand.
The epifcopal church is handfomely built and a-
domed, and the congregation laid to be about a
thoufand in number: Their church-plate and fome
pieces of painting were given them by King
William and Queen Mary, and their organ
by Thomas Brattle, Efq; There is alfo in
this church a magnificent feat for the Governor,
who comes hither, I prefume, when he happens
to be of the Church of England,
Mr. Neal observes further, that Bofton is the
moft flourifhing town of trade in Enghfib- Ame-
rica ; and that three or four hundred fail of Chips,
brigantines, and other vefTels, are annually loaded
here with lumber, beef, pork, fiih, and other
proviuons for Europe or the American Iflands :
That their Merchants and tradefmen are a polite C FI A P.
people, many of them having travelled into Eu- II.
rope, or converted with foreigners of feveral nati-
ons at home : That their houfes are as elegantly
furnifhed, and their tables as well ferved as thofe
of the Merchants and tradefmen in London ; all
manner of provifions being as plentiful as in any
town in Old-England.
Mr. Dummer’s defeription of Bofton agrees
with Mr. Neal’s as to the fortifications, but is
fomething more particular ; for he fays there is a
battery of great guns at each end of the town,
and about a league from it there is a beautiful
ftrong caftle, by far the fineft piece of military
architecture in Britifh-America : That it is a quar-
ry furrounded by a covered way, and joined with
two lines of communication to the main battery,
as alfo a line of communication from the main
gate to a redoubt, to prevent an enemy’s landing ;
and the battery is fituated fo near the chanel as
to hinder {hips coming up to the town, which
mail all fail within piftol-fhot of it : That in time
of peace there is but one company on duty in the
caftle, but in time of war there are five hundred
able-bodied men, exempted from all other milita-
ry duty, to attend the fervice of the caftle at an
hour’s warning, when the fignal is given from the
light-houfe of the approach of an enemy : That
the caftle thereupon makes a fignal to the town,
and if five drips or more appear in time of war,
the neighbouring country is alarmed by firing a
beacon.
The county of Middlefex lies contiguous to Middlefex.
that of Suffolk on the north, and contains the
following towns. 1. Cambridge. 2. Billerica. Chief
3. Charles-Town. 4. Chelmsford. 5. Concord. Towns.
6. Lexington. 7. Grotton. 8. Lancafter.
9. Marlborough. 10. Malden. 11. Framing-
ham. 12. Medford. 13. Newton. 14. Oxford.
15. Reading. 16. Sherburn. 17. Stow. 18. Sud-
bury. 19. Eaft- Waterton. 20. Wefton. 21. Wo-
burn ; and, 22. Worcefter.
The chief town whereof is Cambridge, com- Cambridge,
monly called Newton, fituated on the northern
branch of Charles River, about feven miles from
Bofton, in which are feveral well-built ftreets ;
but it is moft confiderable for its univerfity, con-
fifting of three colleges, viz. Harvard-College,
Stoughton-Hall, and — - — Flail. There was alfo
a college built for the education of Indians, but
this is now converted into a printing-houfe, the
education of the Indians in the learned languages
being found impracticable ; there never were a-
bove four or fi ve educated there, and but one that
ever took a degree. They have alfo a library
here, but very defective in modern books ; which
my author is of opinion is the rcafon that the
ftilg of the New- England divines is no better:
They alfo flail want endowments for the reading
publics
OF NEW - ENGLAND.
519
CM A P.
II.
Efiex Chief
towns.
Salem.
Newbury.
Salilbury.
The pro-
vince of
Maine.
Chief
towns.
fortifica-
tions.
publick lectures In the college by profefiors of the
feveral fciences. The univerfity is governed by a
Prefident, five Fellows, and the Treafurer, who
have each of them a competent revenue fettled on
them; and there may be an hundred and fifty
ftudents refluent in all the colleges : Their vifitors
or overfeers are the Governor, and Deputy-Go-
vernor, with the magiftrates of the province, and
the Minifters (for the time being) of fix adjacent
towns.
Eflex is the moft northerly county of Mafla-
chufet Proper, and contains the towns of, 1. Sa-
lem. 2. Amefoury. 3. Salilbury. 4. Haverhill.
5. Newbury. 6. Boxford. 7. Rowley. 8. Ipf-
wich. 9. Topsfield. 10. Bradford. 1 1. Giou-
cefter. 12. Manchefter. 13. Beverley. 14. Mar-
ble-head. 15. Lyn. 16. Wenham;and, 17. An-
dover ; of which Salem is the chief, or county-
town, being fituate in a plain between two rivers
mouths, and has two harbours, the one called
the Summer and the other Winter Harbour.
They boaft mightily of their church, which they
affure us is one of the fineft in New- England :
They value themfelves alfo on their antiquity ; for
here it was, they relate, that the Maflachufet ad-
venturers fixed their firft colony. A little to the
northward of Salem lies the promontory called
Cape Anne, efteemed a good ftation for fifining;
and a little further northward lies Newbury, plea-
fantly fituated at the mouth of Merimack River,
where they take abundance of Sturgeon and pickle
them after the fame manner as they do in the
Baltick. On the oppofite fide of Merimack River
lies the Town of Salilbury ; and between thefe
towns there is a conftant ferry halt a mile over.
The fecond grand divifion of the Maflachufet
government is the province of Maine, which is
bounded on the north-eaft by Nova-Scotia ; by
the bay of Maflachufet on the fouth-eaft, and by
the province of New-Hampfhire on the fouth-
weft and north- weft, in which are the two counties
of York and Cornwal ; though according to fome,
the whole province of Maine is but one county :
The chief towns are, 1. Falmouth. 2. Saco, or
Scarborough. 3. Wells. 4. Hedeck, cr New-
caftle. 5. Edger Town. 6. York. 7. Ket-
terg. 8. Berwick ; and, 9. Biddeford. Seve-
ral fortifications were erected on the northeaft part
of this province in the late wars, to defend the
country againft the French and Indians of Nova-
Scotia ; particularly at Saco, Kennebeck, Sagha-
dock and Pemaquid ; the laft of which was taken
by the French and demolifbed : And fince Nova-
Scotia has been yielded to Great- Britain by France,
it is to be prefumed the reft are of no great ufe,
our frontiers on that fide being extended much
farther by that ceflion.
The third and laft grand divifion of the Maf- CHAP,
fachufet government is that of Plymouth, which II.
lies fouth of Maflachufet Proper, and contains
the three counties of Plymouth, Barnftabie, and Plymouth
Briftol. . _ ; Sb.
Of thefe three counties, that or Plymouth lies Plymouth
moft northerly ; in which are the towns of, County.
1. New-Plymouth. 2. Bridgewater. 3. Dux-
bury. 4. Marfhfield. _ 5. Scituate. 6. Middle-
burgh. 7. Pembroke; and 8. Plympton. And
of thefe, New-Plymouth the chief, is fituated on
the fouth-fide of a large bay, called Plymouth
Bay, and is the oldeft town in New-England.
The county of Barnftabie lies contiguous toBamflabl*
Plymouth on the fouth-eaft, in which is the cele- County,
brated promontory of Cape Cod, forming a large
commodious bay, capable of containing a thoufand
fail of (hips. In this county the chief towns are, chief
1. Barnftabie, fituate at the bottom of the firft towns,
bay. 2. Eaftham. 3. Mammoy. 4. Truro. 5.
Rochefter. 6. Sandwich. 7. Yarmouth. 8. Har-
wich ; and, 9. Nantucket, fituate in an ifland Nantucket-
of the fame name, that lies fouth-eaft of the main injnd «-
land, near which is one of the moft confiderable
fifheries in New-England ; and the town flourilhes
in proportion, there being three or four fcore fail
of fhips and veflels belonging to that port, as I
am informed.
The county of Briftol lies fouth- weft of Ply- Briftol
mouth, and contains the towns of, 1. Briftol.
2. Swanley. 3. Rohoboth. 4. Norton. 5, Dart- t0W ns.
mouth. 6. Taunton. 7. Dighton. 8. Little
Compton. 9. Artleborough. 10. Freetoun ;
of which, Briftol the chief is fituated on a commo-
dious harbour, at the entrance whereof lies Rhode-
Ifland.
The province of New-Hampfhire, now a dif-Thepro-
tincf government, is bounded by * Nova-Scotia ™ ce ° f
on the north-eaft ; by the province of Maine on Hampfhire,
the fouth-weft ; by the Maflachufet Colony on the
fouth- eaft ; and by Canada on tire north-weft ;
the chief towns whereof are Dover, Portfmoutb, chief
Exeter, and Hampton, all which lie near the towns --
mouth of the river Pifcataway ; and indeed I meet
with fcarce any towns in the in-land country,
which ftill remains a great foreft, covered with
excellent timber, large portions whereof are fet
apart and appropriated by adt of parliament to the
furnifhing mails, & c. for the royal-navy of Eng-
gland; but the foil does net feem proper either for
Corn or Grafs.
The province bordering upon Canada, or New-
France, buffered much by the ravages of the
French and Indians in the two laft wars ; which
occafioned the building feveral forts and redoubts
on the frontiers for their fecurity.
The. third colony or government,, efteemed allb
a part
* N, B. I call all that country Nova-Ssotia, which lies north-eaft of New-England.
5 20
THE PRESE N T STATE
CHAP.
IT.
Connefticut
Colony,
Counties.
New Lon -
don County
Chief
towns
Hertford
County.
Chief
towns.
New-Ht-
ven County.
Chief
towns,
New-
Haven
latitude 4 1
and an half.
Fail field
County.
Chief
towns.
Rhode-
Maud
Colony.
a part of New- England, is that of Connecticut,
which comprehends New-Haven, and is bounded
bv the Maflachufet Colony on the north ; by ano-
ther part of the Maflachufet and Rhode-Bland on
the eaft ; by an arm of the fea, which divides
Connecticut from Long-Ifland on the fouth ; and
by New-''? ork on the weft, being about one hun-
dred miles in length, and eighty in breadth, and
contains the following counties, viz. r. New-
London. 2. Hertford. 3. New-Haven County ;
and 4. Fairfield County.
New-London County is fituated on both Tides
of the river Connecticut, and contains the follow-
ing towns, viz. 1. New-London, fituate on the
weft bank of the Thames not far from its mouth.
2. Saybrook, the oldeft town in the county, fi-
tuate at the mouth of the river Connecticut,
on the weft-fide, as 3. Lyme is on the eaft-fide.
4. Stoniton. 5. Prefton. 6. Dantfick. 7. Nor-
wich. 8. Lebanon ; and, g. Killingwortb.
Hertford County, contiguous to that of London
County on the north, lies alfo on both Tides the
-fiver Connecticut, containing the following towns,
viz. 1. Hertford. 2. Farmington. 3. Glaffen-
bury. 4. Hadham. 5. Middletown. 6. Sims-
burg. 7. Waterbury. 8. Weathersfield. 9.
Windfor. 10. Farm ; and it. Windham ; of
which Hertford is the chief or County-town, and
capital of the whole province, having a little uni-
verfity or college in it, as I am informed, where
young gentlemen receive academical education.
New-Haven County is bounded by that of
Hertford on the north ; by London County on the
eaft ; the fea on the fouth ; and Fairfield County
on the weft ; in which are the towns of 1. New-
Haven, the chief, faid to be a very flourifhing
place, and to have a college in it called Yale-
College, where young gentlemen have univerfity
education. T o which is added a library well fur-
nifhed with books, procured chiefly by the appli-
cation and intereft of Jeremy Dummer, E fq;
once Agent for this colony. 2. Brainford. 3.
Derby. 4. Guildford. c. Milford ; and, 6.
Wallingford.
f airfield County alfo lies upon the fea, be-
tween the county of New-Haven on the eaft,
and the province of New-York on the weft ; in
which are the chief towns of, 1. Fairfield. 2.
Danbury. 3. Greenwich. 4, Norwalk. 5. Rye.
6. Stamford. 7. Stratford; and, 8. Woodbury.
4. The laft colony comprehended in New-
itngland is that of Rhode-Bland and Providence?
F
natation eftablifhed by another charter. Rhode-
Ifland called by the natives Aquetnet, lies in ih<
Narraganfet Bay, between Plymouth Colony anc
Providence Plantation, being about fifteen milei
in length, and fix m breadth ; to which belong
fGridenee. fever al 1 maker iflands : And Providence Plantation,
which is .included in die fame charter, being a dif
trifil about twenty miles fquare, on the neighbour- CHAP,
ing continent, and feparated from Connecticut on II.
the weft by an imaginary line drawn from north '^VNJ
to fouth, and from the Malfachufets by another
line drawn from eaft to weft.
The chief towns are, 1. Newport, fituated on chief
the fouth- weft part of Rhode-Ifland, in 41 de- towns>
grees odd minutes north latitude, having a very
fecure and commodious harbour, defended by a
regular fort at the entrance, on which are
planted three hundred pieces of large cannon. It
appears to have a brifk trade, for there are no
lefs than fixty fhips and veffels belonging to this
town.
i here are two other large port towns fituated
on the continent, near the mouth of the river
Patuxet in Providence Plantation, one of them
called Providence, and the other Warwick ; but
of thefe I meet with no particular defcription.
Several other iflands lie near the fouth-eaft
coaft of New-England, of which Block-Ifland Block in e>
belongs to Connecticut Colony ; and Elizabeth- Elizabeth*
Ifland, Martha’s Vineyard, and Nantucket already E e V, ,
mentioned belong to tne Maftachufet government ; Vineyard,
and are very confiderable on account of the
fifhery carried on in thofe Teas.
As to the buildings of the Indians of New- Buildings,
England, they are not different from thofe of F u . blick an<1
Virginia and Maryland already defcribed ; and l>nvaLe ‘
the Englifh follow the models of their mother
country, as near as they can, except in their
churches ; which come nearer the form of the
London meeting-houfes than of our churches.
1 he few churches indeed that have been eredted
by the members of the Church of England re-
lemble thofe in Old England, and are generally
built of wood, but fome few of brick. The
only publick buildings they have befides, are
the town-houfe and guild-hall in every province
and county-town, where the rcfpedlive genera!
affemblies and courts of juftice are held ; and
fome colleges and fchools that have been eredted
in their great towns for the education of youth,
which, I prefume, have nothing extraordinary
in the fabrick, by the filence of their hiftorians
in the defcription of them.
C H A P. Ill,
Of the perfons and habits of. the New- England In-
dians ; their genius and temper , arts, manufac-
tures ^ , food, exerefes and diver fons,
*jp HE New-England Indians are of a good CHAP.
ftj' re, and might have good complexions, III.
if they did not affect an olive- colour, and take a -"' V'nJ
great deal of pains with certain oils and juices Pcrf ° n ' of
to make their (kins darker than they naturally tbe “ WIW *
are. Their features are well enough, except their
noles
OF N E W - ENGLAND.
521
CHAP, nofes, which their parents prefs flat in their in-
III. fancy, if they are not born fo : Their hair is
U'-Y'NJ black, and ufually cut fhort before, but fuffered
to grow long behind, fometimes braided and
drefied up fantaftically with feathers. The hair
of their beards anchbodies they pull up by the
roots as foon as they appear, and fome of them,
’tis faid, never have any beards : They frequent-
ly paint their faces and {boulders with a deep
red, and on other parts of their bodies make a
variety of frightful figures, endeavouring to ren-
der themfelves as terrible as poffible.
Habits. They generally go naked in the fummer, co-
vering their loins only with a piece of {kin ;
but in the winter, the days of ceremony, they
have a mantle or fhort cloak, made of the {kin
of a deer, or of fome other animal : And of the
like materials they make breeches, {lockings, and
{hoes, all of a piece frequently. In hard weather
they alfo put on their fhow-fhoes, which are very
long and broad, and tied on their feet with thongs
of green leather.
Ornaments. The women paint as well as the men ; and
their mantles are much of the fame form. Their
ornaments are earings of copper, necklaces, and
bracelets, made of beads and {hells, or other
glittering toys.
The natives are generally reckoned to have
quick parts, though they had made but little
Al ts and fei- improvement in arts and fciences when the Eng-
lifh came amongft them. Their buildings and
cloathing are very mean, nor was there any
thing that could be called a manufacture in the
country, much lefs were they {killed in the libe-
ral arts, having no notion of letters, and feem
but little difpofed to literature at this day ; for
the Englifh here, and in the reft of our colonies,
tell us, they defpair of making fcholars of them,
though no means have been left unattempted to
give them a learned education.
Genus and Courage or a contempt of death is what
tern cr. they moft admire in others, and affect to be
thought pofieffed of themfelves. And there ap-
pears to have been fome brave men amongft
them ; but they are generally timorous, revenge-
ful, and thievifh. T hey feldom have the cou-
rage to face an enemy in the open field ; moft
of the great adtions they bcaft of being done in
the dark, or by furprife ; and a wood-fight,
where, they can fkulk behind the trees and bufhes,
is their mafter-piece. As they are very nimble
and excellent markfmen, they have fometimes
been too hard for the Europeans in fuch encoun-
ters.
in war, in hunting, fifhing, and other rural
fports, they are acknowledged to be indefatiga-
ble. I hey wall make prodigious long and fwift
marches, lie in the woods night after night,
endure cold and heat, hunger and thirft to ad-
Vol. HI.
miration; and yet, when they are not engaged CHAP,
in fuch expeditions, they are obferved to be the III.
moft idle, flothful wretches upon the face of the
earth ; putting their women upon all manner of
drudgery both without doors and within : For
the women plant their corn, roots, and fruits,
and afterwards reap and gather them. They
alfo prepare and drefs their food, lug about their
children, and do all manner of houfnold bufinefs,
and even carry the provisions and baggage upon
every march and removal, the men carrying
nothing but their arms : And 5 tis obferved they
feldom go out a hunting or fifhing, till neceflity
forces them, and then they ufually let out fifty or
an hundred in a company, dividing the country
amongft them, fo as the game may not efcape,
which ever way it takes, and continue their fport
feveral weeks : Sometimes they beat the woods
and thickets, at others they take their canoes
or boats, and go down their rivers ; and are fo
dextrous at {hooting and ftriking their game in
the water, as well as land, that they feldom
fail of doing execution.
Their food, and the manner of dreflmg it, Food,
differs fo little from that of the Indians already
deferibed, that it is unneceflary to. enlarge on
thofe articles any more than on their domeftick
diverfions and exercifes ; which confift chiefly Exerc-lfes.
in finging, dancing, and hollowing ; in diftorting
their limbs, and the moft extravagant geftures
they can invent.
The Europeans have taught them another mif- Lovers of
chievous recreation, viz. The drinking ftrong ftron § ^
liquors, of which they are fo fond, that they <luors ‘
would fell their lands, and every thing they
had, to procure them forne ; till the government,
in compaffion to the natives, prohibited their
drinking ftrong liquors, and forbid the Englifh
to purchafe their lands, without the leave of their
foiperiors : However, thefe regulations are little
obferved ; and thofe Indians, that live among the
Englifla,. are ftill a wretched, fottifh, and beg- Slothful
gerly people, that will apply themfelves to no an pc " M ' i ’
manner of bufinefs; dreading labour more than
poverty itfelf.
C H A P- IV.
Of their animals and vegetables *
'T' H E I’R Quadrupedes are almoft the fam eCHAP.
here as in Virginia, viz. Deer, Elks, Rac- jyg
coons. Bears, Wolves, Foxes, Hares, Rabbets,
Squirrels, Beavers, Martins, Opofioms, and little Quadrupedes,
Cur- Dogs. They have now alfo all manner of
European cattle, viz. Horfes, Oxen, Sheep, and
Hogs ; none of which they ever fa w, till the
Englifh carried them over : And though the Horfes
are not fo large as thofe we have here, yet they
X x x are
522
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP. are very ferviceable botn for the faddie and
IV. draught, and make the beft troopers horfes in
America. But the moft celebrated animal, which
is almoft peculiar to New-England, is the Moofe-
i 7 iU Deer; of which Mr. Dudley, now of the
council in New-England, and a member of the
Royal Society, has given us the following ac-
count.
The Moots The Moofe is thought peculiar to North- Ame-
® ce " rica, and is one of the nobleft creatures of the
forreft : The Aborigines have given him the name
of Moofe, Moofuck in the plural.
There are two forts ; the common light and
grey Moofe, by the Indians called Wampoofe;
thefe are more like the ordinary Deer, fpring
like them, and herd fometimes to thirty in a
company : And then there are the large and
black Moofe, of which I (hall now give you
/the following account.
He is the head of the Deer- kind, has many
things in common with other Deer, in many
things differs ; but in all very fuperior. The
Moofe is made much like a Deer, parts the
hoof, chews the cud, has no gall, his ears large
and ere£f. The hair of the black Moofe is a
dark grey ; upon the ridge of his back the hair
is ten and twelve inches long, of which the In-
dians make good belts. He has a very fhort bob
tail. Mr. Neal, in his late hiftoryof this coun-
try, fpeaking of the Moofe, fays, . they have a
long tail ; but that gentleman was irnpofed on
as to other things, befides the Moofe.
Our hunters have found a Buck or Stag-
Moofe of fourteen fpans in height from the
Withers, reckoning nine inches to a fpan ; a
quarter of his venifon weighed more than two
hundred pounds. A few years fince, a gentleman
iurprifed one of thefe black Moofe in his grounds,
within two miles of Bofton ; it proved a Dee
or Hind of the fourth year. After fhe was dead,
they meafured her upon the ground from the
nofe to the tail between ten and eleven feet. She
wanted an inch of feven foot in height.
1 he horns of the Moofe, when full grown,
are about four and five feet from the head to
the tip; and have fhoots and branches to each
horn, and generally fpread about fix feet. When
the horns come out of the head, they are round,
like the horns of an Ox. About a foot from
the head they begin to grow a palm broad, and
further up fall wider; of which the Indians make
good ladles that will hold a pint. When a
Moofe goes through a thicket, or under the
boughs of trees, he lays his horns back on his
neck, not only that he may make his way the
eafier, hut to cover his bodv from the browfe or
Scratch of the Wood. Thefe mighty horns are
ihed every year. The Doe-Moofe has none of
thefe horns.
A Moofe does not fpring or rife in going, as an C H AP.
ordinary Deer, but fhoves along fide-ways, throw- IV.
ing out the feet much like a Horfe in a racking t/'Y'NJ
pace. One of thefe large black Moofe, in his
common walk, has been feen to Hep over a gate
or fence five feet high. After you unharbour a
Moofe, he will run a courfe of twenty or thirty
miles before he turns about or come to a bay.
"When they are chafed, they generally take to
the water, the common Deer for a fhort fpace are
fwifter than a Moofe ; but then a Moofe foon out-
winds a Deer.
The meat of a Moofe is excellent food ; and
tho’ it be not fo delicate as the common venifon,
yet it is more fubflantial, and will bear faking.
The nofe is looked upon as a great dainty. I have
eat feveral of them myfelf ; they are perfect mar-
row. The Indians have told me, that they can
travel as tar after a meal of Moofe, as after any
other flefin in the forrelt.
The black Moofe is not very gregarious, being
rarely found above four or five together; the young
ones keep with the dam a full year.
A Moofe calves every year, and generally brings
two. The Moofe bring forth their young ones
Handing, and the young fall from the dam upon
their fee t. The time of their bringing forth is
generally in the month of April.
The Moofe being very tall, and having fhort
necks, do not graze on the ground as the com-
mon Deer, neat cattle, &c. do ; and if at any
time they eat Grafs, it is the top of that which
grows very high, or on fteep rifing ground. In
the fummer they feed upon plants, herbs, and
young fhrubs, that grow upon the land ; but
moftly, and with greateft delight, on water-
plants, efpecialiy a fort of wild Colts-foot and
Lilly that abound in our ponds, and by the Tides
of the rivers, and for which the Moofe will wade
far and deep ; and by the noife they make in the
water our hunters often difeover them. In the *
winter they live upon Browze, or the tops of
bufires and young trees ; and being very tall and
ftrong they will bend down a tree as big as a
Man’s leg ; and where the Browze fails them they
will eat off the bark of forne fort of trees as high
as they can reach. They generally feed in the
night, and lie Hill in the day.
The (kin of the Moofe, when well dreffed, makes
excellent buff; the Indians make their fnow-fhoes
of them. Their v/ay of dreffing it, which is
reckoned very good, is thus : After they have
haired and grained the hide, they make a lather
of the Moofe’s brains in warm water, and after
they have foaked the hide for fome time, they
ftretch and fupple it.
Their fowls, birds, Snakes, and infedbs are Fo *Is, in-
much the fame here as in Virginia, whither fe<as J &c -
therefore I refer the reader ; And they have the
fame
CHAP, fame fifh in their feas and rivers ; only I muft ob-
IV ferve, that the Cod-fifhery and Whale-fifhery of
New- England are far fiiperior to any fisheries on
the coal of North- America, and yield a vaft pro-
fit to this country. I am informed alfo, that the
year before laft, the New-England men fent
twenty fail of (hips to fifh for Whales in Green-
land and Davis’s Streights, where they met with
great fuccefs, but were not fo fortunate the laft
year. And here it may be acceptable to the reader
to introduce Mr. Dudley’s defeription of their
Whales, and the whale-fifhery on the coaft of
New-England.
Ambergreef-. This gentleman obferves, that the moft learned
part of mankind were at a lofs about many things
even in medical ufe, and particularly in what is
called Ambergreefe, until the whale fifhermen of
Nantuket in New-England, fome three or four
years ago, made the difeovery.
The Sperma Cutting up a Sperma Ceti Bull Whale, they
Ceu Whale. f ounc } accidentally in him about twenty pound
weight, more or lefs, of that drug : After which
they and fome other fifhermen became very curi-
ous in fearching all fuch Whales as they killed;
and it has fince been found in lefler quantities in
feveral male Whales of that kind and in no other ;
and fcarcely in one of an hundred of them. They
add further, that it is contained in a cyft or bag,
without any in-let or out-let to it, and that they
have fometimes found the bag empty and yet en-
tire.
The bag is no where to be found but near the
genital part of the fifh. The ambergreefe is,
when firft taken out, moift and of an exceeding
ftrong and ofFenftve fmell.
The following account refpedls only fuchWhales
as are found on the coaft of New-England, and
of thefe there are divers forts.
The Whale- The right or Whalebone Whale is a large fifh
bone v/hale. nieafuring fixty or feventy feet in length, and
very bulky, having no feales, but a foft fine fmooth
fkin ; no fins but only one on each ftde, from five
to eight foot long, which they are not obferved
to ufe but only in turning themfelves, unlefs
while young and carried by the dam on the flukes
of their tails, v/hen with thofe fins they clafp a-
bout her fmall, and fo hold themfelves on. This
fifh, when firft brought forth, is about twenty
foot long, and of little worth, but then the dam
is very fat. At an year old, when they are called
fhort-heads, they are very fat, and yield to fifty
barrels of oil ; but by that time the dam is very
poor and termed a dry fkin, and will not yield
more than thirty barrels of oil, tho’ of large
bulk. At two years old they are called Stunts,
being ftunted after weaning, and will then yield
generally from twenty-four to twenty-eight bar-
rels. After this they are termed Scull- fifh, their
age not being known, but only gueffed at by the
length of their bones in their mouths. The CHAP.
Whalebone fo called grows in the upper jaw on IV.
each fide, and is fometimes fix or feven feet in
length. A good large ."Whale has yielded a tlrou-
fand weight in bone. ’Tis thought by fome tnat
the hairy part of the "Whalebone, and which is
next to the tongue, ferves in the nature of a
ftrainer of their food.
The eye of a Whale is about the bignefs of an
Ox’s eye, and fituated in the after-part of the head
on each fide, and where the Whale is broadeft ;
for his head tapers away forward from his eyes,
and his body tapers away backwards : His eyes
are more than half way his depth, or neareft his
under-part, juft under his eyes are his two fins
abovementioned ; he carries his tail horizontally,
and with that he fculls himfelf along.
The intrails of this Whale are made and fitu-
ated much like thofe of an Ox, and their fealps
are fometimes found covered with thoufands of
Sea Lice. One of thefe Whales lias yielded one
hundred and thirty barrels of oil, and near twenty
out of the tongue. The Whalebone Whale is
the moft valuable, except the Sperma Ceti Whale.
The Scrag Whale is near a kin to the fin-back ; The Scrag
but inftead of a fin upon his back, the ridge of whalc ‘
the after-part of his back is Scragged, with half a
dozen knobs : He is neareft the right Whale in
figure and for quantity of oil : His bone is white,
but will not fplit.
The Fin-back Whale is diftinguifhed from the The Fin.
right Whale by having a great fin on his back back *
from two foot and a half to four foot long, which
gives him the name. Pie has alfo two fide fins,
as the Whalebone Whale, but much longer; mea-
suring fix or feven feet. This fifh is fomewhat
longer than the other, but not fo bulky, much
fwifter, and very furious when Struck, and very
difficultly held ; their oil is not near fo much as
that of the right Whale, and the bone of little
profit, being fhort and knobby. The belly of
this Whale is white.
The Bunch, or Hump-back Whale, is diftin- The Bunch
guifhed from the right Whale by having a bunch Whale.
Handing in the place where the fin does in the fin-
back. This bunch is as big as a man’s head,
and a foot high, fhaped like a plug pointing back-
wards. The bone of this Whale is not worth
much, tho’ fomewhat better than the fin-back’s.
His fins are fometimes eighteen foot long, and very
white ; his oil as much as that of the fin-back.
Both the fin-backs and hurnp-backs are fhaped in
reeves longitudinal, from head to tail, on their
bellies and their Sides, as far as their fins, which
are about half way up their Sides.
The Sperma Ceti V/hale is much of the fame The Sperma
dimenfion with the other, but is of a greyifh Whale
colour, whereas the others are black. He has a icribedt
bunch on his back like the hump-back, but then
X x x 2 lie
5 2 4 T HE P RES E
C HAP. he is diflinguifhed by not having any Whalebone
I V . in the mouth; inftead of which there are rows of
fine ivory teeth in each jaw, about five or fix
inches long. One of thefe teeth I have fent the
fociety ; the man who gave it me, fays the Whale
was forty-nine foot long, and his head made
twelve barrels of Sperma Get; oil. They are a
more gentle fifh than the other Whales, and fel-
dom fight with their tails, but when ftruck ufually
turn upon their backs and right with their mouths,
I he oil which is made of the body of this fifh is
much clearer and fvveeter than that of the other
Whales.
The Sperma Ceti oil fo called lies in a great
trunk, about four or five foot deep, and ten
or twelve foot long, near the whole depth,
breadth, and length of the head, in the place of
the brains, and feems to be the fame, and difpof-
ed in feveral membranous cells, and covered not
with a bone but a thick griily {abidance below the
fkin, through which they dig a hole and lade out
the clear oil. Not but that the head and other
glandulous parts of this fifh will make the Sperma
Ceti oil ; yet the heft, and that which is prepar-
ed by nature, is in the trunk aforefaid : And an
ingenious man, who has himfelf killed many of
thefe Whales, allures me, that only the trunk
will afford from ten to twenty barrels. Befides
the Sperma Ceti oil, this fifh will yield from
twenty to fifty barrels of common oil.
How they They generate much like our neat cattle, and
engender, therefore they are termed Bull, Cow, and Calf :
1 hey bring forth but one at a time, and but every
other year. When the Cow takes Bull, fine throws
herfelf upon her back, finking her tail, and fo the
Bull flides up, and when he is flid up fhe clafps
him with her fins. A Whale’s pizzel is fix foot
long, and at the root is feven or eight inches dia-
meter, and tapers away till it come to about an
inen diameter ; his ftones would fill half a barrel,
but his genitals are not open or vifible, like thofe
of the true Bull. The Calf, or young Whale,
has been found perfectly formed in the Cow when
not above feventeen inches long, and white ; and
yet when brought forth is ufually twenty foot, but
ot a black colour. It is fuppoled they go with
their young about nine or ten months, and are
very fat in that time, efpecially when they bring
forth. When the female fuckles her young fhe
turns herfelf almoll upon her back upon the rim
of the water. She has two teats of fix or eight
x inches long, and ten or twelve inches round. The
rndi^ is white, like that of a Cow; and upon
opening a young fucking Whale the milk v/as
found curdled in his bag, juft like that of a Calf.
Sv y-an ° C i * ^ C1 " r Care t * le ^ r l 701111 ? very remarkable,
J ‘ a ’ i - ae ) r n °t only carrying them on their tails and fuck-
hng them, but often rifing with them for the
benent o; the air 3 and however they are chafed
NT STATE
and wounded, yet as long as they have fenfc, and C FT A P.
perceive life in their young, they will never leave IV.
them, nor will they then {trike with their tail ; G**^.*}
and if in their running the young one lofes his
hold and drops off, the dam turns about, and paf-
fing underneath takes it on again ; and therefore
care is taken by thofe who kill thefe fifh, only to
fallen the Calf but not to kill her, till they have
firft fecured the Cow ; for as foon as ever the Calf
is dead the Cow perceives it, and grows fo violent
that there is no managing her.
The Whales are very gregarious, being fome-
times found an hundred in a fcull, and are great
travellers : In the fall of the year the Whalebone
Whales go weftward, and in the fpring they are
headed eaftward : And here it mult be noted, that
the feveral kinds of Whales do not mix with one
another, but keep by themfelves.
The; r way of breathing is by two fpout-holes
in the top of the head : The Sperma Ceti Whale
has but one, and that on the left fide of the head.
Once in a quarter of an hour, when not difturbed,
they are obferved to rife and blow, fpouting out
water and wind, and to draw in frefh air ; but
when purfued they will fometimes keep under half
an hour or more : Tho’ it is obferved, when any
Cow has her Calf on her tail, fherifes much oftner
for the young one to breathe, without breathing
herfelf. Out of their breathing-holes they fpout
great quantities of blood when they have received
their death’s wound.
For the firft year they all fuck the dam : Af-
ter they are weaned the right Whales (as is ge-
nerally iuppofed) live upon ouzy matter, which
they fuck up from the bottom of the fea. The
triers that open them when dead, acquaint me,
that they never obferved any grafs, fifh, or any
other fort of food in the right orWhalebone Whale,
but only a greyifh foft clay, which the people call
Bole Armoniac ; and yet an experienced whale-
man tells me, that he has feen this Whale in {till ■
weather lkimming on the furface of the water,
to take in a fort of reddifh fpawn or brett, as
fome call it, that at fometimes will lie upon the
top of the water for a mile together. Here alfo
it may be obferved, that tho’ the body of this
Whale is fo very bulky, and fo exceeding fat, yet
when cut open is felaom found to have much
more draught than that of an Ox ; and they dung
much as neat cattle. Their fwallow is not much
bigger than an Ox’s, but the Fin-back Whale
has a larger fwallow, for he lives upon the fmall-
er fifh, as Mackarel, Herrings, &c. great fculls
of which they run through, and with a fhort turn
caufe an eddy or whirlpool, By the force of which
the fmall fifh are brought into a clutter, fo that
this fifh with open mouth will take in fome hun-
dreds of them at a time. The Sperma Ceti Whale,
bdides other fifh, feeds much upon a fmall fifh that
has
OF N E W - E
CHAP, has a bill, our fifhermen cal! them Squid-fifh: The
IV. fmall pieces of thefe fquid-bills are plainly to be
j/yx. difcerned in the ambergreefe, and may be picked
out of it ; they appear glazy, and like little pieces
of broken {bells.
Mr. Harris, in his Bibliotheca Navigantium,
See. has given us a very particular account of the
method of taking Whales at Greenland; and tho’
The way of our way in New-England differs very much from
Whales in t ^ at ’ y et ^ Wave ^ aS n0t a PP er_
New-Eng- taining to philofophy ; only I would take notice
land. 0 f the boats our whale-men ufe in going from the
{bore after the WFale: They are made of Cedar
Clapboards, and fo very light that two men can
conveniently carry them, and yet they are twenty
foot long, and carry fix men, viz. the harponeer
in the fore-part of the boat, four oar-men and
the ffeerfman. Thefe boats run very fwift, and
by reafon of their lightnefs can be brought on
and off, and fo kept out of danger. T he Whale
is fometiines killed with a iingle ftroke, and yet
at other times (he will hold the whale-men in
play near half a day together with their launces,
and will fometimes get away after they have been
launced and fpouted blood, with irons in them,
and drags faftened to them, which are thick boards
about fourteen inches fquare. Our people for-
merly ufed to kill the Whale near the (hore, but
now they go off to fea in (loops and whale-boats,
in the months of May, June, and July, between
Cape Cod and Bermudas ; where they lie by in
the night, and fail to and again in the day, and
‘ feldona mifs of them, bringing home thy blubber
in their Hoops. The true feafon lor yaking the
right or Whalebone Whale is from the beginning
of February to the end of May ; of the Sperma
Ceti Whale from the beginning of June to the
end of Auguft : And it has been obferved by our
fifhermen, that when a Sperma Ceti Whale is
ftruck, he ufually if not always throws the excre-
ments out of the anus.
The ftrength The wonderful and even prodigious ftrength of
of theWhale this creature lies principally in their tail, that
ismhis tail. both their offenfive and defenfive weapon.
Many inftances of this kind I have had from cre-
dible perfons, who v/ere eye-witneffes. I will
mention but a few. A boat has been cut down
from top to bottom with the tail of a Whale, as
if cut with a faw, the clap-boards fcarce fplintered,
tho’ the gunnel upon the top is of a tough wood.
Another has had theftemor ftern-poft, of about three
inches through, and of the tougheft wood that can
be found, into which the ends of the Cedar
Clapboards are nailed, cut off fmooth above the
cuddee, without fo much as Chattering the boat,
or drawing the nails of the Clapboards. An oar
has been cut off with a ftroke upwards, and yet
not fo much as lifted up out of the thole-pin.
One perfon had an oar cut off while in his hand,
and yet never felt any jarring.
N G L A N D. 5 2 5
A few years fince, one of the Fin-back Whales CHAP,
came into a harbour near Cape Cod, and towed IV.
away a Hoop of near forty ton out of the harbour
into the fea. This accident happened thus : It
was thought the Whale was rubbing herfelf upon
the fluke of the anchor, and going near the bottom
got the fluke into her ni fleet, or the orifice of the
uterus; and finding herfelf caught, tore away with
fuch violence that fhe towed the {hip out of the-
harbour as fall as if fhe had been under fail with
a good gale of wind, to the aftonifinment of the
people on Chore ; for there was no body on board.
When the Whale came into deep water {he went
under, and had like to have carryed the floop
with her, but the cable gave way and fo the boats
that were out after her recovered it. This W hale
was found dead fome days after on that (bore
with the anchor {ticking in her belly.
After a Whale is dead it has been obferved
that the fame way the head lies, fo the head will
lie, if not forcibly turned ; and let the wind blow
which way it will, that way they will fcull a head
tho’ right in the eye of the wind, and they are
much eafier towed to the {bore, it they die that
way with their head than any other.
The enemies of the Whale, or the fifh that
prey upon the Whales and often kill the young
ones (for they will not venture upon a young
one, unlefs much wounded) our whale- men have
given the name ot Killers. The Killers are from The Killers-
twenty to thirty foot long, and have teeth in both whlch P r W
jaws that lock one within another: They have a whales,,
fin near the middle of their backs four or five
foot long : They go in company by dozens and
fet upon a young Whale, and will bait him like
fo many Bull- Dogs ; fome will lay hold of his
tail to’ keep him from threftiing, while others
lay hold of his head, and bite and threfn him
until the poor creature being thus heated lolls out
his tongue, and then fome of the Killers catch-
hold of his lips, and if poffible of his tongue ;
and after they have killed him they chiefly feed
upon the tongue and head ; but when he begins to
putrify they leave him. This Killer is without
doubt the Orca that Dr. Frangius deferibes in
his treatife of animals. His words are thefe
Quando Orca infequitur Balsenam, ipfa Bakena
horribilem edit mugiturn,non aliter quam cum
Taurus mordetur a Cane. Thefe Killers are of
fuch invincible ftrength, that when feveral boats
together have been towing a dead Whale, one oa
them has come and faftened his teeth in her and
carryed her away down to the bottom m an miram .
And fometimes they have bit out a piece of blub-
ber of about two foot fquare, which is of that
toughnefs that an iron with little beards being
ftruck into it will hold it until it draws th>
boat under water. The Killers are fometimes ta-
ken and make good oyl, but have no whalebone.
526 T HE PRESE
CHAP. 1 he carcales of Whales in the fea ferve for food
Fv . for Gulls and other fea fowl as well as Sharks,
P° r they are not very nice.
AivVergreeie Many and various have been the opinions (even
ot the learned world) as to the origin and nature of
ambergreefe. Some have reckoned it a bitumen,
and to iflue from the entrails of the earth ; others,
that it was produced from fome infedt, as hone ,
ii’k, &c. The famous Mr. Boyle, as I find it
in the fecor.cl volume of Lowthor p’s abridg-
ment of the philofoplrical tranfaft ionSj communi-
cates an account of ambergreefe from a Dutch Mer-
chant, who firft denies it to be the feum or excre-
ment of a Whale; and then gives it as his opi-
nion, that it is a fat gum that iiTues from the
root of a tree, and that you may raife it in quan-
tities by planting thofe trees by the fhore, and fo
. the ftream will call it up to great advantage.
But it is now found out, that this occultum na-
turae is an annimal production, and bred in the
body of the Sperma Ceti Whale, analogous to
what is found in fome animals of the land, as the
Mufk-Hog, or Taiacu, the Mufk- Deer, the Be -
zoar Sheep, and fome amphibious animals, as the
Mufquafh, &c. who have their valuable feent in
a particular cyftis or bag. I am apt to think that
which firft gave occafion to the notice of amber-
greefe being the production of the Whale, was be-
caufe it was found in confiderable quantities on
the fhores of the Summer Iflands, and among the
Bahama’s, where the dead Whales are frequently
wrecked, and broke up with the fea, and the
ambergreefe found floating on the fhore ; but here
again the ingenious, until very lately, were at a
lois, and divided in opinion ; for tho’ they agreed
it to come from the Whale, yet fome took it to
be the true and proper femen, being found onlv
in the Bull at the root of the penis near the tef-
iicles ; others again thought that it was theordure
or excrements of the Whale.
T he bell and moft exaCt account of ambergreefe,
that I have been able to procure, I very lately re-
ceived from one Mr. At k ins, now an inhabi-
tant at Bofton in New-England, who ufed the
whale-fifhery for ten or twelve years together,
and was one of the firft that went out a fifhing
for the Sparma Ceti Whales, about the year
J 670, and then began to difeover the ambergreefe ;
and being a fober ingenious man, what he fays
may fafely be depended on, tho’ for fubftance" I
have had it from feveralof the whale-men.
FI is relation which was taken a few days fince
from his own mouth is as follows :
44 Fhe ambergreefe is found only in the Sperma
c * Ceti W hales, and confifls of balls or globular
44 bodies of various fizes from about three inches
to twelve inches diameter, and will weigh
cc from a lb. and an half to twenty two lb. lying
“ Eofe in a large oval bag or bladder, of three
NT STATE
44 or four foot long, and two or three foot deep, CHAP.
44 and wide almoft in the form of an Ox’s Had- IV.
44 der, only he ends more acute or like a Black- t/Y\^
“ fmith s long bellows, with a fnout running
44 tapering into and through the length of the
44 penis, and a duel or canal opening into the other
end of the bag, and coming from towards
the kidmes ; this bag lies juft over the tcfticlcs
44 which are above a foot long, and is placed
44 length-ways at the root oi the penis, about
44 four or five foot below the naveftand three or
44 four foot above the anus. This bag or bladder
44 is almoft or a deep orange-coloured liquor, not
quite fo thick as oyl, and knelling as ftrong
44 or rather ftronger ; of the fame feent with the
44 balls ot ambergreefe which float and fwim loofe
44 ' n it. d he infide of the bag is very deeply
44 tinged with the fame colour as the liquor,
44 which may alfo be found in the canal of the
44 penis. 1 he balls feem to be pretty hard while
44 the W hale is alive, inafmuch as there are ma-
44 ny times found upon opening the bag large con-
44 cave fhells of the tame fubftance and confiftence,
44 thnt have fealed off from them ; and the balls
44 themfelves feem to be compofed of feveral dif-
44 tinft coats inclofing one another, fomething
“ like the coats of an Onion.”
As to the number of balls, Mr. Atkins
never found above four in a bag, and in the bag
where he found one that weighed twenty one lb.
which was the largeft he ever favv, there was no
other.
He further fays, « That to one Sperma Ceti
Whale that has any of thefe balls, there are
two that have nothing but the deep oranye-
44 coloured liquor aforefaid in their bags.” This
remark confirms what another whale-man told
me ; “ That the ambergreefe was found only in
44 Heir Sperma Ceti Whales as are old and well
“ grown.” It is the general opinion of the
whale- men that the ambergreefe produced only ■
by the male, or the Bull Sperma Ceti Whale.
As to this particular, Mr. Atkins fays, “ He
44 never faw or certainly heard of a female Sper-
44 nia Ceti Whale taken in his life, the Cows of
“ that fpecies of Whales being much more ti-
44 morous than the males, and almoft impoflible
to be come at, unlefs when happily found
44 afleep on the water and detained by their
“ Calves.” This is certain, the boats can never
come near them when they are awake, they are
fo very fhy and fearful.
Mr. Atkins’s method of getting the amber-
greefe out of the Whale was thus : After the filh is
killed, he turns the belly upwards and fixes a tackle
to the penis ; then cuts a hole round the root of
the penis, through the rim of the belly, until he
comes to the intrails, and then fearching for the
duct or canal at the further end of the bag, cuts
the
OF NEW- ENGLAND'.
CHAP, the dudt off beyond it, upon which he draws forth
IV. the penis by the tackle, and the ambergreefe bag
entirely follows it, and comes clean and whole
out of the belly.
The reverend Mr. Prince of Bofton, who
took the preceding relation from Mr. Atkins,
apprehends the bag aforefaid to be the urinary
bladder, and the ambergreefe ball to be a certain
concretion formed out of the greafy odoriferous
fubftance of the liquor aforefaid contained within
it. As for my own part, I dare not pretend to
give any opinion upon the point, but content my-
felf wirh relating matter of fa£f.
It may be added here, that the bone taken
out of the Mew-England Whales is not near fo
good as that taken out of the Greenland Whales,
being too brittle for the ufes whalebone is put to,
otherwife we fhould not be obliged to import fo
much of the Hollanders whalebone : But as the
New- England men are now got into the way of
filhing for Whales in Greenland, it is probable
they will be able to furnifh their mother country
with the beft whalebone in a few years •, and we
(hall not be obliged to part with fo much trea-
fure to the Dutch for this kind of merchandize.
New-Eng- The plants of England, as well thole of the
land plants fields and orchards as of the garden that have
3V O U D — • ’
LEy- been brought over hither, fuit mighty well with
our foil, and grow here to great perfection.
Our Apples are without doubt as good as thofe
of England, and much fairer to look to, and fo
are the Pears 5 but we have not got of all the
forts.
Our Peaches do rather excell thofe of England,
and then we have not the trouble or expence of
walls for them 5 for our Peach Trees are all ftand-
ards, and I have had in my own garden feven or
eight hundred fine Peaches of the Rare-ripes
growing at a time on one tree.
7 Our people of late years have run fo much up-
on orchards, that in a village near Bofton, con-
fifting of about forty families, they made near
three thcufand barrels of Cyder: This was in the
year 1721. And in another town of two hun-
dred families, in the fame year, I am credibly in-
formed they made near ten thoufand barrels.
Some of our Apple-Trees will make fix, fome
have made feven barrels of Cyder, but this is not
common ; and the Apples will yield from feven
to nine bufhels for a barrel of Cyder. A good
Apple-Tree with us will meafure from fix to ten
foot in girt. I have feen a fine Pearmain at a
foot from the ground meafure ten foot and four
inches round : This tree in one year has bore thir-
ty-eight bufhels (bv meafure) of as fine Pearmains
as ever I faw in England. A Kentifh Pippin at
three foot from the ground feven foot in girt : A
Golden- RofTetin fix foot round. The largeft Ap-
ple-Tree that I could find was ten foot and fix
inches round ; but this was no graft.
An Orange Pear-Tree grows the largelT and C H A P.
yields the faireft fruit. I know one of them near IV.
forty foot high that meafures fix foot and fix inch- f/y'S*!
es in girt a yard from the ground, and has born
thirty bufhels at a time ; and this year I meafured
anOrange-Pear, that grew in my own orchard, of
eleven inches round the bulge. I have a Warden
Pear-Tree that meafures five foot fix inches round.
One of my neighbours has a Bergamot Pear-Tree,
that was brought from England in a box about
the year 1643, that now meafures fix foot about,
and has bore twenty-two bufhels of fine Pears in
one year. About tv/enty years fince, the owner
took a Cyon, and grafted it upon a common
Hedge-Pear, but the fruit does not prove altoge-
ther fo good, and the rind or fkin is thicker tharv
that of the original.
Our Peach-Trees are large and fruitful, and
bear commonly in three years from the ftone. I
have one in my garden of twelve years growth-
that meafures two foot and an inch in girt, a yard
from the ground, which two years ago bore me
near a bufhel of fine Peaches. Our common Cher-
ries are not fo good as the Kentifh Cherries of
England ; and we have no Dukes, or Heart-
Cherries, unlefs in two or three gardens.
Some years fince, I meafured a Platanus Occi-
dentalis, or Button- wood-tree (as they are called
here) of nine yards in girt, and it held its bignefs
a great way up. This tree, when it was cut
down, I am informed, made twenty-two cord of
wood. A gentleman tells me, that in the for-
reft he met with a ft rail afh that grew like a pil-
lar of a great height, and free from limbs, that
meafured fourteen foot eight inches round, near a
yard from the ground ; and the other day I met
with a Saftafras-Tree that meafured five foot three
inches in girt. I meddle not here with our noble
Pines and Cedars, becaufe I defign to treat of them
in a chapter of the Ever-greens of this country.
Among our trees of quick and eafy growth, the
Button-wood, before mentioned, and the Locuft-
Tree are the moft remarkable ; as to the latter,,
by the defcription Mr. Moore, while in Mew-
England, gave me of the Manna-Tree, our Lo-
cuft-Tree may be called the American Manna. 1
have known a feed of it blown off from the tree
into my garden that took root of itfelf, and in lefs
than two years was got above fix foot high, and as-
hip - about as a common walking-cane, The Pla-
tanus I have frequently propagated by cutting off
flicks of five or fix foot long, and fetting them a.
foot deep in the ground, in the fpring of the .year
when the feafon was wet ; they thrive beft in a
moift foil.
An Onion fet out for feed will rife to four foot
nine inches in height. A Parfhip will reach to
eight foot : Red Orrice will mount nine foot.
White Orrice eight. In the pafturcs I meafured.
Seed-
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP. Seed -Mullen nine foot two inches in height,
lV. and one of the common thirties above eight foot.
Among the remarkable inftances of the power
of vegetation, I fhall begin with an account of a
Pompion feed, which I have well attefted from a
worthy divine. The relation is as follows : That
.in the year 1699, a fingle Pompion feed was ac-
cidentally dropped in a fmall pafture where cattle
had been foddered for fome time. This fingle feed
took root ol itlelf, and without any manner of
care the vine run along over feveral fences, and
fpread over a large piece of ground far and wide,
and continued its progrefs till the froft came and
killed it. This feed had no more than one {talk
hut a very large one, for it meafured eight inches
round. From this fingle vine they gathered two
hundred and fixty Pompions, and one with ano-
ther as big as a half-peck, enough in the whole to
fill a large tumbrel; befides a confiderable number
of fmall and unripe Pompions that they made no
account ol. 1 he philofophical tranfaClions give
an account of a fingle plant cf Barley, that by
lleeping and watering with falt-petre difl’olved in
water, produced two hundred and forty-nine
{bilks, and eighteen thoufand grains ; but then
there was art, and even force in that cafe, where-
as in ours there was nothing but pure nature and
accident.
Our Indian Corn is the moft prolifick grain
that v/ehave, and commonly produces twelve hun-
dred, and often two thoufand grains from one ;
but the fa 1 reft computation is thus : Six quarts of
this grain will plant an acre of ground, and it is
not tinufual for an acre of good ground to produce
fifty bufhels of Corn. Indian Corn is of feveral
colours, as blue, white, red, and yellow ; and if
they are planted feparately, fo that no other fort
be near them, they will keep to their own colour:
But if in the fame field you plant the blue Corn
in one row of hills (as we term them) and the
white or yellow in the next row, they will mix
and interchange their colours ; that is, fome of
the ears of Corn in the blue Corn rows fhall be
white or yellow, and fome again in the white or
yellow rows fhall be blue. Our hills of Indian
Corn are generally about four foot afunder, and
fo continued in a ftrait line as far as the field
will allow; and then a fecond line or row of hills
and fo on ; and yet this mixing and interchang-
ing of colours has been obferved when the diftance
between the row of hills has been feveral yards :
And a worthy clergyman of an ifland in this pro-
vince aifures me, that the blue Corn has thus
communicated or exchanged even at the diftance
c i four or nve rods ; and particularly in one place
where there was a broad ditch of water betwixt
tncm. . Some of our people, but efpecially the
Aborigines, have been of opinion that this com-
mix t ion and interchange was owing to the roots
and fmall fibres reaching to, and communicating CHAP,
with one another : But this muft certainly be a IV.
miftake, confidering the great diftance of the com- GOTSJ
munication, efpecially at fome times, and crofs a
canal of water ; for the fmall fibres of the roots
of our Indian Corn cannot extend above four or
five foot. I am therefore humbly of opinion, that
the ftamina, or principles of this wonderful co-
pulation, or mixing of colours, are carried by the
wind, and that the feafon of it is when the Corn
is in the earing, and while the milk is in the
grain ; for at that time the Corn is in a fort of
eftuation, and emits a ftrong fcent. One thing
which confirms the ail’s being the medium of this
communication of colours in the Corn, is an ob-
fervation ot one of my neighbours, that a clofe
high board fence between two fields of Corn, that
were of a different colour, entirely prevented any
mixture or alteration of colour from that they
were planted with.
Forreft-trees and others of the growth of New- Forreft-
En gland are Cedar, Oak, Afii, Elm, Cyprefs, trees ‘
Pine, Firr, Afpin, Beech, Walnut, Chefnut,
Hazel, Safiafras, Sumack, and other woods
ufed in dying, and tanning leather. Their Firr
Trees are of an uncommon growth, and furnifh
the royal navy of England with marts and yards;
they draw alfo from thefe and other trees Pitch,
Tar, Rofin, Turpentine, Gums and Balms ufed
in phyfick and furgery : And the foil is extreme-
ly proper for Hemp and Flax,
They had a variety of fruits of their own growth Fru ; ts ,
before the Englifh arrived; particularly Grapes,
Strawberries, Rafoerries, Hurtleberries, Filberts,
and many more mentioned among the plants of
Virginia : As alfo roots and fallad-herbs, feveral
forts of Beans and Pulfe, but they had the great-
eft plenty of Kidney-Beans of any of them. I pro-
ceed in the next place to fpeak of their trade and Tra(Jeand
manufactures, the heft account whereof we meet manu-
with in the reprefentation of the board of trade fa /^ lcs B •
to the Houfe of Commons, in the year 1732. tiA Colonies.
In this reprefentation they inform the houfe
that an add parted in the general afiembly of the
MafTachufet Colony in the year 1728, entituled,
An act for the encouragement of the making
paper ; but that manufacture, however, has hi- Paper,
therto made but a very fmall progrefs, and can
hardly be laid to interfere with the paper manu-
facture in Old-England ; becaufe almoft all the
paper fenr to New- England from hence is foreign
manufacture ; but it certainly interferes with the
profit made by the Britifh Merchant upon foreign
paper fent to this province : However, no com-
plaints have ever been made to us againft this
law.
By the return to our circular letter from the
Governor of New-Hampfhire, we are informed,
that an aCt parted many years fince in that pro-
vince
OF NEW-ENCLAN D. 529
C H A P. vmce for encouraging of Iron- works, by which
IV. the exportation of Iron Ore is prohibited ; but,
upon the mcft diligent enquiry, no fuch add is to
Iron-works be round in qur office, and we believe none fuch
in Hamp- W as ever trai/spitted to this, board : However,
fluie ' not knowiyig.jyjhether this abt might not have
paffed fince .the > ;e King’s accefiion, we have in-
ferted it in- , 1.
A law ,p, n the year 1728, in New-York,
entitled, } ... to repeal feme parts, and to con-
tinue and ce other parts of the act therein
mentioned, and for granting feveral duties to his
Majefty for fupporting his government in the co-
lony of New-York, from the ift of September,
which will be in the year 1733; wherein (a-
Duties on mong other duties) one was laid of five ounces of
Negroes im- plate, or forty Shillings in bills of credit, on every
poited. Negroe imported from Africa, and a duty of four
Pounds on every Negroe imported from any other
place.
The plantations in all times paft have laid du-
ties upon the importation of Negroes, and as the
Merchants have naturally increafed their price in
proportion to thofe duties, fo it is but lately that
complaints have been made againft thefe duties,
unlefs they went to excefs : But the board are of
opinion, that it would be more for the conveni-
ence of the trade that thefe duties fhould tor the
future be paid by the purchafer, than by the im-
Now paid porter ; and his Majefty has ( upon our reprefen-
ehafer PUr * tat ‘ on ) keen P^afed to fend an inftruCtion to that
effeCt to all the Governors in America.
By the charter of Penfylvania it- has already
been obferved, that the proprietor is obliged to
offer the laws of the province to the crown, for
approbation or difullowance, within five years af-
ter they are palled ; and if his Majefty does not
think fit to repeal them in fix months from the
time they are fo offered, it is not in the power
of the crown to repeal them afterwards ; but
fince the year 17 15 this article of the charter has
been evaded, and the laws of this province have
not been tranfmitted to this board (except occa-
fionally an aCt or two ;) fo that we are not en-
abled to lay a ftate of the laws of this province
before the houfe.
That upon a late petition to his Majefty from
the Merchants of London, in the behalf of them-
felves and others, complaining that, as the law
now ftands in fome of the colonies, his fubjects
refiding in Great Britain are left without any re-
medy for the recovery of their juft debts, or have
fuch only as is very partial and precarious ; as al-
fo that in feveral of the laid colonies and planta-
tions greater and higher duties and irnpofitions are
laid on the fhips and goods belonging to fubje&s
in Great-Britain, than on the goods and fhips of
perfons inhabiting the faid colonies and planta-
tions.
VOX. III.
The faid Merchants being defired to acquaint CHAP-
the board whether they knew of any particular iV.
law's in the colonies, againft which they had reafon
to objeft, they did deliver to us a lift of laws The planta-
wherein the faid colonies appear to have been very j !0ns P artial
partial in their own favour ; in fome of them f e lves.
exempting their perfons from arrefts, in others
giving a preference to the inhabitants before the
Britifh Merchants in the recovery of debts, and
enabling duties where a lefs burthen is laid upon
their own effects than upon thofe of the Britifh
Merchants.
We beg leave to acquaint this houfe, that, pur- a flate of
fuant to an order of the committee of council Se-
this board did, on the 5th of December, 1728,
make a very particular enquiry into the ftate of manufac.
the plantations at that time, with refpeeft to Silk, t “ re j > n the
Linen and Woollen manufactures eftablifhed there/ 1 ' a l0n5 ’
and having then difeourfed with many perfons
who had either been Governors of fome of the
colonies, or were by other means well acquainted
with their circumftances, it appeared to this board,
and we did accordingly reprefent,
That in the colonies of New- England, New-
York, Connecticut, Rhode-Ifland, Penfylvania,
and in the county of Scmerfet in Maryland, the
people had fallen into the manufacture of Vv collen
and Linen Cloth for the ufe of their own fami-
lies ; but we could not learn they had ever manu-
factured any for fale in thofe colonies, except in
a fmall Indian town in Penfylvania, where fome
Palatines had then lately fettled.
The reafon s why thefe people had begun this
manufacture were:
1. That the produCt of thofe colonies being Produce of
chiefly ftock and grain, the eftates of the inhabi-
tants depended wholly upon farming; and as this Km ’
could not be carried on without a certain quanti-
ty of Sheep, their Wool would be entirely loft,
were not their fervants employed at leifure times
of the year, but chiefly during the winter, in
manufacturing it for the ufe of their families.
2. That Flax and Hemp being likewife eafily
railed, the inhabitants manufactured them into a
coarfe fort of Cloth-bags, traces and halters for
their Horfes ; which they found did more fervice
than thofe they had from any part of Europe.
■2. That thefe fettlements, which were diftant
from water-carriage, and remotely Situated :n the
woods, had no opportunities of a market for grain;
and therefore, as they did not raife more Corn
than was fufficient for their own ufe, they had
the more time to manufacture both Wool and
Flax for the fervice of their families, and feemed
to be under a great neceffity of doing it.
Upon a farther enquiry into this matter, we
do not find that thofe people had the fame temp-
tation to go on with thofe manufactures during
the time that the bounty upon naval ftores luh-
Y y y fiftedj
53 °
the present state
CH A P. lifted, having then encouragement to employ their
IV. leifure hours in another way, and more profitably
both to themfelves and this kingdom ; for the
height of wages, and great price of labour in ge-
neral in America, made it impracticable for the
people there to manufacture their Ln:n Cloth
at lefs than 20 per cent, more than the rate in
England, or Woollen Cloth at lefs than 50 per
cent, dearer than that which is exported from
hence for fale. We conceive it was to be wifiied,
that fome expedient might be fallen upon to di-
vert their thoughts from undertakings of this na-
ture ; fo much the rather, becaufe "thole manu-
factures, in procefs of time, might be carried on
in a greater degree, unlefs an early flop were put
The railing to their progrefs ; and the molt natural inducement
ought ^o^be '■bat we could think of to engage the people in
encouraged America to defift from thefe purfuits, was to em-
m the plan- p] 0 y them in naval ftores : Wherefore we take
leave to renew our repeated propofals, that a rea-
fonable encouragement fhould be given for the
making, raifing and manufacturing naval itores
of all kinds in the plantations ; from whence we
might be furnifhed in return for our own manu-
factures.
Trade* now But feveral alterations have happened fince
there ed i°e" t ^ at t ‘ me > and by fuch lights as we have been
judicial to able to acquire we find trades carried on, and
Old Eng- manufactures fet up there detrimental to the
trade, navigation and manufacture of Great-
Britain.
The ftate of the plantations varying almoft
every year more or lefs in their trade and manu-
factures, as well as in other particulars, we
thought it neceflary for his Majefty’s fervice,
and for the difcharge of our trull, from time to
time to fend certain general queries to the feveral
Governors in America, that we might be the
more exaCtly informed of the condition of the
faid plantations ; among which there were feve-
ral that related to their trade and manufactures •
To which we received the following returns.
New-Hampfhire.
Colonel Shute, Governor of New-Hamp-
fhire, in his anfwer to the fame queries in 1719,
laid, that there were no fettled manufactures in
that province, and that their trade principally
confifted in lumber and fifh.
Mafiachufet’s Bay in New-England.
Woollen Colonel Shute, at the fame time Governor
mN U ew? U e °^ ti_ie Mafiachufet’s Bay, informed us, that in
England, fome parts of this province the inhabitants work-
ed up their Wool and Flax, and made an ordinary
coarle cloth for their own ute ; but did not ex-
port any : That the greatefi: part both of the li-
nen and woollen cloathing, that was then worn
in this province, was imported from Great-Bri-
tain, and fometimes linen from Ireland ; but,
confidering the excefiive price of labour in New-
England, the Merchants could afford what was CHAP,
imported cheaper than what was made in that IV.
country.
That there were alfo a few Hatters fet up in Hats and
the maritime towns, and that the greatefi part Leather ‘
of the Leather ufed in that country was manu-
factured amongft themfelves.
That there had been for many years fome Iron,
iron-works in that province, which had afforded
the people Iron for iome of their neceflary oc-
cafions ; but that the Iron imported from Great-
Britain was efteemed much the heft, and wholly
ufed by the fhipping.
That the iron-works of that province were not
able to fupply the twentieth part of what was
neceflary for the ufe of the country.
New- York.
General Hunter, formerly G-overnor of Produce of
New- York, in his anfwer to the queries in the New ' York *
year 1720 , informed us, that they had no manu-
factures in that province that deferved mention-
ing ; and that the trade confifted chiefly in Furrs,
Whalebone, Oil, Pitch, Tar, and provifions.
New-Jerfey.
General Hunter, formerly Governor of this,
province, alfo informs us, in his anfwer to the
Came queries in the year 1720, that there were
in that province no manufactures that deferve
mentioning ; and that their trade was chiefly in
provifions exported to New- York and Penfylva-
nia.
Penfylvania.
Colonel Hart, formerly Governor of Mary-
land, who lived many years in the neighbour-
hood of this government, in anfwer to the
like queries in 1720, relating to this province,
faid, that their chief trade lay in the exportation
of provifions and lumber ; and that they had
no manufactures eftablifhed, their cloathing and
utenfils tor their houfes being all imported from
Great -Britain.
New-Hampfhire.
Mr. Belcher, Governor of New- Hamp- Linen
(hire, in his letter, dated the 4th of December in
laft, informs us, that the Woollen manufacture Hampfoire,
of that province was much lefs than formerly,
the common lands on which the Sheep ufed to
feed being now divided into particular proper-
ties, and the people almoft wholly cloathed with
Wollen from Great-Bi itain : That the manu-
facturing of Flax into Linen (fome coarfer, fome
finer) daily increafed, by the great refort of peo-
ple from Ireland into this province, who are well
{killed in that bufinefs.
And the chief trade of this province continued,
as for many years paft, in the exportation of Naval ftores^.
naval ftories lumber and fifh. &c "
Maffachufet’s Bay in New-England.
Mr, Be LCHER, the prefent Governor of this
province.
F NEW-ENGLAN
53 E
CHAP. province, in anfwer to the fame queries, which
IV. we fent him in June laft, informs us :
That there is a refolve of the afiembly of that
Canvas for province fubnfting, for allowing a bounty of twen-
Mail'achu- ty Shillings to all perfons, and ten Shillings more
fet’s, to John Powell, the firft undertaker, for
every piece of Duck or Canvas by them made ;
but he does not give us any account of the
quantity that has been made.
Brown Hal- He farther fays, that there are fome other ma-
lands made nufaCtures carried on there, as the making of
there. brown Hollands for womens wear, which ldlens
the importation of Callicoes and fome other forts
of Indian goods in that province.
Cotton and That there are likewife fome fmall quantities
Linen. G f c l 0 th made of Linen and Cotton, for ordi-
nary (hirting and fheeting.
Paper. That about three years ago a paper-mill was
fet up, which makes to the value of about 200I.
fterling per ann.
Iron-works. That there are feveral forges for making Bar-
iron, and fome furnaces for Caft-iron (or hollow-
ware) and one flitting-mill, the undertaker where-
of carries on the manufacture of nails.
Woollen As to the Woollen manufacture, Mr. Bel-
Cloth. cher fays, the country people, who ufed for-
merly to make molt of their cloathing out of
their own Wool, do not now make a third part
of what they wear, but are moftly cloathed with
Britilh manufactures.
Copper- We are likewife informed, by fome letters
mines in the of 0 ld er date from Mr. Belcher, in anfwer
Colony. to our a nnua l queries, that there are lome tew
Copper-mines in this province ; but fo far diftant
from water-carriage, and the ore fo poor, that
it is not worth the digging.
Colonel Dunbar, Surveyor-General of his
Maj efty’s woods, in his letter of September the
15 th, 1730, takes notice, that the people of
New-England have an advantage over thofe of
No duties Great-Britain, in the draw- back for all India
EaT India a °d other goods exported, which pay a duty
goods. in Great-Britain, and no duty is paid upon
importing them into the plantations. He has
Edge-tools likewife fent this board feveral famples of edge-
made there. too j s ma de in New-England ; and in his letter
Six furnaces ^
and fourteen to our Secretary of the 4th of June 1731, he
forges in f a y S they have fix furnaces and nineteen forges
kncT^" ^ or ma -king Iron in New-England.
Ships fold He allb informs us, in his letter of the 19th
the French Q f Augull, 1730, that in this province many
ards for " 1 ih'P s are built for the French and Spaniards, in
Rum. return for Rum, MololTes, Wines, and Silks,
Wme, and w bich they truck there by connivance.
Thefe informations have been in a great mea-
fure confirmed by Mr. Jeremiah Dummer,
deputy Surveyor of the woods, and alfo by Mr.
Thomas Coram, a perfon of reputation, who
refided many years in New-England : To which
they have added, that great quantities of Hah CHAP,
are made in New-England, of which the com- IV.
pany of Hatters of London have likewife lately
complained to us : And Mr. Jeremiah Dum Hats ex P ort ~
mer further fays, that great quantities of Hats ^/ rjug ht
made in that province are exported to Spain, iron.
Portugal, and our Weft- India Ifiands ; and that^ 1 ^^
they make all forts of iron-work for (hipping ; bakers,
and that there are feveral ftill-houfes and fugar-
bakers eftablilhed in New England.
New- York.
Mr. Rip Van Dam, Prefident of the coun-
cil of this province, in his letter of the 29th of
OCtober laft, informs us, that there are no ma-
nufactures eftablilhed there that can affeCt the ma-
nufactures of Great-Britain.
And as to the trade and navigation of the pro-
vince, he acquaints us there is yearly imported into
New- York a very large quantity of the Woollen
Manufacture of this kingdom for their cloathing 5
which they Ihould be rendered incapable to pay lor,
and reduced to the neceffity of making for them-
felves, if they were prohibited from receiving from
the foreign Sugar Colonies the mony, Rum, Sugar, Produce of
MololTes, Cocao, Indico, Cotton, Wool, &c. which j he foi yri n
they at prefent take in return for provmons, nies lmport _
Plorfes and lumber; the produce of that province ed into New ■
and New-Jerfey, of which he affirms the Britilh a j‘^
Sugar Colonies do not take off above one half. f e y.
But the company of Hatters in London have Hats made
ftnee informed us that Hats are manufactured in there,
great quantities , in this province.
New-Jerfey.
Mr. Morris, who is at prefent Commander
in chief to this province, has made no particular
return for the fame.
Penfylvania.
Major Gordon, Deputy-Governor of Pcn-
fylvania, in his anfwer received the 24th of the
laft month, informs us, that he does not know ol
any trade carryed on in that province that can be
injurious to this kingdom ; and that they do not
export any Woollen or Linen manufactures, all
they make (which are of a coarfer fort) being lor
the ufe of themfelves and families.
We are further informed, that in this province Brigantines
are built brigantines and fmall Hoops, which they and /loops
fell to the Welt-Indies.
Rhode-Ifland.
The Governor of Rhode-Bland, in his anfwer i ron wor t s
to queries dated the ninth of November laft, in-’^ Rhode-
forms us, that there are Iron-mines there, tho’ jn
not a fourth part oflron enough to ferve theifown
ufe ; hut he takes no notice of any fort of ma-
nufacture fet up there.
Connecticut.
We have no return from the Governor of this Produce and
province ; but we find by fome accounts that the!^^”^^
produce of this colony is Timber-board, all forts cut .
Y y y 2, of
53 '
H
IV.
LS\SJ
No manu-
factures in
the Sugar
Jllands,
which inter-
fere with
thofe of Bri-
tain.
Their pro-
duce.
THE PRESE
of Englilh grain. Hemp, Flax, Sheep, cattle,
Swine, Horfes, Goats, and Tobacco, of which
they export Horfes and lumber to the Weft-Indies,
and receive in return Sugar, Salt, Moloftes, and
Rum. We likewife find that their manufactures
are very inconfiderable, the people there being ge-
nerally employed in tillage ; fome few in tanning,
fhoe-making, and other handicrafts ; others in
building, Joyners, Taylors, and Smiths work,
without which they could not fubfift.
The Sugar Colonies, viz. Jamaica, Leeward -
Hlands, and Barbadoes.
By the laid returns which we have had from
thofe iflands to our circular queries, we do not
find that they have any other manufactures efta-
blifhed befides thofe of Sugar, Moloftes, Rum,
and Indigo of their own produce ; thefe, with
Cotton, Aloes, Piemento, and fome other pro-
ductions of Ids note, are their whole dependance,
which are commodities no ways interfering with
the manufactures of this kingdom.
In the year 1724, Mr. Worse ley, then
Governor of Barbadoes, informed us, that of
Cotton they made hammocks, a few ftockings,
and nots for Horfes.
From the foregoing ftate it is obfervable, that
there are more trades carryed on, and manufac-
tures fet up in the provinces on the continent of
America to the northward of Virginia prejudi-
cial to the trade and manufactures of Great-Bri-
Reffectio :s
on the
charter go-
vernments.
Trade art:’
produce os'
Rhode-
llland ani
Providence
Uinta Lion.
tain, particularly in New-England, than in any
other of the Eritifh colonies, which is not to be
wondred at ; for their foil, climate, and produce
being pretty near the fame with ours, they have
no ftapie commodities of their own growth to ex-
change for our manufactures, which puts them un-
der greater neceffity, as well as under greater temp-
tation of providing for themfelves at home. To
which may be added, in the charter governments
the little dependance they have upon their mother
country, and confequently the fmall reftraints they
are under in any matters detrimental to her in-
tereft.
And therefore we would humbly beg leave to
report and fubmit to the wifdom of this honou-
rable houfe the fubftance of what we formerly
propofed in our report on the Silk, Linen and
Woollen manufactures herein before recited ;
namely, whether it might not be expedient to
give thefe colonies proper encouragements for
turning their induftry to fuch manufactures and
products as might be of fervice to Great-Britain,
and more particularly to the production of all
kinds of naval ftores.
From a confiderable Merchant of New-England
I received the following account of the trade and
produce of Rhode-Bland and Providence Planta-
tion, viz, That they have a great trade by fea to
the Britifh Weft- Indies, to the Dutch Colonies
NT STATE
at Surinam, on the continent of South- America, C HA P.
and to tire Dutch Ifland of Curaco, or CurafTovv, IV.
near the coaft of Terra-Firma, whither they fend
Horfes, Salt, provifions and lumber ; that is, Deal-
boards, Pipe-ftaves, Hoops, and Shingles. They
alfo fend their fhips fometimes by the way of the
Weft-Indies to London : And feveral veflels fail Trade with
annually to the bay of Honduras for Logwood, an |j th u e tcl
which they tranfportto Europe ; hut this colony Spaniards,
has very little concern in the fithery.
They are fupplyed with rnoft of their Britifh
manufactures from Bofton ; bat fometimes they
import theie themfelves directly from Great Bri-
tain. It is a pleafant, healthful, and fruitful
country. They breed and feed great numbers
of Horfes and black cattle, their land being. pro-
per for grazing. They have fome Indian Corn A grazing
indeed, 'but very little other grain, importing countr y-
moft of their Wheat from New- York, and fome
from Virginia. Here are fome Iron- mines alfolron.mine3.
wrought, and turn to a good account ; for they
make many of their own edged-tools and imple-
ments of hufbandry.
C H A P. V.
Of the hijiory of New-England.
T 7 ING James I. by letters patents dated the C H A P.
FY. 10th of April, 1606, ereCted two compa- V.
nies of adventurers, empowering them to fond
colonies- to Virginia (as the north-eaft coaft ofTwocompa-
America was then called;) the firft of which com-™^
panics obtained the name of the London-Compa- tent ,
ny, and were authorifed to plant colonies between The Lon-
34 and 41 degrees of north latitude; and the J“ pa ‘
other obtained the name of the Plymouth- Com- South- Vli>
pany, and v/ere empowered to plant their people® 1 " 13 -
between 38 and 45 degrees of north latitude ;
but it was provided that the faid companies fhould
not interfere or fix themfelves within an hundred •
miles of each other : The London- Company here-
upon font out fhips the very fame year, and plant-
ed that country to which the name of Virginia is
nov/ appropriated, as has been already related ;
but the Ply mouth- Company contented themfelves The Ply-
for fome years with trafficking with the natives of
North- Virginia (as New-England was then called) tr °J) p t a 0 ny
for Furrs, and fifhing upon t hat coaft. Two fhips North- Vir-
being employed in this fifhery in the year 1 6 1 4> ,£ ng _
commanded by Captain John Smith (formerly j.nd.
President of South-Virginia) and Captain 'Tho-
mas Hunt; Captain Smith went on Shore,
and took a particular view of the country of the
Mafiachufets, and had fome fkirmifties with the
natives : After which he returned to England,
ordering Hunt to fail with the other fhip to
Spain, and difpofe of the fiftihe had taken there;
but Hunt, propofmg to make a market of the
natives
OF NEW-ENGLAND.
CHAP, natives themfelves, as well as cf their fifh, after
V. Captain Smith was gone, enticed twenty- feven
of the Indians on board his Ship ; and then fetting
Hunt fpi- f a jj w ; t h them to Malaga, fold them there to the
twenty feven Spaniards for Haves, at the rate of twenty Pounds
of the na- a man ; among whom was an Indian called
fell? them ^ QT A N T o, after wards very fervi ceable to the En g-
for flaves in lifti. This outrage was fo refented by the Indians
Spain. for the prefent, that all commerce with them be-
came impracticable ; nor was this the firft time
the natives had been thus violently carried av/ay
by the Englifh ; for Captain Harlow, in the
year 161 1, furprifed one Epenow, and two more
of his countrymen, and brought them to England;
A ftrategem where Epenow having learned Englifh enough
of an Indian to impofe upon his matters, and underftanding
again 1 ll0me t ^‘ lt the hopes of acquiring mountains of gold was
the principal inducement the Englifh had to vifit
his country, the cunning Indian, in order to get
thither again, pretended there was a rich gold
mine not far from the country where he was born,
which he would guide them to if they thought it
worth their while to fit out a fhip on fuch an
Expedition. This overture had the fuccefs Epe-
now expected, and Captain Hobson was dispatch-
ed the next year, with provifions, tools and ma-
terials proper to make a fettlement, and open the
mines Epenow had given them intelligence of.
The fhip arriving on the coaft of the Maftachufets,
feveral Indians came on board, promising to return
the next day with Furrs and other merchandize ;
and they did indeed return, but in an hoftile man-
ner, with twenty canoes full of armed men; and
Epenow beckoning to them to approach nearer
the fhip, jumped into the fea, and made his efcape
to them : Whereupon the Englifh fired upon the
canoes, and were anfwered with a flight of ar-
rows, and feveral were wounded on both fides,
among whom was Captain Hobson himfelf :
After which, the Captain, without attempting
any thing farther, thought fit to return to Eng-
land.
In the year 1619, Captain Dormer was fen t
to New-England, and with him Sqjjanto the
Indian, as an interpreter, to endeavour to make
peace with the natives, and fettle a colony in the
Mafiachufet’s Bay ; but to no purpofe, the Indi-
ans would not be reconciled, and in a fkirmifh
with them Dormer received fourteen wounds ;
whereupon he proceeded to Virginia, leaving
Sqjjanto on fhore in New-England.
The original In the mean time fome Brownifts, the very
0/ r’ne New- word of our Englifh feCL.ries, who had rendered
C "~ themfelves obnoxious to the government by the
rebellious principles they taught, thought fit to
tranfport themfelves to Amfterdam ; where not
being able to agree among themfelves, part of them
removed with their preacher Mr. John Robin-
son to Leyden about the year 1610.3 where, ha-
ving remained feven years more, either the Dutch CHAP,
grew weary of them, or they grew weary of the V.
Dutch ; for the Brownifts complained of very
great hardfhips, declaring that imprifonment in
England was preferable to the condition of refu-
gees in Holland ; and many of them actually re-
turned to England. Whereupon Robinson and
his elders, apprehending a general defertion of
their flock, hit upon this expedient to keep them
together, and increafe their number : They re-
prefented that New-England was not only a place
which abounded with all things defirable in life,
but that there were great expectations of difcover-
ing treafiires there equal to thofe of Mexico or
Peru : However, as it was known to he a fruitful
foil, and the climate not unlike that of Old-Eng-
land, here the fe&aries might live in peace and
plenty, and enjoy the freedom of their confcien-
ces, and probably become the founders of fome
mighty ftate ; they propofed therefore to the dif-
fenters in England to join them, and make a com-
mon purfe, with which they might purchafe a
territory in New-England of the Plymouth-Com-
pany, and obtain a patent from his Majefty King
James I. for the free exercife of their religion ;
and furnilh themfelves with ftiips, men, provi-
fions, and utenfils to plant the country.
This project many diffenters came into, and
fome others, on a profpecd of making their for-
tunes, and immediately applied themfelves to the
then miniftry for a patent; which they at length
obtained by the mediation of Sir Robert Nan-
ton, Secretary of ftate, and Sir Edward San-
dys : But it feems the patent was not fo full as
they expeCted ; for there was not an exprefs tole-
ration of their religion contained in it ; only an
aflurance that their worfhips ihould be connived
at.
The motives made ufe of at court to obtain
this grant were, the glorious pretence of propa-
gating the chriftian religion among infidels, the
extending his Majefty’s dominions, and the en-
riching their mother country ; and poffibly it
might be fuggefted, that they ihould thereby pre-
vent both the French and Dutch pofleffing them-
felves of this defirable country, which they were
attempting to do at this time. Ail things being
at length agreed upon, the Leyden adventurers
embarked at Delf in Holland in July 1620, and
arrived at Southampton the latter end of that
month, where they found their friends- on board
a {hip of near two hundred tons. It feems Mr.
Robinson and great part of his congregation
remained in Holland, not defigning to embark
till they received advice of the fuccefs of this firft:
attempt.
The two {hips having provided themfelves -with
all manner of neceftaries at Southampton for efta-
blifliing a colony, and taken to the value of be-
tween
534 T H E P R E S E
CHAP, tween two and three thoufand Pounds in merchan-
V, dize on board, to traffick with the Indians, they
f et fifil on Auguft : But the fmaller fhip
fpringing a leak, they were forced to return into
harbour again ; and the leaky veil'd being at length
found unfit for the fea, they removed part of their
men and provifions into the large fhip, which fet
The firft eo- fail from Plymouth on the 6th of September with
"or^N et an ^ lin ^ re< ^ ant ^ fifty people on board, including
England, the feamen ; and after a ftormy paffage they arri-
and arrive at ved at Cape Cod in New-England on the gth of
Cape Cod. November following.
Our adventurers were bound for Hudson’s
River, at the mouth whereof New- York now
Hands ; but their pilot, it is faid, was bribed by
the Dutch to carry them further north, the Hol-
landers propofing to plant that country with their
own people, as they actually did foon after. Cer-
tain it is, our adventurers finding the winter ex-
ceeding fiiarp, and failing become dangerous on
that coaft, refolved to fix themfelves at the firft
good harbour they fhould meet with. They went on
ftrore therefore in their boats ; ard having taken
a view of the country over againft Cape Cod,
after a month’s laborious fearch, many hazards at
fea, and fome fkirmifhes with the natives on fhore,
they arrived at a very commodious bay, on which
New-Ply. they built a town, and gave it the name of Ply-
mouth mouth, being fituate in 42 degrees north latitude,
~ Uu a great way to the north-eaft of the country they
had purchafed and obtained a patent to plant.
They determined therefore to have no regard to
the letters patents they had obtained from the
crown, but to eledt a Governor, and ftrike out fuch
a form of government as they could agree on a-
mong themfelves.
The planters, defigned to ftay in the country,
including women and children, were about an
hundred, of whom only one boy died in the paf-
fage. Their hiftorians mention no more than
nineteen families that fettled at Plymouth, and
give us the names but of forty one effective men,
The chief among whom the chief were John Carver,
Planters. WlLLIAM BRADFORD, EDWARD WlNSLOW,
(John Brewster, affiftant to Mr. Robinson
abovementioned, and ruling elder of his church,
to whofe care he committed that part of his flock
who engaged in this enterprize,) Isaac Aller-
ton, Miles Standish, John Howland,
Richard Warren, Stephen Hopkins,
Edward Tilly, Christopher Martin,
William White, Richard Clark, and
Thomas English.
The firft thing they confidered after their land-
ing, was the choice of a Governor, and were
unanimous in conferring that poft upon Mr John
Carver. 1 hey alio agreed to fubmit to fuch
laws as fhould be approved of by the- majority,
And figned an inftrumcni to that effect ; but fuch
NT STATE
were the fatigues and hardfhips this young colony CHAP,
underwent the firft winter, that out of an hundred V.
planters fifty of them died within the fpace of
two months ; and had the Indians attacked them,
they had probably all perifhed before the winter
was over ; but they met with no dilturbance from
the natives after they fixed themfelves at Plymouth
Bay, and only faw fome few of them now and
then at a diftance till the middle of March, w 7 hen
Samoset, one of their Sagamores or Captains,
came to them in a friendly manner, and gave
them to underftand they were welcome into the
country, and that his people would be glad to traf-
fick with them. And coming again the next day
with feveral other Indians, they informed the
Englifh that their great Sachem or King, whom
they called Massassoiet, had his refidence but Massas-'
two or three days march to the northward, and jJJJ
intended them a viiit ; and accordingly Massas- vtfitTthemf
soi E T arrived on the 22d of March, with a re-
tinue of about fixty people, and being received by
Captain Standish at the head of a file of muf-
keteers, was conducted to a kind of throne they
had prepared for his Indian Majefty in one of their
houfes.
They relate, that this Monarch was of a large
ftature, middle aged, of a grave countenance,
and lparing in his fpeech ; that his face was paint-
ed red, and both head and face fmeared over
with oil ; that he had a mantle of Deer-fkin, and
his breeches and ftockings, which were all of a
piece, were of the fame materials ; that his knife
or tomahawk hung upon his breaft on a firing,
his Tobacco-pouch behind him, and his arms
were cloathed with wild Cat-fkins ; and in the
fame garb were his principal attendants. They
did not obferve any marks of diftindtion between
this Prince and his fubjedts, unlefs it were a chain
of fifh bones which Massassoi et wore about
his neck.
Soon after the Prince was feated, Carver
the Governor came in with a guard of mufke-
teers, a drum and trumpet marching before him :
Whereupon Massassoiet rofe up and killed
him ; after which they both fat down, and an
entertainment was provided for the Indians, of
which no part appeared more acceptable to them
than the brandy, the Sachem himfelf drinking
very plentifully of it. In Massassoiet’s retinue
was the abovementioned Sqjuanto, who had
been carryed to Europe by Hunt and brought
to New-England again, as related above. This
Indian it feems had a very great affedtion for
the Englifh, among whom he lived feveral years ;
and it was to his favourable reprefentation of the
colony that the Sachem was induced to make
them this friendly vifit ; and at this firft meeting
to enter into an alliance ofFenfive and defenfive
with the Englifh, and even to acknowledge King
James
OF NEW
CHAP. James for his Sovereign, and promife to hold
V. his dominions of him ; and as an evidence of his
fincerity, Massassoiet granted and transferred
Mass as- part of his country to the planters and their
ters 1 into an" heirs h° r ever - This alliance being founded upon
alliance the mutual interefts of the contracting parties
^ Itl T he was maintained inviolably many years. The
Ecknow- an Sachem, who had been informed by Sqjjanto
ledges the how powerful a people the Englifh were both
E lng °£ • by fea and land, promifed himfelf their affif-
tain hisfove- tance agamft the Narragamet Indians his enemies ;
wi S n< and the Englifh flood in no lefs need of his friend-
fhip and affiftance to eftablifli themfelves in that
country.
The treaty being concluded, Massassoiet
returned to his capital, leaving Sqjjanto with
the colony, who was extreamly ferviceable to
them, not only as an interpreter, but by inftrucft-
ino- them how to plant and manage then Indian
Corn, in piloting them along the coaft, and fup-
plying them with hfh, fowl and venifon. Still
The colony the Englifh remained very unhealthful, and many
ficWy- G f therndied, among whom was Mr. Carver
the Gover- their Governor, who did not furvive the month
nor dies. of April, 1621. The feamen alio had their
fhare of illnefs, infomuch that they were not in
a condition to fail till May, when the fhip re-
turned to England to give their friends an ac-
count of the circumltances of the colony.
Brad- In the mean time the colony elected Mr.
for d eleft. g RADFORD their Governor, who fent an em-
ed Governor, tQ the Sachem M ass Asso I E T, and renew-
ed and confirmed the treaty of alliance his pre-
decefi’or had made with that Monarch. The
AmbafTadors, in their journey to Pokanoket, the
ufual refidence of Massassoiet, received great
civilities from the Indians upon the road, who
fupplied them with provifions, carried their
baggage, and afiifted them in croffing the rivers
VThe natives they met with in their way ; and the Englifh
deftroyed by an d e rft 00 d from them that the country had been
apeihlence. jn ^ manner depopulated by a great plague which
raged there the beginning of this year, infomuch
that feveral towns were left without inhabitants,
and the Corn handing in their fields without
an owner ; and to this calamity our adventurers
in a great meafure afcribed their fecurity that
they were not molefled by the natives. They
tell us however, that they were threatened by
the Narraganfets, enemies to Massassoiet, a
powerful nation on the fouth-wefl of Plymouth ;
but having flrengthened their fort, and planted
cannon on their works, they rendered themfelves
fo formidable, that the Narraganfets did not
Several think fit to attack them : On the other hand,
Ehie s defire f evera l Sachems, or petty Princes, came in and
W t°he ai ' put themfelves under their protection, acknow-
colony,. ledging the King of Great- Eritain their Sovc-
raign,.
-ENGLAND. 535
In the year 1622 feveral fhips arrived fromCHAP.
England with planters, but bringing no provi- V .
fions with them, and there happening a great
drought in New-England this fummer, they were^T®*^
in great danger of being diftreffed for provifi- England,
ons ; but the rain falling plentifully in July, they
had a better crop of Indian Corn than they ex-
peCted ; and fome fhips arriving from England
with cutlery ware and other merchandize about
the fame time, they purchafed a farther fuppiy
of Corn of the natives. This year died that
friendly Indian Sqjjanto, who had been foScyuAN-
ferviceable to the colony: It feems he endea- T0 die£>
voured to render the Englifh as formidable to his
countrymen as poffible ; and among things af-
fured them, that the Englifh could infiiCt what
plagues they pleafed upon their enemies ; infatua-
ting, that they had been the authors of the laft
peftilence, which fell upon fome diftricts that
were for driving the Englifh out of their coun-
try ; and this, it is fisid, kept the reft of the
Indian Princes in great awe.
And now the numbers of the planters being in- Divifions in
creafed by the continual arrival of fhips from ^ n e “ c
Old-England, and there being fome differences of religion,
among them on account of religion, Mr. W es-
ton, with part of their adventurers (who feem
to have been members of the Church of Eng-
land, by the character the fe diaries of Plymouth
give of them) removed to a place called VVefa-
gufquafet, afterwards Weymouth, fituate on the
fouth-fide of the Maftachufet’s Bay, where they
built fome huts, and furroundcd them with pal-
lifadoes ; but having no great guns, or any re-
inforcements of men from England, or fupplies
of ammunition or provifion, as the people of
Plymouth had ; and being forced to range about the
fields and woods in fearch of provifions, they
became contemptible among the Indians, were
daily infulted, and had been all maflacred (as the
Plymouth men relate) if they had not fent a de-
tachment to their relief, who attacked the In-
dians, killed fome of their Chiefs, and compelled
the reft to fue for peace. However, Weston
and his men, being in no condition to maintain
themfelves at Weymouth, quitted that fettle-
ment, which Captain Gorges afterwards came
from England with a defign to reftore, being
made Governor of that part of the country by
the company ; hut not finding things anfwer his
expectations, this gentleman alfo abandoned W ey-
mouth and returned to England, being foon fol-
lowed by his Bifhop and the reft of the planters,
as the Plymouth men relate. What they mean
by his Bifhop, I prefume, was the chaplain of
the colony, which Captain Gorges carried over
with him ; and as this Weymouth Colony were
generally epifcopal Men, the New-England hifto-
rians (who were of another perfuafionj reprefent
T HE P R E S E N T STATE
536
CHAP, the Weymouth planters as a molt licentious and
V. debauched generation, and impute their want of
fuccefs to the wickednefs of their lives ; but as
they drefs up all their church-men in the like
odious colours, it is prefumed little weight will
be given to this charge, efpecially as we find
their dancing round a maypole enumerated a-
mongft their greateft crimes.
The true reafon why the fectaries fucceeded
better in this country than other adventurers was,
that their whole party almoft engaged in the en-
terprife, propofing to make this their retreat, if
they mifcarried in the defign they had in view,
of fubverting the ecclefiaftical and civil govern-
ment at home : If this could not be efFedfed,
they promifed themfelves however that they fhould
be able here to put in practice their darling
fchemes of independency in the church, and de-
mocracy in the Hate, and become the founders
of a new religion, as well as of a new republick.
As their hearts were let upon this project,
they took care to fupply their friends they lent
before them from time to time with all manner
of provifions and neceffaries, while they fupplant-
ed and difcouraged all others from fettling there,
and adbtally fent feveral confiderable adventurers
back again to England for prefuming to worlhip
God after the manner of the ellablifhed church,
as will appear from their own relations in the
courfe of this hiftory.
As for themfelves, they had not for many years
any clergyman amongft them, either conformift
or non- conform ill, but were preached to and di-
rected in their devotions by Brewster the lay-
elder, whom fatherRoBiNSON fent over to explore
the country, and prepare a place for his reception ;
but Robinson died in Elclland, and was not
buffered to pafs over Jordan to that land of refor-
mation, that paradife of the faints.
The Ply- The colony of Plymouth {bill remaining without
™“ s u ^ t ^ n * a patent, or any title to the lands they poffeffed
a charter, from the North- Virginia (or New-England)Com-
pany, fent over Mr. Winslow, one of their
number, to folicit for both in the year 1624 ;
and this gentleman fucceeded beyond their expec-
tations, for the charter he procured enabled the
planters to eledf a Governor, a Council and Ma-
giftrates, and to make laws, provided they were
not oppofite to the laws of England, nor encroached
on the prerogatives of the crown.
Cattle fent Three Heifers and a Bull were carried over to
England Plymouth Colony this year (1624) being the fir ft
horned cattle that ever were feen in New- England :
Some Hogs, Go.a'cs and poultry alfowere imported
about the fame time, which boon increafed to a
very great number.
The company alfo fent over one Lyford an
Inhuman, as Chaplain to the Plymouth Colony,
who would have performed divine tervice and ad-
miniftred the facraments after the manner of the CH A P.
Church of England ; but the planters compelled V.
him to conform himfelf to their way of worfhip,
and fufficiently humbled him upon intercepting
fome letters he had fent to England, complaining
of their extravagancies, and reprefen ting them as
monfters in religion ; infomuch that he was forced
to remove from Plymouth to a new colony of
planters, who had fixed themfelves near cape
Anne.
Lithe year 1625 (as the New-England hifto- The origi-
rians relate) Mr. White Minifter of Dorchefter, “ of ’• h =
obferving the fuccefs of the Plymouth Colony, pro- colony. ^
jeCied a new fcttlement in the Maflachufets Bay
in New-England, as an afylum alfo for the feCta-
ries ; and prevailing with Mr. Co nan t and fome
others, to go over and make choice of a proper
fettlement, he and his friends purchafed or procured
a grant from the North-Virginia or New-England
Company in the year 1627, to Sir Henry Ros-
well, Sir John Younc, Knights, Thomas
Sou t h cot, John Humphries, and Simon
Newcomb e, Efqrs. their heirs, afiignes, and
afl'ociates, of all that part of New-England which
lies between the great river Merirnack and Charles
River, at the bottom of the Maflachufets Bay, and
all lands, &c. three miles north of Merirnack Ri-
ver, and three miles fouth of Charles River, and
in length or in longitude between thofe rivers from
the Atlantick to the South Sea ; and obtained a
patent from King Chapes I. to hold the fame
as of his manour of Eaft-Greenwich, in common
fcccage, yielding and paying to his Majeffy a fifth
part ol fuch gold and filver Oar as fhould from
time to time be found within thofe limits.
Thefe gentlemen having taken in Sir Rich-
ard Saltoustal, Mr. Isaac Johnson, Sa-
muel Adderley, John Van Matthew
Cradock, Thomas Goff, George Har-
wood, Samuel Brown, and feveral more part-
ners, the following year 1628, procured a new
patent with the names of the laft mentioned gen-
tlemen inferted as proprietors ; by which patent
they and all others who fhould join with them
were incorporated by the name of the Governor
and Company of the Maflachufets Bay in New-
England, and were impowered to elect a Governor,
Deputy Governor, and Magifcrates, and to make
laws for the good of the plantation, tho’ not re-
pugnant to the laws of England 5 and liberty of
confcience was thereby granted to all that fhould
fettle there.
The adventurers, by virtue of this patent, Cr a dock
eleCted Mr. Cr adock their Governor, and Mr. thc p°-
Eudicot their Deputy-Governor, and fent over
the latter immediately to re-inforce Mr. Conant, fachufet
who was fe.tled at Mumkeak, now Salem, fituate Colony,
on the coalfc of New-England, between the pro-
montories of Marblehead and Cape Anne.
The
CHAP.
V.
-A fleet of
planters ar ■
rive at Sa-
They refufe
£o tolerate
Lbe fervice
of the
Church of
JEngland ,j ^
OF NEW-ENGLAND
53 ?
The following year the Maftachufet adventu-
rers fitted out fix {hips, on board whereof were
three hundred and fifty planters, men, women
and children ; and two non-conformift Min filers,
viz. Mr. Shelton and Mr. Higginson: They
alfo lent over cattle of all kinds, viz. Hbrfes,
Mares, Cows, Hogs and Goats, with Rabits and
Barn-door-fowls ; as alfo cannon, ammunition and
provifion of all kinds, neceffary to eftablifh a co-
lony ; which fleet failed from the Ifle of Wight
on the firft of May, 1620, and arrived at Salem
in New- England on the twenty-fourth of June
following. The firft thing they did after their
arrival was to fend for fome of their brethren from
Plymouth, and having learned what fpecies of in-
dependents they were, refolved to copy after them
(in religion at leaft) and entered into a folemn co-
venant among themfelves for that purpofe ; de-
claring (as I underftand the inftrument) that they
would fubmit to no government, ecclefiaftical or
civil, but of their own framing. One of their
own writers obferves, that they were attached to
the principles of the Brownifts, which they car-
ried to fuch a length as not only to difcourage but
to drive away a regular and learned miniftry, which
after fome years they were blefled with, (I prefume
he means the prefby reran fathers who reforted
thither afterwards.)
The fame writer informs us, that fome of the
planters, finding their Minifters did not ufe the
common-prayer, or adminrfter the facraments
with the ufual ceremonies, fet up a feparate af-
fembly, wherein they ufed the liturgy of the Church
of England; and of thefeMr. Samuel Brown
a lawyer, and his brother John Brown a mer-
chant, men of eftates and figure, were the chief,
being of the number of the firft patentees.
The Deputy-Governor fending to thefe gen* le-
men to demand the reafon of their reparation, they
represented, that the Minifters were feparatifts from
the Church of England, and the principles they
profefied would fliortly lead them to become ana-
baptifts. To which the Minifters anfwered, they
were neither feparatifts nor anabaptifts ; they did
not feparate from the Church of England, or
from the ordinances of God, but only from the
corruptions and diforders of that church ; that
they came away from the common-prayer and
ceremonies, and had buffered for their non-confor-
mity in their native land ; and being now in a
place where they had their liberties, they neither
could nor would ufe them, judging the impofition
of thefe things finful corruptions of the word of
God.
Mr. Brown and his friends replied, that as
they were of the church eftabliftied by law in
their native country, it was highly reafcnablc they
fhould worth ip God in the manner that govern-
ment required, from which they received their char-
Vol. hi.
ter ; at leaft they ought to allow the members of C H A P.
the church that liberty of confcience they them- V.
felves thought fo reafonable when they were on • u y*’Y"'v*
the other fide of the water ; and as one article
in their charter provided that all perfuafions of
Chriftians fhould have liberty of confcience, they
did not know whether their denying it to them
was not a forfeiture of their charter. But thefe
arguments were called feditious and mutinous ;
and the brethren, determining to buffer none to
refide there that were not of the fame levelling
principles in church and ftate as they profefied,
fore d the two Mr. Browns to return back to
Old-England in the fame (hip that brought them
over, whereby they efcaped that mortality which A great mor-
happened among the planters the next winter, tall P M
when an hundred of them died, and among tne p i anters<
reft Mr. Francis Higgonson their preacher,
and Houghton the ruling-elder of their church.
The year following (1630) Mr. Cradockwin-
declining to go over to his government, the Maf- THR0P
fachufet adventurers in Old-England made choice
of John Winthrop, Efq; for Governor, and
Mr. Thomas Dudley Deputy- Governor ; Dudley
and having fitted cut ten fail of {hips, the Go- Deputy-Go-
vernor and his Deputy embarked in that fleet for veir ‘ 0r "
New-England, together with Sir Richard
Saltoustal, Isaac Johnson, Efq; and his
lady, The'ophilus Eaton and John Venn,
Efqrs. with feveral other gentlemen and non-con-
formift Minifters, and upwards of two hundred
planters more, who arrived at Salem in July 1630 ;
Soon after which the people of Salem made two
new fettlements, the firft at Charles Town, on Charles
the north fide of Charles River, oppofite to the^v^
place where Boftc-n now Hands, and the other at. Jl
Dorchefter, fituate at the bottom of the Maf- And Dor-
fachufets Bay ; but the new planters bringing the cht! '
feurvy and other diftempers along with them,
and lying in tents and booths pretty much expo-
fed to the weather, above an hundred of them
dyed within three months after their arrival. The
fmall-pox at the fame time made fuch havock
among the Indians that nine parts in ten of them
(as the New-England hiftorians relate) dyed of
that diftemper, and the reft flying from the dif-
tetnper the country was in a manner depopulated ;
But this is not very confident with what the
New-England writers add : That they purchafed
the feveral trails of land they afterwards pof-
feffed of the natives ; for if the former inhabitants
were all dead or gone, the Englifh, who fucceeded
them in the poffeflion, feem to have had the beft
title to the country, and had no occafion or even
opportunity to purchafe their lands. If they d:d
purchafe fome fmall parcels on their arrival,
there is no doubt to be made but they poJfelTed
themfelves of much more on this general defertiom
without paying any thing for it,
Z z z The
53 8
CHAP.
V.
Bo ft on the
capital
founded.
The fmall-
pox fatal to
tile Indians.
DiviiTons
among the
planters..
THE PRESENT STATE
The latter end of the fame year 1630, the in-
habitants of Charles Town obferving that the oppo-
site fide of the river was a much more defirable Si-
tuation than that their town flood upon, took the
liberty to aifpofiefs Mr. JSl ackston an epifco-
pal Minifter, of it, who had built a little houfe
there, by vertue whereof he laid claim to the whole
peninfula ; and they feem to juSlify the outrage by
fuggefling that Mr. Blackston was an odd fort
of a man, who would not join himfelf with any
of their New-England Churches, declaring that
as he came from Old-England becaufe he did not
like Lords Bifhops, fo he would not join with
them becaufe he would not be fubjcct to the Lords
Brethren, whole tyranny he held much more
infuppor table than the other : But however that be,
certain it is, when the brethren had driven away
this unhappy Parfon that could agree with no body,
they laid the foundation of their capital city upon
this very fpot of ground, to which they gave the
name of Bbflon : Cambridge and Several towns
more were founded foon after not far from Boftcn ;
for now the non-conformifts reforted hither in great
numbers ; fleets of Chips came over crowded with
them every year. In 1634 the Small-pox was
as fatal to the Indians as it had been in the year
1630. The Englifh obferve that tfaofe people are
generally very full of them, and wanting beds and
Linen they become the mold loathfome objedts
imaginable; for having nothing but hard matts
60 lie on, when the puftules break they Stick to the
matts, and all their Shin is flead cfF v and in this
condition they catch cold and die in the utmoft
torture ; which makes the natives dread the Small-
pox much more than a peftilence.
There happened great divisions' about this time
(1634) among the brethren. Their writers re-
late, that Mr. Roger Williams, who was
chofen to Succeed Mr. Shelton deceafed, as
Pallor of the Church of Salem, being a rigid
Brown ill, precife and uncharitable, and of turbu-
lent paffions, was near letting the whole country
in a flarne. This father taught, that it was not
lawful for an unregenerate man to pray, nor for a
good man to join in prayer with thole he thought
unregenerate : That it was not lawful to take an
oath to. a Magillrate ; and thereupon refufed the
oath of allegiance, and advifed his congregation to
do the fame : And declared that their charter
granted by the King of England was void, and an
inilrument of injullice which they ought to re-
nounce as injurious to the natives ; his Majefly
having no power to difpofe of their lands to his
Subjects- : I hat Magiilrates had nothing to do
with matters of the nr ft table of the decalogue,
and therefore there ought to be a general and un-
limited toleration for all religions : To punilh
men for matters of confidence was perfecution.
For holding which tenets the Magistrates banilhed
him the MafTachufet Colony as a difturber of the C H A P.
peace of their church and commonwealth : But V.
Inch an influence had his exhortations on fome of
his followers, that in the height of their zeal they Thecrofe
cut the crofs out of the King’s Standard, declaring
it to be an idol ; and the people thereupon became punged as
divided in their opinions, whether it was lawful to ld °l atrouS *
have the crofs in their colours or not. Several
furious books were printed and published on each
flde the queftion, and moll of their militia refufed
to march with their colours fo long as the crofs
remained in them, left they Should be thought to
do honour to an idol ; while others were for fol-
lowing the King’s colours with the crofs in them,
left their deferting them Should be interpreted a
calling ofF their allegiance to the crown of England;
But at length the Magiilrates and Olflcers compro-
mised the matter in the following manner : They
ordered that all caftles and Ships Should have the
fame colours as formerly, but that the crofs might
be omitted in the colours belonging to the regi-
ments of militia. To return to Roger Willi-
ams, who flarted and encouraged thefe notions.
So much were his congregation devoted to him
that many of them chofe to accompany him in his
baniShment. Whereupon he led them to the South-
ward, beyond the bounds of the MafTachufets
jurisdiction, and there became the founder of ano-
ther petty Slate, calling the country Providence, The original;
which it retains to this day ; and here fays the of Providence
New-England writers, they incorporated a church, planUtl0C ”
proceeding from one whimfey to another until
they crumbled to pieces, every one following his
own fancy ; infomuch that religion itfelf grew into
contempt, and the publick worShip of God was
generally negledled among them.
However, they tell us, that Roger made a good
civil Governor, remained in thofe parts above for-
ty years, and regained his reputation even among
the Maflachufet Planters who had banished him,
and was very instrumental in obtaining the charter
of Rhode-Ifland, to which his pi ntation of Pro-
vidence was annexed ; adding, that if he had ne-
ver meddled with divinity he would have been
eSteemed a great and ufeful man.
In the mean time Mr. Vane arrived in the Mr. v a at
Maflachufet Colony, a gentleman that made a ®.°^ rnor
much greater noife afterwards both in Old and Maffa-
New-England than ever Roger Williams had chufets.
done. Their writers reprefent Mr. Vane at this
time as a hot-headed young fellow, whofe zeal
for pure religion drew him over thither ; His firSt
defign was to have fettled a new colony on the-
banks of the river Connecticut ; but being com-
plemented with the government of theMaflachu-
fets on his arrival, he refolved to Slay there.
Pie was no focner advanced to the government,
but he appeared to be a perfon of little condudl,
and by no means equal to. the poft he was pre-
ferred
OF NEW-ENGLAND,
CHAP, terred to : He was, they tell us, a violent enthu-
V. haft, openly efpoufmg the antinomian doctrines,
and gave fuch encouragement to their preachers,
that he had very near overturned their infant-
church and commonwealth, if feme of the wife ft
of them had not put an end to his reign, by
electing another Governor as foon as the year ex-
pired.
He returned afterwards to Old England, where
his father being principal Secretary of ftate he
was elected a member of the Long Parliament ;
and what a fhare both father and fon had in fo-
menting the Grand Rebellion againft King
Charles I. all the world are apprifed ; nor did
any man a£t with more zeal or rather more ma-
lice, againft the royal family and monarchy itfelf
during the ufurpation, than this gentleman, which
occafioned his being left out of the a£t of indem-
nity by King Charles II. But to return to
the Maffachufet planters ; the brethren flocking
over to them continually, fo that they began to
be ftraitened for want of room, and the Indians
on their weftern frontiers beginning to be trou-
blefome, they detached a party of an hundred men
to the banks of the River Connecticut, that they
might plant that country and ferve as an out-
guard to their more eaftern fettlements. And
thefe adventurers beginning their march in the
month of June, and travelling on foot with their
wives, children and baggage, about nine or ten
miles a day, arrived at the River Connecticut in
lefs than a fortnight, where they founded the town
Conne&icut of Hartford, now the capitol of Connecticut, on
Colony. the W eft-fide of that river ; and foon after laid the
foundation ofWindfor, Weathersfield and Spring-
field in the fame province ; and finding themfelves
beyond the limits of the Mafiachufets jurifdiCtion,
they chofe a Governor and Magiftrates among
themfelves, and made fuch laws as they thought
fit in imitation of the Colony from whence they
came ; and in this ftate they remained till the re-
ftoration of King Charles II. when they ap-
plied to his Majefty for a patent, and in the year
1664 obtained a very ample charter, authorifing
them to elect their own Governor, Council and
Magiftrates, and enact fuch laws as they thought
moft advantagious to the colony, not opposite
to the laws of England ; the benefit whereof they
enjoy to this day : The colony of Mew-Haven,
and moft of the Narraganfet country being an-
nexed to it by the fame charter, and conftituting
but one government at prefent. Mew-Haven and
the Narraganfet country it feems had been granted
by King Charles I. to the Earl of Warwick
in the year 1630, and purchafed of that Earl by
• "VV 1 l li am Vifcount Say and Seal, Robert
Lord Brooks, RoBERrLordRicH, Charles
Fiennes, Efq; Sir Nathaniel Rich, John
Pym, Lfq; John Hampden, Elq; and other
539
male- contents, who fomented the Grand Rebel- CHAP,
lion againft King Charles I. for a place of re- V.
fuge, in cafe their confpiracy againfc that Prince
had not fucceeded ; and they were once upon the
point of tranfporting themfelves thither with the
moft noxious of their party, being in doubt of
carrying their point in the fenate. Oliver
Cromwell, ’tis faid, was actually on board in
the River Thames, intending to have, tranfported
himfeif to New- England ; but fuch multitudes of
people were embarking at the fame time for the
plantations, that it was thought proper to publifti
a proclamation (dated the 30th of April 1637)
prohibiting all people totranfport themfelves with-
out licenfe, whereby Cromwell, Sir Arthur
Haslerig, Mr. John Hampden, and feveral
other difaffecled gentlemen, were prevented going
thither ; and fucceeding in their rebellion after-
wards beyond their expectation, they fold their
intereft in thefe plantations to other adventurers,
who united with the Connecticut Colony, and
became one government, as has been intimated
already.
In the mean time other Englifh adventurers
poffefied themfelves of the countries of Mew-Hamp- New Harap,
fhire and Maine to the northward of the Mafia- ^ a G nd
chufets, which for feme time remained feparate planted,
governments ; but afterwards united themfelves
with the Mafiachufets, and continued fo till the
reign of King Charles II. when the MafTachu-
fets charter was adjudged to be forfeited. And in
the charter which was granted to the Mafiachu-
fets by King William III. after the revolution,
the provinces of Maine and Plymouth were an-
nexed to the Mafiachufets, but Hampfhire was
made a diftineft government immediately depend-
ing on the crown, which appoints the Governor,
Deputy-Governor, Council and Magiftrates there:,
as will appear further under the head of Govern-
ment : I (hall only add here, that all the New-
England provinces were planted and pretty well
peopled within the fpace of feventeen or eighteen
years, and a very beneficial fiftiery carried on at
the fame time on their coafts by the Merchants of
Old-England, who with the fifti, taken here an-
nually, purchafed the merchandize of Spain and
Portugal.
Hitherto the Englifh colonies had lived in peace
with the Indians. Some little mifunderftandings
and flight fkirmifnes had happened indeed, but
thefe differences had been amicably compofed, and
no formal war yet entered into with the native!' :
But upon the Mafiachufets penetrating into the
heart of their country, and taking: pofTeffion of
the province of Connecticut, without any previous
treaty, or fo much as notice given them of their
intention, the Indians immediately concluded they
fhculd be extirpated, or at leaft enfiaved by thefe jw e h
lirangers ; and the Pequots, the moft potent na- Pequots.
Z z z 2 lion
•540
TH £
PRESENT STATE
CHAP, tion in thofe parts, thereupon fell upon the Eng-
V. lifli before they had perfected their fettlements on
Connecticut River, killed nine men, and carried
two women into captivity; and then endeavoured to
form a confederacy with the reft of the Indian
nations again!! the Englifh for their common de-
fence. But the Narraganfets, ancient enemies of
the Pequots, refufecl to come into their meafures,
and determined to take part with the Englilh,
notwithftanding the Pequots reprefented that no-
thing could now preferve their country from a
foreign yoke Dut a ftrid! union among themfelves :
That the Narraganfets, if they favoured the Eng-
lifh, would only have the fatisfadlion of being
deftroyed laft ; conjuring them therefore, as they
valued their own prefervation, to forget all quar-
rels among themfelves, and unite in the defence
of their common country again!! fo formidable an
enemy ; That it was true, the fire-arms of the
Englifh feemed to render them invincible in a bo-
dy, yet they might furprife them when they were
difperfed in fmall parties, or bufied in building and
fortifying their towns ; they might cut off their
provifions, harrafs their troops," and fo diftrefs
them by perpetual alarms, if they were unani-
mous ; that they would be glad to retire again to
tlie fea-coafts, and probably abandon their coun-
try ; whereas if they defer it til! more of them
came over, and they were fuffered to complete the
fortifications of their towns, it would then be in
vain to ftruggle for the recovery of their loft liber-
ties, and they muft fubrnit to fuch terms as thefe
foreigners fhould be pleafc-d to impofe on them.
But fuch was the refentment of the Narragan-
fets again!! their former enemies the Pequots,
who had frequently triumphed over them, that
they were not to be removed by any arguments
they could ufe ; the profpect of lariating their re-
venge, cn a people- that had often infulted them,
made them not confider the confequences of aftift-
ing the Englifh ; or perhaps, like fome other
people, they chofe rather to be flaves to foreigners
than to their neighbours,, and might hope for bet-
ter terms from the Englifh by an early fubmiflion.
Thus were the Pequots left alone to defend
themfelves again!! thefe powerful invaders, infi-
nitely fuperior to them both in their arms and in
the art of war ; and what was dill more unfor-
tunate, feveral Indian nations joined in confede-
racy with them, and contributed to the conqueft
of their country.. However, they affembled their
troops, determining to make the be!! defence they
could ; and on the other hand the Governor of
the Maftachufejts lent a detachment of an hundred
and fixty men to fupport the new Colony of Con-
necticut, who were joined by five hundred of
their Indian allies 9 who vowed to live and die
with the Englifh ; but the Narraganfets no fooner
£am.e in fight of the Pequots than- moil of them
deferted the fervice and run away ; however, theC H AF.
Englifh advanced and drove the Pequots be- V,
fore them, who retired into two forts that were
defended only by flakes and but'hes, one of which The Pequots-
the Englifh entering in the night-time fet fi re d Teated by
to their thatch’d huts ; and the Pequots, endea- the Ens ’ lfh '
vouring to make their efcape from the flames,
were moft ot them cut in pieces, either by the
Englifh or their Indian allies, who now returned
to the daughter of the flying enemy ; tho’ they
could not be perfuaded to face them while they
were unbroken ; and. of five hundred Pequots
that were fin ut up within this fort fas it was called)
not more than fix or feven efcaped : This victory
being obtained with the lofs only of two Englifh
men killed and twenty wounded,
TheEnglifh advancing towards the other fort the
garrifon mutinied again!! Sassacus their Sachem,
and he was forced to abandon it; his people there-
upon retiring to the woods and fwamps; whither
being purfued by the Englifh and their allies,,
fome hundreds more of them, were killed, and
near two hundred men, women and children taken
prifoners; who were divided between the colony
and the Narraganfet Indians : As to thofe that fell
to the fhare of the Englifh, the males were fent
flaves to the Bermudas, and the females diftributed
in their own families ; which fuccefs ftruck fuch
a terror into the Indian Sachems that many of
them came in and defired to be taken into the
protection of the Englifh. As for Sassacus, the
great King of the Pequots, he fled with moft of
his fubjects to the Maquas; who, at the inftance
of the Narraganfets, cut off his head, and the
Connecticut colony poffefled themfelves of his who poTefs
dominions, as the New-England writers acknow- theirC0untr X J
ledge. But after this, it is to be prefumed, they
will no longer affirm that they obtained the lands
of the Indians by purchale, or the voluntary
grants of the natives.
To proceed in their hiftory. While the Maf-
fachufets were thus luccefsful again!! their enemies
abroad, they were in great danger of being deftroy-
ed by their inteftine riivifions at home, as the ce- D'vifiona
lebrated Mather, and after him Mr. Neal re - amon g the
late. Familiftical and antinomian errors, accord- by"
ing to thefe writers, over-fpread the colony, thethenume-
rife of which they afcribe in a great meafure to r0Us fi nd
one Mrs. Hutchinson; who obfervmg that the hertfies an a
men ufed to meet once a week at Bofton to repeat errois that
the fermons they had heard the preceding Sunday, thls^"
and to pafs their judgments on the. dodrines con- time,
tained in them, (he apprehended it might be as
expedient for the zealous women to have the fame
kind of meetings, grounding her opinion on that
paffage of fcripture, that the elder woman ought
to teach the younger ; and accordingly affembled,
three or four fcore women at her houfe every
week, where fine ■ repeated tiie fermons of her
teacher
OF NEW-ENGLAN D.
54 i
CHAP, teacher Mr. Cotton, and made her remarks
V. on them. Among other things (he taught her
l/V'O d ifciples, that believers weie perfonally united
with the fpirit of God, and that the revelations
the faints were indulged with, were of equal au-
thority with the holy fcriptures ; that their mi-
niflers were legal ids, men that were unacquaint-
ed with the fpirit of the gofpel and with Chrift
h’imfelf : And the whole country became immedi-
ately divided into two fabiions, the one zealous
for the covenant of works, and the other for the
covenant of grace, as they called them. The co-
lony ot Plymouth were fo furious for the latter,
that they ftarved and difcarded all their old mini-
iders who were of another opinion, and fetup me-
chanicks in their Head. T he town of Bofion alfo
was infebled with antinomianifm ; whereupon
the fathers of the MalTachufet Colony thought fit
to call a fy nod to cenfure their errors, of which
they enumerated above four-fcore, feme of them,
according to the abovefaid writers, the molt mon-
flrous and abfurd that ever were broached : And
when Mr. Wfieelright, one of their Mini-
flers, and Mrs. Hutchinson perfifted to avow
their opinions, the fynod called in the lay powers
to their affiftance, and caufed Wheelright,
Mrs. Hutchinson, and many more of their ad-
0ne party herents, to be banifhed the colony, and lined
banithes the anc j i m p r if 0 ned others, without which wholefome
' er ' feverities they fuggefted it was impoffible for their
church or commonwealth to lublift : T or, fay
they, thefe men were for turning the govern-
ment upfide down, and excluding the Magiftrates
as unqualified for their offices, becaufe they were
men of legal fpirit, and inclined to a covenant of
works.
The exiles Thofe that were thus banifhed, and many more
retire to Q f their friends, hereupon retired to Rhode-Ifland,
“'and' which they planted in the year 1639, and pur-
slane it, an, chafing that trad of land over-againft it on the
continent, where the towns of Providence and
Warwick are fituated, they became a feparate co-
lony, and in proportion to the extent of their ter-
ritories, which are but final!, are now as fiourifh-
ing a people as any in New-England ; tho Dr.
Mather and the reft of the Maffachufet fathers
load them with the moft fcandalous reproaches,
reprefenting them as a generation of libertines,
familifts, antinomians, and quakers, whofe polte-
rity, for want of fchools and a publick mini-
ftry, became fo barbarous, they fay, as not to be
capable of fpeaking good Englifh or good fenfe.
On the other hand, the good people of Pffiode-
charge the Ifland charge the Maffachufet fathers with perfe-
Indep-ndents f or confidence- fake, the very motive which
tution. er e * induced them all to leave their native country^:
And they glory in it, that in this colony no man’s
conference wa s ever forced, cranv manner of com-
pulfton ufed in matters of religion to this day.
Notwithftanding thefe divifions among the C H A P.
Englifli, the natives remained quiet for fome time V.
after the defeat of the Pequots, or Connecticut
Indians ; and in the year 1641 the great King or
Sachem Massasotet came to Plymouth withMAssato-
. iet wnews
' the treaty of
his fon Mooanam, to confirm his ancient leagi
with the Englifn, both of them prom ifing to re- a hi ancs with
main faithful fubjebls to the King of Great- Bri* the W"
tain ; and the colony on the other hand promi- j ony ’
fed to protebf and defend them againft their ene-
mies.
And now the civil wars breaking out in Old- The New-
England, and the fabb'on at London carrying all En £ land he -
° - - J ■ roes return'
to England,
em-
- ,
before them, the brethren put a flop to their iu Jiu
barkations for New-England, and inftead of and join th
tranfportrng themfelves thither, a great many
gentlemen and non- conform rft Minifters returned
to Old-England at this time (1641 ) either to new
model the church here, or to affift in fubduing
their Prince and country ; in order to erebt iuch
another commonwealth at home as they had efta-
bliflied in New-England ; among whom were
Edward Winslow, afterwards one of the
Commifficners of the navy under the ufurpers,
Edward Hopkins, a Commiffioner of their
admiralty, George Downing, afterwards Sir
George Downing, employed as envoy in
Holland by the ufurpers, and afterwards by King
Charles II. Samuel Mather, John
Kn ovv l e s, Th 0 m as A i. l e n , PI e n r y Whit-
field, and the infamous Hugh Peters,
Cromwell’s chaplain and buffoon, who made
a jeft of all religions and all forms of govern-
ment.
In the mean time thofe they left behind them The go-
in New-England, kept pace with the difaffebled vemment of
here, or rather led the way in calling oil tneir al- land mo d e ].
legiance to the crown of Great Britain : And in led like thag
the year 1643 the four principal colonies of New- o!
England (viz.) the Mafl’achufets, Plymouth, Con-
nebticut,. and Ncw-Haven Colonies entered into
an afTociation or confederacy ; like that of the Uni-
ted Provinces, to defend themfelves againft all
mankind.
Each province affumed fovereign power, and
agreed to fend deputies to a certain place, where
they were to form a council like that of the States
General, and negotiate their common concerns,
efpecially thofe relating to peace and war, and the
acijufting their feveral quotas and proportions of
men and money ; but their refolutions were to he
of no force till confirmed by the refpebfive colo-
nies. They alfo copied fo far after the Dutch as
not to fuffer any denomination of chriftians but
thofe of their own church, to have any polls o r Theyexdude
places in the government, and hid diflenters to
independency under very great reftraints and hard- from p j aces ,
Blips ; of which the prefbyterians, anabaptifts,.in the go~
antinomians, and other lects complained very vtinm “' t-
loudly o
542
T FI E PRESE
C H A P. loudly f They represented, that they had a natural
V. right to be admitted to a fhare in tire government
uTr'V’-) as well as the independents without taking the
oaths anu covenants that were required of them,
and were evidently inconfiftent with the oath of
• alleg iance : And that it was ftill more oppreffive
to fine and imprifon them for neglecting to take
iuch oaths, and prefs them into the military fer-
vice againft their wills, as many of them were :
1 hey preferred a petition therefore to the govern-
ment to have thefe grievances redrefled, which
being rejected, they appealed to the parliament of
England, and fent over Agents thither to lay their
cafe before the Houfes ; at which the independent
preachers exclaimed in their pulpits, calling it an
unjuft and rebellious appeal againft the people of
God, and denounced judgment againft thofe that
promoted it.
Converfion While the independents thus perfecuted their
of the Indi- brethren in New-England, their hiftorians inform
us, they appeared no lefs zealous in converting and
civilizing the Indians that lived amongft them ;
and as thefe poor creatures were abfolutely in their
power, I find they fubmitted to whatever their
matters dictated ; and thereupon the independent
fathers boait of the hundreds and thoufands they
converted in the fpace of a few years. But this
feeming converfion appears to be owing altogether
to force and compulsion ; for I do not find they
ever made converts of any Indians but thofe in
the little i Hands upon the coaft, and fuch as refid-
ed within their bounds. There is fcarce an in-
stance of a convert made beyond the walls of their
towns ; or if there were any fuch they have now
deferted their communion, all the Indians on the
borders of New-England, that are at liberty, be-
ing roman catholicks at this day, the fruits of
the jefuite millions. And here give me leave to
mention feme few of thofe cuftorns the New-
England fathers of thofe days compelled their con-
verts to obferve, which were fuch as thefe : That
the women Should not wear their hair loofe and
flowing, but tied up ; and that they Should not go
with naked breafts : That the men Should not
wear long hair, or kill their Lice between their
teeth ; and that they Should not commit fornica-
tion, or beat their wives : That they Should not
attend the pawawing, or fuperfiitious ceremonies
and forceries of their priefts : That they Should lay
afide the cuftorn of howling, greafing their bodies,
and adorning their hair: That they Should not
ileal, get drunk, or break the fabbath : That they
Should pray in their wigwams with their families,
and fay grace before and after meat. Their wri-
ters add, that having inltructed a great many
hundred Indians in the chriftian religion, they
proceeded to baptize and admit them to the com-
munion ; and feveral congregational churches
were formed out of them, after the manner .of the
NT STATE
independents, about the year i66o. They alfoC H A Re-
printed catechifms, the practice of piety, and even V.
the bible itielf in the Indian language, Several
Indians were ordained preachers, and fome fpeci-
mens are given us of their fermons and prayers ;
from whence it is not difficult to difeoyer who
were their matters, and where they learned their
divinity : The chief apoftles in thefe notable con-
versions oS the Indians were Mr. Elliot, Mr.
May hew, and Mr. Cotton.
Doctor Increase Mather, Minister of
Bofton, and Rector of their univerfity of Cam-
bridge, in his letter to Dcdtor Le usd en, He-
brew profefi'or at Utrecht, and dated the 12th of
July 1687, tells him, that there were then fix
churches of baptized Indians in New-England, and
eighteen aflemblies of Catechumens : That there
were there four English Ministers who preached
in the Indian tongue, and twenty four Indians
who were preachers: And Dr. Cotton Ma-
ther, fon of Increase Mather, who has
brought down their ecclefiaftical hiftory to the
year 1695, fays, there were then three thoufand
adult Indian chriftians in the iflands of Mar-
tha’s Vineyard and Nantucket ; but the Indi-
ans on the continent, and efpecially at a dittance
fro m the coaft, it appears, have but little regard
to the independent missionaries. Mr. Experi-
ence Mayhew, in his vifitation of the Pequot
and Mohegin Indians, in the years 1713 and v
1714, obferved that the remains of thofe nations The Indians ' 1
were under ftreng prejudices againft the chriftian prejudiced
religion ; and that one of their Sachems bid him
go and make the Englifh good firft before hede^T"'
preached to them ; objecting that fome of the
Englifh kept Saturday, others Sunday, and others
no day at all for the worfhip of God ; fo that if
his people were inclined to turn Chriftians, they
could not tell what feta: to be of. Others, after
they had heard h i m preach, faid, they did believe
the being of a God, and worshipped him, but ,
as every nation had its peculiar way of worfhip,
fo they had theirs, and they thought their way
good, and there was no reafon to alter it. Ano-
ther faid, that the difficulties of the Chriftian re-
ligion were fuch as the Indians could not endure ;
their fathers had made fome trial of it, but found
it too hard for them, and therefore quitted it 5 and
they were no more able to undergo the hardships
of it than their fathers : That they did not fee
men were ever the better for being Chriftians, the
English Chriftians cheated the Indians of their
lands, and wronged them in other instances ; and
their knowledge of books only rendered them
more artful and cunning to cheat others 3 and there-
fore teemed to do them more hurt than good 5 and
one of their priefts plainly told Mr. Mayhew, if
the Indians made him any promlSta of becoming
Chriltians, they would not keep them, but as Soon as
he
OF NEW- F.
C H A P. he vvas gone, they would get drunk and be as bad
V. as ever.
l L^'y~'w My author (Mr. Neal) having fmiflied his ac-
Anabaptifts count G f the co.nverfions of the Indians, proceeds
perfecutcd. t0 cenfure the independent church of New- Eng-
land for not allowing liberty of confcience, tel-
ling us they fined two anabaptifts for feparating
from them, and whipped a third at the common
Whipping poft j and that they afterwards paffed an
act of affembly to banifh all anabaptifts die colo-
ny. But they appeared ftill more fevere againft
the quakers in the year 1656 ; for having lined,
imprifoned, and whipped many of them, and find-
ing this would not reclaim them,tho’ fome of them
were almoft whipped to death, a law was made for
cutting off their ears, and boring their tongues
through with hot irons ; and laftly, they made it
death (in the year 1658) for a quaker to return
from banifhment ; and three of them actually fuf-
Several qua- fared death at Boffon by virtue of that aft, in the
t0 year 1659, viz. Willi am Robinson, of Lon-
don, merchant, Marmaduke Stevenson,
of Yorkfhire, hufbandman, and Mary Dyar.
Stevenson, a little before his execution,
figned a paper, wherein he fays, “ That when
44 he was following his plough, in the eaft part of
44 Yorkfliire in Old-England, he was in a fort of
44 rapture, and heard a fecret voice in his con-
44 Lienee, faying, I have ordained thee a prophet
44 of the nations : And in obedience to this voice
44 he left his family and employment, and went
44 firft to Barbadoes, in the year 1658, and from
44 thence to Rhcde-Ifland, where as he was vifit-
“ ing the feed, the word of the Lord came to
“ him, faying. Go to Boffon with thy brother
44 William Robinson ; and for yielding obe-
44 dience to this command of the ever living
44 God, and not obeying the commands of men,
44 he fuffered.” And Robinson alfo left a paper
* of the like tenour.
Thefe executions, fays my author (Mr. Neal)
raifeda great clamour againft the government, and
fullied the glory of their former fufferings from the
bifhops ; for now it appeared that the New- Eng-
land puritans were no better friends to liberty of
confcience than their adverfaries ; and that the
queftion between them was not whether one party
of Chriftians ought to opprefs another, but who
fhould have the power of doing it. The quakers
themfelves obferved upon thefe executions, that
tiie law for putting them to death was contrary
to the laws of England, and confequently a for-
feiture of their charter: And if it was not con-
trary to the laws of England, it was certainly
contrary to the laws of God, which allowed eve-
ry man a right of private judgment, or to judge
for himfelf in religious matters. They added,
that if it was an offence to make profeffion of
their religion, the punifhment they inflicted upon
N G L A N D. 543
it, however, was too fevere ; for they were notCH AP.
charged with felony or treafon, but only with a V.
contempt of authority and God’s ordinances, E^y'-sJ
which might deferve a fine or the pillory, but
were never punifhed with death in any civilized
nation.
However, the government ftill continued to
put this fanguinary aft in execution, and having
banifhed feveral quakers more, put to death
Will 1 a m Ledd 1 a, a foreigner, in the year
1660 ; who told them, when he was brought to
the gallows, That he fuffered for bearing his tefti-
mony for the Lord againft the deceivers ana the
deceived. Nor did the puritans of New-England
caufe thefe bloody perfecutions to ceafe, till
they received the following order from King
Charles II.
Charles Rex.
44 Trufty and well beloved, We greet you K] - ng
44 well. Having been informed that feveral of Charles
44 our fubjefts among you, called quakers, have° rder , to r
been, and are imprifoned by you, whereof perfecutions.
44 fome have been executed, and others (as hath
44 been reprefented to us) are in danger to un-
44 dergo the like; we have thought fit to fignify
44 our pleaftire in that behalf for the future, and
44 do hereby require. That if there be any of
44 thofe people, called quakers, amongft you now,
44 already condemned to fuffer death, or other
44 corpora! punifhment ; or that are imprifoned,
44 and obnoxious to the like condemnation, you
44 are to forbear to proceed any further therein,
44 but that you forthwith fend the faid perfons
(whether condemned or imprifoned) over into
44 this our kingdom of England, together with
44 their refpeftive crimes or offences faid to their
44 charge, to the end fuch courfe may be taken
44 with them here as fhall be agreeable to our laws
44 and their demerits ; and for fo doing, thefe
“ our letters fhall be your fuffleient warrant and
difeharge. Given at our court at Whitehall,
;c September the 9 th, 1661, in the 13th year of
;4 our reign.
44 Subfcribed, to our trufty and well
44 beloved John End 1 cot, Efq; and
44 to all and every other the Governor
44 or Governors of our plantation of
44 New-England, and of all the colo-
44 nies thereunto belonging, that now
44 are, or hereafter fhall be ; and to all
44 and every the Minifters and Officers
44 of our faid plantation and colonies
44 whatfoever within the continent of
44 New-England.
By his Majefty’s command.
William Morris..
The fame author obferves, that all the colonies
of New-England were not equally fevere againft
the quakers. They fuffered but little in the di-
ftrifts
544
CHAP.
V.
Cl
T H E PRESENT STATE
Arias of Conneaicut and New-Haven ; but Ply-
mouth Colony copied alter the Maffachufets, as
appeared by a letter from Mr. James Cud-
worth to his friend at London, datea the ioth
of December, 1658, wherein Mi. Cudwor 1 11
fays : The condition of things amongft us is fad,
and fo like to continue. The antichriftian perse-
cuting fpirit is very aAive. He that will not
whip and lafh, persecute and punilh men that
differ in matters of religion, muff not lit on the
bench, or fuftain any office in the commonwealth.
By our law, if any naan entertain a quaker but a
quarter of an hour he forfeits five Pound ; and. it
any man fee a quaker, he is obliged to give noticae
to 'the next Conftable, tho’ he lives five miles oft,
and the Conftable is to apprehend him ; and if he
do not prefently depart, to whip and fend him
away. Divers have been whipped in our colony ;
and' to tell you truly, the whipping them with
that cruelty as fome have been whipped, and their
patience under it, has gained them more dilciples
than their preaching could have done.
There is another law in our colony, which
provides, that if a quaker’s meeting be held in any
man’s houfe or ground, the owner thereof fhal.l
pay forty Shillings, and the preacher and every
hearer the like fum. Our civil powers (fays the
writer) are fo exercifed in matters ot religion and
confcience, that they have no time to do any thing
that tends to promote the civil profperity of the
nlace. We mull now have a ftate religion, fucn
as the powers of this world will allow, and no
other. A ftate miniftry (clergy) and a ftate main-
tenance for them : And we muff worlhip and
ferve the Lord Jesus as the world {hall appoint
formally admitted members after they were of CHAP,
years of difcretion) might be baptized ; and upon V.
calling a fynod of their preachers, it was decreed, ,/VxJ
that the children of fuch perfons ought not to
be baptized.
In the fame year they began their profecution One execu.-
of witches, and put to death one Mrs. Green- a
smith for adds of witchcraft faid to be com
us :
We muff all go to the publick place
of meet-
ing in the parifh where we dwell, or forfeit ten
Shillings for abfenting : _ Fourfcore were prefent-
ed laft court for not coming to the publick meet-
ings.
BaptiTm
n\ ed t o
children
baptized
Ch rift is
But notwithftanding the independents of New-
England perfecuted every other denomination of
Chriftians, when they addreffed King Charles
II. on his reftoration, they implored that he would
crant them that invaluable bleffmg, liberty ot con-
science, which they denied to every body elfe; and
endeavoured at the fame time to juftify their ufage
of the quakers. They pretended alio to merit ms
favour, by telling him, That they wer? not
feditious as to the interefts of Csefar, nor ictidma-
tick as to matters of religion (which was equally
true, for they had taken part with every fpecies
of v Tirpers againft church and crown mom the
ginning of the civil wars till the reftoration.) The
next thing I meet with remarkable in their h fto-
r /, is a difpute among the Independents of New-
England, in the year 1662, whether the children
of pi rfbns baptized ('who had not entered into co-
venant to be obedient to that church, and oven
mitted on the body of Anne Cole, who be-
ing taken with fits, accufed this Greensmith
as the occafion of them. Their Minifters re-
late that the prifoner was prevailed on alfo to
confefs, that the devil appeared to her in the
lb ape of a Deer, and that fire talked with him,
though fhe did not enter into covenant with
him," and he had carnal knowledge of her body ;
from whence it appears that the devil is flefh and
blood, and not a fpirit, and indulges himfelt in
the fame pleafures as thofe of human race, ac-
cording to the New-England creed ; but of this
hereafter, when I come to fpeak of thofe nume-
rous murders that were committed there under
a colour of law for the like pretended crimes.
In the year 1664 Conneflicut and New- Haven Conneaicut
procured the charter already mentioned from chartcr -
King Charles II ; which united thofe two
colonies, and empowered them to cleft their own
Governor, Council, and Magiftrates, and make
laws. The fame year King Charles made a
grant to his royal highnefs James Duke of New York
York (his brother) of the provinces of New- \ °rk
and New-Jerfey, then called Nova Belgia, which Dutch and
the Dutch pretended to have purchafed of Mr.Oen to the
Hudson, an Enghfliman,- about the year 1608^^ J
and afterwards planted in 1623 ; and the latter
end of this year a fquadron of men of war with
land forces on board, under the command of Sir
Robert Carr, was fent over to reduce it. Sir
Robert landing 3000 Men near New-Amfter-
dam, now New-York, fituate on an ifland at the
mouth of Hudfon’s River, and fummoning the.
Governor, it was furrendered to him without
ftriking a ftroke, and moft part of the Dutch
inhabitants chofe to take the oath of allegiance
to the King of England and remain there. Fort
Orange, now Albany, an hundred and fifty mbes
up Hudfon’s River, alfo with the whole country,
in the poffeffion of the Dutch, fubmitted, and has
remained in the poffeffion of the Englifh ever
fince, having been confirmed to them by the trea-
ty of peace that was made at the end ot the
Dutch war.
The difpleafure of the government (of New- Thepcrfecu
- . -r « V rt 'SI i linn Rill rt ill
England) ‘fays Mr. Neal, ftill ran very high
againft the anabaptifts and quakers (anno j66q) New- ling*
being very {evere in putting the laws in execution land,
againft them, whereby many honeft people were
ruined by fines, imprifonment and banifhment,
■ • J1 the fame
which was the more extraordinary
OF NEW-ENGLAN D. 5-1-5
CHAP, writer obferves, becaufe their brethren in Old-
V. England pretended to groan under perfecution
there. Sad complaints were Tent over every fum-
mer of the feverity of the government of New-
England againft the anabaptifts, which induced
the dilTenters in London to fend a letter to the
Governor of the Maffachufets, figned by their
preachers. Dr. Goodwin, Dr. Owen, Mr.
Nye, Mr. Caryl, and nine more, intreating
him to make ufe of his authority and intereft for
reftoring fuch of them to their liberty as were in
prifon on account of religion, and that their fan-
guinary laws might not be put in execution for
the future. In this letter they tell the Governor
they hoped he would not give an advantage to
their adverfaries, who fought pretences and oc-
cafions againft their liberty, and were too apt to
retort upon them, that perfons of their principles
could not bear with diffenters from them, and
left it to his wifdom therefore to confider if it was
not advifeable at prefent to put an end to the
fufferings and confinement of the perfons cenfured,
and reftore them to their liberty.
But this letter, fays Mr. Neal (my author)
made no impreftion on them ; the prifoners were
not releafed, nor the execution of the laws fuf-
'Thequakers pended. The perfecuted quakers alfo fent over a
petition to petition or reprefentation to his Majefty, where -
c ha r L e s in having enumerated the hardfhips their friends
II. fuffered during Cromwell’s ufurpation, they
add, “ And now, O King, fince the very day
“ the Lord brought thee into this land again,
“ and gave unto thee thy regal power, have
they in thy name made ftrange and cruel ha-
“ vock of thy true fubjedb, in putting to death
“ and banifhing : And in thy name, with many
“ torturing whippings of old and young at pofts,
(( and at wheels of great guns, and at carts
“ tails, dragging the naked bodies of parents, and
“ children through divers long towns, through
f “ the dirt and filth of their chanels and cart-
“ ways : And in thy name commanding one
“ friend and brother to help imprifon the other ;
tc yea, in thy name they have lately preffed the
M fon to help to force his tender father and rao-
<■- ther to goal fundry miles in the extremity of
u the winter-feafon, to the hazard of their lives :
“ And fuch as refufed to obey their unnatural and
tc abominable commands, they have fined in their
“ courts. And thus from court to court do thefe
“ monfters of men, in thy name, line and break
u open the houfes of the quakers, and rob them
i( of their goods, and take away that they fhould
4C eat in, and that they fhould drink, in ; yea, the
tC very cloths from their backs in the winter,
« and the bed they fhould lie on, while they
keep the body fundry miles off in prifon ;
« driving hufbands and wives divers miles to
prifon , in times of great froft and fnow, keep-
: ' Vol. ill.
“ ing them clofe prifoners in a very cold room, C H AP.
t£ to the endangering of their lives, and to the V.
“ ruin of their families, had not the Lord pie-
“ ferved them. All this, and much more too
“ tedious to mention at this time, have they done
“ to the fervants of the Lord in New-England,
<c in thy name, faying that thou owneft their
“ doings, and efteemeft their laws as thy laws :
“ And thefe hard things have the fervants of the
“ Lord patiently fuffered and fuftained at their
“ hands for no other caufe but for their faithful
“ obedience to the fpirit of the Lord in their
“ hearts, which fpirit of holinefs teacheth them,
“ that forced worfhips and worfhippers are both
“ an abomination to the Lord, ft hefe few lines
“ are written not from any defire of the leaft
“ revenge from thy hand upon them, but that
“ thou mayeft know it, and make known thy
“ diflike of their wickednefs, that fo the blood
“ of the innocent there, if pofiible, might not
“ he laid to thy charge in the terrible day of the
“ Lord.”
The quakers alfo refledled feverely upon the dif-
fenting preachers in London, becaufe they did not
mention them in the letter they wrote to the Go-
vernor of New-England in behalf of the other fedts :
And in the reign of Queen Anne, Mr. Neal
obferves, the principal quakers in London prefent-
ed the following ftiort memorial to the diffenting
Minifters ol that City, viz.
“ ft'here being feveral fevere laws made by
“ your brethren in New-England in the Maffa-
“ chufet bay and province, againft our friends
“ the people called quakers, only for their con-
“ fcientious diffent from the national way there,
“ if you are for liberty of confcience to thofe that
“ diffent from you, and are willing our friends
“ in New-England fhould enjoy the like liberty
“ of confcience there as you with us do here, we
“ requeft you to manifett your ftncerity herein,
“ not only by {hewing your diflike hereof to your
“ brethren there, but alfo by your concurrent
“ application with us to the Queen, that fhe
“ would be favourably pleafed to difallow of all
“ fuch laws.”
The diffenters of London thereupon writing
over to their brethren in New-England, defired
the quakers might be allowed liberty of confcience
there.
Docftor Cotton Mather, a New-England
preacher, in the name of the reft anfwered, that
there could not then (in the reign of Queen Anne) T he Me-
be any fevere laws in force there on account ofP“J“«£|-
religion, becaufe their charter exprefly provided, quakers
that liberty of confcience fhould be allowed there charge of
for ever in the worfhip of God to all Chriftians, P erfecutl0a *
except papifts.
Put the fevere laws they complained of (fays
Mather) were only fuch as' thefe j i. The
A a a a Ew
THE PRESENT STATE
54-6
CHAP, law which requires all perfons of a proper age,
V. quality and condition, to attend the military ex-
ercifes on four training days in a year ; as alfo to
be furnifhed with arms and ammunition fit for fer-
v ice, on the penalty of a moderate fine therein ex-
preficit. Now, the government does not infift
upon the quakers perfonal appearance, but upon
their paying the fine, in cafe of default, as many
other gentlemen and inhabitants of the country
chufe to do ; but the quakers will do neither.
TI10’ t hey enjoy the protection of the government,
they will do nothing towards the fecurity and de-
fence of it ; which is the more extraordinary, fince
all the world knows that the quakers in Penfylva-
sia, in the year 1692, on occafion of a piracy,
hired men with money, and fupplyed them with
ammunition and fire-arms to recover their Hoop
from the privateers.
Another branch of the law provides, that there
be military watches kept in every town at fuch
times, in fuch places, and in fuch numbers, and
under fuch regulations as the chief Officer in each
town, /hall appoint ; and that all perfons able of
body, or that are of eftates (not exempt by law)
fhall by themfelves, or fome meet perfon in their
ftead, attend the lame, on the penalty therein ex-
prefleT Rut the quakers, tho’ the country was
then at war with the French and Indians, would
neither provide arms and ammunition, nor watch
and ward ; they would neither march out againft
the enemy nor keep garrifon at home, nor pay
the penalty which the law provides for defaulters.
It is true, the quakers pay the taxes railed by the
general afternbly for the maintenance of the army,
but refufe to fubmit to the penalty which the law
in Aids on perfonal defaulters in the trained-bands,
which has obliged the Officers fometimes to diftrain
their goods ; but the quakers have no more reafon
to complain of this, than of the practice of their
own friends in Penfylvania, who have not only fined
their brethren for declining to ferve on juries, but
have violently taken away their goods for non-pay-
ment, though they pleaded the laws of England,
which exempt quakers from ferving on juries.
The other fevere law which the quakers com-
plain of is, that which obliges them, as well as
the other inhabitants, to pay their proportion of
afiefiment for the maintenance of the Minifters
legally chofen and fettled. This law extends on-
ly to fuch places where the Minifter’s falary is raifed
by afiefiment 5 for in Bofton, and fome other pla-
ces, it is raifed by a voluntary contribution, and
there nothing is demanded of them. But if this
law was univerfal, it is no greater a hardfhip than
they are under from the national Church of Old-
England ; and yet the Governors of New- Eng-
land have fornething more to fay for themfelves ;
for in a confiderable.part of the province, the ori-
ginal grants of the lands were. made with this con-
dition, that there ftiould be certain taxes paid out CHAP,
of them as a fort of quit-rent, towards the main- V.
tenance of the eftablilhed miniftry : Now, tho’
the quakers are in pofleffion of fome of thofe
lands, and have raifed eftates upon them, yet they
deny to pay the quit-rent, becaufe it is to fupport
a miniftry they do not approve of.
Now if this be a true ftate of the cafe (fays Ma-
ther) I leave the reader to judge whether the
quakers had reafon to raile fuch a cry of perfecu-
tion againft the New-Englifh government, or to
prefer a fupplication to Queen Anne againft them,
when they enjoyed the fame privileges with the
reft of their fellow-fubjeds of that country.
Thus have I given fome account of the divifions
among the New-England fedlaries, and of the per-
fecuting fpirit of the independents or governing
party there, which will be enlarged upon hereaf-
ter. It is time now to return to the civil hiftory
of this province, which has not yet been brought
down lower than the year 1673, when there hap-
pened one ol the mod remarkable occurrences that
is to be met with upon record, and can by no
means be omitted here, becaufe it {hews how Ame-
rica was or might be, firft peopled ; an event that
has perplexed all inquifitiye people that have hi-
therto treated on that fubjedf.
A veftel being bound from the Streights to A boat with
London, the crew mutinyed againft their mafter men in : it:
and officers, and having put them into the long- fhJloaoTof
boat, with a fmall quantity of provifions, about^painto
an hundred leagues to the weftward of the coaft of^ d w ' Ens *
Spain, the mutineers fet fail with the (hip for New- ^ ‘
England, where they arrived in a few weeks ; but
to their great furprize met with their mafter and
his officers foon after their coming on fhore, for
the wind having blown brifkly from the eaftward
from the time the {hip parted from the long-boat,
and the officers labouring bard at their oars, they
had the good fortune to make the coaft of New-
England before their provifion was all fpent ; and '
the Captain informing the Magift rates- of Bofton
of the matter, the crew were apprehended, tryed
and con v idled of piracy ; and Forest, the chief
of the mutineers, with feveral more of the crimi-
nals, were executed for the at Bofton this very
year 1673 5 which does not or,iy {hew the poffibi—
iity of peopling Aunerica by fhips, or even boats
driven from ti e coafts of Europe or Africa,
but that it muft have been very ftrange, if no
fitch accident had ever happened, when the Phoe-
nic:ans and Carthaginians were fo long mailers
of the weftern coafts of Europe and Africa, and
of the Canary Hands, and other i Hands that lie
between this and the American continent ; efpeci-
aily as the wind always fits eafterly between the
tropicks, and fix or feven degrees beyond either
tropick. But to proceed in the hiftory of New--
England,
The
CHAP.
V.
The hiftory
-of New-
England
relumed.
A general
confpiracy
gainll the
Englilh.
F NEW-ENGLA N D.
The Indians until now made fcarce any attempts
for the recovery of their liberties, after the Pequot
Nation was fubdued in the year 1637. Their re-
fpedtive foveraigns remained at variance among
themfelves, and frequently called in the Englifh. to
revenge their domeftick quarrels, appealing to
them when they apprehended themfelves injured,
and making the Englifh arbiters of all their dif-
ferences; who cunningly played one againft ano-
ther, until they were fo weakened by their pri-
vate quarrels, that our colonies found themfelves
in a condition to give law to the whole country ; af-
ter which they proceeded to enlarge and ftrengthen
their frontiers, ufing the natives as their Haves and
vaflals ; which the Indians might eaffly have fore-
feen would be the confequence of calling in a peo-
ple fo much fuperior to themfelves to affift in the
conqueft of their domeftick enemies, it they had
not been blinded and infatuated with an infatiable
thirft of revenge.
There may alfo be other reafons affigned for
their courting and fubmitting to the Englifh :
They might be fo terrified by their fire-arms at
their firft arrival, as to apprehend them irrefifti-
ble, and might hope to obtain the better terms
by a ready fubmiffion. They might hope per-
haps to gain advantages in point of traffick alfo
by entering into alliances with them ; and picba-
bly were impofed on by the fair pretences of the
adventurers, who allured them they had no other
defign than trade, and to exchange the valuable
merchandize of Europe tor what their country
afforded ; and defired only to purchafe fome fmall
parcels of land to fecure their effects, and enable
them to carry on their traffick with advantage.
Thefe or fome fuch realons, no doubt, induced
the Indians to permit the Englifh to fettle amongft
them, and to give them but iittle difturbance for
thirty years and upwards ; but when they found
the Englifh ufed them every where like a con-
quered people, and there was not much dillin&i-
on made between thofe that had fubmitted and
entered into alliances with them, and thofe who
had not, hut that they were all now equally flaves,
and compelled to part with their religion as well
as their liberties, they entered into a general con-
federacv to (hake oft this infupportable foreign
yoke, in which they were encouraged by the fol-
lowing confiderations.
1. The tyranny -of the Englifh had rendered
them more unanimous than formerly.
2. Their fire-arms were no longer terrible ;
the Englifh had taught the natives the ufe of guns,
given them powder and fhot, and employed them
in fhooting game, fo that the Indians were be-
come better markfmen than their mailers.
3. The Englifh now looking upon themfelves
to be fecure, and believing the Indians would ne-
ver dare to make head againft them, had negleft-
547
ed to fortify their towns, and difeipline theirCHAP.
forces, which rendered it much ealier to drive V .
them from their coafts at this time than it wasi^^y^J
when they flood upon their guard, as in an ene-
my’s country.
In thefe circumftances, Metacomet (the fon
and fucceifor of the great Mass assoiet King of the
Wampanoags,who had formerly taken the chriftian
name of Philip upon him, when he renewed the
treaty of alliance his father made with the colony
of Plymouth,) obferving the encroachments of the
Englifh, who had in a manner deprived him of
his authority, treating him and the neighbouring
Sachems as their vaflals.
This Prince, eminent for his valour and con-
duit, difpatched mefiengers privately .hr,, ail the
tribes of Indians, inviting them to a general re-
volt, as the Englifh termed it, of which the go-
vernment of Plymouth received advice b) oneThecbnfpl-
Sa us AM an, who had changed his religion 'everai”^ 3 * 0 ^
times, and was now pleafed to prolefs himleil a SAMANo
chriftian. Philip being informed that his de-
fign had taken air, and who had betrayed him,
ordered fome of his people t<- furprife andkillSAu-
saman as he went to vftit his converts (for the
Englifh it fee-ms employed him as a miffionary a-
mong the natives) and the Sachem s orders were
executed with great privacy ; for three or ton;
Indians met Sausaman on the road, and killed Who is kifi-
him as he was going over a pond that was frozen,^ the k ’-
and cutting a" hole in the ice thruft his body
under it, leaving his hat and gun near the place,
that it might be thought he fell in accidentally :
And it feems thofe that found his corps were of
that mind, for they buried him without inquiring-
farther into the matter. But the Magiftrates of
Plymouth fufpedfing feme foul play, ordered the
body to be dug up, and a jury, half Englifh and
half natives, to lit upon it ; who lound that his
neck was broke, his head very much fwelled,
and feveral bruiles on his body, and gave their
verdidl that he was murdered. But the firft in- The mur-
timation, who were the authors of his death, ac- t0
cording to the credulous Dr. Mather, pi the Englffe.
ceeded'Trom the bleeding of the corps on its being
touched by an Indian named I obi as, one c.
King Philip’s council; tho’ afterwards ( tis
faid) another Indian came in as a witnefs, and
fwore pofitively that he law T obi as and two more
murder Sausaman ; and tno all three of them
denied the fact when they were brought to tne
gallows ; yet one of them breaking the rope con-
felled that he law the other two murder the de-
ceafed, but ftill avowed his own innocence.
From hence it is evident that the colony had
affirmed the government cf the Indians as well as
of the Englifh : And this inftance of it was no
doubt a frefh provocation to the Sachem Philip,
and the more fo as they had taken upon them to
A a a a 2 P u£
548 THE P R E S E
CHAP, put to death one of his principal Minifters with-
\ . out laying the matter before him, or demanding
LS~\ uitisfadfion in an amicable manner. And tho’ he
fmothered his refentment fome months, he was
no fooner prepared to execute the fcheme he had
formed, but he fuffered his people to infult the
Englifh fettlements ; and when complaint was
made to him, he returned fuch haughty an fvvers
as difcovered he no longer intended to fubmit to
A war com- their ufurpations. In the month of Tune 167 c,
thereupon. th,n o s carne to an ^ open rupture, for the Sachem
encouraged his foldiers to plunder fome plantations
almoft in view of his palace of Mount-Hope ; and
a party of Englifh being fent out to protect them,
fell into an ambufcade of Indians, who fired from
the bufhes and killed fix or feven of the Plymouth
men, and then retired to the woods. Whereupon
the Governor of Plymouth immediately difpatch-
ed an exp refs to the Maflachufets, and the reft of
the united colonies, with advice that the war
was a ifhially begun, and to demand the troops
they were refpeclively obliged to fend to his ailift-
ance by the articles of the confederacy.
King Phi- I hefe luccours being arrived, the Englifh at-
fromMount- tacked the Sachem in his palace of Mount-Hope,
Hope,. which, after a faint refiftance he abandoned (the
place being ftirrounded by the Englifh plantations)
and retired to the Pocaftet Indians on the fea-
coaft ; whereupon the Englifh marched into the
country of the Narraganfets, whofe fidelity they
fufpetPced, compelled them to deliver up feveral of
tneir Sachems as hoftages, and fign a treaty,
whereby they obliged themfelves to affift the con-
federated colonies again ft King Philip and his
adherents ; after which receiving intelligence that
King Philip was fortifying himfelf in a fwamp
covered with bufhes, in the Pocaftet country, the
Englifh ftirrounded the place with their forces,
and by blocking up the avenues to it propofed to
reduce him by famine. But Phili p efcaped in
the night-time on a float of timber over a river
tnat ran by the fide of the fwamp or morafs, and
fted to the Nipmuck Indians, who inhabited the
in-land country on the eaft fide of the river Con-
necticut. Here Philip aflembled a confiderable
army, and foon became mailer of moft of the Eng-
lifh plantations in this country ; and four-fcore of
the Englifh retiring to a place of difficult acc e/s,
he befteged them in it ; but the confederated co-
lonies fending a detachment to the affiftance of
their friends, the fiege was raifed, and Philip
retreated further weftward, being purfued as far
as the river Connecticut. Several fkirmifhes in
the mean time happened between the Englifh and
Indians in the other colonies; all the nations of
Indians naving by this time taken arms to reco-
vei tneir expiring liberties, which they were
now too late convinced were in the utmoft dan-
S er * And in fome encounters they were fiuc-
NT STATE
cefsful. They attacked Captain Beers, whoCHAP„
commanded a party of fix and thirty men, kill- V.
ing the Captain and twenty more, the reft mak-
big their efcape to Hadly ; after which the ene- Two Pf rtie3
my cut oft the heads of the flain, fixing fome of °„ t off b j*the
them on poles by the high- way fide, and hang- Indians,
ing up others by the jaws on the boughs of trees ;
which Major Treat marching with a body
of four-fcore men to revenge, and fighting after
the Indian manner in the woods, where every
man endeavoured to cover himfelf by fome tree
from the enemy’s fhot, the Indians, who were
ten times his number, and better markfmen, kill-
ed feventy cf his men ; and the remainder had
been cut off if Captain Mosel y (hearing the
continual fire) had not come in to their affift-
ance ; after which Phil 1 r’s men retired, having
loft about an hundred of their companions, as the
New-England hiftories relate. However, it ap-
pears from the fame hiftories, that the Indians,
were ftill mailers of the field, and among other
places burnt and plundered the town of Spring-
field, fituated on the river Connecticut ; and the
New-England people were now lb fenfible of their
weaknefs, that they had recourfe to falling and
prayers to deprecate the divine vengeance, and
inquire into the crying fins of the land, which
they held to be the occafion of thefe calamities ;
but in their bead-roll of fins they never took no-
tice of the moft crying fins of injuftice and op-
preffion of the Indians, over whofe perfons and
country they had ufurped the dominion, and which,
were indeed the foie occafion of this war, and of
the calamities they moft juftly fuffered in it.
However, bad as their caufe was, they met
with fome fuccefs foon after, which they held to
be the effect no doubt of their falls. They re-
ceived intelligence, or pretended they had intelli-
gence, that the Narraganfets had harboured fome
of King Philip’s foldiers, which they deter-
mined amounted to a declaration of war ; and '
therefore in the beginning of winter, 1675, with-
out fending to enquire the truth of the advice, or
expoftulating with the Narraganfets, they invaded
their country with twelve or fifteen hundred Eng-
lifh deftroying it with fire and fword ; and the
people thereupon retiring into a fwamp, which
they endeavoured to fortify by cutting down trees,
and railing a breaft-work, the Englifh ftormedand
carried the place, killing a thoufand Indians in
arms, among whom were twenty of theirCaptains
of great fame : Befides thefe were maffacred mul- The Nam-
titudes of old men, women and children, who ganfets na-
iled hither on the invafion, this being efteemed the lacre ‘
beft natural fortification, and the moft inacceffi-
ble in the country of the Narraganfets. The Eng-
lifh loft in the adfion fix of their braveft Captains,
and eighty-five Soldiers, befides an hundred and
fifty that were wounded. .
This,-
549
OF N E W -ENGLAND,
€HAP. This flaughter of the Narraganfets did not
V. o-o Iona; unrevenged ; tor all the Indian nations
on the frontiers of New-England immediately
* took the field (and calling in the French of Ca-
nada to their affiftance, as their hiftories relate)
The Indians they burnt and plundered the towns of Mend-
burn and h am , Lancafter, Marlborough, Sudbury, Chelmf-
Engiift the Lord, Weymouth, and even the town of Med-
towns. field, within twenty miles of Boftcn, the capital
of the MafTachufets, carrying many of the inha-
bitants into flavery. From hence they marcned
into the colony ol Plymouth, where the v/ar
firft began, laid the town of Warwick in allies,
and furprifed Plymouth, the capital or that co-
lony, but were beaten out of it again ; and be-
They cut ing purfued by fifty Englifh and twenty Chrif-
cff two de- tian Indians, they formed an ambufcade, into
Englik. b which the Englifli fell and were all cut in pieces,
except one Engldliman , and twelve 01 their In-
dian allies. After this King Philip’s people
burnt the towns of Rehoboth, Providence, An-
dover, and feveral more ; the inhabitants having
deferted them and fled for refuge to places that
were more defenfible.
In the mean time a detachment of feventy
Englifh under the command ot Captain W ads-
worth and Captain Brattle bank, march-
ing to the affiftance of their friends, were fur-
rounded by five hundred Indians, who killed
fifty of them on the fpot, and took fome prifoners
after a very obftinate engagement, wherein it is
laid above one hundred Indians were flain. PIow-
ever, it is agreed on all hands, the Indians ob-
tained the vidlory, and, according to the New-
England hiftories, put their prifoners to death by
the'moft unheard-of tortures. But notwithftand-
ing the Indians were generally fuccefsful during
the winter, when the feafon was fo rigorous that
the Englifh forces could not keep the field, for-
* tune began- to frown on them in the beginning
of the year 1676. King Philip’s troops were
The Indh/is defeated in feveral encounters, and the potent
theifdidfi nation of the Mohawks, upon fome quarrel with
!^ r Philip, entering into a league offenhve and
defenfive with theEngliib, he was no longer able
to make head againft his enemies, but fled to
his fortrefs of Mount-Hope in Plymouth Colony,
where the war began. And here he fhut him-
felf up, refufing to furrender, but was at length
Philip killed by a mufket-fiiot, on the !2thofA.uguft
kiiled. 1676. The brave Queen of Pocaflet, his moft
Jf h poSrret n faithful ally, loft her life a few days- before,
defeated and Xhis heroick favage being furprifed by a de-
drowned. tac h me nt of the Englifli, animated her men as
long as there was any hopes of fuccefs, and when
they deferred her, fled to a river-fide, where
miffing of her canoey fine attempted to crofs
the river and was drowned,
The character the New-England hiftorians
give us of King Philip is, that he was ever tin C HA I .
implacable enemy of the Englifh nation ; a bold V.
and daring Prince, with all the pride, fiercenefs,
and cruelty of a favage, and a mixture of deep King p >y -
cunning and defign. Pie had the addrefs to en- ra ^ er< c
gage all the Indian nations in his neighbourhood
in the war againft the growing power of the Eng-
lifh 3 and when his affairs became defperate,
chofe rather to die than furvive the liberties of
his country, and lubmit to a foreign yoke : That
he was no lefs an enemy to the Chriftian religion,
than to the dominion of the Englifli, never buf-
fering any of them to preach to his people, tel-
ling their miffionaries be did not care a button
for their gofpel.
Upon the death of King Philip, his adhe- The Indiana
rents" either fubmitted to the Engliili government on the ibuth
or difperfed, iome of them flying to Albany, Jy f u ]^ ued#
and others beyond the river Pifcatawa ; which
put an end to the war on the fouth-eaft oi New-
England, and fo broke the ftrength of the Indians
there, that they never attempted an iniurredhon
afterwards : But the war of the frontiers of New- The war
Hampfhire and Maine (that is, on the north and north-
the nerth-eaft) ftill continued. I he Maffachu-
fet writers inform us, that the Englifh adven-
turers, who firft poffeffed themfelves of the pro-
vinces of Maine and New-Hampfhire, lived dif-
perfed ali over thofe countries without building
a fingle town or fort in it for then - defence ;
and behaved themfelves however very infolently,
treating the Indians as flaves, and cheating and
impoiing upon them in their traffick ; though
their trade would have been very advantagious
to them if they had dealt fairly and upon the
fquare, inafmuch as they purchafed Beaver- fkins
and other rich Furrs of the natives for trifles.
The Indians had long borne with the infults
and outrages committed by the Englifh of thefe
colonies; but when they found they were engag-
ed in a war with their countrymen on the fouth-
weft, they alfo had recourfe to arms, over-run
and plundered the provinces of Maine and Hamp-
fhire, the Englifh flying before them to the
towns in the Maffachufet Colony ; and thole
which could not efcape thither were either cut
in pieces or carryed into captivity. Whereupon
the MafTachufets detached a body of two hundred
men to oppofe the Indians on the north-eafty
who had the good fortune to furprife four hun-
dred of the enemy and make them all prifoners.
Upon which fuccefs the Indians were induced
to come to a treaty with the Englifh, and a
peace was concluded on the 12 th of November,
1676, on the following terms, viz.
1 That the Indians fhould deliver up all the a peace with'
Englifli prifoners they had taken, with their the northern
effects, and make fatisfaftion for the Ioffe- the 11 ian5a
Englifli had fuftamed,. 2. That the Englifh
furniffe--
55 ©
T H E P RESENT STATE
C H A P, furniftnng the Indians with powder and Ihot,
V. they fhould trade with no other people 3 and,
wnrw 3. That thofe who had been concerned in
maflacreeing the Engliih in their houfes before
war was declared, Ihould be put to death, or de-
livered up to the Engliih.
Broken, Upon the conclufion of this treaty feme few
Engliih prifoners were releafed, but others being
ftill detained in captivity, the Englifh ordered
a detachment of two hundred men to march to
the north-eaft, to compel the Indians to perform
their part of the articles ; which they were fo
far from obtaining, that the Engliih, in a fubfe-
Another quent treaty, were obliged to promife to deliver
dii'advanta-
certain quantity of corn annually to the nor-
” them Indians, as a tribute or acknowledgment
for that part of the country they had planted.
Aim-render J n the year 1684, the colony of New-PIamp-
Himpiiurr Tiire finding themfelves continually expofed to
charter. the invafion of the French and their confederate
Indians of Canada, furrendered their charter,
and put themfelves immediately under the pro-
tection of the crown of England, and ever fince
their Governor, council, and Magiflrates have
been appointed by the King ; and about the fame
Judgment time judgment was obtained, on a Quo War-
MaffachuiH ranto ’ a g a ‘ n ft the Maftachufet and Plymouth
charter. ' Colonies. On the other hand, the Connecticut
and Rhode-Ifland Colonies fubmitting themfelves
to his Majefty’s pleafure, no judgment was given
again!! them, and they afterwards refumed their
ancient form ot government, which they have
been permitted to exercife ever fince : But the
Maftachufet and Plymouth Colonies were go-
verned by the crown of England in an arbitrary
manner, till King William granted a new
A new char charter to the Mafiachufets, in which were com-
the Mafia* prehended the colonies of Maine and Plymouth,
chufets. as has been obferved already.
In the mean time King Charles II. grant-
ed a commiffion to Henyy Ckanfield, Efq;
to be Governor of the Mafiachufet Colony ; and
he remained in that poll till the reign of King
James II. who appointed Joseph Dudley,
Efq; a native of New-England, and one he
thought acceptable to them, as being a member
of the independent feet, to fucceed Mr. Cran-
field ; but they were fo far from approving
An infurrec Mr. Dudley’s adminiftration, that they rofe
la‘ and ^ artns » made the Governor prifoner, and fent
him to England, and at the fame time threw off
their allegiance, pretending to revive their former
charter by their own authority ; and actually
proceeded to the choice of Magiflrates, after they
had depofed -thofe appointed by the crown. How-
Sir Ed- ever the King conftituting Sir Edmond An-
J T J' ND dros their Governor, in June 1686, impowered
made Go- an ^ fi° ur °f £ fi e council to frame laws for
vernor, the government of the colony, which the Mafo
fachufets thought fit to fubmit to for fome time;C HAP,
and all the Judges, Magillrates, and Officers, civil V.
and military, were preferred to their polls by Sir v^V\j
Edmund Andros.
During this gentleman’s adminiftration, name- A war with
ly, in the year 1687, the Indians on the north- thc Indians »
eaft of New-England, fupported by the French
of Canada and Nova Scotia, began to commit
outrages on the northern frontiers of New-Eng-
land, for which thev gave the following reafons:
1. That the Englifh had negledted to pay the
tribute of Corn, as was ftipulated by the laft
treaty of peace. 2. That they obftrudted
their filhery in the river Saco, by pitching nets
and feins at the mouth of it. 3. That the
Engliih had turned cattle into one of their illands
and eaten up their Corn ; and, 4. That their
lands were actually patented out to the Engliih ;
which feems to be too true, for the New-England
wriieis tell us they threatened the Surveyors to
knock them on the head when they came to lay
out thofe lands : And indeed I don’t find the
Engliih denyed any part of the charge, only re-
plied, that the Indians ought to have complained
of the ( e grievances firft, and leen if they would
not have been redrefted in an amicable way, be-
fore they had proceeded to adts of hoftility.
As to the French, their principal complaint
was, that the Engliih had made fome encroach-
ment on their territories in Canada : But howe-
ver, as they were incorporated with the Indians
by intermarriages, and were become in a manner
one people with them, it could fcarce be expedted
they Ihould Hand neuter ; and in fadt we find they
have fupported thefe Indians in all their wars with
the Englifh ever fince.
Sir Edmond Andros, who was at this time
at New-York, hearing the frontiers of New-
England were invaded by the French Indians of
Canada, returned to Bolton, and having endea-
voured to accommodate matters in vain, marched
againlt the enemy in the winter of 1688, at the
head of a thoufand men ; whereupon the Indians
retiring in:o the woods, he built and garrifoned
two. forts to defend the frontiers, and fent the
reft of his forces into winter quarters, and before
the next fpring, 1689, advice came of the revo- The revolu-
lution in Old- England. Whereupon the people tion *
rofe and made the Magiftrates and Officers of Bo-
lton prifoners, and fummoned Governor An-
dros, who was retired into the caftle, to furren
aer, which, after fome time, he thought fit to The people i
do, obferving the whole country difpofed to re- of New_
- - } 1 En-land de-
volt. Upon his return to England, King W il- f , their
liam approved his conduct, tho’ great com- Governor,
plaints were made of the tyranny of his admini-
ftration, and in the year 1692 he was conlrituted
by that Prince Governor of Virginia.
In the mean time the gentlemen of New-Eng-
land
OF NEW - ENGLAND.
55 1
CHAP.
V.
Sir Wil-
li a m
Ph i ps’s
expedition
againft Port-
Royal,
His rife in
the \\ orld.
land were pleafed to call an aftembly of reprefen-
ta ives by their own authority, who voted that the
government was devolved upon the people, and
appointed Simon Bradstreet, Eiq; their
Governor, and Thomas Danforth, Efq;
Deputy-Governor, with the fame council or af-
fiftants they had elected in the year 1686. But
their declaration that the government was devolv-
ed on the diffufive body of the people, was at-
tended with fome ill effects ; for the common
people, now looking upon themfelves as fo many
foveraigns, took upon them to plunder every one
they did not like, and among the reft the friendly
Indians ; but while they were in this confufion,
a letter arrived from King William and Queen
Mary, dated the 1 2th of Auguft, 1689, requi-
ring them to obey their Magiftrates till they re-
ceived further orders.
Still the Indians continued to ravage the fronti-
ers, killed great numbers of Enghfh, and were
guilty of very barbarous aftions (as the New-
:- England writers relate) in which they met with
little oppofition while the government remained in
that unfettled condition. At length the celebra-
ted Sir William Phips, in the year 1690,
railed a body of feven hundred men, and obfer-
ving that the Indians were conftantly fupported
in their wars by the French, who had poftelled
themfelves of Nova Scotia or Acadia, a country
which of right belonged to the Englifn, and that
their principal fortrefs was at Port-Royal, he re-
folved to embark with his troops, and endeavour
to reduce that place; but before I give an account
of the fuccefs of that expedition, I fnall take this
opportunity to inform the reader who this Sir
William Ph i ps was, and the memorable oc-
cafion of railing his fortune.
This hero was born of mean parents, anno
1650, at a fmall plantation on the banks of the
river Kennebeck, the north-eaft frontier of New-
England. His father was a Gunfmith, and left his
mother a widow with a large family of fmall chil-
dren : This William being one of the young-
eft, kept Sheep in the wildernefs till he was eigh-
teen years of age, and was then bound apprentice
to a Ship Carpenter. When he had ferved his
time, he went to fea, and having been fuccefsful
in fome fmall adventures, at length difcovered a
rich Spanifh wreck, near the port of La Plata in
Hifpaniola, which gained him a great- reputation
in the Englifh court, and introduced him into the
acquaintance of fome of the greateft men in the
nation.
The galleon, in which this treafure was loft,
had been caft away upwards of fifty years, and
how Captain Ph i ps came to the knowledge of it
does not appear to me ; but upon his applying to
King Charles II. in the year 1683, and ac-
quainting his Majefty with the probability there
was of recovering it, the King made him Com- CH A P.
manderof the Algier Rofe, a frigate of 18 guns, V.
and 95 men, and fenc him to Hifpaniola, in fearch
of the prize. Here he was informed by an old
Spaniard of the very place where it was loft, and
began to fifth for it, but his (hip’s crew looking
upon it as a romantick undertaking, after fome
little trial defpaired of fuccefs, and compelled him
to return to England without effeHing any thing :
And tho’ the Captain affined the miniftry that the
impatience of the feamen only prevented his fuc-
cefs, the court refufed to be concerned in the En-
terprize any further, and it was dropped for fome
time. However, the Captain continuing his
application to fome great men, the Duke of Al-
bemarle, and feveral other perfons of diftin&ion,
fitted him out again in the year 1686 ; and arri-
ving at the port De la Plata with a (hip and ten-
der^ the Captain went up into the woods, and
built a ftout canoe out of a Cotton Tree, large
enough to carry eight or ten oars. This canoe
and tender, with fome choice men and fkillul
divers, the Captain fent out in fearch of the
wreck, whlft himfelf lay at anchor in the poit.
The canoe kept bulking up and down upon the
(hallows, and could difcover nothing but a reef of
rifing (lioals, called the boylers, within two or
three foot of the furface of the water. The fea
was calm, every eye was employed in looking
down into it, and the divers went down in feveral
places without making any difcovery, till at laft,
as they were turning back, weary and dejected,
one of the failors looking over the fide of the ca-
noe into the fea, fpied a feather under water,
crowing, as he imagined, out ot the fide of a
rock ; one of the divers was immediately order-
ed down to fetch it up, and look out if there was
any thing of value about it. He quickly brought
up the feather, and told them that he had difco-
vered feveral great guns ; whereupon he was or-
dered dov/n again, and then brought up a pig of
filver of two or three hundred Pounds value, the
fight of which filled them with tranfports, and
convinced them fufficiently, that they had found
the treafure they had been fo long looking for.
When they had buoyed the place, they made
hafte to the port, and told the Captain the joyful
news, who could hardly believe them, till they
(hewed him the filver, and then with hands lift up
to heaven, he cried out. Thanks be to God vie
are all made ! Ail hands were immediately order-
ed on board, and failing to the place, the divers
happened to fallfirft into the room where the bul-
lion had been ftored, and in a few days brought up
, 2 ton of filver, without the lofs of any man’s
life. When they had cleared the ftore room they
fearched the hold, and-amongft the ballaft of the
(hip- found a great many bags of pieces 01 eight.
It is obfervabie- that thefe bags having lain fo long
unde,? -
THE PRESENT STATE
552
CHAP. under water amongft ballaft, were crufted over
V. with a hard fubftance like lime-ftone,to the thick-
nefs of feveral inches, which being broken with
irons contrived for that purpofe, the rutty pieces
of eight tumbled out in prodigious quantities,
Befides thefe things they found vaft treafures of
gold, pearls, jewels, and every thing that a Spa-
nifh galleon ufed to be laden with. There was
one Adder ley of Providence, who had been
with Captain Phi:ps in his former voyage to this
place, and promifed to affift him again if ever he
fhould make a fecond adventure, who met him
with a frnall velTel at port De la Plata, and with
the few hands he had on board took up fix ton of
filver for themfelves. They both Raid till their
provifion was fpent, and then the Captain oblig-
ing Adderley and his men not to difcover the
place of the wreck, nor come to it himfelf till
next year; they weighed anchor and returned.
The reafon of this obligation was, becaufe the laft
day of their hilling the divers brought up feveral
fovv's of filver, which made the Captain imagine
that there was a great deal of treafure yet behind,
tho’ it afterwards appeared that they had in a man-
ner quite cleared the fhip of her bullion before
they left her. The Captain fleered direCtly away
for England without calling at any port by the
way, and arrived the latter end of the year, with
The value of about three hundred thoufand Pounds fieri ing, fix-
lerl’in° 0 teen t ^ ou ^ an ^ °f which, after all charges paid,
fi&eiup, a nd gratuities to the bailors, came to his own
fliare : Befides which, the Duke of Albemarle
made his wife a prefent of a golden cup of a thou-
fand Pounds value.
Some of King James’s courtiers would have
perfuaded him to have feized the fhip and its car-
go, under pretence that the Captain had not
rightly informed him of the nature of his pro-
ject when he was graciouily pleafed to grant him
his patent ; but the King replied, that Phips
was an honeft man, and that it was his council’s
fault that he had not employed him himfelf, and
therefore he would give him no difturbance in
what he had got ; but as a mark of his royal fa-
vour conferred upon him the honour of knight-
hood. But to proceed in the hiftory.
I left Sir William embarking his forces in
New-England, for the reduction of Acadia, who
failing from Nantafcot on the 20th of April 1690,
came before Port-Royal (now Annapolis) the ca-
pital of Nova Scotia, on the nth of May; and
the place being then but poorly fortified, the gar-
Porfc-Royal rifon made fcarce any defence, but furrendered
taken. upon condition of being conduced to Canada.
Moll of the French inhabitants chafing to remain
in the town, took the caths to King William
and Queen Mary, over whom Sir William
having appointed a Governor returned to Bofton
on the 30th of the fame month, having reduced
another French fettlemenf at the mouth of St. CPI A P„
John’s River, in the bay of Fundi, by the way : V.
And the Englifh kept polleffion of this country
till the peace of Ryfwick, anno 1697, when And St.
King William thought fit to refign it to the|j } jM d tg
French. But Queen Anne being better appri- the French
fed of the importance of this country to the Eng- fa y Kin s
lifh, obliged the French to yield up their preten- Yiam
fions to Nova Scotia and Acadia at the peace of Recovered
Utrecht, anno 17x2, the town of Port-Royal ^ Qi een
now bearing the name of Annapolis in honour of Port Ro ‘y a j
that Queen. But to proceed. now called
The fuccefs Sir William Phips met with Annapolis,
in the reduction of Nova Scotia encouraged him
to attempt the conqueft of Canada, which would
have rendered the Englifh matters of all the north-
eaft part of America ; and to fupport him in this ,
enterprize, the people of New-England fitted out
a fleet of two and thirty fail, putting on board of
it two thoufand men under his command : And The reduc-
it was concerted with the weftern colonies, that a no J ot t Ca *
thoufand Englifh and fifteen hundred Indians tempttd.
fhould march over land from Connecticut and
New- York at the fame time, and attack the for-
trefs of Montreal, fituate above Quebeck, on the
river St. Lawrence, that the French might be
obliged to divide their forces.
The fleet fet fail from the town of Hull, on
the 9th of Auguft, but contrary winds prevented
their coming before Quebeck till the 5th of Octo-
ber ; and the detachment which marched over
land not meeting with the canoes or boats the In-
dians had promifed to provide to tranfport them
over the lakes, they were obliged to return home,
which gave Count Frontenac, the Governor
of Canada, an opportunity to unite all his forces
in the defence of Quebeck ; and when Sir Wil-
liam fent him a fummons to furrender, he did
not only flight the fummons, but threatned to
hang up the Officer v/ho brought it, telling him j
they w..re a pack of pyrates, having no cornmifi.
fion from the true King; of England.
Sir William Phips hereupon landed four-
teen hundred men, giving the command of them
to Colonel Wh alley, with orders to attack
the town on the land-fide, while lie battered it
with his fhips from the river : But Wh alley
making his defeent a league and a half from the
town, to which the way lay through a wood that
the French had fortified, he was twice repulfed
and could never penetrate it. Whereupon Sir
William Phips ordered his men to embark 1
again, refolving to land them clofe to the town ;
but a ttorm arofe in the night which difperfed the
fleet, and at the fame time it grew fo extreme cold
that many of their men fell fick. Whereupon itTheenter-
was thought advifeable to return home : And be- P" ze defeat-
fore they reached Bofton, they loft a thoufand men'"
by the rigour of the feafon.
Mr. Dummer
OF NEW- ENGLAND.
'CHAP.
V.
IAN
A tfucewith
the eaftern
Jndians.
A new char-
ter granted
to New-
England.
Mr. DuMMER alfo obferves that their troops
did not fall by the fword of the enemy, but the
lofles they fuftained were occafioned by famine and
various difafters in their return home, and chiefly
by the early approach of a fevere winter, which
made it impracticable for provisions to follow
them. Certain it is they were very unfortunate
in being detained fo long by contrary winds, that
the fummer was fpent before they could enter up-
on aCtion It had been much better after this ac-
cident to have deferred the expedition till another
year. In that cold climate it is fcarce ever prac-
ticable to make a winter’s campaign ; and the
Itorms, fogs, and difficulty of the navigation in
the river Canada, or St. Lawrence, after the au-
tumnal equinox, make that voyage extremely ha-
zardous. Whoever therefore (hall attempt Que-
beck hereafter, will do well to begin the enter-
prize before midfummer, or they muff never hope
for fuccefs. But to return.
During this expedition of Sir William
Phi ps to the weftward, the war was carried on
very brifkly in the eaff. Four or five hundred
French and Indians eroded the bay of Cafco in
canoes, and furprifed the town of Cafco, making
the inhabitants prifoners of war. Whereupon all
the fmaller garrifons thereabouts abandoned their
forts, and retired to Saco : And three hundred
men being detached under Major Church, to
make head againft the enemy on the frontiers, the
Major did not only recover the town of Cafco,
but forced the enemy to retire to the woods, and
the Indians foon after defired a truce ; which was
agreed to at the fortrefs of Saghedoc, on the 29th
of November, to continue till May, 1691.
Still Sir William Phips had his heart fixed
upon the conqueft of Canada, an enterprize of
the lalt confequence to the britifh plantations,
and embarked for England in the beginning of the
year 1691, to folicit the court of England for a
fupply of troops from thence ; but King W il-
Ll am wanted all his forces to make head againft
the French in Europe, and could not fpare him
any : When Sir William found it in vain
therefore to continue his application on that head,
he employed his intereft with the New-England
agents to obtain a reftoration of the Mafiachufet
charter: And tho’ they did not fucceed in this,
they procured another with ample privileges,
which the New-England people were not fo well
pleafed with however as the old patent, becaufe by
the new patent the appointment of a Governor,
Lieutenant-Governor, and Secretary, was refer-
ved to the crown, and the power of the militia
veiled in the Governor, as Captain-General ;
whereas, by their former patent, the Governor
and all Officers, civil and military, were appoint-
ed by the general affembly. However, his Majefty
was'pleafed to indulge the New-England agents
fo far as to fuffer them to name their firft Gover-
nor by the new charter, and they thereupon de-
fired Sir William Phips might be the man;
which the King granted, and Sir William
Phips was appointed Captain-General and go-
vernor in chief of the Maffachufet Bay in New-
England.
In the mean time the truce of Saghedoc being
expired, the war was revived in New-England,
and earned on with various fuccefs. The Eng-
lifh defended their garrifon towns in the province
of Maine pretty well ; but the open places and
their plantations were generally plundered and de~
ftroyed, and great cruelties exercifed on fuch of
the Englilh as were made prifoners.
Sir William Phips arriving at New-Eng-
land with the charter he had obtained, about this
time, the people appeared difeontented that their
privileges were abridged in fo many particulars .
However, the general court appointed a day of
thankfgiving for the fafe arrival of their Gover-
nor, and tranfmitted an addrefs of thanks to his
Majefty for granting them a new charter. And
now Sir William applied hi mfelf with his ufu-
al diligence to carry on the war againft the Indians
on the north-eaft ; who ft ill continued to harrafs
and plunder the Englilh fettlements and maffacre
the inhabitants ; and marching with a body or
four hundred and fifty men over the river Kenne-
beck, after he had repul fed the favages, he caufed
a fort to be eredted near the mouth of the river
Pemaquid, which he named William -Henry Fort,
for the defence or the frontiers, being one of the
ftrongeft and mod regular fortifications that bus
been feen in that part of the world ; and proved
an excellent barrier againft the incurfions of the
Indians ; who being now weary of the war fent
an 2mbaffador to Pemaquid to make propolals of
peace ; and a treaty being thereupon agreed to,
the following articles were concluded on the 1 ith
of Auguft, 1693.
1 That all the Indians on the north-eaft of
Merimack River fhould acknowledge themfelves
fubjedt to the crown of England, and prom ife to
abandon the French intereft. 2. I hat they
fhould fet all the Englifn prifoners at liberty with-
out ranfom. 3. They agreed that the Englifh
fhould quietly enjoy all their plantations in this
country; and 4. That trade fhould be under
fuch regulations as the government ot L ew Eng-
land fhould preferibe. And for the performance
of thefe articles they delivered to Sir W illi am
Phips the Governor feveral hoftages, as pledges
of their fidelity : And the Governor, on the other
hand, promifed them his protedfion.
Towards the end of this war the people of
New-England appeared perfedtly diftradted with
apprehenfions of their being overrun with witches
and evil fpirits, one neighbour profecuting ano-
R b b b ther
553
C H A p.
V.
L/'V'NJ
Sir W 1 l.
LIAM
Phips Go-
vernor,
The war
commences
aaain.
Pemaquicl
Fort built-.
Peace con-
cluded with
the Indians,
New-Eng-
land be-
witched.
554
the present state
Pa ris, a
preacher,
the prime
author of
CHAP, ther capitally for wichcraft with the utmoft vio-
V. lence ; . in which they were fo much encouraged
V s * i by tn eir preachers, and countenanced by their
Magiftrates, that no man’s life was fafe. Strange
were the miftakes, fays my author (Mr Neal)
whicn feme of the wife ft and beft men in the
country committed on this occafion : And it mull
have proved fatal to the whole province if God
had not mercifully interpofed.
Paris a preacher at Salem, began the
tiagedy the latter end of the year 1691, under
pretence his daughter and niece were under an ill
the dduf 10n . tongue (the former of them being nine, and
the latter eleven years of age ;) and what was
thought an evidence of their being affli&ed by
Yt itches, was their creeping into holes and cor-
ners, and lying under chairs and ftools. They
had a To, it is laid, fomething like convulfion fits
and complained of their.being bitten and pinched
by in vifible agents ; and Mr. Par is fufpedting an
Indian woman in his houfe named Tituea, and
two others whom the children cryed out tormented
them, in their fits, to be the witches, they were
examined before a Magi ft rate ; and Tituba,
-lighted out of her wits at the charge, confefled
that fhe and tne two other women had afflidted
the children : But upon her enlargement (for they
never put any to death that confefs themfelves
witches,) fhe declared that her mafter had beaten
and abufed her to make her confefs and accufe
luch as he called witches ; and that whatever fine
had faid by way of confeffion and accufing others,
was the efFebt of fuch ufage.
The wit-
nefles
threatened,
to extort a
confeffion.
2india-° f - T he form of their moments may be feen
:ment againft m mf 1 ' preferred againft one of their preachers,
V1Z - Mr. George Burroughs. M inifter of Fal-
stousKs. mouth.
Wherein they charge, that the faid George
Burrou g hs, on the ninth of May,, in the fourth
yeai of King William and CAieen Mary,
and divers other days and times before and after,
certain deteftable adds, called witchcrafts and for-
ceries, had wickedly and felonioufly ufed, prac-
tifed, and exercifed, within the town of Salem,
• n the county of Effex, in and upon Mary
Walcot of Salem, fingle woman ; by which
.•aid wicked adds, the faid Mary Walcot, on
the ninth of May aforefaid, and divers other
days and times, was tortured, afflibted, pined,
confirmed, wafted, and tormented, againft the
Bing and Queen’s peace, &c.
.Upon this and three indictments more for be-
w.tching three other women, Mr. Burroughs
TiVe-evi ■
v/as brought to his trial, on the fifth of Auzuft,
1692. 0 3
I *‘ e vfitnefTes againft liirn were five women,
W #S ™ h ,° P retended to be bewitched by him, and
eignt confeffing witches ; the latter fwearing he
was the principal actor in their nightly revels.
and was promifed to be made King of Satan’sCHAP.
kingdom, then about to be erected : And the be- ’ V.
witched perfons unanimoufly depofed, that a fpec-
tre, refembling the prifoner, hutinvifible to others,
tormented them in their fits. Oneofthewit-
neffes teftifyed, that the prifoner prefTed her to
let her hand to a book, and inflicted cruel pains
on her when fhe refufed. Others depofed he
founded a trumpet for the witches to rendezvous
at a fac; ament, and tempted thole he tormented
to partake with them. Another faid, he carryed
her to tne top of a high mountain, and fhewed
her glorious kingdoms, telling her he would
give them all to her if fhe would fign his book.
I he confeffing witches teftifyed, he gave them
puppets, and thorns to ftick into the puppets,
lor afflicting other people ; exhorting them to be-
witch all the people of Salem, but to do it gra-
dually. &
Some people of credit depofed, that he had the
ft length Oi a giant, and inftanced in his lifting'
great weights ; but. he fhewed that an Indian in
court had done the fame.
Others teftifyed, he had been a cruel man to
in.' wives ; who often complained to the neighbours
his houfe was troubled with evil fpirits.
. I he prifoner denyed the w hole charge, and The prifoner-
declared it to be his opinion, that never any per**
Ion made a lormal contradt with the devil, or
could lend the devil to torment other people at a.
diftance. However, he was convicted, and fen-
tence of death palled on him.
Being. brought to his execution, he made folemn Hisexeca*
proteftations of his innocence, and concluding tion.
his prayer with the Lord’s prayer, expreffed 1b
much devotion and refignation, that the people
were moved to pity him ; and it was expebted the
Magiftrates who attended him would have refpi-
tffl his execution : But his acculers cryed out he
WaS affifted by the Devil ; whereupon he was
turned off, and after he was cut down dragged
into a hole, not being fuffered to have a decent
burial in the ufual burying-place.
Doctor Mather, giving an account of theMA-
circumftances of feveral perfons Lid to be be- ther ~s
witched, relates, “ that their limbs were hor- ^
r (bly diftorted and convulfed ; that they were aftions.
pinched black and blue ; that pins were invi-
U Tibly run into their flefh ; and that they were
“ fealded until they had blifters raifed in them.
“ One of them (fays he) was affaulted by a.
fpectre with a fpindle in its hand, which no
body elfe in the room could fee, until the afflibt-
“ ed in one of her agonies, fnatched it out of the
ipedtre s hand, and then all the company faw
it. Another was haunted by a fpebtre in an in-
“ viflb!e fheet ; but the affiidted in one of her fits
“ tearing apiece of it away, it became vifible :
Sometimes poifonhas been forced on the afflicted
OF N E W -
CHAP. 44 by an invifible hand, which, when they have
V. 44 drank, they have prefently fwollen, and aftc'-
44 wards been relieved by the medic nes ufually
“ given in fuch cafes. Sometimes they have
44 complained of burning rags forced into their
44 mouths, which no body elfe could fee, yet the
44 burns have remained on their mouths after-
44 wards. Sometimes they have complained of
44 irons heating in the fire to brand them, the
44 marks of which they have carried to then
44 graves. The fpedfres (fays he) ufually perfo-
44 nated fome perfons whom the afflidhed knew,
44 and (which is very ftrange if true,) when they
“ wounded the fpedre, the perfon whom the
44 fpedfre reprefented was wounded too : For ex-
44 ample, one 6f the afflidled faid, that the fpeftre
44 that tormented her was D> — H— and poi nting
44 to a certain place in the room, fhe cryed out,
44 there is D — H — ; upon which a man with his
44 rapier ftruck at the place, and the afflidled told
44 him that he had given her a finall prick about
44 the eye ; foon after which D— -H— being ap-
44 prehended, confefled herfelf a witch ; and that
44 in troubling the girl that had impeached her fire
44 had received two wounds, one about the eye,
44 which fhe (hewed the Magiftrates, and another
44 in the fide. If the accufed calf their eyes on
44 the affli&ed, the afflidled, tho’ their faces were
44 turned another way, would fall into a lwoon,
44 and continue in it until the hands of the accu-
44 fed came to touch them ; and it was often
44 found that the flefh of the afflicted was bitten,
44 fo that the print of teeth was very vifible;
44 and there would appear juft fuch a fet of teeth,
44 as was in the accufed, even fuch as might be
44 clearly diftinguifhed from other people’s. In a
44 word, the afflicted (as the Dodtor obferves) in a
44 few days time arrived to fuch a refining altera-
44 tion upon their eyes, that they could fee their
44 tormentors : They law a Devil of a little fta-
44 ture, and of a tawny colour, attended with
44 fpedtres, that appeared in more human cir-
44 cumftances : Thefe tormentors tiled to tender
44 the afflidted a book, requiring them to fign,
44 or touch it at leaft, in token ot their con-
44 fentingto be lifted in the Devil’s fer vice; which,
44 if they refufed, the fpedtres under the command
44 of the black man tortured them with prodi-
44 gious moleftations.”
The Doc- But Mr. Calef of Bofton, in his book en-
tor's account j.j t ied j More wonders of the invifible world, has
oded, endeavoured to invalidate the Doctor’s account of
things : He declares that the Itory of the fheet
was a known forgery, it having been provided
by the afflidted perfon the day before : And he
dees not doubt but the fpindle was fo too. He
adds, that the print of the fet of teeth v/as nothing
but the afflicted’s biting themfelves ; and that fome-
ENGLAND 555
times inftead of finding a fet of teeth, the accufed CHAP,
have not had a tooth in their heads. V .
And to (hew yet farther the wickednefs of
thefe afflidted perfons, he mentions an accident
at the tryal of Sarah Good, which, if true,
ought alone to have invalidated their evidence for
the future; The ftory is this: While Sarah
Good was upon her tryal, one of the afflidted
fell into a fit, and cryed out that the prifener’s
fpedtre was ftabbing her with a knife, but had
broke it in her body ; and to confirm the truth
of her relation, fhe plucked a piece of the blade
out of her breald, and (hewed it in court. But
there was a young man prefent, who, feeing the
blade, had the honefty and courage to claim it
for his, and to declare before the Judges, that
he broke his knife but the day before, and threw
awav that part of the blade in the prefence ot the
afflidted perfon ; but that he had the handle with
the other part of the blade in his pocket, which
he delivered into court : And upon comparing
them together, they were found to be parts of
the fame knife ; upon which the Judge only re-
primanded her, and bid her tell no more lies.
’Tis certain that thefe fufpected wizards and
witches were convidted on very (lender evidence j
for the court allowed the witnefles to tell ftories
of twenty or thirty years (landing, about over-
fetting of carts, the death of cattle, unkindnefs
of relations, or unexpected accidents befalling
them after fome quarrel ; all that was ailed ged
againft them, to the purpofe, being either from
the diftempered perfons themfelves, or from thole
who had been frighted into a confefflon of their
being witches by the threatnings of the Magif-
trates, or encouraged to it by the hopes of mercy.
Great part of the evidence given againft thefe The evl-
unhappy people alfo appears exceeding ridiculous.
One teftifyed, he bought a Sow ol the prifoner incompetent
which was troubled with fits foon after. Ano- and ridicu-
ther, that the prifoner’s fpeDre fo opprefled him lous ‘
in h is bed that he Vvas not able to ftir ; but on
calling for help it vamfhed. Another, that twelve
years before the trial the prifoner often came to
his houfe, and foon after his child was troubled
with ftrange fits. Another depofed, that having
a controverfy with the priloner about her rowls,
he was grievoufly opprefled by Something in her
likenefs the night following. Another time he
was troubled with a black Pig; but going to
kick it the Pig vaniftied. A miller depofed, that
going to receive lorne money of the prifoner,
he had not gone three rods from her before lie
loft it : And at another time, having been dif-
courfing with her, he had parted from her but a
very little time before one of the wheels or his
cart funk into the earth in very plain ground,
and he was forced to call for affiftance to get it
B b b b 2
55$
C H A P.
V.
i/YNi
STi-A Jr’S
remarks on
j£>r. Ma-
th e t’s
H alation.
T HE PRESENT STATE
out, but going to view the hole afterwards there
was no llgn of it.
Two other men depofed, that being employed
to repair one of the prifoner’s collars, they found
feveral puppets made of rags and Hogs briftles
with headlefspins in them ; and a jury of women
being impanneled to fearch her, found a pre-
ternatural teat on her body, but upon a fecond
fearch, three or four hours after, there was none
to be found.
John Allen teftifyed againft another prifo-
ner, that refuting to carry fome pipe-ftaves for
her, the told him, he had as good, or his Oxen
fnould not do him much Service ; and he replying,
do you threaten me, you old witch ? I will
throw you into the brook. She ran away, but his
Oxen afterwards run mad into the fea, and were
all drowned except one.
Another depofed, that as he lay in his bed one
night, the prifoner jumped in at a window, took
hold of his feet, and drawing his body into a
heap, lay upon him two hours, fo that he could
neither {peak or ftir ; but at laft he caught hold
of her hands, and bit three of her fingers to the
hone, whereupon fire went down Hairs and out
of doors.
One Kembal teftifyed that, upon fome dif-
guft, one of the prifoners told him his Cow fhould
do him no good, and it dyed next morning :
And another time, refufing to buy one of the
prifoner’s Puppies, he was frighted with a black
Dog as he came out of the woods, which flew
upon him, and he thought would have torn his
throat out ; but upon naming the name of
Christ it vanifhed away: Which he fuppofed
to be a piece of the prifoner’s black art, to revenge
Jhimfelf on him for not buying his Puppy.
Sarah Atkinson depofed, that the prifoner
came on foot from Ametbury to her houfe at
Newbury in an extraordinary wet feafon, when
it was not not fit to travel, and yet the foies of
her fhoes were hardly wet ; which laft piece of
evidence. Dr. Mather obferves, put the pri-
foner into great confufion.
And here, fays Mr. Neal (who was far
from being an enemy of the Doftor,) I can’t
forbear making one remark upon thefe as well
as upon all the trials that Dr. Cotton Ma-
ther has publiftied to the world on this occa-
sion ; that when he has given us the depofiti-
ons ol the witnefles againft the prifoners at large,
he pafles over their defence in fucb general words
as thefe, they faid nothing worth confidering ;
their difcourfe was. full of tergiverfations and
contradictions ; they were confounded, and their
countenances fell, &c. whereby his reader is left
in the dark, and rendered incapable of judging
of the merits of the caufe. If the defence of
ftie prifoners were fo weak and confuted as the
Doctor reprefents, it had been for the advantage CPI A Pj
of the court to have expofed it at large to the V.
world ; but if not, it is very hard that it fhould
be {mothered.
But upon fiich evidence as this twenty-ewht
perfons received fentence of death, of which nine-
teen were executed, and one (namely) Giles
Cory, was prefted to death, all of them dying
with ftrong proteftations of their innocence.
George Jacobs, fen. being condemned, the
Sheriffs officers came and feizcd all he had, even
to his wife’s wedding-ring. Hard was the cafe
of this old man ! who was convifled by the evi-
dence of his grand-daughter, who, to fave her own
life, confefled herfelf a witch, and was forced to
appear againft her own grand-father and Mr.
Burroughs. On the day before their execu-
tions {he came to Mr. Burroughs, acknow-
ledged her guilt, and begged his pardon on her
knees ; who not only forgave her, but alfb prayed
with and for her. The day after their executi-
ons ftia wrote the following letter to her father.
Honoured father,
“ After my humble duty remembered to you,
“ hoping in the Lord of your good health',.
“ as blefted be God I enjoy, though in abun-
“ dance ol affliction, being clofe confined here,
“ in a loathfome dungeon, the Lord look down
“ in mercy upon me, not knowing how foon
“ I fhall be put to death, by means of the af-
“ fliCtecl perfons,. my grand-father having fuf-
41 fered already, and all his eftate feized for the
“ King. The reafon of my confinement is this,
“ J having through the Magiftrates threatnings,
“ and my own vile and wretched heart, con-
“ felled feveral things contrary to my confcience
“ and knowledge, though to the wounding of
“ my own foul ; the Lord pardon me for ir,
“ but oh ! the terrors of a wounded confcience
“ who can bear ! But blefted be the Lord, he
“ would not let me. go on in. my fins, but in •
“ mercy I hope to my foul would not fufFer me
“ to keep it in any longer, but I was forced to
“ confefs the truth of all before, the Magiftrates,
“ who would not believe me ; but it is their
“ plealure to put me here, and God knows how
“ foon I fhall be put to death. Dear father, let
“ nre beg your prayers to the Lord on my be-
“ half, and fend us a joyful and happy meeting
in heaven. My mother, poor woman, is very
“ crazy, and remembers her kind love to you,
“ and to uncle, viz. D — A' — , fo leaving you
“ to the protection of the Lord, I reft your-
dutiful daughter, .
From the dungeon
in Salem- grifon, MARGARET JACOBS.
Aug:. 20, 1692.
There were eight more condemned befides thofe
that were pardoned, but on account of their be-
coming evidences they were firft reprieved, and
them.
OF NEW- ENGLAND.
557
CHAP, then pardoned ; and between three and four hun-
V. dred more were imprifoned or accufed : Indeed,
the whole country (fays Mr. Neal) was in con-
* fufion, every one being jealous of his neighbour.
Mrs. Cary of Charles-Town being commit-
ted to Cambridge prifon and laid in irons, her
hufband attended the trials of fome others, and
obferving that the fpe&ral evidence was received,
together with idle and malicious ftories againft
peoples lives, contrived his wile s efcape, and fled
with her to Rhode-Bland, and afterwards to New-
York, where they ftaid till the ftorm was over.
Mr. Philip English and his wife alfo fled,
whofe eftate Mr. Corwin the Sheriff feized, to
the value of 1500 1. which was wholly loft, ex-
cept about 300 1. which was afterwards reftored,
Mr. Dudley Bradstreet, a Juftice of
peace in Andover, having granted out warrants
againft thirty or forty for fuppofed witchcraft ;
and feeing caufe at length to refufe granting any
more, was with his wife accufed of killing nine
perfons by witchcraft, and forced to fly the coun-
try.
Mr. John Bradstreet, brother to the
Juftice, being accufed of affliding a poor Dog, and
riding upon him through the air to wicch-meet-
ings, was forced to fly for his life into Pilcataqua
government ; but the Dog was put to death.
Captain John Aldin, a man of good repu-
tation and efteem, being examined at Salem, and
committed to Bofton Goal, May 3C after fifteen
weeks imprifonment made his efcape. And after-
wards returning again, furrendered himfelf to the
fuperior court at Bofton, none of his former ac-
cufers appearing againft him.
Another gentleman of Bofton, being accufed by
the afflicted at Andover, ventured to ftand his
ground, and fent a writ by fome particular friends
to arreft his accufers in ioco 1. aftion for defama-
tion, with inftruction to inform themfelves of the
certainty of the proof ; which fo frighted the
poor creatures, that from that time the accufations
at Andover generally ceafed.
Things were indeed come to a wretched pafs,
no man being lure of his life or fortune for an
hour ; and no wonder, confidering the infamous
methods that were made ufe of to bring people
into the fnare : There was a fociety of gentlemen
at Salem, like that for the reformation of manners
in London, who engaged to find out and profe-
cute all fufpected perfons ; and many were impri-
foned by their means.
Mr. Joseph Ballard’s wife of Andover
falling lick of a malignant fever, of which Are
died, her hufband fanfied her bewitched, and fent
horfe and man forty miles to Salem to fetch fome
of thefe diftempered wretches that pretended to
the fpedral fight, to tell who it was that af-Cil A I .
Aided her : When they came they fell into their V .
fits, and accufed one perfon as fitting on the head,
and another on the lower parts of the afflicted.
No fooner was the fcene opened but the whole
town was alarmed, and more than fifty were
complained of for afflicting their neighbours in a
few weeks ; here it was that many were made to
accufe themfelves of riding upon- poles through the
air to witch-meetings ; many parents believed
their children to be witches, and hufbands theft
wives.
Things went on in the old chanel till the
afflided over-aded their parts fo far as to accufe
fome of the neareft relations of Dr. increase
Mather, and of the Governor himfelf; it was
time then to make a ftand : Accordingly we find
the very next feffions, which was January 3,
1692-3, when fifty-fix bills were preferred againft
perfons for witchcraft, the grand jury brought in
thirty ignoramus ; and of the remaining twenty-
fix, the petty jury convided but three, whom the
Governor pardoned : Nay, the people s eyes were
fo far opened by this time, that Urey would not-
convid people upon their own confeiilons ; for
when Mary Watts’s confeflion was produced
as evidence againft her, the grand jury would -
not accept it, but looking upon her as a diftemper-
ed perfon, brought in the bill ignoramus ; and
though the court fent them out a fecond time 3
they returned again with the fame verdid.
And indeed "all the confefficns that were made
feem to me either the efFeds of a diftempered
brain, or extorted from perfons to fave their lives.
Hence it was, that the hufbands and children,
of fome upon their bended knees have prevailed
with them to confefs every thing that was laid to
their charge : Others have been wearied out
with lone; and tedious examinations before pri-
vate perfons for many hours together, till they
yielded to any thing ; the queftion being then
afked, were you at fuch a witch-meeting? Or
have vou figned the Devil’s book? If they leplieci
yes, the whole was drawn out into the form of a -
confeflion. That this was really the cafe, will
appear by the following certificate, figned by the
hands of half a dozen honeft women, whofe con-
fidences would not fuffer them to difguife the truth -
any longer.
“ We whofe names are under- written, inlia-
« bitants of Andover : Whereas that horrible and:
44 tremendous judgment beginning at Salem -Vil- -
s ‘ la^e in the year 1692, by fome called witch-
45 craft, firft breaking forth at Mr. Paris’s •
41 houfe, feveral young perfons being feemingly
44 afflidted did accufe feveral perfons for affliding
44 them, and many there believing it to he fo,
44 w©
They were never executed if they ccafr.V, unlefs they recanted their .confeflion,
55 '
THE PRESENT STATE
C H A P. we being informed, that if a perfon were Tick,
V. 44 the afflicted perfons could tell what or who was
D'T'v) “ the caufe of that ficknefs ; Joseph Ballard
“ (of Andover)’s wife being ftck at the fame time,
64 he either from himfelf, or the advice of others,
“ fetched two of the perfons called the affli&ed
“ perfons from Salem-Village to Andover, which
44 was the beginning of that dreadful calamity that
44 befell us in Andover; and the authority in
44 Andover believing the fail accufations to be
4 ‘ true, fent for the Paid perfons to come together
44 to the meeting- houfe in Andover (the afflicted
“ perfons being there ;) after Mr. Ballard had
“ been at prayer, we were blind-folded, and our
44 hands were laid upon the afflicted perfons, they
44 being in their fits, and falling into thefe fits at
“ our coming into their prefence, as they faid
44 fome led us, and laid our hands on them, and
44 then they faid they were well, and that we
44 were guilty of afflicting them : Whereupon we
44 were all feized as prifoners by a warrant from
44 the juitice of the^peace, and forthwith carried
44 to Salem ; and by reafon of that fudden furpri-
44 zal, we knowing ourfelves altogether innocent
44 of that crime, we were all exceedingly afto-
44 nilhed and amazed, and confternated and af-
44 frighted out of our reafon ; and our deareft re-
44 lations feeing us in that dreadful condition, and
44 knowing our great danger, apprehending that
44 there was no other way to five our lives, as
44 the cafe was then circumftantiated, but by con-
44 felling ourfelves to be fuch and fuch perfons, as
44 the affliffled reprefented us to be : They out of
44 tender love and pity perfuaded us to confefs
44 what we did confefs, and indeed that confefflon,
44 that is faid we made, was no other than what
44 was fuggefted to us by fome gentlemen, they tel-
44 ling us that we were witches, and they knew it,
44 and we knew it, and they knew that we knew
44 it, which made us think that we were fo ; and
44 our undemanding and our reafon, and our fa-
44 culties being almoft gone, we were not capa-
44 ble of judging of our condition ; as alfo the
46 hard meafures they ufed with us rendered us in-
44 capable of making our defence, but we faid
44 any thing, and every thing they defired, and
44 moii of what v/e faid was but in effect a con-
44 fenting to what they faid. Some time after
44 when we were better compofed, they telling
44 us of what we had confelfed, we did profefs
44 that we were innocent and ignorant of fuch
44 things; and we hearing chat Sam ue l W ard-
One execu- 44 well, who had renounced his confefflon, was
v* con d emne d and executed, fome of us were told
feffion! C 1 ‘ L t ^ !at we were g°i n g after Ward well.
Mary Osgood, Abigail Baker,
Mary Tiler, Sarah Wilson,
Deliverance Dane, Hannah Tiler.
If this confeffion had been made a little fooner.
while the fpectral evidence was in repute, it had CHAP,
coft the confeffors their lives ; for it is impoffible V.
to exprefs the blind fury and zeal of the people a-
gain ft the prifoners who believed every thing the
afflided faid, and difbelieved every thing the ac-
cufed offered in their own vindication.
When neither promifes nor threatnings could
bring perfons to confeffion, they fometimes made
ufe of violence and force, as appears by the moving
letter that Mr. Proctor fent to the Miniftersof
Bofton a few days before his trial ; which becaufe
it gives a clear account of this matter, I will tran-
fcri be in his own words.
To the reverend Mr. Mather, Moody,
Baily, Allen, Willald.
Reverend gentlemen,
44 Fhe innocence of our cafe, with the enmity
44 of our accufers, and our judges and juries, whom
44 nothing but our innocent blood will ferve their
“ turn, having condemned us already before our
44 trials, being fo much incenfed and inraged a-
44 gainft us by the Devil, makes us bold to beg
44 and implore your favourable affiilance of this
“ our humble petition to la is excellency. That
44 if it be poffible our innocent blood may be
44 fpared, which undoubtedly othervvife will be
44 fhed if the Lord does not mercifully ftep in, the
44 Magiftrates, Minifters, Juries, and all the peo-
44 pie in general being fo much incenfed and enrag-
44 edagainft us by thedelufion of the Devil, which
44 we can term no other, by reafon we know in
44 our confciences we are all innocent perfons;
44 here are five perfons who have lately confeffed
44 themfelves to be witches, and accufe fome of
44 of us of being along with them at a facrament
44 fince we were committed to clofe prifon, which
44 we know to be lies. Two of the five are car-
44 riers fons, young men who would not confefs
44 any thing till they tied them neck and heels,
44 till blood was ready to come out of their nofes ;
44 and ’tis credibly believed and reported, that*
44 this was the occafion of making them confefs
44 that they never did ; by reafon they faid one
44 had been a witch a month, another five weeks,
44 and that their mother had made them fo, who
44 had been confined here thefe nine weeks. My
44 fon William Proctor, becaufe he would
44 not confefs when he was examined that he was
44 guilty, they tied him neck and heels, till the
44 biood gufhed out of his nofe, and would have
44 kept him fo twenty-four hours, if one more
44 merciful than the reft had not taken pity on
44 him, and caufed him to be unbound. Thefe
44 accufations are very like the popifh cruelties;
44 they have already undone us in our eftates, and
44 that will not ferve their turns without our in-
44 nocent blood. If it can’t be granted that we
44 may have our trials at Bofton, we humbly beg
44 that you would endeavour to have thefe Magi-
4 4 fixates
OF NEW-ENGLAND.
C H AP. t{ ftrafes changed, and others put in their room ;
V. “ begging alfo and befeeching, that you would
44 pleafe to be here, home of you, if not all, at
44 our trials, hoping thereby you may be the means
54 of faving our innocent bloods ; defiring your
44 prayers to the Lord on our behalf, we reft
s4 your poor affiidted fervants,
John Proctor, See.
But this Letter had no effedt, Proctor and
his fellow prifeners being convidled and executed
a little after. Such methods as thefe being made
ufe of, it is no wonder that the number of confef-
fing witches amounted to fifty, not one of whom
were put to the trial whether they would abide by
their confeffions when they came to die : Unhappy
creatures ! who were forced to do the drudgery of
taking away the lives of their neighbours to lave
their own. But upon the affiicled’s over adding
their part, as I obferved before, the tide of the
peoples affedfions began to turn, and they who a
little before were in danger of being torn in pie-
ces by the mob, were now univerfally lamented
and pitied. All further profecutions were now Hop-
ped, the accufations of the affiidled were entirely
difregarded, the prifon doors were fet open to all
that were under confinement by the accufations of
the afflidfed, and Sir William Phips, after
fome time, pardoned all that were under Sentence
of condemnation.
But befides the blood that was fpilt upon this
occafion, feveral perfons and families were ruined
in their eftates and reputations, partly by long im-
prifonment, and partly by the avarice of the Offi-
cers who took pofieffion of their houfes in their
abfence ; and tho’ I am fully Satisfied that the zeal
of the government in this affair proceeded from
their regard to the glory of God (continues Mr.
Neal) yet I muft fay, that the Magistrates were
too partial in their behaviour towards the accufed ;
t and that Sir William Phips himfelf treated
them with too much feverity, by ordering them
to be laid in irons, and countenancing the popu-
lar cry againft them.
The whole country were by degrees made fenfi-
ble of their miftake, and moft of the adlors in
this tragedy repented the (hare they had in it.
One of the honourable judges that Sat on the bench
at thefe trials on a faft day, in a full afi'embly at
the South meeting in Bofton, delivered in a paper
to be read to all the people, acknowledging his
having fallen into Some errors in the trials at Sa-
if 3 em, and begging the prayers of the congregation
that the guilt of Such mifearriages might not be
I imputed to the country in general, or to him and
his family in particular. And while this pap< r was
reading, he flood up in view of the whole afi’embly.
The jury likewife publifhed a paper figned with
their own hands in the following Words :
44 We whofe names are under-written, being
559
44 in the year 1692, called to Serve as Jurors inCH AP’
44 court at Salem, on trial of many who were by V.
44 Some SuSpedfed of doing acts of witchcraft up-
44 on the bodies of Sundry perfons, do confefs that
44 we ourfelves were not capable to underftand,
44 nor able to withftand the myfterious delufions of
“ the powers of darknefs and prince of the air,
44 but were, for want of knowledge in ourfelves,
44 and better information from others, prevailed
44 with to take up with Such evidence againft the
44 accufed, , as on further consideration, and fur-
44 ther informations, we juftly fear was infuffici-
44 ent for the touching the lives of any, Deut.
44 xvii. 6. Whereby we fear we have been inftru-
44 mental with others, though ignorantly and un-
44 willingly, to bring upon our Selves, and thefe
44 people of the Lord, the guilt of innocent
44 blood, which fin the Lord faith in feripture
44 he would not pardon, 2 Kings xxiw. 4. I hat
44 is, we fuppofe, in regard to his temporal
44 judgments; we do therefore hereby Signify to
44 all in general, and to the furviving Sufferers in.
44 efpecial, our deep fenfe of, and Sorrow for our
44 errors in adfing on Such evidence to the con-
44 demning of any per Son.
44 And do hereby acknowledge that we juftly
44 fear that we are very fadly deluded and mifta-
44 ken, for which we are much difquieted and
44 diftreffed in our minds, and do therefore hum-
44 bly beg forgivenefs fir ft of God for Christ’s
44 fake for this our error, and pray that God
44 would not impute the guilt of it to our felves,
44 nor others ; and we alfo pray that we may be
44 coniidered candidly and aright by the living
44 Sufferers, as being then under the power of a
44 ftrong and general delufion, utterly unacquain-
44 ted with, and not experienced in matters of that
44 nature.
44 We do heartily afk forgivenefs of you all,
44 whom we have juftly offended ; and declare, -
44 according to our prefent minds, we would
44 none of us do fuch things again for the whole
14 world ; praying you to accept of this in Way
44 of fatisfadbion for our offence ; and that you
44 would blefs the inheritance of the Lord, that
44 he may be intreated for the land.
Thom as Fisk, foreman. Thom asPerle Y,fen>
William Fisk,. John Pehody,
John Batcheler, Thomas Perkins,
Thomas Fisk, jun. Samuel Saver,
John Dane, Andrew Elliot,
Joseph Evelith, Henry Herrick, fen.
And Dr. Cotton Mather, who writ the Dr. Ma-
foremen cioned trials, has. hnce declared it as his
opinion, that things were carry ed too far, as ap- errors,
peared to him : 1. From the great number of
perfons accufed. 2. From the quality of the per-
fons accufed, forne of whom were perfons of blame-
lefs and holy lives, 3. From the number of the
afflicted
THE PRESENT STATE
56°
CHAP. affli£led, which encreafed to about fifty. This
V. (fays hej gave juft ground to fufpedt fome miftake.
From the execution of the prifoners, notone
of which confeffed their guilt at their death, thb’
feveral of them were perfons of good knowledge
. and fober lives, and dyed in a ferious and affedl-
ing manner. And as for the confeflbrs (fays he)
we had no experience whether they would abide
by their confeffions when they came to die ; they
being all reprieved and pardoned. 5. Becaufe,
when the profecutions ceafed, the afflidded grew
prefently well. The accufed are generally quiet,
and we har e had no difturbance fince that time for
thefe five years.
remarks c ^ ^ ave °f ten wondred that no publick notice was
thefe pro- ever taken either of the affluSted perfons or con -
fecutions. felling witches. If the agitations of the afflidfted
were voluntary and artful, the blood of the inno-
cent certainly lay at their doors ; but if not, they
fhould have been treated as lunaticks, or as per-
fons, who, being pofiefied by an evil fpirit, had
been the unhappy inftrumeots of taking away the
lives of their honeft neighbours. The confeffino -
witches may poffibly defexve a little more com-
panion if their confeffions were extorted by vio-
lence, or arofe from the pure neceffity of faving
their lives this way and no other (as I believe was
the cafe of moil of them ;) but yet their bear-
ing falfe witnefs again!! their neighbours, and
dipping their hands in their innocent blood, ought
not to have been paffed over in filence.
Mr. Paris indeed, in whofehoufe this tragedy
began, and who had himfelf been a witnefs, and
a zealous profecutor of the accufed, felt the effects
of the people’s' refentment fome time after; for
his people not only withdrew from his communion,
but prefented feveral petitions and remonftrances
to the Magiftrates and Minifters of Bofton to
obtain his removal : They declared, “ That Mr.
“ Paris’s believing the Devil’s accufations,
4 ‘ and readily departing from all charity to perfons
“ of blamelefs lives and con ver fat ions upon fuch
“ fuggeftions ; his promoting accufations, and
“ his partiality therein ; his Aiding fome and en-
“ couraging others; his going to Mary Wa-
“ lut and Abigail Williams, to know
“ who afflicted the people in their illneifes, and
“ his taking an oath that the prifoners by their
“ looks knocked down the pretended fufterers,
44 tho’ it is certain he knew nothing of the mat-
44 ter ; obliged them to refufe him for their
Minifter. The Minifters of Bofton did every
thing they could to make up the difference ; and
Mr. Paris himfelf, in the year 1694, made a
publick acknowledgement of his error, begging
pardon both of God and man ; but the people
infilling that that they neither could nor would
fit under the miniftry of a man who had been
an inftrument 01 the mifery and ruin of fo many
of their relations and friends, he was at laftre-CHAP.
moved. V.
The confufion occafioned by thefe profecutions
were no fmall hindrance to the cultivating a good The Indi-
correfpondence with the Indians on the conclufion lytesto^the
of the peace of Pemaquid, in the year 1693. jefuites.
■ However, Sir William Phips, the Gover-
vernor, did not entirely negledl it. He aflembled
the Sachems on the frontiers, made them prefents
and opened a free trade with their tribes. He
propofed alfo the leaving among them fome con-
verted Indians, to inftrudt them in the Chriftian
religion, and they thereupon made great protefta-
tions of their fidelity and future friendfhip ; but
as to religion they defired to be excufed, and
would not fuffer any preachers or miffionaries to
remain among!! them ; for the French jefuites and
Popilh priefts had already profelyted this people,
and indeed created in them an abhorrence of the
religion of the Englifh ; fuggefting that their an-
ceftors were the crucifiers of our Saviour,
and themfelves the perfecutors of all good catho-
licks.
Sir William was no lefs unfortunate in his
adminiftration at home than in his attempts to
convert the Indians ; for his government was not
only difturbed by people who pretended to be
pofiefied and bewitched, but a ftrong faction was
formed again!! him, that afcribed all their grie-
vances to his conduct : To him they imputed it,
that their privileges were abridged by the new char-
ter, and that their taxes were fo high, occafioned
by the needlefs expences he had put them upon, of
building fort Pemaquid, and other fortreffes on
their frontier : And they proceeded fo far as to ex-
hibit articles again!! him to the privy-council ofSirWiL-
England ; whereupon he was recalled to defend p j
himfelf ; but carrying over with him an addrefs impeached
from the general aflembly in his favour, he was ^ ^ f ” r
not only acquitted, but promifed to be reftored to “
his poll : However he fell ill of a fever in Lon-
don, and dyed there on the 18th of February, He dies,
1694-5, in the 45th year of his age.
In the mean time the French fpirited up the The war
Indians of Canada and Nova Scotia to break the brt ? ksouC
. again,
peace with the Englifh within a year after it was
made ; and the Savages failing upon the planta-
tions and open towns on the frontiers, maffacred
great numbers of the inhabitants, and carryed
more into captivity : And the French joining their
forces with the Indians, in the year 1696, fur- Fort Pama-
prifed the important fortrefs of Pemaquid and TI d / u T n ’
demolifned it. French and
In the year 1697, French and their Indian demolifhed.
allies made preparations to invade New-England
by fea and land ; but Lieutenant Stoughton
detaching five hundred men to the north-eaft,
under the command of Major March, the ene-
my was repulfed on that fide, and obliged to fly
into
OF NEW-ENGLAN D.
<56 1
CHAP, into the woods ; and the French fleet at the fame
V. time being {battered by a tempeft, thought fit to
return to the river Canada without attempting to
make a defcent. There were afterwards fome fmall
Ikirmilhes upon the frontiers, but no confideraRe
action ; and in December 1698, advice arrived of
'The peace the conclufion of the peace of Relwick; whereupon
Of Ref- the Sieur Frontenac, Governor of Ca-
wick * nada, advifed his Indian allies to releafe their pn-
foners, and make the beft terms they could with
the Englifh ; for his mailer being now at peace
with that nation, he could no longer fupport them ;
and the Indians taking his advice, made their
fubmiffion at Cafco, on the 7th ot January, 1698-9
promifing to perform the articles they had agreed
to in the year 1693, and declared they had never
broke them, if they had not been incited to it
by the French jefuites. . .
T , r The Earl of Bellamont was about this time
lllZ. made Governor of New-England and New-
York, but refided chiefly at the latter, leaving
the adminiftration of the Government of New-
England to Lieutenant-Governor Stoughton ;
ancf a war commencing in Europe between the
confederates and the French, in the year 1702,
New-England was foon involved in it. In this
war the New-England people made another effoit
for the recovery ofPort-Royal in Acadia, but were
not fuccefsful in their firft attempt. However,
Th. Eng- being d>e next year with f e hunared re-
]iih .take gular troops, commanded by Colonel Nichol
Port Royal SQN they carried the place
again, Jt J , • r
Encouraged by this fuccefs, the miniftry in
Old-England propofed the attacking of Canada
once again ; and the colonies of New-England and
New- York readily came into it, and actually
made confiderable levies of men and money to al-
fift and fupport that enterprize, being in daily ex-
pectation of a fquadron ol men of war, and a bo-
dy of land forces from Great-Britain, to enter
upon adtion ; but our Generals on this fide being
unwilling to fpare any troops from Flanders, the
enterprize was laid aiide until the year 1711 .
When the Generals as well as the miniftry, being
, changed, that important expedition was revived,
expedition and Admiral W 'a lk e r was commanded lor New-
againft Ca- England with a fquadron of twelve me nor war, hx
nada^an. and f ort y tranfports ; on board whereof
were five thoufand veteran troops, under the com-
mand of Brigadier-General Hi ll. All manner of
warlike ftores, and forty horfes, for the ufe ot
the artillery, alfo were put on board ; and with
thefe the Admiral arrived at Bofton on the 25th
w a Tk er of June 17 1 1, having been feven weeks and three
and General j a y S ; n his paffage from Plymouth. hereupon
Hveat’ 3r " the land forces were let on fhoreonNodd’s Bland,
Bofton. in the Mafiachufet Bay, to refrefn thetnfelves, and
wait until all things were in readinefs to beliege
Quebeck, the capital of Canada. Here the for-
Vol. III.
ces lay waiting for provifions until the 20th of 'G Hi A I .
July, when they were reimbarked, and on the \ .
25 th two New-England regiments alfo were added
to them, and embarked on board the fleet, by the
command of Governor Dudley.
In the mean time General Nicholson, Go-
vernor of New- York, afiembled a body 01 two
thoufand Engbfh and thirteen hundred Indians,
who were ordered to embark on the rivers which
fall into the lake of Ontario, ufually called the
lake of Canada, or T rontenac, and fo get into the
river of St. Lawrence, and attack the fortrefi of
Montreal, fituated in an ifland of tnat liver in
order to make a diverfion, and divide the F tench
forces, while Admiral Walker and General
Hill fhould attack Quebeck. But our unfor-
tunate fleet never reached that city ; lor ai living
in the mouth of the rivet Canada, there fell fo
thick a fog that their pilots were at a left's which
way to fleer, having no foundings to direct them ,
and it afterwards blowing hard, they were driven
upon the north fhore among the rocks, where
they loft eight of their tranfports with eight hun- Part ofth®
dredmen on board, and the whole fleet was nr
danger of being ihip wrecked. Whereupon they
made the beft of their way to the eaft-ward, and
coming to Spanilh-River-Bay, they held a coun-
cil of war, on the 4th of September, wherein it The Admi-
being confidered that they had but ten weeks pro-
vifion for the fleet and army, and that the navi- t0 England,
gation was fo bad at this time of the year in thofe
parts that they could not depend on fuppues ot
provifion from New-England, it was unammoully
refolved to return home ; and fetting fail accord-
ingly (after they had detached fome (hips and for-
ces to Bofton and Annapolis) the fleet arrived at
Portfmouth on the 9th of . October following ;
where, to complete their misfortune, the E-agar,
the Admiral’s Ihip was blown up, and feven hun-
dred people perifned, including the failois wives
and thofe that came to welcome their friends
home : But the Captain and moll of the Officers
being then on fliore, efcaped the terrible blow.
As for General Nicholson, and the forces
that v/ere defigned to make a diverfion by be-
fieging Montreal, an exprefs being fent after
them with the advice of the lofs of the tranf-
ports in the river Canada, they returned to New-
York without attempting any thing. And thus
unhappily ended an expedition, 11 “
fucceeded, would have made us mailers of the beft
part of North- America, and driven the French
entirely from that continent : And as people are
apt to blame one another where they fail of fuccefs,
we find the Admiral and General complaining
that their being detained at Bofton for want o-
the provifions and reinforcements the government
of New-England had promifed, until the Kimmer
was fpent, and then not being fur milled with good
C c c c F 1 0w
502
THE PRES
CHAP. pilots there, were the occafions of their misfor-
V. tune. The New-England people, on the other
hand, alledged, that it was not too late in the
year but they might have fucceeded, if the Ge-
neral and Admiral had been hearty in the enter-
prize.
But perhaps neither of them were much to
blame. We may rather afcribe the ill fuccefs they
met with to the want of a good underftanding be-
tween Old and New-England, and to the wind
and weather, which the wifeflc and braved: com-
manders cannot provide againft.
An enterprize of this nature had been concert-
ed in Old-England fome time before, as has been
cbferved already, and the New-England people
had made great preparations to fecond it ; but
when they had put themfelves to a very great ex-
pence, our Generals in Flanders would fpare no
troops for this fervice; whereby all the trouble and
charges they had been at were loft. When this
project therefore was revived, the New-England
people determined to wait till the fleet and army
fhould arrive at Bofton before they began their
preparations, and the rather becaufe there had been
a, change of the miniftry ; for they were jealous
that the new miniftry had but little friendthip for
them. When the fleet and army therefore came
into the bay, they were forced to wait a whole
month for the forces and provifions they were to
take in there. The colony indeed urge in their
defence, that no port in Great-Britain could have
furnifhed fach a fleet and army with provifions
fooner ; which I agree to be true, and that they
were very hearty in the enterprize after they faw
-Tire delay the forces arrive ; for nothing could be of more
™P ortance to them than the conqueft of Canada.
fke V occafion 3 ut the y ou g ht to have had their forces and provi-
ct the ill fions ready on the arrival of the Britifh fquadron,
th^exp'vi . w,len they had notice of their coming ; for that
»in againft month’s delay, in the fineft feafon of the year,
Aieiwt was certainly a vaft difadvantage to the enter-
prize : And whatever fome malicious and envious
fpirits in Old-England might fuggeft to the con-
trary then, and have repeated fince the difafter
happened, it is very evident that all imaginable
encouragement was given to the undertaking in
England, and that the Officers employed ufed the
utmoft diligence and circumfpedfion in the execu-
tion of their orders: For the fquadron and land
forces actually failed from Plymouth the begin-
ning of May, and arrived at Bofton on the 25th
of June, rhe beft feafon in the world to execute
the fcheme that had been laid, if the New-Eng-
land people had been in a readinefs to join them,
and furnifhed them with good pilots ; in both
which articles they were apparently (defective :
And to thefe, and the crofs winds and fogs, and
the badaefs of the navigation in the river Canada
Ate latter end of the year, as has been intimated
ENT STATE
already, the ill fuccefs of this enterprize is princi- CHAP,
pally to be imputed, and not to want of zeal or V.
conduct in the Admiral or General ; for they
were fo intent upon the enterprize, that they a-
voided engaging a fquadron of French men of
war, under the command of De Guy Troen,
rather than the defign upon Canada fhould be de-
feated ; and for this they were feverely cenfured
by fome who did not confider the importance of
the enterprize they were going upon : And the
prefling orders they had to ufe all imaginable dif-
patch while the fair feafon lafted, an expedition
of the like kind having mifearried once before,,
when the government of New-England had the.
foie management of it, purely by its being un-
dertaken too late in the year ; and more men
were loll in that expedition, than there were in
this.
The year following,, anno 1712, was conclu- Nova -Scotia
ded the peace of Utrecht, in w : ich New-Eng- an J its JA-
land was included ; and as Nova-Scotia and Aca- to Great-^
dia were yielded to Britain by that treaty, the Brimy by
fifheries on thofe coafts and in the bay of Fundi, utreciT ° f
(which are equal, if not preferable to the fifheries
of Newfoundland) became folely veiled in the
fubjedfs of Great-Britain.
There have not been many t ran fad! ions of any The trade of-
great moment in New-England fince the peace New ; En s-
of Utrecht, unlefs it be their falling into fome fcrctwkh
raanufadlures and foreign trades, which interfere that of
with the manufadlures and trade of Great-Britain, G . rea oBu-
as has been touched upon already, and will be con- * *
ftdered further when I come to treat of the de-
putes between the fugar i (lands and the northern
colonies.
The afl’embly of New-England have alfo had a They refufe
long conteft with the court of Great-Britain about t0 all °w the
fettling a fixed i'alary on their Governor, which
they refufing to comply with, that matter was
propofed to have been laid before the parliament ;
and the people of New-England beginning to ap - ’
prehend their charter in fome danger, employed
Mr. Du.mmer, one of their Agents, to appear
in print as their Advocate ; a gentleman the beft
qualified for that office of any v/riter I have met
with ; for he evidently acts the part of an advo-
cate, concealing or mitigating. their errors in go-
vernment,and fetting their beft actions in the moft ;
advanragious light : Which brings me to enquire
into the conftitution of the refpedtive colonies,
which are comprehended under the name of.
New-England ; and firft of that of the. Mafta-
chufets.
It is obferved by Mr. Dummes, already The confix,
mentioned, that by the new charter granted to tut;on of
the Maflachufets (the moft confiderable of the^uftt ? Co-
New- England Colonies) that the appointment of lony.
a Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary,
and all the. Officers of the admiralty, is veiled in.
the
OF N E W - ENGLAND.
5°3
CHAP
V.
the crown : That the power of the militia is
wholly in the hands of the Governor, as Captain-
General : That all Judges, Juftices, and Sheriffs,
to whom the execution of the law is intruded,
are nominated by the Governor, with the advice
of the council ; and that the Governor has a ne-
gative on the choice of councilors peremptory
and unlimited ; and that he is not obliged to give
a reafon for what he does in this particular, or
reftrained to any number : That all laws enabled
by the general afiembly, are to be fent to the
court of England for the royal approbation ; and
that no laws, ordinances, elections (of Magi-
ftrates I prefume he means) or abbs of government
whatfoever are valid without the Governor s con-
tent in writing.
By thefe refervaticns (in the opinion of this
gentleman) the prerogative of the crown and the
-dependance of this colony are eftebtually iecured .
Whereas we find the Louis Commiffioners of
trade and plantations, in their reprefentation to
the houfe of commons, anno 1732, obferving
that notwithftanding the power feems to be divi-
ded between the King and the people in the Maf-
fachufet Colony, the people have much the great-
eft {hare ; for they do not only chufe the afiembly
of reprefentatives, but this afiembly chufe the
council (equivalent to our houle of lords) and th„
Governor depends upon the afiembly for his annu-
al fupport, which has frequently laid the Gover-
nor of this province under the temptation of gi-
, r n, and the
colony as
Qbfervations
on the admi-
nifLration of
the planta-
tion Gover-
nors,
ving up the prerogatives of the crow
intereft of Great-Britain : Fhat this ;
well as others ought to tranfmit to Great-.ui itain
authentick copies of the feveral acts palled by
them ; but they fometimes neglect it, ^ and pafs
temporary laws which have their full effebl before
the government here can have due notice of them :
And if the laws of this colony are not repealed
within three years after their being prefenied,
they are not repealable by the crown after that
time.
And here it may be proper to mention fome
obfervations of Mr. Dummer and other New-
England writers in relation to the adminiftration
of the Governors and Officers of our plantations,
as well as on the government itfelf.
That Governors are apt to abufe their power,
and grow rich by oppreffion, experience fhews us,
(fays Mr. Dummer.) We have feen, not ma-
ny" years fince, fome Governors feized by their
injured people, and fent prifoners to Whitehall,
there to anfwer for their offences. Others have
fallen viblirns on the fpot, not to the fury of a fac-
tion or a rabble, but to the refentment of the
whole body of the people, rifing as one man to
revenge their wrongs. Others, after being recal-
led, have been profecuted at the King’s-bench
Bar, purfuant to an abt of parliament made in the
reign of the late King \7iiliam, whereby it CH A 1 .
is provided, that Governors fin all be impleaduole \ •
at home for any injuries done in their governments
abroad. We have had more than one flagrant
inftance of this very lately, where Governors
have been convibled and cenfured, not fo proper-
ly for opprefiing, as for a clirebt plundering their
people, and fuch other abts of mif-rule and law-
lefs power, as one would not have thought it
poffible they fhould have committed, ii experi-
ence had not fiiiewn it to be more than poffible.
I do not, however, intend by what is here faid
to reproach our own nation, as if we were greater
finners than others, or to reflebt on the prefent
times, as if they were worfe than the former. I
know that the fame abufes have been prablifed in
every age as well as this, and in foreign colonies as
well as our own. The ancient Romans were^as
brave and as virtuous a people as any in the world ;
and yet their Pro-Ccnluls and Governors were
very guilty in this refpebt : T heir corruption was
fo notorious as to be diftinguifhed by the name of
crimen repetundarum, a phrafe not ufed in any
other meaning, and derived from the obligation
which the Roman fenate laid on their Governors
to make reftitution.
Nor have the modern governors in the French
and Spaniflr plantations been lefs criminal. It is a
famous ftory of a great mmifter at the court of
Madrid, who writ to his friend thevice-roy of Pe-
ru, that great complaints were made againft him for
having extorted immenie fums cl money from the
people in his government; which (fays he) I wifii
may be true, or elfe you are undone. It feems
the fame thing that wounded him was necefiary to
heal him ; what put him out of favour was the
only thing could reftore him.
Indeed it can hardly be expecfed but thefe cor-
ruptions muft happen, when one confiders that few
gentlemen will crofs the feas for a government whofe
circumftances are not a little {freight at home ;
and that they know by how flight and uncertain
a tenure they hold their commmions ; irom
whence they wifely conclude that no time is to be
loft : And then lor the account to be rendered at
home, that is not thought ot at fo great a di-
ftance ; for procul a Jove, procul a fulmine.
To inlarge then the power of Governors, is to Of the go-
give them greater power to opprefs ; and to vacate ^“‘5
the charters, is to inlarge their power,^ the tions imme*
vernment in that cafe of courfe devolving upondiately fub-
them, as we fee in thofe plantations which ncveT^j^
had any charters, but are immediately dependent
on the crown. There they have in a manner the
intire legiflative and executive powers, oratleaft,
fo great an influence on the conftituent pai ts of
the former, as leaves them iittle more tmn nomi-
nal {harers, ferving rather as fcreens to the Gover-
nor, than a defence to the people. The militia
C c c c 2
564 THE P R E S E
CHAP. is abfolutely vefteci in the Governors, which influ-
V. ences all elections of reprefentatives : They ap-
point Judges, Juhc ices, Sheriffs, and other civil
Officers with the confent, it is faid indeed, of the
council ; but that inch confent, voluntary or in-
voluntary, vcill ever be refilled, feems too much
to be expedited, if we confider, that altho’ the Go-
vernors do not indeed appoint the council, yet
they recommend proper perfons to the King ; and
it may be fuppofed, that a gentleman who is in-
trufted with the chief command of a province,
and is actually on the fpot, will be thought the
heft judge who are fit to ferve, and therefore his
recommendations will almoft always prevail. Be-
fides, if there be a turn to ferve, or an emergen-
cy real or imaginary,, and any of the members
fhould be fo refractory as not to give into his mea-
fures with an implicit faith, the Governor can
lufpend as many ot them as he pleafes ; and when
he has reduced the board under a number limited
in his inftruCtions, he can then fill it up to that
number, Inftanter, with whom he pleafes; and who
will they be, may we prefume, but fuch as are paf-
fively obedient to his will ? And too many fuch
there are to be found in all colonies, fo confti tu-
ted, who are content to be faddled themfelves,
provided they may ride others under the chief ri-
der. I muft farther ob ferve, that where there are
no charters, there are courts of equity eftablifhed,
in which the Governor is always Chancellor, and
for the rnoft part chief Juftice and Ordinary at
the fame time; which puts the eftates, lives, and
liberties ot the inhabitants, laving the liberty of
an appeal at home, intirely in his difpofal ; and
even an appeal in all cafes under a confiderable
fum, in all cafes of the ordinary jurifdiCtion,
and in all cafes capital, is either difallowed by his
mftru&ions, or wholly in the Governor’s breaft to
allow or not.
The fum of my argument is, that the benefit
which Great-Britain receives from the plantati-
ons arifes from their commerce : That oppref-
fion is the moft cppofite thing in the world to
commerce, and the moft dettruciive enemy it
can have : That Governors have in all times, and
in all countries, been too much inclined to opprefs:
And confequently, it cannot be the intereft of
the nation to increafe their power, and leffen
the liberties of the people.
The fame writer obferves, that all the Offi-
cers of the revenue in the plantations are appoint-
ed by the crown ; and all breaches of the acb
of trade and plantations are tryed by Judges
commiffioned by the broad feal, or by warrants
from the admiralty of England. That the laws
of the country are not pleaded in thefe courts,
but acts of the Britifh parliament ; and where
fffiey are filent, the civil and maritime laws take
glace, and the. forms of proceeding are regulated
NT STATE
after the manner pradtifed in Dodftors-Commons. CH A 73 .
That neither the Judge, nor any of the inferior V.
Officers of the admiralty have Salaries, or other
dependence, than upon what they get by their
fees, and are therefore ftrongly tempted to receive
all bufinefs that comes before them however im-
proper for their cognizance.
1 hat the Officers of the revenue are multi-
plied of late years in the plantations, and guilty
of great oppreffions : The Merchants complain,
that by their violent practices, they have driven
away all veffels from Some parts of the country,
infomuch that they have no floops left to carry
their produce to market.
In anfwer to that prevailing opinion, that the of the inde-
increafing numbers and wealth of this and the t endenc y of
reft of the charter colonies joined to their great i^ormhe
diftance from Britain, will give them an oppor- crown,
tunity in the courfe of fome years to throw off
their dependance on this nation, and declare them-
felves free ftates, if not checked in time, by be-
ing made entirely fubjedt to the crown. He an-
fwers, that thofe gentlemen are but little acquaint-
ed with thefe, or any of the northern colonies,
who do not know and confefs that their poverty
and the declining ftate of their trade is fo great
at prefent, that there is far more danger of their
finking, without fome extraordinary fupport from
the crown, than of their revolting from it ; ber
fides, they are fodiftindl from one another in their
forms of government, in their religious rites, in
their emulation of trade, and confequently in their
affedtions, that they can never be fuppofed to
unite in fo dangerous an enterprize : It is for
this reafon I have often wondered to hear fome
great men profefs their belief of the feafiblenefs
of it, and the probability that it will fome time
or other actually come to pafs, and yet at the
fame time advife, that all the governments on
the continent be formed into one, by being brought
under one Vice-roy, and into one affembly ; for .
if they in earnell believed that there was, or would
be hereafter, a difpoiition in the provinces to re-
bel and declare themfelves independent, it would
be good policy to keep them difunited ; becaufe,
if it were poffible they could contrive fo wild
and ralh an undertaking, yet they would not be
hardy enough to put it in execution, unlefs they
could firft ftrengthen themfelves by a confederacy
of all the parts. On the other hand, another Of uniting
writer is of opinion, that our colonies can never t ' ie co ' onics
defend themfelves againft the invafions and out- y^e-roy!
rages of the French and their Indian allies, but
by uniting them under one Vice-roy or Generalif-
firno : He obferves, that all Princes and ftates who
have planted colonies, or fubdued nations, have
given the command of them to particular Go-
vernors in fubordination to others, who have pre-
sided over the whole, for preventing and fup-
preffing
OF NEW- ENGLAND 565
CHAP, preffing {edition; and that each particular go-
V. vernment might be {Lengthened and fupported
by the reft againft the attacks of their common
enemies : That in the Roman empire, which con-
tained one hundred and twenty provinces, and
near three hundred colonies, there were only four
Prefects or chief Governors under the Emperor ;
and over thefe extenfive countries the Spaniards
pofiefs in north and fouth America, there are
but two Vice-roys : In Canada and Louifania,
equal in extent to all the Britifh Colonies, the
French have but one Governor in chief, or Ge-
neraliffimo, who can unite the whole force of the
French in that part of the world againft any one
of the Britifti Colonies he pleafes to attack.
While the countries in America poffeffed by the
Engdifti feem to be in much the fame ftate that
Britain was, on the invafion of the Romans, di-
vided under feveral Chiefs, and confequently eafily
fubdued one after another by the united forces of
their enemies. Dum finguli pugnabant Univerfi
vincebantur ; while they fought in Angle bodies
the whole ifland was conquered ('fays the Roman
hiftorians:) So in this country, to draw the pa-
rallel, we have at leaft thirteen colonies govern-
ed by their refpeftive Commanders, according
to their peculiar laws and conftitutions; whereof
there is fcarce one that can expend relief from one
another in the molt imminent danger, as expe-
rience has often {hewn.
Of making This gentleman alfo obferves, that the colo-
all the coin- n ; es depending immediately on the crown, fuch
diatelyde- 6 " as Virginia and New- York, have been much
pendent on lefs harrafied by the Indians, and much better
£he crown. p re p arec [ to defend their refpeftive countries when
attacked, than the charter governments of New-
England ; either fays he, the latter have not
authority enough to prevent the. unfair ufage the
Indians frequently complain of there, or they ne-
gleft to give them fatisfaftion when they are in-
jured, and the frontier plantations are ruined be-
fore they can agree to march to their defence.
Qfunqualifi- Another thing that has expofed our colonies to
ed and cor- great dangers, he obferves, has been the unfkil-
nors, dulnels, or corrupt views, oi iome krovernors,
and Officers there, who have been left to truft to
providence and their own ingenuity for their fub-
iiftance: I will not fay, that all that go thither
are like thofe in David’s camp, in debt or dif-
trefs, and confequently unqualified to promote
the publick weal ; but there have been thofe,
who in time of war have fupplied their Indian
enemies with powder and {hot, the French with
provifions, and the Spaniards with naval ftores :
And by keeping up parties and faftions, and op-
preffing the people under colour of their autho-
rity, of flourifhing colonies, have made very poor
ones ; but to return to the Maffachufets.
The. laws of the greateft confequence in this
colony, and the adminiftratiort of them, are thusCHA P.
fummed up by my author Mr. Dummer: He V.
fays, there is in every county an office, where
all conveyances of land are entered at large, af- The laws of
ter the granters have firft acknowledged them be-^^' Ens *
fore a Juftice of peace; by which means, much ’
fraud is prevented, no perfon being able to fell
his eftate twice, or take up more money upon it
than it is worth. Provinon has likewife been and their ad-
made for the fecurity of the life and property of mlnlltrat;y^,
the fubjeft in the matter of juries, who are not
returned by the Sheriff of the county, but are
chofen by the inhabitants of the feveral towns, a
convenient time before the fitting of the courts.
And this eleftion is under the mod exaft regu-
lation, in order to prevent corruption fo far as
human prudence can do it. It muft be noted,
that Sheriffs in the plantations are comparatively
but little Officers; and therefore not to be truft-
ed as here, where they are men of ample for-
tunes. And yet even here fuch flagrant corrup-
tions have been found in returning juries by
Sheriffs, that the houfe of commons thought it
neceffary lately to amend tire law in this point,
and paffed a bill for chufing them by ballot.
Redrefs in their courts of law is eafy, quick,
and cheap. All proceffes are in Englifh, and
no fpecial pleadings or demurrers are admitted,,
but the general i Hue is always given, and fpecial
matters brought in evidence, which faves time
and expence ; and in this cafe a man is not lia-
ble to lofe his eftate for a deleft in form ; nor
is the merit of the caufe made to depend on
the niceties of clerkfhip. By a law of the coun-
try, no writ may be abated for a circumftantial
error, fuch as a flight mif-nomer, or any infor-
mality. And by another law, it is enacted,
that every Attorney taking out a writ from
the Clerk’s office, {hall indorfe his firname upon
it, and be liable to pay to the adverfe party hi
cofts and charges in cafe of non-profecution o
difcontinuance, or that the plantiff be non-fuiter
or iudgment pafs againft him. And it isprovr
ed in the fame aft, that if the plantiff {hall 'a
fer a non-fuit by the Attorney’s mif-laying t
aftion, he fhall be obliged to draw a new w
without a fee, in cafe the party {hall fee fit
revive the fuit. I cannot but think that evei
body, except gentlemen of the long robe, an
the Attornies, will think this a wholefome lav
and well calculated for the benefit of the fubjecl
For the quicker difpatch of caufes, declaratior
are made parts of the writ, in which the cafe i
fully and particularly fet forth. If it be matte
of accompt, the accompt is annexed to the writ
and copies of both left with the defendant ; whic
being done, fourteen days before the fitting (
the cqurt, he is obliged to plead direftly, and t!
iffue is then tryed. Whereas by the prafti.ee <
5 THE P RES E
CHAP, the court of King’s- Bench, three or four months
V. time is often loft after the writ is ferved, before
ca -ufe can be brought to iftue.
IN 1 or aie the people of New- England oppreiled
with the infinite delays and expence that attend
the pioceedings in Chancery ; where both parties
me oiten ruined by the charge and length of the
fuit. But as in all other countries, England only
excepted, Jus & Aquum are held the fame, and
never divided, fo it is there : A power of Chan-
cery being veiled in the Judges of the courts of
common lav/, as to fome particular cafes ; and
they make equitable conftrudions in others. I
muft add, that the fees of Officers of all forts
are fettled by adls of afi'embly at moderate prizes
for the eafe of the fubjedt.
To thefe laws giv e me leave to add fome o-
thers.
It a man commit adultery with a married wo-
m<±n, or maid, or woman elpoufod, both the man
and woman are to be put to death.
The punifhment for robbery on the highway,
or burglary, for the firft offence, is only branding
on the forehead ; for the fecond offence, brand-
ing again and whipping ; and the third offence,
death.
Blafphemy is punilhed with death.
Cruel punifhments or corredlion of fervants or
children are prohibited ; nor fhall any court of
Juftice condemn any offender to receive more
than forty ftripes.
No man condemned to die {hall be executed
within four days after condemnation.
Mailers of families are to inftrud their chil-
dren and apprentices in the penal laws. .
A child upwards of fixteen years of age link-
ing or curling his parent, to be put to" death.
If any parent or guardian (hall deny a child
timely and convenient marriage, upon complaint
to authority, a redrefs may be had.
No orphan fhall be difpofed of by a guardian
Without the cenfent of fome court.
The minority of women in cafe of marriage is
declared to be under fixteen years of age.
Any Magiftrate may hear and determine civil
caufes in his county where the debt or damages
do not exceed forty Shillings ; and no fuel) caufes
fhall be brought before a court.
Falfe witnefles, forfwearing themfelves with a
uefign to take away another’s life, fhall fuffier
death.
Fornication is punifhed either by compelling
man i age, fining the parties, corporal punifhment,
dism.uchifement, or all of thefe, as the court fhall
dir eel.
No man fhall be admitted a freeman but a
member of fome church in the colony.
N man who is a member of a church fhall be
exempted from offices.
NT STATE
All Englishmen orthodox in religion, not fcan- CHAP,
dalous in life, who are freeholders of the country V
and rateable in one fingle rate at ten Shillings,
and twenty four years of age, fhall be admitted to
the freedom of the commonwealth. Made anno
1664.
During the ufurpation, anno 1646, they paffed Herefy.
a law again!! hereticks, wherein they recite, that
notwithftanding no human power is lord over
the faith and confciences of men, yet to avoid
damnable herefies tending to the fubverting the
chrillian faith, fpreading among the inhabitants of
this jurifdiaion, his enaefted, that if any perfon
within this jurifdidlion fhall broach and maintain
any damnable herefies, as denying the immortality
of the foul, or the refurredlion of the body, or
any fin to be repented of in the regenerate, or any
evil to be done by the outward man to be ac-
counted fin, or fhall deny that Christ gave him-
feli a ranfom for our fins, or fhall affirm that we
are not juftified by his death and righteoufnefs
but by our own merit, or fhall deny the morality
ol the fourth commandment, or fhall openly con-
demn or oppofe the baptizing of infants, or fhall
purpofely depart the congregation at the admini-
ltration of the ordinance of baptifm, or fhall de-
ny the ordinance of magiftracy or their lawful
authority to make war and peace, and to punilli
the outward breaches of the firft table, or fhall
endeavour to feduce others to any of thefe opini-
ons, every fuel) perfon lawfully convicted fhall be
banifhed this jurifdiclion.
V' hoever fhall revile the office or perfon of a
Magiftrate or Minifter (Clergyman) fhall be fe-
verely whipped, and pay the penalty of five
Pounds.
Whoever fhall publifh any heterodox opini-
ons in religion, fhall be cenfured by the county
court.
Raw hides, flcins, or leather unwrought, fhall
not be exported, on pain of forfeiture. Anna
1646.
No Florfe fhall he fold or difpofed of to any
Indian, on pain of one hundred Pounds.
No Stone- Horfe fhall run in the woods, unlels
lie be well made, and fourteen hands high.
Jurymen fhall be chofen by the freemen of
each county, a convenient time before the fitting
of the court.
No popifh prieft or jefuit, fhall come to, or a-
bide within this jurifdidlicn, but fhall be banifh-
ed, or otberwife proceeded againft as the court of jl
affiflan s fhall diredl ; and if he return from ba- I
nifhment, he fhall be put to death.
No Indians fhall be difp felled c-f their lands
or fifhing grounds ; and any Indians defiring to
live among the Englilh, fhail have allotments of
land.
No
OF NEW-ENGLAND.
CHAP. No man frail fell or difpofe of arms or ammu-
V. nition to the Indians.
i^-y^ No perfon frail give or fell brandy, rum, or ci-
ther flrong liquors to the Indians.
No perfon frail fell or difpofe of any boat or
other veflel to an Indian.
Damage done to the Indians in their Corn or
cattle, frail be recompenfed.
The civilized Indians, who live under this go-
vernment, frail have Indian Commiffioners in
their feveral plantations, to hear and determine
fuch differences as a Angle Magifirate may deter-
mine among the Englifr, and frail have Marfrals
and Conflables to execute warrants and orders.
They frail alfo have courts equivalent to county
courts among themfelves, provided the Englifr
Magifirate appoint the fines, and give his content
to the judgments palled ; and matters of a high-
er nature frail be determined by the court of af-
fiftants.
No perfon frail be permitted to pawaw, or per-
form their idolatrous worfrip ; nor frail the Indi-
ans profane the Lord’s day.
Strong liquors found in the poffeiHon of Indians
frail be feized.
Indians found drunk frail be committed till
they confefs where they had their liquor; and frail
pay ten Shillings for being drunk, or receive ten
ftripes.
Perfons allowed to trade with the Indians for
Ikins, may fell them arms and ammunition on
paying certain duties to the government, provid-
ed fuch Indians are in amity with the Englifr.
This adi was made anno 1668.
No perfon frail be fuffered to fit tippling in a
publick houfe above half an hour, except firan-
gers ; or to drink above half a pint of wine at a
fitting.
No private perfon to permit people to fit tip-
x pling in his houfe, on pain of twenty Shillings
for the firfi offence, and live Pounds for the fe-
cond.
All perfons prohibited Tinging in a publick
houfe, or to go into one on a Sunday or ledture-
day.
No victualler to fuffer a drunken fellow, who
has been admoni&ed of his offence by the felebi
men, to come into his houfe.
The Healing of men is made capital.
No man frail ftrike his v/ife, or woman her
hufband, on pain of ten Pounds, or corporal pu-
, nifrment, at the difcretion of the county court.
No man frail make a motion of marriage to
any maid without the confent of her parents or
governors, or in their abfence, of the next Ma-
gifirate ; on pain of five Pounds for the firff of-
fence, and ten Pounds for the fecond.
Married people frail not live feparately without
Slewing good caufe to the court of afiiftants.
None frail marry any perfon but a Magiffrate, CHAP,
or thofe that are authorized by the court of zffi- V.
Hants, and that after banns three times publifred
in their churches.
The freemen of every town are impowered to
fettle the wages of fervants and labourers there.
If any maim or disfigure his fervant, he frail
be disfranchifed.
The mint frail coin money. Two-pence in the
Shilling lefs 111 value than Englifr money : The.
exportation of money prohibited.
Convicted criminals refuting to difcover their
accomplices may be put to the torture.
Playing in the Hreets or fields, walking, drink-
ing, v lilting, fporting, and travelling on the Sab-
bath-day, prohibited.
No violence frail be offered to any that fuffer
ftipwreck upon the coaff, or to their goods ;
but both ifrall be harboured and preferved in
fafety.
As to the two colonies of Connecticut and Government
Rhode- Eland, which I comprehend under the°[ it .^°“ e£ti "
title of New-England, thefe, as has been obfer- Rhode-
ved already, are diffindl governments, and indul- Ifland.
ged at prefent with higher privileges than the Maf-
ia chufet Cclony ; for thefe, by their refpedlive
charters, are authorized annually to cleft their
own Governors, Deputy-Governors, council and
affembly, with the reft of their Magiftrates and
Officers, civil and military; and to make laws for
the government of the colony, provided they are
not repugnant to the laws of England ; and the
people of Connecticut, in their religion, laws and
cuftoms, copy pretty clofely after their mother
colony, that of the Mafiachufets.
As to the Hate of religion in Rhode- Ifland Co- State of rc-
lony, a gentleman of confiderable intereH there ^s' lon there,
gives me this account of it. He fays, they are a
very free people in that refpeftc. They confifl of
epifcopalians, prefbyterians, anabaptiffs and qua-
kers ; but the Quakers are now the moft confide-
rable, their prefent Governor, John Wanton,
Efq; being a quaker, as are alfo feveral of the
council and houfe of reprefentatives ; and as they
are principled for a free minifiry of the gofpel, fo
confequently there is no forced maintenance in the
colony for the minifiry of any perfuafion, but eve-
ry different fociety that is for maintaining a
preacher does it voluntarily by a contribution or
fubfcription.
The fourth and laff colony comprehended un- Of New- -
der the name of New-England, is that of New- Harr T fi rej
Elampfrire ; which is immediately dependent on
the crown, and confequently the King appoints
their Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, council, .
Magifirates and Officers, civil and military ; but
the freemen Hill eleft their reprefentatives, as the
free-holders in England do with us. The con Hi-
tution of this, and all other. colonies immediately
depending ;
5° S the PRESENT STA T E, Sec.
C H AP. depending on the crown therefore refembles near-
V. 1 y that of Old-England ; but in the rdf, called
■ charter governments, the difFufive body of the
The diffe. people feem to be veiled with the foveraign power,
twe'enthe havin S the election of their Governors, council,
charter go- and Magiffrates annually, and their laws being
vevnments made by themfelves without the King’s concur-
immediately reilce - However their laws are liable to be re-
depending on pealed, and their conftitution entirely altered bv
the crown. t y c King and parliament; which, one would
think, fhould render them extremely cautious in
making laws that may prove diladvantagious to
their mother country, or promote fuch trades and
manufactures as may interfere with thofe of
Great-Britain ; for they may very well expeCl
when this (hall be done to any great degree, the
parliament will keep a fevere hand over them,
and perhaps deprive them of their moft darling
.privileges. It may be found expedient hereafter
alfo, even for their own defence and fecurity, to
appoint a Vice-roy, or at leaf! a Generaliffimo in
time of war, who, by the advice of his council,
may afTemble and unite the whole force of the
plantations again!! the encroachments and inva-
sions of the French, and affign every province
and colony their refpedfive quotas of troops to op-
pofe this formidable rival : Or at leaft it may be
found neceffary to make all the colonies immedi-
ately dependent on the crown, as Virginia, Caro-
lina, and New- Y ork are ; for the charter go-
vernments are not to be depended on in fuch exi-
gencies : They may refufe their affiflance, or it
will probably come too late to be of any fervice
upon a fudden invafion. Half the country may
he deftroyed before they come to an effectual refo-
lution to raife forces; or at leaf! before they put
their refolutions in execution. Nor can it ever
be expedfed that the charter colonies fhould agree
about their refpedfive quotas and fupplies of men
and money, or indeed know what is neceffary for
the defence of the whole, fo well as the Vice-roy
or Generaliffimo may, who attentively confiders
the feveral colonies and their refpedtive circurn-
ftances with an impartial eye. Ail the difficulty
lies in finding a gentleman of probity and capaci-
ty equal to fo great a truft, or in putting fuch
checks and reftraints upon him as may prevent the
abufe of fuch a power without prejudice to the
fervice.
As to tire money of New-England, according C H AP,
to Mr. Neal, they have none at prefent, neither V.
Silver nor Gold. About fifty or fixty years ago >J
there was money coined in the country, but there Money of
-is hardly enough left now for the retail bufinefs, ]^’ En5 *
all their payments among themfelves being made
in province bills made legal by at! of the general
afiembly, which defeend as low as half-a-Crown ;
fo that the gentlemen of New-England carry all
their money in their pocket-books : Elence it is
that the courfe of exchange runs fo much to the Exchange,
difadvantage of the country, that iool. to be paid
in London is fometimes worth 220 and 225I. paid
in New-England ; fo that if a Merchant of Bo-
fton fhould remit his elfate Lo London it would
not be worth half fo much as it is there ; but
on the other hand, if a Merchant in London
worth xoool. fhould have a mind to fettle in New-
England, and carry his effects along with him,
he might be worth 3000I. on his arrival there,
and live as v/ell upon it as upon 3000I. here.
A gentleman of Connedlicut Colony informs
me that they are not allowed the privilege of
coining any money there ; the Silver and Gold
that is among them is what they import from other
parts in return for the commodities they export,
and p des all by weight, and ferves only as mer-
chandize, which, for the moff part, one way or
other is fent home to Great-Britain, to pay for
goods imported into New-England from thence ;
what ferves as a medium of trade is their bills of
credit from 5s. to 5I bills, of which they have
feme quantities iffued by their government.
The Indians have a fort of money among Man mo-
them which they call Wampam, and is a parcel ne y-
of little beads made of the fhells which lie on the
fea-coaft, with holes in them to firing upon a
bracelet, whereof fome are white, and of thefe
fix go for a Penny ; fome black or blue, and of
thefe three go for a Penny. j
Befides water-carriage, they have now waggons Carriages,
and Pack-horfes. There is a ftage waggon which travelling
goes from Bofton to Newport in Rhode-Ifland, an lr ‘ ns ’
being feventy miles. Gentlemen alfo have coaches
and chaifes, hut they travel moft commonly on
horfeback. And there are inns on the roads as
well provided for the entertainment of travellers as
thofe of Old-England.
V'
T H E
THE
Prefent State of N O V A -S C O T I A.
.
CHAP VI.
Of Nova Scotia or New- Scotland, and Acadia.
EW-SCOTLAND, in which I com-
prehend Acadia, is bounded by the bay and
river of St. Lawrence on the north-eaft and
CHAP.
VI.
C/'V'NJ
New Scot nort { 1 . we fl. j by the Atlantick-Ocean on the eaft,
The fituati- by the fame ocean and the bay of Fundi on the
tent"^ 6X ' ^ outb > an ^ h Y P art °f Canada and part of New-
England on the weft, lying between 43 and 5 1
degrees of north latitude, and between 63 and 70
degrees of weftern longitude ; being about five
hundred miles in length from north to fouth, viz.
from Cape Sable to Cape Gafpe, at the mouth
of the river St. Lawrence ; and about three hun-
dred miles in breadth from eaft to weft, viz. from
Cape Canfo to the river Penobfcot, which divides
New-England from New-Scotland, as I appre-
hend.
This country yet remains undivided into coun-
ties or lefter diftridfs, and is frill uncultivated,
unlefs in two or three places near the fea-coafts ;
the reft is all foreft : Yet where it has been fettled
or planted, either by the French or Englifh, the
Chief towns, foil appears to be fruitful. The only towns the
Englifh have in Nova-Scotia are that of Port-
Royal, or Annapolis, ntuate in the bay of Fundi,
and that of Canfo in the eaft, over-againft the
ifland of Cape Breton.
Annapolis. The town or city of Annapolis lies upon an ex-
cellent harbour on the eaft fide of Fundi Bay, ca-
pable of receiving a fleet of a thoufand fhips, and
at the entrance of it has fixteen or eighteen fa-
thoms water on one fide,- and fix or feven on the
other. The town is pretty well fortified ; and
here the Governor refides with a garrifon of five
Canfo. hundred Englifh. Canfo, fituated on the eaftern
fhore of Acadia, will probably in time be a very
confiderable town, on account of an excellent'
finery near it ; tho’ it feems the Englifh have
been dillurbed, and great encroachments made on
their territories and fifheries in Nova-Scotia by the
French fince the peace of Utrecht.
The country An Englifh gentleman, who wrote of thiscoun-
ftill unculti- tr y i n tbe y ear l T l0 -> f a )' s it muft be acknow-
■vated. ledged that ever fince the peace of Utrecht no care
has been wanting to provide this province with
Governors, Lieutenant-Governors, and other
VOL. III.
merits there.
inferior Officers both civil and military, and aft" 0 CHAP
with a confiderable number of regular forces ; but yj
with great fubmiffion, I think the Orator’s quefti-
on may very pertinently be repeated here, Cui
bono ? And indeed what great fervice can be ex-
pected from a fingle garrifon whofe command
reaches no farther than their guns, whilft the
whole country is abandoned to the French, who The French
make fettlements, and eredt forts by order of the encroach-
Governor of Canada, on all the principal rivers , r
particularly St. John’s, Paft’amaquady, and Pe-
nobfcot, and have pofleffed themfelves of our fifhe-
ry at Canfo, which Is perhaps the beft in the
world : For tho’, according to the true meaning
of the nth article of the treaty of Utrecht, they
can claim no more liberty to fifh there than on
any other part of that coaft ; yet finding that their
new plantations on Cape Breton were fcarce ha-
bitable, they not only managed their fifliery on
our ground, and in our harbours, but by the
ailiftance of the Indians pulled down our ftages,
deftroyed our veflels, and proceeded fo far as to
fuffer none of his Majefty’s fubjedls to catch or
cure fifh at the. ifland of Canfo without firft pay-
ing for a licence from the Governor of Cape
Breton ; tho’ the French have no manner of right
to thefe iflands and harbours : If they had it would
be an unpardonable crime in that Governor to
allow the Englifh to trade or fifh there on any
account whatfoever. And the reafon is becaufe all
Governors in America, whether Englifh or French
receive exprefs inftruftions from their refpeddive
mailers to put in execution the articles of the
treaty of neutrality in America between King
James II. and the late King of France ; wherein
it is ftipulated, that none of the fubjecls of either.
King fhall trade or fifh in the bays, &c. belong-
ing to the other, under the penalty of the veftel
fo trading or fifhing, and lading, being confifcated.
But, as I am informed, the people of New-
England have of late afierted their right to thofe
fifheries, and built and peopled the town of Canfo,
and manage the fifhery there to great advantage :
However, the reft of the country ftill remains un-
planted. The greateft part of the European inha-
D d d d. bitants.
THE PRESENT S T A T E
570
CH AP.bitants are French, who have taken the oaths to
VI. the crown of England, and the Indians are for the
m°ft part profelytes to the French jefuites; fo
that if a war ihould break out again between
Great-Britain and France, the French would
foon become mafters of Acadia and all Nova-
Scotia again, in the opinion of fome. They have,
ftis faid, always fifteen hundred regular forces in
the neighbouring ifland of Cape Breton, and
would be joined by a French fquadron and land
forces from Europe in cafe of a rupture, which,
with the affiftance of the natives, would enable
them, fay thefe gentlemen, to reduce Acadia un-
der their power in a fingle campaign, ruin the
Britifh fifheries here and at Newfoundland, de-
ftroy the foreign trade of our northern Colonies,
and cut off all communication between them and
Europe.
Whereas if this country were peopled and plant-
ed by the Englifh, it would not only yield us all
manner of naval ftores, great plenty of rich Furrs
and fkins, but preferve to us the fineft fiftieries in
the world, fecure Acadia againft any attacks from
Cape Breton, and with the help of an Englifh
fquadron in time of war protedl the trade of the
northern Colonies.
Port-Royal, while it was in the hands of the
French laid war, was juftly ftyled the Dunkirk
of that part of the world, continually harbouring
fleets of privateers, and French cruizers, to theCHAP.
ruin of the fisheries and foreign trade of the nor- VI.
them Colonies : And this will probably be the
cafe again if we do not plant this country, and
make provifion againft the attempts of the French
while the peace continues; and when this is done,
fall Cape Breton will ‘remain a thorn in our fides,
and probably occafion perpetual fkirmifties between
the fubjedls of Great-Britain and France, till ei-
ther we reduce that ifland, or the French make
a conqueft not only of Nova-Scotia, but of New-
England itfelf, and all our northern Colonies :
And as we have no great reafon to fear the French
will ever be able to effecft the latter, at leaft in
this age, fo we muft expedl they will ufe their ut-
moft efforts for the prefervation of the ifland of
Cape Breton ; for whenever this falls into the
hands of the Englifh, the French trade to Cana-
da and North-America muft infallibly be loft and
fall to the fhare of Great-Britain; and all their
hopeful fchemes of uniting Canada or New-France
to Louifiana, or South Florida, muft vanifh ; for
Cape Breton and Newfoundland (already in our
pofleffion) lie before the bay of St. Lawrence, and
with the affiftance of a fquadron of men of war
ftationed there might eafily cut off all communica-
tion with that river, by which alone Canada or
New-France can be approached.
THE
Prefent State of NEW-B R I T A I N.
CHAT. VII.
Of New- Britain, or Terra de
Labarador , and Hudfon's Bay .
Tk
v7
CHAP.
VII.
PvAG*'’-
New Bri-
tain and
Hudfon’s
Bay.
The fltuati degrees
on and ex
tent.
E W - P R I T A I N, or T erra de La-
barador, in which I comprehend Hud-
fon’s Bay and Streights, is feparated from
Nova-Scotia by the river of St. Lawrence and
part of Canada, and extends from 49 to 64 de-
grees north latitude, lying between 60 and 90
w of weftern longitude.
This cola inhofpitable country is but thinly
peopled with Indians, and the only part of it that
was ever thought worth the planting by any
Europeans was the bottom and the weft fide of
Hudfon’s Bay, where the
Englifn have four
or
five little forts and factories, the chief of whicbQfJAp
is -fort Albany. The Hudfon’s Bay company yjj
trade thither for F rrs and fkins, to the value of
fifteen or twenty fthoufand Pounds pi ime coft an- Produce of
nually, ot which three fourths are Beaver Skins, the country.
the eaftern fir. res of this country were dif- The fi ft
covered by Sebastian Cabot, for Henry ? ir f OV p ryof
VII, King of England, about the year 1498. hot,
They were afterwards vifited by Davis and o-
thers in their attempts to difeover a north-weft
paffage to China; but Captain Henry Hud-
son, who has communicated his name to the bay
and
OF NEW-BRIT AIN.
CHAP, and freights, furroundeci almoft the whole coaft,
VII. going on (bore in feveral places.
Mr. Hudson made four voyages to the north
H. eson s u p Dn difcovery, the firft in the year 1607, when
C0 ’ iry ' he fet fail from England in the month of May ;
and having made the coaft of Greenland, failed
as far as 81 degrees 30 minutes, and returned
to England on the 15 th of September the fame
year.
In the year 1608, he endeavoured to difcover
a north-eaft paflage to China, but coming into
75 degrees 30 minutes north latitude on the
9th of June, he found his way fo blocked up by
mountains of ice that he returned home.
The year following, anno 1609, ma de
another attempt to find a way to China, by the
north-eaft, but was again prevented by fields of
ice near Nova Zembla.
The following year, 1610, Sir Thomas
Smith, Sir Dudley Digges, Mr. Wos-
tenholme, and other adventurers, fitted out
Mr. Hudson again, with orders to endeavour
to find a paflage through Davis’s Streights to the
South-Sea or Pacifick-Ocean. Accordingly Air.
Hudson fet fail from England in April, and on
the 4th of June arrived upon the coaft of Green-
land, from whence he failed to the Ifland of
Defolation ; then he fleered almoft due weft till
he difcovered a point of land, being part of Terra
de Labarador, in the latitude of 60, which is
called Defire Provokes, being near the mouth of
thofe {freights which afterwards obtained the name
of Hudfon’s Streights : Thefe he entered foon af-
ter, and failing through fields of ice to the north-
weft for upwards of three hundred leagues by com-
putation, he came to a fmall {freight two leagues
over and very deep water, through which he
pafted between two promontories, calling that to
the fouthward Cape Woftenholme, and that to
the north-weft Digges’s Ifland, the latter lying
in 64 degrees 44 minutes north latitude : And
now coming into a fpacious fea, wherein he
failed an hundred leagues fouth, he allured him-
fell he had found the paflage into the Pacifick-
Ocean ; but perceiving at length, by the Dial-
low water, that he was embayed, he was ex-
tremely difturbed, for there was a neceffity now
of remaining all winter in this frozen country,
there being no poflibility of returning through
the {freights till next fummer on account of the
ice. He brought his veflel therefore to an anchor
in a fmall creek on the fouth-weft part of the
bay, where being in great diftrefs for want of
provi lions, he was plentifully fupplyed with wild
fowl during the winter, and afterwards in the
fpring with filh ; but the Captain was fo intent
upon compleatmg his difcovery, that he left his
men to take and fait up fifti and victual the Chip,
while he fearched every creek and corner of the.
57 1
Diore in his Hoop for a paflage fo the South-Sea. CHA P„
During his abfence his men did not only neg- VII.
le£t to catch filh, but entered into a confpiracy
to run away with the veflel and leave him and
the reft of their Officers behind, which they put
in execution foon after his return, forcing him Hudson’s
and eight more into a boat with a very fmall fhare men run a -
of provifions ; and they were never heard of from Ji^lhTp and
that day to this. The pretence of the mariners leave him to
for this piece of barbarity being that the Captain P enft *
had threatened to fet part of the crew on Diore,
for not furniDiing the Ihip with filh when it was
in their power.
The confpirators having left their Captain and
his companions to Drift for themfelves, brought
the Ihip to Digges’s Ifland, where all their pio-
vifions being fpent, they went on Diore, and
furniihed themfelves with great quantities of wild
fowl : But Green the Captain of the mutineers,
and three or four more of the ring- leaders, were
furprifed by the natives and cut in pieces. Where-
upon Pricket, a fervant to Sir Dudley
Digges (whofe life the mutineers had fpared,
in hopes he would have been inftrumental in get-
ting their pardon,) took the charge of the Drip The ftip re.
upon him, and brought her home on the 6th of turns llome ‘
September, 1611, the crew being all fo weak that
they were not able to manage their fails without
the afliftance of fome filhermen they met with
at fea ; and part of them were actually Darved
to death in the paflage.
The year following. Sir Thomas Button sir Tho •
purfued the difcovery, and palling Hudfon’s YcY’? v T "
Streights entered the fame bay, and leaving the rge to the'
fouth part of it, which Hudson hadvifited, he bay.
failed iome hundreds of leagues to the weftward,
till he arrived at a large continent, which he
named Ne w- Wales ; and here he loft hisfliip,
coining home in a Hoop that he built in the
country.
The next adventurer that entered Hudfon’s J A me s’?
Bay was Captain James, in the year 1631. thl ‘
This gentleman failed to the bottom of the bay,
and wintered on Charlton- Ifland, in 52 degrees
odd minutes north latitude, for which reafon the
fouth part of this gulph is ufually called James’s
Bay. At his return he gave fo dreadful an ac-
count of the hazards he fuftained in this voyage
from the ice, that nobody attempted it again till
the year 1667, when Captain Gill am entered
the bay, failing to a river near the bottom of it,
in 51 degrees north latitude, which he judged to
be a proper place for fettling a factory, and called
it Prince Rupert’s River. Upon his return his
owners applyed to King Charles II. for a
patent to plant the country, which they obtained A patent to
anno 1670, Prince Rupert being, the chief
proprietor: And the company have carryedona 1670!’
fmall but profitable trade thither with fome in-
D d d d 2. ter.ruptions-
57 2
CHAP.
VII.
THE PRESENT STATE &c.
Charles
Fort.
Port Nelfon.
Albany
Fort.
New Se-
vern.
The French
an ade our
factories in
t.me of peace
and take
them.
terruptions from the French of Canada nlmoft ever
fince. The Englifh were encouraged to fettle
factories here by two Frenchmen, who had been
conduced to the bay by fame of the natives of
Canada. Thefe men returning to France, and
proposing the fettling of a colony at the bottom
of the bay, the project was flighted by that mi-
niftry ; whereupon the Englifh ambafiador at that
court engaged thefe two men in the fervice of the
Englifh, and thereupon preparations were made
in England to lend a colony to the bay.
The firll Englifh Governor that went thither
was Charles Batly, Efq; anno 1670, who
built a fort on Rupert-River, and gave it the
name of Charles Fort ; and foon after he caufed
a factory to be fettled at port Nelfon, on the
weft fide of the bay, in 57 degrees north latitude ;
but the two Frenchmen (Radison and Gcose-
Leer) foon after betrayed that place to the
French of Canada : However, in the year 1682
they thought fit to change Tides again, and reftor-
ed port Nelfon to the Englifh. In the year 1684
the chief faclory of the Englifh was removed to
Chickewam-River, and called Albany ; and a
fort was eredled for its defence on the fouth-weft
part of the bay. It was defigned alfo to have
fixed a colony on Charlton-Ifland, and to have
built warehoufes there for their Furrs; but the
place was afterwards found incommodious, and
deferted again. The company were now in pof-
feflicn of five fettlements (viz.) thofe in Albany-
River, Elayes-Ifland, Rupert-River, port Nelfon
and New-Severn, between port Nelfon and Al-
bany, and their trade in a flourifhing condition,
when the French, apprehenfive that the Englifh
would draw all the upland Indians to the bay,
fent a detachment of troops from Canada under
the command of the Chevalier De Troys, who
invaded our fettlements, and made himfelf maf-
ter of Hayes-Ifland, fort Rupert, and Alban-,
in July 1686, though we were then at
Reftored by
the peace of
Utrecht
J »
peace
with France. But the Englifh ftill remained in
pofleffion of port Nelfon ; and in the firft war
between the confederates and the French, in the
year 1693, the Englifh recovered the reft of
their fettlements in the bay. During the laft
war the French reduced all our fettlements,,
except Albany, under their power again, but they
were yielded to Great-Britain by the peace of
Utrecht, anno 17x3, and we have remainel in C H A P.
pofleffion of them ever fince, VII.
By the tenth article of this treaty his mod >> — y 'sj
chriftian Majefty obliged himfelf to reftore to ^ rt ^ cs of
Great-Rritain the hay and {freights of Hudfon, Llanng'to
with all lands, Teas, fea-coafts, rivers, and places N-w Britain
fituate on the faid bay and {freights, with the g
fortreifes there eredled, in the condition they then
were, with all cannon and ammunition in the
fame : And it was agreed that commiflaries on
the part of Great-Britain and France fhould de-
termine within a year the limits to be fixed be-
tween the faid hay of Hudfon and the places ap-
pertaining to the French ; which limits the fub~
je£ls of Great-Britain and France are not to pafs
over to each other by fea or land. And commif-
floners did afterwards fettle the limits by an ima-
ginary line drawn from a promontory fituate on
the Atlantick-Ocean, in 58 degrees 30 minutes,
and running from thence fouth-weft to the lake
Mifcofmk or Miftafm, and from thence fouth-
weft indefinitely to the latitude of 49 ; all the
countries to the north being affigned to Great-
Britain,
and the
France.
By the
and all on the fouth, between that line
of St. Lawrence or Canada, to
river
eleventh article France was obliged to
make fatisfafilion to the Erg ifh
company tra-
ding to Hudfon’s Bay for all the depredations the
time of peace ;
like fatisfadlion
French had committed there in
and the Englifh were
to the French.
By the twelfth article of the fame treaty, Nova-
Scotia or Acadia, Port- Royal or Annapolis- Royal,
with their lands and dependencies, were entirely
yielded and made over to Great-Britain in fuch
ample manner that the lubjecF of France were
entirely excluded from all kind of fifheries in the
Teas, bays and coafts of Nova-Scotia, t-fpecially
thofe which lie towards the eaft and within thirty
leagues thereof, beginning from the ifland of Sa-
ble inclufive, and {Fetching thence to the fouth-
weft (but I question if this is not a miftake,
and it ought not to have been faid to the North-
Eaft ; for cape Sable is the moil foutherly pro-
montory of Acadia, or Nova-Scotia) however,
it is poffible this miftake has given the French
a pretence to difturb our fiihery at Canfo, on the
north-call point of Acadia.
T H E
THE
Prefent State of NEW- YORK, NEW-
JERSEY, &c.
CHAP. VIII.
Of New-York , New-Jerfcy , and the Indian nations under their protection.
CHAP T MAY properly throw New-York and New-
VIII J. Jerfey together, upon feveral accounts : I. Be-
caufe they have ufually the fame Governor.
V 2. The conftitutions of their refpedtive govern-
ments do not differ in any particular. 3. Becaufe
they lie contiguous ; and, 4. The climate, foil,
and produce are pretty near the fame.
The In- It may be proper alfo to comprehend the whole
■qMois, or country of the Iroquois, or five nations, with all
•five nations. ^ j an j g p e nort h of them as far as the ri-
ver of St, Lawrence or Canada, within the limits
of New-York, thefe being all under its protec-
tion, and included within the patent granted to
the Duke of York by King Charles II. tho’
it muft be corffeffed the French have made large
encroachments cn thefe limits.
•Situation I {hall therefore bound the provinces of New-
arid extent York and New- Jerfey, with their dependencies,
whole. by the river of St. Lawrence, which feparates
them from Canada or New-France on the north-
weft and north, by New-England, New-Scot-
land, and the Atlantick-Ocean on the eaft, by
the fame Ocean on the fouth, by Penfylvania and
. Maryland on the fouth-weft, and by the lakes of
Erie and Ontario on the weft ; and (hall extend
thefe united countries front 39 to 47 degrees north
latitude, and from 74 to 80 degrees of weftern
longitude, exclufive of Long- Bland, the eaft
end whereof lies in 72 degrees of weftern longi-
tude.
Face of the New-Jerfey and the fouth part of New-York
country. are generally low level countries, but afcending
fifteen or twenty miles up Hudfon’s River to the
northward the country becomes rocky and moun-
tainous ; and whatever has not been cultivated by
theEnglifh, is covered with woods, fo clear how-
ever from underwood, -that travellers ealdy pafs
through them with Horfes and carriages.
Seat, bar- The Atlantick Ocean wafires its fouthern
hours, and fhores, in which are feveral capacious harbours,
ct ^‘ efpecially near the mouths of Hudfon’s River, and
the rivers Raritan and De la War, and on the
coafts of New-Jerfey and Long-Ifland, the chief
capes or promontories being that of Cape May, CHAP,
at the entrance of De la War Bay, and that of VIII.
Sandy- Point, or Sandy-Hook, berore the entrance
of Raritan-River.
On the north and weft of the five nations lie Lakes,
feveral fpacious lakes, the molt confiderable
whereof, are thofe of Champlain, Ontario, and
Erie.
The lake Champlain, or Corlaer, extends itfelf Champlain
from north to fouth, between Montreal and Al- L a ke’ rla£T
bany, being about two hundred miles in length ;
and, by a ftream which falls into the great river
St. Lawrence, has a communication with that
river on the north, while the fouthern part ot the
lake, on which the French have built the fort cal-
led the Sacrament, extends almoft to Hudfon’s
River, on which Albany ftands, and would give
the French an eafy accefs to New-York and
New-England, if fome forts had not been built
by the Englifh further north, to cover thofe fron-
tiers from their invafions, of which the chief is
fort Nicholfon.
The fecond lake is that of Ontario, called by Ontaria
the French Frontenac, and by fome Cataracui, LaJie °
while others give it the name of The Lake of Ca-
nada, becaufe the river Canada or St. Lawrence,
i flues out of it : But the firft and moil proper
name that was given to it was that of Iroquois,
the (Lores of it on the fouth and eaft at leaft being
inhabited by the Iroquois or five nations. This
lake is about an hundred leagues in length, and
forty in breadth, abundance of rivers falling into
it cn the fouth-eaft efpecially ; but the greateft
body of waters fall into it from the river Niagara, Niagara
or Oniagara, being a (freight or chanel between tarad "
the lake of Erie and this lake, in which is one of
the mod remarkable cataracts or waterfalls in the
world, which prevents both (hips and boats palling
from one lake to the other.
This cataract, according to father Henne-
pin, falls from a precipice one hundred fathom,
or fix hundred feet high. He adds, that the ca-
taract makes fuch a prodigious noife that people
cannot
57 4 THE PRESENT STATE
C H A * . cannot hear one another fpeak at feme miles di-
VIII. fiance ; and it is fluid that the waters throw thern-
felves over the precipice with fuch a force, that
they form an arch under which men may ride
on horfehack.
But Mr. Vandre rL, Governor of Canada,
who ordered his fon, with fome fkilful people, to
meafure the height of the cataradl, in the year
1721, found father Hennepin egregioufly mi-
ftaken in feveral particulars. They informed the
Governor that the cataract was occafioned by a
vail tedge of rock which lay quite crofs the cha-
nel a little before the itream enters the lake Onta-
rio ; and that the waters did not fall perpendicu-
larly more than twenty fix fathom, or an hundred
and twenty fix feet, but below this cataradt there
were numbers of fmall ledges or flairs crofs the
river, which lowered it ftill more till it came to
run more level ; and it all the defeents were put
together, the difference of the water above the
cataract, and thofe on the level below, might be
as much as father Hennepin makes it, tho’ the
cataradt, upon a perpendicular, was no more than
twenty lix fathom.
They obferved alfo, that the noife of the wa-
ters was not fo great as the father makes it, for
people might converfe together clofe by ; nor did
the itream form an arch that people could pafs un-
der it, for the waters fall in a manner downright.
But they obferved with him that the miff or
fhower which the fall creates, is fo extraordinary
as to be feen at five leagues diftance, rifing as high
as the common clouds, and when the fun fliines,
forms a glorious rainbow.
1 hofe gentlemen add, that the Itream is much
narrower and deeper at the falls than either above
or below them, being here but a quarter of a
mile over ; and that from below there is no com-
ing nearer the falls by water than about fix miles,
the torrent is fo rapid, and has fo many whirlpools
in it.
Forts ouilt The French formerly built two forts on the
on the lake lake Ontario, the one on the north-eaft part of
s '^French. wbere the river of St. Lawrence iffues out of
it, called by the Indians Cataracui, and by the
French Fort Frontenac, and the other on the
fouth-wefl part of the lake near the abovefaid ca-
taradt, called Fort Niagara, but the Iroquois
blocked up the latter, and ftarved that garrifon.
Afterwards They obliged them alfo to abandon Fort Fronte-
abap.uoned. j-sac, and demolifhed both about the year 1688 ;
but I am informed the French have wheedled the
Iroquois by their priefts to permit them to erect
thofe forts again under the notion of warehoufes
for the fecurity of their goods.
Erie Lake. 1 he third lake I mentioned is that of Erie,
feparated from the lake Ontario by the ftreight or
river of Niagara. This lake extends from the
country of the Iroquois to the weftward, about
four hundred miles in length, and is near an hurt- C II A P„.
dred miles broad. From the lake of Erie there VIII. ’
is a paffage through the lake St. Clair into that of
the. Hurons, and fo into the lake Illinois, near St. Clair.
which rifes a river which falls into the Miffifippi ;
but from the heft information I can get, there is
no continued navigation from the lake Erie to the
Miffifippi, nor is Miffifippi River navigable in all
parts of it, as the French once flattered therri-
ielves, there being feveral cataracts or fteep falls
in it.
The chief rivers in thefe countries are, 1. Hud- Rivers,,
foil’s River. 2. The Mohawk River. 3. Qnan-
daga, or Orfwego River. 4. The Raritan.
5. Maurice River ; and, 6. De la War River.
1. Hudfon’s River, rifing from a fmall lake be- Hudfon’s
tween the lakes of Ontario and Champlain, and River >
running fouth-eaft before it reaches Albany, then
turns diredtly fouth, from whence it continues its
courfe due fouth an hundred and fifty miles to the
city oi New- York, and afterwards falls into the
fea between Long-Ifland and States-Ifland.
2 . the Mohawk River, which rifing in the Mohawk
country ot the Onandagas, runs almoft due eaft River ’
till it falls into Hudfon’s River, near the town of
Albany.
3. I he River Onandaga, which runs from Onandaga
eaft to weft through the country of that name, River -
and falls into the lake Ontario, at Ofwego town.
4. The River Raritan, which rifing on the Raritan
north of Jerfey, runs to the fouth-eaft, falling River,
into the fea near Perth Amboy.
5. Maurice River, which rifing alfo in Jerfey Maurice
runs fouth, falling into the mouth of De la War Riv ««
Bay, not far from Cape May. And,
6. J lie River De la War, which forms theDehWa?
weitern boundary of the province of Jerfey, rifes Rlver -
in the country ot the Iroquois, and running al-
moft due fouth falls into the ocean between Cape
May and Cape Hinlopen, being navigable two
hundred miles and upwards for (hips of two or
three hundred tons.
the air ot thefe countries is colder in winter The air*]
and warmer in fummer than in Old-England, the
north part of them differing very little from New-
England. The north and north-weft winds are
exceeding cold, but the air both in winter and
fummer more fettled and ferene than with us :
And indeed the weather is always more variable
in iflands than on the continent, and ufually
warmer in winter. It is to be aferibed to the
winds blowing over a long tradt of fnow from the ]
north- weft, that makes thefe countries colder than
iflands anu fome other continents that lie much
further north.
Of the three grand aiviftons of the country toThefitua-
be deferibed, I fhall begin with that inhabited by ^°" n ° a i t - th ' !
the five nations and their allies, who anciently venatlonr ‘
pofTeffed the whole. This is bounded by Canada
on
OF NEW.YORK, NE W-JERSEY, &c.
575
CHAP.
VIII.
i^r\j
Two other
nations in
the confede-
racy.
The at-
tempts of
the F rench
to make
themfelves
matters of
the lakes.
on the north, by New- York proper on the ea ft,
by PenTylvania, Maryland, and Virginia on the
fouth, and by the lakes of Erie and Ontario on
the weft. Great part of the country for many
hundred miles beyond thofe lakes alfo hath been
conquered by the five nations ; and feveral
more have courted their alliance and that of the
Englifh, and actually entered into a confederacy
with both, particularly the Tufcaroras, who lie
between the Onandagas and the Oneidos, and are
now reckoned a fixth nation. The Nicarriages of
MiiTilimakinac, fituated on the further part of
the Huron’s Lake, were alfo at their requeft re-
ceived to be a feventh nation in this alliance at
Albany, on the 30th of May 1723, eighty men
of that nation being prefent at their admiftion, as
reprefentatives of that people, and acknowledging
the King of Great-Britain their Soveraign,
The chief trade with the diftant Indians being
at Ofwego, where the river Onandaga difcharges
itfelf into the lake of Ontario, the French might
entirely deprive the Englifh of that trade, if they
were mafters of the lakes of Ontario and Erie, as
they flattered themfelves they were when they had
built the forts of Cataracui or Frontenac, and
Niagara already mentioned, but the Iroquois obli-
ged the French to abandon them ; and tho’ they
may have rebuilt and repoffeffed thofe forts, and
erecfted more fince they were driven from thence
by the five nations, they find it their intereft how-
ever for the prefent to fupprefs their native info-
lence, and treat the Indians as well as the Englifh
with more humanity than they did formerly :
They have been convinced by experience that they
are not yet ftrong enough to reduce the five na-
tions and their Indian allies fupported by the
Englifh ; and therefore fuffer the natives to trade
with us pretty quietly. But as they are continu-
ally increafing their forces in Canada, and by their
miffionary priefts daily profelyting the Indians to
their religion, and intermarrying with them,
they will, it is prefumed, in time be powerful
enough to expel us entirely from thofe lakes, and
monopolize the trade of the country ; unlefs we
reduce thofe forts, or eredf others ourfelves, and
keep armed veffiels on the lakes of Ontario and
Erie : For it feems the country of the five nations,
which lies contiguous to New-York, has but few
wild beafts in it ; and confequently affords fcarce
any fit ins or Furrs. The Iroquois therefore hunt
in the countries beyond the lakes, where fkins
are more plentiful ; and the riches thofe people
po fie fled of this kind were the principal induce-
ments to the Iroquois to make a conqueft of fome
of them, and enter into alliances with others,
who were content to admit the Iroquois to hunt
in their country on the weft fide of the lakes, up-
on condition they would permit thofe diftant In-
dians £0 pafs through the country of the Iroquois,
and trade with the Englifh and other Europeans ; C H A P.
which trade, as has been intimated, muft be en- VIII.
tirely loft to Great-Britain, if we fuffer the ' T fiTXJ
French to continue their fortifications on the lakes
of Erie, Ontario, Champlain, which in reality
belong to the Iroquois our confederates. The
French are wife enough at prefent indeed to give
us but little difturbance, left they fhould alarm
us before their defigns are ripe for execution ; but
I wifh we do not negletft the creeling forts and
armed veffels to protect that trade till it is too late
to endeavour the recovery of it.
There are five grand articles which weigh very The mo-
much with the Indians in determining them what tlves of
European nation they fhail adhere to. 1. A bene- e ^ n nt0
ficial trade, or the being fupplyed on fair and an alliance
reafonable terms with cloathing, ftrong liquor, ™ lth ari y
arms, ammunition, and other European merchan- naC i on ,
dize. 2. A mild adminiftration, without oppref-
fion or tyranny. 3 A religion that gives them but
little trouble or difquiet. 4. The buffering their
tribes to marry and incorporate themfelves with
the Europeans. 5. Anchlaftly, anaffurance that
the nation they enter into an alliance with is
both willing and able to protect them againft their
enemies, whether Europeans or Indians.
1. In the fir ft of thefe articles we have the bet- 1. Trade,
ter of the French and Spaniards. Our colonies
can fupply the Indians with goods cheaper and in
greater quantities than they can, and we generally
deal fairly and upon the fquare with them.
2. In the fecond alfo we have the advantage, 2, Liberty,
the Indians being treated as our brethren aud fel-
low fubjefls almoft every where (except in New-
England ;) which has occafioned their having been
more frequently in a ftate of war with New- Eng-
land than with any other Britifh Colony.
3. But as to the third article, that of religion, 3. Religion,
the French fucceed much beyond our miffiionaries ;
for the popifh fathers are not only much more nu-
merous in that part of the world, but they are
abundantly more artful and more indulgent to their
converts they prefs nothing with rigour, but
accommodate themfelves to the difpofitions, and
even fuperftitions of their profelytes, gaining
them by degrees, and perfuading them to part with
one beloved vice or cuftom after another 3 whereas
the New-England independents, who have dref-
fed up the Chriftian religion in the moft frightful
form that ever it put on, expeft their profelytes
fhould conform to their abfiird and rigid rites
ail at once, and in a manner compelled the Indi-
ans to be of their left m the iflands on the coalc,
and in fettlements where the Indians were in their
power, which gave the remoter Indians an abhor-
rence of their religion : And as for the reft of our
colonies, they have made but very feeble attempts
towards the converfion of the Indians. They are
fo deftitute of clergymen in fome provinces, that
57 6
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, the very planters are become heathens, or at leaftreafon to conclude that they will one day be maf-
VIII. as ignorant of chriftianity as the Indians them- ters of their country, unlefs the Englifh exert
Selves. themfelves in like manner, and oppofe their inva-
The French priefts on the contrary have been fions, and confequently will be induced to aban-
fo fuccefsful in their millions, even among the five don our intereft by way of felf prefervation. They
nations, that they have perfuaded part of the na- will infallibly go over to thofe they find better
tion of the Mohawks, once efteemed the firmed: able to protect them. It might make them
triends of the Englifh, to remove their habitations
from the neighbourhood of Albany to Canada :
And indeed we are in much more danger of the
French miffionaries than of the French arms on
that fide. If their future fuccefs be anfwerable to
the pail, they may poffibly in time gain over the
CHAP.
VIII.
(✓'Y'-sA
cau-
tious indeed how they put themfelves in B their
power, if they were acquainted with the tyranny
and oppreffion of the French government ; but as
their miffionaries fee every thing of this kind in
the moil favourable light, and treat their difciples
with kindnefs anti condeicenfion at prefent, in or-
feveral tribes of Indians from us without the af- der to gain them over to their party, they are in a
fiftance of a military force. We ought to infill:
therefore, that the Indians in alliance with us ex-
pel the jefuites and priefts their country, if we
hope for their friendfhip long. It does indeed put:
fome flop to thefe conversions that the Indians
cannot be fupplyed with goods upon fuch eafy
^..Inter-
marriages,
terms from the French as from us,
count they feem divided between their temporal
and Spiritual interefts ; and unlefs they prove
more zealous catholicks than their brethren on
this continent we Shall not lofe them Suddenly ;
efpecially it we confider how vaft an extent of
country the Several Indian nations inhabit that
trade with our colonies, Some of which are Scarce
yet known to the French.
As to the fourh article of marrying and incor-
porating our people with the Indians, here the
great meafu re ignorant what they muft fub'mit to
when the French have eftablilhed their dominion
in North-America.
As to the towns and buildings of the Iroquois,
their ftature, complexion, fhape, and habits, they
fo much refemble the neighbouring Indians already
Perfons of
the Iroquois*
on which ac- deferihed in thefe particulars that it is perfectly un-
necefiary to fay any thing on thefe heads ; how-
ever, as the French generally reprefent them in
Europe as the moll barbarous: people on the face of
the earth, affirming that they are devourers of
their own Species ; it may be proper to obferve
what character others have given of them, and
even fome more impartial writers of their own.
Monfieur De la Poterie deferibing the five
nations in his hiftory of North-America fays,
when we Speak of the Iroquois m France, we re-
french and Spaniards have a vaft advantage of prefent them by a common miftake as mere bar-
Thegeniusi
and temper
of the five
nationso
us. Tiie Englifh are unaccountably lqueamifh in
this particular, and the colonies, efpecially thofe
of New-England, feem to prohibit it ; which rai-
fes in the natives a difguft and averfion of our peo-
ple. It is natural for men to flight thofe who feem
to defpife them, and the Indians are not fo dull of
apprehenfion as not to difeern we treat them in this
inftance either as a Species below us, or at leapt
iefs perfect than our Selves. Behdes, we lofe all
the intereft in them that fuch alliances would give
us. The relation of hufband and wife, fathers and
children, are the ftrongeft ties in nature, and in a
few years muft make the Indians one people with
fuch European nations as promote thefe alliances ;
of which the French are fo fenfible that they oblige
every male planter, fent over at the charge of that
barians thirfting after human blood, but their
true character is very different. They are indeed
the braveft and moft formidable people of North
America, but at the fame time as polite and ju-
dicious as can well be conceived ; which appears
not only from the management of their affairs
with the French and Englifh, but with almoft all
the Indian nations of this vaft continent.
Mr. Colben, an Englishman, who wroth
their hiftory fays, notwithstanding the five nati-
ons live under the darkeSV ignorance, yet a bright
and noble genius fhines through thofe black clouds.
The moft celebrated Roman heroes have not dis-
covered a greater love for their country, or a great-
er contempt of death in the caufe of liberty.
I think ( fays he) they have outdone the Romans,
5> Protect
Pojj.
government (and thefe are very numerous,) to take efpecially thofe who murdered themfelves to avoid'
an Indian ■ wife on his arrival. fhame or torment; for our Indians have refufed'
As to the fifth article, that of protection, there to die meanly by their own hands when they
is no doubt but we are as yet able to protect our thought their country’s honour at ftake, and have
Indian allies as either the French or Spaniards are, given up their bodies willingly to the moft cruel
torments their enemies could inflict ; to Shew that
the five nations confifted of men whofe courage
and refolution could not be Shaken. They ful-
ly, however, thefe noble virtues by that cruel
paffion of revenge, which they think (according
to Colben) not only lawful. but honourable tor
exert
efpecially iS the forces of our colonies were united,
and under a uniform direction : But if we conti-
nue to Suffer the French to encroach upon our ter-
ritories, build forts and armed vefiels upon the fe-
veral lakes, and take ail the paffes that command
sJie country, the Indians will have but too much
OF N E W - Y O R K, NEW- JERSEY, &c.
577
CHAP. exert without mercy on their country’s enemies. on!y here but in feveral other parts of North- CHAP,
VIII. And in this only, fays he, they deferve the name America. But fo far thefe nations may have the VIII.
U'Y'NO of Barbarians. appearance of republicks, that the chief Sachem ^-^^4
Another gentleman of Englifh extradlion, tho’ or King feldom determines any thing of confer
a native of this country, and Refident a confide- quence without the concurrence of the feveral in-
rable time among the Iroquois at Albany, allures ferior Sachems or Lords of his nation ; and his in-
me they are an exceeding hofpitable good-natured fluence on his people vanifhes when he lofes their
people, not given to revenge, unlefs when they efteem.
are drunk ; and the inftances that have been given My Albany friend alfo obferves, that every na-
of it are no evidence of a vindictive temper, for tion of the Iroquois is divided into three tribes,
the cruelties they infiidted on fome French pri- which take their names from three animals, viz.
foners and their Indian allies were by way of re- 1. The Turtle or Tortoife. 2. The Bear ; and
taliation of the like cruelties firj exercifed by the 3. The Wolf; and that each of thefe three tribes
French on their people. It is obferved that the has its Chief or Aquajander. The Aquajander of
French in the firft wars they had with the Iro- the Turtle tribe being fuperior to the other two;
quois, when they imagined that people were not and the Aquajander of that tribe in the Mohawk
able to refill the force of their arms, ufed them nation (called the Carihoge) is the Sovereign or
in this barbarous manner, and taught the Indians Emperor of all the fix nations ; here he does not
thofe cruelties they now complain of ; and which comprehend the feventh nation of diftant Indians-
gave the Iroquois fuch an abhorrence of that na- fituated beyond the lakes.
tion as has been very advantagious to the Englilh He obferves furcher, that thefe Chiefs have fome
intereft ever fince. honours paid them by their fubjedts, but their au~
The French miffionaries probably find no thority he thinks is very inconfiderable, and their
fmall difficulty at this day in removing the juft revenues nothing: That there are no courts of
prejudices the Iroquois entertain of the French judicature in the fix nations or any other law but
when they come to make prcfelytes among them ; cuftora ; and in cafe of murder the neareff rela-
the condudt and behaviour of the French in Ame- tion is the avenger of blood.
rica having been diredlly oppofire to the principles They have no Handing forces, but every able- Their forces- :
of the Coriftian religion, which they pretend to body’d man takes up arms when honour or the £nawars ’’
inftrudl the Indians in. defence of his country calls him out. Before they
Government As to the government of the Iroquois, Mr. march, their Captains and warriours alfemble at a
of the five Colben informs us that every nation is a diftindt feaft, and whoever partakes of it thereby enlifts
republick, but that they have for time immemo- himfelf for that fervice. On this occafion they
rial been united ir. a confederacy againft all other paint themfelves and appear in their beft apparel ;
Indian nations ; that they are governed by their the old men rife up by turns in the alfembly and
refpedlive Sachems or civil Magiftrates in time make fpeeches, fetting forth the noble adficns, :
of peace, and by their warriours or Captains in the valour and courage of themfelves and their an-
their wars ; and that the authority both of the one ceftors, together with the cowardice and weak-
and the other is obtained and continued only by nefs of their enemies, to animate the warriours^
the opinion the reft of their nation have of their After fupiper they have a war dance, and the next
condudt or value ; and that they are laid afide day they march out and difcbarge their pieces as-
when they ceafe to merit the efteem of their they leave the town, their leader Tinging the war
countrymen. That rheir Sachems and Captains fong. When they meet their enemies, every one-
are ufually poorer than the common people, giv- fhelters himfelf behind a tree, from whence as op-
ing away and diftributing all the prefents and portunity offers he fires at the foe.
plunder they get among the people, fo as to leave They take off the fcalps of thofe they kill, and
themfelves nothing : For, fays Colben, if they bring them home, preferving them as trophies of
are once fufpedted of felfilhnefs, they grow mean their victories. When they take a prifoner they
in the opinion of their countrymen, and conle- prefent him to fome family which hath loft a rela-
quently lofe their authority ; from whence one tion in the war ; if they receive him, he is im-
would be apt to- conclude that their Chiefs were mediately admitted to all the honours and eftate -
eledlive, and their dignities not hereditary; which of the deceafed, and he takes his name and titles ;
is diredfly contrary to all other accounts I meet but if rejedied, the poor wretch is condemned to
with of their conftitution, moft writers agreeing fome cruel death. But this piece of barbarity
that the poll of Sachem is hereditary : And my they are fa id to have learned from the French,
Albany correfiuondent confirms this opinion, ad- who to ftrike a terror in the natives, ufed to treat
ding, (as other American hiftorians do,) that the their Indian prifoners in this inhuman manner in
next male-heir by the mother’s fide fucceeds the their firft wars.
preceding^ Sachem : Which is certainly true, not Other writers obferve, that they adopt all their,.
■ V o l. Ill, Fee e young s
57 s
the present state
C H A P. young captives, into their families, by which means
VIII. they fupply the loiFes they fuftain in their
I' ar are they from torturing or putting them to
death, unlefs provoked by tortures firft inflicted
on their friends.
Marriages As to their marriages, children are entirely at
and women, their parents difpofal j and when both parties are
agreed, the lover prefents his miff refs with a
mantle as a pledge of his afFedlion. Some time
after the parents prefent the parties to their Chiefs,
and declare the intended marriage ; after which
they go to feafting and dancing, and the mar-
riage is confummated ; the man continues with
his parents, and the woman with hers till they
have children. He viiits his wife every night,
and is admitted to conjugal embraces, but returns
home in the morning. Whatever he takes in
hunting he brings to his wife and leaves to her
difpofal.
Fney do not allow a plurality of wives, but di-
vorces are common. They appear very modeft,
and are never leen to commit indecent familiari-
ties, or even to kifs before company. The wo-
men are delivered with great eafe, and without
the ail; fiance of a IMidwife or any other woman ;
and immediately after their delivery go to hard
iaboui , which they effeem the bell means to a
fpecdy recovery. They are all extreamly fond of
their children, and think a numerous offspring
one of the greatell bleflinys.
As to the religion of thefe people, as far as I can
learn (fays my Albany friend) they acknowledge
a jupreme being, whom they ftyle thepreferver of
the univerfe ; but feldom pay any religious wor-
fhip to him unlefs in publick calamities, and then
they offer facrificesof every thing they poflefs, and
pray for deliverance from their calamities. They
alfo offer thank-offerings for any publick blefllng.
I cannot learn that they have any idols or repre-
fentations of the Deity among them. When it
thunders, they take it to be a iign of God’s dif-
pleafure, and will lay to one another, how angry
he is ! and often cry out, it is enough, have done.
They believe a future Hate of rewards and punifti-
ments, b. t the;, have very obfcure notions of it ;
and feem to think that the rewards of the good
will con'; ft in the enjoyment of thofe pleasures
he was mod fond of in this life. At their fune-
rdls they furniih the deceafed with ail necelfaries,
' Religion.
Funerals. 1
as meat, drink, cloathing, arms, and ammuniti-
on. 'Fr ey make great lamentation for the dead,
and conftantly go morning and evening to the
graves of their deceafed friends and relations, and
hov.-J moll hideoufly, and never fail to leave lbme
provifion on the grave.
Of irrki-'g Various attempts have been made to convert
mo«g y th'm. T efe P e °pk to chriftianity, efpecially by the
x tench Piieits, who by the negligence of our own
peopie and their great zeal to gain converts to
popery have met with too great fuccefs; having CHAP,
drawn off great part of the Mohawk nation from VIII.
their alliance with the Englifh, and even perfuad-
ed them to leave their native country and fettle
in Canada ; where they have built them a flately
church, and have three or four priefts reflding con-
flantly among them. Thofe who remain true to
the Engliflr (on account of their nearnefs to the
Englifh fettlements) have been inftrudled by the
Dutch and Englifh Minifters occafionally as they
came to trade, and have always (hewn a difpo-
fition to embrace the gofpel ; yet their inflrudli-
ons being tranfient and but feldom repeated are
foon forgot, and indeed but lamely adminiftered by
the help of an ignorant interpreter. About twen-
ty years ago the fociety for propagating the gof-
pel fent over a miffionary, who reflded among
them fix or fevcn years, but being a gentleman
advanced in years, he made a very flow progrels
in their language, and was not able to bear the
fatigues of fuch an undertaking, which obliged
him to leave them ; fince which time they had
no inftrudlion but what they occafionally received
from the Englifh and Dutch Minifters at Albany.
A good foundation however was laid by the foci-
ety’s miffionary, and thofe other gentlemen at
Albany : 1 hey are all brought to the profeffion
of chriftianity and 'almoft all baptized, and feme They be-
of them Fern to have a tolerable notion of it, co ™ e tradia-
and have earneftly defired a miffionary to be fent bleoflate '
among them. To encourage this good difpofiti-
on in them, the fociety two years ago appointed
a catechift among them, a native of America, by
the recommendation of the clergy of New-York,
who has reflded among them, applied himfelf to
the fludy of their language, and has met with
very good fuccefs. He is fince come to London for
holy orders, and appointed miffionary among them.
He has taught feveral of the natives to read and
write their own language ; and finds them very
defirous of inftrudtion, and is much beloved by
them.
Elis only vice which appears to reign among DnnfFng
the Iroquois is drunkennefs ; but they are very t (' e ‘ r c hi e f
much reformed fince they have had a miffionary vlCe ‘
reflding among them. They have forfaken their
old fuperftitions and barbarities, and feem to be
much more civilized than their more diftant
neighbours; they conftantly attend the publick
worfhip, and never fail addreffing their Creator
morning and evening in their families ; and ab-
llain from all labour on the Lord’s day. I doubt
not (fays my correfpcndent) were provifion made,
and encouragement given to miffienaries to under-
take this work, many more of them might be
civilized and become profelytes to the proteftant
religion ; which would prevent their being cor-
rupted and feduced by the enemies of our nation
to defert the Eritifh intereft.
Milficmnes
OF NEW-YORK, N E W-J E R S E Y, &c, 579 '
CHAP. Miffionaries of the Church of England feem
VIII. much more acceptable to the Indians than thofe
NJ employed by the people of New-England, who
are rigid diflenters, and make more ufe of force
than perfuafion in their intercourfe with that peo-
ple ; and this has occafioned the Indians on the
frontiers of New-England to adhere fo conftantly
to the French, and hearken to the popifh miffio-
naries.
Wars be- The Iroquois have been at war with the French
Iroquois and ever fince their arrival in Canada, and fuf-
tke French, fered very much at firfi: by their fire-arms, having
never before feen fuch inftruments of deftrucdion :
The French alfo had the advantage of being affifted
by the Adirondacks, the ancient enemies of the
Iroquois, in their encounters with the five nations:
but the Iroquois entering into an alliance with the
Englifh, and being furnifhed with fire-arms and
ammunition defeated the French in their turn,
carried the war into Canada, burned and plundered
Montreal, killed feveral thoufand of the French
and their Indian allies, and obliged them to aban-
don their forts on the lakes of Ontario and Erie,
as has been related already ; which has made the
French very cautious how they provoke the five
nations of late years, efpecially as they find them
no lefs celebrated for their conduit and ftrategems
in war than for their bravery.
Maxims in Thefe people make it a conftant rule in war to
W3r ’ leave as little to chance as poffible ; and not-
withftanding they know themfelves fuperiour in
ftrength and number to their enemies, never en-
gage them in a fair field as we call it, but lay
ambufcades, and make ufe of their wits to fur-
prife them unprepared ; by which means they do
not only five their own forces, but take more
prifoners than they could in an equal engage-
ment ; and as they incorporate the younger cap-
tives in their families, their very prifoners prove
t an additional fixength to thefe confederated na-
tions.
A itrategem While they were at war with the Adirondacks
of the Iro- anc | jq urons (allies of France) in order to amuie
the French, they lent and defired peace ; which
was confented to, on condition the Iroquois would
receive fome miffionary priefts and jefuits amongft
them, and be inftruHed in the Chriftian religion.
This the five nations promifed to comply with ;
but the fathers were no fooner arrived amongft
them than they made them clofe prifoners, threat-
ening to cut their throats if the French did not
Hand neuter in this war ; after which they fell
upon the Hurons and Adirondacks with fuch fury,
that thofe nations were in a manner extirpated.
And this may have given occafion to fome of
thofe exclamations of the French againft the Iro-
quois as a perfidious and barbarous people ; how-
ever, it appears the popifh miffionaries have not
been altogether deterred by fuch examples from at-
tempting to make profclytes amongft them, tho’C H A P.
they proceed poffibly with more caution than here- VIII.
tofore ; for we find they have not only wheedled
part of the Mohawk nation to defert the Englifh
intereft, but have frequently prevailed with the
other nations to invade the frontiers of New-Eng-
land, Virginia, and Maryland, when they could
not perfuade them to difturb the colonies of New-
York or Penfylvania.
However, the Indians have been frequently
brought to acknowledge their offences of this
kind, and promifeto live peaceably with Virginia
and the reft of the Britifh Colonies. A fpeech of
one of their Sachems on fuch an occafion may be
a curiofity wortli the reader’s perufal : The Sa-
chem firfi addreffing himfelf to the Governor of
New-York, faid.
Brother Corlaer, (the name they give that
Governor.)
45 Your Sachem is a great Sachem, and we are A fpeech or
44 but a fmall people •, but when the Englifh came a Sachem to
44 firft to New-York, Manhatan, Virginia, Ara- 0 f New -
“ gifke, and to Maryland, Yakokranagary, they York, &c.
44 were then but a fmall people, and we great :
44 Then becaufe we found you a good people, we
44 treated you civilly, and gave you land : We
“ hope therefore now that you are great, and
44 we fmall, you will protect us from the French ;
44 if you do not, we fhall lofe all our hunting
“ and Beavers. The French will get all the Pea-
44 ver. They are now angry with us, becaufe
Ci we carry our Beaver to our brethren, the Eng-
“ lifh.
“ We underftand that becaufe of the mifchief
44 which has been done to the people and cattle of
“ Virginia and Maryland, we muft not come
c< near the heads of your rivers, nor near your
44 plantations, but keep at the foot of the moun-
44 tains ; for tho’ we lay down our arms as friends, -
44 we fhall not be trufted for the future, but look-
44 ed upon as robbers : We agree however to this
44 propofition, and fhall wholly ftay away from
44 Virginia ; and this we do in gratitude to Cor-
44 laer, who has been at fo great pains to perfuade -
44 you, great Governor of Virginia, to forget
44 what is paft.
“ We thank the great Sachem of Virginia,.
44 that he has fo readily forgiven and forgot the
“ evil-that has been done ; and we on our parts
“ gladly catch at, and lay hold on the chain.”
Then each of them delivered an ax to be buried,
and gave a belt.
“ Let your friend the great Sachem that lives
“ on the other fide the great lake know this, that
44 we being a free people, tho’ united to the Eng-
44 lifh, may give our lands, and be joined to the.
“ Sachem we like beft. We give this Beaver ta
P
u remember what we fay.”
The Englifh have from time to time, once in
E e e e 2 two
THE PRESENT STAT
C H A P. two or three years, conftantly renewed and confirm -
/III. ed their treaties with the five nations, particularly
in the year 1722. We find that the Governors of
New-~\ ork, Virginia, and Penfylvania, met the
Sachems or Kings of the five nations, with the
Sachems of the more diftant Indians, their allies at
Albany, and renewed all former leagues and ties of
friendfhip. Thofe Indian Princes giving the ufual
presents of Furrs and Wampum as pledges of
their fidelity and relolution to oblerve the articles
agreed on ; but we Scarce ever meet with the Go-
vernors of New-England at thefe treaties ; the
reafon whereof feems to be, that New-England
feldom hath a good underftanding with the Indian
nations ; but whenever it is in their power, treat
them rather as a conquered people than as friends
and confederates : There are fome inftances how-
ever where New-England has been comprehended
in fuch treaties, and indeed all the reft of the
Brftifh Colonies, tho’ their Governors have been
abfent from the congrefs.
It may be neceftary to obferve here that the
reafon the Iroquois give the Governor of New-
^ ork the name of Corlaer is, that one Cor-
laer, a Dutchman, was the firft European em-
ployed to treat with them as allies and confede-
rates. And the fame Corlaer being drowned
in paffing the lake that lies between New-York
and Canada, that lake is called by them Corlaer
alfo; though the French gave it the name of
Champlain, from a French Officer of that name,
who put them upon erecting forts on this lake,
which has made the French very near and trou-
blesome neighbours to the Britifh Colonies.
The fecond grand divifion of the province of
New-York to be defcribed is that of New-York
Proper, which is bounded by Canada on the north,
New-England on the eaft, the ocean on the
fouth, and the five nations and New-Jerfey on
tne weft: ; and is about two hundred miles in
length from north to fouth (that is) from the
mouth of Pludfon’s River to the lake of Champ-
lain or Corlaer ; and it might be extended two
hundred miles farther north if we poffefled all the
country we claim as far as the river St. Law-
rence : Bat the French having built forts on the
lake Champlain have in a manner expelled us
from the north part of this country. The Env-
lifh only pofi’efs the country fouth of that lake at
prefcn t, and this is exceeding narrow in moil-
places, particularly betv/een Connecticut Colony
on t ^ ie eau an d New-Jerfey on the weft, it is
fcarce twenty miles broad. Bit to this we muft
add the iftand of Manhatan, which the city of
New-'V ork Hands upon, Staten -Ifland, and Long-
Lland, all which lie before, the mouth of Hud-
fon’s River, and are comprehended in New-York
Proper.
i his province is divided into ten counties,
"Wew-York
Proper.
'Phe fituati-
on.
which going from north to fouth down Hudfon’s
River are, Albany, Ulfter, Duchefs, Orange,
King’s County, Chefter, New-York County,
Queen V County, Suffolk County, and Richmond
County, which are pretty well repleniihed with
plantations and farms, but have not many great
towns in them. The chief towns are New-York
City, ScheneRida, Albany, Weftchefter, Jamai-
ca Town, Hempftead, Oyfter-bay Town, Hun-
tington, Richmond, Rye, New-Rochel, North-
caftle, Southampton, and Brook-haven ; in all
or moft of which towns are miffionaries, either
Minifters, School-mafters or Catechifts, fent over
2nd maintained chiefly by the fociety for the
propagation of the gofpel, as will appear by the
lift hereafter inferted.
New-York City is fituated in 40 degrees 40
minutes north latitude, and 74 degrees 4 minutes
weftern longitude, at the fouth end of York
County, being an ifland in the month of Hud-
fon’s River, about fourteen miles long and two
or three broad. As this town ftands upon an
eminence, and contains upwards of a thoufand
houfes well built with brick and ftone, with a
wall and forts, which ferve as well for ornament
as defence, there is fcarce any town in North-
America that makes a better appearance. It is
alio an excellent harbour, furnifhed with commo-
dious keys and warehoufes, and employs fome
hundreds of Chips and veffels in its foreign trade
and fillieries.
The publick buildings are the feveral churches
belonging to thofe of the church of England, to
the Swedes of the Lutheran perfuafion, to the
Dutch Calvinifts, the French Refugees, and the
Englifh SeRaries ; but the church of England
may well be looked upon as the eftablifhed reli-
gion, becaufe the conftitution of the government
js the fame as in England ; the reft, however,
are tolerated, and capable of pofts in the govern-
ment, and of fitting in the houfe of reprefenta-
tives, as I apprehend.
T he other publick buildings are the town-houfe,
and that where their general affemblies and courts
of juftice are held. As to their fortifications,
they are not, I doubt, capable of defending them
agamft an European enemy any more than thofe
in the reft of the plantations, for this unanfwera-
ble reafon, becaufe they were lately confefted to
be fo bad that it was not fit to enquire into the
ftate of them, left foreigners fhould be acquainted
with our weaknefs on that fide. There are in-
deed four hundred regular troops fent from Eng-
land to garrifon this and fome other towns of this
province, of which two companies always are,
or ought to be, upon duty in this city ; but
admitting they were always complete, and never
fo wc-11 difciplined, this feems to be but a very
inconfiderabie force to defend a province of this
importance
C HAP.
VIII.
Subdivifion
into coun-
ties.
Chief towns.
New-York
City and
County.
o
F NEW-YORK, NE W-JERSE Y, &C.
58]
CHAP. Importance againft an invafion, unlefs their coun- the Governor, council, and Officers oi Rate being CHAP’
VIII. try militia be more to be depended on than that appointed by the crown. ^ ‘ 0 ,
L^"\r*wof Great Britain As to the produce and trade of this country,
As New-York may be looked upon to be the thefe articles being much the fame here as m Prod.eand
frontier garrifon in the fouth againft an invafion New-England, New-Jerfey, and Penfywama, I
Scheneftida from any maritime power, fo Schenedtida Town fhall treat of them all together in the description
Town.
miles
Albany
Town.
Staten-
Ill and.
bong-Ifland.
and Fort, in the county of Albany, twenty
north of the town of Albany, may well be deem-
ed their frontier on the north againft the French
of Canada and their Indian allies, who, in the
year 1688, furprifed and almoft demolifhed the
town with the works about it, but they have fince
been repaired and enlarged, and fort Nicholfon
and fome other forts eredled ; in which and in
Albany the reft of the regular troops are quarter-
ed for the defence of that frontier.
Albany is a confiderable town, fituated on
Hudfon’s River, an hundred and fifty miles north
of New-York, having a fort eredled for its de-
fence : And here it is that the Sachems or Rings
of the five nations meet the Governors of our
northern Colonies to renew their alliances, and
concert meafures for their defence againft their
common enemies, as has been intimated already.
South-weft of the ifland and county of New-
York lies Staten-Ifland, being about ten miles in
length and fix in breadth, and in it are a great
many good farms and plantations, but not one
town that I can meet with.
Long- Ifland lieseaft of Staten-Ifland, and fouth-
eaft of that of New-York, oppofite to the colony
of Connedlicut, being an hundred and fifty miles
in length, and generally about twelve in breadth,
Counties andand contains three of the counties above menti-
chief towns onec j ? v i z< Queen’s County, Suffolk County, and
Ifland! 8 " Richmond County. The -chief towns in Queen’s
Jamaica. County are Jamaica and Hempftead. In Suffolk
o C fler County the chief town is Oyfter-Bay. ft he town
Richmond, of Richmond gives name to Richmond County,
in which al fo is the town of Southampton, in
.the fouth-eaft part of the ifland ; and there alfo
are fituated the towns of North-Caftle and New-
Windfor.
There is a celebrated plain in the middle of
Long-Ifland fixteen miles long and four broad, to
which they have given the name of Salifbury Plain,
having (as it is faid) as fine a turf as that on
Salifbury Plain in Old-England ; and there being
an excellent breed of Horfes in the ifland they
have races here every feafon; to which the gen-
tlemen of New-England and New-York refort,
as they do to New-Market with us.
There are ftill fome good towns which lie in
Weftchefler. the county of Weftchefter on the continent, eaft
of the mouth of Hudfon’s River; the chief whereof
are Weftchefter and Rye.
This is one of thofe colonies denominated a
royal government, the legiflative power being
lodged in the Governor, council and affembly ;
Nc-rth-
Yiftle.
Now-Wind
for.
Sali-fl ury
Plain.
Rye.
Govern
ment.
of Penfylvania : And there alfo the reader will
meet with the abftraR of the hiftory of New-
York, New-Jerfey, and Penfylvania; their ftory
being fo interwoven that it is fcarce poftible to
fpeak of one without including the other.
The third and laft grand divifion I propofed to
defcribe is that of New-Jerfey, bounded by an New Jerfey.
imaginary line drawn from the river De la War ej i ter . u
to Hudfon’s River, in 41 degrees north latitude
on the north, by Hudfon’s River, which fepa-
rates it from New-York, and by the Atlantick-
Ocean on the eaft, by the fame ocean on the
fouth, and by Dc la War Bay and River, which
feparates it from Penfylvania, on the weft, lying
between 39 and 41 degrees of the north latitude,
and between 74 and 76 degrees of weftern lon-
gitude ; and is about an hundred and forty miles
in length from north to fouth, and between three
and four fcore in breadth from eaft to weft.
It was heretofore divided into two parts by Divifion and
line drawn almoft through the middle of it lubdivilions.
a
from north to fouth, and
diftinguifhed
by the
Gov
granted
names of Eaft and Weft- Jerfey, being
to different proprietors ; but the proprietors of
both having thought fit to furrender cheir char-
ters to the crown, the whole now conftitutes one
royal government, ft he Jerfeys have now but
one council and one houfe of reprefentatives, and
the Governor of New-York is ufually Governor
of the Jerfeys by a different commiffion, the Go-
vernor, council, and Officers of ftate being ap-
pointed by the Ring, as in New-ftork Proper.
This country is fubdivided into the counties Counties,
of, 1. Berghen. 2. Effex. 3. Middlefex ; and.
4. Monmouth,
Gloucefter. 7.
counties on the
Perth Amboy,
Middlefex, and
Burlington. 6.
May,
are, I . Chief town?.
on the eaft. 5
Salem ; and, 8. Cape
weft. The chief towns
the capital of the county of p e ,-th Am.
of all Eaft- Jerfey, pleafantly fi- W*
tuated at the mouth of Raritan River ; and had
it been built according to the intended model,
would have been one of the fineft towns in North-
America ; but planters have not reforted to it,
as was expedited, notwithftanding it is fo com-
modioufly fituated for trade that Chips
hundred tons may come up
before the Merchants doors
Elizabeth, fituated to the north-ward oC it, fiou-
rifties much more, and may ftill be deemed the
moft confiderable town in the province. 2. Berg- Bereten.
hen, the capital of the county of the fame name.
Elizabeth Town, already mentioned, capital Middleton,
of the county of Effex, 4. Middleton. 5 • Shrewf- shrew liury,
bury
that Chips of three
in one tide and lie
; but the town of
5$2 THE PRES E
CHAP, bury ; and, 6. Freehold, in the county of Mon-
VIII. mouth. 7. Burlington, or Bridlington, the ca-
P' ta l °f the county of Burlington and of all Weft-
Burlington. Jerfey.
This town is fituated in 40 degrees 40 minutes
of north latitude, on an iiland in the middle of
the river De la War, to the northward of Phila-
delphia in Penfylvania, and on the oppofite fide
of the river. The houfes are handfomely built
ot brick, and laid out into fpacious ftreets with
commodious keys and wharfs, to which fhips of
two or three hundred tons may come up. It has
alfo an handfome market-place, a town-houfe or
guild-hall, where the courts of judice were here-
N T STATE
tofore held, and two good bridges over the river, CH A P»
the one called London- Bridge, and the other VIII.
"Y ork-Bridge ; and having an eafy communica-
tion with Philadelphia and the ocean by the river
De la War, carries on a brifk trade. 8. Glou- Gloucefter.
ceder, the capital of the county of the fame
name; and, 9. Salem, capital of the county of Salem.
Salem, and fituated on the river Salem, which
falls into De la War Bay. This is laid to be one
of the bed towns in Wed-Jerfey, whether we
confider its iituation, buildings or trade.
The produce of this province, its trade and
hidory will be found in the defcription of Pem-
fylvania.
T II E
Prefent State of
PENSYLVANI
CHAP. IX.
Of Penfylvania ,
CHAP. "f^EN SYLVANIA lies between 39 and 42
IX. degrees of north latitude, and between 75 and
IL/'V'V) 7 9 degrees of weftern longitude, being bound-
s ““t ec * '°y the countr y the five nations or Iroquois
on the north, by New- York and New-Jerfey,frcm
which it is feparated for the mod part by De la.
War Bay and River, on the eaff, and by Mary-
land on the fouth and weft, being about two hun-
dred miles in length from north to fouth, and al-
moft of equal breadth in the three northern coun-
ties, but the three fouthern counties are not more
than twenty or thirty miles broad from eaft to
weft, that is, between De la War Bay and Ma-
ryland, from which the three fouthern counties
are divided by an imaginary line drawn from north
to fouth : But thefe limits are not yet entirely fet-
tled, I find, the Lord Baltimore and the family
of the Penns being at this day engaged in a fuit
of chancery about them.
Rivers. The chief rivers in Penfylvania are, 1. The ri-
De^wer V er De la War, which riling far north in the
country of the Iroquois, takes its courfe to the
fouthward, and dividing this province from that
of New- Jerfey, falls into the Atlantick-Cfeean,
between Lire promontories of Cape May and Cape
Hinlopen, being navigable for two hundred miles
and upwards with large velTels 5 but has acatara 61
or deep fall in it above Briftol, which renders the CHAP
navigation impracticable to the northward of the jx
county of Bucks.
2. The fecond river in this province is that of Safquahannn
Safquahanna, which rifing likewife in the country Riveu
of the Iroquois, runs fouth through the middle of
Penfylvania, and falls into the bay of Chefepeak,
being navigable alfo for large {hips.
3. The third river is that of Schoolkill, which Schoolkjll
having its fource alfo in the country cf the Iro- River '
quois, runs fouth, almod parallel to the rivers De
la War and Safquahann2, and at length turning
to the eadward falls into the De la War at the ci-
ty of Philadelphia : This river alfo is navigable for
large flfips as far as the city of Philadelphia, and
for boats an hundred miles higher. Thefe rivers
and the numerous bavs and creeks in the bay
of De la War, capable of harbouring the larged
fleets, render this country admirably fituated to
carry on a foreign trade.
The ead fide of the province of Penfylvania Counties an2
(the w r ed being dill uncultivated) is divided into t ° W3K ’
fix counties, which taking them from north to
fouth are, 1. Buckingham. 2 Philadelphia Coun-
ty. 3. The county of Cheder. 4. Newcadle
County. 5. The county of Kent ; and, 6. The
county of Suflex.
In
OF PENSYLVANIA.
5 % 3
CHAP. In the county of Buckingham, the mod nor-
IX. therly of any in this province, the chief town is
V^y>s; Briftol, fituated on the river De la War, oppofite
Briftol. to Burlington in New-Jerfey, and twenty miles
north of the city of Philadelphia- In this coun-
Penfbury. ty alfo lies the manour houfe of Pen (bury, ele-
gantly built by Penn the firft proprietor, and fitu-
ated on an eminence which commands the coun-
ty, being almoft fur rounded by the river De la
War.
Philadelphia "The county of Philadelphia lies fouth of that
County and of Bucks, and in it is the celebrated city of Phi-
Cl T ladelphia, the capital of the province, fituated in
40 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, being one
of the fineft plans of a town that ever was form-
ed. It is an oblong of two miles, extending
from the river De la War to the river Schoolkill,
the eaft end fronting the river De la War, and the
weft the river Schoolkill, each front being a mile in
length. Every owner of a thoufand acres hath
his houfe in one of the two fronts facing the ri-
vers, or in the high ftreet running from the mid-
dle of one front to the middle of the other : And
every owner of five thoufand acres has an acre of
ground in the front of his houfe, and the reft half
an acre for gardens and court yards. In the cen-
tre of the town is a fquare of ten acres, furround-
ed by the town-houfe and other publick buildings,
and in each quarter of the city is a fquare of eight
acres. The high ftreet, which runs the whole
length of the town, is an hundred feet wide, pa-
rallel to which run eight ftreets, which are crofted
by twenty more at right angles, all of them thir-
ty feet wide ; and feveral canals are let into the
town from each river, which add to the beauty and
conveniency of the place. There is alfo a fine
key two hundred feet fquare, to which (hips of
four or five hundred tons may come up ; with wet
and dry docks for building and repairing of fhrps,
magazines, warehoufes, and all manner of con-
f veniencies for importing and exporting of mer-
chandize. There are already fourteen or fifteen
hundred houfes in the city, moft of them well
built with brick, but there are ftill a great many
more wanting to complete the plan : However,
more could not have been expended than has been
done in fo fhort a time, the ground not having
been laid out much above fifty years.
Oxford The town of Oxford alfo is fituated in the
Town. county ot Philadelphia, but I meet with no de-
fcription of it ; however, I take it to be a confi-
derable place, inafmuch as a mi (nonary is main-
tained here by the fociety for the propagation of
German the gofpel. German Town, fituated to the north-
Town, ward of the city of Philadelphia, alfo is faid to
be a thriving populous place, inhabited chiefiy by
the Dutch, or thofe of Dutch extraction. In
Radnor this county is the city of Radnor, fituated on the
Town * fouth- weft fide of Schoolkill River, being the
capital of a large country planted by the W elch, CHA P,
and extremely well improved by them. EX.
To the fouth of the county of Philadelphia L^V^sJ
lies that of Chefter, the capital whereof is the Chefter
town of Chefter, fituated on the river De la War, T ° L ff n i J y an
which is about three hundred miles broad at this
place ; and to the fouthward of Chefter lies the
town of Chichefter. Either of thefe ports are Ch-chefter
capable of receiving and harbouring the largeft Town ‘
fleets fecure from ftorms.
Tire county of Newcaftle lies fouth of that of Newcastle
Chefter, the capital town being of the fame name. ana
Tins is faid to be a town of the brifkeft trade in
the province next to that of Philadelphia, and has an
iron mine in the neighbourhood of it. I he town
of Apoquinemink lies upon the river De la War Apoquim*- '
alfo, fouth of Newcaftle, and is a place of good mink Town,
trade.
The county of Kent lies fouth of that of New- The county
caftle, the chief town whereof is Dover, being p 0 ^ nt “
a commodious port. Town.
The moft fouthern county is that of Suftex, The county
the capital town whereof is Lewes, being a fe- Lewcs
cure harbour and a town of trade. Town.
Penfylvania and Maryland are now the only
proprietary governments of all our American Co- The feveraj
lonies ; for, as has been intimated already, there v ^ n ^° nt s °
were originally three forts of government efta- in English
blifhed by the Englifb on the continent of Ameri- America,
ca, viz. 1. Royal Governments. 2. Charter Go-
vernments ; and, 3. Proprietary Go 1 err merits.
x. A Royal Government is properly fo called, Royal Go-
becaufe the colony is immediately dependent on vernments*
the crown, and the King remains Sovereign of the
colony : Fie appoints the Governor, council, and
Officers of ftate ; and the people only elect their
reprefentatives, as in England. Such are the go-
vernments ot Virginia, New-Hampftiire, New-
York, New-Jerfey, and both Carolina’s, tho’ the
Carolina’s were till very lately Proprietary Govern-
ments.
2. A Charter Government is fo called, becaufe Charter Go-
the company incorporated by the King’s charter'' 1 ” 1 '
were in a manner vefted with foveraign authority
to eftablifh what fort of government they faw fit :
And thefe companies have generally thought fit,
(as I apprehend) to transfer their power to the
populace; For in thefe governments the freemen
do not only chufe their leprefentatives, but annu-
ally chufe" their Governor, council and Magi-
ftrates, and make laws without the concurrence,
and even without the knowledge of the King,
and are under no other reftraint than this, that
they enaft no laws contrary to the laws of Eng-
land ; if they do, their charters are liable to be
forfeited. Such is the government of Rhode-Ifland,
and I think of the colony of Connecticut in New-
England ; and fuch was the government or the
Maffachufets, Maine and Plymouth formerly ;
but
5 ^ 4 -
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP.
IX.
W'Y'^
The Maffa-
chufets, a
mixture of
the two
former.
Proprietary
Govern.
merits.
but their firft charters being adjudged forfeited in
the reign of King Charles II. the charter
granted to the Maffachufets by King Willi am
III. has referved the appointment of a Governor
to the crown : But the houfe of reprefentatives
chufe the council with the Governor’s concur-
rence, and the Governor and council appoint the
Magiftrates and Officers of date ; from whence it
appears that the government of the MafTachufets,
in which the colonies of Maine and Plymouth are
now comprehended, is in fome inftances different
from either of the two former fpecies of govern-
ment, or rather a mixture of both.
3. The third kind of government I propofed to
deferibe is the Proprietary Government, properly
fo called becaufe the proprietor is vefted with fo-
veraign authority : He appoints the Governor,
Council and Magiftrates, and the reprefentatives
of the people are fummoned in his name, and by
their advice he enafts laws without the concurrence
of the crown ; but by a late ftatute, the proprie-
tor muft have the King's confent in the appoint-
ing a Governor when he does not refide in the
plantation in perfon, and of a Deputy-Governor
when he does : And all the Governors of the
plantations are liable to be called to an account for
male-adminiftration by the court of King’s- Bench
in England by another ftatute. But the only Pro-
prietary Governments now in being, as has been
obferved already, are that of Maryland and this
of Penfylvania-; and the family of the Penns,
defeendants of William Penn, the original
proprietor of Penfylvania, being at prefent pretty
numerous, the adminiftration of the government
in this colony feems to be lodged in the Deputy-
Governor, who is from time to time appointed by
the heirs of Penn with the concurrence of the
crown.
Tbehiftory As to the right Great- Britain hath to thefe
of the plan- countries which now go under the names ofNew-
colonies^of he York, New-Jcrfey, and Penfylvania, it appears
New York, they were difeovered with the reft of the conti-
New J e rfey, nen t of North- America , in the reign of Henry
an enly-^ 7TT fnv the CTOWn of
VII. by Sebastian Cabot for
England, and have ever fince been claimed by the
Kings of England as part of their dominions :
But Sir Walter Ralegh was the firft that
attempted to plant colonies on thefe fhores in the
reign of Queen Elizabeth, and in honour of
that Princefs gave the eaftern coaftof North- Ame-
rica the name of Virginia. Two companies be-
ing afterwards erefted by charter in the reign of
King James I. and authorifed to make fettle-
ments in Virginia, the firft company lent colonies
to that part of the continent which ftill bears the
name of Virginia, and the other made fettlements
in New-England, then called North-Virginia, as
has been related already.
In the mean time Mr. Hudson, an Englifti-
man, having difeovered that part of the coaftCHAP.
which lies between Virginia and New-England, IX.
and being about to make a fettlement at the mouth
of that river which now feparates New- York
from New-Jerfey, and to which he gave the
name of Hudfon’s River, the Dutch pretended to
purebafe this country of him ; and about the year
1608 began to plant it, and by virtue of that
purchafe laid claim to all thofe territories which
now go under the name of New-York, New-
Jerfey, and Penfylvania : But there remaining-
fome vacant fpaces on the coaft which were not
adfually poffeffed by the Hollanders, the Swedes
fent a fleet of fhips thither, and planted part of it
with their countrymen. However, the Dutch
proved too powerful for the Swedes-, and compelled
them to fubmit to their dominion, allowing them
however to enjoy the plantations they had fettled,
and the privileges of the reft of their fubje&s.
But the Englifh not admitting that either the
Hollander or the Swede had any right to thefe
countries which were firft difeovered for the crown
of England by Cabot, and a part of them after-
wards planted under charter from Queen Eliza-
beth and King James, which, ’twas prefumed,
gave the Englifh a right to all the countries in-
cluded within the limits granted by thofe patents,
as thefe of New-York, the Jerfeys, and Penfyl-
vania actually were. King Charles II. in the
firft Dutch war, anno 1684, transfered all thofe
countries, then in poffeffion of the Dutch, viz.
New-York, the Jerfeys, and the northern part
of Penfylvania, to his brother James Duke of
York, afterwards King James II. and Sir Ro-
bert Carr was fent over v/ith a fquadron of
men of war and a body of land forces to reduce
them ; and on his appearance before the city of
Amfterdam, now New-York, the Dutch Gover-
nor thought fit to furrender that capital ; and the
reft of the towns in the poffeffion of the Holland-
ers, and the Swedes followed his example ; and
tho’ fome relate that the Dutch recovered the
poffeffion of them again, yet certain it is, all
thefe countries were yielded and confirmed to the
Englifh by the treaty of peace between England
and Holland that followed foon after.
The Duke of York parcelling out thefe coun-
tries to under-proprietors, among whom Wil-
liam Penn, Efq; fon of Sir Willi am Penn,
Admiral in the Dutch wars, was one : Ail the
reft of the proprietors fome time after furrendered
their charters again to the crown, whereby New-
York and New-Jerfey became royal governments,
while Penn remained proprietor of that part of
the' country which had been granted to him ; and
King Charles II. making him another grant,
in the year 1680, of that part of the country
which now conftitutes the reft of Penfylvania, in
confideration of money due to his father. Sir
William.
of fens
CH AP. William Penn, from the government, Penn
IX. the fon united the countries he pofleffed by both
grants into one ; and giving them the name of
Penfylvania proceeded to the planting colonies
there in the year 1681, the Dutch and Swedifh
inhabitants chufing ftill to refide here, as they did
in New-York and the Jerfeys: And they and
their defcendants enjoy the fame privileges as the
reft of his Majefty’s fubjedls in thefe plantations
do ; and are now in a manner become the fame
people with the Englifh, fpeaking their language,
and governed by their laws and cuftoms.
But Mr. Penn, notwithftanding the grants he
had obtained from the crown and the Duke of
York, did not look upon himfelf it feems to be
the real proprietor of the lands granted him, till
he had given the Indians what they efteemed a va-
luable confideration for their intereft in them ;
and difclaiming alfo the ufe of the carnal weapon
according to the principles of his fe£l, he coidd
never propofe entering upon the country, which
had been fo granted him, by force.
The firft thing therefore he did after his ar-
rival on the coaft of America in the year 1681,
was to procure a conference with the Indian Sa-
chems or Kings, in order to treat with them for
the purchafe of their lands ; and the natives, be-
ing few in number, and making fcarce any other
ufe of their country than to hunt in it, readily
hearkened to his propofals ; and he purchafed
countries of many miles extent at a very moderate
price, paying for them in cloathing, tools, utenfds,
and toys, to the entire fatisfadfion of the natives.
Mr. Penn, in a letter to his friends in Eng-
land on the fituation of his affairs at that time,
relates, “ That he had attended the Indian Kings
“ and their Councils in feveral treaties for the
<£ purchafe of their lands, and for adjufting the
“ terms of trade between them ; and that their
“ order was thus: Their King (fays Mr. Penn)
“ was feated in the middle of an half moon or
u femi-circle ; his Council, the old and wife, fit-
“ ting on each hand ; behind them, at a little
“ diftance, fat the younger men in the fame fi-
“ gure. Having c'onfulted and refolved their bu-
“ finefs, the King commanded one of them to
“ fpeak to me : He flood up, and came to me,
“ and in his King’s name faluted me, taking me
“ by the hand, and telling me, he was ordered
“ by his King to fpeak to me ; and that now it
“ was not he, but the King, that fpoke, becaufe
“ what he fhould fay was the King’s mind. Pie
“ firft prayed me to excufe them that they had not
4C complied with me in a former meeting : He
“ feared there might be fome fault in the inter-
“ preter, being neither Indian nor Englifh ; be-
u fides, it was the Indian cuftom to deliberate
“ before they refolved ; and that if the younger
“ people and owners of the land had been as ready
Vol. III.
tLVANI A. 585
“ as he, I had not met with fo much delay. Ha- CH A P.
“ ving thus introduced his matter, he fell to the IX.
“ bounds of the land they had agreed to difpofe of
“ and to the price. During the time this per-
“ fon fpoke, not a man of them was obferved
“ to whifper or fmile. The old were grave, the
“ young reverend in their deportment ; when
“ they fpoke, which was but feldom, it was
“ warmly and elegantly. I have never feen more
“ natural fagacity, confidering them without the
“ help of tradition ; and he will deferve the name
“ of wife, that is too hard for them in any treaty
ec about a thing they underftand. When the
“ purchafe was agreed, great promifes palled be-
“ tween us of kindnefs and good neghbourhood,
“ and that the Indian and Englifh muft live in
“ love as long as the fun gave light. After
“ which, another made a fpeech to the Indians,
ct in the name of all the Sachems or Kings ; firft
“ to tell them what was done ; next to charge
“ and command them to love the Chriftians, and
“ particularly to live in peace with me, and the
“ people under my government : That many Go-
“ vernors had been in the river, but that no Go-
“ vernor had come himfelf to live and flay there
“ before ; and having now fuch an one that had
44 treated them well, they fhould never do him
“ or his any wrong. At every fentence of which
“ they fhouted, and faid amen in their way.’'
By Governor living himfelf among them, they
meant proprietary ; for they had had feveral Dutch
and Swedifh Governors in De la War River.
The land thus bought was entered upon by the
under purchafers, who purchafed by the' hundred
or the thoufand acres what the proprietary bought
by miles.
So prodigioufly did this colony increafe in a
very few years, that the fame Mr. Penn, in a-
nother letter to his friends in England, fays,
44 We confume eighteen thoufand Pounds yearly
* 4 of Englifh growth, and return of our produdli-
44 ons what augments the revenues of the crown
44 of England thirty thoufand Pounds”; which is
but a trifle to the returns they make at this day.
Their fuccefs was chiefly owing to their human
and friendly treatments of the Indians, with whom
the Penfylvanians fcarce ever had a quarrel : This
good underftanding continuing even to our times,
as appears by the Indians of the five nations agree-
ing with Sir William Keith, Governor of
Penfylvania in the year 1722, to remove ftill
further back into the wood with their families,
and to leave a tradl of one hundred thoufand acres
of land and upwards to be cultivated by the Eng-
lifh ; at which congrefs one of their Sachems
made the following fpeech, in the name of the reft:
Brother Onas. [The title they give the Governor
of Penfylvania.]
44 You have told us how William Penn,
F f f i that
586
C H A P. “
IX. “
THE PRESENT STATE
They ac- ««
knowledge u
Penfylvania
has always
obferved its a
treaties with {t
them, as
they have 44
done on ti
their part, {£
and promife
to do for the 44
future, tx
tt
They defire «
the Englilh- <{
men may he
pardon’ djwho 44
killed one 4t
of their peo ,
pie by acci • 44
dent. sc
tt
that good man, did, on the firfi fettlement of
the province of Penfylvania, make leagues of
friendfhip with the Indians, and treated them
like brethren ; and that, like the fame good
man, he left it in charge to all his Governors
who fhould fucceed him, and to all the people
of Penfylvania, that they fhould always keep
the covenant and treaties he had made with
the five nations, and treat them with love and
kindnefs. We acknowledge, that his Gover-
nors and people have always kept the fame
honeftly and truly to this day. So we, on our
part, always have kept, and for ever {hall keep
firm peace and friendfhip with a good heart to
all the people of Penfylvania. We thankfully
receive and approve of all the articles in your
propofition to us, and acknowledge them to
be good, and full of love : We receive and ap-
prove of the fame with our whole hearts, be-
caufe we are not only made one people by the
covenant chain, but we alfo are people united
in one head, one body, and one heart, by the
ftrongeft ties of love and friendfhip.
Brother Onas.
44 You defire there may be a perpetual peace
and friendfhip between you and the five nati-
ons, and between your children and our chil-
dren ; and that the fame may be kept as long
as the mountains and rivers endure : All which
we like well, and on our parts defire that the
covenant and union, made with a clean and
true heart between you and us, may laft as long
as the fun and moon (hall continue to give
light ; and we will deliver this in charge to our
children, that it may be kept in remembrance
with their children and children’s children to
the lateft ages : And we defire, that the peace
and tranquillity that is now eftablifhed between
us may be as clear as the fun fhining ' in it’s
luftre, without any cloud or darknefs, and that
the fame may continue for ever.
Brother Onas.
44 We have well confidered all you have fpoken,
and like it well, becaufe it is only the renew-
ing of former leagues and treaties, made be-
tween the government of Penfylvania and us of
the five nations, which we always believed we
were obliged to keep ; and as to the accident
of one of our friends being killed by feme of
your people, which has happened by misfor-
tune, and againft your will, we fay, that as
we are all in peace, we think it hard, that
the perfons who killed our friend and brother
fhould fuffer : And we do, in the name of all
the five nations, forgive the offence, and defire
you will likewife forgive it, and that the men
who did it may be releafed from prifon and fet
at liberty, to go whither they pleafe ; and we
fhall efteem that as a mark of regard and friend-
44 {hip for the five nations, and as a further con- CHAP.
44 firmation of this treaty.” IX.
The next article I propofed to treat of was the
province and traffick of the colonies which lie The produce
north of Virginia and Maryland, viz. New- a ^ d traffick
England, New- York, the Jerfeys, and Penfyl- thernColo-
vania. nies.
Mr. Dummer, in his apology for New- Eng- ° 4 Ncw *
land, endeavouring to {hew the importance 0 f En s' and »
thofe colonies to Old-England, obferves, 44 That
44 there is no fort of Britilh Manufacture but
44 what the people of New-England take off in
44 great or lefs proportion, as they have ability
44 to pay for it ; every thing for ufe, convenience,
44 or ornament, and (I fay it. with regret) for
44 the luxury and pride of life, they receive from
44 Great-Britain.
44 Some of the oldeft and moft experienced
44 traders to thofe parts make their imports from
44 Old-England arife to the value of three hun-
44 dred thoufand Pounds, and exports from thence
44 to Great-Britain are equally beneficial to this
44 kingdom ; they brought bullion hither as long
44 as they had any left, and now they are fo ex-
44 haufted, that they can no longer fend Silver
44 dire&ly to Old-England, they continue to re-
44 mit it thither by the way of Spain, Portugal,
44 and the Streights : It is there they fell their fiih,,
44 and the produce of it comes hither in Gold or
44 Silver, or bills of exchange, which is the fame
44 thing.
44 Other and better returns than money itfelf
44 they make in mails, the faireft and largeft in
44 the world ; befides Pitch, Tarr, Turpentine,
44 Rofin, Plank-knees for {hips, and other fpe-
44 cies of timber for various ufes. Thefe, efpe-
44 dally Pitch and Tar, were formerly purchafed
44 of the Syvede with Crown-pieces at intolerable
44 prices ; but fince the incouragement given for
44 their importation from New-England, they
44 have fallen to half the value. It is to be far-
44 ther confidered, that what we take of thefe
44 commodities from our plantations is brought
44 home in our own {hips, and paid for with our
44 manufactures.
44 New-England alfo imports logwood, for the
44 dying our Woollen goods, in quantities fuf-
44 ficient for our own ufe, and a furplus, with
44 which we furnifh Holland, Hamburgh and
44 other markets in Europe. It is wholly owing
44 to the induftry of the people of New-England
44 that this ufeful commodity is reduced from 30
44 and 40I. per ton, which we ufed to pay for
44 it to the Spaniards, to 12I. per ton, which
44 is the prefent price ; and out of this 1 2 1.
44 there is 4 1. 5 s. paid to the crown for cuftom.
44 Other articles might be mentioned ; as,
Whale-Oil and Finns, which are yearly im-
ported from New-England in
no contemp-
tible
CHAP.
IX.
C/'VNJ
Of New
York.
OF PEN SYLVAN I A. . '587
44 tible quantities. They are ufeful in feveral of New- Jerfey and Penfylvania, was chiefly pro- CH A P,
44 manufactures ; and if not had from thence, v i lions ; namely, all kinds of Britifh and Indian IX.
44 muft have been purchafed of the Dutch with Corn and grain, falted pork, beef, fifh, and ftrong
44 ready money, and at exceffive prices. beer, which they export to the Britifh and other
44 It is true, New-England makes no Sugar, foreign Sugar Colonies ; and in exchange for Gem
44 but it affifts the iflands that do ; without which received Rum, Sugar, Molofles, Cacao, Indigo,
44 affiftance they could not make it, at leaft not Cotton, Wool, &c. Whereof the Rum and Mo~
44 cheap enough, and in fufficient quantities to lofies were chiefly confumed in thefe colonies,
44 anfwer the markets in Europe. For if the and the money and other merchandize applied
44 fugar iflands were obliged to fow wheat, and for the moll part to make good the ballance of
44 plant as much Indian Corn as they wanted, their trade to Great-Britain ; and that fo great
44 they muft needs plant the fewer canes, and by a part of that ballance was paid in money,
44 confequence make the lefs Sugar. From thence that they had reafon to believe that all the Britifh.
44 they are alfo fupplied with Korfes for their Sugar Colonies together (except Jamaica) did not
44 mills, timber for their fugar-works, ftaves for import fo much Silver into Great-Britain a£ this
44 their cafks, and what is more conftderable, Angle colony of New-York.
44 with Barrel-Pork, Mackrel and refufe Cod- Another writer, fpeaking of the produce and Of Penfyl-
44 fifh for their Negroes; without which their traffick of Penfylvania, fays, their merchandize vania "
44 labour would yield nothing to their owners ; confifts of Horfes, pipe-ftaves, pork, beef, and
44 for were they to feed their flaves with beef, fifh, falted and barrelled up, fkins, and Furrs, all
44 and other provifions from Great-Britain and forts of grain, viz. Wheat, Rye, Peafe, Oats,
44 Ireland, the expence of a plantation would de- Barley, Buck-Wheat, Indian Corn, Indian Peafe
44 vour the whole produce of it. There are now and Beans, Pot-afhes, Wax, &c. And that in
44 Rich great quantities of Sugar made in the return for thefe they import from the Caribbee-
44 French and Dutch plantations, and fo much Iflands, and other places, Rum, Sugar, Mololfes,
44 imported from Brafil by the Portuguefe, that Silver, Negroes, Salt, and Wine ; and from
44 our Sugar Iflands need all advantages to make Great-Britain, houfhold-goods and cloathing of
44 this commodity cheap and in plenty, that we all kinds, hard-ware, tools, and toys.
44 may be able to out-do, or at leaft equal cur They have alfo fome Rice, but no great quan-
44 neighbours in the foreign markets. tities, and a little Tobacco of the worft fort.
44 It may be added, that New-England is a Thefe colonies alfo appear extremely proper to
44 good nurfery of feamen for the navy. I be- produce Hemp and Flax, where they are cultiva-
44 lieve, I may affirm, that there was hardly a ted : Their trade with the Indians confifts but
44 fhip during the laft war in the royal navy with- in a few articles ; they receive of the natives
“ out fome of their failors on board ; which fo chiefly fkins and Furrs of their v/ild beafts, for
44 diftrefled the New-England Merchants, that which they give them cloathing, arms, ammu-
44 they were obliged to man their fhips with nition, Rum, and other fpirits, in return.
44 Indians and Negroes. The northern Colonies have alfo a clandeftine
In another part of the fame apology Mr. trade with the Spaniards upon the coaft ofTerra-
Dummer adds, 44 It were no difficult talk to Firma, &c. furnifhing them with European
44 prove, that London has arifen out of the goods and merchandize, for which they receive
44 plantations, and not out of Old-England. chiefly Dollars in return ; and they alfo trade to
44 It is to them we owe our vaft fleets of Mer- the bays of Honduras and Campeachy for log-
44 chant fhips, and confequently the increafe of wood, by connivance, as the Spaniards fay ; but
44 our feamen, and improvements of our navi- the fubjects of Great-Britain infift, that they have
44 gation : It is the Tobacco, Sugar, fifh, oil, a right to that trade ; and there is a trade carried
4 ‘ logwood, and other commodities, which has on both with the French and Dutch Iflands and
44 enabled us to fupport our trade in Europe ; Surinam by the northern Colonies not at all to
44 to bring the ballance of fome countries in our the advantage of Great-Britain, and very deftruc-
44 favour, which would otherwife be againft us, tive to the Sugar Colonies ; for they take Molof-
44 and to make the figure we do at prefent, and fes, Rum, and other fpirits, with a great many
44 have done for near a century paft, in all parts European goods, from thefe foreigners ; carry-
44 of the commercial world. 5 ’ ing them Horfes, provifions and lumber in re- .
The Prefident and council of New-York, in turn, without which the French could not carry
an addrefs to his Majefty, fpeaking of their im- on their Sugar manufacture to that advantage
portations from Great-Britain, affirm, that this they do : But on this article I fhall have occa-
colony alone confumed more of our Woollen ma- fion to enlarge, when I come to treat of the
n u fact u res than all the Sugar Colonies : That the controverfy between our Sugar Colonies and the (
product of this, and of the neighbouring colonies northern Colonies.
F f f f 2 Nor
5 S8 THEPRESE
CHAP. Nor is there any doubt to be made but the
IX. northern Colonies have fet up a great many ma-
C/'yO nufaCtures, which interfere with thofe of Great-
Britain : They make Woollen Cloth, Hats, hard-
ware, and Linen, for their own ufe, if they do
not export them : They have alfo a pretty many
Still-houfes and Sugar-bakers, particularly in New-
England ; and the building of fhips not only for
the fubjeCts of Great-Britain, but for the French
and Spaniards, is become a very confiderable em-
ployment ; and with thefe {hips they pay in part
for the MolofTes, Rum, and European goods they
take of the French. Their enemies reprefent
them (efpecially the people of New-England) as
rivalling Great-Britain in the moft confiderable
branches of the trade, as well as in her fifheries,
and threatning deftrudtion to their mother-coun-
try ; while her friends, on the other hand, fuggeft,
that thefe colonies take off vaft quantities of Britifh
manufactures, for which they pay ready money,
cjs. merchandize as valuable in return ; and affirm,
they export no manufactures that are made in
England. Great artifice feems to have been ufed
to conceal their manufactures on one hand, and
to magnify and multiply them on the other ;
but, upon the whole, I am of opinion, that the
northern Colonies ftill conduce very much to the
ftrengthening and enriching their mother-coun-
try, and will do more every day, as they increafe
in numbers and traffick ; nay, I believe, it may
be made appear, that our traffick with thefe and
the reft of the Britifh plantations, if we take care
to regulate it (as it is our own faults if we do
not, when the Britifti legiflature commands tire
whole) is or may be of greater advantage to Bri-
tain than all their commerce befides ; and, in-
deed, fome. aCts have already been made for the
regulation of this trade, of which I fhall give a
{hort abftraCt hereafter ; and, in the mean time,
proceed to enquire into the ftrength and forces
of thefe northern Colonies.
From one of the reprefentations of the board
: N T STATE Sec.
of trade, already mentioned, they inform the CHAP,
privy-council, that in the colony of the Maffa- IX.
chufets only there were upwards of ninety-four
thoufand fouls, and that their militia confifted °f J^th and
fix regiments of foot, and of fifteen troops of Horfe, forces of the
of an hundred men in each troop ; and a gentle- northern
man of New-England, who underftands their cir- Colonies *
cumftances perfectly well, affured me, they could
raife twenty-four or twenty-five thoufand men, in
cafe of neceffity. The fame reprefentation thews,
that they employed near five hundred fail of fhips
and four thoufand feamen annually in their trade ;
and if this calculation be right, it muft be allow-
ed, that the reft of the colonies, north of Virgi-
nia, and Maryland, viz. Connecticut, Rhode-
Ifland, New-York, the Jerfeys, and Penfylvania,,
can raife at leaft as many as the Maffachufets ;
but as this computation feems to be exceeding
{hort, and we may well add a third more to the
whole, I conclude, that the Britifh Colonies which.
lie north of Virginia and Maryland are able, up-
on an emergency, to raife three or fourfeore thou-
fand landmen, and fit out fifteen hundred fail of
fuch Merchants fhips as they ufe in their trade
and though thefe fhips are too fmall, and unpro-
vided to refift European fhips of war alone, and.
defend their coafts from invafions from thence,,
yet they muft add great ftrength to an Englifh.
fquadron in thofe feas, whenever we happen to.
be at war with any European power in that
part of the world. All that feems wanting, in
order to render thefp forces ufeful and capable,
of oppofing an invafion, is a Vice-roy or Gene-
raliffimo, empowered, on fuch exigencies, to re-
quire every colony to raife their refpe&ive quota’s
of fupplies and troops, and to command them,
when affembled in the field ; for thefe are parti-
culars, which it is never to be expeCted the colo-
nies fhould agree on among themfelves, or at leaft
time enough to prevent the ravages of a potent,
enemy.
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ti u‘ha Granted alatent to divers Persons to plant all
THE
Prefen t State of CAROLINA*
CHAP. X.
Of North and South-Car olina , and Georgia.
:HAP.TT N D E R this general title of Carolina
X. II are comprehended the feveral colonies of
North-Carolina, South-Carolina, and
Situation Georgia. The whole is bounded by Virginia on
ind extent. ^ nort i) s th e Atlantick-Ocean on the eaft, Spa-
nilh-Florida on the fouth, and by that part of
Florida which is ftill in pofleffion of the Indians
on the weft, extending from 30 degrees 30 mi-
nutes, to 36 degrees 30 minutes north latitude ;
and this, upon due confideration, feems to be
the true extent of Carolina from north to fouth ;
and confequently this country, reckoning 70 miles
to a degree in a diredt line from fouth to north,
mull be 420 miles long ; but as the coaft tends
or ftretches from the fouth-weft to the north-
eaft, we may compute it to be about 500 miles
in length ; tho’ I muft confefs I have formerly
laid it down between 3 1 and 36 degrees, and then
it would have taken up but 5 degrees of latitude.
How far the Britilh dominion is to be extended
from the Atlantick-Ocean weftward, may be ftill
more difficult to determine : If we carry it no
farther than the countries actually polTelTed and
cultivated, by the Englilh, we muft not extend it
an hundred and fifty miles weft of the fea ; but
if we comprehend all thofe nations of Indians
which have at one time or other acknowledged
the King of Great-Britain their Soveraign, and
put themfelves under the protection of the Go-
vernors of thefe provinces, particularly the Creeks,
the Charokee Indians, and fome more diftant na-
tions their neighbours, who fent, in the year
1731, feven of their Chiefs to England with Sir
Alex ander Cummins, to do homage in per-
fon to King George II. If we include all
thefe nations, we muft extend the Britilh domi-
nions weftward as far as the river Miffiffipi,
which is 500 miles at leaft from the ocean, and
then we lhall take in one moiety of what the
French claim, and have given the name of Loui-
iiana to in their maps; and our map-makers, with-
out the leaft fhadow of reafon have copied after
them ; but if ever they dipped into the hiftory of
this part of the world, they muft have learned
that the Englilh were not only pofTeffed of the CHAP,
eaftern fide of Florida long before the French X.
difcovered the river Miffiffipi, but have obtained
the ftrongeft title to it that any European power
can have ; namely, the voluntary ceffion of that
country by the Indian Princes and their people
to the crown of Great-Britain, upon condition of
being taken into our protection.
As to the face of the country, Captains that The face of
have gone this voyage allure me, that it is a low the countl >'«
level coaft, not a hill to be feen from St. Auguftin
to Virginia, and a great way beyond; and it is
generally covered with wood, where the Englilh
have not cleared it for their plantations. But it
riles into hills about an hundred miles to the weft-
ward, and continues rifing gradually till we afcend
the Apalathian Mountains, as they call the whole
chain of hills, which run through Florida from
the fouth-weft to the north-eaft, at about an hun-
dred and fifty miles diftance from the ocean. And
indeed the natives called all that country Apalach, The ancient
to which the Spaniards gave the name of Florida, name A P a -
in which is comprehended moft of the Britilh ldch ’
Plantations on the continent.
The fea-coaft being low and flat, the fea itfelfAbad coaft.
is proportionably lhallow, infomuch that a fnip c f nav1 ^"
any great burthen cannot approach the Ihores, l ° '
except in fome few places. There has not yet
been found one good harbour on the coaft of
North-Carolina ; the beft they have is at Roa-
noak, at the mouth of Albemarle River, and at
Pimlico ; and here Ihips are far from being fe-
cure : But I am informed, a frigate is employed
at this time to found the coaft, in order to find
better harbours, the planters and merchants of
North-Carolina being obliged to fend great part of
their goods either to Virginia or South-Carolina, Sea-portr,
in order to tranfport them to England ; for there
are fome good ports in South-Carolina, of which
the chief are, Winyaw or George Town, Charles
Town, and Port-Royal, which will be defcribed
hereafter : The moil: remarkable promontories I
meet with on this coaft are, Cape Hateras in 35 cape,,
degrees fouth latitude ; Cape Fear to the. fouth of
it.
THE PRESENT STATE
590
CH A P.it in 34 degrees, and Cape Carteret to the fouth-
X. ward of Cape Fear.
This country is well watered with lakes and
Rivers, fprings, as alfo with rivers, fome of them confi-
derable ftreams, but few of them navigable for
large veflels, being choaked up with fands at the
entrance : Of thefe (beginning from the north)
the chief are, 1. Albemarle River. 2. Pentegoe
River. 3. Neufe River. 4. Cape Fear, or
Clarendon River. 5. Wateree River. 6. Santee
River, 7. Athley River. 8. Cooper River.
9. Colliton River. 10. Cambahe River. 1 1. Sa-
vannah River. 12. Alatamaha River, the fou-
thern boundary of Georgia : Almoft all thefe ri-
vers rife in the mountains on the north-weft, and
taking their courfe to the eaft or fouth-eaft, fall
into the Atlantick-Ocean : Thofe of Savannah
and Alatamaha being navigable fome hundreds of
miles to the weftward, and are faid to equal the
Rhine in magnitude.
Climate ra. Carolina is happily fttuated between the ex-
than^coW tremes °f heat and cold, but the heat is more
troublefome in fummer than the cold in winter ;
their winters being very fhort, and their frofty
mornings frequently fucceeded by warm days :
Tho’ a gentleman that refided there fome time
obferved to me, that once in eight or ten years
they have very fevere and long frofts. He him-
felf knew the largeft rivers frozen, and a great
many of their cattle die, for they never houle
them ; but this is more unufual there, than to have
Generally the Thames frozen over with us. The air is for
ch™ 6 wea * the moil part ferene and clear both in fummer and
winter, yet I find they have their winter rains
and very heavy fhowers about Midfummer : And
the wind fometimes changes fuddenly from the
fouth-eaft to the north- weft, and blows exceeding
cold, which brings diftempers on thofe who do
not take care to guard againft it ; but the country
Healthful is generally healthful where people live regu-
generally. } ar j ^ an q u f e an y p recau tion. Thofe indeed who
after a hot day expofe themfelves to the cool bree-
zes of the evening, ufually feel the ill effects of
it ; as others do that indulge their appetites in
eating fruit and drinking pernicious liquors to
excefs.
Hurricanes. They are fubjedt to hurricanes as well as the
Caribbee-Iflands ; but thofe do not happen every
year, and fometimes are fo favourable as not to do
much mifchief in feven years. That was a very
terrible one which happened in the year 1729, of
which we received the following account.
On the firft of Auguft, a dreadful hurricane
began here, the wind N. and N. by E. and by
feven the next morning increafed fo, that 23 fhips
then in our harbour, were forced on fhore, the
wind coming more eafterly, and from that time
till three hours after, the wind was moft violent :
Of all the (hips in our harbour, only the Fox and
the Garland men of war rode out this hurricane. CHAP.
The Rice near the fea coaft was all fpoiled by X.
being overflowed with the falt-water ; and it is
thought this town would have been deftroyed, had
it been fpring tides. It is computed, that about
fifteen hundred barrels of Rice, Sefides fkins, were
loft. On the fecond, about eleven at night the
wind gradually ceafed; yet many fea-faring men
were drowned : On the twelfth paft, we had a
tornado which did much damage to the Rice and
Corn in the country, but little or none to the
{hipping.
The three grand divifions of this country are, The three
1. North-Carolina. 2. South-Carolina ; and, dlvl *
3. Georgia. North-Carolina is bounded by Vir- North- Ca-
ginia on the north, the ocean on the eaft, by a rolina.
line drawn in 34 degrees from the ocean to the Sltuatl0n *
mountains on the fouth; and by that part of Flo-
rida poffefled by the Indians on the weft ; and is
fubdivided into fourteen or fifteen townfhips or
parifhes ; but there is not one town or church as
I can learn in the country, and it is but very late-
ly that the fociety for the propagation of the
gofpel has fent one itinerant preacher amongft
them.
South-Carolina is divided from North-Carolina Sou th- Caro-
by the abovefaid imaginary line on the north, by ^ na<
the ocean on the eaft, by the river Savannah,
which feparates it from Georgia on the fouth, and
by the country of the Indians on the weft; being
fubdivided into fourten parifhes or townfhips,
each of them having a good church of brick or
timber.
But the chief and almoft the only town in both Charles-
Carolina’s is Charles-Town, fituate in 32 degrees, Town.
45 minutes north latitude, on the point of a pe-
ninfula formed by Afhley and Cooper Rivers ; the
former of which is navigable for fhips twenty miles
above the town, and for boats and pettyagers,
(large canoes) near forty miles. The other river
is not navigable for fhips fo far, but for boats and
pettyagers much farther. The bar before the
harbour has fixteen foot water at a low tide,
and there is good riding when a {hip is got clofe
to the town : The harbour being fecured by a fort,
called Johnfon’s Fort, which has about twenty
guns in it, level with the furface of the water.
The town was regularly fortified fome years ago,
and feveral of the baftions next the water are
ftill in being and in good repair ; . but the bafti-
ons, pallifades, and fofie next the land being
much damaged by a hurricane, and deemed of
too great an extent to be defended by the inhabi-
tants, General Nicholson caufed them to be
demolifhed. The town now contains upwards of
fix hundred houfes generally well built, fome of
them of brick, but more of timber, and moft of
them fafhed, forming regular and fpacious ftreets ;
and their church is much the moft magnificent in
Englifh
!
)
OF CAROLINA,
CHAP. Englifti America, having three ifles, an organ,
X. and gallery all round the church. There are alfo
four handfome meeting-houfes in the town be-
longing to the prefoyterians, anabaptifts, quakers,
and French refugees ; and if you furvey the ad-
jacent country, fays Mr. Furry, you will fee
{lately buildings, noble caftles, and the fields
covered with infinite numbers of cattle of all
kinds.
Beaufcrt- The town of Beaufort is fituated on the ifland
and'poi t- of Port-Royal, in 31 degrees 40 minutes north
Roy el. latitude, an hundred miles fouth of Charles-
Town ; the continent and ifland forming a fine
capacious harbour, capable of receiving the royal
navy of England, if it can get over the bar, as
fhips of good burthen may ; there being eighteen
foot water at low water. The illand on which
the town {lands confifts of near one thoufand a-
cres, and is navigable all round for boats and pet-
tyagers, and one half of it for {hipping, having
four fathom water clofe to the high bluff’; fo that
fhips may load and unload from the fir ore without
the affiftance of boats. The harbour is fecured
by a fort built about five years fince, on which
twelve culverins are mounted, but the town and
ifland have no fortification (unlefs eredled very
lately;) nor is the harbour fo well fortified as a place
of this importance deferves, efpecialxy as it lies fo
near Spanifh Florida, and is faid to be demanded
by the Spaniards as a part of their territories.
There is not indeed above fifty or threefcore
houfes in the town of Beaufort at prefent ; but
from its advantagious fituatjon, and the goodnefs
of its harbour, it is expedled that this town will
one day be the capital of Carolina : It is already
the ftation for the Britifn fquadron in thofe feas.
There is another port-town lately eredled at
Winyaw, about fifty miles to the northward of
Charles-Town, to which they have given the
George- name of George-Town, and the fociety for the
propagation of the gofpel have a miflionary here ;
but I meet with no further defcription of it.
The third grand divifion of Carolina is the
Georgia. new province of Georgia, feparated from South-
Situation. Carolina by the river Savannah on the north, by
the ocean on the eaft, by the river Alatamaha,
which feparates it from Spanifh Florida, on the
fouth, and by Indian Florida on the weft ; nor
has any European power fo good a claim as the
Englifh to this country as far weftward as the ri-
river Miftifippi, fince moft of the Indian Chiefs be-
tween Carolina and that river have acknowledged
1 the King of Great-Britain their Soveraign, and
put themfelves under his protection, as has been
obferved already.
Chief The chief towns in Georgia are, the town of
Towns. Savannah, and the town of Purryfburgh.
Savannah The town ol Savannah is fituated in 31 de-
grees 20 minutes, about one hundred and thirty
59 1
miles to the fouthward of Charles-Town, andCHAP,
thirty miles fouth of Beaufort and Port-Royal, X.
and about fifty or threefcore miles north of the U/’YXJ
Spanifh fort of St. Auguftin. Governor Ogle-
t horpe, in a letter to the truftees of the colo-
ny of Georgia, dated the 10th of February,
1 7 32-3, tells them, that he had fixed upon a
healthful fituation on the river Savannah to build
this town upon, about ten miles from the fea ;
that the river here formed a half-moon, along the
fouth fide of which the banks were forty foot
high, and on the top a flat, which they call a
bluff ; that this plain high ground extended into
the country five or fix miles ; and along the ri-
ver fide, about a mile, fhips that draw twelve
foot water, may ride within ten yards of the
bank.
That upon the river fide, in the center of this
plain, he had laid out the town, and that over
againft it was an ifland of very rich land fit for
pafturage, which he thought ought to be kept for
the truftees cattle.
That the river was pretty wide, the water
frefli, and from the key they might fee its whole
courfe to the fea with the ifland of Tybe, which
lay before the mouth of the river ; that the other
way they might fee the river for fix miles up into
the country ; the landfkip was very agreeable, the
ftream being wide, and bordered with high woods
on both fides.
By another letter dated from Georgia the 14th
of February 1735-6, they inform us, that above
two hundred houfes were then regularly built in
the town of Savannah.
Purryfburgh alfo is fituated on the river Savan- Purryfburgh
nah, about thirty miles from the mouth, and T °wn.
twenty to the weftward of the town of Savannah,
feven miles above the higheft tide. It was for-
merly called the Ymafiee-Port, and ftands in a
pleafant fruitful plain, being inhabited by a colo-
ny of a thoufand Swifs, which were carried over
by Monf. Purry at the charge of the truftees of
Georgia. But as this town lies on the north fide
of the river Savannah, it is in reality in South-
Carolina, and not in Georgia. The fame letter
gives an account of feveral other towns built; par-
ticularly, Buerey, Thunderbolt, Fort-Argyle and
Weftbrook, but does not afcertain their fitua-
tion ; they alfo relate that Mr. Oglethorpe
was going fourfcore miles farther into the country
to ereCI another town and a fort near it on the ri-
ver Alatamaha ; two forts have been e reefed alfo
on the river Savannah, the one fourfcore miles
weft of the town of Purryfburgh, and the other.
upwaras of two hundred miles beyond it : And
probably they have ereCted feveral other towns and
fortreftes by this time ; for fince the King has
purchafed the propriety of Carolina, I find the
following orders have been given for building
eleven.
THE PRESENT STATE
Extent of
each town
Affembly.
59 2
CHAP, eleven towns in Georgia and Carolina, viz. two on
X. the river Alatamaha, two on the river Savannah,
one at the head of the river Poupon, two at the
Eleven river Santee, one at the river Watereg, one at
towns order- t h e Black River, one at the- river Wacomau, and
ed to be built , . f, ,
in Georgia. one at the river redee.
The lands The diftridt of each of thefe towns is to con-
MchTovvn ta ' n ex tent of twenty thoufand acres of land,
formed into a fquare, bordering on one of thefe
rivers, and is to be divided into fhares of fifty a-
cres for each man, woman, or child of one fami-
ly; which may be augmented as the planters fhall
be in a condition to cultivate a larger quantity of
ground ; and every one of them was to have an
equal (hare of the better and worfe lands, and al-
fo the fame right on the river.
Each town was to be formed into a parifh, the
extent whereof was to be about fix miles round the
town on the fame fide of the river ; and as foon
as the parifh contained an hundred mailers of fami-
lies, they were authorized to fend two members
to the affembly of the province, and were to en-
joy the fame privileges as the other parifnes of the
province.
The ground of each town being marked out,
was to belong in common to all the inhabitants,
till diilributed in particular ihares to each of them.
There were to be three hundred acres of land near
each town to be common for ever, without being
charged with rent ; and no perfon, by any former
grant, was to take poffeffion of any land within
fix miles of each town.
Indian towns As to the Indian towns belonging to the Cha-
of Keowee. rokee nation, under the protection of the Eng-
lifh, the firft I meet with is called Keowee, three
hundred miles weft of Charles-Town ; and Ta-
Tanaffie. naffie their capital is an hundred and fifty miles
farther weft ; all the country between the Eng-
lith Plantations, and the Charokees being an un-
cultivated defart, part of it claimed by the Creek
nation, and the reft by the Charokees and. their
allies ; but they make no other ufe of it than to
hunt wild beafts, being the only conftant inhabi-
tants of thefe forefts. As to the model of the In-
dian towns and building in Florida, 1 muft refer
the reader to thofe defcribed in Virginia and Ma-
ryland, from which thefe do not differ. Their
Animals and animals and vegetables alfo are the fame as in Vir-
the fanf eS S 10 ' 3 ’ on ty ^ do not remem ber the mentioning
in Virginia. Buffaloes in that country, which are found in Flo-
rida. This is a heavy fluggifh animal that refem-
bles an Ox, but is lefs, and his flelh of a much
coarfer grain.
Monfieur Purry, who carried over the
Swifs Colony to Georgia in the year 1733, gives
the following account of the foil, productions,
manufactures, and traffick of Carolina ; with a
£hort abftraCt of the hiftory and fuccefs of that
colony.
A common
to each
town.
He obferves, that all forts of trees and plants CHAP,
will grow there as well as can be wifhed, parti- X.
cularly Vines, Wheat, Barley, Oats, Peafe,
Beans, Hemp, Flax, Cotton, Tobacco, Indigo, Trees and
Olives, Orange-Trees and Citron-Trees ; as alfo plants *
white Mulberry-Trees for feeding of Silk—
W orms ; and that the lands will not be difficult
to clear, becaufe there is neither ftones nor Bram-
bles, but only great trees, which do not grow ve-
ry thick ; fo that more land may be cleared there
in one week, than could be done in Europe in a
month. The cuftom of the country is, that af-
ter having cut down thefe great trees, they leave
the flumps for four or five years to rot, and after-
wards eafily root them up, in order to manure the
land.
It is very certain that Carolina is in general an Nature of
excellent country ; it is true the ground is fandy, ^ e r ^ g m
but then it is a fand impregnated with fait or nitre,
fo that it brings forthftn great abundance, as the
like foil does in divers parts of Europe : But what
is more particular to Carolina, there are a great
number of plantations that have been continually
cultivated for near fixty years, which yet ftill pro-
duce great plenty, without ever being manured
by the leaft dung, for they never lay any on their Wants no
grounds ; the planter only turns up the fuperficies ^"^j and
of the earth, and all that he plants and fows there-
in quickly grows and thrives : Thofe who under-
ftand ever fo little of agriculture will be obliged
to own, that if the lands in Europe were not con-
ftantly manured, their ftrength would be fo ex-
haufted, that at length the crops would not pay for
their feed. But a man who fhall have a little land
in Carolina, and who is not willing to work above
two or three hours a day, may very eafily live
there.
Another confideration deferving our notice is The quick
the progrefs of the firft colonies, their fudden ad- im?rove ' ,
vancement, the riches of the preient inhabitants, ; n t hi s cob-
the great number of publick expences for which ny.
they provide, the great trade which they carry on
at prefent ; and laftly, their misfortunes and Ioffes,
which are entirely repaired. The better to com-
prehend thefe matters, we fhall only make the
following obfervations, 1. That there were no
people in Carolina, till near feventy years ago ; for planted but
the Englifh did not begin to fend any thither ^'y y ears
till the year 1670. 2. That they had at firft a ac °"
very fatal beginning, being affiidled with fickneffes;
and even the plague, which daily diminifhed the The plague
number of the people. 3. The cruel deftrudtive there> »
divifions fprung up. among them. 4. That they Divifions.
had a very bad government under the Lords pro- Bad govern* !
prietors, being almoft without juftice, order or ^Lords** I
difeipline. 5. That at a certain time the Pirates proprietors,
interrupted their trade and navigation. 6. Thatthey Plundered by
have often had great droughts. 7. That a terrible
fire confumed almoft all Charles Town. 8. ThatFire.°
they
OF CAROLINA.
593
CHAP, they have been at great expence in fortifications,
X. publick edifices, churches, &c. 9. That they
have often fuftained long wars with the French,
Exrencesof'Spaniards, and particularly with the Indians, who
fortifica- once united all together to deftroy the whole pro-
Wars with vince. 10. That notwithftanding all thefe mis-
Indians and fortunes, the people of Carolina, except thole who
Rch^r'ot g’ ve themfelves up to debauchery, are all rich,
with fending either in flaves, furniture, cloaths, plate, jewels,
thefe calami- or other merchandizes ; but efpecially in cattle;
ties * which {hews the goodnefs of the country they
inhabit.
The moft: part of thofe, who came firft thither
were very poor and miferable. Several of thofe,
who are moft confiderable, went but as fervants.
Load two The trade of Carolina is now fo confiderable,
hundred fhips that of late years there has failed from thence an-
annually. nua }]y above two hundred fhips, laden with mer-
chandizes of the growth of the country, befides
Ships of war. three fhips of war, which they commonly have
for the fecurity of the commerce ; and laft winter
they had conftantly five, the leaft of which had
above an hundred men on board. It appears
from the cuftom-houfe entries, from March 1730
Exports. to March 1731, that there failed within that time
from Charles-Town two hundred and feven fhips,
moft of them for England ; which carried among
other goods forty- one thoufand nine hundred and
Rice. fifty -feven barrels of Rice, about five hundred
pound weight per barrel ; ten thoufand feven hun-
Pitch, Tar, dred and fifty- four barrels of Pitch ; two thoufand
and Turpen- and fixty-three of Tar, and eleven hundred and
Ski™ fifty-nine of Turpentine ; of Deer-fkins, three
hundred calks, containing eight or nine hundred
Corn. each; befides a vaft quantity of Indian Corn, Peafe,
rieih. Beans, &c. beef, pork, and other falted flefh ;
Timber, beams, planks, and timber for building, moft
part of Cedar, Cyprefs, Saflafras, Oak, Walnut,
and Pine.
Trade with They carry on a great trade with the Indians,
the Indians. f rom w hom they get thefe great quantities of Deer-
fkins, and thofe of other wild beafts in exchange ;
for which they give them only Lead, Powder,
coarfe cloth, Vermillion, Iron-ware ; and fome
other goods, by which they have a very confide-
rable profit.
Slaves. The great number of flaves makes another
part of the riches of this province ; there being
above forty thoufand Negroes, which are worth
one with another an hundred Crowns each.
Artificers Artificers are fo fcarce at prefent, that all forts
wanted. wor j, j s ver y dear ; Taylors, Shoemakers,
Smiths, &c. would be particularly acceptable
there. A fkilful Carpenter is not afhamed to de-
High wsgcs.mand 30s. per day, befides his diet; and the
ferbng"^ comrnon wages of a workman is 20 s. per day,,
worth four provided he fpeaks Englifh, without which he
Pounds Ca- cannot be underftood, and confequently not fo ufe-
ful. as others; and when a workman has but 10 s.
Vo L, III..
money*
per day, he thinks he labours for almoft nothing, C II AP.
tho’ he has his maintenance befides. But this is X.
Carolina money. {/YN
Moft of their Shoes are brought from England, Shoes,
and generally fell for 40s. per pair; not but that they
have hides enough, and very cheap, an Ox’s hide
being fold for 20 s. neither are they deftitute of
the means to tann them, for they make very good Tanning.
Lime with Oyfter-fhells ; and the bark of Oak-
Trees is fo plentiful, that it cofts nothing but the
trouble of gathering. They want only therefore
a fufficient number of good Tanners and Shoe-
makers.
I might fay the fame of Leather- drefters, finceTwohun-
they fend every year to England above two hun- ^
dred thoufand Deer-fkins undrefled ; yet Carolina ikinsexport-
produces Oker naturally, and good fifh-oil may
be had from New-York or New-England very
cheap, fo that they might be deeded and made up
into breeches in the country ; for which thofe
fkins are very proper, being cool in fummer and
warm in winter.
There is not one Potter in all the province, and
no earthen ware, but what comes from England,
nor gla'fs of any kind ; fo that a pot-houfe, andNoGIafs
a good glafs-houfe, would fucceed perfectly well, ° v r a “ rtheil
not only for Carolina, but for all the colonies in
America. There is a kind of fand and earth,
which would be very proper for thefe purpofes ; as
alfo wood and Fern in abundance, had they but
workmen to make ufe of them.
The woods are full of wild vines,, bearing five vines,
or fix forts of Grapes naturally ; but for want of
Vine-dreffers, &c. fcarce any Wine is drank there
but what comes from Madera ; which is indeed
cheap, for a bottle of excellent Wine coft laft
winter but 2 s. Carolina money, to thofe who
bought it by the hoglhead.
The cattle of Carolina are very fat in fummer, Cattle,,
but as lean in winter, becaufe they can find very
little to eat, and have no cover to fhelter them
from the cold, rains, frofts and fnows, which laft
fometimes three or four days ; only the cattle de-
figned for the butchery are fed, and they bad e~
nougb, with Potatoes, ftraw and grain ; but they
always lie in the open - field, for there is not one
hovel in all the country either for Oxen or Cows,
If you objedl this to the planters,, they anfwer,.
that fuch houfes or hovels would do very well,
but that they have too many ocher affairs to think,
of that. The laft winter being very fevere, a-
bout ten thoufand horned cattle died of hunger
and cold ; notwithftanding this*, the. people will
not change their conduct, becaufe they do not
underftand the manner of ordering cattle, nor
even know how to mow the Grafs,, in order to No Hay*,
make it Hay, of which they might have great
plenty for fodder. Their ignorance in this refpedl
is very great, which is the reafon. that Butter is Butter,
G- g g g. always
594
THE PRESENT STATE
C H AP„ always dear, being fold laft winter for 7 s. 6 d. Rice and Indian Corn produce at leaft an hun- CHAP.
X. per pound ; and in January and February laft, it dred fold, and would much more, if the land was X.
was fold at Charles-Town for 12s. per pound; better cultivated. The eafinefs of procuring fuch
in a word, nothing would be more eafy than for a plenty of grain, is the reafon that the planters Rice,
perfons, who underftand country-affairs, to grow have, or may have at all times a yard filled with p ld j n Corn «
rich in a little time. There is fo great a number Cocks, Hens, Turkeys, Geefe, Ducks, &c. alfo paeons!
Cattle. of cattle, that a certain planter had laft fpring a good Pigeon-houfe, without being at any ex- Wild Tur-
two hundred Calves marked, which he let run in pence. There is great plenty of game of all forts, and
the woods with other cattle. Nobody looks after but efpecially wild Turkeys, fome of which are fowl. Wi
them, or takes any other care, but to bring thirty pound weight; and thofe who love fowling
them together in the evening to lie in a park near may eafily take them. With Indian Corn they
make pretty good bread, becaufe it is much finer
Salted flefli
fent to the
illands.
Horfes.
Hogs.
Sheep.
Wool.
Flax.
Cotton,
Hemp.
the houfe.
At certain times they kill a great many to
fend the flefh falted to feveral other colonies
where there is little pafturage ; particularly to the
Ifles of Antilles, the Sugar Hands, and in general
to all thofe of the Torrid-Zone.
Horfes, the beft kind in the world, are fo plen-
tiful, that you feldom fee any body travel on foot,
except Negroes, and they oftner on horfeback ;
fo that when a Taylor, a Shoemaker, or any o-
ther tradefinan, is obliged to go but three miles
and better than in Swifferland, or in any other
part of Europe; where it is commonly called Tur-
key Corn. (This feems to be a miftake ; Tur-
key Wheat is a very different thing.)
Perfons may grow rich in Carolina without be-
ing at much expence or labour, by planting white
Mulberry-trees for feeding of Silk-worms, there Mulberries,
being perhaps no country in the world where thofe
trees grow better, nor where the Silk is finer than Silk,
in Carolina ; they grow fo much in fo fhort a
from his houfe, it would be very extraordinary to time, that we dare fcarce mention it. Captain
fee him travel on foot. Scott had one at the back of his houfe at Port-
There is likewife in this country a prodigious Royal not above feven or eight years old, the body
number of Swine, which multiply infinitely, and whereof was above two foot round. It would be
are kept with very little charge, becaufe they find difficult to believe this if it was not confirmed by
almoft all the year Acorns, of which there are other Mulberry-trees of four or .five years old at
five or fix forts; as alfo Nuts, Walnuts, Chef- Port-Royal, Weftmefaa, Goufcrick and other
nuts, herbs, roots, &c. in the woods ; fo that
if you give them never fo little at home, they be-
come fat ; after which you may fait, and fend
great quantities of them to the Ifles of Barbadoes,
St. Chriftopher’s, Jamaica, & c. which produce
very good returns either in money or merchan-
dizes.
Of all animals in that country, none are a lefs
charge than Sheep, for they fubfift only on what
they find in the fields, yet are always in good cafe,
and bring forth their Lambs regularly ; and there
is a particularly fort, whofe Wool is not inferi-
or to the fineft Spanifti Wool.
Flax and Cotton thrive admirably, and Hemp
grows to thirteen or fourteen foot in height ; but
as few people know how to order it, there is fcarce
any cultivated ; befides, they want dung, which
is very neceffary for that purpofe, few plants
weakening land fo much as Hemp does : However,
this is one of the articles which would produce
moft profit, becaufe the parliament has allowed fo
much per tun upon all Hemp which comes from
the Englifh plantations in America, in order, that
in time of war they may have no need of Hemp
from Ruffia and Poland. Befides this encourage-
ment, which is to laft above twenty years longer,
there is an exemption from fome other duties on
importation, which, joined together, makes an
advantage of about 40 1 . per cent, over that of
Hemp from other parts.
plantations, the trunks whereof are near a foot
diameter ; but as all the planters apply themfelves
chiefly to the produ&ion of Rice, Pitch and Tar, R; ce , Pitch,
there is very little ufe made of them. However, and Tar.
thofe who have been in Provence and Languedoc,
know that the fhipping of a Mulberry-tree, that
is, the leaves of a fummer, are commonly fold for
a Crown, and fometimes two, altho’ the Silk of
thofe two provinces is but very indifferent; from
whence it may eafily be conjectured what riches
Carolina would produce if this affair was well
managed. All other trees grow there in the fame Trees,
proportion, and much fafter than in Europe, but
particularly the Peach-tree; for the third year it is
commonly loaded with fruit, and is a great tree
the fourth year.
Thofe that have any defire to go and fettle there,
may farther take notice of three or four obferva-
tions.
i. That- South-Carolina is not only fituated in Situation,
the fame degree of heat, fertility and temperature
of air (which isabout 33 degrees latitude) as Bar-
bary, the He of Candia, Syria, Perfia, Mogoliftan,
China, and in general all the beft countries in the Planters en-
univerfe ; but it is alfo the only country of all c °uraged to
thofe the Engliih poftefs that is fituated in that °° ° vtr ’
degree ; and there is all the reafon in the world to
believe, that if there be now an opportunity to
have lands there for nothing, this advantage will
not continue long ; at ieaft it is very certain, that
thofe
OF CAROLINA.
595
CHAP, thofe who {hall come hr ft will have the choice of
X. lands, as alfo the proximity of rivers, much better
than thofe that (hall come afterwards,
produce. 2. That by means of the Wool, Cotton, Flax,
Cloathing. an( ] Hemp, it will be eafy to procure all Linen
neceffary, as alfo good Cloth and Stuffs for
cloathing, without being forced to purchafe them
at a very dear rate from the fhops, as rnoft of
the planters are at prefent ; and what is ftill an
article very confiderable, there will be no danger
Victuals, of wanting provifions in a country fo plentiful,
unlefs fome accidents happen, which cannot be
forefeen by human prudence : We may be affured
that hail-ftones will not deprive the inhabitants
thereof.
Neareft to 3. That Carolina being of all the neighbouring
the Sugar princes, which the Englifh poffefs on the con-
lflandSl tinent of North-America, from 29 to 49 degrees
of latitude, not only the largeft and moft pro-
ductive of neceffaries, but alfo the moft fouthward
and neareft to Jamaica, Barbadoes, and ail the
Hands of the Antilles, which have occafion for
faked provifions, bread, Wine, fruits and roots,
and feveral other things, we need not hefitate a
moment to prefer it to all the other Colonies on
the north-fide. And befides the great advantages
which may accrue to the inhabitants by the fer-
tility of the land and the temperatenefs of the
Situated well climate, the fituation thereof, for trade will al-
for trade. wa y S draw fhips into its ports, which there finding
at a reafonable price and in good order all that
the other moft diftant provinces can have, will
hardly go fo far whilft any thing is to be had in
Liberty of
conscience.
Juftice.
Property fe-
f cured.
Conftitu-
tion.
Carolina.
4. And laftly. And what is of greater impor-
tance than all is, that there is an entire liberty of
confcience and commerce for all that come thi-
ther, without paying any thing for it. Juftice is
duly adminiftered to all, and every body can fay,
that what he poffeffes lawfully belongs to him in
full propriety. There are no tenths, impofts,
tallies, nor capitation taxes, nor any of thofe bur-
thens which render fo many other people unhappy.
In a word, you have all the laws, liberties and
privileges there which are enjoyed in England.
It is the lower houfe that has the difpofal of the
money of the province, and who vote the taxes
neceffary for the publick fervice ; however, with
the approbation of the upper houfe, and that of
his Majefty reprefented by the Governor.
We whofe Names are hereunto fubfcribed,
do atteft, that all which is contained in
this account of South-Carolina, is the real
truth, having been eye-witneffes of moft
part of the particulars therein mentioned.
Done at Charles-Town the 23d of Sep-
tember, 1731.
John Peter Purry of Neufchatel.
James Richard of Geneva,
Abraham Meuron of St. Sulpy in CHAP.
the county of Neufchatel. X,
Henry Raymond of St. Sulpy.
Notwithftanding the folemn attellation of thefe Remarks cn
gentlemen, their account of Carolina muft be jyjA j R "
read with grains of allowance. It was evidently count of Ca-
their intention to reprefent the country in the fair- rolina.
eft light to invite planters to go over and fettle
there ; but it was my good fortune to correfpond
with another gentleman of figure, who reftded in
Carolina a confiderable rime, that has fet feveral
matters right, which Mr. Purry and his friends
endeavoured fo difguife, or were not fufficiently
informed in.
He admits that Englifti Wheat will grow in Ca- Corn,
rolina, but fays it is apt to mildew, and produces
but a fmall grain, the heat drawing it up to a
great height, fo that there is much ftraw and lit-
tle grain ; they have therefore their flour from
Penfylvania and New-York, which per hundred
weight feldom exceeds the value of an hundred
weight of Rice, which growing fo much better,
is the only grain they propagate there to fpeak of ;
altho’ fome Barley and Oats they have, but they alfo
do as the Wheat run into ftraw, and produce
but a light grain, nor will they keep for the Wevil
or Bug.
The European Grapes which have been tranf- Grapes,
planted thither, produce their ripe fruit the latter
end of June, at which time the heats and rains
are fo violent and frequent, that they do not ri-
pen kindly, but are moftly rotten before ripe ;
befides that, the juice, I am apt to think (at that
time) would ferment away all the fpirits ; for in
Portugal, where you know I lived many years,
their vintage is in October, when the heats are o™
ver ; probably they will fome time make wine
from the Grapes of the country, of which they
have great abundance and no fmall variety, and
they ripen at a proper feafon j but at prefent the
peoples' 8 fortunes will not admit of going out of
the common and beaten road, fo that very few,
if any, have tried them.
Silk does mighty well, and is as good (as Mr. Silk..
Lombe, now Sir Thomas, one of the Aider-
men of London, told me) as any of the Italian
Silk ; but it requires many hands, and the bufy
time of feeding the worms, which lafts about
five weeks, and begins the latter end of March,
is juft when they are planting and howing their
Rice : As for Hemp or Flax, they were beginning Hemp anti
to try them when I left the country, but I am Flax “
told they do not grow well there : The excefiive
heats muft be the occafion of it ; therefore North-
Carolina, I ihould think would do better, Georgia
worfe. I have feen a Angle plant of Hemp as
thick as my leg.
Coffee has been tried, but will not bear the Coffee,
winter in South- Carolina* what it will do in
G g g g 2 Georgia
596
THE PRESENT STATE
C HAP. Georgia I know not; that place is a degree and
A. half to the fouthward of Charles-Town. As for
Eea we know nothing of it, there never was a
plant of it there ; but it is in the fame latitude as
Peking in China, fo that it isjudged it will thrive
there ; but that is all that we know.
Exports. They produce and (hip off yearly about 60,000
Rice. barrels of Rice, each containing about four hun-
. ^ted weight neat; they have (hipped oft' about
jkins. 70,000 Deer-fkins at a medium for thefe ten years
Tar - paft ; they did make great quantities of Tarj yet
Pitch. now they fend little of that, but chiefly Pitch, the
Englifh of late having inoft of their Tar from Nor-
way ; but we fend about 20,000 barrels of Pitch
a year, and our Tar has reduced the price of that
or Norway from fifty Shillings and three Pound a
barrel, to twelve and fifteen Shillings ; and if
lomething did not biafs our people at home more
than their judgment, our Tar would ftill be in de-
mand, and efteemed as good as that of Norway.
We have fent home 70,000 barrels in a year; and
Turpentine, probably fend home 10,000 barrels of Turpentine,
and could fend more if there was any demand for
it. Our yellow or Pitch-pine, is as good for
Mails, nulls and planks as any in the world; and our
Oak. live Oak the beft (not excepting the Englifh) for
knees, or what the Carpenters call compas tim*
ber for fhipping ; but none has been yet fent home.
We have many other forts of Oak better than
that of New- England.
Shipping. They have very little fhipping of their own in
Carolina, having never built above four or five
fhips there, but more {loops ; however, they
load about two hundred fail of fhips yearly at
Charles-Town, and fome at Port-Royal and Wi-
nyaw. They traffick with the natives for Deer-
Buffaloes. fkins, and Bear and Buffaloe-fkins ; for which
£fr h £' ve them Guns, Powder, Knives, Sciflars,
Looking-glafies, Beads, and many other trifles,
and fome coarfe Cloths, Strouds, Duffields, and
coarfe Callicoes, &c. for their women ; and they
Carriage, carry them on Pack-horfes for five or fix hundred
miles to the weftward of Charles-Town, as far
as the Chockfaw nation, and the Chikifaws : Tho’
they go fo far but fparingly, the mod of the trade
being confined within the limits of the Creek and
Charokee nations, which is not above three hun-
dred miles.
Different _ It may be proper to obferve here, that North-
North and ^ aro * lna produces a good quantity of Tobacco,
South Cato- and but little Rice ; and South-Carolina, on the
contrary, produces vaft quantities of Rice, and
little 1 obacco ; but as to the reft of their vege-
tables and produce, they are much the fame.
The hiftory Carolina being juftly looked upon as part of the
Of the plan- ancient Virginia, r ' ‘
ration of this
, _ fince it was hither the firft co-
tti.ony. lonies were fent by Sir W alter Ralegh, in
the reign of Queen Elizabeth, it was thought
to revive the Britifh claim to" this country, inCHA P.
which no European power had then any fettle- X.
ments ; for both the Spaniards and the French,
who had fent colonies to this coaft (after thofe
misfortunes which drove the firft Englifh planters
from thence) had abandoned them again for a
great many years.
King Charles therefore, well apprized of
the happy fituation of this country, and that there
was a profpeA of raifing Wine, Oil and Silk, and
alinoft every thing that Great-Britain wanted
there, granted a patent, bearing date the 24th of The firft
March 1663, to Edward Earl of Clarendon, patent
Lord Chancellor of England, George Duke of the^oprie-
Albemarle, William Lord Craven, John tors-
Lord Berkley, Anthony Lord Afhley, Sir
George Carteret, and Sir William
Colliton, to plant all thofe territories in Ame-
rica, between St. Matheo in 31 degrees, and
Luck-Ifland in 36 degrees, north latitude ; and
between the Atlantick-Ocean on the eaft, and the
South-Sea, or Pacific-Ocean on the weft : Indeed
the Clerks that drew the patent feem to have been
miftaken in the latitude of St. Matheo, making it
lie in 31, whereas it lies much nearer 30 degrees.
However, it is evident, that Prince looked upon his
territories to extend as far fouthward as St. Ma-
theo, and confequently that not only Port- Royal,
but the new province of Georgia, and feveral
miles beyond, belonged to Great-Britain; and
probably the miftake of the latitude in the above-
faid patent, was one reafon the patentees procured
another two years afterwards, viz. 1 7 Car. II. Second pa-
extending the bounds of Carolina to Carotock Ri- tent ‘
ver, or Inlet, in 36-degrees 30 minutes north la-
titude ; and as far as 29 degrees fouth. If his
prefent Majefty therefore has been pleafed to bound
his dominions in America on the fouth, by the
river Alatamaha or May, he has exprefied great
moderation with regard to the Spaniards. The
laft patent of King Charles II. being a fuffi-
cient authority to extend them even beyond St. •
Matheo, and St. Auguftins, which lies within the
limits of that patent.
The proprietors did little towards planting Ca- Carolina
i* , r nlanf-p/d Kt
rolina t
fit.
after the reftoration pf King Charles II.
ill the year 1670, when they agreed upon th^EngMi.
a form of government for their colonies, Laid to
be ft ruck out by Anthony Lord Afhley, after-
wards Earl of Shaftfbury, one of the proprietors,
whereby it was provided, that a Palatine ftiould be The form of
chofen out of the proprietors, to hold that office ®^ rnrnent
during his life, and be fucceeded after his death
by the next eldeft of the proprietors for life ;
and in like manner the reft of the proprietors and
their refpe&ive heirs were to fucceed to the office
of Palatine, according to their feniority. The Pa-
latine, for the time being, was impowered to ap-
point the Governor of the province ; but then,
as a check upon him, he was in great part of his
admini-
OF CAR
CHAP, adminiftratien to a£t with the concurrence of a
X. council, confifting of feven deputies, appointed
by the (even proprietors, feven more chofen by the
aftembly or reprefentatives of the freemen, and
feven of the eldeft Landgraves and Caciques ; for
The proprie- the proprietors were impowered by their patent to
tors impow- create a certain number of noblemen with the ti-
noMemen ate ties of Landgraves and Caciques,- (but were re-
ftrained from conferring Engliftr titles on them,
fuch as Dukes, Earls, Barons, &c.) and thefe
were to conftitute the upper houfe ; from whence
it appears, that Lord Shaftfbury intended to have
a Palatine for chief Magiftrate, inftead of a King,
with an upper and lower houfe : But then the au-
thority of his Palatine or chief Magiftrate was fo
limited, that he had little more than the name of
Palatine : The Lords were to be created by the fe-
ven proprietors, and not by the Palatine alone,
and confequently would not be in any danger of
being creatures of the Palatine, or the Governor
appointed by him ; but this finefpun fcheme, it
feems, never took place in all its projected parts.
& There were but few Landgraves or Caciques
made, nor were they ever fummoned to fit in
parliament as a houfe of peers ; but the deputies of
the feven proprietors, and the great Officers of
ftate, conftituted their upper houfe : And thus did
Lord Shaftfoury imagine he had fupplied all the
defeats in the conftitution of his mother country.
But from hence we may learn how much eafier
it is to find fault with a conftitution, than to
mend it ; for never did fuch confufions arife in
Perpetual any government as in this. There were perpetu-
diftraaions a ] ftruggles for fuperiority, and fometimes the
lonies^ C °" people found themfelves intolerably opprefled by
their Governors ; at others, the people became
mutinous and feditious, depofed, tried and banifh-
ed their Governors ; and what was ftill worfe,
all agreed to enflave the Indians, which provoked
them to murder many of the planters, and plun-
der their fettlements ; and the Indians at length
became fo formidable, that it was expe&ed the
In danger of Englifh would have been totally extirpated, which
being de- cornpe ll e d the planters to implore the protection
the natives, of the crown, as the only means to reltore tran-
quillity to thefe colonies, and oppofe the outrages
of the natives: His prefent Majefty therefore, in
The King compaffion to thefe colonies, was pleafed to pur-
chafe ' ntere ft °f the feveral proprietors about
the year 1728 ; whereby the colonies of North-
Carolina are not only become Royal Govern-
ments, and modelled now like that of England ;
but his Majefty, as I apprehend, is foie proprietor,
or ground-landlord (if I may fo term it) ot thefe
pleafant and fruitful countries, and thereby poflef-
fed of the largeft and faireft demefne? at prefent of
any Prince in Europe : They are of a much great-
er extent than ever were poflefled by the greateft
.of the Kings of England his predeceftors ; and
OLIN A. 597
our pofterity (if not the prefent generation) poffi- C H AP.
bly may fee the crown fo greatly enriched by this X.
purchafe, as to defray all the ordinary charges of
the government out of the revenues of the crown-
lands ; as the Kings of England anciently did,
without depending on the benevolence of the fub-
je£t. But whether his Majefty purchafed thefe pro-
vinces of the proprietors as King of England, or
as a private gentleman, I confefs I am not fully ap-
prifed : And if he did not purchafe them as King
of England, the crown may not be much the
richer, tho’ his Majefty’s pofterity in a private ca-
pacity will. However, let it be one way or other,
I fnall beg leave to congratulate his Majefty and
the nation upon this happy event, it being now
the joint intereft of Prince and people to encourage The intereft
thefe plantations, _ which, if well managed, will a °J*^Jf s e
furnifh Great- Britain m time with navai ftoies, j. 0 encourage
S'dk, Wine and Oil, and every thing (he wants, thefe coks-
which we are at prefent compelled to purchafe of mes ‘
foreigners with an immenfe treafure; and at the
fame time advance our own manufactures to a ve-
ry great degree, by the exportation ot them to
thofe countries in return for what we receive from
thence.
The King had no fooner purchafed the colo- Sl1 ' Al e *-
nies of North and South- Carolina of the proprie- cummins
tors, as related above, but Sir Alex and er takes a view
Cummins, a Scots gentleman, was employed to ^Florida,
procure a true ftate of thofe countries by his own ^ eft of
view of the moft diirant parts of them : Where- Charles-
upon he fet out from Charles-Town on the 13th Town "
of March, 1729, accompanied by eight or ten
people, traders and others, who had fome know-
ledge of the country ; and having travelled as far
as Mr. Russel’s plantation, an hundred miles to
the weftward of Charles-Town, Mr. Russel
informed him, that the French had been endea-
vouring for two years palled to bring over the
lower Charokees to their intereft, and that he had
already acquainted the government with the en-
croachments of the French, who had been build- French forts
ing forts in the Creek nation for feveral years 1 £ie “
palled.
Sir Alexander taking leave of Mr. Rus-
sel arrived at Keowee, the firft tov/n of the
Charokees, being about three hundred miles from
Charles-Town ; where he was informed by Mr.
Barker a trader, that the February before mef-
fensers came from the lower Creeks to the Cha-
rokees, inviting th .m to come over to theFiench
intereft. Whereupon the Charokees directed the
Creeks to go to the French and receive their pre-
fents firft, °and then return to them with their re-
port : And upon the return of thofe meflengers,
he (Barker) expended the lower Charokees
would have rifen, for at that time they were fo
unruly the traders durft fcarce fpeak to them.
However, Sir Alexander met with fome cf
their
THE PRESENT STATE
tain their
Soveraigri.
CHA P. their Chiefs that night in the town-houfe, where
X. they were aflembled with three hundred of their
people, and received their fubmiffion to the King
The charo-of Grent-Britain on their knees ; he afterwards
keesac- caufed them to difpatch meffengers to all their
.knowledge .. . . . r r °
the King of tribes, requiring the Chiefs of every town to meet
Great Bri- him on the 3d of April at Nequaffie.
On the 27th of March Sir Alexander ar-
rived at Taffetche in the middle of their fettle -
ments ; and that night there happened fuch a ter-
rible florin of thunder and lightning as had not
been known in the memory of man, at which the
Indians were amazed and confounded ; and their
conjurer (or prieft) came the next morning, and
told Sir Alexander, he knew he was come to
govern their nation, and they mud fubmit to
whatever he commanded. On the 29th arriving
at Telliquo in the upper fettlements, two hun-
dred miles weft of Keowee, Mo y toy their chief
warrior told him, that the feveral nations intend-
ed to make him their head or Generaliftimo, but
that was now left to Sir Alexander.
On the 3d of April, Sir Alexander return-
ed to Nequaffie, where the King’s warriors, con-
jurers and beloved men of all the tribes aflembled,
according to his fummons : Here with great fo-
lemnity he was placed in a chair by Moytoy’s
orders, Moytoy and the conjurers Handing a-
bout him while the warriors ftroaked him with
thirteen Eagles tails, and their fingers fung from
morning till night ; and, as their cuftom is on fo-
lemn occaftons, they fafted the whole day.
After this folemnity of ftroaking him was
over. Sir Alexander, in a fpeech to them, re-
prefenting the great power and goodnefs of his
Majefty King George, who he called the great
man on the other fide of the great water, faid,
that himfelf and all his fubjedts were to him as
children, and they all obeyed whatever the great
King ordered ; and required Moytoy and all
the head warriors to acknowledge themfelves du-
tiful fubjedts and fons to King George, and
promife that they would do whatfoever Sir Alex-
ander fhould require of them (that he might
be the better able to anfwer for their conduct ;)
all which they did on their knees, calling upon
every thing that was terrible to them to deftroy
them, and wifhing they might become no people
if they violated their promife of obedience ! Sir
Alexander then ordered that the head war-
riors fhould anfwer for the conduit of their peo-
ple to Moytoy, whom he declared their Chief
and Generaliffimo, by the unanimous confent of
the whole people, and to whom, at Sir Ale x-
ander’s defire, they all gave an unlimited
power over them, provided he were accountable
to Sir Alexander for his adminiftration.
April 4th, the crown was brought from Great-
Tannafiie, which with five Eagles tails, and four
them.
fcalps of their enemies, Moytoy prefented toCFIAP.
Sir Alexander, impowering him to lay the X.
fame at his Majefty’s feet. W'"Y'NJ
Sir Alexander then propofing to take fix six of their
of their Chiefs to England with him to do ho- Caiefs “me
mage to the King in perfon, fix of them imme- t0 ■ Eng!and ‘
diately offered to go with him, and a feventh
joined him at his arrival at Charles-Town on
the 13th of April, and embarking together in
the Fox man of war the 4th of May, they arriv-
ed at Dover on the 6th of June, 1730.
The Indian Chiefs having been admitted to an
audience by King George, and in the name
of their refpediive nations promifed to remain
his Majefty’s moft faithful and obedient fubjecfts,
a treaty of alliance was drawn up, and figned
by the fix Chiefs on the one fide, and Alured
Popple, Efq; Secretary to the Lords Commif-
fioners of trade and plantations on the other, on
Monday Sept. 7th, 1730 ; and the treaty was
read and interpreted to them.
The preamble whereof recites, that whereas a treaty of
the faid Chiefs with the confent of the whole alliance with
nation of Charokee-Indians at a general meeting
on the 3d of April, 1730, were deputed by
Moytoy their head warrior to attend Sir Alex-
ander Cummins, Bart, to Great-Britain,
where they had feen the great King George;
and Sir Alexander, by authority from the
faid Moytoy and all the Charokee people, had
laid the crown of their nation, with the fcalps of
their enemies, and feathers of glory, at his Ma-
jefty’s feet, as a pledge of their loyalty : The great
King had commanded the faid Lords Commif-
fioners to inform them, that the Englifti every
where on all fides of the great mountains and
lakes were his people, that their friends were his
friends, and their enemies his enemies, and that
he took it kindly the great nation of the Charo-
kees had fent them fo far to brighten the chain of
friendfhip between him and them, and between
their people and his people : That the chain of .
friendfhip between him and the Charokee-Indians
is like the Sun, which both fhines here and alfc
upon the great mountains where they live, and
equally warms the hearts of the Indians and of
the Englifti : That as there are no fpots of black-
nefs in the Sun, fo is there not any ruft or foul-
nefs in this chain ; and as the King has faftened
one end of it to his own breaft, he defires you
will carry the other end of the chain and fallen
it well to the breaft of Moytoy of Telliquo,
and to the breafts of your old wife men, your
Captains, and all your people, never more to be
broken or made loofe ; and hereupon we give two
pieces of blue Cloth.
The great King and the Charokee-Indians
being thus faftened together by the chain of
fnendfhip, he has ordered his people and children,
the
OF CAROLINA. 599
CHAP, the Englifh. in Carolina, to trade with the Indians,
X. and to furnifti them with all manner of goods that
they want and to make hafte to build houfes, and
to plant Corn from Charles-Town towards the
town of the Charokees behind the great moun-
tains ; for he defires that the Indians and the
Englifli may live together as the children of one
family, whereof the great King is a kind loving
father ; and as the King has given his land on
both fides of the great mountains to his own
children the Englifli, fo he now gives to the
Charokee-Indians the privilege of living where
they pleafe ; and hereupon we give one piece of
red Cloth.
The great nation of Charokees being now
the children of the great King of Great-Britain,
and he their father, the Charokees muft treat the
Englifli as brethren of the fame family, and muft
be always ready at the Governor’s command to
fight againft any nation, whether they be white
men or Indians, who (hall dare to moleft or hurt
the Englifli ; and hereupon we give twenty guns.
The nation of the Charokees fhall on their
part take care to keep the trading path clean, and
that there be no blood in the path where the
Englifli white men tread, even tho’ they fhould
be accompanied by any other people with whom
the Charokees are at war; whereupon we give
four hundred pound weight of gun-powder.
That the Charokees fhall not fuffer their peo-
ple to trade with the white men of any other
nation but the Englifli, nor permit the white men
of any other nation to build any forts or cabins,
or plant Corn amongft them, or near any of the
Indian towns, or upon the lands which belong
unto the great King ; and if any fuch attempt
fhall be made, you muft acquaint the Englifh
Governor therewith, and do whatever he diredls,
in order to maintain and defend the great King’s
right to the country of Carolina ; whereupon we
* give five hundred pound weight of Swan-fhot, and
five hundred pound weight of bullets.
That if any Negroe flaves fhall run away into
the woods from their Englifli matters, the Cha-
rokee-Indians fhall endeavour to apprehend them,
and either bring them back to the plantation from
whence they run away, or to the Governor ;
and for every Negroe fo apprehended and brought
back, the Indian who brings him back fhall re-
ceive a gun and a watch-coat ; whereupon we
give a box of vermillion, ten thoufand gun-flints,
and fix dozen of hatchets.
That if by any accidental misfortune it fhould
happen, that an Englifliman fhould kill an Indian,
the King or great man of the Charokees fhall
firft complain to the Englifh Governor, and the
man who did it fhall be punifhed by the Englifh
laws, as if he had killed an Englifliman ; and
in the like manner, if an Indian kills an Eng-
lifliman, the Indian who did it fhall be delivered C H A P.
up to the Governor, and be punifhed by the fame X.
Englifli laws, as if he were an Englifliman ;
whereupon we give fix dozen of fpring-knives,
four dozen of kettles, and ten dozen of belts.
You are to underhand all that we have now
faid to be the words of the great King whom you
have feen ; and as a token that his heart is open
and true to his children and friends the Charokees,
and to all their people, he gives this belt, which
he defires may be kept and fhewn to all youf
people, and to their children and childrens chil-
dren, to confirm what is now fpoken, and to bind
this agreement of peace and friendfhip between
the Englifh and Charokees, as long as the moun-
tains and rivers fhall laft, or the fun fhine ; where-
upon we give this belt of Wampum.
O. K. Oukah Ulah
By command of their K. Shalclosicen
Lordfhips, White- Ketagustah
hall, September 9, T. Tathtowe
1730. C. Clogoittah
Alured Popple. K. Kollannah
U. Ukwaneeqjja.
Thefe are to certify Mo y toy of Telliquo, that
I have feen, perufed, and do approve of all the
articles contained in the above agreement, to .
which the Indians above-mentioned have by my
advice given their confent.
Alex./ Cummins.
The anfwer of the Indian Chiefs to the fore-
going articles, as it was delivered by Ketagu-
stah, the 9th of September, 1730.
“ We are come hither from a dark mountain- The fpeech
“ ous place, where nothing but darknefs is to
“ be found, but are now in a place where there ; n g the arti-
“ is light. _ cles '
“ There was a perfon in our country with us,
li he gave us a yellow token of warlike honour
“ that is left with Mo y toy of Telliquo, and
“ as warriors we received it. He came to us
“ like a warrior from you, a man he is, his talk
« is upright, and the token he left preferves his
“ memory amongft us.
“ We look upon you as if the great King
“ George was prefent, and we love you as re-
“ prefenting the great King, and fhall die in
“ the fame way of thinking.
« The crown of our nation is different from
“ that which the great King George wears,
“ and from that which we faw in the Tower,
“ but to us it is all one, and the chain of friend-
“ fhip fhall be carried to our people.
« We look upon the great King George
“ as the fun, and as our father, and upon our-
“ felves as his children; for tho’ we are red and
« you are white, yet our hands and hearts aie
“ joined together.
“ When we (hall have acquainted our peo-
ple
THE PRESENT STATE
600
CHAP. u pie with what we have feen, our children
X. “ from generation to generation will always re-
member it.
“ In war we fhall always be as one with
“ you; the great King George’s enemies (hall
“ be our enemies, his people and ours {hall be
“ always one, and fnall die together.
“ W e came hither naked and poor as the
“ Worm of the earth, but you have every thing,
“ and we that have nothing mull love you, and
“ can never break the chain of friendfhip which
“ is between us.
“ Here Hands the Governor of Carolina,
“ whom we know. This fmall rope we {hew
“ you, is all we have to bind our flaves with,
“ and may be broken, but you have iron chains
“ for yours ; however, if we catch your Haves,
we {hall bind them as well as we can, and
“ deliver them to our friends again, and have
“ no pay for it.
“ We have looked round for the perfon that
“ was in our country, he is not here ; however,
“ we muft fay, he talked uprightly to us, and we
“ fnall never forget him.
“ Your white people may very fafely build
K houfes near us, we fnall hurt nothing that
“ belongs to them, for we are the children of
tc one father, the great King, and fhall live and
“ die together.
Then laying down his feathers upon the ta •
hie, he added : “ This is our way of talking,
“ which is the fame thing to us, as your letters
“ in the book are to you ; and to you beloved
“ men, we deliver thefe feathers in confirmation
“ of all that we have faid.”
The Indian Chiefs were entertained and fhewn
the publick buildings while they remained in Lon-
don ; and having received feveral prefents from
the court and private gentlemen, took their paf-
fage home again in one of his Majefty’s {hips ;
A, rstsnt for and a patent palled the feals in 1732, appoint-
G-cr-Y into i n g the following Gentlemen truftees for the
a province, planters of a new province to be called Georgia,
and to be taken out of the fouth part of fouth
The truftees, Carolina, viz. The Lord Vifcount Per.civa-l,
John Carpenter, George Heathcote,
Robert Moore, Rogers Holland, Fran-
c is Eyles, James Vernon, Edward Dig-
by, James Oglethorpe, Robert Hucks,
William Slooper, John Laroche, Wil-
liam Belith a, Efqrs; John Burton, B. D.
Stephen Hales, M. A. The reverend Rich-
ard Bundy, Arthur Bedford, and Sa-
muel Smith, Ad am Anderson, and Tho-
mas Coram, gentlemen. The patent recites,
that his Majefty having taken into confideration
the miferable circumftances of many of his own.
poor fubjects, as likewife the diftreftes of many
foreigners who would take refuge from perfecu-
India
' return 1
tion ; and having a princely regard to the great CHAP,
danger the fouthern frontiers of South-Carolina X.
are expofed to, by reafon of the fmall number of
white inhabitants there, hath granted a charter
for incorporating a number of gentlemen by the
name of the Truftees for eftabliftung the colony
of Georgia, in America ; and they are empow-
ered to colled! benefactions, and lay them out in
cloathing, arming, fending over, and fupporting
colonies of the poor, whether fubjects or foreign-
ers, till they can build houfes and clear lands.
And his Majefty farther grants them all his lands
between the rivers Savannah and Alatamaha,
which he erects into a province by the name of
Georgia, for the benefit of the adventurers.
The truftees foon after aflembled, and eledled Lord Pe li-
the Lord Percival their Prefident, and or "p/ e f,£,n t
dered a common feal to be made with the fol- Their feah.
lowing device, viz. On one fide the rivers Ala-
tamaha and Savannah, the north and fouth boun-
daries of Georgia, and between them the genius
of the colony feated with the cap of liberty upon
her head, a fpear in one hand, and a cornucopia
in the other, with this motto, Colonia Georgia
Aug. On the reverfe, are Silk-worms at work,
with this motto, Non fihi fed aliis. — — The lea-
der, Minifter, and others of the Swifs proteftants a colony of
who were going adventurers to Carolina having Swifs fen p
attended the truftees, they ordered a library of t0 Geo ‘S u -
books to be given the Minifter for him and his
fuccefiors, and a fum of money to the planters to
fubfift them on their voyage, and at their firft
arrival. For Mr. Purry on his return from
Carolina to Swifierland with the abovefaid de-
fcription of the country, had prevailed on many
induftrious perfons and their families to the num-
ber of four hundred to go with him thither, and
while the tranfports lay in Dover road, Mr.
Bignion their Minifter came to London and Their MinF-
received epifcopal ordination, fo that the reflec- fter ' e F ifc <y
tions which fome had caft on the religion of thefe Lon-”"
people feem to be unjuftly founded. don.
In the month of November 1732, Mr Ogle- M r.
thorpe, one of the Truftees, failed with feveral ° G L E "
nrnglilh families to Georgia; the men being Farm- f a n s w j t h a
ers, Carpenters, Bricklayers, and other working detachment
trades, they took with them all manner of° fE k gh/h -_
tools and inftruments proper for their refpec-
tive employments. There was put on board alfo
twelve tun of Alderman Parson’s heft Beer,
and they were to touch at the Madera’s, and take
in Wine there for the ufe of the Colony. The
planters were inftructed in military difcipline be-
fore they went by the Officers of the Guards, as
all others were ordered to be who were fent thi-
ther, and furniihed with fwords and fire-arms
his Majefty alfo fent over feventy-four pieces of
canon, with a proportionable quantity of ammu-
nition, warlike ftores, tools and implements for.
erecting
‘ for Georgia*
u t CAROLINA.
601
C H AP.eredting fortreffes in proper places ; and the Rev. of the Kings of the Creek nation, and Sen auki C H A P.
X, Dr. Herbert went over with them as Chap- his Queen, with Tooa n a kowki their fon, and X.
lain : Large fums were afterwards collected among Hi llispilli one of their war Captains. Tomo
«ifed foi^L^ 6 n °kikty an( l gentry, and twenty-five thoufand Chichi had an audience of his Majefty at Ken- with Mr.
Colony, Pounds raifed at one time by parliament for the fington on the firft of Auguft, 1734, when ’tis^
fupport of the planters : For all the Swifs, Saltz- faid he made the following fpeech
Ogle-
thorp.
burghers, and other foreigners, as well as the Bri- This day I fee the majefty of your face, the His fpeech
tifh planters, were furnilhed by the faid truftees greatnefi of your houfe, and the number of your t0 Kin §
with necefl’aries and provifions to fubfift them in people ; I am come, for the good of the whole George *
their voyage, and for a year after their arrival, nation called the Creeks, to renew the peace which
and till they fhould be able to provide for them- was long ago had with the Englifh ; I am come
felves by their labour and the produce of the coun- over in my old days, tho’ I cannot live to fee any
try. advantage to myfelf ; I am come for the good of
Thetownof Mr. Oglethorpe arriving at Port-Royal the children of all the nations of the upper and
founded 311 * n Carolina with his people, proceeded to lay out lower Creeks, that they may be inftrudted in the
the town of Savannah already defcribed ; and in knowledge of the Englifti.
Thefe are the feathers of the Eagle which is
the fwifteft of birds, and who flieth all round our
nations : Thefe feathers are a fign of peace in our
land, and have been carried from town to town
and we have brought them over to leave
a$ a fign of everlafting
peace.
0 great King, whatfoever words you {hall fay
unto me, I will tell them faithfully to all the
Kings of the Creek nations.
To which his Majefty gracioufly anfwered,
1 am glad of this opportunity of alluring you of
a letter dated from thence, February 10, 1732-3,
tells the Truftees, that the Governor and people
of Carolina had given him great afliftance ; that
they had ordered a party of horfe and their fcout-
boats to attend and protedl the new Colony, while there
they were employed in eredling the town and with you, O great King,
works ; and had made them a prefent of an hun-
dred breeding cattle, befides Hogs, and twenty
barrels of Rice.
Mnfirmfo kS On the 20th of May, 1733, the Chiefs of the
lands* 1 *) the l° wer Creek nation to the number of fifty per-
Englift. fons with their attendants arrived at Savannah,
and acquainted Mr. Oglethorpe that they laid my regard for the people from whom you come,
claim to all the lands on the fouth of the River and am extremely well pleafed with the affurances
Savannah ; but faid, as he who had given the Eng- you have brought me from them ; and accept ve-
lilh more wifdom had fent them thither for their ry gratefully this prefent as an indication of their
inftrutftion, fo they freely gave and refigned to good difpofition to me and my people. I fhall al-
them ali their right in the faid lands which they w'ays be ready to cultivate a good correfpondence
did not ufe themfelves : And having heard that between them and my own fubje&s, and fhall be
the Charokee Indians had killed fome Englifhmen, glad of any occafion to ftiew you a mark of my
they offered to revenge their death on the Charo- particular friendlhip and efteem.
kees, if Mr. Oglethorpe commanded them. Tomo Chichi afterwards made the follow-
Anicles of Alter which, articles of commerce were agreed ing fpeech to her Majefty,
commerce. on between the Colony and the Creeks, and a I am glad to fee this day, and to have the op-
lac’d Coat, Hat, and Shirts were given to each portunity of feeing the mother of this great peo-
of the Chiefs, with a prefent of Gunpowder, Irifh pie.
Linen,Tobacco, Pipes, Tape of all colours. Bullets, As our people are joined with your Majefties,
and eight cags of Rum to carry home to their feve- we do humbly hope to find you the common mo-
ral towns, with fome Cloth for their attendants. ther and protedlrefs of us and all our children.
The firft fhip that carried goods to Savannah To which her Majefty returned a moft graci-
was the James, Capt. Yoakly Commander, of ous anfwer.
a hundred and ten tons, which arrived there the The war Captain, and other attendants of
14th of June, 1733 ; and the prize that was or- Tomo Chichi, were very importunate to ap-
dered by the Truftees to be delivered to the firft pear at court in the manner they go in their own
fhip that unloaded there was given to the Captain, country, which is only with a covering round
In the year 1734, an alliance was made with
with the na- another Indian nation called the Natchees, terfd-
tiyes, j n g gj-eatly to the feeurity of the Colony, and the
fame year the planters reaped their firft crop of
Indian Corn, which yielded them a thoufand
buftrels.
An Indian Mr. Oglethorpe returning to England a-
Kmgand g a i n was accompanied by Tomo Chichi, one with gold,
to England V O L, III. H h h fi
A prefent
made the
Creeks,
An alliance
their waift, the reft of their body being naked,
but were diftuaded from it by Mr. Ogle-
thorpe ; however, their faces were varioufiy
painted after their country manner ; fome half
black, others triangular, and others with bearded
arrows inftead of whilkers. Tomo Chichi and
Sen auk. i his wife were dreffed in fcarlet trim’d
When
6o 2
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP. When they returned theywere carried to Gravef- upon as infamous in the nation where he lives : CH AP.
X. end in the Xing s coaches, and embarked for Ca- And the weaknels of the executive power is fuch X.
io!ina on the 30th oi Ocloosr. While they ftaid that there is no other way of punifhment but by
in England, which was about four months, they the revenger of blood, as the feripture calls it
were allov/ed twenty pounds a week for their ta- for there is no coercive power in any of their
ble, and were entertained in a molt magnificent nations. Their Kings can do no more than to
manner by the court and perfons of diftindlion ; perfuade. All the power that they have is no
whatever v/as worth their notice in the cities of more than to call their old men and their Cap-
London and Weftminfter was fliewn them, and tains together, and to propound to them without
nothing was wanting to give them a juft idea of interruption the meafures they think proper ; after
the grandeur of the Englifh nation, and their re- they have done fpeaking, all the others have li-
gard for the Creeks. In return for which they berty to give their opinions alfo, and they reafon
promifed eternal fidelity. They carried away in together till they have brought each other into
prefents about the value of 400 1 . fterling ; and fome unanimous refolution. Thefe conferences,
'tis faid Duke William, prefenting the young in matters of great difficulty, have fometimes
Prince with a gold watch, exhorted him to call lafted two days, and are always carried on with
upon Jesus Christ every morning wheh he great temper and modefty. If they do not come
looked upon it. There went over with them Sir into fome unanimous refolution upon the matter
h R ancis Bathurst, his fon, three daugh- the meeting breaks up ; but if they are unanimous
ters, and their fervants, with many of the relati- (which they generally are) then they call in the
ons of the planters already in Georgia, and fifty young men, and recommend to them the putting
fix Saltzburghers. in execution the refolution with their ftrongeft
Mr.OGLE- Mr. Oglethorpe, fpeaking of the religion and moft lively eloquence. And indeed they feem
account" oV' and g° vernmcnt of the Creek nation, in a letter tome, both in aeftion and exprefficn, to be tho-
the religion ^ rom Georgia to a perfon of honour in London, rough mailers of true eloquence ; and making al-
and govern- fays, there feems a door opened to our Colony to- lowances for badnefs of interpreters, many of
Creeks. 1 C war ^ s the converfion of the Indians. I have had their fpeeches are equal to thofe which we admire
many converfations with their chief men, the in the Greek and Roman writings. They gene-
whole tenour of which fnews there is nothing rally in their fpeeches ufe fimilies and metaphors,
wanting to their converfion but one who under- Their fimilies were quite new to me, and gene-
ftands their language well, to explain to them the rally wonderful proper and well carried on : But
myfteries of religion ; for as to the moral part of in their conferences among the chief men they are
chriftianity, they underftand and affent to it. more laconick and concife. Inline, in fpeaking
T hey abhor adultery, and do not approve of plu- to their young men they generally addrefs to
rality of wives. Theft is a thing not known a- the paffions ; in fpeaking to their old men they
mong the Creek nation ; tho’ frequent and even apply to reafon only. For example, Tomo Chi-
honourable amongft the Uchees. Murder they chi, in his firft fpeech to me among other things
look upon as an abominable crime ; but do not faid, here is a little prefent ; and then gave to me
efteem the killing of an enemy, or one that has a Buffalo’s Ikin painted on the infide, with the
injured them, murder. The paffion of revenge, head and feathers of an Eagle: He defired me to
which they call honour, and drunkennefs, which accept it, becaufe the Eagle fignified fpeed, and:
they learnt from our traders, feem to be the two the Buffalo llrength : That the Englifh were as *
greateft obftacles to their being truly chriftians. fwift as the bird, and as ftrong as the beaft ; fince
But upon both thefe points they hear reafon ; and like the firft they flew from the utmoft parts of
with refpedt to drinking of Rum, I have weaned the earth over the vaft feas ; and like the fecond,
thofe near me a good deal from it. As for re- nothing could withftand them : That the feathers
venge, they fay, as they have no executive power of the Eagle were foft, and fignified love, the
of juftice among them, they are forced to kill Buffalo’s fkin warm, and fignified protedlion ;
the man who has injured them, in order to pre- therefore he hoped that we would love and pro-
vent others from doing the like; but they do not tedl their little families. One of the Indians of
think that any injury, except adultery or murder, the Charokee nation, being come down to the
deferves revenge. They hold, that if a man com- Governor upon the rumour of the war, the Go-
mits adultery, the injured hufband is obliged to vernor told him, that he need fear nothing, but
have revenge by cutting off the ears of the adul- might fpeak freely. He anfwered fmartly, I al-
terer, which if he is too fturdy and ftrong to fub- ways fpeak freely, what fhould I fear? I am now
mit to, then the injured hufband kills him the among my friends, and I never feared even among
firft time that he has an opportunity fo to do with my enemies.
fafety. In cafes of murder, the next in blood is My Carolina correfpondent, already mentioned,,
obliged to kill the murderer, or elle he is looked fpeaking of the religion and government of the
Florida
OF CAROLINA.
C H A P. Florida Indians, fays, the natives have no reli-
X. gion that ever I could hear of, but are extremely
fuperftitious, and afraid of an evil fpirit without
Religion. an y no tion of a good one. Their morals (not-
withstanding much has been faid in favour of them)
in my opinion are very loofe. They will cheat
you if they can ; and when they can’t pay their
debts they knock their creditors on the head ; for
which reafon the legiflature have made it a for-
feiture of the debt to trull them ; fo that they may
chufe whether they will pay any debts or not.
Morals. They are exceffive lovers of drinking, both fexes ;
and like all the world, except chriftians, allow of
polygamy ; and are fo charitable to llrangers, that
they will fpare their daughters, or any body but
Women. their wives : But adultery they } uniih by fetting
a mark of infamy on the woman, and putting
her away ; and they have been pretty free with
fome of our countrymen when they have caught
them, by putting fome to death in a fummary
way, by a knife or a gun, or cutting off their
Govern- ears * I have feen one fo ferved. Their govern-
ment* ment is faid to be monarchical} but I own I can’t
find it out to be fo. Their chief commanders,
who are honoured by us with the title of Kings,
are appointed by our own Governors, by a writing
fealed with the great feal of the province ; which
feal to them is every thing, for they know not a
word of the writing. I never heard they did or
durft put any man to death for not obeying them ;
and their conjurors or fortune-tellers, and their
war Captains or Generals, are always greater
men than their Kings. They pretend to an he-
reditary fuccefilon, and recommend the next in
blood, in the male line, to the Governor ; but
I have been told they often alter that } and I know
our Governors have appointed others who have
{hewn themfelves better friends to the Engliih, and
thefe have been obeyed } but indeed very few of
their Kings have much power among them. They
have fomething like a council, confifting of about
twelve or fourteen, more or lefs, whom they call
beloved men ; and thofe are fuch as have diftin-
guifhed themfelves in war, and have relations and
large families, and confequently fome credit and pow-
er in the clan they belong to } and by their affift-
ance and concurrence they keep up fome face of a
government.
Religion of Having mentioned the religion of the Florida
the Engliih Indians, I proceed in the next place to enquire
i”.‘ he plan ' into the ftate of religion among the Engliih in
our Colonies on tne lame continent, of which
Dr. Bray, who vifited moft of them, gives but
a melancholy account, in the year 1700, in his
reprefentation to the Bifhops of the want of mif-
fionaries : And tho’ things are altered for the bet-
ter in fome of our Colonies, it remains much as
it was in others.
This reverend Do£tor relates, that in Mary-
land, in the year 1700, after great ftruggles CHAP,
with the quakers, they had obtained an a< 5 t for X.
the eftablifhment of the church of England there,
and a revenue of about four-fcore Pounds per an-
num fettled upon the Minifter of every parifh by
a tax on Tobacco ; but at that time there were
many pariflaes that wanted incumbents.
That the papifts in that province were then a-
bout a twelfth part of the inhabitants, but their
priefts were numerous : And tho’ the quakers
boafted fo much of their numbers and riches, up-
on which confiderations they moved the govern-
ment to excufe them from paying their dues to
the eftablifhed church, they did not make a tenth
part of the inhabitants, and did not bear that pro-
portion they would be thought to do in wealth
and trade.
That in Penfylvania there was then pretty near
an equal number of churchmen (or thofe that
were well difpofed to the church) and quakers,
but there was a great want of minifters ; and
there were fome independents, but not many, nor
much bigotted to their feci. There were alfo
two congregations of Swedes, who were Luthe-
rans, whofe churches were finely built, and their
Minifters lived in very good terms with the Mini-
fter of the church of England at Philadelphia ; and
the King of Sweden had lately made an addition
to their library of three hundred Pounds worth of
books.
That in the neighbouring colonies of Eaft: and
Weft-Jerfey there were fome towns well peopled,
but entirely left to themfelves without prieft or
altar. The quakers were then a majority there ;
but there were many however well affected to the
church, and he thought fix miffionaries neceflary
for both the Jerfeys.
That at New-York Minifters were much
wanted alfo, there being but one there. In Long-
Bland there were nine churches, but no church of
England Minifter then in the ifland.
In Rhode- Bland, for want of clergy, the inha-
bitants were funk into down-right atheifm.
In North- Carolina there was not one clergy-
man then, and but one in South-Carolina.
As to Virginia, the church of England was
at that time well eftablifhed there, and the feve-
ral parifhes generally fupplied with Minifters,
who bad a revenue out of the Tobacco and o-
therwife, of about an hundred Pounds per annum
each.
As to New-England, independency was then,
as it ftill is, the prevailing religion in that coun-
try } tho’ the church of England gains ground
there apace, as appears by the number of Mifiio-
naries lately fettled there
Pc Her Bray concludes hisaddrefs to my Lords
the Bifhops in the following manner :
For my own part, I take this to be fo happy
H h h h 2 ajund-
THE PRESENT STATE
604
C FI A P.a jun&ure to lay the foundation of lading good to
X. the church of God in thofe provinces, that tho’
after the expence already of above a thoufand
Pounds in its fervice, and tho’ it is likely to be
dill at my own charge when I go again, yet I
{hall not make the lead difficulty in accompany-
ing your Lordfhip’s Miffionaries whom from your
refpecli ve diocefes you fhall pleafe to fend into thofe
parts. And being therefore fo little intereded my
felf in the million, I hope I may with a better
countenance, through your Lordfhip’s patronage,
prefume to offer the following propofals to the
very reverend dignitaries and wealthier clergy,
and other well-difpofed perfons of the church,
for a fmall fubfcription from each of them, to-
wards the maintenance of thofe Miffionaries their
brethren, whom your Lorddiips {hall pleafe to fend.
Propofals for the propagation of the Chridian
religion in the feveral provinces on the conti-
nent of North-America.
Dr.Ba ay’s Whereas it hath pleafed God of late to dir up
propofals. the hearfs Q f
many people in the American Plan-
tations, who feemed formerly to have forgot reli-
gion, now to be very folicitous and earned for
indrudtion, fo as of themfelves to call for thofe
helps which in duty they ought to have been pre-
vented in by us from the beginning : And where-
as, to our fhame, we mud own that no nation
has been fo guilty of this negledf as ours ; the pa'
pids of all countries having been mod careful to
fupport their fuperditions wherever they have
planted ; the Dutch with great care allow-
ing an honourable maintenance, with all other
encouragements forMiniders in their factories and
plantations ; the Swedes, the Danes, and other
fmall colonies being feldom or never deficient in
this particular, and we of the Englifh nation on-
ly being wanting in this point : And ladly,
whereas tho’ it be true, that fome of our mod
confiderable plantations have fet out parifhes and
allowances for Minifters, yet it is not fo in all;
and where fome providon is made, it is as yet far
{hort of being diffident to maintain a Minider ;
and there is a total negled of informing the poor
natives. Out of all thefe condderations we do
not think a more charitable work can be carried
on than as much as in us lies to contribute towards
the redrefs of thefe great failures : And therefore
do fubfcribe to that purpofe the feveral fums to our
names annexed.
Theoccafion It feems to have proceeded from this gentle-
of erecting a man’s reprefentation, in a great meafure, that a
propagation f° Ciet y was ere&ed the following year, viz. in the
of thegof- 13th of W. III. for the propagation of the gcfpel
P® 1, in foreign parts, the charter for the eftabliftfing
whereof has this preamble :
The charter. j Whereas we are credibly informed that in
many of our plantations, colonies, and factories
beyond the feas belonging to our kingdom of Eng-
land, the providon for Miniders is very mean, and CHAP,
many others of our plantations, colonies, and X.
factories are wholly deditute and unprovided of a
maintenance for the Miniders and the publick
wordiip of God ; and for lack of fupport and
maintenance for fuch, many of our loving fub-
jetds do want the adminidration of God’s word
and facraments, and feem to have been abandoned
to atheifm and infidelity ; and alfo for want of
learned and orthodpx Miniders to indru£t our
faid loving fubjedts in the principles of true reli-
gion, divers Ronjidi prieds and jefuites are more
encouraged to pervert and draw over our faid
loving fubjetds to popifh fuperdition and idolatry.
2. And whereas we think it our duty, as much
as in us lies, to promote the glory of God by the
indrudtion of our people in the Chridian religion;
and that it will be highly conducive for accom-
plifhing thofe ends, that a fufficient maintenance
be provided for an orthodox clergy to live amongd
them, and that fuch other providon be made as
may be neceffary for the propagation of the gofpei ;
in thofe parts.
3 And whereas we have been well affured,
that if we would be gracioudy pleafed to erect
and fettle a corporation for the receiving, mana-
ging, and difpofmg of the charity of our loving
fubjedts, divers perfons would be induced to ex-
tend their charity to the ufes and purpofes afore-
faid.
Know ye therefore, that we have, for the con-
fiderations aforefaid, granted, Sic.
Accordingly, feveral Miffionaries were fent
to the plantations by the faid fociety.
N. B. The fociety allow ten Pounds worth of
books to each Miffionary for a library, and
five Pounds worth of fmall tradb to be di-
ftributed among their parifhioners ; and feve-
ral other parcels of books as occafion offers,
where the fociety find them wanting.
As to the provinces of Virginia and Maryland,
they maintain their own clergy, and the reft of
the colonies affign their Minifters glebes, build
them houfes, and increafe their revenues by fub-
fcriptions ; fo that the church of England now
makes a confiderable figure in mod of our colo-
nies, efpecially in New-England, where the in-
habitants were in a manner all independents for-
merly : North-Carolina, however, feems to be North- Ca-
deffitute of a clergy ftill, there being only Mr. r0 !'” a ftlli
Boyd an -itinerant preacher, tho the country be c i ergy -
of between two and three hundred miles extent,
and a well peopled flouriftiing colony ; and here
the people, now fenfible of their misfortune, {hew
a great difpofition for the church of England, and
are ever- making application for Minifters to be
fent amongft them, offering to contribute largely
to their maintenance.
It is a melancholy confideration, that it has hi-
therto
OF CAROLINA.
CH A P. therto been thought more neceftary to propagate
X. and fupport the fuperftitions of the French hugo-
nots anc ^ t ^ ie Scots prefbyterians (the former having
an allowance of fifteen thoufand Pounds per ann.
and the other a thoufand Pounds per ann.) than to
fupport and propagate chriftiani ty in our own
plantations ; in fome of which, particularly
North-Carolina, our people have no opportunity
of hearing divine fervice, or having the facra-
ments of baptifm or the Lord’s fupper admi-
niftered to them, and are in a manner become
heathens for want of them. It is not to be fup-
pofed, that one Minifter can perform divine fer-
vice in every part of that well planted colony,
two hundred miles in length, and almoft of equal
breadth ; nor do we trouble ourfelves with main-
taining Miffionaries for the converfion of the
neighbouring Indians, who feeing no appearance
of religion amongft the Englifh, and probably as
little morality, muff naturally conclude we have
very little of either.
Of the mi- I fhall conclude the ftate of the Britifh Colonies
BridftPlan- on ^ cont ‘ nent °f America, with fome obfer-
tations. vations on their minerals.
It was it fsems the expectation of meeting with
Gold and Silver mines, that firff induced Sir
Walter Ralegh and other Englifh adventu-
rers to fend colonies thither ; and we find our
Princes, in every charter almoft, have referved a
fourth or fifth part of all Gold and Silver ore that
fhould be found there for their own ufe ; and it
feems highly^ probable,- that fuch mines will fome
time or other be difcovered in the mountains of
Apalach, for the Silver mines in New- Mexico are
upon the fame continent, and in the fame cli-
mate ; and from thefe of Apalach, there are fre-
quently walked down glittering fands, which
feem to promife fomething valuable. Sir Hans
Sloan e alfo informs us in his hiftory of Jamaica,
that the Duke of Albemarle, then Governor of
f that ifland, fhewed him a rich piece of Silver ore,
which his father had from the Apalathian moun-
tains on the confines of Carolina. The Portu-
guefe were much longer poftefted of Brafile than we
have been of this part of Florida, before they
difcovered any fuch mines, and now we find there
are mines wrought there furprifingly rich : We are
yet very little acquainted with the Apalathian
mountains, we have no towns or fettlements upon
them (tho’ we may when we pleafe, for there are
fcarce any other inhabitants but wild beafts) our
people only pafs over them when they go to traf-
fick with the Indians near the banks of the river
Miffiffipi ; fo that thefe mountains may be as well
furnifhed with Silver as thofe in Mexico for any
thing we know. But farther, fuppofing there
fhould happen a rupture between us and the Spa-
niards, I fee nothing that can prevent our palling
the Miffiffipi, and pofteffing our felves of the
mines of St. Barbe, if we make the Indians ofCHAP.
thofe countries our friends, who are frequently at X.
war with the Spaniards. I am apt to think, that
neither the forces of the Spaniards or the French
would be able to oppofe our arms on that fide, if
our colonies were united in fuch an enterprife,
and well fupported by a body of regular troops
from Great-Britain.
As to mines of Lead, Iron and Copper, it is e-
vident, our plantations do not want thefe ; for
fome of them are actually wrought, and thefe
metals manufactured there ; which is apprehend-
ed may in time prove prejudicial to Great-Bri-
tain, fince it will leflen the demand for Britifh I-
ron and Copper, and all manner of manufactures
made of thofe metals : The importation therefore
of Iron wrought, or in bars from our planta-
tions, has already been prohibited. But was their
Iron and Copper equal to that of Sweden, I can-
not fee why we might not import them unwrought
from our plantations as well as from Sweden,
where we pay crown-pieces for them (it is laid ;)
whereas when we have them from our plantations,.,
we purchale them with our manufactures, as
we do alfo Pitch, Tar, and other naval ftores j
and yet we chufe to take thefe articles alfo of our
northern neighbours, which I muft confefs is a
myftery to me.
But to return to the Silver and Gold mines, whether
which it is prefumed will one day be difcovered, thedifcoveiy
or reduced under our power in Florida or New- ° f ; f llver
Mexico ; fuch an event muft neceiiarily make abeanyadvan-
confiderable alteration in our conftitution, if it ^* 0
does not entirely overturn it when ij does happen ;- ta ; n>
for as power is the conftant attendant on riches,
in this cafe the crown will become poftefted of
treafures, which will give it a much greater influ-
ence than it has at prefent, and render parliaments
much lefs neceftary ; whether it would be to the
advantage of Great-Britain therefore, that our
colonies fhould be poftefted of mines of any kind,
may be difficult to determine.
However, I muft ftill be of opinion fuch mines Better in
would be much better in our own hands than in our own
the hands of our rivals; and if we fufter the fntfVhandjr
French to build forts and fix themfelves on the of the
Miffiffipi, or in the neighbourhood of the Apa- French ‘
lathian mountains, they will not only be in a
condition to invade and harrafs our plantations
from north to fouth, but will po fiefs themfelves of
the mines there, if there be any, which will ren-
der that nation more formidable, even in Europe,
than it is at prefent ; and if they fhould meet
with no Silver in thofe mountains, I am inclined
to believe, they will feize the mines of St. Barbe
in New- Mexico in a few years; which will afieCt
the Spaniards firft indeed, but may probably in the
end be of pernicious confequence to the reft of the
nations of Europe and particularly England. It
were-:
6o6
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, were to be wifhed therefore, that Spain and Eng-
X. land would in time underftand their mutual inte-
U''V'v. reft, and enter into a defenfive alliance in Ameri-
The intereftca; at leaft ftnce the French can only be defeated
Brftain n to nJ in t ^ ie ‘ r am bitious and covetous views by the uni-
drive the ted forces of Great-Britain and Spain. If they
French from
Florida.
are fufFered to eftablifti themfelves in Florida on C H A P.
the banks of the Miffiffipi, it will be in their X.
power in that cafe to difturb either the Britifh or
Spanilh fettlements from thence when they pleafe;
but the Spaniards feem to be in the moft imminent
danger on account of their Silver mines.
THE
Prefent State of the B R I T I S H AMERI-
CAN ISLANDS.
CHAP. I.
Of the ijland of Jamaica.
CHAP. TT” A HIS Ifland was called Jamaica by the
j 1 natives when Columbus difcovered it,
and he changed the name to St. Jago ;
Jamaica, but it foon recovered its primitive name, by which
The name, ft is called at this day.
Situation. Jamaica is fttuated on the Atlantick-Ocean, be-
tween 17 and 18 degrees odd minutes north lati-
tude, and between 76 and 79 degrees of weftern
longitude. It lies near five thoufand miles fouth-
weft of England, about twenty leagues eaft of
Hifpaniola, and as many fouth of Cuba, and up-
wards of an hundred and fifty leagues to the north-
ward of Porto Bello and Carthagena, on the coaft
of Terra Firma.
Extent. , This ifland ftretches from eaft to weft, be-
ing one hundred and forty miles in length, and
about fixty in breadth in the middle; but grow-
ing lefs towards each end, the form is pretty near
oval.
The whole ifland has one continued ridge of
hills running from eaft to weft through the middle
of it, which are generally called the Blue Moun-
tains. The tops of fome are higher than others ;
one of the higheft is called Mont Diablo. Other
hills there are on each fide of this ridge of moun-
v tains which are much lower. - 1
Face of the The outward face of the earth feems to be dif-
fromSir &C " ^ erent herejfhys Sir Hans Sloane) from what I
H TVs' 1 could obferve in Europe ; the vallies in this ifland
Sloane. being very level, with little or no rifing ground
or fmall hills, and without rocks or Hones. The
mountainous part fcr the moft part is very ftecp,
and furrowed by very deep gullies on the north
and fouth Tides of the higheft hills. The gullies
are made here by frequent and very violent rains, CH A P.
which every day almoft fall on thefe mountains, I.
and firft making a fmall trough or courfe for v/yN/
themfelves wafh away afterwards whatever comes
in their way, and make their chanels extraordi-
nary fteep.
The greateft part of the high land of this ifland
is either ftone or clay ; thefe forts of foil refill the
rains, and fo are not carried down violently with
them into the plains, as are the mould proper for
tillage, and other more liable earths ; hence it is,
that in thofe mountainous places one fhall have
very little or none of fuch earths, but either a
tenacious clay, or a honey-comb, or other rock
upon which no earth-appears.
All the high land is covered with woods, fome Woods,
of the trees very good timber, tall and ftraight ; ‘
and one would wonder (fays my author) how fuch
trees could grow, in fuch a barren foil, fo thick
together among the rocks : But the trees fend down
their fibrous roots into the crannies of the rocks,
where here and there they meet with little recep-
tacles, or natural bafins of rain-water, which nou-
rilh the roots.
It is a very ftrange thing (fays the fame writer)
to fee in how fhort a time a plantation, formerly
cleared of trees and fhrubs, will grow foul :
Which comes from two caufes ; the one, the not
flubbing up the roots, whence arife young fprouts;
and the other the fertility of the foil. The fettle-
ments and plantations, not only of the Indians but
the Spaniards, being quite overgrown with tall
trees, fo that there would be no footfteps of them
left, were it not for old pallifadoes, buildings.
Orange
OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN ISLANDS.
C HAP. Orange walks, &c. which (hew plainly planta-
in tions have been there.
There are the fame ftrata or layers of earth
one over another, in the fruitful part of the ifland,
as are to be met with in Europe. And the fame
difference of foil appears here as does in England,
on digging of wells, &c.
plains or Sa- Moft of the favannahs or plains fit for pafture,
vannahs. anc j c ] earec j G f W00C J 5 like our meadow land, lie
on the fouth fide of the ifland, where one may
ride a great many miles without meeting the leaft
afcent : Some of thefe plains are within land en-
circled with hills.
Thefe favannahs, after feafons, i. e. rain, are
very green and pleafant ; but after long droughts,
are very much parched and withered.
Tides. The tides here are fcarce difcernible, there be-
ing very little increafe or aecreafe of the Water,
and that depending moftly, if not altogether, on
the winds ; fo that the land winds driving the wa-
ter off the ifland, makes a foot, two, or more
ebb, which is moft apparent in the morning. In
the harbour of Port- Royal one may fee the Coral-
Rocks, then fenfibly nearer the furface of the wa-
ter ; and all along the fea-fhore the water is gone
for a fmall fpace, leaving it dry ; and this much
more on the fourh fide of the ifland, when the
norths blow. On the contrary, the fea-breeze
driving the water on the fhore of the ifland,
makes the flood ; fo that in the evening it may
be faid to be high-water, efpecially if a fouth or
other wind blows violently into the land for fome
time together, with which the water comes in
and is much higher than ordinary. The breezes
being ftronger or weaker according to the Moon’s
age, it may be thought the tides or currents may
follow that ; but I rather believe, they only are
the effedl of the winds (fays Sir Hans Sloane.)
Ports. The chief ports in the ifland, are i. Port-
Royal, a fine capacious harbour, which will be
f defcribed hereafter, with the town from which it
received its name. 2. Old Harbour, which lies
feven or eight miles fouth-weft of St. Jago. 3.
Port-Morant, at the eaft end of the ifland : And
4. Point Negril, at the weft end of the ifland.
Befides which, are feveral more on the fouth and
north fides of the ifland ; but it is dangerous ap-
proaching the coaft without a pilot, on account
of the Coral-Rocks which almoft furround it.
Rivers. Sir Hans Sloane- mentions near an hundred
rivers in Jamaica, but none of them navigable ;
for rifing in the mountains in the middle of the
ifland, they precipitate themfelves down the rocks
to the north or fouth, falling into the fea before
they have run many miles, and carrying down
with them frequently great ftones, pieces of rock,
and timber.
The Dobfor, fpeaking of their waters, in ano-
ther place, fays, frelh water is very fcarce in dry
years in the favannahs diftant from rivers, fo that CHAP,
many of their cattle die with driving to water. I.
Near the fea the well-water, as at Port-Royal, is
brackifti. This brackilh water, which is very Water bad.
common in wells on fea-fhores, is not wholfome,
but the caufe of fluxes and other difeafes in bai-
lors drinking of it.
Their river water, becaufe of its great de-
fcent and precipices, carries with it much clay
or earth, whereby it is muddy and thick, and
has an odd tafte ; which in St. Jago or the Town
River gave occafion to the Spaniards to call it Rio
Cobre, and the Englifh to fay, it is not wholfome
and taftes of copper ; whereas on trial of the fand
and other fediments, there is no metal found there-
in. This river water, if buffered to fettle fome
days in earthen jars, is good.
Spring water, at a diftance: from the fea y is Springs and
preferred to river or pond water : There are P etrif y ir *s
fome fprings as well as rivers, which petrify their
chanels, and flop their own courfe by a cement
uniting the gravel and fand in their bottoms.
There is a hot bath or fpring near Port-Mo- Hot bath,
rant, in the eaft part of the ifland, fituated in a
wood, which has been bathed in and drunk of
late years for the belly-ach, the common difeafe
of the country, with great fuccefs.
A great many Salt fprings arife in a level Salt fprings.
ground under the hills in Cabbage-tree-bottom,
about a mile or two diftant from the fea, which
united make what is called the Salt River.
Salt is made here in ponds, whereinto the fea Salt ponds,
or fait water comes, and by the heat of the Sun
the moifture being exhaled, leaves the fait, which
is in great plenty at the fait ponds about Old
Harbour, &c. The fait is not perfectly white,
nor in fmall grains, but in large lumps, and has
an eye of red in it, as fome Sal Gemmae I have
feen come from Spain, or what comes from the
ifland of Salt Tartuga, near the main of Ame-
rica; which is here reckoned the ftronger and
better fait.
Lagunas or great ponds, there are many here, Lakes,
one whereof, Rio Hoa pond, receives a great
deal of water by a river, which yet has no vifible
rivulet or difcharge runs from it.
Some rivers in the mountains rife above and Rivers under
go under ground again in a great many places : s round -
Rio d’Oro particularly falls under and rifes above
ground three or four times ; and fo it is in many
others.
At Abraham’s plantation, on the north fide,
is a river which has ftopt its own courfe by let-
ting a fettlement fall and petrifying its own bot-
tom .
It is ordinary to have cataradfs or cafcades, Cataradh,
in rivers among the mountains, fifty or fixty
foot high.
This ifland being feveral degrees within the
tropick.
6o8
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, tropick, has the trade-wind continually there,
I. which is on the fouth fide of the ifland called
k/“y~0 The fea breeze. It comes about eight o’clock
Winds from in the morning, and increafes or frefhens till
SioanT twelve in the day, and then as the Sun grows
lower, fo it decreafes till there is none at four
in the evening. About eight in the evening be-
gins the land breeze, blowing four leagues into
the fea, and continues increafing till twelve at
night, and decreafes again till four, when there
is no more of it. This courfe generally holds
true. The fea breeze now and then is more
violent that at other times, as at new or full
moon, and encroaches very much on the land
winds and the norths when they reign, viz. in
the months of December, January and February,
blow over the ridge of mountains with violence
and hinder the fea breeze, which blows ftronger
and longer near the fea, as at Port-Royal or Paf-
fage-Fort, than it does within land, as at St.
Jago de la Vega or Spanifh town ; as contrari-
wife the land wind blows harder at the town
than at Paffage-Fort or Port-Royal.
As the trade wind between the tropicks comes
not direddly from the eaft, but varies from north-
eaft to fouth-eaft, according to the place and
pofition of the Sun, fo the fea breeze here has
the like variation, not coming always from the
fame point ; on the contrary, the land winds
or breezes come always from the ridge of hills,
and from the fame point of them, and this holds
both on the north and fouth fides of this ifland.
In vallies amongff the mountains, the fea breeze
or land breeze has feldom any great influence,
but the north winds very much proftrating great
trees.
The land wind blowing at night, and the fea
breeze in the day-time, no {hipping can come
into port except in the day, nor go out but foon
after break of day.
The norths come in when the fun is near the
tropick of Capricorn, and fo fartheft off fouther-
ly. This north is a very cold and unhealthy
wind ; it is more violent in the night, becaufe it
then has the additional force of the land wind
with it. It checks the growth of canes and all
vegetables on the north fide of the ifland, but is
hindered by the ridge of mountains from {hew-
ing much of its fury on the fouth, where it fel-
dom rains with this wind.
Rains. The fouth winds bring the moll lafting rains
or feafons. No rains from the land are lafting
on the fouth fide of the ifland.
As at fea in the trade winds one meets with
tornadoes, fo at land here fometimes will be a
violent weft, diredtly contrary to the trade wind;
but this happens feldom, and is foon over.
The fea breeze, when it blows hard, is thought
to hinder the rain from coming to the plains, it
for the moft part then raining on the hills. On C H A P,
this account it is that there are in the mountains I.
many fprings and rivers, and few or none in the sj
plains ; and this is likewife the caufe why there
is never any want of water in the rivers coming
from them through the plains ; and likewife that
fometimes rivers fuffer very great increafe and
inundations in the plains, when no rain has fallen
in the places where fuch inundations appear.
Earthquakes, as they are frequent in Hifpanio- Earthquake*
la where they have formerly thrown down the from the
town of St. Domingo, fo they are too common ame ‘
here alfo. The inhabitants expedt one every
year, and fome of them think they follow their
great rains. One happened on Sunday the 19th
of February, 1688, about eight in the morning.
I found in a chamber, oneftory high, the cabinets
and feveral other moveables on the floor to reel
as if people had raifed the foundation of the houfe.
It came by {hocks, there were three of them,
with a little paufe between : It lafted about a
minute in all, and there was a fmall noife ac-
companied it : It was felt all over the ifland about
the fame time, fome houfes being cracked and
very near ruined, and very few efcaped fome in-
jury. The people were in a great confternation,
and the {hips in Port-Royal harbour felt it. It
was obferved that the ground rofe like the fea in
waves as the earthquake paffed along : But this
was nothing to the earthquake which happened
at Port-Royal, in the year 1692, when that
town was almoft fwallowed up by one ; of which
I fhall give a further account when I come to
defcribe their towns.
Thunder is here almoft every day in the Thunder,
mountains with the rains there, fo that any per-
fon in the plains may hear it as well as fee the
rain. It does not fo ordinarily accompany thofe
rains that come from the fea, although when it
does it is very violent, and has on the feveral fub-
ftances.it meets with, either animate or inani-
mate, the fame effedls as follow thunder in Europe.
Lightening for the moft part precedes thunder
in this ifland as elfewhere : And if it be fair wea-
ther, efpecially in the hotteft feafons, it lightens
almoft all the night, firft in one part of the fky
or horizon out of fome clouds, and then out of
others oppofite to them, as it were anfwering one
another, as it happens often in the fummer in
England, &c. and gives occafton to people of
fancy to foretel ftrange wars, Sec. when they
pleafe; making thefe apparitions in the air fol-
diers in battalia, Sec, fl
F roft or fnow are never feen in this hot cli- - ||
mate, but fometimes hail, and that very large. Hail,
of which, during my being here, I faw one in- f
fiance ; it comes with very-great norths, which
reach with great violence to the fouth fide, and
throw down every thing before them.
The
OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN ISLANDS.
CHAP. The dews here are fo great within land, that
I. the water drops from the leaves of trees in the
morning as if it had rained. One riding in the
Dews. night will find his cloaths, hair, & c. very wet
in a fmall time. But there are few if any fogs
in the plains or fandy places near the fea.
Rains from The rains here are violent, and the drops very
thefcme. J arge>
According to the different pofitions of places,
fo the rains are more or lefs violent, and come at
different times ; but generally fpeaking, the two
great rainy feafons are in May and Odtober, in
which months, at new or full moon, they begin
and continue day and night for a whole fort-
night : So that the earth in all level places is laid
under water for fome inches, and it becomes
loofe for a great many inches deep, and conse-
quently the roads are aimed: unpayable. In the
town of St. Jago de la Vega, in thofe rainy fea-
fons, I was forced to ride on horfeback (fays Dr.
Slo&ne) although but from door to door, to
vifit the fick. And thefe feafons, as they ate
Seafons for called, from their being fit to plant in, are ge-
pianting. nerally fo over the whole ifland; tho’ they are
much altered in their time and violence of late
years, which arifes from the clearing much of the
country of wood.
In the month of January is likewife expedfed
a feafon or rain ; but this is not fo conftant nor
violent as the other two ; and probably may come
from the violent north at that time palling over
the mountains with part of their rains with them.
Towns. The ifland is divided into fourteen parifhes or
precincts. They have very few towns ; the chief
are, i. St. Jago de la Vega or Spanifh-town.
2. Kingdom 3. Port-Paffage ; and, 4. That
of Port-Royal.
St. jago de St. Jago de la Vega, or Spanifh-Town, is plea-
la Vega. fantly fituated in a fine plain upon the river
Cobre, which falls into a bay of the fea that forms
the harbour of Port- Royal, about feven miles
below. It confifts of eight hundred or a thoufand
houfes, and is the capital of the ifland ; for here
the Governor refides, and the general affembly
and courts of juftice are held : This was the ca-
... pital of the ifland alfo when in pofleffion of the
Spaniards ; and then it was much larger and more
magnificent than at prefent ; containing, as it is
laid, two thoufand houfes, befides feveral fine
churches and monafteries, which were laid in
afhes by the foldiers when it was taken by the
Englifh.
St'mgftsfi* Kingfton in the Liguanee, is a port town fi-
tuated on the north fide of the bay of Port-Royal,
ten or twelve miles fouth-eaft of St. Jago ; and,
fince the repeated misfortune of the town of Port-
Royal, is become a large and populous place, much
frequented by Merchants and fea-faring men.
Port-Paffage is a fea- port town, fituated at the
Vo L, III.
mouth of the river Cobre, feven miles fouth- CHAP,
eaft of St. Jago ; and obtained its name from be- I.
ing the greateft thorough-fair in the ifland, at
leaf! between Port-Royal and the city of St. Ja- Port-Paf-
go de la Vega. The town is not large, but f?ge ‘
confifts chiefly of houfes of entertainment ; and
being a considerable pafs has a fort eredfed for
its defence.
Port-Royal, before it was deftroyed by an p ort -RopI.
earthquake, in the year 1692, is thus deferibed
by Mr. Blome :
It was fituated in the fouth-eaft part of the
ifland, at the extremity of a long flip or point of
land, running wefterly about twelve miles from
the main ifland ; having the ocean on the fouth,
and a fine bay of the fea, which forms vhe
harbour, on the north, well defended by feve-
ral forts and platforms of Guns. The harbour
is about three leagues broad in moft places, and
fo deep that a ftiip of feven hundred tons may
lay her fide on the fhore and load and unload
at pleafure; nor does there want good anchorage
in any part of it.
The point of land on which the town flood
was exceeding narrow, and nothing but a loofe
fand that afforded neither grafs, ftones, frefh wa-
ter, trees, or any thing that could encourage the
building a town upon it, but the goodnels and
fecurity of the harbour.
It contained above fifteen hundred houfes, and
was fo populous and fo much frequented by Mer-
chants and planters, that the houfes were as dear
rented as in the well-traded ftreets cf London.
This was the condition of Port-Royal when Three times
Mr. Blome wrote, in the year 1688. But deftr °y ed °
this unfortunate town has been almoft totally
deftroyed three times in Our memory : Firft. In
the year 1692 by an earthquake. Secondly. In
the year 1702 by a fire. And, Thirdly. In the
year 1722, by a violent ftorm and inundation
of the fea.
It was on the 7th of June, 1692, the earth- j. By an
quake happened, which, in two minutes, de- earthquake,
ftroyed moft of the town. The earth opened
and fwallowed up abundance of houfes and people;
the water gufhed out from the openings of the
earth and tumbled the people on heaps; but fome
of them had the good fortune to catch hold of
beams and rafters of houfes, and were afterwards
faved by boats. Several {hips were caft away in
the harbour ; and the Swan frigate, which lay
in the dock to careen, was carryed over the tops
of the finking houfes, and did not however over-
fet, but afforded a retreat to fome hundreds of
people, who faved their lives upon her. Major
Kelley, who was in the town at this time,
fays, the earth opened and fhut very quick in
fome places, and he faw feveral people fink down
to the middle, and others, appeared v/ith their
I i i i heads
6 io
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, heads juft above ground and were fqueezed to
I, death. The fk y, which was clear before the
earthquake, became in a minute’s time as red and
as hot as an oven. The fall of the mountains
made a terrible crack, and at the fame time dread-
ful noifes were heard under the earth. The
principal directs which lay next the key, with
large warehoufes and {lately brick buildings upon
them, were all funk. Part of the town, how-
ever, was left (landing cn a neck of land which
run into the fea ; at the extremity whereof flood
the caftle, which was {battered but not demo-
lifhed. The tv a ter of the harbour, fays another
writer, rofe on a fudden with huge waves, and
drove mod of the (hips from their anchors ; and
immediately the fea retired again two or three
hundred yards, leaving the fiftr dry upon the fand,
but returned in lefs than two minutes and over-
flowed part of the fhore. After the firft great
(hock, as many people as could got on board
the {hips left in the harbour, not daring to ven-
ture on (here for fome weeks ; the (hocks dill
continuing. It is computed fifteen hundred peo-
ple were loft in the earthquake, and as many
more by ficknefs, fuppofed to be occafioned by
the noifome vapours that proceeded from the
openings of the earth.
The earthquake was general all over the ifland,
and the noife in the mountains fo terrible, that
many of the fugitive fiaves that had run away
thither returned to their matters. Two moun-
tains which lay between St. Jago and Sixteen-
mile-walk joined together and flopped the cur-
rent of the river, fo that it over-flowed feveral
woods and favannahs. On the north fide of the
ifland above a thoufand acres were funk with the
houfes and people in them ; the place appearing
for fome time like a lake was afterwards dryed
up ; but no figns of houfes were to be feen. At
Yellows a great mountain fplit and deftroyed fe-
veral plantations with the people on them ; and
one plantation was removed a mile from the place
where it formerly lay. The houfes were in ge-
neral thrown down or damaged all over the ifland;
and it is computed that three thoufand people
were killed with thofe that were loft in Port-
Royal.
a. Deftroyed The town being rebuilt near the place where
by fire. the f ormer {food, was a fecond time deftroyed
by fire on the 9th of January, 1702-3. Every
houfe was confumed that day, only the two
royal forts and magazines were left (landing.
Whereupon the government looking on the place
as unfortunate, ordered the inhabitants to remove
to Kingfton on the oppofite fide of the harbour,
and there the courts and offices were ordered to
be held that ufed to be held at Port-Royal. How-
ever, this was found to be fo commodious a fta-
tion for {hipping, that the people fome time af-
terwards ventured to rebuild it a fecond time. CHAP.
It was a third time deftroyed by a ftorm and I.
inundation of the fea, on the 28th of Auguft,
1722, of which we received the following account, 3 Deftroyed
in a letter from Jamaica :
The fea being raifed by the violence of the
wind to a much greater height than was ever
known before, broke over its ancient bounds,
and on a fudden over-flowed a large trad! of End ;
carrying away, with an irrefiftible fury, men,
houfes, cattle, and every tiring that ftood in its
way : And in this calamity the unfortunate town
of Port-Royal had its full {hare. I want words
to give you a juft defeription cf the horror of
that feene which we the unfortunate fufferers
beheld, when the fea broke in upon us from all
quarters with an impetuous force, concurring
with the violence of the wind to cut off all hopes
of fafety ; for we had no other choice but to
perifti in the waters if we fled from our houfes,
or of being buryed under the ruins if we re-
mained in them. In this dreadful fufpenfe we
were held for feveral hours ; for the ftorm began
about eight in the morning, and did not fen-
fibly abate till between twelve and one ; during
which time the wind and fea together demolifti-
ed a confiderable part of the town, laid the
church even with the ground, deftroyed above
one hundred and twenty of the white inhabi-
tants, and an hundred and fifty flaves ; and
ruined all the ftore-houfes, with the goods and
merchandize in them. The fituation of the
place, it being furrounJed on all fides with the
fea, rendered it more expofed than any other to
the fury of this element ; for our only defence
againft the fea, is a great wall running all along
the eaftern fide of the town, where we ufed to
apprehend moil danger. This wall is raifed about
nine foot above the furface of the water, and is
about feven foot thick, and for twenty years
had proved a fufficient fecurity to the town ;
but in this ftorm it broke over the wall with
(uch a force as nothing was able to withftand-
Two or three rows of houfes that run parallel
to the wall were entirely waflied away, among
which the chuich, an handfomc building, and
very ftrong, was fo perfectly demolifhed that
fcarce one ftone was left upon another. Great
part of the caftle alfo was thrown down, tho’
it was of a prodigious thicknefs, and founded
upon a rock : And the whole fortrefs was in
the utmoft danger, the (ea breaking over the
walls which ftood thirty foot high above the water.
In the higheft ftieets of the town, moft re-
mote from the fea, the water was five foot deep,
and fo rapid that the ftrongeft man could not
ftem it, fo that we were obliged to keep in our
upper-rooms, tho’ we were in danger of perifli-
ing every minute by the fall of the houfes, which
fhook
OF THb BRITISH AMERICAN ISLANDS.
61 i
CHAP.fnook in a very terrible manner, and the roofs
I. were generally blown off.
The morning in which the ftorm happened,
there was a great fleet of merchant Chips riding
in the harbour, mod of which had taken in their
full freight, and were to have returned home in
a few days, but the ftorm left only one veffel in
the harbour, befides four fail of men of war 3 and
thefe had all their mails and rigging blown away 3
but the moft fenfible proof of the irrefiftible force
of the ftorm was the vaft quantities of ftones that
were thrown over the town-wall, of which tuch
a prodigious number were forced over, that an
hundred Negroes were employed fix weeks in
throwing them back mto the lea, fome cf them
being fo large that nine or ten men could not
heave one of them back again over the wall.
I am fenfible this part of the relation will feem
ftrange ; but I doubt not obtaining your belief
when I affirm it to you for a certain truth.
The town of Kingfton alfo received great da-
mage, abundance of houfes being blown down
there, and many more lhattered and uncovered 3
abundance of rich goods were ipoiled by rain
which fell at the fame time, and fome people
were killed. And of all the veffels which rode
in Kingftoi) harbour, which were between forty
and fifty fail, they were either driven on fhore,
or over-fet and funk, abundance of fea-men loft,
and fome large Ihips with all their loading were
thrown upon dry land. The damage which the
trading part of the ifland has luftained by the lofs
of their (hipping and goods is not to be expreffed :
And the planting intereft has {hared in the cala-
mity by the lofs of their dwelling-houfes, Sugar
works, and otherwife 3 a na had the fury of the
ftorm lafted much longer univerlal ruin muft
have enfuecl.
Buildings, The buildings of the Spaniards in this ifland
were of timber, feldom more than one ftory
high, and they fixed the principal polls deep in the
ground to prevent their being fhook in pieces by
earthquakes. On the contrary, the Englilh build
with brick, and frequently pretty high as in Eng-
land, which has fometimes proved fatal to them 3
neither are thefe brick houfes fo cool as thefe of
the Spaniards were : Their kitchens are always
at a diftance from the houfe, on account of tire
heat and fmells occafioned by the cookery 3 and
they have no cbimnies or fire-places in their
dwelling-houfes. The houfes of the great plan-
ters alfo are at a diftance from their Sugar-works,
to avoid the difagreeable fmells : And the Negroes
houfes Hand at a diftance from their mailers, be-
ing only long thatched hutts, furnifhed with mats
to lie on, earthen pots to drefs their food, and
fome calabalhes, which ferve them for pails,
bowls, and dilhes.
Inhabitants. The inhabitants are either Englilh, or of Eng-
lilh extraction born in the ifland, Indians, Ne-CH A P.
groes, Mulatto’s or Meftize, or the defcendants I.
of thefe.
The Englilh, and thofe of Englilh extradlion, ^ umbers *
may be fifty thoufand 5 the Indians are but few,
all the natives having been deftroyed by the Spa-
niards, and fome only remaining they import-
ed afterwards for flaves, and fome few the Eng-
lilh have brought hither 5 the reft, viz. Negroes,
Mulatto’s, Meftize, and their defcendants, may
amount to an hundred and fifty thoufand, or
thereabouts.
The Englilh here follow the falhions of their Habits,
mother country in their habits, making no al-
lowance for the difference of climate 3 which
Sir Hans Sloane reproves them for. As to
their flaves they work naked, except a piece of
linen cloth about their loins 3 but they have a little
canvas jacket and breeches given them by their
mafters annually at Chriftmas to wear on holy-
days.
The meat of the inhabitants of Jamaica is ge- Food and a-
nerally fucb as in England, namely, beel, pork, nm, “ s '
and filh, flour and peafe, faked flelh and nih
fent from the Britilh Colonies on the continent 3
on which not only the mafters feed, but, accord-
ing to Sir Hans Sloane, they are obliged
to lurnith their fervants, both whites and blacks,
with three pounds of fait beef, pork, or filh, every
week, befides Caffavi bread, yams and potatoes,
which they eat as bread, and is the natural pio-
dueft of the country.
There are in the favannahs great plenty of cat-
tle ; but they cannot keep beef many days, tho’ it
be faked ; and frelh beef is ready to corrupt in four
or five hours. Butchers always kill in the morn-
ing therefore, juft before day, and by 7 o clock
the markets for frelh meat are over.
Their beef here is well-tafted and good, unlefs
when Guinea Hen-weed nfes in the favannahs 3
which is immediately after rains, or when they
are fo parched that cattle can find nothing elfe to
feed on. .
The Butchers remedy the fmell of the Guinea
Hen -weed in cattle, by putting them into other
feeding grounds before they are flaughtered.
Veal is very common, but none thought good
but what comes from Luidas, where the Calves
are white-flelhed 3 whether this come from this
place being mountainous, or bleeding and giving
them Chalk as in Effex, I cannot tell ; but the
price of it was fo extravagant, that in the affembly
they paft an act that it fhoulo. not be iold dearer
than twelve pence per pound.
A great part of the food of the beft inhabitants,
for their own table, is of the produce of the ifland;
viz. fwines-flefh, and poultry of their own rai-
ling.
Their fwine are of two forts, one running
I i i i 2, wild
THE PRESENT STATE
612
CHAP, wild in the country amongft the woods, which
I. feed on the fallen fruits, Sec. and are fought out
by hunters with packs of Dogs, and chiefly found
in the more unfrequented woody parts of the
ifland. After they are wearied by the Dogs and
come to a bay, they are fhot or pierced through
with lances ; then being cut open, the bones are
taken out, the flelh ga(h’d, and the lkin filled
with fait and expofed to the fun, which is called
jirking. It is brought home to their mafters by
the hunters, and eats much like bacon if broiled
on coals. Thefe hunters are either blacks or
whites, and go out with their Dogs, feme fait
and bread ; and lie far remote from houfes in huts
in the woods for feveral days, in places where
fwine come to feed on the fruits. The Indians
are very expert at this fport. The fame method
is ufed for wild kine, which are now but very
few ; and thofe in the woods on the north- fide.
Wild Goats there are fome on the Salt-pan Hills,
not to be feen but in dry feafons when they come
down for water.
Swine fed at Crawles are in very great plenty :
Thefe Crawles are houfes and flies built for feeding
and breeding Hogs. The fwine come home eve-
ry night from feeding on the wild fruits in the
neighbouring woods on the third found of a Conch-
(hell; where they are fed with fome ears of Corn
thrown amongft them, and let out the next morn-
ing, not to return till night or they hear the found
of the (hell.
A Palenque is here a place for bringing up of
poultry, as Turkeys, which here much exceed the
European, and are very good and well-tafted,
Hens, Ducks, Mufcovy Ducks, and fome very few
Geefe. Mufcovy Ducks are here mod plentiful,
and thrive extremely, they coming originally
from Guinea. Thefe poultry are all fed on Indian
or Guinea Corn, and Ants nefts brought from the
woods, which thefe fowls pick up and dwour
greedily.
Cattle are penned every night, or elfe in a
Ihort time they run wild : Thefe pens are made
of paflifadoes, and are looked after very carefully
by the planters. The Oxen which have been
drawing in their mills and are well-fed on Sugar
Cane Tops, are reckoned the beft meat if not
too much wrought. They are likewiie fatted by
Scotch Grafs.
Turtle (Tortoifes) are of feveral forts ; thofe
of the fea called Green Turtle, from their fat be-
ing of that colour, feed on Conches or Sheli-filb,
and are very good victuals : Thefe are eaten by
abundance of the people, efpecially of the poorer
fort of the iflar.d. They are brought in floops, as
the feafon is for breeding or feeding, from the
Caymanes, or South Cayos or Rocks near Cuba,
in which forty floops, part of one hundred and
eighty belonging to Port-Royal, are always em-
ployed. They are worth fifteen (hillings apiece, C H A P.
beft when with egg, and brought and put into I.
pens or pallifadoed places in the harbour of Port- v^’Y'v}
Royal, whence they are taken and killed as occa-
fion requires. They are much better when brought
in firft than after languifhing in thofe pens.
They infedt the blood of thofe feeding on them ;
whence their fhirts are yellow, the (kin and face
of the fame colour, and their fhirts under the
armpits ftained prodigioufly. This, I believe (fays
Sir Hans Sloan e) may be one of the reafons
of the complexion of our European inhabitants,
which is changed in fome time from white to that
of a yellowifti colour, which proceeds from this as
well as the iaundies, which is common fea-air.
See.
Land Turtles are counted more delicate food
than thofe of the fea, although (mailer.
All forts of Sea-Turtle or Tortoife, except the
green, are reckoned fifhy and not good food.
The Manati or Sea-Cow is taken in this ifland
very often in calm bays by the Indians ; it is
reckoned extraordinary good eating,
Fi(h of all forts are here in great plenty ; but
care muft be taken they are not poifonous ; this
is known by the places where they are ; if Man-
chaneel Apples are eaten by them they are very
dangerous ; and thefe Apples frequently drop into
the fea from the boughs of that tree.
Salt Mackarel are here a great provifion, efpe-
cially for Negroes ; who covet them extremely in
Pepper-pots or Oglios, Sec.
What is ufed for bread here by the inhabitants
is very different from that in Europe ; that com-
ing neareft our bread is made of Caffavi Flour.
This bread is worth about twenty Shillings and
Six-pence the hundred weight; fometitnes double
that, according to itsfcarcity. People who feed al-
together on this, live as long and in as good health
as they who feed on any other fort of bread ;
tho’ the juice preffed from this root is rank
poifon.
Plaintains is the next moft general fupport of
life in this ifland. They are brought in from the
Plaintain-walks, or places where thefe trees are
planted, fomewhat green ; they ripen and turn yel-
low in the houfe before they are eaten. They are
ufually roafted, after their firft being, cleared of
their outward (kins, under the coals. They are
likewife boiled in Oglios or Pepper-pots, and pre-
pared into a pafte like dumplings ; and feveral’
other ways. A drink is alfo made of them.
Potatoes are eat as bread in this place; alfo
roafted under the coals, or boiled.
Yams are likewife ufed here in lieu of bread;
and are prepared as the others ; only became they
are very large they are ufually cut in pieces.
Grains in ufe here are, I . Guinea Corn. ’Tis
prepared and ufed as Rice, and taftes as well, and
is
OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN ISLANDS.
CrI AP. is as nourishing. It is alfo the food of the poul-
I. try and Pigeons.
2. Indian Corn or Maiz, either roafted or boil-
ed, is fed on by the Haves ; efpecialiy the young
ears of it before ripe baked under the coals and
eaten ; this is thought by them very delicious, and
called mutton ; but it is moft ufed for feeding cat-
tle and poultry.
3. Rice is here planted by fome Negroes in their
own plantations, and thrives well ; but becaufe
it requires much beating, and a particular art to
feparate the grain from the hulk, it is thought
too troublefome for its price, and fo negledied by
moft planters.
Peafe, Beans and Pulte, of forts different from
thofe of Europe, are here very common. They
are eaten when green as ours of Europe ; and when
dry, boiled, affording the Negroes very good and
ftrong provilions.
Flour from New- York is counted the beft ; but
this as well as all other flour and bifket, are very
fubjedf to be fpoiled with Weevils or fmall Sca-
rabsei, if long kept.
Chocolate is here drank at all times j- but chiefly
in the morning.
The common ufe of this by all people in the
feveral countries of America (Sir Hans Sloane
obferves) proves its being a wholefome food. The
drinking, of it warm may make it the more fto-
machic ; for we know by anatomical preparations
that the tone of the fibres are {Lengthened by dip-
ping the ftomach in hot Water, and that hot li-
quors will diffolve what cold will leave unaffect-
ed.
Befides thefe ordinary provifions, the Racoon,
Rats eaten a fmall quadrupede, is eaten. Rats are likewife
in Jamaica, fold by t i-, e dozen, an( j w hen they have been bred
amongft the Sugar-canes are thought by fome dif-
And Snakes, cerning people very delicious victuals. Snakes or
Serpents, and Cofli (a fort of Worms) are eaten
by the Indians and Negroes.
isiquors. The moft common drink is water, and reckon-
ed the moft wholfome by many, among whom
I am one (lays Dodtor Sloan e.;) and he feems to
recommend the drinking a draught every morn-
ing. Madera is the next moft general drink
mixed with water. Madera Wines have this par-
ticular quality, different from French Wines and
all others that are brought hither, that it keeps
better in a hot place or expofed to the fun, than
in a cool cellar ; whereas other wines muft be
kept cool here, and if you do they turn four in a
fhort time. Syder, Beer, and Ale, are alfo brought
hither from the northern colonies, or from Eng-
land, but do not keep well.
Cool drink made of Moloffes and Water Pe-
rino, Corn-drink, Cane-drink, that made of Sor-
rel or Pines, are all accounted unwholfome, turn-
ing four in twelve or twenty-four hours, and ow-
ing their ftrength to the Sugar and fermentation C H A P.
they are put into ; although I have known fome I.
people drink nothing elfe, and yet have their
health very well.
Acajou Wine, made of the fruit fo called, is
very ftrong, keeps not long, and caufes vomiting ;
it is reckoned a good remedy in the Dropfy.
Plantin-drink is ftronger than any of the others
except Acajou Wine, though fubjedf to grow four
in a fhort time.
The common fuddling liquor of the vulgar is 1
Rum-punch. Rum is made of Sugar-cane Juice,
not fit to make Sugar of, being eaten with Worms,
growing in a bad foil, or through fome other fault 5
hut chiefly of the fkimmings of the copper in crop-
time, or of Moloftes and water fermented about
fourteen days in cifterns and then difcilled : It
has all the good and bad qualities of Brandy, or
any fermented or vinous fpirit.
The better fort of people lie as in England, Lcdgings.
though more on matreffes or quilts, and with
little covering. They hold here, that lying ex-
pofed to the land breezes is very unhealthy ; which
I do not believe (fays my author) to come fo
much from the qualities of the air, either manifeft:
or more obfcure, as from this, that the air when
one goes to fleep here being very hot, the fun-
beams having heated it fo long, it retains this heat
for fome conftderable time in the night ; which af-
terwards wearing away it grows towards morn-
ing very cold, and affedfs one by the coldnels
fometimes fo much as to awake one if fleeping.
This muft of neceflity check tranfpiration, and
fo may be the caufe of many difeafes. To a-
void this, Negroes and Indians fleep not without
a fire near them.
Hamacas, or hamocks, are common beds of
ordinary white people ; they were in ufe amongft;
the Indians, and are much cooler than beds ; fo
cool as not to be lain in without cloaths, efpeci-
aliy if fwung, as is ufually the cuftom here.
Indians and Negroes lie on the floors, generally
on mats made of Rufnes, with very little or no
covering, and a fmall fire near them in their
cottages. Hence the fervants who lie not in
beds are not faid to go to bed, but to go to fleep ;
and this phrafe has generally obtained all over the
plantations.
Beds are fometimes covered all over with Gauze,,
to hinder the Mofquitos, or Gnats, from buzzing,
about, biting, or awaking thofe lying in them.
This is chiefly after rain.
It is efteemed here the wholfomeft- way to go
to bed early and rife early,.
Exercifes here are not many becaufe of the Exereifes,
heat of the air ; riding in. the mornings is the
moft ordinary, which by its eafy moving the Ab-
domen, and fo confequently its contents, and by
that means forwarding the depuration of the blood
in
6r 4- THE PRES
C H A P. in the feveral emitn&ories there placed, has a verv
I. great power in keeping a man in found health as
? well as recovering a man when fickly and ill.
Vegetables. The principal vegetables and produce of this
ifland are Sugar-canes, Cacoa of which Choco-
late is made, Oranges, Lemons, Citrons, Palms,
Coco Trees, Cotton, Indigo, Tobacco, the Pric-
kle Pear, woods for dying. Salt, Ginger, Cod,
Pepper, Piemento Drugs, fuch as Guiacum, China
Root, Sarfaparilla, Caffia, Fiftula, Tamarinds,
Venella’s, gums and roots ufed in medicines
and furgery.
Here grow the Machined Tree, which bears
a beautiful but poifonous apple, and the Moho-
gany, the timber and planks of both which are
now in great efteem with us ; and they have the
like foreft trees as are found in the continent of
America in the fame climate.
Animals. Their animals are Horfes, Mules, Affes, Oxen,
Sheep and Hogs, Goats and Rabbets ; but they
have no Deer or Hares.
They have alfo very good fea and river fifh,
and poultry. Turkeys, Geefe, Ducks wild and
tame, Pigeons, Guinea Hens, Snipes, Parrots,
Parakeets, and feveral others already mentioned in
(peaking of their food.
There are alfo Alligators, or Crocodiles, in their
waters, and they have feme Snakes ; but the lat-
ter are not venomous it is faid.
Difeafes and Sir Hans Sloane fpeaking of their difeafes
remedies, and remedies obferves, that here are the fame dif-
eafes and the fame methods cf cure as in Europe :
That fluxes and fevers of all kinds, as well as
dyfenteries or bloody-fluxes, are very common
here with all kind of people : And for fluxes pro-
vided they were moderate, he gave fome eafy
medicine to forward them ; but if attended with a
high fever, or there was fo great an evacuation
that the patient was grown weak, he ufed to or-
der bleeding : That very often in this diftemper,
and in the gripes or belly-ach, which is another
common difeafe in this country, occafioned chief-
ly by drinking four punch and other pernicious
liquors, there was an inflammation in the guts,
which often occafioned a gangreen, if not timely
remedied : And in this cafe, befides the ufual re-
medies, he ufed to order Rice to be boiled in wa-
ter for their ordinary drink : And in epidcmick
dyfenteries he had known flour boiled in Milk,
with fome W ax feraped in it, do very great cures.
But I muft refer my reader to Dr. Sloane’s na-
tural hi ftory of Jamaica for a full account of their
difeafes and cures, it not being confiftent with fo
general a work as this to be more particular.
Port- Royal I /ball only obferve further, that the harbour
harWr fatal of Port- Royal may well be looked upon as the
Teamen. S rave our marine Officers and teamen, many
thoufands having perifhed there by the unhealt'h-
ENT STATE
fulnefs of the place, or their own irregular way C PI AP.
of life in a climate fo different from that of their I.
native country. And it muft be admitted that
let a man be never fo careful of his health here,
both the air and the water are fo bad near the
coaft, that tneie alone are fufficient to deftroy
his health ; but as I underftand Dr. Sloane, both
the water and air are good at a diftance from the
fliores ; and the inland country of Jamaica is as
healthful as any other, but hither fea-faring people,
who belong either to men of war or merchant
men, feldom come ; their bufinefs obliges them
to remain on board in that fatal bay, or at the
port-towns bordering upon it, which are not
much better.
Jamaica was difeovered by Columbus in his Hiftory,
fecond voyage to America, anno 1493, and
planted by the Spaniards fome few years after-
wards. Their firft colonies were fettled on the
north ftde of the ifland, and here they built a
town, giving it the n; ie cf Seville ; but ob-
ferving that neither the weather nor the foil was
fo good as on the forth, the) built the town of
St. J ago de la Vega on the River Cobre, which
falls into the bay of Port-Royal, in the fouth-eaft
part of the ifland. This town in time increafed
to a large city, confifting of two thoufand houfes ;
and here they lived in great fplendour and fecu-
rity for near a century, having parcelled out the
richeft lands amongft them, which they planted
chiefly with Cacoa for their Chocolate, Corn,
Sugar, and delicious fruits that were cultivated
by their Negroes, of whom they entertained great
numbers : They alfo ftocked the country with
all manner of European cattle, many of which
being turned into the woods grew wild, and
increafed prodigioufly in the mountains.
In the year 1596, being about an hundred years
after the Spaniards difeovered it. Sir Anthony
Shirley cruizing in thefe feas with a finglefhip
oi war, landed on the ifland of Jamaica, took the -
town of St. Jago de la Vega and plundered it; fo
little did the Spaniards dream of an enemy here,
or provide for their defence, imagining this new
world to be all their own, and that no European
power durft difturb them in the enjoyment of
it.
After this misfortune, the Spaniards ereefted a
fort at the mouth of the River Cobre, to which
they gave the name of Paffage-Fort, by which
they imagined they ftiould prevent their capital
being furprized for the future ; but Col. Jack-
son coming before Port-Paffage with a fleet of
Englifh privateers, in the year .1635, or as ethers
fay, 1638, landed five hundred men, drove the
Spaniards from their works at Port- Paffage, and
advancing to St. Jago made himfelf matter of the
town and plundered it, obliging the inhabitants
to
OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN ISLANDS. 615
CHAP, to raife a confiderable fum to ranfom it from
I. burning ; after which he retiied to his Clips.
Still the Spaniards remained in poffeffion of the
ifland till the year 165&, when Admiral Penn
and General Venables being fentbythe ufurper
Cromwell to reduce Hifpaniola, and being dif-
appointed in that attempt, to fave their credit,
invaded Jamaica, and made a complete conqueft
of it.
And the Spaniards have been fo far from at-
tempting the recovery of the iCand, that they
yielded aud confirmed it to Great-Britain by a
fubfequent treaty of peace.
Some difturbance however the EngliCi have met
with from time to time from the Negroes in the
mountains ; for when the Spaniards left the ifland,
their Negroes retired to the mod inacceffible part
of the mountains, and there fortifying themfelves,
bid defiance to the Englifh, who were never able
to reduce them entirely, but fome of them re-
mained there till they were joined by other fugi-
tives of the fame complexion, Haves to the Eng-
lifln planters, and at length increafed to fo great a
bodv, that they became formidable to the planta-
tions ; in which they committed many murders
and robberies. And notwithftanding his Majefty
has fent two regiments to the affiftance of the co-
1 lony, they (till maintain their ground I perceive ;
and all that the foldiers can do is to guaid the
plantations from their ravages.
During King William’s war alfo, I find,
the French from Hifpaniola landed fome forces on
the ifland in the year 1694, and plundered feveral
of the plantations : But they were foon beat off,
and fome forces being fent from England to their
affiftance, the gentlemen of Jamaica returned
their vifit, made a defcent on Hifpaniola, and
plundered feveral places in poffeffion of the French,
bringing away with them fourfcore pieces of can-
non, and a confiderable booty,
f As for the prefent ftate of Jamaica, we may
beft underftand it from themfelves, in their addrefs
or reprefentation to the throne, viz.
To the King’s moft excellent Majefty.
The humble addrefs and reprefentation of the
council of Jamaica.
Moft gracious Soveraign,
The prefent We your Majefty’s moft dutiful and loyal fub-
j ftate of Ja- je£ts, your council of Jamaica, having taken
I ■ presented" our confederation the declining ftate and con-
in an ad- dition of this ifland, think ourfelves indifpenfably
^ fstothe obliged, in duty to your Majefty, and in juftice
to ourfelves and our country, humbly to make
fome reprefentation thereof to your Majefty. W e
fhall forbear troubling your Majefty with the ma-
ny melancholy reflections the prefent fituation of
our affairs hath naturally led us into, and fhall
chiefly confine ourfelves to the moft obvious and
vifible caufes of our misfortunes, the increafe and
fuccefs of our rebellious flaves, the decreafe of our C H A P.
white people, and the decay of our trade and J.
planting intereft : The firft hath in fome part
been guarded againft by your Majefty’s great good-
nefs in fending, and we hope continuing amongft
us„ two regiments of foldiers for our prefervation.
The decreafe of our people is in great meafure
owing to our lofs of commerce ; and therefore
we fhall endeavour to point out fome of the ma-
ny caufes of this latter evil. We are, of late
years, deprived cf the moft beneficial branch of
our trade, the carrying of Negroes and dry goods
to the Spanifti coaft ; the lofs of this occafioned
the defertion of a confiderable number of our
feafaring men and others from this ifland for want
of employment. A farther difeouragement to
our trade is the frequent hollilities committed by
the Spaniards, who, regardlefs of the folemn
treaties entered into with your Majefty, fpare no
Englifh vcfiel they can overcome, and from whom
it has hitherto been in vain to attempt the ob-
taining any fatisfadflion in thefe parts. We like-
wife beg leave to obferve, that the bays of Cam-
peachy and Honduras, were many years in the
poffeffion of your Majefty’s fubjedts, and reputed
part of the territories depending on your Maje-
fty’s government of this ifland, and gave employ-
ment to a confiderable number of (hipping and
people to cut and carry Logwood from thence ;
but we have been difpofiefted of them by the Spa-
niards, who Iikewife there feized, and made pri-
zes of a great number of fhips belonging to your
Majefty’s fubjedls.
The low value of our produce may be very
juftly attributed to the great improvement the
French have made in tneir Sugar Colonies by the
encouragement given them, particularly in allow-
ing them to export their commodities to foreign
markets without firft introducing them into any
of the ports of France ; and from the lownels of
their duties, and being under no neceffity of dou-
ble voyages, they can afford to underfel us \ and
Iikewife by the pernicious trade that is carried on
from Ireland and your Majefty’s northern colonies
to the French Sugar Iflands.
It is well known, that Sugar and other com-
modities produced in the drench and Dutch Colo-
nies are frequently imported into Ireland without
introducing them into the ports of Great-Britain,
and paying the duties as your Majefty s fubjedls of
your Sugar Colonies are obliged to do ; and confe—
quently thofe foreigners are fupplied with provi-
ftons at eafier rates than we ; and we are in a man-
ner deprived of a very confiderable market in that
part of your Majefty’s dominions.-
Your Majefty’s northern colonies import Into
this ifland great quantities of provifions and other
goods, for which they take no part of our pro-
duce in exchange (a final! quantity of Molofles
excepted)
6i6
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, excepted) but are paid in bullion, which they car-
I. ry to Hifpaniola, and buy Sugar, Rum, and Mo-
Ioffes for their own ufe. This trade is not only
unequal and injurious to us, but prejudicial even
to themfelves, and highly fo to our mother coun-
try, and dreins us of fo much bullion in favour of
France, which otherwife might have centered in
Great-Britain.
We further beg leave to obferve to your Maje-
fty, that Cacao was one of the principal commo-
dities of this ifland, and a great encouragement
to the fettling it ; but that it is now loft, which
is in a great meafure owing to the reftriddions and
heavy duties laid on it in Great-Britain ; andpof-
fibly our Sugar, Rum, Ginger, and other pro-
duce, may be attended with the fame ill confe-
rences, if not timely remedied.
As the induftrious planters of this ifiand have
lately introduced Coffee, and begun to make plan-
tations thereof, we humbly beg leave to reprefent
it, and to addrefs your Majefty for fome encou-
ragement, either by a bounty on importation or
otherwife, that fuch fettlements may be carried
on with the greateft chearfulnefs. (An add has
paffed fince for encouraging the planting of Cof-
fee.)
We have already taken up too much of your
Majefty’s time and patience in this reprefentation ;
but our zeal for your Majefty’s fervice in the pre-
servation of this colony, and the natural love we
owe to ourfelves and to our country in which is
our all, has encouraged us to lay thefe particulars
before your Majefty. We humbly fubmit them
to your royal conftderation, and hope for fuch
relief as in your Majefty’s great wifdom fhall be
jnoft advifable, that we, with the reft of your
Majefty’s fubjedds, may enjoy the bleffmgs of a
reign glorious in itfelf, and fo capable of mak-
ing us, and our pofterity, a happy and flourifhing
people.
St. Jago de la Vega, ° r rder °. f . the ccunci1 '
no*. a 7 , . 73 , Jo fi Yawn
Clerk ot the council.
But it rnuft be remembred here, that the trade
of the Britifti northern colonies with the French
and other foreigners for Sugar, Rum, &c. is now
in fome meafure reftrained by a duty laid on fo-
reign Sugar, Rum, and Moloffes ; and the trade
of foreigners to Ireland, with foreign Sugar, &c.
is iikewife in a great meafure prevented by a late
add of parliament ; but the Spaniards it feems con-
tinue at this day to take our fhips in the "Weft-
Indies as formerly; as appears from an addrefs of
the Merchants of Jamaica to the honourable John
Grigory, Efq; Prefident and Commander in
chief of that ifiand ; wherein they fhew.
That the Spaniards have lately (an. 1737.) ta-
ken and carried into the Havannah three fhips all
laden in this ifiand with the produce thereof, and
commodities purchafed there, or money received C H A P.
of the Agents of the South-Sea Company, for I.
Negroes legally fold and exported to the Spanifh
fettlements purfuant to the Affiento treaty ; and
that the faid fhips were all homeward bound to
Great-Britain, and not the leaft pretence of their
being engaged in, or attempting to carry on an
unlawful trade.
I {hall conclude the ftate of Jamaica with
fome account of the Logwood trade, of which
his Majefty’s fubjedts have been violently and un-
juftly deprived by the Spaniards : This trade was
carried on chiefly by the people of Jamaica, and
our right to it has been fet in a proper light by the
Lords of trade and plantations in their reprefenta-
tion to his late Majefty King George I. in the
year 1718.
Their Lordfhips infift that the Englifh have an The right to
unqueftionable right to the Logwood trade ; and infixed
have always been protected in it by the Kings of on by the
England his Majefty’s predeceffors. L ^ rds c °m-
They obferve that Logwood is the product of
Jc.catan, a penmfula that extends itfelf an hun-
dred leagues into the North Sea ; on each fide
whereof are the bays of Campeachy and Hon-
duras, where this wood is chiefly cut by the
Englifh.
That the Spaniards are poffeffed only of the
town of Campeachy and two more fmall places
in this part of America, and that the reft of Ju-
catan was an uninhabited defart till our Logwood
cutters fettled at Cape Catoch, the north eaft pro-
montory of Jucatan, and at Trift or the Laguna
de Terminos in the bay of Campeachy, before or
in the year 1667, when a treaty of peace was
concluded between Great-Britain and Spain. And
thereupon the privateers of Jamaica, who ufed to
difturb the Spanifh trade, being obliged to quit
that way of life, became Logwood cutters, and
fettled with others of their countrymen at Trift,
and the Lake de Terminos aforefaid ; and great
quantities of Logwood v/ere afterwards imported
from thence to Old and New-England. They
obferve that Sir Thom as Lynch, Governorof
Jamaica, under whofe direction that trade was
carried on, in the year 1671, gave his Majefty
King Charles II. the following reafons for his
encouraging this trade. 1. That the Englifh had
then ufed it for divers years. 2. That the Log-
wood was cut in defolate and uninhabited places.
3. That it was a right confirmed by treaty with
the Spaniards. 4. That thereby we excluded the
French and Dutch from that trade. 5. That the
Spaniards had not then made any complaint of it.
6. That this employment made the reducing our
privateers, who ufed to commit hoftilities againft
the Spanisrds moreeafy. Laftly, That this trade
employed an hundred fail of fhips annually, and
increafed his Majefty’s cuftoms and the trade of
the
OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN ISLANDS.
617
CHAP, the nation more than any of his American Colo-
I. nies.
Sir Thom as Mod y ford, the fucceeding Go-
vernor of Jamaica, informed the Lords of the
privy council, in the year 1672, that the Eng-
lifh Logwood cutters had ufed that trade for three
years, that they had planted Corn, and built
houfes for their conveniency ; and though they
frequently hunted Deer in the country, they had
never feen a fingle Spaniard or any other man in
that part of the country in all the time they had
been there : And concludes, that their felling of
wood, building houfes, and clearing and planting the
ground, was fuch a pofteffion as in the Weft-In-
dies gave them an undoubted right to the countries
they thus occupied.
And Sir Thomas, to juftify his conuudt in
encouraging this trade, in the year 1672 (when
the Spaniards firft complained of it) fent home the
copies of feveral depofttions he had taken from
matters of {hips and others concerned in the Log-
wood trade, with a proclamation he had iftued
for the regulation and fecurity thereof, as a con-
firmation of what he had afterted. And the Lords
of the council thereupon let the Governor know,
that they approved what he had done.
The Lords Commiffioners of trade further ob-
ferve, that there is a claufe in the abovefaid Ame-
rican treaty, which provides, that the King of
Great-Britain {hall keep and poflefs, in full right
of fovereignty and propriety, all places fituate in
the Weft-Indies, or any part of America which
he or his fubjedts were then in pofteffion of ; and
that they actually were then, and had been for fe-
veral years in pofteffion of Trift, the Lake de
Terminos, and feveral other places in the province
of Jucatan, which the Spaniards begun to fet up a
title to about this time ; notwithftanding they en-
joyed the full benefit of what Great-Britain fti-
pulated on her part, viz. 1. The fecuring the
trade of the Spanifh Weft-Indies to them ; a point
which had never before been yielded. 2. The
obliging the privateers to ceafe their depredations,
whereby the Spanifti trade had been miferably
harrafled ; and this had been effedted chiefly by the
care of his Majefty’s Governors, and the employ-
ing thofe people in the Logwood trade.
That in 1680 the Spaniards proceeded in ahof-
tile manner to difpofiefs the Englifti Logwood
cutters of their fettlements of Trift, &c. and
even of the illand of Providence, a Britifh Plan-
tation to which they had no pretence ; but thefe
were foon repoftefled by his Majefty’s fubjedts,
and the Logwood trade in 1682 was greater than
ever, and was maintained and carried on by the
Englifti till the treaty of Utrecht, 1713, when
the adjuftment and fettlement thereof came again
under confideration ; and it wus ftipulated that
(only) fuch places fhould be reltored to the Spa-
VOL. III.
niards as had been taken during the preceding war CH AP*
(in the reign of Queen Anne,) among which I.
Trift could not be reckoned one, becaufe the Eng-
Iifti were in pofteffion of it many years before that
war commenced ; and indeed had been in the ac-
tual pofteffion of it from 1669 to 1713, except
for two or three months in the year 1689, when
the Spaniards furprifed and expelled them by force
as related above.
They further reprefented, that by a claufe in
the treaty of commerce concluded in November
1713, the American treaty of 1670 is confirmed
and ratified ; and it was thereby declared, that
this fhould be underftood to be without prejudice
to any liberty or power which the fubjedts of
Great-Britain enjoyed before, either through
right, fufferance, or indulgence ; and the Eng-
lifti having long enjoyed the liberty of cutting
Logwood without interruption, either through
right, fufferance, or indulgence, they are by this
treaty intitled to the fame in as plain and exprefs
words as can be imagined.
Then the Lords Commiffioners proceeded to
{hew the importance of the Logwood trade to
Great-Britain by the following account of what
Logwood had been imported lince the late war,
viz.
Tons C. Qt, lb.
In
In
In
In
X 7 X 4>
X 7 X 5>
1716,
2189
4878
5863
2032
x 5
14
12
l 7
22 Importation
2 . °I Logwood
^from 17 1 3
x 4to 1716 .
O
I4965 O34
That is communibus annis 3741 tons, which Price redu-
cannot be computed at lefs than 60,000 1 . perj^ fro ™ 4 ®
ann. tho’ the price is already reduced from 40 1. to t ’ on . 0n ( e *
16 1 . per ton ; and before your Majefty’s fubjedts 100 J. a
were fettled there, it was worth 100 1. the ton. t0n *
Nor is this trade lefs neceffary than beneficial
to your Majefty’s dominions, by reafon of the
great encouragement it gives to our feamen and
{hipping, which at all times require a particular
attention ; but now efpecially, when it is daily
obferved that very many Britilh mariners either
through defedt of the laws for want of employ-
ment at home, or in hopes of greater advantage
abroad, enter themfelves into foreign fervice.
Upon the whole therefore we are humbly of
opinion ;
That the fubjedts of this your Majefty’s king-Oplnion of
dom for fome years before as well as after the J he boar<1 ^
conclufion of the American treaty in 1670, did
enjoy an uninterrupted liberty of cutting Log-
wood in the Laguna de Terminos, and in other
places not inhabited by the Spaniards in the pro-
vince of Jucatan, either through right, fufferance,
or indulgence.
That the faid American treaty did eftablifh a
K k k k right
' trade.
6iS
THE PRES
CHAP, right in the crown of Great-Britain to the La-
I. guna de Terminos and the parts adjacent ; thofe
places at the time of the treaty, and for fome
years before, being actually in poft’effion of the
Britifti fubjefft. Signed
Whitehall, Suffolk, J. Molesworth,
Sept. 25th, J. Chetwynd, D. Pulteney,
1 7 1 7* Charles Cooke, M. Bladen.
Government Jamaica is a royal government. The King
and laws, appoints both the Governor and council. Their
affemhly of reprefentatives has nothing to do in
the election of thefe, as they have in the charter
governments ; and I look upon this Ifland as the
moft profitable government in the difpofal of the
crown of England, next to that of Ireland. There
have been Governors who have made feven or
eight thoufand Pounds a year by their falary and
perquifites, ordinary and extraordinary, if not
more.
Thejr laws are much the fame as thofe in the
colonies on the continent ; both the one and the
other I perceive have recourfe to tortures in the
pu.nifhment of their Haves. Thefe are not treat-
ed as fubjedls of Great-Britain ; but as if they
were creatures of a different fpecies, fuch exqui-
fite torments are afflicted on them (according to
Sir Hans Sloane) as muff raife the u'cmoft hor-
ror and deteffation of the practice in Englilhmen ;
who have not loft all humanity and compaffion for
their fellow-creatures.
The Knight relates, that for rebellion they lay
the offender on the ground, and having extended
his legs and arms, fallen them to the earth, and
then applying fire gradually to his hands and feet
burn them up to his head, whereby he fuffers the
moll exquifite pain.
For crimes of a lels nature they geld the of-
fender, and cut off half his foot with an ax ; and
for negligence only they whip him ; and when
his back is raw they ftrew Pepper or Salt on their
wounds to make them fmart ; and fome planters
will drop melted wax on their Ikins, which puts
them to moft intolerable pain.
And thefe cruelties the Doctor juftifies, by tell-
ing us the Blacks are a very perverfe generation,
and merit fuch torment. Thus we find the late
Czar of Mufcovy alfo juffifying the barbarous
ufage of his own fubjects, from the obftinacy of
their tempers. And we have known Englifh Of-
ficers affirming the like of their foldiers, and treat-
ing even fubjects of Great-Britain, over whom
they had no authority, with equal cruelty.
We cannot wonder, after this barbarous treat-
ment of their bodies, the planters have fo little
concern for the fouls of thefe poor creatures, as
to negleft the inftru&ing them in the Chriftian
religion ; or that their Negroes have fo little in-
clination to embrace the religion of a people who
ale them fo barbaroufty.
ENT STATE
CHAP. II.
. Of the ifland of Barbadoes.
'T' HE Caribbee- Elands, of which Barbadoes
one of the chief, were fo called by the Spa- jj
niards, from the Caribbees or Canibals that were
fuppofed to inhabit them ; but upon the ftridteft Barbadoes.
inquiry, and a full furvey of every country in
America, I can meet with no tolerable evidence
that there ever was a nation of Canibals either
here or on any part of the continent or iflands of
this new world. The firft difcoverers indeed agreed
unanimoufly in relating that the natives were Ca-
nibals in aimoft every province and diftridt of
America ; the reafon whereof I have already
confidered. But later travellers meet with no
Canibals either in thofe countries that have been
fubdued by the Europeans, or in thofe parts of
America where the natives are ftill mailers, and
ftill retain the reft of their fuperftitious rites. In
Florida particularly, where the people were re-
prelented as the moft barbarous of human race, and
charged with facrificing their own children, now
we are better acquainted with them, it appears
they have no fuch cullom.
As to this illand in particular, it is imagined by The name,
fome, that the Spaniards or Portuguefe gave it the
name of Barbadoes from the barbarous inhabitants
they found upon it ; but who difcovered it, or
gave it this name, or whether there were any
inhabitants upon it when the Europeans difcover-
ed it, is very uncertain. All that I can learn
concerning the name is, that it was called Barba-
does by the Spaniards, Portuguefe, Englilh, Dutch
and French, who frequently palled by it, or
touched at it in their voyages to the continent
long before it was planted, none of them imagin-
ing it would turn to account to take poffeffion of
it. But to proceed :
The illand of Barbadoes is the moft confiderable
of all the Britifh Blands in America, next to that
of Jamaica : It is fttuated in the AtEntick-Ocean, Situation
in 13 degrees north latitude, and 59 degrees of andextent '
weftern longitude, being of a triangular form, The face of
about twenty five miles in length from fouth to the countI >
north, and fifteen in breadth from eaft to weft:
where broadeft. It is a plain level country for
the moft part, with fome fmall hills of an eafy
afcent, and fcarce any wood upon it at prefent.
It was covered with woods indeed when the Eng-
lilh firft fent colonies thither, but they are all cut
down to make room for plantations of Sugar-
canes, which take up aimoft the whole illand at.
prefent, nothing elfe bging cultivated in any great
quantities ; their very Corn, flelh and fifh be-
ing imported for the moft part from the northern
colonies.
There
The I S X, AND of
BARBADOES.
Divided into its Pai-i.ili.es,
With the Hoa dj, Rrths, 8C c .
Arttovding to an Aotual an
Accurate Survey.
H.MoJL Geographer
Contents af the Pai-isJkeS
a 1/ l/utf efO mu Jutv^
1-treJ in sfoSamu uf“,iJ\*y
oivutOrtJjeSemm.uSn/ titnf *e
religion ; or that their Negroes have lo little in- quantities; men vci y vum, uvni tiiiKi mix uv-
clination to embrace the religion of a people who ing imported for the moll part from the northern
ale them fo barbaraufly. colonies.
There
OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN ISLANDS.
,619
CHAP. There is fcarce an harbour in the ifland ; the Citrons, Pomegranates, Pine- Apples, Guavas, CHAP.
II. heft is that of Bridge-Town in Carlifle-Bay, on Plantains, Cocoa-nu'ts, Indian Figs, Prickle- II.
L'V'nj the fouth-weft part of the ifland, and this lies Pears, Melons, and almoft all manner of roots
Coaft and open to the weftward. However, it is fecure
harbours. f rom the north-eaft, which is the conftant trade-
Winds. wind here, and blows from morning till evening,
Hurricanes, except during their tornados and hurricanes, which
happen ufually about midfummer, and in July and
Auguft, and blow from every quarter. The
fhips in the bay at fuch times are pretty fure of
being wrecked on fhore if they cannot get out to
lea, and therefore feldom attempt to ride out thefe
ftorms. The coaft is defended on the eaft by
rocks and Ihoals from the invafion of an enemy,
and on the weft, where it is more expofed to a
defcent, breaftworks and redoubts are creeled for
its fecurity ; but the repair of them is too much
neglected .
Rivers, There is fcarce a ftream in the ifland that de-
Welis, &c. f erves the name of a river ; however, we find
two on the eaft-fide, to which they have given
the names of Scotland-River and Jofeph’s-River.
They have good water in their wells almcft all
over the ifland, and do not dig very deep for it.
They have alfo large ponds and refervoirs, where
they preferve rain-water.
Weather. They have generally fine lerene weather ; their
rains fall as in other parts of the torrid Zone,
chiefly when the fun is vertical ; and after the
rains are the proper feafons for planting. Their
heats are not fo exceffive as in the fame latitude
on the continent, being conftantly refrefihed by
the fea breezes in the day-time, which increafe as
the fun advances, and abate as the fun declines :
And they have this further fatisfadfion, that their
days feldom exceed twelve hours. But there being
no mountains in the ifland, there are no land-
winds in the night as in Jamaica.
Bridge- The only town of any confequence in the
Town. ifland is that of Bridge-Town, or St. Michael’s,
fituate in Carlifle-Bay. It was formerly encom-
pafled with a morafs, which rendered it unhealth-
ful ; but this has been drained in a great meafure ;
however, the low fituation makes the town ftill
fubjedt to inundations. It is faid to contain a
thoufand or twelve hundred houfes, tolerably well
built of brick or ftone. They have commodious
wharfs and keys for loading and unloading of
goods, and three forts or caftles for its defence;
which, if kept in repair, would render the town
no eafy conqueft.
Produce of The chief produce and manufacture of the
the ifland, ifland, as has been intimated already, is Sugar of
the Molofles or Drofs, whereof they make great
quantities of Rum. They have alfo fome Cotton,
Indico, Ginger, and Piemento ; and formerly
Tobacco was planted here in good quantities, but
Trees and very little at prefent. Foreft-trees they have
plants. fcarce any left. Their fruits are Granges, Limes,
and garden-ftufF, but very few flowers.
Their Horfes they import from New-England, Animals.
&c. and have a flight breed of their own. They
have alfo fome Afies, Cows and Sheep, but the
laft do not thrive here. They have a good num-
ber of Hogs, the flefti whereof is the heft meat Food,
that is eaten in thofe hot climates. Here are atfe
good fea-ftih and poultry, but no frefh water fifti ;
and in general all manner of provillon is very
dear. There is no dining at an ordinary under a
Crown a head. Frefts meat is a rarity, and
chiefly the food of people of condition ; the reft are
glad of fait beef, pork and filh imported from the
northern colonies ; from whence alfo comes their
Wheat- Flower, Indian Corn, Peafe, Beans, &c.
They make bread alfo of the Cafiavi root ; and
the Negroes feed on Yams, Potatoes, Plantains,
and ether roots and fruits. The liquor drank by
the gentry here is chiefly Madera Wine, or vfine
and water ; and great quantities of Punch are
drank by the vulgar. They have alfo ftrong
Beer imported from Ok! and New-England, and
liquors made of their Maize and fruits, as in Ja-
maica.
The government here alfo refembles that of Govem-
Jamaica and the reft of our American Iflands; ment, “
having a Governor and council appointed by the
crown, which, with the houfe of reprefentatives,
are veiled with a legiflative power, and make laws
for the government of the ifland.
The numbers of white people here are faid to Number of
have been once forty thoufand and upwards, and P eo P le >
are computed to be near thirty thoufand at pre-
fent ; the Negroes, Mulattos and Meftize flaves
about an hundred thoufand. Their militia con- Forces,
fills of fifteen hundred horfe and three thoufand
foot, or thereabouts. As to their prefent trade. Their trade,
revenues, ftrength of the ifland, and fortifications, revenues 3
thefe will be feen in the controverfy between the
Sugar Iflands and the northern colonies, of which
I fliall give an abftra£t hereafter ; and proceed now
to inquire into the firft plantation of the ifland,
and the vaft improvements made in it.
The Caribbee-Iflands, as has been obferved al- Hiflorj.
ready, were firft difee vered by Columbus in his
fecond voyage to America : But this of Barbadoes
lying fo far fouth, probably was not feen by him:
And whether the Spaniards or the Portuguefe firft
difeovered it in their voyages to the continent of
America is uncertain : There is no doubt but one
or both of them touched here (tho’ they did not
think it worth while to plant colonies in the
ifland) for the Engliih found Hogs at Barbadoes
when they firft arrived there ; and it appears to
have been the conftant ufage of the Spaniards and
Portuguefe to ftock fuch iflands with Hogs as lay
K k k k 2 N
6io
THE PRESENT STATE
C H AP. in their way, that they might not Want frefh pro-
II. vifions in their long voyages.
(✓TNJ The firft Englilhmen that landed here, it is
faid, were fome of Sir William Curteen’s
feamen that were cruizing in thefe feas in the lat-
ter end of the reign of King James I. who re-
porting, at their return to England, that the foil
was fruitful, fome adventurers went thither with
an intent to plant it, but finding the ifland co-
vered with wood, and fcarce any other animals
upon it than Flogs, it did not anfwer their expec-
tations a great while.
The propriety of this ifland was afterwards
granted by King Charles I. to James Earl of
Carlifle, in the firft year of his reign, of whom
feveral adventurers purchafing fhares, tranfported
themfelves thither, and firft fell to planting To-
bacco ; which not thriving here as they expedted,
they proceeded to try Cotton, and Indico, which
yielded them a confiderable profit ; but they made
little Sugar till 1647, when Colonel Mom ford,
Colonel Dr ax. Colonel Walrond, and feve-
ral other Cavaliers, finding there was no living
with any fatisfadfion in England under the ufurp-
crs, converted their eftates into money, and tranf-
ported themfelves to Barbadoes with fuch machines
and implements as were proper to carry on Sugar-
works there. Colonel Drax, it is faid, in a few
years acquired an eftate of feven or eight thoufand
Pounds per ann, and married the Earl of Carlifle’s
daughter, then proprietor of the ifland : And the
adventurers fixing their principal fettlement on
the great bay in the fouth-weft part of the ifland,
gave it the name of Carlifle-Bay, in honour to
their proprietor, which it ftill retains.
The ifland was afterwards divided into four cir-
cuits and eleven parifhes, each parifti being allow-
ed to fend two reprefentatives to the general af-
fembly ; and every parifh had its church and an
incumbent, with an handfome maintenance affign-
ed him. In the year 1650, the white inhabitants
of the ifland are faid to have increafed to between
thirty and forty thoufand, befides Negroes, which
were much more numerous, and frequently plot-
ted the deftrudtion of their mafters ; but their
plots were conftantly difcovered, and the moft
terrible punifhments inflidled on the ring-leaders ;
which did but increafe the difaffedfion of the reft,
and laid the foundation of frefh confpiracies : But
notwithftanding the repeated plots of their flaves,
never any plantation of fo fmall an extent arri-
ved to that riches and grandeur as Barbadoes did
in the fpace of twenty or thirty years. Crom-
well apprehended this ifland of fuch confequence
during his ufurpation, that he fent a ftrong fqua-
dron of men of war thither, ann. 1651, unde?
the command of Sir George Ascue, who
compelled the Lord Willoughby (appointed Go-
vernor by King Charles II.) to furrender the
ifland upon condition the royalifts ftiould remain C H A F.
in the pofteffion of their eftates and liberties ; and II.
Mr. Searl was conftituted Governor by the
ufurpers. The Dutch war fucceeding foon after,
the colony was prohibited trading with the Hol-
landers, with whom they had principally traffick-
ed hitherto ; for the Dutch it feems conftantly
furnifhed the ifland with Negroes till this time,
and taught the Barbadians how to plant and ma-
nage their Sugars to the heft advantage ; taking
moft of it off of their hands, with which they
fupplied themfelves and the reft of Europe : But
after the ufurpers quarrelled with the Dutch, the
Barbadians were compelled by an ordinance of
Parliament to bring all their Sugars diredtly to
England, which was imitated by the miniftry af-
ter the reftoration of King Charles II. and
was the foundation of the a<ft of navigation,
which requires all the Britifh Colonies to bring
their Sugars and Tobacco direffly to England ;
and prohibits their trading with foreigners in thefe
and fome other articles.
In the year 1661, King Charles II. pur- King
chafed the propriety of this ifland of the Lord CHARLES
K inowl, heir to the Earl of Carlifle, and ap- ^VpropJrty 3
pointed the Lord Willoughby of Parham G over- °f the itland.
nor again ; ever fince which Barbadoes has been
a regal government. And the colony granted a
duty of four and a half per cent, for the fupport of
the civil government of that ifland, and main-
taining the forces and fortifications thereof: Which
duty (according to my author) amounts to ten
thoufand pounds a year ; but inftead of being ap-
plied to the purpofes it was given, it is difpofedof
in penfions to courtiers (as he fuggefts) to the ir-
reparable damage of that colony, no other ifland
having laid fo high a duty on their Sugars. In
the year 1604, De Ruyter, the Dutch Admi-
ral, with a great fleet of men of war, treache-
roufly attempted to furprife the ifland of Barbadoes,
tho’ England was then in full peace with Hoi- •
land i but he was bravely beat off by the Barbadi-
ans, and obliged to abandon that enterprize.
In the year 1674, Sir Jonathan At k 1 ns The trade of
being made Governor, had orders to feize all, fhips Ne & roes
trading in Africa for Negroes, that trade being nopollzeJ "-
granted to the Royal African company about that
time, exclufive of all others ; and feveral (hips
belonging to the Merchants of Barbadoes bringing
over Negroes afterwards were condemned as for-
feited ; being denominated interlopers, which that
colony complained of as a great grievance, the
African company fetting what price they pleafed
upon their Negroes : But this was not redrefled
’till after the revolution, when that trade was
laid open to all the fubjedfs of England, paying
3 0 per cent, towards the charge of their forts.
The Barbadians alfo buffered great Ioffes by a ter-
rible hurricane that happened there on the xoth
of
OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN ISLANDS.
621
CHA P.of Auguft, 1674, when three hundred houfes
II. were blown down, two hundred perfons killed,
mod of their Sugar-works and plantations de-
ftroyed, and all their wind-mills for grinding Canes
were blown down, except thofe that were built
of ftone ; eight fhips alfo fuffered fhipwreck in
the harbour : Infomuch that the Barbadians were
difabled making much Sugar the two fucceeding
years. Another calamity with which the Barba-
dians were afflicted, was an epidemical diftemper
that reigned feveral years in the ifland, differing
very little from the plague : This began about the
year 1691, and occafioned a great decreafe of the
white inhabitants, which they have not recovered
from that day to this. It feems the miniftry in
England fending a fquaaron of men of war to
Barbadoes, with a body of land forces on board,
to protect the trade of the Caribbee-Iflands, which
had fuffered very much by the depredations of the
French privateers; the Barbadians on their arrival
concerted an enterprife with the Commanders
againft the French Illands of Guadalupe, Marti-
nico, St. Chriftopher’s, &c. and joining the King’s
forces with fome of their own formed a body of
four or five thoufand men, with which they made
a defcent on Guadalupe and St. Chriftopher’s, and
ruined feveral French fettlements ; but did not
make a conqueft of any of them as was expedfed :
The ifland And what was ftill more unfortunate the diftem-
depopulated per abovementioned broke out in the army, which
by a plague, g 0 ]jj ers brought back to Barbadoes, and almoft
depopulated that ifland of white men. The King’s
fhips alfo loft fo many of their men that there
were not hands enough left to carry them home.
But this diftemper the Barbadians comfort them-
felves was brought into the ifland from abroad ;
and did not begin there, affuring us that their
country is generally exceeding healthful.
The people There is another calamity which the Barbadians
thdr Go tr ^ eem to Lment as much as any of the former ;
n 0 rs. an d that is, the oppreffion of feveral of their Go-
vernors ; and particularly of Colonel Francis
Russel, brother to the late Earl of Orford in the
year 1695, whofe extortions exceeded thofe of any
Governor that had gone before him ; but he had
the good fortune to die before he was called to
account.
We meet with very fevere refle&ions alfo on
H enry Worsely, Efq; another of their Go-
vernors, in the report of the committee appointed
to prepare a reprefen tation of the grievances of
this ifland, made on the 15 th of February, 17 30,
wherein they fet forth, “ That in the year 1722,
“ when his excellency Henry Worsely, Efq;
u took the adminiftration of the government upon
“ him, and for many years before, the gentle-
“ men of the ifland having been harraffed with
“ parties and divifions, in hopes to put an end to
44 the fame, and to obtain the redrefs of feveral
“ grievances, were wrought upon to fubmit to aCH A P.
“ fettlement of fix thoufand Pounds fterling per II.
“ ann. on the faid Governor, during his refidence
“ here in the quality of his late Majefty’s Gover- 6000 ’ 1 P er ;
“ nor ; a fettlement fo very extravagant, and fof or the Go-
“ much more than what the country could afford, vernor’s U-
“ that the inhabitants could not long fupport them- lary '
“ felves under the fame ; but which however they
‘ c had chearfully fubmitted to for feveral years,
£C notwithftanding the ifland had been fo far from
“ reaping any advantage from their indifcreet
44 generofity, that on the contrary, the publick
44 good had been entirely riegledled, and no mea-
44 lures taken to redrefs the grievances of the
44 ifland : But his Excellency and his creatures
“ had thereby been the better enabled, and more
44 at leifure, to opprefs the inhabitants ; the militia
44 had been totally negledled ; the forts, breaft- Foitiflca-
44 works, and batteries were gone to ruin ; the tio . ns run co
44 publick ftores were embezzled and wafted ; and yA' ous op .
“ all perfons, in office under his Excellency, bu- preflions.
“ fied in nothing but how to raife fortunes from
44 the ruins of the people, by inventing new fees
“ and perquifites, and by increafing the former
44 fees and emoluments of their feveral offices.
44 And the faid petition further fets forth, that the
“ freeholders of the ifland, moved at laft with a
44 juft fenfe of their danger and ill ufage, had in
“ the month of July, 1727, chofen fuch perfons
“ to reprefent them in the general affembly, as
“ might inquire into and attempt to procure a
“ redrefs of fome of their moft crying grievances j
44 and that when the faid affembly were fitting
44 about that affair with all the calmnefs and mo-
“ deration imaginable, and with due deference
“ and regard to his Excellency, he had fought all
“ occafions to exafperate, male-treat, infult, and
44 abufe the affembly, who however refolved to
44 overlook all indignities for the good of their
44 country ; and that the faid Governor finding
44 he could not provoke them to return the ill
44 treatment they met with from him, had, on
“ the 5th of Odfober then laft paft, command-
44 ed them to adjourn for four weeks ; and tho’
44 upon the application of the affembly (who upon
44 that occafion humbly reprefented to him that
“ feveral bills, and other affairs of great confe-
44 quence to the publick, were then depending
44 before the houfe, and therefore prayed the ad -
44 journment might not be for fo long a time)
“ he had been pleafed to fliorten the adjournment
44 by the fpace of two days only ; yet, before
44 the time of their meeting came, he had pro-
44 rogued them to the 9th of December ; and
44 from thence,, by feveral repeated prorogati-
44 ons, to the month of June, 1728; and then
44 diffolved them, apparently to prevent any in-
44 quiry into, or reprefentation of his male-admi-
44 niftraticaj’
.As.
I
622 THEPRESE
CHAP. As to the diet and cloathing, the manners and
II. cuftoms of the inhabitants of Barbadoes, whether
white people or Negroes, they are much the fame
as in Jamaica; only there is not fo great plenty
of provifions in Barbadoes as there is in Jamaica.
CHAP. HI.
Of the ifands of St. Vincent , St. Lucia , Dominica ,
Tobago , Barbuda , and Anguilla.
CHAP. Q AINT Vincent is fituated twenty leagues
III. ° and upwards to the weft-ward of Barbadoes,
an d may be feen from thence in a clear evening,
St. Vincent. being about twenty miles in length from north
to fouth, and almoft as broad from eaft to weft.
The Englifh and Dutch had formerly frnall fet-
tlements upon it ; whether rhey have any at pre-
fent I am not informed ; but thus much is cer-
tain, that neither of thefe nations have thought fit
to cultivate the foil fo as to render the traffick
thither of any confequence.
St, Lucia. St. Lucia lies about five and twenty leagues
north weft of Barbadoes, and has two high
mountains in the middle of it, which may be
feen from thence in a fine day. The foil is ftid
to be good, and yet the Englifh and French have
poflefied and quitted it alternately more than once.
It was, however, held by the Englifh to be part
of the dominions of the crown of Great-Britain,
and as fuch inferted in the Governor of Barba-
does’s commiffion : And Sir Hans Sloane re-
lates, that when he was there, in the year 1687,
it was inhabited by a frnall number of people
from Barbadoes (within fight of which it lies) who
kept it on account of its wood, which it has in
plenty, and they at Barbadoes very much want.
It has been difputed by the French, fays Sir FI a ns
Sloane, whether the Englifh were proprietors of
it or they ; but I was told, that being in poffeffion
of the Englifh at the time of the Signing of the
treaty of neutrality with France, it ought to
remain quietly in the hands of the Englifh. How-
ever, in the reign of King George I. when
his grace the prefent Duke of Montague had been
at forty thoufand Pounds expence to plant that
ifland and fix a colony there, the French from
Martinico obliged the Englifh planters to quit the
ifland ; and the court of Great-Britain did not
think fit to aftert their title to it, but gave his
grace feme equivalent ; partly lucrative partly ho-
norary, for his iofs. What Satisfaction the reft
of the adventurers had for their lofles and disap-
pointment I could never learn ; but we feem,
by acquiefcing in this outrage, to have yielded
up our intereft in the ifland to the French.
Demifiica. The ifland of Dominica, fo called by the Spa-
niards from their discovering it on a Sunday,* is
fituated in 15 degrees 30 minutes north latitude,
NT STATE
about thirty miles to the northward of Martinico. C H A ]
This is another Small ifland which the Englifh III.
have not thought fit to cultivate yet to any de-
gree, tho’ they may have fome inconfiderable
Settlements upon it.
The ifland of Tobago, fo called from its yield- Tobago,
ing a good fort of Tobacco, is fituated in 11
degrees 30 minutes north latitude, forty leagues
due fouth of Barbadoes, being about thirty-two
miles in length and twelve in breadth.
The temperature of the air and fruitfulnefs of
the foil in this ifland is much commended : And
it is Said to be well flocked with all manner of
European cattle, and to be well furnifhed with
fea-fifh, efpecially Manati and Turtle. It is alfo
covered with excellent timber, viz. Cedar, JVio-
hogany, Ebony, Lignum-Vitae, White-wood,
Box, Brafil, Caffia, &c. and that it has or will
produce Sugar, Tobacco, Indico, Ginger, and
every other plant that the beft of the Caribbee-
Iflands do. This ifland was granted by King
Charles II. to James Duke of Courland, on
condition that none Should inhabit the Said ifland
but the fubjedb of the King of England and the
Duke o, Courland ; and Captain John Poyntz
con t rafted with the Duke, that the Said Poyntz
and company would fettle one hundred and twenty
thoufand acres of land in the faid ifland on certain
conditions: And Poyntz thereupon published
propofals to encourage planters to go over and
fettle colonies in the faid ifland ; and fome ad-
venturers thereupon went over thither. The
Dutch alfo obtained a grant of part of it from
the Duke of Courland, and planted it ; but both
the Englifh and Dutch were fo harrafied by the
Caribbees from the continent of Guiana or Ca-
ribbiana, from which it is not above forty leagues
diftant, that they were compelled to quit the
ifland : And whether we have any Settlements upon
it at prefent I am not informed. Certain I am,
neither the produce or traffick of that ifland is of
any confequence at prefent ; tho’ why we Should
not improve and cultivate fo profitable and defi-
rable an ifland, now we are no longer under any
apprehenfion of the Caribbees, I cannot conceive.
If we do not in a little time, poffibly the French
will raviSh this ifland alfo from us, as they have
done St. Lucia ; efpecially Since they fee the Eng-
lish tame enough to put up every affront, and all
manner of ill ufage from the moft contemptible
naval power in Europe,
Barbuda is fituated in 18 degrees north lati- Eanuda.
tude, about 15 leagues north of Antego, being
about twenty miles in length and twelve in
breadth. It produces the fame fruits as the reft
of the Caribbees ; but the inhabitants, inftead of
cultivating Sugar-Canes, apply themfdves to breed-
ing of cattle and raffing provisions, for which they
meet with a very good market at Barbadoes and
the
OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN ISLANDS.
623
CHAP.
III.
Colonel
Cod-
RING-
ton’s be-
netaftion for
1 college
and the con-
verfion ofthe
Negroes.
Anguilla.
the reft of the Carihbee-Iflands. This is the pro-
perty of the Cod ring ton family, who have
a great number of Negroes on this illand as well
as in Barbadoes ; and it was their anceftor, Colo-
nel Christopher Codrington, Governor
and Captain- General of the ifiand of B.rbadoes,
who dying in the year 1710, gave and devifed
two plantations in Barbadoes, and alfo part of
this ifiand of Barbuda, of the value of two thou-
fand Pounds per annum and upwards, to the fo-
ciety for the propagation of the gofpel, partly for
the inftruftion of Negroes in the Chriftian reli-
gion, in Barbadoes and the reft of the Caribbees ;
and partly for the erecting and endowing a col-
lege in the ifiand of Barbadoes, for propagating
the Chriftian religion and teaching the liberal arts,
particularly Phyfick and Surgery : And a college
has accordingly been erefted there by the fociety,
in purfuance of the donor’s will ; for which un-
paralleled benefaction his name will ever be grate-
fully remembered by all good Chrificians.
Anguilla, the mod northerly of all the Caribbee-
Iflands belonging to the Englifh, lies in 18 de-
grees odd minutes north latitude, twenty leagues
north-eaft of St. Chriftopher’s, and is about ten
leagues long and three broad. There is very
little Sugar raifed in this ifiand, the inhabitants
applying themfelves to feeding of cattle, planting
Indian Corn, and other kinds of hufbandry.
CHAP. IV.
Of the iflands of Ant ego , St. Chriflopher’s , Nevis ,
and Mont [err at.
CHAP HP HESE do not lie far afunder, and are fubjedt
jy ^ to the fame Governor, ufually ftyled Gover-
nor of the Caribbee- Iflands ; for tho’ Barbadoes
Carbbee- be in reality one of the Caribbee-Ifiands, yet
iflands pro- that and two or three iflands more dependant on
P er> it, having a diftmcft Governor, the name of Ca-
1 ribbee-Iflands feems now to be reftrained to Ante-
go, St. Chriftopher’s, Nevis, Montferrat, and fome
ofthe reft of the fmall iflands which lie near them.
Antego. Antego, or Antigua, is fttuated in 17 degrees
odd minutes north latitude, and 61 degrees of
weftern longitude, being of a circular form, and
about ftxty miles in circumference. The chief
towns are St. John’s, fituate on the harbour of
St. John’s in the north-weft part of the ifiand ;
and Falmouth, which lies on a bay on the fouth
fide of the ifiand. They raife a great quantity of
Sugar here, but the fcarcity of frelh water, and
the unhealthfulnefs of the climate, make it not
fo delireable as it would otherwife be. They were
alfo the laft year in great danger of being mafla-
cred by their Negroes, the plot being difcovered
but very little before the time it was to have been
executed.
St. Chriftopher’s is fttuated in 17 degrees odd
minutes north latitude, twenty leagues weft ofCHAP,
Antego, to which the celebrated Christopher IV.
Columbus gave his Chriftian name. It is a- i/YSl
bout twenty miles in length and feven in breadth, St- Chrifto-
an exceeding pleafant ifiand, having high moun- p
tains in the middle of it ; and declining every
way to the fea-ftde. It is watered with rivulets
from the hills, and has fome hot fprings in it, as
well as others, and produces great quantities of
Sugar, befides Cotton, Ginger, Indico, &c.
Nevis is fttuated two or three leagues fouth-
eaft of St. Chriftopher’s, being about fix leagues Nevis,
in circumference, and produces Sugar alio in pro-
portion to its dimenftons.
Montferrat was fo named by the Spaniards from
a mountain in it, refembling that of Montferrat Montferrat,
in Catalonia, and is htuated about ten or twelve
leagues fouth- weft: of Antego. It has been com-
puted by fome, that there are in Antego ten thou-
fand white inhabitants, in St. Chriftopher’s fix
thoufand, in Nevis three thoufand, and in Mont-
ferrat four thoufand, and at leaft three times as
many Negroes ; but this calculation is by others
faid to be much too large.
A late Governor of the Caribbee-Ifiands (Lieu-
tenant General Mathews) gives the following
fhort account of them.
St. Chriftopher’s was formerly jointly poflefled The-prefent
by the Englifh and French, but by the treaty °f caribbee-* 6
peace made at Utrecht, anno 17 1 3’ the whole iflands.
ifiand was yielded to the Englifh. ’ Fis about
twenty-two miles long, and its greateft breadth
is not much above feven miles: The middle part
is fo full of hills that there is but twenty-four
thoufand acres of land fit for Sugar. I hey make
Comm unibus Annis ten thoufand Boucaux (nogs-
heads) of Sugar. Nevis is about twenty-four miles
in circuit, Montferrat about eighteen, and Antego
about forty-five. They reckon at Antego feventy
thoufand acres of land in all ; and they make
Communibus Annis fixteen thoufand hogfheads of
Sugar there, fix thoufand at Nevis, and twenty-
five hundred at Montferrat. The Militia is regu-
lated thus : At St. Chriftopher’s a regiment of
foot containing about feven or eight hundred men,
a troop of Horfe of two hundred and twenty men,
and another of about an hundred and twenty
Dragoons. There are feveral forts, but that called
Souphriere, or Brimftone-Hill, is now finilhed,
and faid to be impregnable: ’Tis well provided
with ciftern water, and has a large well dug in
it. There is at Antego a troop of about one hun-
dred and twenty troopers and three regiments of
foot, in all twelve hundred men, befides a regi-
ment of foot which his Majefty keeps there, viz.
five companies at Antegoa, two at St. Chrifto-
pher’s, two at Nevis, and one at Montferrat. The
fortifications of Monks- Hill at Antegoa are now
finilhed,. and the Governor- General of the Carib-
hees.
624
T HE PRESENT STATE
CHAP, bees reticles in this ifland, becaule it is by nature
IV. and art the ftrongeft of all the iflands, tho’ it is
not ver y wholfome ; and they have fcarce any
frefh water but what they can fave when it rains.
But the Hate of the Britilh Caribbee-Iflands, as
well as that of our plantations on the continent,
will be beft underftood from the late difpute be-
tween thefe iflands and - the northern colonies
before the two houfes of parliament, of which
I lhall give an abftraCI in this place.
The cafe of A bill was was brought into the houfe of Com-
Iflands foted mons ’ on P et hion of the Merchants and plan-
bythem. ters concerned in the Sugar Colonies, in the year
felves. 1731, for fecuring and encouraging the trade of
the faid colonies : The intent whereof was to
enable them to fupply foreign markets with Su-
gar as cheap as the French ; which they fuggefted
might be done by prohibiting the exportation of
Horfes, provifions and lumber from our northern
colonies on the continent of America to the
French and Dutch plantations, and by prohibit-
ing the importation of all foreign Sugar, Rum
and MololTes to our northern colonies ; for the
permitting of this, they fuggefted, was giving
the French and Dutch at Teaft twenty-five per
cent, upon the whole produce of their Sugar Co-
lonies, and thereby enabled them to afford their
Sugar at foreign markets cheaper than our own
Sugar Colonies can. It was finding them plan-
tation neceffaries, as well as money to pay for
them (that is) the foreign colonies paid our nor-
thern colonies for their Horfes, provifions, and
lumber, with Molofles and Rum, which other-
wife the French muft throw away, as they did
formerly.
To induce the parliament to pafs this bill, the
advocates for the Sugar Colonies endeavoured to
fhew the vaft importance thefe colonies are to
Great- Britain, obferving, that they produced at
an average eighty-five thoufand hogfheads of
Sugar annually at leaft, which at ten Pounds a
hogfhead amounted to eight hundred and fifty
thoufand Pounds. This fum, or much the great-
eft part of it, as they affirm, is fpent heie by
the feveral proprietors of eftates in the Weft-
Indies who live in England, or is fent out an-
nually in the manufactures of Great-Britain, either
direCtly to the Sugar Colonies, or to the coaft of
Guinea, to purchafe Negroes for the ufe of thefe
colonies.
Befides, this neat produce of Sugar, another vaft
advantage arifing from the Sugar Colony trade is
the great number of (hips and feamen employed
and maintained in the courfe of our commerce
with them : And they calculate that there are
three hundred fail of fhips fent from Great- Bri-
tain (not to mention thofe from other places)
every year to our Sugar Colonies, which are na-
vigated by about four thoufand five hundred fea-
men : And that the freight, from the SugarsCHAP.
brought hither, amounts to an hundred and feven- IV.
ty thoufand Pounds a year ; and the duties, com-
miffions, &c. to little lefs than two hundred
thoufand Pounds more, which, upon the whole, is a
good one million two hundred thoufand Pounds
a year profit and advantage to Great-Britain.
But befides this confiderable article of Sugar,
they obferve that thofe iflands produce great
quantities of Cotton, Ginger, Indigo, Aloes, Sic.
which are all brought to Great-Britain ; where
the whole profit of all our plantation produCi does
and muft center. They have been equal, they
infift, to the mines of the Spanifh Weft-Indies,
and have contributed in a particular manner to
the trade, navigation, and wealth of this kingdom.
What they will do for the future, they faid,
muft depend in a great meafure on the event of
this bill.
At prefent they were in a very bad and lan-
guifhing condition ; their duties high, their plan-
ters poor, their foil worn out, and their forti-
fications deftroyed.
They had been true and faithful drudges for
Great-Britain ; but the time of their vifitation
feemed to be at hand, unlefs they received fome
timely and effectual relief from the parliament
of Great-Britain.
They obferve further, that the French Sugar
Iflands are much larger, more fruitful, better inha-
bited, pay lefs duties, and have greater encou-
ragement from France than ours have from Great-
Britain.
And that if our Sugar Iflands, for want of be-
ing put in a pofture of defence, Ihould either be
taken, as fome have been, or moulder away and
come to ruin, it would be one of the greateft:
blows this kingdom ever received.
It would then lofe the benefit of all their pro-
dud imported hither ; it would lofe the exports
of our Woollen and other manufactures thither,
to the amount of feveral hundred thoufand Pounds
a year ; it would lofe, in a great meafure, the
trade to Guinea ; it would lofe the employing
and maintaining of many hundred Britilh fhips,
and many thoufand Britilh feamen every year.
And laftly, it would lofe one of the moft con-
fiderable and main branches of our funds, the
deficiency of which muft be made good, and the
weight and burthen fall entirely on our lands.
On the other hand I meet with an addrefsandThecafeof
reprefentation of the Prefident, council, and ge- New-y 0 rk
neral aftembly ofNew-York to his prefent Ma-a^^ 1 " 3 * 1 f
jefty on the fame fubjeCt ; wherein they fay.
With grief and concern we have heard of the
monopoly aimed at by the Sugar Colonies, which
if obtained will, we conceive, tend to the ruin
of this colony, and be prejudicial to the trade
and navigation of Great-Britain : For
There
OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN ISLANDS.
625
CHAP. There is imported yearly into and confirmed in
IV. this colony a very large quantity of the Woollen
manufacture of Great-Britain, for our cloathing
They affirm an j p re f erv ation from the exceflive cold of our
take off 7 winters ; and fo great is our confumption of thofe
mom Britifh commodities, that we have reafon to believe the
manufac - w h 0 l e Sugar Colonies (excepting Jamaica on ac-
ailThesTgar count of the Spanifh trade) do not confume the
Colonies ex- like quantity ; and fhould we be difabled to pay
Cept Th^f" for that manufacture, we muft be reduced to na-
they traffickkednefs, or to make our own cloathing.
with our The produCt of this and the neighbouring co-
the n foTetn Ionics of New-Jerfey and Penfylvania, is provi-
•colonies. fions, Horfes, and lumber, which are exported to
the Britifh and foreign Sugar Colonies ; and in
exchange for them, are had monies, Rum, Su-
gars, Molofies, Cacao, Indigo, Cotton, &c. where-
of the Rum and Molofies are chiefly confumed
•They importin’ this colony, and the monies and other mer-
roore Silver chandize are moft applied to make good the ba-
Sn G ail d the lance of our trade to Great-Britain ; and fo great
islands, ex- a part of that balance is paid in money, that
cept Jamai- we re afon to believe that all the Britifh
dffi T Su g B ar’ Sugar Colonies together (except Jamaica) do not
Colonies can- import fo much Silver and Gold into Great-
not take off g r j ta j n as this fingle colony.
proviE We are well affured, that the Britifh Sugar Co-
or fupply lonies cannot take off the one half of the provi-
Rum W 'lf fions which this and the other two Bread Colo-
that Mono- nies do export ; nor are they able to fupply the
poly is efta- nor thern colonies with the Rum and Molofies
2 e getio y there confumed, without vafily diminifhing the
thing for quantity of Sugar which they now make 5 and
their pro- thou gh we be not by exprefs words in the mono-
auCe " poly aimed at, or reftrained from exporting our
provifions to the foreign Sugar Colonies, yet the
reftraining us from taking any part of that pro-
duct in exchange will as effectually do it.
Wherefore we have reafon to apprehend, that
If the monopoly aimed at be obtained, our pro-
» duCt now exported to the foreign Sugar Colonies
will be as loft to us ; and that we fball have lit-
tle more from the Britifh Sugar Colonies for all
our provifions that they can confume, than the
Rum, Molofies, and Sugar, which we want to
confume among ourfelves ; feeing the glut of our
produfit with them muft greatly lower the price
thereof, and the great demand of Rum and Mo-
Icffes muft vaftly enhance the price of them, and
And they difable us to pay for the Britifh. manufactures we
ftail be dif | iave already had and owe for, and diminifh the
feBritifT 7 confumption of the Britifh Woollen manufacture,
> XX- and the navigation now employed in bringing
' mes, ’ lt to us, and in carrying our produCt to the
foreign Sugar Colonies, and will enhance the
price of Sugar fo much, that Britain will pro-
bably be difabled to export any part of it.
Moft gracious Soveraign,
We imp lore your moft iacied Majefty, the fa-
V 0 1. III.
ther of all your fubjeCts, who has the care andCHAP.
profperity of all of them equally at heart, and IV.
who will be far from countenancing any endea-
vours to make one part of them the flaves and
bondmen of another (with whatever fpecious
pretence it may be aimed at) to have pity and
compafiion upon us your poor but moft loyal and
dutiful fubjeCts of thefe Bread Colonies ; upon the
Merchants of Great-Britain to whom we are
greatly indebted; upon them and the many tradef-
men and feamen of Great-Britain who get their
living by the Britifh trade with us ; and to grant
us your moft gracious protection againft this at-
tempt, which in its confequences would tend,
we humbly conceive, to deprive them of their juft
debts and future fupport, and to cut us off from
being of any other ufe to our mother country
than to be the bondmen and flaves of her Sugar
Colonies, by confining us to them for the vent of
the produce of our induftry, and in confequence
obliging us to take what price for it they pleafe,
and to give what price they pleafe for what we
receive in exchange.
There were other advocates for the northern
colonies, who made the fame and fome further
obiefitions againft the faid bill. They objected, Objeff ions
1. 'That fuch a prohibition as was defired by^ de of XX
the bill would put the French upon fupplying n0 rthem
themfelves with lumber from their own fettle- t0
ments, and the Britifii Colonies on the continent 01
would thereby lofe this trade, in which many
fhips and feamen were employed.
Obj. 2. A fecond objection was of the like te-
nour as that made by New- York ; That the
Britifh Sugar Colonies could not take off their
lumber, or fupply them with Rum for their fifh-
eries, their trade with the Indians, and what they
wanted in harveft-time.
Obj. 3. That the reftraining the northen co-
lonies from difpofing of their Horfes, provifions
and lumber to the French and Hollanders, might
draw them into employments prejudicial to Great-
Britain.
Obj. 4. That the French would cuftill their
Moloffes themfelves, and fupply the fifiieries with
Rum, if the northern colonies did not.
Obj. 5. If the northern colonies did not take
off the French Sugars, they would carry them to
market themfelves.
Obj. 6. If the importation of French and
Dutch Rum and Molofies into New-England
was prohibited, and they could go to no other
market for Rum, or fell their lumber and pro-
vifions any where elfe, the Englifh Sugar Colo-
nies, like other monopolies, would exact an un-
reafonable price for their R.um, and beat down the
price of lumber and other goods as low as they
faw fit. ,
Obi 7. That the French and Dutch Commes
J L 1 1 1 furnito
6i6
THE PRESENT STATE
CH A P. furnifh the northern Colonies with money, which
IV. they bring to Great-Britain, and lay out in our
manufactures.
Obj. 8. That the luxury and extravagance of
the Sugar Colonies was the occafion of their dc-
dining.
Obj. 9. That the trade of the Sugar Colonies
is ftill vaftly profitable, inftancing in Barbadoes,
which, in the year 1730, imported 22,769 hogf-
heads of Sugar into England, valued at 340,396 1 .
and that this was the net profit they in-
filled, becaufe it was admitted that the Rum and
MolofTes of a Sugar plantation bears the charges
of it ; the Sugar planters therefore could have no
reafon to complain, when fo fmall an ifland as
Barbadoes produced fo vaft a net profit.
Thefeob- I. To the firft of thefe objections, that the
jefticrs an- Erench would fupply themfelves with lumber from
■the Sugar their own fettlements, if the northern colonies
Colonies, did not furnifh them with it :
The advocates for the Sugar Colonies anfwered,
That the French could not be fupplied with lum-
ber from their own fettlements ; cr if they could,
it muft be at great charge and expence ; the only
places they can pretend to be fupplied from are
Cape Briton and Quebeck.
Some indeed have gone fo far, and been fo
extravagant as to imagine that the French Iflands
may be fupplied with lumber from the bay of
Apalacbi, or the fettlements at Miffillipi.
But we muft confider that great fnows (which
the French have not at their colonies on the Mif-
fiffipi or the bay of Apalachi) are neceffary, both
for drawing down trees to the fides of the rivers,
and likewife (upon the fnows melting) for float-
ing them down to the mills ; and if they had
fnows, thofe countries do not produce any quan-
tity of fuch wood as is proper to work into lum-
ber ; nor have they any faw-mil!s, which are ex-
penfive to build ; and the labour and time required
to manufacture fuch trees into lumber would
make it extremely dear to the French.
Befides, the navigation to and from thefe places
to Martinico and the French Iflands, fo much to
wind-ward, would be fo difficult and long for
fuch veffels as are proper to carry lumber by rea-
fon of the calms, contrary-winds, and ftrong cur-
rents againft them, that fuch a project would pro-
bably end in the ruin of the people concerned
in it.
As to Cape Briton, tho’ it has the advantage
of fnows, yet it has no other convenience ; it
produces little wood ; they have few rivers, and
thofe longer froze and fooner dryed than in New-
England ; it is thinly inhabited, and is a fmall
inconfiderable ifland, commodious only for fifh-
ing.
And as for Quebeck, allowing it all the advan-
tages the other places want, and all that our nor-
thern colonies have with refpeCt to wood and CHAP,
mills, yet the navigation of the river St. Law- IV.
rence ( which is practicable only a few months in
the year) is fo very long and dangerous, that all
the lumber from thence muft be exceeding dear.
And tho’ fome may think that thefe difficulties
may in time be removed, and the navigation of
that river become fate and eafy, it were to be
wifhed the French had no fupply of lumber till
thefe difficulties were removed ; but thefe difficul-
ties muft always continue, from the nature of the
coaft, the rocks, fnoals and fands in that river,,
and from the inclemency of the air, and other
natural caufes, which will make that navigation
for ever unfafe.
If then the French cannot be fupplyed at all
with lumber, or at leaft not upon any reafonable
terms, how much will this give our Sugar Co-
lonies an advant ge over the French? But let us
fuppofe the worft and utmoft that can be, that
they can be fupplyed with lumber from their own
fettlements, yet what muft this lumber be bought
with ? Not with Rum and Moloffes, but with
money.
So that if this prohibition of foreign Rum and
MolclTes takes place, fo much clear profit and
gain will be loft to the French plantations becaufe
they can have no vent for their Rum, as interfer-
ing with Brandy.
But what ftronger argument can we have that
the trade carried on by fome of the northern co-
lonies is a prejudicial trade, than the permiffion
of it by the French themfelves ?
They underftand the whole compafs of trade
perfectly well ; and to do them juftice, fteadily
and unalterably purfue their interefts.
They know that their colonies either cannot
be fupplied at all with Horfes, lumber, and other
plantation necefiaries, or elfe they muft purchafe
them at a great expence : They find they have
them for Rum and MolofTes, which is all clear .
gains to them ; that they fave at leaft 25 per
cent, in having lumber and Horfes fo conveni-
ently from the northern colonies, and get 25 per-
cent. by their Rum and Moloffes, which elfe
vmuld be all loft to them ; and what is more,
they plainly perceive that this trade muft fhort-
ly and moft effectually deftroy and ruin our Sugar
plantations, by enhancing the price of our planta-
tion necefiaries, and flopping the vent of our pro-
duct and manufacture.
However fpecious therefore the arguments ma}£
be in favour of this trade, nothing lefs than a
prohibition of Horfes and lumber, as well as of
foreign Sugar, Rum and Molofies, will be of any
real fervice or benefit to our Sugar Colonies.
For if you allow them to carry lumber, what
muft they have in exchange for it but Sugar,
Rum, or Molofies ? And how will it be poffible
on.
OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN ISLANDS. 627
C FI A P. on fo Ions: a coaft of feven or eight hundred miles, thence to the Weft-Indies, without being able to C H A P.
IV. as that of thefe northern colonies, where there
l^^^y^jare fo many bays, creeks, and rivers, and fo few
Officers, to prevent the running of thefe goods,
let your penalties be never fo ftricE
A permiffive trade will be an inlet to all the
fraud imaginable, and deftroy the aft 5 and yeur
forfeitures and penalties will be only like fcare-
crows and pafteboard Soldiers, which may feem
to be fome fecurity, but in reality are none at all.
But they’ll fay, perhaps, that France will al-
low them to carry their Rum to their own fet-
tiements on the continent ; but that is altogether
as improbable, and as unlikely, as that we fhould
fuffer Ireland to fupply our plantations with
Woollen manufactures.
Thofe colonies there are abundantly fupplied
with Brandy from France very cheap ; and which
is a fpirit much better liked, and what they have
been ufed to.
2. As to the fecond objection, that the Eng-
lifh Sugar Colonies cannot take off their lumber,
or fupply them with Rum :
The advocates for the Sugar Colonies anfwered,
if the trade and navigation from the Britifh Co-
lonies on the continent to the foreign colonies be
prejudicial to the Britifh Sugar Colonies, and con-
fequently to Great-Britain ; and if the reftrain-
ing it will effeffually cramp and check our rivals
the French in the Sugar trade, it ought to be
prohibited, tho’ fome few traders fhould fuffer
hardftiips and inconveniencies by it. The owners
of Wool might complain that the government
would not fuffer them to carry Wool to France ;
but it muff be admitted, however, that the pro-
hibition of exporting Wool, is abfolutely neceffa-
ry in order to our fupplying foreign markets with
the manufactures of Great-Britain.
As to the difpofal of their lumber, the Sugar
Colonies have more reafon to apprehend that they
fhall find a want of it, than that the New-Eng-
land people will have too much lie upon their
hands.
For we have for many years been alarmed with
the fcarcity of lumber in New-England ; and we
have felt the effects of it in the advanced price we
have paid for it for fome time.
Thofe who were principally concerned there in
the lumber trade, complained laft year of the great
want of Oak and Fir near the rivers on which
their faw-mills ftand : And as they are reftrained
by feveral ats of parliament from cutting the
King’s trees, they will hardly be able to fupply
us long with lumber of private property at any
reafonable rate.
The laft letters from Newberry in New-Eng-
land inform us, that lumber was rifen there from
three Pounds per thoufand foot to five Pounds ten
Shillings i and that fome fhips have failed from
get their loading at any price ; and that others IV.
continue there in hopes to get a lading, tho’ it is
very uncertain whether they will or no.
The other part of this objection, that our Su-
gar Colonies are not able to fupply them with a
fufficient quantity of Rum, is as groundlefs as the
former.
' A gentleman of diftin&ion of St. Chriftophers
informed the committee, that he himfelf made
only two thoufand gallons of Rum a year ; but
that if he had encouragement, he could make
twenty thoufand gallons. And that other gentle'
men of St. Chriftophers, Nevis and Montferrat,
who made little or no Rum now, could make a
very great quantity, had they a demand for it.
Therefore the queftion that was alked by a
New-England gentleman, whether we have any
Rum left on our hands at the end of the year, is
not at all to the purpofe.
We fay they have fometimes. But that is not
the point : They have little left becaufe they
make but little ; and they make but little becaufe
there is not a demand for more, French Rum or
Moloffes being cheaper. But where thofe iflands
make now but one gallon of Rum, they could
upon encouragement make ten.
And notwithftanding they make but little Rum,
they would ftill have a good deal upon their hands
every year, if they did not fend it to Great-Bri-
tain and other places, becaufe nothing v/aftes
more than Rum : And after they have exported
it, they have frequently the mortification of find-
ing it produce not above Two-pence a gallon clear
of all charges, to their very great lofs.
The diftiliers in New-England find this trade
in fpirits made of foreign Moloffes a gainful one,
and for that reafon raife objections which have
nothing in them, in order to make Bofton the
great ftaple for Rum : For fhould the prohibition
take place on foreign Rum and Moloffes, then
our Sugar Colonies might fend again their Rum to
Virginia, Maryland, Carolina, and Newfound-
land, as they did before, and fave the lives of
many hundreds of poor wretches, who if this
trade be not flopped, will probably be deftroyed
by this pernicious fpirit made of foreign Moloffes ;
which is fo very unwholfome, that it commonly
goes by the name of Kill-Devil in that country.
If we fhould admit for argument fake, that the
French Sugar Colonies, and Surinam (belonging
to the Dutch) do take off one half of the New-
England lumber (which by the way is more than,
can be proved) the deficiency then of the demand
of lumber will be one moiety. Now if it can be
proved that the Britifh Sugar Colonies upon a pro-
per encouragement might be improved fufficiently
to make as much more Rum and Sugar as they
now do, it will follow that tire Britifh Sugar Co-
Lilia lonies
623
THE PRES
CHA P.Ionies may take off all the New-England lumber.
IV. Barbadoes, one of the British Sugar Colonies,
is allowed to be at its perfection, and perhaps in-
capable of being farther improved fo as to increafe
its annual product.
Antigua (all people that know it will acknow-
ledge ) is capable of further improvement, and
may enlarge its product of Sugar, according to the
belt computations, at leaf! one fifth part per ann.
As to the produCt of Rum there, it may certainly
be enlarged near one half upon proper encourage-
ment ; for the Rum it now makes is not quite
one half of its produCt of Sugar ; that is to fay,
if Antigua makes twenty thoufand hogfheads of
Sugar per ann. its produCt of Rum is not quite
ten thoufand : But it is evident from the experi-
ence of Barbadoes, that out of twenty thoufand
hogfheads of Sugar there ought to be made near
fourteen thoufand hogfheads of Rum ; and this
increafe, both of Sugar and Rum in Antigua,
would certainly be made, if there was proper en-
couragement.
Montferrat, Nevis, and St. Chriftophers, for
want of encouragement, do not make (as may
appear by the cuftom-houfe books of each ifland)
one hogfhead of Rum for three hogfheads of Su-
gar : Whereas it is evident by the experience of
Barbadoes, that three hogfheads of Sugar ought
to produce two hogfheads of Rum ; confequently
the produCt of Rum in thefe three iflands might
be, upon proper encouragement, increafed to as
much more as it now is.
Add to this, the improvement to be made in
thofe iflands by which the quantity of Sugar would
be increafed, it will follow ftill farther, that the
quantity of Rum which thofe iflands are capable
of making would be above as much more as they
now make, and confequently the demand for
lumber would be proportionate.
Jamaica, the largeft of all the Britifh Sugar Co-
lonies (nay bigger than all the reft put together) is
yet but in its infancy, having now as much land
uncultivated as would produce above three times
its prefent produCt, were it cultivated; as it certain-
ly would be, upon proper encouragement.
But farther, as to the Sugar Colonies not being
able to furnifh the colonies on the continent with
Rum, it appeared by the cuftom*houfe books,
that all the Britifh Sugar Colonies do produce
about one hundred thoufand hogfheads of Sugar,
per ann. and they ought in proportion to make
about feventy thoufand hogfheads of Rum ; a
quantity more than fufficient to fupply the New-
England fifhery and Indian trade, even according
to their own hyperbolical computation. But the
prefent produCt of the Sugar Colonies under all
the incumbent difadvantages is more than the
New-England cafuifts can prove to b,e neceflary
tor both thofe trades ; nay, on the contrary, they
ENT STATE
will have a prdof fooner than defired, that their CHAP,
fifhery and Indian trade do not take off one half IV.
of the Rum now aCtually made in the Sugar Co-
lonies.
A gentleman who had refided a great while at
South-Carolina affirmed, that that colony traded
with eight thoufand Indians, and yet nine hun-
dred hogfheads of Rum was the moft they ever im-
ported in one year, both to fupply their home
confumption, all their trade with thefe eight thou-
fand Indians, and to trade to other ports with ;
and yet this is a colony that is the hotteft, has the
largeft harveft of Rice, &c. and not funplied fo
well with Beer, &c. as the other northern colo-
nies are.
So let us allow this colony of South-Carolina
thefe nine hundred hogfheads, North-Carolina one
thoufand hogfheads, Virginia and Maryland three
thoufand hogfheads, New- York and Philadelphia
four thoufand hogfheads, Rhode-Ifland and New-
England ten thoufand hogfheads, which calcula-
tion, both by their refpedive cuftom-houfe ac-
counts, and by the largeft eftimates that ever
have been made, are too large ; and yet the whole
amounts but to eighteen thoufand nine hundred
hogfheads.
The fame perfon attefted that the Englifh Su-
gar Colonies, under their prefent improvement,
did make forty thoufand hogfheads of Rum per
ann. and could make (had they a demand for it)
about fifty five thoufand hogfheads per ann. befides
what thofe large trails of uncultivated land would
produce, fhould they have encouragement to plant
them.
It was obferved alfo, that the New-England
people thus taking from the French their Molofles,
Rum, and Sugar, and fupplying all the other
northern colonies as well as Newfoundland,
Great-Britain, Ireland, and Africa, with large
quantities thereof, was a very great hurt to the
revenue ; for if thefe places were not thus fupplied
they muff be fupplied from our own Sugar Colo-
nies, and then every thoufand Pound value of
Rum or Molofles of our own growth muft pay
his Majefty a duty of forty five Pounds, and every
thoufand Pound value of Sugar a duty of one
hundred and twenty Pounds. It might have been
added, that it was likewife a great hurt to the
trade and navigation of this kingdom, as well as
to the Sugar Colonies, that we cannot fupply thofe
places with R.um, Sugar and Molofles of our own
growth, and in (hips and veflels of this king-
dom, without the difadvantage of. paying for
our Rum and Molofles, a duty of four and a half
per cent, and for our Sugar a duty of twelve per
cent, when New-England can fupply all the
markets with Rum, Sugar and Molofles. of foreign
growth without paying any of thefe duties. Was
it not for this advantage they have over us, a
great
OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN I S L A N D S.
CHAP, great many of our vefiels that mifs a freight of
IV. Sugar in the Weft-Indies for London, would take
fome Rum, Moloftes and Sugar, and go to New-
foundland and barter it for fifh or oil, and then
proceed to fome other market with it, and might
probably employ themfelves to advantage, or
might, with a little Rum, Sugar and Moloftes,
go to North-Carolina, &c. and barter them fora
cargo of Pitch, Tar and fkins, and bring to
Great-Britain.
3. As to the third objection, that the reftrain-
ing the northern colonies from difpofing of their
Horfes, provifions and lumber to the French and
Hollanders, might put them upon fome employ-
ments prejudicial to Great-Britain :
The advocates for the Sugar Colonies anfwered,
that it had been (hewn already we have more rea-
fon to fear that cur iflands will not be fupplied
with lumber, as they ought to be, than that the
northern colonies will want a vent for their lum-
ber ; but if the Britifh Sugar Colonies could not
take off all their lumber, they might fend it to
Spain or Portugal, or to Great-Britain, where it
might be imported duty free. They might em-
ploy themfelves in raifing naval ftores, the go-
vernment hath given them a large bounty to go
upon that trade, which would be of vaft advan-
tage to our navigation, and fave the nation three
or four hundred thoufand Pounds a year, which is
lent out annually to purchafe naval ftores from the
north : But this favourite trade with the foreign
Sugar Colonies hath diverted them from this ex-
cellent deftgn to the enriching of the French, and
to the great prejudice and almoft ruin of our own
colonies.
4. As to the fourth objection, that the French
would diftil their Moloftes themfelves, and fupply
the filheries with Rum, if the northern colonies
did not, it was anfwered, that the French diftilled
but very little Rum at prefent, and knew little of
the matter ; worms, ftills, and other diftilling
utenftls coft a great deal of money, and this muft
be a work of time and a very great expence :
however, a poffibility of an inconvenience that
might happen, ought not to have that regard
paid to it as to prevent our own colonies being
relieved in a point fo very prejudicial to them,
as well as to the Malt fpirits of Great-Britain,
with which the fifheries were formerly fupplied.
5. To the fifth objection, that if the northern
colonies did not take off the French Sugars, they
would carry them to other markets themfelves ;
it was anfwered, the French do already carry as
much Sugar to foreign markets as they can fell to
advantage ; and the furplus, which foreign mar-
kets won’t takeoff, goes to our northern colonies,
to purchafe what is abfolutely neceftary for them,
and what they could not have conveniently from
any other place.
629
But even here the profit of the freight is gained CHAP,
not by Great-Britain, but by the northern colo- IV.
nies only, which is a very fmall advantage in G^Y^-0
comparifon of the damage done by this means to
our Sugar Colonies; efpecially as the French can
afford their Sugars cheaper than ours, and as the
high duties paid for our Sugars in our plantations
make it impofllble for us to fend any to the nor-
thern colonies.
6. To the fixth objection, that if the importa-
tion of French and Dutch Rum and Moloftes was
prohibited, and they could have none but what
they bought of the Englifh Sugar Xfiands, or fell
their lumber and provifions any where elfe ; then
the Englifh Iflands, like other monopolizers,
would fet what price they pleafed upon their Rum,
and beat down the price of their lumber and other
goods as they faw fit :
It is anfwered, if the cafe was juft as the ob-
jection ftates it, the Britifh Sugar Colonies would
he only upon a level with New-England ; for as
that place is the only market from whence lum-
ber is imported to the Sugar Colonies, New-
England, by a parity of reafon, is a monopoly of
the lumber trade, and therefore does e>aCt an
unreafonable price for its lumber.
But this is not, nor ever can be, tie truth of
the cafe, either with regard to New-England or
the Sugar Colonies ; for as in a place of fuch ex-
tent as New-England is, where the lumber-trade
is carried on by a multitude of people with a view
to each trader’s feparate intereft, a monopoly of
lumber cannot properly be made : So in the Sugar
Colonies that lie at a vaft diftance from each other,
and are rivals to each other by the production of
the fame commodities, a monopoly is impracticable.
The New-England traders have no lefs than fix
different Britifh Iflands to go to for Rum and
Moloftes : Each of thofe iflands is as independent
upon the other in its polity as diftant in fttuation.
There is little or no intercourfe, and lefs com-
merce between thofe of them which are fituated
the neareft to the others, and no intercourfe at
all between the remoteft of thofe iflands ; became
the produce of them all being the fame, there can
be no exchange of commodities, and confequently
no commerce or intercourfe. It follows there-
fore, where there is no intercourfe there can be
no combination, no monopoly. On the contra-
ry (as lias been cbferved) each ifland is a rival to
its neighbour, producing the fame commodities',
and will in common prudence ufe all proper
means to have its full fhare of trade, to which
end nothing can be more conducive than to fell its
produce at the chcapeft rate imaginable.
7 -. As to the feventh objection, that the French
and Dutch Colonies furnifh our northern colonies-
with money, which they bring to Great-Britain,.
and lay out in our manufactures ;
630
THE PRESENT STATE
CHAP. They anfwered, that there is no money among
IV. the French and Dutch Sugar Colonies, is as true
as there are no Gold or Diamond mines in New-
England : How therefore they can bring money
from places where there is not enough for the
common ufes of life among the inhabitants, is a
paradox which they muft explain before the world
will take it upon their word.
If then that affertion be not founded in truth,
it follows that they do not lay out money brought
from thofe places in the manufactures of Great-
Britain. Their traffick for fifh in the Streights,
(a trade in which they have fupplanted Great-
Britain) may furnifh them with money, but we
deny that fuch money is laid out by them in the
manufactures of Great- Britain. On the contra-
ry, it is to be prefumed, that their money is laid
out with the French and Dutch in Europe for
Eaft-India goods, French Silks, and other foreign
commodities ; for as it appeared by their own
evidence, at the bar of the houfe of commons,
they import fuch wares into New-England ; and
we muft fuppofe they pay for them in money or
fifti, till they can prove that lumber is a valuable
commodity in France and Holland.
But fuppofing the New r -England people do lay
out their product of fifh in Britifh manufactures,
is that a fufficient compenfation to Great-Britain
for robbing her of the fifh-trade to the Streights ?
Does not the New-England people by their con-
feffion acknowledge by implication, that they
^ reap the profit both in navigation and trade up
the Streights, which ufed to be enjoyed by Great-
Britain itfelf? What advantage is it to Britain to
have this money laid out in her manufadhires ?
Would it not be a far greater to be the carrier of
thefe manufactures to the Streights, and to bring
home this money in her own ftiips, navigated by
her own failors ?
8. To the charge, that the luxury and extra-
vagancy of the Englifli Sugar Colonies is the real
occafion of their declining :
It was anfwered, that the people of New-Eng-
land may he both induftrious and parfimonious :
for if we will take their own words for it, they
are very poor, and cannot be otherwife. But is
it a virtue to be very frugal when a man has no
money to fpend ? — — — perhaps it is a New-
England virtue.
The inhabitants of the Sugar Colonies, his faid,
are very rich and very luxurious : That the pro-
duct of thefe Colonies is of the richeft fort, and
is a mine to Great-Britain is allowed, and has
been fully proved ; but that the proprietors of the
foil and manufactures are far from being rich is
evident from the proofs already made to the par*
llammif that they do not clear five Shillings for
every hundred pound weight of Sugar they make.
This the New-England traders would think
but a moderate profit upon one of their fhortCHAP.
voyages ; but it is too much for an inhabitant of IV.
the Sugar Colonies, who runs infinite more rifque
on the heat of the torrid zone, does the duty,
and is liable to all the hazards of a camp in time
of war, and in time of peace lives the molt care-
ful life of any of the inhabitants under the fun.
That this is truly the cafe of the planter in the
Sugar Colonies, all mankind that are well ac-
quainted with them will atteft ; but it may be
evinced, from the nature of a Weft-Indian eftate
itfelf, which is fubjeCl to ruin by the French, to
fire from the combufti’ole nature of the Sugar
Canes, which are its product ; from the vaft ex-
pence of buildings and materials for making Su-
gar and Rum, from the like expence in Negroes,
cattle and Mules ; from the rifque of mortality in
this part of their property, which is always half
the value of a well fettled plantation. And laftly,
the expence of feeding, the care, anxiety, and
prudent conduit of governing two or three hun-
dred Negroes with ftrift juftice and humanity,
and with advantage to himfelf, is the firation of a
planter : And is not this a ftation that requires as
much fortitude, induftry, and oeconomy as catch-
ing fifh, or buying fkins from the Indians of New-
England ? In Ihort, without a good fhare of all the
qualifications neceffary to conduit an affair the
moft complicated in its nature, furrounded with
difficulties and hazards, and in which the niceft
oeconomy and order muft: be obferved, it is im-
poffible a planter can reap any profit from his
eftate. Therefore if planters are rich, they muft
be the beft oeconomifts, and the moft induftrious
men in the wotld.
But let us hear what all gentlemen that have
travelled to the Sugar Colonies and to New-Eng-
land will fay of the inhabitants of both. To them
let the appeal be made, as being impartial obfer-
vers of a country to which they are attached by
no prejudice of education. It will appear, by
their teftimony, that the inhabitants of the Sugar
Colonies are a polite people, being generally edu-
cated in England in the beft manner : And if vir-
tue and morality be the refult of a good educa-
tion, they are as well entituled to both as the
fubjects of England, and more than the people of
New-England, who are educated in their own
mean feminaries.
To all impartial ftrangers we appeal whether
the inhabitants of the Britbh Sugar Colonies are
not the moft benevolent hofpitabie people in the
world, and whether every ftranger, and efpecially |
Englishmen, be not received there with fingular
regard f On the contrary, let them fay whether
the inhabitants of New-England, and efpecially
of Bofton, do not always exprefs a jewifn antipa-
thy to ftrangers, even to their fellow Aibje£ts of
England and the Sugar Colonies, whom they call
by
OF THE BRITISH A
CHAP, by the invidious name of foreigners ; and indeed
IV. treat them accordingly.
j But perhaps hofpitality is not in the New-Eng-
land catalogue of virtues, but {lands for a vice,
and goes by the name of luxury or profufenefs ;
this miftake of hofpitality for that vice was
perhaps the reafon why the New-England people
thought it applicable to the inhabitants of the Su-
gar Colonies.
9. To the ninth objedion, that the trade of
the Englilh Sugar Colonies is in their prefent cir-
cumFances vaftly profitable ; for that little ifiand
of Barbadoes, in the year 1730, imported twenty-
two thoufand feven hundred and fixty-nine hogf-
heads of Sugar, of which they made 340,396 1 .
clear profit.
It is admitted to be true, when Rum and Mo-
loFes bears a reafonable price, then a plantation
may with the niceft oeconomy pay its own charges
out of thefe articles. But if the New-England
traders take Rum from foreigners, and Moloffes
to be diftilled into Rum by thcmfelves, then the
Rum and MololTes will be fo far from bearing
fuch a charge, that on the contrary, they will
bear no charge at all, but the MololTes mud be
given to the Hogs, as the French ufed to do till
New-England taught them how to make a better
profit of it. Have not then the Barbadians reafon
to complain ?
By the affifhnce of the New-England traders,
the French now have that great advantage, and
the French plantations are increafed above one
third in the annual value purely by that pernici-
ous trade. This increafe to foreigners is a pro-
portionable diminution of our own Sugar Colonies,
and confequently a difadvantage to Great-Britain.
But is the produd of that little ifiand Barbadoes
no lefs than 340,396 1. brought into the ports of
Great-Britain in one year ? What then mud be
the net product of all the Sugar Colonies? — an
immenfe film no doubt. And is this all brought
into the ports of Great-Britain ? W hat a foun-
tain of treafure mull' this be to the kingdom,
even by the eonfeffion of the enemies to our
Britilh Sugar Colonies ! Do therefore the New-
England traders imagine that the parliament of
Great-Britain will facrifice this immenfe treafure
to the advantage of a few New-England diFillers ?
Or if it was a difadvantage to all New-England
(from whence Great-Britain derives no advan-
tage in comparifon of that) would it not be juft
policy to fupport the Sugar Colonies ? But when
j» the prefent oppofition is confidered as founded on
a trade with the French, the natural and impla-
cable enemies of this kingdom, what honeft
Englilhman will look upon it without difdain ?
efpecially after it has appeared evident from reafon,
from undoubted teFimony, and even by the im-
plicit confefiion of the New-England people con-
MERIC-AN ISLANDS, 631
cerned in this oppofition, that the French have C FI A P.
increafed one third per annum in their wealth by IV.
this very trade ; that our Sugar Colonies have dc-
dined in proportion, as has been proved already ;
and to complete the misfortune, the New-England
traders have drained even the Britifh Sugar Colo-
nies of all their current cafh, for no other pur-
pofe but to purchafe MololTes and Rum cf the
French. This is a fad known by all the inha-
bitants of the Sugar Colonies, who are ready to
prove it in the moll folemn manner.
The two houfes having heard the feveral fads
Fated, with the proofs, and confidered the argu-
ments and inferences drawn from them, palled
an ad of the following tenour.
That after the 25 th of December, 1733, there An aft paff-
Ihould be paid a duty of nine Pence a gallon for^ 1 ^ favour
all Rum and fpirits made in any of the plantations Colonies. °
not fubjed to Great-Britain on the importation
of them into any of the Britilh plantations. That
fix Pence a gallon fnould be paid for all foreign
MololTes and Syrups imported ; and five Shillings*
per hundred weight, Englilh money, for Sugar
and Paneles imported : And that no Sugars, Fa-
ncies, Syrups, or MololTes, fhould be imported
into Ireland, unlefs Flipped in Great-Britain.
And an allowance of two Shillings per hun-
dred weight is allowed more than heretofore oil
the exportation of refined Sugars. But the im-
portation of SpaniFi or Portuguefe Sugars into
Great-Britain is Fill permitted by the fame ad.
Since the palling the abovefaid ad, the Mer-
chants and planters concerned in the Britilh Sugar
Colonies preferred a petition to the houfe of com-
mons, fetting forth, that by two ads of parlia-
ment, palled in the 12th and 22d of Car. IT.
the inhabitants of the faid colonies were refrained
from fending Sugars to foreign markets before-
they are firF landed in Great-Britain.
That how prudent foever this reFraint may
have been at the time the Sugar trade in the WeF-
Indies was' entirely in our hands ; yet now that
our Sugar Illands are in a declining condition,
chiefly by the increafe of the French fettlements,
it would be highly beneficial to Great-Britain, as
the petitioners apprehend, to put the BritiFi fub-
jed in a capacity of dilputing foreign markets
with the French, and to permit him to carry his
Sugars earlier and cheaper to thefe markets than
he can now do under the reFraint aforefaid.
That the Sugar Colonies import yearly into
this kingdom Sugar enough for our own home
confumption, and alfo a large furplus for re-ex-
portation to foreign parts ; but the demand from
abroad has greatly decreafed within thefe few years,
and the markets for that commodity have been
foreFalJed by the French; not only to the preju-
dice of the Sugar trade, but alfo of the general 1
trade of Great-Britain-,
That
THE PRESENT STATE
632
CHAP. That if Britifh {hips were permitted to goto
IV, foreign markets under proper reftridfions, without
unloading here, the whole charge, and in a great
meafure the rifque of a double voyage, would
be faved, and the obliging fuch fnips to return to
Great- Britain, unload and take their clearance
here, before their proceeding on another American
voyage, would be attended with this farther good
effect, that they muft afford to carry freight at
the cbeapeft rates, or return home empty; To that
this regulation (as the petitioners conceive) would
extend our navigation, and contribute to make
us the carriers of Europe, without prejudicing
the revenue, all the duties on Sugar being drawn
back on the re-exportation of it to foreign parts.
For thefe reafons the petitioners humbly pray
this honourable houfe, that a liberty may be
granted of carrying Britifh Sugar from our Sugar
Colonies in America diredily to any foreign mar-
kets to the fouthward of Cape Finifterre, upon
the fame conditions that the people of Carolina
are permitted to carry their Rice to the faid mar-
kets, and alfo of carrying fuch Sugars to any
foreign markets to the northward of Cape Finif-
terre, after firft touching at Great-Britain, giv-
ing in a manifeft of their cargo, and entering into
bond to return to Great-Britain before they pro-
ceed on another Weft-India voyage.
But I don’t find the parliament are yet inclined
to indulge our Sugar Colonies, fo far as to alter
the adfs of navigation in their favour; nor did
they think fit, by the adt they pahed in the year
1733, to prohibit the Britifh Colonies on the con-
tinent to carry their Horfes, lumber and provi-
fions to the French and Dutch fettlements, tho’
they laid duties on Sugar, Rum and Mobiles
imported from thence.
CHAP. V.
Of the Lucayo or Bahama If and s ; of Bermudas or
the Summer- If ands ; and of the If and of New-
foundland.
CHAP, '"jp HE Lucayo’s or Bahama-Iflands, the chief
V. whereof are Bahama, Lucayo, Eleathera or
Long- 1 fland, the iflands of Andros, Providence,
® ahama St, Salvador or Cat -Ifland, Samana, Maquana and
situation. Heneago, are fituated in the Aden tick-Ocean,
north of Cuba, extending from the fouth-eaft to
the north- weft, between 21 and 27 degrees of
north latitude, and between 73 and 8 x degrees
of weftern longitude. There are faid to be feve-
ral hundreds of them ; but then I prefume every
little rock that appears above water is taken into
the account ; .however, there are about thirty of
them (of wnich Lucayo is the largeft) that make
a tolerable figure, fume of them twenty or five
and twenty leagues in length, but moil of them
very narrow.
The iiland of Bahama, which communicates C H AP.
its name to the reft, is fituated between 26 and V.
27 degrees north latitude, tv/enty or thirty leagues
to the eaftward of the continent of Florida, be- Bahama,
ing about twenty leagues in length, but fcarce
four in breadth. Neither this or any of the reft
are conftantly inhabited, except Providence and
three or four more near it in poffeffion of the
Englifh.
Guanahani, to which Columbus gave the St. Salvador,
name of St. Salvador, is fituated in 24 degrees
north latitude, and 76 degrees of weftern longi-
tude : This and the reft of the Bahama-Iflands
are faid to enjoy a good air and foil ; but having
no Gold or Silver in them, and being furrounded
by rocks and ilioals which render the navigation
difficult, the Spaniards did not think them worth
the planting after they had extirpated the natives.
Providence, the chief of thefe ifiands poileffed Providence,
by the Englifh, is fituated in 25 degrees north
latitude, and 78 degrees weftern longitude, being
about eight leagues in length and threehn breadth.
The reafon the Englifh chofe to plant this rather
than feme of the larger iflands, I prefume, was
becaufe here was a good harbour capable of be-
ing defended by a fmall force, and fo fituated that
a ihip can’t pais from Spanifh America to Europe,
without being met with by cruifers ftationed here
in time of war. At leaf! thefe were the views
the pirates and privateers had who reforted hither
before the Englifh eftabliihed a regular government
in thefe iflands, and eredted fortifications for their
defence. Nor do the Englifh confine themfelves
to the ifland of Providence only, but have plan-
tations in feveral of the neighbouring iflands which
lie more expofed to the ravages of an enemy in
time of war ; but upon apprehenfion of an inva-
fion, I prefume, the people in them, with the beft
of their effbdfs, may retire to Providence for
protedtion.
Thefe iflands, as has been hinted already, were Hi dory of
difeovered by Columbus on the 1 1 th of Odto- thc Bahamal |
her 1492, of which the ifland of Guanahani being Ifljnds *
the firft land he made, the Admiral altered the
name cf it to that of St. Salvador, in memory of
his deliverance ; for his men began to grow muti-
nous, looking upon themfelves as loft in a bound-
lefs ocean ; and the Admiral, it feems, was at
that time under apprehenfions they would throw
him over-board for engaging them in fo hazard-
ous an undertaking.
The Admiral relates, that he found the ifland
populous, well planted and watered, but generally
fiat, low land, without hills : That the people
were perfectly naked, of a middle ftature and
olive completion ; their eyes and hair black,
and fome of their faces and bodies painted with
a kind of Vermillion : Their principal ornament
being a thin gold plate fafhioned like a crefcent,
wh’ch
OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN ISLANDS. Hi
f
i
CHAP. which hung over the upper-lip, and their arms
V. were fpears pointed with the bones of fifties ; but
that they were an exceeding inoffenfive hofpitable
people, bringing the Spaniards fuch provifions as
their ifland produced ; that they had no other
merchandize to exchange for their European goods,
but Cottons and Parrots; and there were no
four-footed animals on thefe iflands, unlefs fome
little Cur-dogs. The Spaniards therefore having
learnt that they had their Gold from the fouth,
left thefe iflands for the prefent, and fet fail for
Cuba and Hifpaniola ; but difcovering afterwards
that there were pearl flfheries in thefe feas, and
finding the inhabitants of the Bahama-Iflands were
excellent divers, they employed them in diving
for pearl Oyfters ; and obliging them frequently
to continue in the water beyond their ftrength,
by this and other oppreffions they deftroyed all the
Indians in the Bahama-Iflands ; infomuch that in
a few years there was not a man left upon them :
And they remained deftitute of inhabitants for
many years, only the Spaniards from Cuba and
Hifpaniola, vilned them now and then for fuch
fruits and provifions as the country afforded.
Providence. Providence and the neighbouring iflands after-
wards became the refuge of privateers and buc-
caneers ; but about the year 1667, Captain Wil-
liamSayle being driven hither by ftrefs of wea-
ther, and acquainting the proprietors of Carolina
with the cominodioufhefs of the ftation, they ob-
tained a grant of it from King Charles II. and
colonies were fent thither, which were often at-
tacked by the Spaniards ; and in the laft war both
French and Spaniards uniting their forces, took
and demolifhed the forts ereded on Providence,
carrying off great part of the inhabitants and their
Negroes ; but quitting the ifland afterwards, the
Englifh who efcaped returned and rebuilt their
forts, and being reinforced from England made
the ifland ftronger than ever; and providence being
now a royal government, and found to be fo
cominodioufly iituated to command the naviga-
tion of thofe feas through which the Spaniards
bring all their wealth to Europe, there is no doubt
to be made but the government will render this
ifland as ft rong as poffible, and make it a ftation
for their cruifers in cafe of a rupture with the
F rench and Spaniards.
Bermuc'ii The Bermuda or Summer-Iflands, fo called from
Sir George Summer, .who happened to run his
{hip a-ground here in a voyage to Virginia in the
year 1609, are fituated in the Atlantick-Ocean in
32 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, and in 65
degrees of vveftern longitude, about two hundred
and fifty leagues eaft of Charles Town in South-
Caroiina. Bifnop Berkley, who was about to
\ ereCt a college here for the benefit of the Indians
\ on the neighbouring continent, informs us, that
they are a clufter of fmall iflands lying in a very
Vo L. III.
narrow compafs (almoft in the flrape or a ohepheid s *. »
crook) containing about twenty thoufand aaes, •
walled round in a manner with rocks, which
render them inacceffible to pirates or enemies ;
there being but two narrow entrances, both of
them well guarded by forts.
That no part of the world enjoys a purer aii
or a more temperate climate, the heat being mo-
derated by conftant fea-breezes, fo that the whole
year is‘ like the latter end of a fine May in Eng-
land, and the iflands reforted to for health as the
Montpellier of America; nor are they more remark-
able for their health than their plenty, there being
befides beef, mutton, and poultry, a great abun-
dance of garden-ftuffof all kinds in perfection, ana
a variety of good fifh taken on their coafts ; and
the people at the fame time are reprefented (by Dr.
Berkley) as a plain, contented andeafy people.,
free from avarice and luxury, and corruptions that
attend thofe vices; and fays, they (hew more hu-
manity to their flaves, and charity to one ano-
ther, as well as a better fenfe of religious matters;,
than the Englifh in the other plantations : One
reafon whereof is fuppofed to be, that condemned
criminals who are employed in the manufactures
of Sugar and Tobacco are never tranfported hi-
ther. And among a people of fuch a charaCter„
and in a fituation thus circumftantiated, he ap-
prehended a feminary of religion and learning
(for the inftruCtion of the natives of America)
might very fitly be planted ; efpecially as it was ^
a place where neither riches or luxury abounded
to divert them from their ftudies, none of thofe
rich commodities of Sugar or Tobacco. All the
employment of the inhabitants was, the making of
Joyner’s-work, the building of Hoops, making
hats of the Palmeto leaves, railing Corn, fruit,
garden-ftuff, and other provifions, which they
fent to the plantations that wanted them. ^
The fociety for the propagation of the gcfpel int( ^ ge w
had fo good an opinion of the propofal made be ereftei
them by Bifhop Berkley (then Dean of Kerry, here,
in Ireland) of ereCting a college or feminary at
Bermudas, that they aflifted him in procuring a
patent for it from King George I. and contri-
buted to the expence of the undertaking. And the
DoCtor with three Fellows of Trinity College in
Dublin, viz. the Rev. MlWilliam Thomp-
son, Jonathan Rogers and James King,
Matters of Art, with feveral of the DcCtor’s re-
lations, who were people of fortune, embarked
for Bermudas, in order to lay the foundation of
the intended college ; but they were unfortunate-
ly driven by a ftorm to Long-Ifland, in the pro-
vince of New- York, from whence the DoCtor
with his companions vilited Bolton and feveral o-
ther great towns in New-jong-land, where they
preached and performed other parts of their func- th? deUgn
tion. But the ereCting a College at Bermudas of a cotege
M m m m was“ lali '"
THE PRESENT STATE
®34
C II AP. was at length entirely laid afide : Do<ftor Bhrk-
V. ley returned home without effecting any thing
of that kind, and is now a Bilhop in Ireland.
I am not fully acquainted with the reafons that
brought the Do&or back, but have heard it fug-
gefted by fome, that he found the defign of erect-
ing a college at Bermudas impracticable, without
a much larger flock than he carried with him ;
and fome great men that had promifed to contri-
bute largely to the defign did not ar.fwer his ex-
pectations ; tho’ they made him fome amends for
his difappointment, by procuring him the bilh-
oprifk he enjoys. Whether the Reverend gentle-
men that went over with him returned to Eng-
land, or had cures affigned them in our plantati-
ons abroad, I am not informed.
No iflands were better covered with fine
groves of Cedar than thefe, when the Englifh ftrft
arrived here : They built their houfes and Hoops
with fcarce any other wood ; but it is almoft all
cut down, and the illand thereby more expofed to
ftorms and hurricanes than formerly, which fome-
times deftroy the fruits of the earth.
Chief town. The chief town is that of St. George, fituated
in the north-weft part of thefe iflands, and con-
tains about a thoufand houfes, with a town-houfe,
or guild-hall, in which their afiembly and courts
of juftice fit, the government being the fame here
as in the Britifli-Iflands. They have alfo a hand-
fome church in the town, and a good library,
faid to be chiefly the benefa&ion of Dr. Bray ;
and the inhabitants may amount to eight or ten
thoufand people in all the iflands. Their principal
grain is Indian Corn, and they have almoft all
manner of plants and fruits that grow in the op-
pofite continent of South-Carolina, with plenty
of European cattle, filh .and fowls. The water
preferved in their ponds or refervoirs in the time of
rains, is faid to be preferable to their fpring- water.
Newfound- Newfoundland is fituated in the Atlantick-Oce-
land ’ an, between 47 and 52 degrees north latitude, and
Situation, between 55 and 60 degrees of weftern longitude,
bounded by the Streights of Belle-Ifle, which fe-
parates it from New-Britain on the north, by
the Atlantick-Ocean on the eaft and fouth, and
by the Bay of St. Lawrence, which feparates it
from Canada, on the weft. This ifland is of a
triangular form, about three hundred and fifty
'latent miles in length from north to fouth, and about
two hundred miles in breadth at the bafe or broad-
eft part from eaft to weft.
Notwithftanding this ifland lies more to the
fouthward than England, the winters are much
colder, and the earth covered with fnow for a
great depth for four or five months annually, in-
lbmuch that it is. fcarce habitable when the fun
Is in the fouthern figns ; the reafon whereof muft
be, that it lies near the coaft of New-Britain, a
vaft frozen continent, over which the north-weft
h \
wind blowing for many hundred miles, makes CHAP,
the countries that lie on that fide of the Atlantick V.
much colder than thofe on this fide that o cean in U-y-sJ
the fame latitudes ; however, at Midfummer it is
laid it is much hotter in Newfoundland than it is
with us.
The face of the country is high and moun- Face of the
tainous, covered for the moft part with woods of country*
Pine and Fur ; and where it is cleared of wood it
is all a barren heath, on which neither Corn or
grafs will grow : There is not, however, any
want of good frelh water, and the coaft affords
abundance of commodious bays and harbours, Harbours,
particularly thofe of Bonavifta, Trinity, Concep-
tion, St. John’s and Bull-bay on the fouth-eaft
part of the ifland ; and thofe of St. Mary’s, Pla-
centia and Fortune’s-bay on the fouth. The fifti- Fiffierjr,.
ing-banks of Newfoundland have proved an inex-
hauftible fund of wealth to the Englifh, French,
and other nations of Europe for an hundred years
paft, there being feldom lefs than five or fix hun-
dred fail of fhips that load with Cod-filh here
every feafon for the Mediterranean and other parts
of Europe.
The chief bank lies about twenty leagues from Banks*
Cape Race the fouth-weft promontory, and is
about an hundred leagues in length, and five and
twenty in breadth. There is another to the weft-
ward called Verte-bank, about twenty-five leagues
in length, and twelve in breadth ; and the feafon
of fifhing continues from the vernal ’till the au-
tumnal equinox, and of late fomething longer.
There are but very few native Indians on the Inhabitants,,
ifland ; but at the feafon for hunting, the Indians
from New-Britain pafs the Streights of Belle-Ifle
and come over hither to hunt.
The chief towns or harbours are, 1. Bonavifta, Chief towns,
on the eaft fide of the ifland. 2 . St. John’s, the
capital, fituate in 47 degrees north latitude, on
the fouth-eaft part of the ifland : And, 3. Placen-
tia, fituate on a bay of the fame name, which
belonged to the French, ’till it was yielded to-
Britain with all the reft of the ifland then in the
hands of the French, by the treaty of Utrecht,
ann. 1713.
It is fo cold and uncomfortable a country, that
there do not above four or five hundred fami-
lies of Englifh remain here all the year, befides
the garrifons that are kept in St. John’s, Placentia,,
and other fortreffes ; but in the fifhing feafon
there may be eight or ten thoufand people more
here, which come over hither either to take, or cure
the fifti, and make them fit for market : Thefe
all lived without divine worfhip, ’till the fociety
for the propagation of the gofpel fent a Miflionary Miffionary.
thither lately, who refides at Bonavifta ufually ;
but he is a kind of itinerant preacher, vifiting Tri-
nity-Harbour, Placentia, and other inhabited
places, as he has opportunity.
The.-
OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN ISLANDS. 635
Britain, by an article of the following tenour, viz. C H A P.
The ifland of Newfoundland, with the adjacent V.
iflands, (hall belong of right wholly to Britain :
But the fubjedfs of France (hall be allowed to
catch fifh and dry them on the land, in that part
only of the faid ifland, and no other, which
ftretches from the place called Cape Bonavifta to
the northern point of the faid ifland, and from
thence running down by the weftern fide reaches
as far as the place called Point Riche ; but the
French fhall not fortify any place in Newfound-
land, or eredl any buildings there, befides ftages
made of boards, and huts neceflary and ufual for
drying of fifti ; or refort to the faid ifland beyond
the time neceflary for fifhing and drying of fifli.
As to the ftate of the fortifications in the Bri- The ftate of
tifh plantations four years ago, and particularly J 0 e n f
thofe of the iflands, this may in a great meafure Brit fh Ccle-
be gathered from a poteft of the houfe of Lords in
the year 1734., upon its being carried in that
houfe not to give the committee power to take
the fecurity of the plantations into their confide-
ration.
To which refolution feveral noble Lords dif-
fented, for the following reafons :
1. Becaufe we apprehend that the power pro-
pofed to be given to the committee was not only
expedient but abfolutely neceflary, fince (by the
account given by feveral Lords who attended the
committee, and contradicted by none) it appeared
to the houfe, that, from the information of
Merchants of undoubted credit, Jamaica, Bar-
badoes, and the Leeward-Iflands, were in fo de-
fencelefs and miferable a condition that they
might be taken in twenty-four hours ; and we
conceive that fuch imminent danger ot fuch va-
luable pofleffions required an immediate and mi-
nute examination, in order to difcover the caufes
and nature of the danger, and to apply proper
and adequate remedies. _
2. Becaufe we conceive that the chief rea-
fon urged in the debate againft this inquiry, is
the ftrongeft argument imaginable for it, viz.
That it might difcover the weaknefs of thefe
iflands in the prefent critical junduie of affairs,
and invite our enemies to invade them : Whereas,
we think, that this critical j unCfure calls upon
us to put our pofleffions in a ftate of defence and
fecurity in all events ; and fince we cannot fuppofe
that their prefent defencelefs condition is. un-
known to thofe powers who are the moft likely
to take the advantage of it, we apprehend it to
be both prudent and neceflary that thofe poweis
CHAP. The foil of this country is a mixture of gra-
V. vel, fand, and ftones, and as has been obferved,
yields fcarce any Corn, grafs, or fruits ; but here
The foil. is great plenty of fifh, fowl, and venifon. As
for other neceflaries, the inhabitants receive them
from England annually at the return of the fhip-
ping.
Hiftory. Newfoundland was claimed as part of the do-
minions of Great-Britain, by virtue of Cabot’s
difcovery of it in the reign of Henry VII. and
fome voyages that were made thither in the fuc-
ceeding reigns byEnglifh adventurers, who brought
from thence Furrs and fifh; but theEnglifh making
no fettlements there, the Portuguefe and French
ufed to fifh upon the banks, and trade with the
Indians for Furrs and fkins at the proper feafons :
Whereupon the Englifh revived their claim to the
country again, and actually feized feveral Portu-
guefe fhips on the coaft of Newfoundland, bring-
ing them to England as lawful prize. In the year
l6io, King James I. made a grant to the Earl
of Northampton, and others, of that part of the
ifland which lies between Cape Bonavifta and
Cape St. Mary’s, and the grantees being incorpo-
rated and formed into a company, fent a colony
thither ; but the feverity of the weather, ficknefs,
.and fcarcity of provifions, obliged the planters to
Teturn to England: And in the year 1620, Sir
George Calvert, afterwards Lord Baltimore,
obtained a patent of that part of the country
which lies between the bay of Bulls and Cape St.
Mary’s ; and Sir George fent a colony to Fer-
riland, being within the limits of his patent, where
they built houfes, and erected a fait- work : And
in 1623, the Lord Baltimore himfelf went over
with his family, and eretfted a fort for the fe-
curity of his plantation ; and other Englifh adven-
turers came over and fettled on the ifland. In
the mean time, the Englifh infilled on the foie
right of fifhing on the coaft ; and having a fqua-
dron of men of war fent thither for their protec-
tion, in the reign of King James I. drove all
others from thence : But in the reign of King
Charles II. the French were fuffered to fettle
at Placentia, and afterwards pofleffed themfelves
of great part of the ifland. In the war that hap-
pened after the revolution, there were perpetual
fkirmifhes between the Englifh and French at
Newfoundland, both by fea and land ; fometimes
the Englifh attacked the French Colonies, but
to little purpofe ; and the French from Placentia
returned their vifits with better fuccefs, making
themfelves mafters of feveral Englifh fettlements :
And in Queen Anne’s reign, in the year 1705,
they burnt St. John’s, the Englifh capital, but
could not however take the fort which command-
ed the town : And at the peace of Utrecht, anno
1713, the Queen obliged the French to yield up
all that part of the ifland they poflefled to Great-
fliould at the fame time know, that the care and
attention of this houfe was employed for pro-
viding for their fecurity : We conceive likewife,
that fuch an argument may tend to debar a houfe
of parliament from looking into any of our affairs
either foreign or domeftick, if in any tranfac-
M m m m 2 tS0H
M THE P R E S E
CH AP.tion at any time there (hall appear to have been a
V . weak, treacherous, or negligent management, the
directors will never fail to lay hold of that argu-
ment to ftop any parliamentary inquiry ; and the
fear of difcovering a national weaknefs may be
urged only to prevent the detection of a minifte-
rial negligence or guilt.
3. Becaufe we have found by experience that
we can never be too attentive to the perferva-
tion of the pofTeffions and dependencies of this
kingdom, fince treaties alone will not bind thofe
powers, who from the proximity of their fituations,
from favourable opportunities or other induce-
ments, may be tempted to attack or invade them.
But the interpofition of a Britifh parliament will
be more expe&ed, and more effectual, than the
oc-cafional expedients of fluctuating and variable
negotiations, which, in former times, have been
often more adapted to the prefent neceffities of
the Minifter, than to the real honour and lafting
fecurity of the nation.
4. Becaufe we apprehend the debarring this
houfe from any inquiry into the conduCt of Mi-
mfters for the time paff, or from giving their ad-
vice in matters of great coscern to the pubiick
for the time to come, tends to deftroy the very
being of this houfe, and of confequence the
whole frame of our conftitution : And how me-
lancholy a view muff it be to all his Majefty’s
fubje&s, to fee the private property of fo many
particulars, and fo advantagious a trade to the
whole, refufed to be brought under the infpection
NT STATE
of this houfe ; and yet (as far as it appears to C H A P,
us) totally negleCted by the adminiftration ? And V.
we are the more furprifed to find this backward-
nefs with regard to the intereft of our colonies,
fince we are perfuaded that the balance of trade
is at prefent againft us in molt parts of the world,
and only compenfated in fome degree by what
we gain by our Weft-India trade: Neither can
we allow that they ought to be left to look after
themfelves, fince they have a right to claim even
more than the protection of their mother country,
by the great wealth they annually tranfmit to it,
and the great duties they pay to the increafe of
the pubiick funds and the civil lift : And we are
fully convinced, that if this beneficial trade ftrould
once be loft, it will be irrecoverably loft, to the
infinite damage of this kingdom : For though the
iflands fhould be reftored to us afterwards, the
utenfils and ftock of Negroes being carried away,.
it would take up a long traCl of time, and would
be a very great expence to the pubiick, to rein-
ftate them in their prefent condition: We rather
think it impracticable to reftore them ; tho’ we
can by no means fuppofe it difficult, by timely
precaution, to prevent their deftruCtion.
What has been done towards putting the forti-
fications of the Britifh plantations in a better ftate
than they were in the year 1734, I confefs I am,
not informed ; but I hope they will no longer be
buffered to lie open to the infults and invafions,
of our enemies, and of every petty pyrate.
THE
Prefent State of the French Colonies no the continent
ofNORTH-AMERICA,
CHAP. I.
CHAP, HE French Colonies in America may
I. i be divided into three claffes. 1. Thofe
on the continent of South-America. 2.
Thofe on the continent of North- America ; and,
3. Their iflands in the Atlanti-ek- Ocean.
Southern X. Their colonies on the continent of South-
toionies. America, which lie between the Dutch Colonies
of Surinam on the north, and the mouth of the
river Amazon on the fouth, to which they have
given the name of Equinodlial France, from its
fituation under or near the Equator, have been
already defcribed in treating of Terra-Firma, in
the former part of this volume.
arc
2. Their colonies on the continent of North- C FT A
America are vaftly large, if we comprehend all J
the countries the French claim a right to there ;
but if we reftrain their territories to what they Northern,
have aftually planted and poffeffed themfelves of, colonies,
thole of Great-Britain are feven times as large.
The French call all thofe countries their own
which lie between the mouth of the river St.
Lawrence and the bay of St. Lewis on the north-
weft part of the gulph of Mexico, extending their
dominions from the north-eaft to the fouth-weft,
near four thoufand miles, and from the fouth-eaft
of Florida to the north-weft of Canada, being
OF FRENCH AMERICA, 637
CHAP, an extent of land very little fhort of the former. I (hall enquire in the next place what the French CHAP.
I The countries included within thefe limits, are really poffeffed of in North America that can I.
w hi c h formerly went under the general names of fupport their claim to all thofe fine countries t
Canada, and Florida, the French have changed into which lie between the Britifh plantations on the ^ it e s r “‘^’
New-France and Louifiana. New-France or Ca- eaft, and New-Mexico on the weft; or what co- French ter-
nada they feem to divide from Louifiana or Flori- lour they have to oppofe the Englifh extending atones m
da by an imaginary line drawn diredfly from the their colonies weftward as far as they can agree
Lim : ts of Britifh plantations on the eaft, to New-Mexico with the Indians for their lands; or to oppofe the
Louifiana, on the weft, in 39 degrees of north latitude. In Spaniards in extending their dominions from
and of New- ^ g rant Q f louifiana to Monf. Crozat, by New-Mexico to the eaftward as far as the river
fording to" Lewis XIV. anno 1712, the bounds of it are Miffiffipi.
the French, fold t0 be the river and lake of Illinois on the I cannot find that the French have yet five towns
north, Carolina on the eaft, the gulph of Mexico in all that vaft extent of country that lies between
on the fouth, and New-Mexico on the weft, the Britifh and the Spanifh dominions in North-
As to Canada or New-France, the French would America; and it is very well known that the
fcarce admit it had any bounds to the north on Spaniards poffeffed the weft fide of North- Ameri-
this fide the pole, till they were limited on that C a, and the Englifh the eaft, long before the
fide by an article in the treaty of Utrecht, which French had a fettlement in the country. Indeed
aftigns New- Britain and Hudfon’s Bay on the the French have fince crept into the mouth of St.
north of Canada to Great-Britain. And com- Lawrence on the north-eaft, and into the river
miffioners on both fides afterwards afcertamed toe IMiffiffipi on the fouth-weii, and have built a
limits by an imaginary line running from a cape town or two with fome forts on thefe rivers and
or promontorv of New-Britain in the Atlantick- on the neighbouring lakes which run through this
Ocean, in 58 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, vaft continent ; and no doubt, were they ftrong
and running from thence fouth weft to the lake enough in thofe parts, they would elbow both the
Mifcofink, or Miftafin, and from thence further Spaniards and Englifh out of Canada and Florida,
fouth-weft indefinitely to the latitude of 49, all But if the firft difcovery, and the acftual poffeffion
the lands to the north of the faid line being af- and improvement of a country can give a Prince
fio-ned to Great-Britain, and all to the fouth of or ftate any title to it, the Spaniards and Englifh
that line, as far as the river of St. Lawrence, muft have a better right to it than the French,
to the French. efpecially where the natives have put themfelves
The eaftern boundaries of New-France or Ca- under the protection of either nation, and ac-
nada the French admit are the Britifh plantations knowledged themfelves fubjeCts of the refpeCtive
of Nova-Scotia, New- England, &c. the fouthern Sovereigns. Now moft of the nations on the eaft
boundary, the^ine which divides New-France of the rivers Miffiffipi and St. Lawrence, it ap-
from Louifiana; and to the weftward the French pears, voluntarily have acknowledged themfelves
extend the country of New-France as far as the fubjeCt to the crown of England, and the coun-
Pacifick- Ocean ; and the Afiatick continent of tries weft of the Miffiffipi have moft of them fub-
Afia {hall be found hereafter to be contiguous to mitted to the Spaniards : Where then fhall we
North-America. find the countries of New-France and Louifiana,
t But how far they will admit the Britifh planta- unlefs it be within the reach of^ the great guns of
tions to extend to the weftward, or the Spanifh their forts on the rivers of St. Lawrence and
territories of New-Mexico to extend to the eaft, Miffiffipi ; and here they have fcarce any other
this they do not inform us. If we leave it to the title to the country than what they obtained by
French to fettle the limits, no doubt the domi- ufurpation, or a lawlefs force, very feldom afking
nions of Great-Britain and Spain in North- Arne- leave of the natives to fettle in their country;
rica will be confined within very narrow bounds, which alone can give a foreigner a juft right to
There is an honeft French writer that freely de- the dominion of it. I look upon it, therefore,
dares, when the Miffiffipi adventure was fet on that the French have the leaft pretenfions to Flo-
foot they were fanguine enough to expect that ail rida or Canada of any of the three powers already
North-America would in a few years become a mentioned. However, as they have actually been
province of France, and confequently they had in poffeffed of fome countries in Canada between the
view the {wallowing up both the Britifh and Spa- river of St, Lawrence and New-Britain or Hua-
nifh territories in that part of the world ; and if fon’s Bay for about an hundred years, and the. e
this fhould ever be effe&ed, it is not to be fup- countries feem to be confirmed to them as far as
pofed they would put a flop to their conquefts the Englifh had a right to confirm them,M lhall
till they had fubdued all the Spanifh provinces in readily allow their title to that part of Canada.
South-America, and become matters of the mines But as to the reft of Canada and Louifiana, 1
of Potofi cannot admit they have a right to any part o.
them y
THE PRESENT STATE
638
C H A P. them, notwithftanding the forts they have erefted
I. on thofe rivers. The eaftern fide of the Miffiffipi
is the property of the Indians fubjeft to Great-
Britain, and the weftern fide of it belongs to the
Indians who are under the dominion of the Spa-
niards ; and we find the Spaniards afferting their
title to it by demolifhing the forts that Monf. De
Sale and D’ Ibberville erected on the weft
fide of that river, and have as much right to
demolifh the forts the French have erected on the
weft fide of it.
Rivers. The chief rivers in this vaft extended country
are, 1. The river St. Lawrence. 2. The river
Miffiifipi. 3. The river Illinois. 4. The Oubach.
5. The Hohio. 6. The Pelefpi ; and, 7. The
Hogohegee.
MiiMipi. 1. The Miffiifipi, or river St. Lewis, accord-
ing to the French accounts, rifes in the north-weft
part of Canada, taking its courfe firft to the fouth-
eaft, and in 45 degrees, turning almoft due fouth,
continues that courfe till it difeharges itfelf into the
gulf of Mexico in 30 degrees north latitude, and
95 degrees of weftern longitude, by four or five
mouths, feveral large rivers falling into it both from
the eaft and weft. The Miffiifipi is agreed to be
a very large deep river ; and fome French writers
add, that it is a gentle ftream, and navigable for
large veffels from the fource almoft to the mouth.
But other French writers, and fome Englifh fea-
men, affine me, that it has a very rapid ftream,
and that there are cataradls in feveral parts of it
which obftrudf the navigation ; and that there are
fuch fhoals at the mouth of the river that large
fhips cannot enter it.
St. Law- 2. The river of St. Lawrence iffues out of the
twice. lake Ontario or Frontenac, in 45 degrees of north
latitude, and 78 degrees of weftern longitude;
and taking its courfe to the north-eaft by Mont-
real and Quebeck, difeharges itfelf into the bay
or gulph of St. Lawrence, in 51 degrees north
latitude, being navigable for large veffels as high
as Montreal ; but near that town there is a cata-
ratft which interrupts the navigation.
Illinois. 3. The river Illinois is another navigable river,
which rifing near the lake of the fame name,
takes its courfe to the fouth-weft, and falls into
the Miffiifipi.
Oubach and 4. and 5. The rivers Oubach and Hohio are
Hohio. two navigable rivers, which rifing near the lake
Erie unite their ftreams, and fall into the Milfif-
fipi in 36 degrees north latitude.
Pelefipi and 6. and 7. The Pelefipi and Hogohegee rife in
Hogohegee. the Apalathian - mountains, and uniting their
ftreams, How almoft due weft till they meet
, with the Hohio a little before it falls into the
Miffiifipi, in 36 degrees north latitude ; at the
mouths of which rivers ftands a French fort, cal-
led the Old Fort.
TVs;. This country alfo has feveral fpacious lakes,
the chief whereof are, I. The lake of Ontario CHAP,
or Frontenac. 2. The lake Erie. 3. The Huron I.
Lake. 4. The Illinois Lake ; and, 5. The Upper
Lake, any of which are feveral hundred miles in
length. The lakes of Ontario and Erie have been Ontario and
already deferibed in treating of New-York. Ene<
3. The lake of Hurons has a communication Hurons.
with that of Erie, and with the lakes of Illinois Illinois,
and the upper lake : And the river Illinois rifing Upper Lake,
near the lake of the fame name, and falling into
the Miffiffipi, the French propofed by this means
to have an eafy communication between the ri-
vers of St. Lawrence and Miffiffipi, and to unite
New-France and Louifiana into one province.
But as there is no paffage by water from the lake
Ontario to that of Erie, on account of the cata-
ract of Niagara ; and that there are feveral cata-
racts in the rivers St. Lawrence and Miffiffipi, and
they muft take fo vaft a compafs to the north-eaft
in fuch a journey to pafs through the lakes of
the Hurons and Illinois, and that there is a con-
fiderable fpace between the lake and the river Illi-
nois, I queftion whether it would not this way
take up five or fix months for a fingle man to
travel from Quebeck to the mouth of the river
Miffiffipi : And probably it would be impractica-
ble for a great body of men to march the fame
ground in twice that time.
I do not find the French pretend to have divided No fubdivi-
this vaft continent of North- America into pro- jf" n ° c f e ^ w "
vinces yet, only they are pleafed to call the north Louifiana.
part of it New-France, and the fouth Louifiana.
In the former they have had fettlements for up-
wards of an hundred years ; in the latter they had
not one till the year 1717, if we except two or
three forts built in the bay of Spirito SanCIo, and
at the mouth of the river Miffiffipi .by Meffieurs
De Sale and D’ Ibberville ; which were de-
molifhed by the Spaniards foon after they were
ereCIed. And as for towns, I meet with the names Towns,
of no more than three in Canada, viz. 1. Que.-
beck the capital. 2. Montreal ; and, 3. Trois
Rivieres ; and in Louifiana only the town of
New-Orleans lately erected .
1. Quebeck, the capital, is fituated in 47 de- Quebeck.
grees 30 minutes north latitude, and in 71 degrees
of weftern longitude, on the north ftiore of the
river of St. Lawrence, about twohundread leagues
fouth-weft of the mouth of it ; being divided
into the upper and lower town, both of them
about three miles in circumference, and defended
by a caftle which ftands on an eminence : There
being in the upper town five churches, hefides
the cathedral ; the Bifhop and twelve Prebends
refid ing together in the chapter-houfe, which, it
is faid, is a moft admirable ftrufture.
This city is the metropolis of the French do-
minions in North-America as well as a Bifhop’s
fee; the Vice-roy who refuies here, affuming the
title
OF FRENCH AMERIC ... 630
CHAP, title of Governor and Captain-General both of
I. New-Frar.ce and Louifiana, which, according to
the French, comprehends all Canada and Florida;
except fome little portions they are pleafed to
permit Great-Britain to poflefs, till they are in a
condition to drive our colonies from thence in-
to the fea, in the language of one of their wri-
ters.
Montreal. 2. Montreal is fituated on an illand in the ri-
ver of St. Lawrence, fixty leagues fouth-weft of
Quebeck ; the illand being about fourteen leagues
in length and five in breadth. The whole illand
is full of fine plantations, and the town ftrongly
fituated ; at leaf! we find it was ftrong enough to
defend itfelf againft the attacks of the Iroquois or
five nations, when they burnt and plundered all
the French fettlements in the illand but this town,
in the year 1688 : And I do not doubt but the
fortifications have been fince improved, as it is the
principal frontier garrifon of the French againft
the Iroquois or Indians under the protection of
New-York. The river of St. Lawrence is not
navigable above Montreal on account of fome
cataraCts and the rapidity of the ftream.
Trois Rivie- 3. Trois Rivieres is a town fo named from its
res - fituation at the confluence of three rivers, one
whereof is that of St. Lawrence, and lies almoft
in the midway between Quebeck and Montreal :
It is faid to be a well built town, and confiderable
mart, where the Indians exchange their fkins
and Furrs for European goods.
New Orle- As to the town of New-Or leans, faid to be
aDSi ereCted lately near the mouth of the Miffiffipi, in
Louifiana, I confefs I have not met with any par-
ticular defcription of this or any other French fet-
tlements on that fide.
As to the air, the Indian inhabitants, the ani-
mals, vegetables, and produce of French Canada,
thefe are much the fame as in New-England, New-
York, and Nova-Scotia, which lie contiguous to
them ; and Louifiana, or French Florida, in like
manner refembles Carolina in thefe articles. How-
ever, I fhall prefent the reader with fome of thofe
accounts the French give us of thefe countries,
and inquire what is to be depended upon either in
their relations or ours.
The Indians Monfieur Joutel, who accompanied De
of Florida or g ALE in his difcoveries in the bay ofSpirito SanCfo
defcribed! to the weft ward of the Miffiffipi, gives the fol-
lowing charaCter of the natives : Allowing, fays
this gentleman, that there are fome Barbarians lefs
wicked and brutal than others, yet there are none
good, nor thoroughly capable of fuch things as are
above the reach of our fenfes ; there is no relying
on them ; there is always caufe to fufpeCt them :
And in fhort, before a favage can be made a Chri-
ftian, it is requisite to make him a man ; and we
look upon thefe favages as having neither King
nor laws, and what is moft deplorable* no God
For if we rightly examine their fentiments and C H A P.
their aCfions, it does not appear they have any I.
fort of religion, or well formed notion of a Deity ;
if fome of them upon certain occafions do fome-
times own a firft or foveraign being, or do pay
fome veneration to the fun. As to the firft arti-
cle, they deliver themfelves in fuch a confufed
manner, and with fo many contradictions and
extravagancies, that it plainly appears they neither
know or believe any thing of it. And as for the
fecond, it is only a barecuftom, without any feri-
ous reflections on their part.
The fame traveller fpeaking of an interview
he had with the Chiefs of another nation to the
weftward of the river Miffiffipi, fays, their elders
came to meet us in their formalities, which con-
fifted in fome Goats fkins drefied and painted of
feveral colours, which they wore on their fhoul-
ders like belts, and plumes of feathers of feveral
colours on their heads like coronets. Six or fevert
of them had fquare fword blades like the Spa-
nifn, on the hilts whereof they had fattened great
plumes of feathers, and feveral Hawks bills ;
fome of them had clubs, which they called head-
breakers ; fome only their bows and arrows ;
others pieces of white Linen reaching from fhoul-
der to fhoulder. All their faces were daubed with
black or red : There were twelve elders who
walked in the middle, and the youth and warri-
ors in ranks on the right and left of the old
men.
Being come up to us in that manner, he that
conducted us made a fign for us to halt, which
when we had done, all the old men lilted up their
right hands above their heads, crying in a moft
ridiculous manner ; but it behoved us to have a.
care of laughing. That done, they came and
embraced us, ufing all forts of endearments.
The whole company conducted us afterwards
to their Chief’s cottage ; and after we had ftaid
there a fhort time, they led us to a larger cottage
a quarter of a league from thence, being the hut
in which they have their publick rejoycings and
great afiemblies. We found it furmfhed with
mats for us to fit on. The elders feated them-
felves round about us, and they brought us to eat
fome Sagamite, which is their pottage, little Beans,
bread made of Indian Corn, and another fort they
make with boiled Flower ; and at laft they made'
us fmoke.
The cottages that are inhabited are not each of Their
them for a private family, for in fome of them u
there are fifteen or twenty ; each of which has its
nook or corner-bed, and other utenfils to its felf,,
but without any partition to feparate it from the
reft : However, they have nothing in common
befides the fire, which is in the midft of the hut,,
and never goes out.. It is made of great trees,,
the ends whereof are laid together, fo that when
ones.
THE PRESENT STATE'
640
CHAP, once lighted it Lifts a longtime; and the firft
I. comer takes care to keep it up.
) The cottages are round at the top, after the
manner of a Bee -hive or a rick of hay. Some
of them are fixty foot in diameter. In order to
build them, they fet up long poles as thick as a
man’s leg, tall and ftraight, and placing them in
a circle join the tops together ; then they faften
and cover them with weeds. When they remove
their dwellings they generally burn the cottages,
and build new ones on the ground they defign to
inhabit.
Moveables, Their moveables are fome Buffaloes or Bullocks
hides, and Goats fkins well cured, fome mats clofe
wove, wherewith they adorn their huts ; and
fome earthen veffels, which they are very fkilful
at making, and wherein they boil their flefh,
roots, and Sagamite, or pottage. They have al-
fo fome fmall bafkets made of canes, ferving to
put their fruit and other provifions in. Their beds
are made of canes railed two or three foot above
the ground, handfomely fitted with mats and
Bullocks hides, or Goats fkins, which ferve them
inftead of feather-beds, quilts, and blankets ; and
thofe beds are parted one from another by mats
hung up.
Hufbandry. Their tillage confifts in breaking up juft the
furface of the earth with a wooden inftrument
like a pick-ax, which they make by fplitting the
end of a thick piece of wood -that lerves for a
handle, and putting another piece of wood (harp
pointed at one end into the flit. This inftrument
ferves them inftead of a hoe and fpade, for they
have no iron tools. When the land has been
thus broke up, the women fow and plant the In-
dian Corn, Beans, Pompions, Water-Melons,
and other grain, and garden-ftuff.
Perfons of The Indians are generally handfome, but disfi-
Indi^is° nda £ Lire themfelves by making ftreaks on their faces
from the top of the forehead down the nofe to
the tip of the chin ; which is done by pricking
the fkin till it bleeds, and then ftrewing fine pow-
der of Charcoal on the fkin, which finks in and
mixes with the blood. They alfo make, after the
fame manner, the figures of living creatures, of
leaves and flowers, on their fhoulders, thighs,
and other parts of their bodies ; and paint them-
felves, as has been faid before, with black or red,
and fometimes both together,
Tbeir wo- The women are generally well fhaped, and
men ’ would not be difagreeable did they adhere to na-
ture ; but they difguife themfelves as ridiculouily
as the men, mot only with the ftreaks they have
like them down their faces, but by other figures
they make at the corners of their eyes and on their
bodies, particularly on their bofoms.
The women do all the work in the cottage,
either in pounding the Indian Corn, and baking
their bread, drefling their other provifions, dry-
ing, parching, or fmoaking their flefh, fetching CHAP
the wood they have occafion for, or the flefh of I,
wild beads killed by their hufbands in the woods,
which are often at a great diftance,
I did not obferve that their women were natu-
rally given to lewdnefs ; but their virtue is not
proof againft fome of our toys when prefen ted
them, as needles, knives, and more particularly
firings of beads, whereof they make necklaces
and bracelets : That temptation is rarely refilled
by them, and the lefs, becaufe they have no reli-
gion or law to prohibit the practice. It is true,
their hufbands when they take them in the fact,
fometimes do punifh them either by reparation or
otherwife ; but that is rare.
The country of thefe Indians being generally Habits,
warm, almoft all of them go naked ; unlefs when
the north wind blows, then they cover them- >
felves with a Buffaloe’s hide or Goat’s fkin cur’d.
The women wear nothing but a fkin, mat, or
clout hanging round them like a petticoat, and
reaching half way down their legs before and be-
hind. On their heads they have nothing but their
hair platted and knotted behind.
As for their temper, it may be faid of thefe as Genius and
of all other Indians of that great continent, that tem P er *
they are not mifchievous unlefs wronged or at-
tacked ; in which cafe they are all fierce and re-
vengeful. They watch all opportunities to be re-
venged, and never let any flip when offered, which
is the caufe of their being continually at war
with their neighbours, and of that martial hu-
mour fo predominant among them.
As to the knowledge of a God, they did not Religion,
feem to us to have any fixed notion of him. It is
true, we met with fome in our way who, as far
as we could judge, believed there was fome fu-
perior being which was above all things, and this
they teftified by lifting up their hands and eyes to
heaven ; yet without any manner of concern, as
believing that the faid exalted being does not re-
gard at all what is done here below. However,
none of them having any places of worfhip, ce-
remonies, or prayers, to manifeft their devotion,
it may be faid of them all, that they have no re-
ligion, at leaf! thofe that we faw.
They obferve fome ceremonies, it is true but
whether they have any regard to a fuperior being,
or whether they are only popular and proceeding
from cuftom, is what we were not able to difco-
ver. Thofe ceremonies are as follows : When
the Corn is ripe, they gather a certain quantity Particular
in a bafket, which is placed on a ftool dedicated cerempr.ie«.
to that ufe, and ferving only upon thefe myfteri-
ous occafions, which they have a great venera-
tion for. ]
The bafket with the Corn being placed on that
honoured ftool, one of the elders holds out his
hands over it, and talks a long time j after which,
the
OF FRENCH AMERICA.
641
CHAP.
I.
TTfage of
their pri to-
ners.
They com-
pel their
Haves to eat
their flefh,
the faid old man diftributes the Corn among the
women, and no perfon is allowed to eat of the
new Corn ’till eight days after that ceremony.
This feems to be in the nature of offering or
bleffing the firft-fruits of their harveft.
At their aflemblies, when the Sagamite or pot-
tage, which is the mod eflential part of their meal,
is boiled in a great pot, they place that pot on the
ffool of ceremony abovementioned, and one of
the elders ftretches out his hands over it, mutter-
ing fome words between his teeth for a confider-
able time, after which they fall to eating.
When the young folks are grown up to be fit
to go to the wars, and take upon them to be Sol-
diers, their garment confifting of fome lkin or
clout, together with their bow, quiver, and ar-
rows, is placed on the aforefaid ftool, an old man
ftretches out his hands over them, mutters the
words as above, and then the garments, bows,
quivers, and arrows, are given to the perfons
they belong to. The fame ceremonies are uled by
them in. the cultivating of their grain and produd,
but particularly of the Tobacco.
Monfieur Joutel fpeaking of two women tak-
en prifoners in their wars, fays, that one of them
was fuffered to return home, but the other wo-
man was kept to fall a facrifice to the rage and
vengeance of the women and maids ; who having
armed themfelves with thick flakes, fharp pointed
at the end, conduded that wretch to a by-place,
where each of thofe furies began to torment her,
fometimes with the point of their ftaft, and fome-
times laying on her with all their might. One
tore off’ her hair ; another cut off her finger ;
and every one of thofe outragious women endea-
voured to put her to fome exquifite torture, to
revenge the death of their hufbands and kinfmen
who had been killed in the former wars ; fo that
the unfortunate creature expeded her death-ftroke
as mercy.
At laft one of them gave her a blow with a
heavy club on the head, and another run a flake
feveral times into her body, with which fhe fell
down dead oh the fpot. Then they cut that mi-
ferable vidim into morfels, and obliged fome Haves
of that nation they had been long pofiefled of to eat
them ; which to me is a very ftrong argument
againft there being Canibals in Florida, as the firft
adventurers reported ; for here we fee the Indians,
inftead of devouring the flefh of their enemies,
compelling their flaves to eat it, as being a morfel
they moft detefted and abhorred ; fo far were they
from having a guff for human flefh themfelves.
Had they in the heat of their fury taken the.
heart of the prifoner, broiled and eaten it, as the
Dutch did De Wit’s, then there would have
been fome colour to have denominated thefe peo-
ple Canibals. But as they in this inftance declare,
human flefh only fit for flaves and the vileft of
VOL. Ill,
mankind to eat, and did not fhew any inclination CHAP,
to tafte it themfelves, De Wit’s executioners I.
feem to have a much better title to the name of
Canibals than the Florida Indians, who were cer-
tainly moft grofly mifreprefented by our firft
voyage-writers.
As for the manners and cuftoms of the Illinois, ch=ra£teref
they are, in many particulars, the fame as thofe the 1!lin0is ’
of the other nations we have feen. They are
naturally fierce and revengeful ; and among them
the toil of fowing, planting, carrying of bur-
thens, and doing all other things that belong to
the fupport of life, appertains peculiarly to the
women. The men have no other bufinefs but
going to the war, and hunting.
The nations I have fpoken of before (fays the
fame writer) are not at all or very little addicted to
thieving ; but it was not fo with the Illinois. It
behoves every man to watch their feet as well as
their hands, for they know how to turn any thing
out of the way dextroufly. They are fubjedl to
the general vice of ail the other Indians, which is
to boaft very much of their warlike exploits ; that
is the main fubjedf of their difcourfe, and they
are very great liars.
They pay a refpedt to the dead, as appears by Theu beha-
their care in burying them, efpecially fuch as are t0 the
confiderable among them. This is alfo pradtifed
among the Accancea’s, but they differ in this par-
ticular, that the Accancea’s weep and make their
complaints for fome days, whereas the Chahoua-
nous and other people of the Illinois nation do
juft the contrary ; for when any of them die, they
wrap them up in (kins, and then put them into
coffins made of the barks of trees, then fing and
dance about them for twenty-four hours, thofe
dancers tying calabafhes or gourds about their
bodies, with fome Indian Wheat in them to rattle
and make a noife,. and fome of them have a drum
made of a great earthen pot, on which they ex-
tend a. Goat’s fkin, and beat thereon with a flick.
During that rejoicing they throw their prefents
on the coffin, fuch as bracelets, pendants, or
pieces of earthen-ware and firings of beads, en-
couraging the fingers to perform their duty well.
If any friend happens to come thither at that time,
he immediately throws down his prefent and falls
a finging and dancing like the reft. When that
ceremony is over, they bury the body with part
of the prefents, making choice of fuch as may bo
moft proper for it. They alfo bury with it fome
{lore of Indian Wheat, with a pot to boil it in,,
and repeat the fame ceremony at the year’s end.
I have not troubled the reader with the voyages Remarks
of the Baron La Flo n t a n and H e n n e p f N thro’
Canada and Florida, becaufe their accounts are.gg n j n g a( j_
now generally agreed to be fabulous, and in the venturers.,
moft material articles, particularly religion,, di-
reftly contraduft each other,- With equal reafon
N n. n ri- I have-
%
642 THEPRESENTSTATE
C HA PJha ye omitted the accounts the French gave us To return to the French plantations on the CHAP
I. of Loumana in the memorable Miffiffipi year, continent of North-America. It is obfervable that I.
17 r 7 A When - the ^ re P refented that country as a the inhabitants of the Britifh Colonies are or af- txv\j
perfect paradife, in order to engage the bubbled fed! to be thought under fome apprehenfions Reflections
adventurers in the projed of planting that coun- that the French are fo fituated on the back of the n ° f n A he F ftat l
try: Nor is this the only inftance of abufing Englifh fettlements, that it is, or will foon be, Colonies™
people with partial accounts of new-difcovered in their power to ruin our trade with the Indians tlle conti -
nations. It is the cafe of almoft every enter- and by harafling the Britifh Dominions on that" 6 ” 1 ”
prile of this kind. The undertakers, who have fide, oblige us to quit that continent : That the
tome particular views to their own private ad- French will draw a line from the mouth of the
\antage, obferving that it is impracticable to bring River St. Lawrence to the gulph of Mexico, and
them about without the hands and purfes of others, fo llrengthen it with forts and redoubts, ’ that
draw the moll agreeable landlkips of the country they will in time drive our people into the fea ;
they intend to vifit to invite others io join with And to heighten our terror of the French, they
them . This was Sir Walter Ralegh’s con- reprefent their colonies as confifting of two hun-
du& when be was about to plant colonies in Vir- dred thoufand fouls at leaft, fupported by great
ginia and Guiana, where he expected to acquire bodies of regular forces from France, againft
immenfe treafures ; and in this he did but imitate which ’tis impoffible, they fuggefl, to defend our
the Spaniards that went before him. Thus did frontiers. And I mull confefs, that converfino-
the New-England adventurers alfo defcribe that with feveral Weft-India Merchants, who feemed
country, and the celebrated Penn his Penfylva- to be in the fame way of thinking, I was once of
ma: And thus oflate did Purry the Swifs amufe opinion our colonies were in fome hazard of be-
his countrymen : He made them believe that the ing fwallowed up by the French ; but upon tak-
climate of Georgia was free from the inconveni- ing a more particular furvey of the country, and
ences of heat or cold : That the foil in a manner the circumftances of each nation, I am inclined
produced Corn and fruits fpontaneoully, and to think that this is an event which we have a
that eftates might be raifed on a fudden with very great deal of reafon to fuppofe will never happen,
little labour: But when the people he carried unlefs our colonies Ihould find themfelves fo ill
over came to be fenfible of the labour and fatigue uled by their mother country as voluntarily to
of clearing plantations, the hazard of being at- throw themfelves into the arms of France ; which
tacked by Indians and Spaniards, and the neceffity on many accounts can never be fuppofed.
of erecting forts for their fecurity, as well as of Thefe gentlemen, who talk of drawing a line
building houfes for themfelves, they began to from the gulph of Mexico to the bay of St. Law-
curfe the man that led them thither. And if rence, a tra£t of between three and four thoufand
Purry had not in good time died a natural death miles, and rendering it flrong enough to refill the
in his new-ere£led town of Purryfburg, he would forces of the Britilh Plantations, mull finely ima-
have lun the hazard of being pulled in pieces by his gine that New-Erance is as well peopled as the
deluded countrymen, as a gentleman who lately Old, and maintains as many regular forces ; and
came from Carolina affured me. that the Englilh fettlements are dellitute of in-
I would not be underltood by thefe reflexions, habitants ; whereas the cafe is the very reverfe.
however, to difcourage the further planting of Some gentlemen, ’tis true, have calculated,
Carolina or Georgia. I know there is a rational that the French in North-America amount to two
profpedl of confiderable advantage to the nation hundred thoufand fouls ; tho’ it is probable they
fro m this attempt, fince we find thefe countries are not half that number : But admitting there was
will produce thole very articles we moll want, as many as is pretended, we cannot fuppofe there
luch as filks, Wine, Oil, Rice, Furrs, Ikins and are forty thoufand men fit for war amongll them,
naval Lores ; but I would not have our people and of thefe but few can be fpared from the bufi-
fhat go thither deceive themfelves, as if nothing nels of their plantations. How then fhould the
was to be done there, no inconveniencies to be French defend a line of three thoufand miles
met with, or hazards to be run ; for in the firft extent, much lefs raife a force fufficient to fub-
p anting and efrablilhing colonies in the bell coun- due our plantations, where they mull admit we
tries this muft be expected : And it is well if the have three times the number of men they have i
nrll generation live^ to fee any thing brought to in theirs ? And thefe many of them brave hardy - 1
perfection, though they may have this fatislaclion, fellows, ufed to the fea and other laborious and
tnat they are laying a foundation of lafling bene- hazardous employments. Another great advan-
■‘ lS w -hich w ii! hereafter probably accrue to their tage we have of them is, that we can raife good
mother country in general, and to their own bodies of Horfe and Dragoons, which they cannot ;
pollen ty in particular, oy thefe glorious toils. and if they could it would be impracticable to
march
OF FRENCH AMERICA. 6 43
CHAP. march them over* fuch vail defarts and mountains
I. as there are in moil parts of that country (from
L/'Y'xJ north to fouth) to come at us.
The frontiers, it is true, of fome of our colo-
nies may be expofed to the ravages of the French
Indians, and it will be prudence in us to ere£l
forts, or keep fome troops on foot in fuch places
as lie rnoft open to their incurftons, particularly
on the Lake of Champlain, on the frontiers of
New-York, and on the Lakes of Ontario and
Erie ; and to have fome armed velfels upon thefe
Lakes, which would not only defend the frontiers,
but protedl our Indians on that fide, and prevent
their deferting over to the French. It might be
proper alfo to erect forts on the pafles of the Apa-
lathian mountains on the back of Virginia and Ca-
rolina for the fame end ; but I fhould by no means
be for extending our plantations beyond this na-
tural barrier. There is as much land within it
as we can ever plant to advantage, and' we {hall
only weaken our fettlements by endeavouring to
enlarge thofe bounds. If the French are deter-
mined to eftablifti themfelves on the banks of the
Miftiffipi and in the bay of Apalathy, the belt rea-
fon we have to oppofe this project is, left they
fhould one day penetrate to the Spanifh Mines, or
make themfelves mailers of the navigation of the
gulph of Mexico ; which will enable them to put
what terms they pleafe upon Spain. It will then
be in their power to compel his catholick Ma-
jefty to give them the trade of Old-Spain and of the
Spanifh Weft- Indies, and to exclude the fubjecfts
of Britain and all other European nations from
fending their manufactures to the Spanifh Weft-
Indies by the flota or otherwife ; and poffibly they
will not reft fatisfied till they have compelled his
catholick Majefty to let them into a fhare of his
mines.
But as to their raiftng Silk or Wine, Sugar or
Tobacco, in the country they have denominated
Louifiana, I am apt to think the French are too
wife to attempt any of them.
It might be prudent indeed in Britain to at-
tempt the raiftng Silk and Wine in Carolina, be-
caufe we have none of our own ; but why the
French fhould promote thefe in Florida I can fee
no more reafon than that we fhould encourage the
Woollen or Iron manufactures there : And as for
Sugar, the French feem to have more already than
they know how to difpofe of ; and they will fure-
Jy never be able to raife good Tobacco cheaper
than we do in Virginia ; where I’m informed the
planter fells it frequently for a Penny a Pound.
The Englifh alfo have this farther advantage in
raiftng Wine, Silk, &c. in their own plantations,
that they lie upon the mouths of numerous rivers,
and may embark the produce of thefe countries
immediately for England with very little trouble
and expence ; whereas the navigation to Louifi-
ana or to Canada is much longer and more hazar-C HAP,
dous. The French are not matters of two rivers I.
that fall into the Atlantick-Ocean, from whence
I conclude they will never plant that extenftve
country of Louifiana far from the coaft ; and if
they fhould, it will not ahfwer their expectations,
or be very prejudicial to Great-Britain.
As to the Spaniards attacking our plantations Remarks 00
on the fide of Georgia, with which we have lately ^
been alarmed, what they do of this nature muft agjin n t ^ e
be done very fuddenly if at all ; for that frontier Spaniards,
will be put into fuch a pofture of defence in a
very little time that it will not be in the power
of Spain to hurt us. The crown of Great-Britain
has never interpofed with that vigour in defence
of any of her colonies as it has in behalf of Geor-
gia, and that with very good reafon, it being the''
King’s peculiar property as well as both the
Carolina’s,, all of which will be fecured by this
barrier ; and the lands of thofe colonies confequent-
ly rendered of ten times the value they were when
they lay expofed to the ravages of the Spaniards
and Indians. As to the French, they have a de-
fart country of three or four hundred miles to pafs
over from their fettlements on the Miftiffipi and
the bay of Apalach, before they can reach the
frontiers of Georgia and Carolina. We have no
reafon therefore to be under any great apprehen-
fions from them at prefent. The Spaniards, both
on the eaft and weft of Florida, are much more
in danger of the French than the Britifh Colonies
are, and they will probably one day be made fen-
ftble that their fafety conftfts in a ftriCt union with
Great-Britain ; that there is no other way left to
defend their mines in North America from the
incroachments of the French, if they eftablifh
themfelves on the northern fhores of the gulph oft
Mexico, and on the banks of the Miftiffipi. -
CHAP. II.
Of the French Ifands in the Atlantick-Ocean „
T H E third and laft divifion of French Ame- (3 ^ p^_
rica I propofed to defcribe is that of their jp
iflands in the Atlantick-Ocean, viz. of the Carib- s^r\J
bees taking them from fouth to north. 1. Gra-Ofthe
nada. 2. Martinico. 3. Marigalante. 4. Gua-^“ h1 ’*
dalupe. 5. Defiada or Defirada. 6. St. Bartho-
lomew. 7. Sandfa Cruz ; and, 8. St. Martin ;
befides which they have three iflands of fome con-
fequence in the bay of St. Lawrence on the coaft
of Nova-Scotia, viz. q. Cape Breton. 10. St, ^
John’s ; and, 1 1. Anticofte.
i. Granada is fituated in 12 degrees north la- Granada, •
titude, about thirty leagues fouth-weft of Barba-
does, and about the fame diftance north of Ca-
ribiana or New-Andalufta. This iftand is 25
leagues in circumference, . and has feveral good bays-
N n n 0 2 an< ^ :
6 4 4 THE PRES
C H A P. and harbours, fome of which are fortifyed. It is
II. efteemed a fruitful foil, and well watered, produ-
^-y-^icing Sugar and fuch other plants as are found in
the reft of the Caribbee-Illands. There are abun-
dance of very fmall illands that lie at the north-
end of Granada, which are called the Granadilla’s.
Martinico. 2. Martinico is fituated between 14 and 15 de-
grees of north latitude, and in 6 1 degrees of wef-
tern longitude, lying about forty leagues north-
weft of Barbadoes. It is twenty leagues in length,
but of an unequal breadth, the in-land part of it
hilly ; and at a diftance appears like three diftindf
mountains, being exceedingly well watered by
numerous rivulets which fall from the hills ; and
there are feveral commodious bays and harbours
on the coaft, fome of them fo well fortifyed that
they bid defiance to the Englilh when they made
a defcent here with feveral thoufand men in the
laft War : They were forced to return to their
ftrips after they had burnt and plundered fome
plantations in the open country.
The produce of this ifland is the fame with
that of Barbadoes, viz. Sugar, Cotton, Ginger,
Indigo, Aloes, Piemento, &c. And as it is
much larger has many more inhabitants, and pro-
duces greater quantities of Sugar than Barbadoes.
This ifland was replenifhed with Indians when the
French ftrft attempted to fettle here, anno 1635,
and many battles were fought between them and
the natives with various fuccefs ; but the French
at length over-powered and extirpated the ancient
inhabitants, and it is now the chief of all the
French Caribbee-Illands, and the feat of their
Governor-General.
Marigalante. 3. Marigalante is fituated in 16 degrees north
latitude, a little to the fouth weft of Guadalupe,
and is about five leagues in length and four in
breadth. It was difcovered by Columbus in his
fecond voyage to America, anno 1493, anc * named
by him Marigalante, or the Gallant Mary, after
the name of his Ihip. The French began to fend
colonies thither about the year .1647 ; and having
expelled the natives after feveral years wars,
the French remained in the peaceable pofteffion of
the ifland, the produce of which is the fame with
the reft of the Caribbees.
Guadalupe. 4. Guadalupe fo named by Columbus from its
hills, refembling thofe of that name in Spain, is
fituated in 16 degrees north latitude, and 61 de-
grees of weftern longitude, about 30 leagues north
of Martinico, and almoft as much fouth of An-
tegoa. It is faid to be the largeft of all the
Caribbee-Illands, being twenty two leagues in
length, and half as much in breadth at each end,
but almoft cut in two by a deep gulph or bay
on each fide; fo that the ends are joined together
by a very narrow ifthmus. This, like Martinico,
abounds In Sugar, Cotton, Indigo, Ginger, &c,
and is in a very flouriihing condition j and
ENT STATE
agreeable to the confequence it is of to the French CHAP,
they have taken care to fortify it with feveral re- II.
gular forts and redoubts, which were in fo good
a condition when the Englilh Admiral Be nbow
made a defcent here with a confiderable body of
land forces, anno 1702, that he did not think fit
to attack them; tho’ he deftroyed a great many
of their plantations and open villages.
The French began to fend colonies to this I-
fland about the year 1632, but knew fo little what
the foil was good for then, that for many years
they were in danger of ftarving, and afterwards
the planters by their divifions almoft ruined one
another ; fo that this ifland did not make any
great figure till the prefent century ; fince the
beginning of which it has vaftly increafed, and
makes more Sugar now than any of the Britilh
illands except Jamaica.
5 . Defiada, or Defirada, the delirable ifland, Defiada,
fo called by Columbus, becaufe it was the firft
land he difcovered in his fecond voyage to Ame-
rica, anno 149 3. It is fituated about ten leagues
north-eaft of Guadalupe, a little inconfiderable
ifland not fo fruitful as fome others which belong
to the French.
6. St. Bartholomew’s is a fmall ifland about st. Bartho-
ten leagues north of St. Cbriftopher’s, taken by the lomew’s.
Englilh under the command of Sir Timothy
Thornhill, in the year 1689, but reftored to
the French at the peace of Ryfwick.
7 - St. Croix or Sanfta Cruz, another fmall Santa Cruz, j
ifland fituated in 17 degrees 30 minutes north la-
titude, about twenty leagues eaft of St. Chrifto-
pher’s, and has been contended for by the Englilh,
Dutch, Spaniards and French, but is now in the
peaceable polfelfion of the French Weft-India
company.
8. St. Martin’s another ifland of no great St. Mar-
confequence belonging to the French, fituate a tin s -
little to the north-weft of St. Bartholomew’s.
The Dutch have alfo two very fmall illands .Dutch Ca-
among the Caribbees, named Saba and St. Euftace, of
fituated between the illands of St. Croix and St. s aba and St,
Chriftopher’s ; and the Danes have another fmall Euftace -
ifland called St. Thomas, at the eaft end of the of St>
ifland of Porto Rico ; but I could never underftand Thomas,
that the product or traffick of any of them are
very confiderable.
We have already feen the declining ftate of the
Britilh Sugar Illands, which once furnilhed France
and molt of the nations of Europe with Sugar :
But are now in a manner beat out of that trade
by the French, who have not only cultivated this
commodity with great application of late years
in their Caribbee-Illands, but in the great ifland
ol Hifpaniola, as has been obferved already in the
defcription of that ifland ; where they have land
enough to furnifh themfelves and all Europe with
Sugar, and do actually cultivate as much as they
can
!
2 , H A P. can difpofe of ; in which they have fome great ad-
II. vantages of the Englifti, as x. Their paying lit-
►y'Y'X tie or no duty, not above one per cent, on the
exportation of Sugars ; whereas the Englifti pay
very high duties, as appears from the difpute be-
tween the Britilh Sugar Colonies and the nor-
thern countries. 2. They are allowed to export
their Sugars diredfly to foreign markets without
bringing them home firft, which faves a very
great charge the Engliih are forced to be at, and
enables the French to carry their goods to foreign
markets much fooner than the Engliih poffibly
can. 3. The Britilh northern colonies take,
Sugar, Rum, and Mobiles from the French I-
fiands, which formerly thofe illands had no vent
for ; whereby the demand for thefe articles from
the Britilh Illands is continually diminilhed, and
the demand from the French Illands increafed ;
the northern colonies taking fcarce any Sugar,
Rum, or Mobiles, from the Britilh Sugar Illands,
but purchafe them with their lumber, provifions,
and Horfes, and often with money, of the French,
or of the Dutch at Surinam.
And laftly, as the French Illands, particularly
that of Hifpaniola (of which they poflefs two thirds
at prefcnt) Martinico, and Guadalupe, are larger
than the Britilh Caribbee-Iilands, and confequently
there is room to raife great part of their provifions
in them, while the Engliih receive their provifi-
ons from abroad for the moll part : This is ano-
ther great advantage on the lide of the French.
They have alfo a great deal of timber growing
on the ill and of Hilpaniola, which is an article
the Engliih Sugar Illands want, and mull pay
dear for ; from all which confiderations it is but
too evident, that unlefs the Britilh Legillature
think fit to alter the ads of navigation in their
favour, and to fuffer our Sugar Colonies to carry
their produce directly to foreign markets, take off
the duties upon them, and reftrain the northern
colonies alfo from dealing fo much with the
French and Dutch for Sugar, Mobiles, and Rum,
the Britilh Caribbee-Iilands mull Hill decline ;
fince they will never have any demand for their
produce, but what Britain itfelf takes off. And
unlefs we put the fortifications of our illands in
a better pofture of defence than they are at prefent,
we {hall run the hazard of lofing the illands them-
felves, as well as the traffick they were once fo
famous for. No Engliih gentleman will be fond
of having an eftate in the Caribbees, or contribute
much to the promoting the Sugar manufacture
there ; while thofe colonies lie under fuch dif-
courasements in point of trade, and he is in dan-
ger of lofing his ePrate and all the expence he
{hall be at upon the firft rupture with any Euro-
pean power.
The French ' But to proceed to the French Illands which re-
northern main yet to be defcribed, viz. Cape Breton, St.
Illands. John’s and Anticofte.
Cape Breton is fituated between 4.5 degrees and CHAP*
an half and 47 degrees and an half north latitude, II.
feparated from Acadia or New-Scotland by the
narrow ftreight of Canfo on the fouth-weft, and Cape Breton,
the other paffage or ftreight of Cape Ray lepa-
rates it from Newfoundland on the north-eaft :
It is indented on every fide by large bays of the
fea, which cut almoft through it in fome places,
and form feveral commodious harbours. This
Illand is about one hundred and twenty miles in
length, and fifty in breadth ; a barren de fart-
land, affording fcarce any trees or herbage, and
has very few rivers ; nor would it ever have been
planted, probably, if it had not lain fo convenient
for the French to preferve their communication
with the river of St. Lawrence and Canada, and
to protect their fiftieries, as well as to difturb
the trade and fiftieries of Great-Britain in time
of war : For here are feveral harbours where the
French cruifers and privateers may lie fecurely,
and from hence interrupt the Britifh trade and
fiftieries of New-England, New-Scotland, and
Newfoundland, at their pleafure. Nor do I fee
how it is poffible for an Englifti Squadron to
protect them intirely upon fuch extenfive coafts :
All that can be done, in time of war, is to make
reprifalson the French by our cruifers and priva-
teers ; and as our merchantmen, and fifliermen
are much the moil numerous, we muff expert to
be the greateft fufferers, as we always were in the
late wars, the French taking three prizes for one
we took from them.
The New-England gentlemen therefore cenfure
Queen Anne’s Minifters that they did not infill
more ftrenuouily on this iiland’s being yielded
to Great-Britain by the treaty of Utrecht, and
will fcarcely acknowledge the benefits they receiv-
ed by thofe articles which gained us the foie pro-
perty of Novia-Scotia or Acadia, and Newfound-
land : Though they were very loud in their com-
plaints heretofore ; that they were perpetually
harraffed by the French and their Indians from
Nova-Scotia, fuggefting that nothing could be of
greater advantage to New-England, and the reft
of the northern colonies, than the reducing Nova-
Scotia : Which, now they fee it in our hands, they
feem as little fatisfied as before, becaufe fufficient
care is not taken, they fay, to plant and people
Nova-Scotia : But furely none lie more conveni-
ently to do this than the New-England men them-
felves. And I am of opinion they would have
done it long e’er this, if it had been annexed to
the province of the Maffachufets, as they once ex-
pected it would have been: But their natural
averfion to a regal government, which they find
their colonies muft be fubjeCt to, if they fend any
to Nova-Scotia, I am fatisfied prevents their plant-
ing that country ; but then they ought to ceafe
their complaints, that it is no better planted.
THE CONCLUSION.
€46
CHAP. As to the French King’s yielding up Cape Bre-»
II. ton and the other iilands in the bay of St. Law-
C'VX? rence, it mull be confidered, if he had parted
with thefe at the treaty of Utrecht, he could no
longer have had a communication with Canada
or New-France than we faw fit ; and it could
fcarce be expected he Ihould exclude himfelf from
all commerce with his colonies of North-Ameri-
ca, how low foever he was brought : However, I
find it to be acknowledged on all hands, that if
we plant and people Acadia, and ereCt fome forts
for its protection, our colonies there will be able,
with the affiftance of a Britilh fquadron in time of
war, in a great meafure to maintain the dominion CHAP,
of thofe feas, if they cannot entirely prevent the II.
depredations of the French.
'The ifiand of St. John’s lies between Cape Bre- St. John’s,
ton and the coaft of New-Scotland, and is about Anticofte,
twenty leagues in length. The illand of Anti-
cofte is a much larger illand, lying juft before the
mouth of St. Lawrence River : Thefe, and the
lefter iilands in the bay of St. Lawrence, do not
feem to be of any other ufe to the French, than
to preferve their communication with Canada ; I
do not find they have any towns or plantations
upon them.
THE
Conclufion of the prefent
The con- 1 1 PON a review of the whole work, it ap-
1 clufion.. pears that never any people were poflefled
of fo fine a country, and fo happily fitu-
ated, as that which is fubjeCt to the crown of
Great- Britain on the other fide of the Atlantick-
Ocean ; a country of fifteen hundred miles ex-
tent ; where every thing that is necelTary, every
thing defirable in life, is, or may be produced in
the greateft abundance, and brought to the me-
tropolis of the three kingdoms with as little la-
bour and expence almoft as they may be brought
from any diftant county of England ; it being but
a fix weeks voyage in an open fea, not fubjeCt to
the interruptions and accidents of coafting voyages.
The eaftern fhores of North- America, on which
our colonies are fituated, abound in commodious
harbours and navigable rivers ; infomuch that
fhips take in their lading in many places at the
planters doors, and then falling down into the
ocean, fail direCtly home : Whereas both the
French and Spaniards have a much longer and
more difficult navigation to and from thofe parts
of that continent which are poftefied by them.
It is evident to a demonftration, that in thefe
countries it is in our power to raife Silk, Hemp,
Flax, Pitch, Tar, Wine, Oil, Raifins, and other
fruits ; and that the Sugar and Tobacco Colonies
and filheries we already have in that part of the
world, bring us in an inconceivable treafure.
But it is as evident thefe articles are not confi-
dered with that attention their importance feem
to demand..
Every one, who. has made any calculation of.
ftateof AMERIC A.
\
our national expences, knows that we lay out The con-
annually with foreigners four millions of money clufion.
and upwards in Silks, Linen, Lace, Wine, na-
val-ftores, and other merchandife, which we
might make ourfelves if our colonies were encou-
raged to raife the materials ; and it is computed,
that thofe materials would employ half a million
of people at home, who are now a burthen to
their country.
It is obvious, our people are vaftly increafed of
late years ; and tho’ multitudes, when rightly em-
ployed, are the ftrength and riches of a nation,
many of ours are become an intolerable charge
upon the land, purely for want of being fet to
work on proper materials’ under the direction of
fkilful mafters.
If it be demanded what is the reafon we im-
port fuch vaft quantities of Lace, Linen, naval-
ftores, &c. from foreigners, when our own terri-
tories would produce them ; and fuffer our people
at home to ftarve, or be a burthen to the nation,
when we might find employment for all of them ,
and as many more, and not only eafe our lands
from this burthen, but vaftly inrich the nation by
their labour ?
The ufual anfwers we meet with are thefe,
r. That it will coft fome money, and be fome
time before we can raife Silk, Flax, Wine, &c„
and eftablifh manufactures : And 2 . That foreign
goods pay great duties to the crown, which duties
would be diminiftied if we produced the like ma-
terials, and eftablilhed the like manufactures at
home, or in our plantations.
And
4
THE CON
The con- And I confefs more formidable objections can-
clufion. not be made : For how advantagious foever a pro-
may be to the nation in general, yet if mo-
ney is required to carry it on, or it may affeCt the
publick revenue, it cannot be expended it Ihould
meet with much countenance from gentlemen
whofe bufinefs it is to advance the revenue ; but
as the body of the people feem now convinced,
that it is their intereft to raife and manufacture
their own confumption, and to fupport and en-
courage our plantations in order to furnilh them
with materials, I (hall not defpair but the thing
will be effected one time or other, whatever ob-
ftacles may be thrown in the way by interefted or
defigning men.
It is admitted on all hands that the poor’s rates,
though paid by the tenant, are in reality a charge
upon every gentleman’s eftate. If the rate a-
tnounts to one, two, or three Shillings in the
Pound, the gentleman mull abate proportionably
in his rent, or the tenant cannot hold his farm.
Whatever leffens the poor’s rates therefore is
an advantage to the landed intereft ; and by keep-
ing the poor employed, you do not only fave a
great expence, and inrich your country, but you
prevent their taking vicious courfes : You fave
them from the gallows, and your perfons and
eftates from violence and rapine : You improve
the morals of your people, and muft live with
more fatisfaCiion and fecurity among fuch men,
than among an unhappy generation whofe neceffi-
ties compel them to become thieves and beggars.
Let us confider the multitudes that would be em-
ployed in thefe manufactures : And if the goods
Ihould not be altogether fo fine as the Linen,
Lace, and Silks of France or the Low-Countries
at firft, they will probably prove as well wrought
as theirs in time, if fuitable encouragements are
given to thofe that excel ; but if they Ihould be
fomething coarfer, why Ihould we not imitate
France and other kingdoms, who are content to
wear coarfe Woollen-cloth, rather than impove-
rilh their countries by importing our fine cloths.
Is it of as much importance to the kingdom, that
our ladies Ihould appear in foreign Linen, Lace,
and Silks, as that the people, by being employed
in thefe manufactures at home, Ihould be kept
from ftarving, and two or three millions of mo-
ney annually faved to the nation ?
Let us confider alfo, that the riches of the plan-
tations are our riches, their forces our forces, and
their Ihipping our {hipping ; as thefe profper, fo
i will their mother country profper of courfe ; hi-
ther all their wealth flows in the end. They ei-
ther bring their eftates over to England, if they
meet with fuccefs, or they live in an elegant
manner there and import our manufactures. We
ihould need fcarce any other foreign trade ; there-
fore we Ihould want nothing that other countries
C L U S 1 O N, 647
produce, if the plantations were encouraged : For The con«
the materials they might raife would abundantly clufion.
employ all our idle hands, and furnilh us with r N*
every thing that contributes to the fupport or con-
veniences of life. Can we then do too much
for our colonies, when in fupporting them we
molt effectually ferve ourfelves ? Let us not be
afraid of leffening the revenue by prohibiting fo-
-reign manufactures, if it tends to enrich the na-
tion ; for the richer the people are, the better able
will they be to fupport the government ; and the
legiflature can never be at a lofs for ways and
means to raife money, if the people have it in
their purfes.
But let us ever be cautious of laying high du-
ties on our own produce and manufactures, whe-
ther at home or in our colonies ; for this has to-
tally deftroyed fome branches of trade, and pre-
vents others from flourilhing : By this we find the
people of Jamaica were entirely beat out of the
Cacao or Chocolate trade, other nations being
able to afford it cheaper than they could on oc-
count of the duties : By the like conduCt it is
apprehended the Sugar and Tobacco trade may be
loft, the duties on which are fo conftderable a
branch of the revenue. And were it not better
to take a fmall duty, than to lofe all the duties
and the trade together ? And here at home, is it
not the duty on paper made here that damps the
progrefs of that manufacture, and ftill obliges us
to import moft of our paper from abroad ? And,
indeed, we may ruin all our trade, and all our
manufactures by high duties ; and when that is
done, how is the government to be fupported ?
How Ihall we find money to purchafe even necef-
faries of foreigners ? And how fhall we maintain
thofe multitudes of poor that a failure in our
manufactures and plantation trade muft occafion ?
But next to high duties, nothing furely can be a
greater difadvantage to our manufactures or plan-
tation trade than the locking up our money in
banks and funds, which, till thefe were efta-
blilhed, were employed in commerce. The man
who lives purely on the intereft of his money in
thefe banks, is the moft contemptible and ufelefs
member in the com mon- wealth : Inftead of in-
creafing his own and the common ftock, he dm-
fes a flothful indolent way of life ; he takes no
pains to ferve himfelf, his friends, or his country ;
but like a certain animal he refembles, is only ufe-
ful when he dies, and his fubftance is transferred
to perfons of a more publick fpirit.
As to fuch gentlemen and ladies as have fmall
fortunes in the publick funds, thefe might by em-
ploying them in our manufactures at home, or in
the plantations abroad, make a much better figure
in the world than they can by the intereft of their
money. What will five hundred or a thoufand
Pounds produce in the lunds l An ordinary Porter
THE CONCLUSION.
648
The con- or Cobler gets more by his labour ; but fuch Turns
clufion. employed in any manufacture at home, or a plan-
i.^-ys^tation abroad, would produce an handfomefub-
fiftence. It were pity therefore, even for the
fake of rhefe whofe condition has been fo much la-
mented of late, but intereft were ftill lower, that
they might be compelled to take their fortunes out
of the funds, and employ them more to the ad-
vantage of themfelves and their country.
And as to gentlemen who have but fmall
eftates, or fuch as are incumbered, were they duly
apprized that with the money arifing by the fale
of one hundred Pounds perann. they might pur-
chafe a plantation which would yield three hun-
dred Pounds per ann. in Britifn America ; or, that
by applying part of the money they take upon their
eftates in the improvement of a plantation, they
might in afhorttime clear off their debts and live
in plenty, they would never drag about a mifera-
ble being in neceffity and difgrace at home, but
venture a little abroad and improve their eftates ;
after which they might return, make a figure in
the decline of life, and leave ample fortunes to
their pofterity.
I am not here inviting gentlemen to run the
hazards, or to undergo the fatigues that ufually
attend new difcoveries ; there is more land dif-
covered already than we can poflibly cultivate ;
nor would I advife them to fettle upon the fron-
tiers of our colonies that are liable to the invafions
of the F rench and Spaniards, or the Indians :
This is a poft affigned to the neceffitous and hardy
Highlanders and Swifs, who richly deferve the
lands affigned them for fecuring the reft of the
provinces : But let a gentleman go over, and take
a view of New-England, New-York, the Jer-
feys, Penfylvania, Virginia, or Carolina, and he
will in any of them meet with farms ready The con-
planted to his hand, by the purchafe of which he clufion.
may double and treble his fortune with a very lit-
tie application ; and when he has fettled them to
his mind, may return to England again if he fees fit,
and have the produce of them fent over hither.
This many have done, and continue to do to this
day ; and it is furprifing more do not follow their
example.
Among the ancients, the greateft men travel-
led and run many hazards for the improvement of
arts and fciences, of hufbandry or tiaffick; and
whoever brought home any thing of this kind
was looked upon as a good angel, and in after-
ages worshipped as a god. And were our gentle-
men and men of quality, when they travel, as
ufefully employed, we fhould no doubt have them
in equal efteem ; but what do thefe honourable
wanderers ufually import, but foreign fafhions,
foreign fopperies, and foreign vices ?
Would they difcover the arts that have ren-
dered the Dutch, and of late the French, fuch ex-
quifite merchants and planters ; would they, as
Sir Thomas Lomee has done, to his immortal
honour, bring home the model of fome ufeful en-
gine, teach us to plant the vine, to raife Silk and
Flax, to improve our Sugar and Tobacco Colo-
nies, to manage our fiftieries with fuccefs, and
particularly the Whale fifhery, in which the colo-
nies of New-England and New-York have of late
made fome progrefs : Were thefe the views of
our nobility and gentry in their travels, they
would deferve the honours and eftates they enjoy,
and could not fail of acquiring ftill greater ; their
own families would enjoy the fruits of their glori-
ous labours, and they would be efteemed by all
mankind real benefactors to their country.
A Con-
A
CONTINUATION
O F
MODERN HISTORY:
OR, THE
Present State of all Nations.
Befcribing their refpeCtive Situations, Perfons, Habits, Build-
ings, Religion and Policy, Arts and Sciences, Trades,
Manufactures and Hufbandry, Plants, Animals, and Minerals,
brought down to the prefent Year 1738. In which is com-
prehended the lateft Travels and Difcoveries, with fuch Al-
terations and Revolutions as have happened fince the former
Volumes were pubiifhed.
By Mr. SALMON.
Vol. III.
O 0 o ©
<%
■ li
■■ '
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•x \ I
A
Continuation of MODERN HISTORY.
The INTRODUCTION.
I N compliance with the repeated intimations I
have received, that a continuation of Mo-
dern History, down to the prefenttime,
is expected from me, on account of the various
alterations and revolutions that have happen-
ed in feveral kingdoms fince the publication of
the former volumes, I have collected the lateft
voyages that are extant, and procured the belt in-
formation from gentlemen who have lately travel-
led or relided abroad, in relation to the prefent
Hate of the refpedive countries they have vifited,
and having made choice of the molt improving
and entertaining occurrences and obfervations,
and fupplied fome omiffions and defeds of the
former impreftions, have publifhed thefe addi-
tions, which renders the work the compleateft
piece of Modern History that has hitherto
been written in our language.
The terraqueous globe is computed to be
24,000 miles in circumference, the furface
whereof is at leaft two thirds water. The earth
is divided into the Eaftern and Weftern conti-
nent, or into the old and new world, feparated
from each other by the Atlantic and Pacific o-
ceans ; the firft about four thoufand miles, and the
other eight thoufand miles over.
The Eaftern continent is ufually divided into
three parts, viz. i.Afia; 2. Europe ; and 3. A-
frica.
A continuation of the modern hi/lory of Afa.
A SI A is fituated between 25 and 148 degrees
eaft longitude, and between the equator and
72 degrees north latitude; and if we comprehend
the Illands of Java, Sumatra, &c. it may be ex-
tended 10 degrees fouth of the equator. Being
bounded by theFrozen Ocean on the north, by the
Pacifick Ocean on the eaft, by the Indian Ocean
on the fouth, and feparated from Africa on the
fouth-weft by the Red Sea, the Ifthmus of Swez
and the Levant Sea on the north-weft ; feparated
from Europe by the Archipelago, the Euxine Sea,
the Paulus Meotis, the river Don or Tanais, and
a line drawn from r hat river to the river Oby in
Mufcovy, which falls into the Frozen Ocean.
In Afia are contained the following nations
and illands, viz. The empire of China ; the illands
of Japan ; the kingdoms of Tonquin, Cochin-
China, and Siam ; the Ladrone and Philippine
Illands, and that of Macaflar; the illands of Am-
boyna, Banda, and Moluccas (where cloves and
nutmegs grow) ; the illands of Borneo, Java, and
Sumatra ; the empire of the Great Mogul, or In-
dia Proper ; the kingdoms of Pegu and Arracan ;
and the illand of Ceilon (where cinnamon only
grows) ; and to the weftward of thefe lie the
kingdom of Perfia, Arabia, Afiatick-Tartary, and
T urky in Afia, comprehending Chaldaea, Allyria,
Mesopotamia, Armenia, Syria, Paleftine, and
Afia- Minor.
A continuation of the prefent fate of China.
r T~' H E Empire of China comprehends both Chi-
-*■ na and Chinefian Tartary, fometimes ftil’d
Great Tartary, as it is the largeft country now
of that name, fubjed to one prince. This Em-
pire lies between 21 and 55 degrees of north
latitude, and between 1 00 and 130 degrees of eaft
longitude, being bounded by the territories of
Mufcovy on the north ; by the Pacifick Ocean on
the eaft and fouth ; and by Tonquin, Independant
Tartary, and another part of the Mufcovite domi-
nions towards the weft.
To the charader of the Chinefe, given in the
former edition of Modern Hiftory, I lhall here add
that of P. du Halde.
The Chinefe, this father obferves, are trada-
ble, humane, and effable, and have nothing harlh,
rough, or paffionate in their conftitution They
exprefs the profoundeft regard for their parents,
and for old age in general, the Emperor himfelf
fetting them the example.
When we have to do with a Chinefe, fays this
father, we muft take care of being too hafty or
warm ; the genius of the country requires that
we fhould matter our pafiions, and ad with a
great deal of calmnefs, A Chinefe would not
hear patiently in a month what a Frenchman
would fpeak in an hour. This phlegm feems
more natural to them than any other nation ; not
that they want fire or vivacity, but they learn
betimes to become mailers of their temper, and
value themfelves in being more polite than other
nations.
Their ceremonies are troublefome and full of
conftraint at the firft vifits we make them ; but
O 0 o o 2 after
A CONTINUATI ON
after we hare feena perfon feveral times, we
grow as familiar with him as with our own
countrymen ; and if we are ceremonious, they
are the'firft that will fay, Pou iao tfo he, Make
no ftranger of me ; no compliments I befeech
you.
The Chinefe are naturally revengeful, but dif-
femble their refentment, and preferve even with
their enemies a fairoutfide,fo that one would ima-
gine they were almoft infenfible; but when an
occafion of ruining their enemy prefents itfelf,
they immediately feize the opportunity, their
feeming patience was only put on with a delign
to ftrike the furer blow.
Their modefty is furprifing, and feems born
with thofe of the female fex : they live in a con-
ftant retirement, are decently covered even to
their fingers ends, which never appear, but are
conftantly hid under long ileeves.
Avarice feems to be their predominant paffion.
When there is the leaf: advantage to be made,
they defpife all difficulties, and undertake the
moft painful journies to gain their point ; in a
word, this puts them in a continual motion,
fills the ftreets, the rivers, and the high roads
with great numbers of people, who pais and re-
pafs, and are always in action.
Tho’, generally fpeaking, they are not fo de-
ceitful and knavifh as P. Le Compte paints
them, it is however true, that honefty is not
their favourite virtue, efpecially when they have
to do with grangers, whom they feldom fail to
trick when it lies in their power, and boalt of
doing fo. There are fome, who being catched in
the fadl, are impudent enough to apologize for
their want of dexterity ; lam but a blockhead,
as you perceive, fay they ; you are more dextrous
than I.
They can fcarce believe any thing is ever un-
dertaken without a view to intereft; and ob-
ferving that it is not neceffity that brings the
miffionaries over thofe vaft feas to China, they
conclude they come over to attempt a change
in their government, which has been the occa-
fion of very fevere perfections : (and it is highly
probable that the miffionaries preaching up the
Pope’s iupremacy, has given too much occafion
for this fufpicion, and been one of the principal
checks to the progrefs of chriftianuy in the Eaft.)
There is fcarce any people fo fond of life as the
Chinefe, and yet they feem more afraid of want-
ing a coffin after death. It is aftonifhing to fee
how careful they are on this article ; thofe who
have but five pounds in the world will make ule
of them to purchafe a coffin twenty years be-
fore they want it, and look upon it as the moll;
valuable moveable rhey have in their houfe.
China is one of the moll fruitful countries in
the world, as well as the largelt and moll beau-
tiful ; one of thefe provinces alone might make
a confiderable kingdom, and flatter the ambition of
no mean prince. There is fcarce any thing in c-
ther countries that is not to be found in China, and
there are a great many things there which are not
to be found elfe where.
This plenty may be attributed as well to the
richnefs of the foil, as to the painful indullry of
this people, and the great number of lakes,
brooks, rivers, and canals wherewith the coun-
try is watered. There are few cities in the lou-
thern provinces, nor even towns, that you may
not go to by water ; for there are rivers and ca-
nals in all places. Rice is fown twice a year,
and is much better than that which grows in Eu-
rope. The land produces alfo other forts of grain,
fuch as wheat, barley, feveral kinds of millet,
beans, and peale. In the fouthern parts rice is the
principal grain, and their common food, as wheat
is in the northern.
Of all the animals that are ufually eaten in
Europe, hogs-flelh is elleemed by the Chinefe the
moll delicious ; they prefer it to all the reft, and
make it the bafis of their feafts. They eat it all the
year round ; and it mull be owned, there is no bet-
ter food in the world than a Chinefe ham.
The flefih of wild horfes is in great efteem j
and befides hares, rabbets, wild-fowl, and other
animals that we have in plenty, llags-pizzles,
birds-nefts, bears-claws, and the feet of divers
wild-bealls, which are brought ready falted from
Siam, Camboia, and Tartary, are accounted great
delicacies among people of diftindlion.
The vulgar are very fond of horfe and dog’s
flefh, although thefe animals die with age or fick-
nefs ; they make no difficulty of eating cats, mice,
rats, and other vermin, which are fold in the
fhambles.
P. d u Ha l d e alfo relates, that ferpents in Chi-
na are in a manner poifon’d with the fcent of
musk: that when the Chinefe go to cut wood, or
make charcoal in the mountains, they have no
better fecret to guard themfelves againft ferpents
than to carry about them a few grains of musk. .
Then they ileep lecurcly after they have dined;
and if any ferpent comes near them, it is ftupi-
fied by the fmell of the musk, and able to move no
farther.
Since the publifhing the ftateof China, P. du
Halde hath furnilhed us alfo with a continu-
ation of the hiftory of that kingdom : He relates,
that in the year 1717, a mandarin of figure in
the court of China preferred a petition to the
Emperor, infinuating that the chriltians were
continually plotting againft the government, and
endeavouring the fubverfion of the religion of the
Chinefe ; which complaint the Emperor referred
to the examination of one of his tribunals, and
they reported, that there was a colour for the
accufation. Whereupon the Emperorcaufed two
edibls to be revived againft them, viz. one of the
eighth
6 J3
OF MODERN HISTORY.
eighth year of the Emperor Cang hi, which
prohibited the building of churches, and embra-
cing the chriftian faith ; the other of the forty-
fifth year, wherein it is ordained, that every Eu-
ropean miffionary fign an inftrument, declaring
what country and religious order he is of, and
the time he hath been in China, and promife
never to return to Europe any more without
leave of the government.
Father Farinin, with two other miffiona-
ries, hereupon went and threw themfelves at the
Emperor’s feet, imploring he would fufpend thefe
edidfs ; but all the anfwer they could obtain was,
that none were prohibited to preach the gofpel but
thofe who had not received licences for it.
The year following happened the deceafe of the
Emperor’s mother on the eleventh of January,
and the whole empire went into deep mourn-
ing for forty days. The mandarins, and even
the fons of the Emperor, went to fleep without put-
ting off their clothes ; all the mandarins on horfe-
back, with white garments and a ifnall train, went
for three days fucceffively to perform the ufual
ceremonies before the monument of the deceafed
Emprefs : The tribunals were fhut up while the
mourning lafted, and red filk was prohibited to
be worn, and taken out of their caps, as well as all
other ornaments.
The fame year the Emperor was attacked with
a diftemper which gave a general alarm, inaf-
much as he had not appointed any of his chil-
dren to fucceed him, but a prince of the dynaity
of Yu e n, of which houfe there was ftill left more
than a thoufand.
One of the chief mandarins therefore caufed
his fon to prefent a memorial to the Emperor,
wherein he refpeftfully reprefented of how great
importance it was for the repofe of the empire to
name one of his fons his heir. The Emperor, ex-
alperated at this remonftrance, though he pardon-
ed him who prefented it, becaufe it was in obe-
dience to his father, yet gave orders that the fa-
ther fhould be put to death. This example of
feverity ftopped the mouths of all the grandees,
who durlt not fo much as mention a fucceflor af-
terwards.
In the year 1720 they received at court the
agreeable news, that the Chinefe troops had
gained a complete victory over their enemy Tse
vang Rapt an, King of the Eluths, who had
invaded the country of the Lamas, and ravaged
it for the fpace of four years together ; and that
Thibet was now in the pofleffion of the victo-
rious army.
Tho’ this conqueft was at fome difiance from
the confines of China, the confequence of it
was not fmall, and all the grandees congratulated
the Emperor upon it.
On the eleventh of June in the fame year,
there happened an earthquake at Peking at nine
in the morning, which Med two minutes ; the
frocks began again the next day at half an hour
after feven in the evening, continuing for about
fix minutes ; and there was nothing heard in
the city but confided cries and fhrieks : at length
it ceafed for the prefent. There were ten other
frocks before morning, but not fo violent as the
former. At break of day their calamity did not
appear fo great as their fears had reprefented, there
being but 1000 perfons crufhed to death ; for as
the ftreets are generally broad, they could place
themfelves out of the reach of the fall of the build-
ings ; yet for twenty days afterwards there were
felt from time to time fome flight fhocks.
The twenty-fecond of November a Mufcovite
ambaflador made his publick entry into Peking
with a great deal of magnificence, having almoft
an hundred perfons in his train, fplendidiy dreft
after the European fafhion. The gentlemen on
each fide the ambaflador had drawn fwords in
their hands, which was a fight entirely new in
China.
The new legate from his Holinefs, M. Mess a -
bar ba, who embarked at Lisbon in a Portuguefe
vefl'el, alfo arrived at Peking, and met with an
honourable reception from the Emperor. After
feveral audiences, he took his leave in order to
return to Europe, to give the Pope an account of
what the emperor had faid, promifing to return
to China as foon as poflible. Pie was conducted
to Canton, where he flayed but four or five days,
and from thence to Macao, with all the honours
due to his character and dignity.
The year following Pormola endeavoured to
throw off the emperor’s yoke, but the iiland was
recovered again in a few months.
In the year 1722, in December, the Emperor
diverting himfelf with hunting the tyger, was
taken with a cold fliivering, and immediately
gave orders to his train to return to his pleafure-
houfe. Phis did not a little aftonifh the whole
company ; but they were not long ignorant of
the caufe, for his blood was coagulated, and no
remedy did him any fervice. Perceiving him-
felf near his end, he aflembled all the grandees,
and appointed his fourth fon to fucceed him in
the empire. Pie expired the twentieth of De-
cember, about eight in the evening, aged fixty
nine years, and the lame night his body was tran-
fported to Peking.
The day after the death of Cang hi, the
new Emperor, aged about forty-five years, af-
cended the throne, and affirmed the name of
Yong Tching, which fignifies lafting peace,
and was recognized by all the grandees and man -
darins belonging to the tribunals. He was no
fooner come to the crown, but he dil covered
figns of dilcontent againft fome of his brothers,
efpecially the ninth, condemning him to pay
large fums, which he pretended were unlawfully
ac-
554
A CONTINUATION
acquired during the life of his father, and banilh-
ed him into Tartary, where he died loon after his
arrival. He afterwards recalled his fourteenth
brother to Peking, who was at the head of the
Chinefe army ; but his eighth and tenth fell
under his difpleafure, and he placed intire confi-
dence in none but the thirteenth, to whom he
trufted all the affairs of the government. At the
fame time he imprifoned or banilhed feveral
princes and noblemen, many of which protected
the miffionaries, and were favourable to chriftia-
nity. Whether this prince hath not the fame
tafte for fciences as his father, or whether he feeks
occalion to lay afide the miffionaries, they
have received but few marks of his benevolence,
except his letting them live in quiet : one Italian
jefuit only, an excellent painter, is employed at
court. If he has given a new title of honour to
father Kecler, prefident of the tribunal of the
mathematicks, it is with no other view than that
he may appear with the greater fplendor in his
prefence, efpecially on certain days, when cere-
mony is required ; for it ought not to be con-
cluded from hence, that his difpofition to religion
is favourable.
In refpedt to affairs of Hate, his application is
conftant ; he is fteady and retblute, ready to hear
grievances, and toredrefs them.
He was prejudiced againft the Europeans from
the firft year of his reign, by feveral petitions pre-
fented him by the learned, remonftrating, that
thefe foreigners had deceived the late Emperor,
and that that prince had loft much of his reputa-
tion, in condefcending fo far as to let them fettle
in the provinces : that they had built churches in
all places, and their faith was propagated greatly :
that the Chinefe chriftians acknowledged no other
matters than the miffionaries; and in times of
trouble their difciples might prove dangerous to
the government.
Thefe bad impreflions Were ftrengthened by a
publick petition prefented to the Emperor by the
Tsong fou of Fo kien ; wherein, after having
given an account of the important reafons that
he had for prohibiting the chriftian religion
throughout the extent of his government, he
befought him for the repofe of the empire, and
the good of the people, to order all ftrangers to
be lent out of the provinces, and conducted to
Peking or Macao, and that their temples might
be put to other ufes.
This petition was referred to the tribunal of
rites, to determine what fhould be done in it, and
the fentence of the tribunal was to keep at court
the Europeans that were already there, to bring
thither thofe from the provinces that might be
ufeful, to fend the reft to Macao, to convert their
temples to the ufe of the publick, and ftridtly to
forbid the exercife of their religion.
This judgment of the tribunal was confirmed
by the Emperor ; to which he only added, that
the viceroys of the provinces fhould allow them'
a mandarin to condudt them to court, or to
Macao, to protect them from any infult. The
miffionaries exerted themfelves as much as pof-
fible by the interpofition of their friends, but to
no purpofe ; all the favour that he granted them,
was, that they might be conducted to Canton
inftead of Macao, but he would not give them
leave to ftay there, if they gave any caufe of com-
plaint.
By virtue of this folemn edidt of the Emperor,
which was publifhed throughout the empire, the
miffionaries were drove from their churches, and
tolerated no where but at Peking and Canton ;
above three hundred churches were either demo-
lifhed or put to profane ufes, and more than three
hundred thoufand chriftians deprived of their paf-
tors. The miffionaries feeing themfelves delivered,
up to the rage of infidels, made ufe of every me-
thod that a prudent and well governed zeal could
infpire, to animate their converts, and induce
them to perfevere in the chriftian faith: for this
edidt was no fooner publifhed, but the Emperor
let fall the weight of his indignation on the Chi-
nefe chriftians, and particularly upon an illuf-
trious and numerous family that had embraced
the faith. The head of this family is a prince of
the blood, defcended from the eldeft brother of
him who was the founder of the reigning dynafty,
whom, without any regard to his rank or old age,
or the important fervice he had done the ftate,
he banifhed, together with his children and rela-
tions, among whom there were no Iefs than eleven
princes, and fixteen princefies married to Mongol
princes, or to mandarins of Peking.
All thefe princes and princefies were degraded
from their rank, and allowed no other abode than
a defart place in Tartary, where they were
clofely guarded, and not buffered to go out of
fight of their guard. This venerable old man was
carried to the place of his exile, with his children
and grandchildren, to the number of thirty-feven,
without reckoning the females, who were almoft
as many, and about three hundred domefticks
of both fexes, the greateft part of whom were
baptized.
Many were brought to Peking in carts, and
being loaded with chains, were examined on le-
veral interrogatories, and promifed to be reftored
to the dignity of their rank, if they would re-
nounce their faith ; and if they refufed, dreadful
punifhments were threatened them ; but their
iteadinefs and conftancy could not be lhaken,
neither by promifes nor threatenings, and they
were thereupon condemned to die.
But the Emperor changed this punifhment into
perpetual imprifonment ; fothat feveral were fhut
up in clofe pnlbns, and three died merely through
the hardlhips they underwent ; the reft were dif-
perfed
OF MODERN HISTORY.
perfed in the provinces, to end their days under
loads of irons, or in the obfcurity of a dungeon.
Two ambafladors, the one from Portugal, and
the other from Mufcovy, who were then at the
court of Peking, were witnefles and admirers of
the conftancy and intrepidity of thefe illuftrious
confeflors of Jesus Christ.
As little a favourer of religion as this Emperor
appears to be, it is not poffible to forbear applaud-
ing his unwearied application to bufinefs ; for he
applied his thoughts night and day to the reform-
ing errors in the government, and to procure
happinefs to his fubjects. You cannot do him a
greater pleafure than to prefent him a plan which
tends to promote the publick welfare, and the
eafe of the people ; he immediately enters upon
it, and puts it in execution, without any regard
to expence. He hath fettled a great many ex-
cellent rules to dignify merit, and reward virtue,
to caufe a worthy emulation among artificers, and
to affifl his fubjedls in years of famine : Thefe qua-
lities have gained him in a fhort time the refpect
and love of all his fubjects.
In the year 1730, the Emperor’s thirteenth
brother,, who had his fhare in the difficulties of
government, died on the nineteenth of June of a
Janguifhing diftemper, which was owing to his
exceffive labour for the publick good : the Empe-
ror appeared inconfolable for hislofs, and heaped all
manner of honours on the remains of this Prince ;
and by frequent proclamations, intimated how
agreeable it would be to him that all the world
Ihould fhare in his grief, and affifl at his funeral.
The place which the Emperor caufed to be
prepared for his interment, was four leagues in
circumference.
The mandarins of the provinces either came
and paid their devotions to the deceafed Prince
themfelves, or deputed their fons in their ftead ;
afterwards they caufed monuments to be erected
in their proper diftricts, which contain the great-
eft elogiums on the illuftrious perfon deceafed.
The Emperor placed his name in the hall of Em-
perors, which is very feldom done to fubjects, but
when they have performed the raoft important
fervices to the ftate.
Soon after the Emperor caufed his third brother
to be taken up and confined in a clofe prifon ; but
the caufe of his difgrace was unknown : his fa-
mily alfo have been degraded from their rank.
On the thirteenth of November, in the follow-
ing year 1731, the city of Peking was almoft
overturned by an earthquake, the moft extraor-
dinary that ever was felt in China. The firft
fhocks were perceived about eleven in the morn-
ing, fo fudden, and with fuch violence, that
their houfes and buildings were overthrown in an
inftant. One would have imagined that a gene-
ral mine had been fprung, and that the earth had
opened under our feet, fays one of the miffiona-
ries ; for in lefs than a minute more than a hun-
dred thoufand inhabitants were buried here, and
a great number in the country, where whole
towns were intirely deftroyed.
The Emperor was then at his fine pleafure-
houfe two leagues from Peking, which v/as ter-
ribly fhaken : he was taking the air in a bark up-
on the canal, which erodes the garden, where
he immediately fell proftrate, lifting his hands and
eyes towards heaven. Afterwards he publifhed
an edi<£t, wherein he confefl'ed his fins, and attri -
buted this calamity to the wrath of heaven
for his offences, and to the little care he took in
the government of the empire.
This Prince appeared very fenfible of the af-
fliction of his people, and commanded feveral
officers to make an eftimate of the demolifhed
houfes, and to examine into the lofs which each
family had fuftained, advancing confiderable fums
towards their affiftance: the miffionaries of Peking
partook of his liberality, for he gave them audi-
ence, received them with condefcenfion, and
bellowed upon them a thoufand taels towards the
repair of their churches: but in the following
year 1732, the miffionaries, who were ten years
before driven from the provinces to Canton, were
now forced from Canton to Macao, a little city
belonging to the Portuguefe, but of which the
Chinefe are mailers ; and they allowed them but
three days to prepare for their journey, and carry
away their efteCls : the only reafon which was
given for fo fevere a treatment, was, that they
had dilobeyed the Emperor’s order in propagat-
ing thechriftian faith.
On the 20th of Auguft, they embarked to the
number of thirty, under the convoy of four gal-
lies and two mandarins. When they went on
fhore at Macao, the mandarins caufed their do-
melticks, and the Chinefe chriftians v/ho had fol-
lowed the miffionaries, to land alfo, but fent them,
back to Canton loaded with irons : they then
dragged them in an ignominious manner before
feveral tribunals ; fome were call into prifon, o-
thers received the baftinado, and others were con-
demned to carry the cangueor pillory -board, dur-
ing two months. Thefe however confefl'ed openly
the name of Christ, and gave pubLck teftimo-
ny to the truth of his holy religion. But howe-
ver P. du Halde may applaud the condubl of
the jefuits in China, thelatePopeBENEDicT was
fo little fatisfied with it, that he confirmed all the
decrees of his predecefl'ors, againll the worfhip- ■
ping Confucius and their anceftors, facnficing
and burning incenle to them, and actually pro-
hibited the jefuits fending any miffionaries of that
order to China, without his lpecial leave. His
Holinels alfo fent for the general of the jefuits, and
reproached him with the practices of thofe of his.
order in China, and commanded him to put a
Hop to them } and it appears that the jefuits them-
lelves
656
A CONTI
felves had railed a perfecution in China, againft
cardinal de Tour non, the Pope’s legate ; and
thofe miffionaries who infilled that the chrillian
converts fhould forbear to facrifice to Confucius
and their anceftors, and caufed them to be im-
prifoned : and that the cardinal and feveral more
pej iihed under the hardfhips they endured. But
the lait advices we have received from China,
inform us, chat the Emperor has revoked his e-
dicts again ft the chriftians, and permitted the fa-
ther;- to return thither again, and preach the
gofpel to his fubjedts.
A continuation of the prefent fate of Perfia.
perfia. "PERSIA is fituated between 25 and 45 de-
-* grees north latitude, and between 45 and 67
degrees eaft longitude.
In the former edition of the modern hiftory of
Perfia, an account was given of the rebellion of
Me re we ys, and of the fuccefies of his fon
Ma h am oud after his death, who furprifed the
capital city of Ifpahan, with the whole royal fa-
mily, except Prince Thamas, and ufurped the
dominion of Perfia. Mahamoud had not
long enjoyed the fruits of his rebellion, before one
of his officers, named Sultan Esreff, found
means to deftroy Mahamoud, and fucceed him
in the government ; and to eftablifh his ufurpa-
tion, entered into alliances with the Turks and
Mufcovites, confirming to them all the towns
they had feized on the Perfian frontiers, on con-
dition they would guarantee hisufurpation. But
thefe alliances proved his ruin ; for the Perfians
feeing their country difmembred, and their bell
towns given up to their enemies, determined to
adhere to Prince Thamas (who had gathered a
good body of men about him in the northern pro-
vinces of Perfia) and to proclaim him their fove-
reign: and the Prince being affiited by Kouli
Ka n, a general of great bravery and experience,
had the good fortune to defeat Sultan Esreff in
feveral engagements, in one of which he was kil-
led, or elfe taken prifoner, and executed after-
wards ; for the accounts we received from Perfia,
varied pretty much in this particular. But the
general Kouli Kan it fee ms was grown fo po-
pular, by a long feries of fuccefs, as well againft
the Turks, from whom he recovered moft of the
frontier towns that had been taken during the
war, as by his victories over Esreff, that he
alfo let up for himfelf, and at length ufurped the
throne cf his mafter Prince Thamas, whom he
depofed and confined (if he has not put him to
death) ; and to ftrengthen his ufurpation, entered
into an alliance offenfive and defenfive with the
Ruffians againft the Turk. But the Perfians not
approving the conduCt of Kouli Kan, in de-
pofing Prince Thamas, feveral ftrong parties
were formed againft him, and a brother of ME-
NU ATION
Reweys, who was in poflefiion of the town and
province of Candahor, raifed an army, and be-
gan to advance towards Ifpahan ; whereupon
Kouli Kan found himfelf obliged to clap up a
peace with the Turks, and to turn his arms againft
his domeftick enemies, whom he had the good
fortune to defeat according to our lateft accounts,
and now reigns fovereign of Perfia without a rival.
A continuation of the prefent fate of Arabia.
ARABIA PETRiEA is fituated between Arabia.
27 and 31 degrees north latitude, and be-
tween 34 and 28 degrees eaft longitude.
Dr. Shaw, who lately travelled through this Dr - Shw’s
country, relates, that the whole is a lonefome
defolate wildernefs, no otherwife diverfified than Pecrsea,
by plains that are covered with fand, and moun-
tains, that are made up of naked rocks and pre-
cipices. Neither is this country ever (unlefs fome-
times at the equinoxes,) refrefhed with rain: but
the few hardy vegetables which it produceth, are
ftuntedby a perpetual drought; and the nourifh-
ment which is contributed to them by the dews
in the night, is fufficiently impaired by the pow-
erful heat of the fun in the day. The Iky is al-
moft always clear, and the wind blows brifkly in
the day, but ceafes in the night.
The heats however are fo great, that the car-
cafes of camels and other creatures, which lie ex-
pofed in thefe defarts, are quickly drained of that
moifture which would otherwife expofe them to
putrefaction ; and being hereby put into a ftate
of prefervation, not much inferior to what is com-
municated by fpices and bandages, they will con-
tinue a number of years without mouldering
away. To the fame caufealfo, fucceeded after-
wards by the coldnefs of the night, we may at-
tribute the plentiful dews, and thofe thick offen-
five milts, one or other of which we had every
night too fenfible a proof of. The dews parti-
cularly (as we had the heavens only for our co-
vering) would frequently wet us to the fkin ; but
no looner was the fun rifen, and the atmofphere
a little heated, than the milts were quickly dif-
perfed, and the copious moifture which the dews
communicated to the fands, would be intirely
evaporated.
Fountains and wells of water are fo very rare
in thefe parts, that we may very well account for
the ftrife and contention that was formerly about
them. In the midland road, betwixt Kairo and
Mount Sinai, I do not remember to have heard or
tailed of more than five, and thefe were all of
them either brackifh or fulphureous ; yet this
difagreeablenefs in the tafte is vaftly made up by
the wholfome qualities of the waters ; for they
provoke an appetite, and are remarkably lenitive
and diuretick, and it maybe owing to thefe qua-
lities that few perfons are feized with any illnefs
during
6*57
OF MODERN HISTORY.
during their travels, through thefe lonefome ful-
try defarts.
There is no great variety of plants to be met
* with here, as has been intimated already. Thofe
acacias, azarolas, tamarifks, oleanders, laureo-
las, apocynums, and a few other plants which I
havefeen, fays Dr. Shaw, are generally indebted
to the clift of fome barren rock, or to the fandy
plains for their fupport, and to the nightly dews
for their nourilhment j for foil properly fo called
is not to be found in thefe parts of Arabia. The
monks, indeed of Sinai, in a long procefs of time,
have covered over with dung, and the fweepings
of their convent, near four acres of thefe naked
rocks, which produce as good cabbage roots, falad,
and all kinds of pot-herbs, as any foil and climate
whatfoever. They have likewife raifed olive,
plumb, almond, apple, and pear trees, not only
in great numbers, but of excellent kinds : the
pears particularly are in fuch efteem at Kairo,
that there is a prefent of them fent every feafon
to the bafhaw and perfons of the firft quality :
neither are their grapes inferior in fize and flavour
to any whatfoever ; it being fully demonftrated,
by what this little garden produces, how far an
indefatigable induftry can prevail over nature j
and that feveral places are capable of culture and
improvement, which were intended by nature to
be barren, and with the lazy and flothful are al-
ways fuffered to be fo.
There is no place in the world where there are
fewer animals, or lefs nourifhment for them.
The quails, Dr. Shaw obferves, muft have been
fed, as well as brought thither by a miracle, if
they had continued alive with the Ifraelites.
A continuation of the prefent fate of P alefine.
T>ALESTINE is fituated between 3 1 and 33
-*■ degrees north latitude, and between 35 and 37
eald longitude.
Dr. Shaw ’s The wefterly winds here are attended with
* r™ rks cn ra ' n > an d thofe from the eaft are ufually dry, but
.j.L .me. f omet ; mes ^00 hazy and tempeftuous. Thefe
eafterly winds are called by the fea-faring men
Levanters, being not confined to any one Angle
point, but blowing in all directions from the
north-eaft to the fouth-eaft.
The Euroclydon, which we read of in the
hiftory of St. Paul (Adis xxvii. 14.) was nothing
more, as I conjecture, than one of thefe ftrong
Levanters.
The mountains of Libanus are covered all
the winter with fnow, which, when the winds
are eafterly, affedts the whole country from
Tripoly to Sidon with a moie fubtil and piercing
cold than what is known in our northern cli-
mates. Whereas the other maritime and in-
land places, either to the north or fouth of
thefe mountains, enjoy a temperature of the
Vol. III.
atmofphere, which is much milder, afid at-
tended with a more regular change in the fea-
fons.
It is obfervable, that in cloudy weather, e-
fpecially when the winds are tempeftuous, and
blow at the fame time in feveral directions, wa-
ter-fpouts are more frequent near the capes of
Latikea, Greego, and Carmel, than in any o-
ther part of the Mediterranean Sea. Thofe
which I had an opportunity of feeing, feemed
to be fo many cylinders of water falling down
from the clouds ; though by the reflection, as I
take it, of the defcending columns, or from the
aCtual dropping of the water contained in them,
they may fometimes appear, efpecially at a
diftance, to be fucked up from the fea. No-
thing more, perhaps, is required towards the
production of the phenomenon, than the
clouds fhould be firft crowded together, and
then, that contrary winds whirling them about,
and prefling violently upon them, fhould oblige
them to condenfe. They cannot, I prefume, be
accounted for according to Lemery’s fuppofi-
tion, from fubmarine earthquakes and eruftations:
neither will the Siphonic winds, if there be any
fuch, much better folve the difficulty.
The firft rains ufually fall about the begin-
ning of November ; the latter fometimes in the
middle, fometimes towards the latter end of
April. It is an obfervation in the country
round about Jerufalem, that provided a mode-
rate quantity of fnow falls in the beginning of
February, and the fountains overflow, a little
afterwards there is the profpeCt of a fruitful and
plentiful year ; the inhabitants making upon thefe
occafionsthe like rejoicings which the Egyptians
do, upon the cutting of the Nile. During the
fummer feafon thefe countries are rarely refrefhed
with rain, but enjoy the like ferenity of air the
coaft of Barbary does.
In the beginning of April the barley all over
the Holy-Land was in full ear, and about the
middle began to turn yellow in the fouthern di-
ftriCts. For it was as forward near Jericho in
the latter end of March, as I have found it to be
in the plains of Acre a fortnight after. But
the wheat was very little of it in ear at one or
other of thefe places ; and in the fields near
Bethlehem and Jerufalem the ftalk was little more
than a foot high. The boccores likewife, or firft
ripe figs, were hard, and no bigger than our
common plumbs, though they have then a me-
thod of making them palatable by fteeping them
in oil. According therefore to the quality of the
feafon {An. 1722.) when I travelled in the Ho-
ly-Land, I very much doubt whether the firft-
fruits could have been offered at the time appointed,
without intercalating the Ve-adar, and poftponing
the paffover for at leaft the fpace of a month.
P P PP
Tin
6c3 A CONTINUATION
The foil both of the maritime and inland
parts of Syria and Phsenice, is of a light loamy
nature, rarely requiring more than one pair of
oxen to plow it ; and produces all forts of ex-
cellent grain, and fuch vegetable diet, as the
fruit and kitchen gardens of Barbary afford, be-
lides filk and cotton.
The Holy-Land, were it as well peopled and
cultivated as in former time, would ftill be more
fruitful than the very beft part of the coaft of Syria
and Phaenice. For the foil itfelf is generally much
richer, and all things confidered, yields a more
preferable crop. Thus the cotton that is ga-
thered in the plains of Ramah, Efdraelon, and
Zabulon, is in greater efteem than what is cul-
tivated near Sidon and Tripoly ; neither is it
poffible for pulfe, wheat, or any other fort of
grain, to be more excellent than what is common-
ly fold at Jerufalem. The barrennefs, or fcar-
city rather, which fome authors may either ig-
norantly or malicioufly complain of, does not
proceed from the incapacity or natural unfruit-
fulnefs of the country, but from the want of
inhabitants, and the great averfion there is to la-
bour and induftry in thofe who pofiefs it. There
are befides fuch perpetual difcords and depreda-
tions among the petty princes, who fhare this
fine country, that allowing it was better peopled,
yet there would be fmall encouragement to fow,
when it was uncertain who fhould gather in the
harveft. Otherwife the land is a good land, and
ftill capable of affording its neighbours the like
fupplies of corn and oil, which it is known to
have done in the time of Solomon.
The parts about Jerufalem being rocky and
mountainous, are fuppofed to be moll barren
and unfruitful; but thefe feed however great
herds of cattle, abound in milk and honey, and
produce excellent wine and olive oil, where they
are cultivated : and there are valleys between the
mountains which produce plenty of corn.
A continuation of the prefent fate of Europe.
Europe, TT 1 UROPE, the fecond divilion of this con-
tinent, is fituated between 36 and 72 de-
grees north latitude, and between 1 1 degrees
weft, and 65 degrees eaft longitude, comprehend-
ing the following countries, viz. Turky in Eu-
rope (in which Crim and Little Tartary, with
Moldavia and Walachia, are included) Mufco-
vy, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Greenland,
Poland, Bohemia, Silefia, Moravia, Hungary,
Tranfilvania, Servia, Croatia, Germany, the
United Provinces, the Auftrian and French
Netherlands, Switzerland, Italy, France, Spain,
and Portugal ; the Britifh, and other European
iilands.
A continuation of the prefent fate of Walachia and
Moldavia.
Tp H E tributary provinces of Walachia and
Moldavia having little laid of them in the
former editions of Modern History, I fhall
take the liberty in this review, to give a more
particular defcription of them.
Walachia and Moldavia are fituated on the Walachia,
north fide of the Danube, between 43 and 47 de-
grees north latitude, and between 23 and 28 de-
grees of eaft longitude.
Walachia is bounded by the Iron-gate moun-
tains which feparate it from Tranfilvania, on the
north-weft ; by Moldavia on the north-eaft ; by
the river Danube, which feparates it from Bulga-
ria, on the fouth-eaft; and by the fame river which
feparates it from Servia on the fouth-weft ; being
about two hundred miles in length, and upwards
of one hundred in breadth in itsgreateft extent ;
but is of a triangular form, and confequently the
length and breadth very unequal. It is bleffed
with a temperate air and fruitful foil, producing
excellent, corn, wine, pafture, and all manner of
European fruits, abundance of oxen and fheep, and
a good breed of horfes. They have alfo plenty
of venifon, fifh, and fowl, fome good mines, and
wood enough. Their principal rivers, befides the
Danube, which waters the fouth of Walachia,
are, 1. The Alanta. 2. TheTelfch. 3.TheJa-
lonieza. And 4. The Mifl'ovia, which rifing in
the north, all of them run to the fouth, and dis-
charge themfelves into the Danube.
The chief towns are, 1. Tergowifch. 2. Bu~
choreft. 3. Brafchow. 4. Rcbnick. 5 Alauth.
And 6. Pedt.
Tergowifch, the capital, is fituated on the Tergowifch
Jalonieza, in 45 degrees odd minutes north lati-
tude, fixty miles eaft of the confines of Tran-
filvania ; but I meet with no particular defcription
of it.
The prince, who is ftiled Waywood, and Govern ~
fometimes Hofpodar, or Generalillimo, pays -
a great tribute to the Grand Seignior ; and is be-
fides obliged to defray all the charges of the go-
vernment civil and military, and march with his
troops wherever the Porte commands him. Both
the prince and his fubjedls are of the Greek
church, and buffered to enjoy their own reli-
gion, laws, and cuftoms, and perhaps lefs dis-
couraged and perfecuted than they would be if
they were fubjedl to the Emperor, or any other
Roman catholick power.
Moldavia is bounded by the river Neifter, which Moldavia,
feparates it from Poland on the north-eaft ; by
Befi'arabia on the eaft ; by the Danube, which
divides it from Bulgaria, on the fouth-eaft ; and
by Walachia and Tranfilvania on the weft; be-
ing two hundred and forty miles in length from
north to fouth, and an hundred and fifty in
breadth
OF MODERN HISTORY.
breadth from eaft to weft. The air is as health-
ful, and the foil as fruitful as that of Walachia,
and produces the like animals and vegetables.
The country is prettily diverfified with moun-
tains and plains, woods and champaign, and well
watered with rivers ; the chief whereof, next to
the Danube, its fouth-eaft boundary, are, r. The
Moldavo, from whence the country takes its
name. 2. The Pruth. 3. The Sereth. And 4.
The Bardalach.
The chief Towns are, 1. Jaffy. 2. Soczow.
3-Targorod. 4. Chotzyn. 5. Moldadania. 6. Va-
il oye. 7. Romani-Wivar. And 8. Braila.
jz(Ty. Jaffy or Jazy, the capital of Moldavia, is fi-
tuated on the river Pruth, in 47 degrees odd mi-
nutes north latitude, and 27 degrees of eaft lon-
gitude, and is funpofed to be the antient Augufta
of Dacia.
Moldavia, like Walachia, is governed by its
own Waywood or Prince, but tributary in like
manner to the Porte. Both prince and fubjedts
are chriftians of the Grecian church, and fub-
jedt to the patriarch of Conftantinople in fpiri-
tuals.
The Poles in the year 1686 made themfelves
matters of Moldavia, but it was yielded to the
Turks again by the treaty of Carlowitz.
Beflarabia. Beffarabia is a fmall territory of Turky, inha-
bited by a hord of roving Tartars, being bounded
by Budziac Tartary and Oczakow on the north-
eaft, by the Danube on the fouth-eaft, and by
Moldavia on the weft. The chief towns where-
of are, 1. Bialogrod. 2. Kilia-Nova. And 3.
Kilia Vechia.
Bialogrod. Bialogrod is a ftrong town, fituated on the
north-weft fhore of the Black Sea, and the two
Kilia’s are two fortreffes at the mouth of the
Danube on the fame fhore.
A continuation of the prefent fate of Turky in
Europe.
Turky. T -1 U R K Y in Europe is fituated between 36
and 47 degrees north latitude, and between 16
and 38 degrees eaft longitude.
The nifto- The Modern History of Turky was
continued/ brought down,in the former editions of this work,
to the year 1703, when Sultan Mu staph a was
depofed by the janizaries, and his brother Sultan
Ac hm e t advanced to the throne.This prince had
not reigned many months before he difplaced his
grand vizir, the aga of the janizaries, and all the
great officers, who had brought about the late
revolution in his favour ; the reafon whereof was
faid to be, that they affirmed a power of govern-
ing the ftate as they faw fit, and fuffered the
Emperor to enjoy little more than the name and
enfigns of fovereignty.
The French emiilaries and miffionaries appear-
ing very bufy about this time, in making pro-
felytes to the Roman catholick faith among the
Greek chriftians in the Turkifh empire, in
which they met with great fuccefs, that govern-
ment, which never approved the condudl of
the Roman priefts and jefuits, in preaching up
the independency of the church on the civil
powers, prohibited the Greek chriftians turning
papifts on pain of death, and actually executed
fome of them, who had been feduced to change
their religion, which put a flop to thofe conver-
fions.
The king of Sweden, Charles XII. upon
the lofs of the battle of Poltowa, retiring to
Bender in the Turkifh territories, met with a
very kind reception there, as appears in the for-
mer editions of this work ; and we find he had
fuch an influence on the Grand Seignor’s court,
that he prevailed on the Porte to declare war a-
gainft his enemy, the Czar of Mufcovy, the fol-
lowing year, and caufed two or three grand vi-
zirs to be depofed and ftrangled who oppofed his
projedts. .
In their declarations of war, the Turks charge
the Ruffians with many infractions of former
treaties, with purfuing the king of Sweden into
their territories, and carrying off feveral of his
people, after that Prince had put himfelf under
the protedion of the Porte. They alfo charge
the Czar with ereding fortreffes on their fron-
tiers, and ftirring up the Poles to invade that
empire, and with obftruding the return of the
King of Sweden to his dominions.
The Czar, in anfwer to this declaration, pub-
lifhed a manifefto, wherein he obferves, that
the fortreffes he had ereded, were upon his own
territories ; and that if he purfued the Swedes
into fome uninhabited part of the Turkifh do-
minions, and made them prifoners, it was no
more than he might do by the laws of war :
that he was ready to affift in conveying the king
of Sweden home again ; and offers to fubmit
all difputes between Ruflia and the Porte, to the
mediation of the Emperor and the maritime pow-
ers ; which not being accepted, both armies took
the field.
The Czar marched with a body of feventy
thoufand men into Moldavia, where he was
joined by the Vaivod or Prince of that country,
who had afi'ured the Czar, that the Moldavians
were well-affedted to him; and this induced him
to march further into the Turkifh territories, than
in prudence he ought to have done, before he
had eftablifhed magazines, and made fuch pro-
vifion as is ufual in marching into an enemy’s
country ; and neither the Walachians or Molda-
vians, in whom hd had great expectations, join-
ing him as they had promifed, he was reduced to
very great ftraits, lofing almoft one half of his army
P p p p 2 by
66o A CONTINUATION
by famine or difeafes; the reft, being ready to ftfij waiting at Bender for the King’s departure,
perifli for want of food, and clofely purfiied by deiired to know what hisMajefty intended to do,
the Turks , intrenched themfelves on a fpot of that they might take their meafures accordingly,
ground almoft furrounded by the river Pruth. His Majefty returned them no anfwer, but or-
Their mifety, our author fays, is hardly to be dered his minifter at the Porte to folicit for a;
exprefled; for moft part of the officers had eat no- thoufand purfes, or five hundred thoufand dob>
thing in two days, and the condition of the com- lars, to defray the expence of his journey,
mon foldiers was ftill worfe ; and their horfes In the mean time, the Mufcovites not having
having no forage, died in heaps. In this fitua- evacuated Poland, or delivered up Afoph at the-
tion they were three feveral times attacked by the time agreed on, the Turks again declared war
janizaries fibre in hand, and the Ruffians as of- againft the Czar, and confined his minifters at
ten repulfed them, which a little abated the cou- Conftantinople in the feven towers ; which oc-
rage of the Turks, and made them wait for their caiioned great joy in the Swedifh court at Ben-'
artillery before they would venture to charge a- der : but the Porte ftill prelied the departure of
gain. The next day the Turks fired upon the the King of Sweden, and fent down twelve hun-
Mufcovite intrenchments from two hundred pie- dred purfes to the bafla of Bender, to defray the;,
ces of their artillery (having no lefs than fix hun- charges of his journey. The Swedifh court be-
dredbrafs guns in their train) and the Mufcovites ing very neceffitous, were importunate with ths
anfwered with theirs, which did not confift of bafla to deliver his Majefty the money forthwith ;
more than a hundred pieces in all, but did more but the bafla anfwered, he had pofttive orders noo
execution with them, having better engineers, to deliver it till the moment of- his Majefty’s
However, after about an hour’s firing, the Muf- departure, and that he could not pay it without
covites hung out a white flag, and deiired to ca- the content of the Cham of Tartary. But tha
pitulate ; which the Turks agreed to ; and a truce King promifing to fet forward on the day the-
was figned that very day, wherein the Czar obliged Grand Seignior fhould appoint, and both the bafla
himfelf to furrender Afoph, and demolifh his forts and the Cham of Tartary having a particular
towards the mouth of the Don or Tanais, and to friendlhip for this prince, they ventured to pay.
evacuate Poland. his Majefty the money, which was foon fquan-
In the mean time the King of Sweden, having dered away, and the King fent to his refident to*
received advice that the Czar was furrounded folicit for a thoufand purfes more. It beginning
with Turks, and his forces in fuch a miferable to freeze hard, the Cham of Tartary gave notice ■
condition that they would in all probability be to the King to be ready to march on the fifteenth-,
obliged to furrender at difcretion, mounted his inftant ; and his Majefty feeming not to regard
horfe, and came to the vizir’s quarters at the very that notice, the Cham gave him to underftand,.
time the Czar was marching off : here he up- ifhedidnot leave Bender as was expected, force
braided the vizir with his ill conduct, telling him would be ufed. To which the King only re-
he had let his enemies efcape when they were at his plied, he was refolved to repel force by force,
mercy, and that with 20,000 of the vizir’s troops, The bafla being informed of the King’s refolution,.
he did not doubt to recover the opportunity, was in the utmoft confternation; and, waiting.,
and deliver the Czar a prifoner to the Grand on him, begged, in the moft paffionate terms,.
Seignior; but the vizir would by no means that he would begin his march at the time ap-
admit of any violation of the treaty he had con- pointed ; telling his Majefty, that it would coft
eluded: on the contrary, he fuffered all manner him his head for having delivered the twelve
of provifions to be carried into the Czar’s army, hundred purfes contrary to the Sultan’s orders,
and the foldiery on both fides converfed together, and he feared fome violence would be offered:
with abundance of frienafhip, as if they had en- to lids Majefty. But the King bid him be under
lirely forgot their former animofities. no apprehenfion upon his account, nor his own;.
The vizir now propofed the king of Sweden’s for he. would take care to juftify his -conduit to
returning home through Germany or Poland; the Grand Seignior. To which the bafla replied,
but he ftill refufed to ftir without fifty thoufand that the Sultan feldom waited for a juftification,
men for a convoy ; whereupon the vizir took but punifhed even thofe that were fufpeited ; and 5
away the thaim or penfion allowed his Majefty defired his Majefty theiefore to fet forward, as the
by the Porte : and the King, on the other hand, only means to favehis head... But the King per--
prefented a memorial againft him, and had the lifted in his refolution, and faid, he could not.
fatisfadfion to fee the vizir foon after depofed, fet out without a thoufand purfes more ; with
becaufe the Czar did not deliver up Afoph fo which the bafla having acquainted the Cham, he
foon as he had agreed to do it. The fucceeding began to apprehend himfelf in great danger, for
vizir reftored the penfion to his majefty, who his being fo eafily perfuaded to part with the mo-
built him a little ftone palace at Bender, as if he ney contrary to the Grand Seignior’s order ; but
intended to remain there fome years. The troops fince it could not now be undone, they agreed to
fend
OF MODERN
fend an exprefs to the Porte, to acquaint the Grand
Seignior firft with the affair themfelves, and that
they had not parted with the money, but upon
the moft folemn aflurances of the King of Sweden,
that he would immediately begin his march. In
the mean time the Swedifh minifter was nrrefted
at Adrianople, whither he followed the court on
his foliciting for a thoufand purfes more ; and the
Porte determined to force the King of Sweden
from Bender : whereupon his Majefty fortified
his quarters, in which, being attacked by the
Turks, he defended himfelf to the laft extremis
ty, killing great numbers of infidels, and lofing
many of his own people ; but was at length made
prifoner, and carried to Demirtafh, within a
mile of Adrianople; and it was given out, that
the Turks defigned to confine his Majefty in the
caftle of Candia : but upon the application of
home chriftian powers, that refolution was altered,
and the Porte let the King of Sweden know he
was welcome to Demirtafh, and if he pleafed he
might remain there as long as he lived, they
would fupply him with all manner of neceflaries
for his fubfiftence. But they prefumed, before
the year was at an end, he would defire permif-
fion to be gone : and that he might not be fo
much in love with his refidence in Turky, they
ordered that very little ready money fhoukl be
given him : however, the thaim or allowance of
provifion was fo plentiful, that feveral of the
Swedes fold part of it to the Greeks, and by that
means furnifhed themfelves with a little money.
The vizir alfo allowed the King twenty-five
erowns per •diem, to find wine for his table.
The favour the Cham of Tartary and the
bafia of Bender had fhewn the King of Swe-
den, proved their ruin, as was expedted. The-
Cham was depofed, and fucceeded by his brother ;
and the bafia was banifhed to a little ifland in the
Mediterranean, having all hiseffe&s feized to the
ufe of the government. The mufti alfo was de-
pofed much about the fame time, but for what
offence is uncertain.
The King of Sweden having waited a year
longer in Turky, without being able to procure
the Porte to declare- war againft the Mufcovite,
intimated to the Grand Seignior his defire to re-
turn to his own dominions.- Accordingly three
hundred horfes and fixty waggons were provided
for his Majefty ’s fervice, and a handfome prefent
made him by the Grand Seignior. Whereupon
the King fent his thanks to his Highnefs for all
the civilities he had received fincedie came into
his dominions, and began- his journey the firft of
October, being convoy’d to the frontiers by a
body of the Ottoman troops; after which his
Majefty palled incognito through Germany, with
a fmall retinue of fervants.
About the fame timethe Porte depofed Con-
stantine, the Vaivod or Hofpodar of Wala.-
HISTORY.
chia, for treacheroufiy adhering to the Ruffians*
and introducing them into the Turkifh territo-
ries ; making him and his whole family prifoners^.
and caufed the boyars, or nobility of Walachia,
to eledt Prince Stephen their Vaivod in his
Head ; who was accordingly enthroned, and ac- •
knowledged their fovereign.
The following year, 1715, the Turks invaded
the Morea, having firft publilhed a declaration of
war againft the Venetians : wherein they fet
forth, that they had been poflefied of the Morea
for 300 years, and that the Republick had fur-
prifed that country in the year 1688, while the
Porte was at war with other nations, and had
taken away the livee of fome of their fubje&s,
and confifcated their effedts, contrary to their trea-
ties. The Emperor hereupon offered his media-
tion ; which not being accepted by the Turks,
they entered the Morea, and made themfelves
matters of Napoli de Romania, the capital, and
every other town in it, within the fpace of three
months, the Venetians making little or no de-
fence ; which fo alarmed the Emperor, that he en-
tered into an alliance with the Venetians in the
year 1716; and prince Eugene taking the field 1
on the fifth of Auguft, attacked the Turkifh ar-
my, confifting of 230,000 men, encamped near
Carlowitz, having the Danube on their right,
and the Save on their left. The fight was very
bloody, the Turks defending themfelves well at
the beginning ; but being broken and put to the
rout, a dreadful flaughter was made of them ;
and they were forced to abandon above 100 pieces
of cannon in their camp, with all their tents and
baggage ; and great numbers, who efcaped the -
fword of the Imperialifts, were driven into ther
Save and the Danube, where they periihed ; fo‘
that the lofs of- the Turks is computed at above
100,000 men.
The grand vizir, and theaga of the janizaries,,
were both of them killed in the engagement
and upon advice of this defeat, orders were fent
from the Porte, to raife the fiege of Corfu,
which the Turks had clofely befieged by fea and'
land, and were in a fair way of carrying the
town, and confequently the whole ifland, if the
Turks had not met with that defeat upon the ■
continent. Prince Eugene laid fiege to the im-
portant town of Temefwaer the fame campaign, ,
which furrendered on the 1 3th of Odtober.
The following year was ftill more unfortunate «•
tc the Turks ; for Prince Eugene befieged Bel-
grade, anff the grand vizir marching to the re- -
lief of it with 200,000 men, was entirely defeat-
ed on the 16th of Auguft 1717, and two days •
after the townof Belgrade furrendered. ‘ The Ve-
netians alfo made themfelves matters of Preveza,
and feveral Tither towns on their frontiers, the
fame campaign ; which feries of ill fuccefs induced
the- Porte to- defire the mediation of the maritime '
powers .
A CONTIN
powers to obtain a peace, and a treaty was con-
cluded at Pafiarowitz, by the mediation of Great
Britain and Holland, on the 21ft of July 1718;
whereby it was provided, that all parties fhould
remain in polfefiion of the towns and countries
they had acquired during the war, and confe-
quently the Emperor’s dominions were vaftly ex-
tended on the fide of Hungary and Servia, but the
Venetians were obliged to fit down with the lofs
of the Morea.
It hath been already obferved in the hiftory of
Perfia, that the Turks taking advantage of the re-
bellion and civil wars in that kingdom, invaded
Perfia in the year 1722, and made themfelves
matters of Hamadan, Tauris, and ieveral other
great towns on the frontiers of Perfia, which
were confirmed to them by the ufurper Esreff.
But the Perfian general Kouli-Kan afterwards
giving the Turks feveral defeats, compelled them
to reftore all the towns they had taken from the
Perfians during the war, and the Turks thought
fit to relinquifh their claim to them by a fubfe-
quent treaty.
In the mean time a great revolution happened
at the Porte. In the year 1730, Sultan Ac hmet,
who had reigned twenty-feven years, was depofed,
and his nephew Sultan Mahomet advanced to
the throne ; the pretence for which revolution
was, that Sultan Ac hmet was of too peaceable
a difpofition, had been unfortunate in his wars,
and yielded up a great many towns and provinces
to the Germans and Perfians, which were of the
laft importance to that empire: the particulars we
received of this revolution were of the following
tenor (viz.)
On the 17th of September, 1730, about eight
in the morning, the Grand Seignior, the grand
vizir, and the reft of the court, being under
their tents at Scutari, about ten janizaries, at the
head of whom was a mean fellow, a janizary
likewife, called Patron a, came over from
thence to Conftantinople, and went immediately
to the befifteyne, crying, Brothers, what in the
name of God do you do here with your fhops
open ? do you hear that the world is in an uproar
at Etmydan, being dilcontented with the govern-
ment? Which alarm, tho’ falfe, they believed
to be true, and immediately fhul up their {hops ;
which the janizaries obferving, the head of them
produced from under his cloke a fmall flag, crying,
Whoever is a true Muflulman, let him follow
us. Upon which a confiderable number that had
been opprefled, flocked in ; and before night they
made up a body of above 1000 men. In the night
they broke open the fhops, and provided them-
felves with weapons : they likewife opened all the
prifon doors.
The janizary aga hearing of this tumult, went
with his guard, and had all the fhops opened : but
the rebels foon fhut them again, and would
UATION
have cut him in pieces had they not confidered
his old age, and his being an inoftenfive man :
they fent him therefore to his palace, ordering him
to fit ftill.
The court on the Afia fide being informed of
what had happened, came over to the Grand Seig-
nior’s palace, in hopes to put a flop to the proceed-
ings of the mob, and make a defence, if neceflary;
which they might eafily have done the firft day :
but being men of little courage and flow refo-
lution, they did not come over to this fide till
late in the evening ; and then, inftead of fallying
out from the feraglio, and at the fame time dif-
perfing money amongft the people, they hoifted
Mahomet’s ftandard upon the wall over the
gate, crying out by a great effendi ( whom the
rebels afterwards made mufti) Whofoever is a
true Mahometan, let him come under this flag,
and fliew due obedience to the Grand Seignior.
But this was to no purpofe (tho’ the Grand
Seignior promifed forty dollars to every man that
would come over to his party); for the rebels were
continually traverfing the city, and increafing
their numbers : on the firft night they afiembled
at Etmydan they received meflages from diffe-
rent companies of janizaries, who encouraged
them, and joined them; fo that on the 18 th in
the morning they divided themfelves into par-
ties, and beat up for voluntiers, inviting the to-
pegees and gebagees to lift themfelves under their
banners ; and that night they increafed to twelve
thoufand.
The next day, the 19th, the three orders of the
janizaries united, and in the evening demanded at
the feraglio gate the grand vizir, the vizir kiaia, his
lieutenant, and the captain bafhaw ; and on the
20 th in the morning the Grand Seignior ( thinking
thereby to appeafe the tumult) caufed thofe great
minifters to be ftrangled, and fent their bodies in
three carts, drawn by oxen, to the malecon-
tents, who dragg’d them about the town, and
then flung them to the dogs in the ftreet.
On the 2 1 ft, early in the morning, the army, '
fent a meflage to the Grand Seignior, defiring him,
to quit the throne, for that they had chofen Sul-
tan Mahomet, his nephew, for their Emperor;
and finding himfelf obliged to comply, he fent
for his nephew out of prifon, and then retired
thither himfelf; having firft taken off thefervootz,
or diamond feather, from his head, and placed it
on the head of his nephew, wifhing him a happy
reign.
On the 25th inftant, Sultan Mahomet,
who was then thirty two years of age, was car-
ried from the feraglio in great fplendor, to a roy-
al mofque at Aiup, where, according to cuftom,
he was girt with the imperial fword, and then re-
turned to his palace.
The Turks having made peace with the Per-
fians ; upon the acceflion of the Emperor Ma-
OF MODERN HISTORY. 663
9omet, determined to turn their arms againft ral of the Imperial army, to be imprifoned and
the chriftians ; and, as a prelude to it, the Tar- profecuted, and general Dox at, the governor of
tars made great ravages on the frontiers ofRuffia, Nifla, who furrendered that place to the Turks,
whereupon the Czarina declared war againft them ; was beheaded.
and fending two powerful armies into the field The laft campaign has proved much more un-
in the year 1736, the one commanded by gene- fortunate to the Imperialifts than the former;
ral Munich, and the other by general Lasci, they have loft Orfova, and feveral other places on
the army commanded by general Munich the frontiers, and were obliged to quit the field,
ftormed and took the lines and fortrefs of Precop, and throw their infantry into Belgrade, appre-
which defends the iithmus of CrinrTartary, and hending the Turks would lay fiege to that impor-
afterwards reduced Bachiferai, the capital of Crim tant fortrefs ; from wffiich they were however
Tartary, ravaging that country in a terrible man- diverted, it’s, faid, by fome infurredrtions that have
ner: in the mean time general Lasci befieged happened in feveral parts of the Turkifh empire,
and took the important fortrefs of Afoph, at the
mouth of the Don or Tanais, by which the Ruf- J continuation of the prefent fate of Mufcovy.
fians opened a communication with the Black-
Sea. But Crim Tartary and Precop being at too "V/j U S C O V Y in Europe is fituated between Mufcovy.
great a diftance from the frontiers of Rufiia to 47 and 72 degrees north latitude, and be-
be defended, count Munich thought fit to a- tween 21 and 70 eaft longitude,
bandon thofe conquefts again, after he had level- In the former editions of this work the hiftory
led the lines of Precop. of Ruffia was brought down to the acceffion of
The Emperor offered his mediation to compofe Czarina Katharine, who in the year 1724,
the differences between the Porte and Ruffia ; but fucceeded Peter the Great, her late confort, by
at the fame time affembling a great body of forces whom fhe had iflue Mar y, born the 20th of
on the frontiers, the Turks refufed to admit his March 1713, and married to the Duke of HoL
mediation, declaring, that they looked upon the ftein on the 5th of December 1724, and two.
Imperialifts as their enemies. Whereupon the children more.
Emperor commanded count' Seckendorf to The Czarina was no fooner fettled on the
take the field in the year 1737, who advanced throne, but fhe applied herfelf to profecute the
with the Imperial army as far as Nifla, which fchemes the late Czar had formed for the improve-
"he befieged and took, and afterwards inverted ment of arts and fciences in theRuffian dominions,
Widdin : on the other hand, the Turks defeated giving great encouragement to learned foreigners,,
feveral bodies of the Imperialifts in Bofnia, railed and all manner of artifts to fettle in that empire ;
the blockade of Widdin, and retook the city of but fhe feemed intent upon nothing more than
Nifla ; the campaign ending inglorioufly on the the increaling and well-difciplining her forces
fide of the Imperialifts. by fea and land, which exceedingly alarmed the
The campaign of 1737 was as unfortunate to King of Denmark, who had feized on that
the Turks on the fide of Ruffia, as that of the pre- part of the dutchy of Slefwick belonging to
ceding year had been ; for count Munich be- the Duke of Holftein, her fon-in-law. His Da-
fieged and took the town of Oczacow, fituated nifh Majefty therefore applied himfelf to the King
at the mouth of the Nieper or Borifthenes, which of Great Britain, to furnifh him with a fquadron
opened the Ruffians another paflage into the Black- of men of war, to defend his territories againft an
Sea ; and the Turks laying fiege to Oczacow af- invafion of the Ruffians, which he had a great deal
ter the Ruffians were gone into winter quarters, of reafon to expert. And the court of Great Britain-
were forced to abandon that enterprife by the thought fit to comply with theinftances of the court
brave defence the garrifon made; the infidels of Denmark, and fend Sir Charles Wager
retiring fo precipitately, that they left their bag- w ith a powerful fquadron into the Baltick in the be-
bage behind them, after they had in vain ftormed ginning of the year 1726, which joining with the
the place four days fucceflively, and loft a great Danifh fleet, prevented that of the Ruffians put-
many thoufand men before it: but the Turks ting to fea. To juftify which proceedings, his
were more fuccefsful againft the Imperialifts, from Britifh Majefty fent a letter to the Czarina, in
whom they took the town of Meiadia during the which are the following paffages, viz.
winter, and laid the bannat of Temefwaer and “ As your Imperial Majefty cannot but be very
part of Tranfilvania under contribution. “ fenfible, that the warlike preparations both by
Both the Turks and Imperialifts appeared ex- “ fea and land, which you are making in this time
tremely diffatisfied with the condurt of their ge- “ of peace, give great and juft grounds of alarm
neral officers in the campaign of 1737. The “ to us, and to our allies in thole parts, foyou
Grand Seignior thought fit to difplace the grand will not be furprized, that we have lent a ftrong
vizir, and ftrangle his kiaia or lieutenant ; while “ fquadron of our (hips of war into the Baltick
the Emperor caufed count Seckendorf, sene- “ fea, under the command of our admiral Sir
° « Charles
A CONTI
“ Ch a riisWag e r» to obviate the danger that
« may arife from fuch an extraordinary arma-
“ ment.
« We cannot conceal from your Imperial Ma-
« jelly our extreme furprife, that while we were
“ carrying on a friendly negotiation, and had
“ not given the leaft provocation on our part, we
« were given to underftand, that meafures were
“ taken at your court in favour[of the Pretender to
“ our crown, and that great encouragement was
“ given to his adherents.
“ After what we have reprefented, your Imre-
“ rial Majefty will not wonder that we, who
“ are indifpenfably obliged to provide for the fe-
“ curity of our dominions, to make good our en-
44 gagemeuts to our allies, and to maintain the
“ publick tranquility of the North, which leems
“ to be greatly threatened by the warlike prepara-
“ tions which your Imperial Majefty has been ma-
44 king, have thought it neceflary to fend a ftrong
44 fleet of our Ihips of war into the Baltick Sea ;
44 and that we fhould give orders to our admiral,
4t commanding the fame to endeavour to pre-
44 vent new troubles in thofe parts, by hindring
44 your Imperial Majefty’s fleet from coming out,
44 in cafe you fhould hold yourrefolution, and fend
44 it to fea to execute the defigns you have in view.
To which her Czariih Majefty anfwered,
44 That it was not ufual, when a prince intended
44 amicably to demand an explanation of any mat-
44 ter, to .cauie that demand to be accompanied
44 by a number of fhips of war : that as her 1m-
44 perial Majefty does not pretend to give laws to
44 other princes, fo fhepurpofes not to let them
44 be prescribed her ; nor is fhe obliged to give
44 account of her armament : that however, her
44 Majefty is willing his Britannick Majefty fhould
44 know, that the decealed Emperor having been
44 abandoned towards the end of the war in the
44 north by all his allies, and having, notwith-
44 Handing, procured for himfelf a glorious peace,
44 folely by his own arms, her Majefty had laid
“ it dawn for a maxim, to keep up both by fea
“ and land forces fufficient to render herfelf ufe-
44 ful to her allies, to make good her engagements,
44 and to enable her to make head againft whoever
64 fhould difpute with her pofleffions.
44 That for the reft, her Imperial Majefty
44 judged it needlefs to anlwer at large what is
44 laid in the King’s letter, touching the Pretender,
44 having never entertained a thought of difturbing
44 the Britifh nation.”
And to fhcw that her Czarifh Majefty had not
any quarrel with Great Britain, fhe ordered her
port towns in Livonia to furnifh the Britifh fleet
with all manner of provifions and refrefhments.
Whether the Britifh miniftry had in reality any
apprehenfions at that time of an invafion from fo
diftant a country as Ruffia, is not very difficult to
.determine ; but they had certainly other reafons
NU ATION
for fending that fleet to the Baltick, than they
were pleafed to mention ; one of which was, that
Great Britain had guaranteed the dutchy of Slef-
wick to the Dane for a valuable confideration.
The Swedes alfo were under terrible apprehenfions
of another vifit from Mufcovy, and had applied
to the court of Great Britain, as well as the
Danes, for their afiiftance, in cafe of an invafion ;
and, as an inducement to incline that court to
fend a fquadron to the Baltick, confirmed the pof-
feffion of Bremen and Verden to his Britifh Ma-
jefty - y but it being exprefly ftipulated by the adl
of fucceffion, which fettled the crown upon the
illuftrious houfe of Hanover, that Great Britain
fhould not engage in any war for the fecurity of his
Majefty’s German dominions, it feemed necef-
fary to throw in that article of the Pretender, to
induce the people of England to fubmit to the
expence of fending a fleet to the Baltick. But to
proceed :
The Ruffians making {till greater preparations
by fea and land the following year, 1727, to re-
cover Slefwick for the duke of Holftein, Sir John"
Norris, the Britifh admiral, was fen t with an-
other fleet of men of war to the Baltick, and
both the Swedes and Danes made their utmoft ef-
forts to defeat the intended invafion, which it
was given out the Ruffians were determined
to make either upon the coaft of Sweden or Den-
mark, or both : but whatever the defigns of the
Ruffians were, the Czarina’s illnefs put an end to
all her projedls ; and as fhe had reafon to believe fhe
fhould not live long, fhe declared the grand duke
Peter ALEXiowiTz,grandfon to the late Czar
Peter, her fuccefl’or in the empire, caufingall
the Hates, and great officers of Ruffia, to fwear to
his fucceffion, and died on the 17 th of May, aged
38 years, having reigned fomething more than
two years. The day following, the Emperor Pe-
ter II. was proclaimed at Peterfburgh, being
then in the eleventh year of his age : after which
his minifters publifhed a declaration in his name,
wherein this prince claimed a right to the Ruffian'
throne, as well by hereditary defcent, as by the
appointment of the late Emperor and Emprefs,
being of the following tenor :
44 We Peter II. Emperor and Sovereign of
44 all Ruffia, &c. make it known, that feeing it
44 has pleafed the Almighty God to call on the
44 17 th inftant, at nine in the evening, from this
44 world to eternal life, the moft ferene, moft po-
44 tent lady, Katharine Alhxiewna, Em-
44 prefs and Sovereign of all Ruffia, our moft dear-
44 ly beloved grandmother, the fucceffion to the
44 crown has not only been eftablifhed and con-
44 firmed by oath taken by all the Hates of the
44 Ruffian empire, purfuant to the manifefto if-
44 fued the 5th of February 1722, byourgrand-
44 father, Emperor and Lord, of moft pious and
44 glorious memory 5 but after his de.ceafe, all .the
44 Hates
OF MODERN
“ ftates of Ruffia, and each of them, have alfo
“ bound themfelves by oath towards her Imperial
“ Majefty, the moft ferene and moll potent Em-
“ prefs and grandmother, to pay homage and
“ fidelity to him, whom by virtue of her will
and fovereign imperial power fhe held from
<l God, fhe fhould appoint and declare worthy
<( to afcend the Ruffian throne. And as we, the
“ hereditary and great prince, Peter II. Em-
<c peror and foveregin of all Ruffia, mount the
“ imperial throne purfuant to the exprefs tenor
“ and difpofition of her Imperial Majefty’s tefta-
<c mentwe do publifh this manifeftxythatthefame
* ( may be known to all our faithful fubjeds, as
well fpiritual as military, and commons of
“ whatfoever rank and dignity they may be,
<c to the end they fihall faithfully ferve us, their
“ lawful and hereditary Lord and Emperor, and
“ take an oath in confirmation thereof, &c.
This Emperor Peter Alexiowitz, was
born on the 22d of Odober 1715, being grand-
fon to the late Czar, and fon to prince Alexis
Pe trowitz, who died in prifon (where he lay
under fentence of death) on the twenty fixth of
June 1718. The mother of the Emperor Peter
II. was theprincefs CharlotteChristiana
Sophia of Brunfwick Wolfenbuttle, who died
in childbed on the firft of November 1715; fhe
was filter to the prefen t Emprefs of Germany,
and daughter of the late Lewis Rodolph duke
ofBrunfwick Wolfenbuttle, and of Christina
Louisa de Ottinghen, his wife.
The late Czarina left behind her two prin-
ceffes, which fhe had by the late Czar, viz.
Anne Petrowna, then nineteen years of age,
married to Charles Frederick duke of
Holftein-Gottorp; andELizABETH Petrow-
na, then thirteen years of age, and unmarried.
The Czarina was no fooner interred, but
prince Menzikoff, who at that time governed
the Ruffian councils, prevailed with the young
Emperor to efpoufe his eldeft daughter, the prin-
cefsMARY Alexandrowna, while his eldeft
fon efpoufed the Emperor’s filter, the princefs
Natalia, which he pretended was agreeable
to the will of the late Emprefs ; and the young
Emperor and his bride received the congratula-
tions of the court of Ruffia, and the foreign mi-
nilters thereupon. Preliminaries of peace being
foon after agreed to, between the Ruffians and
their enemies, the Danes andSwedes, all holtile pre-
parations were difeontinued on both fides, their
fhips were laid up, and their land-forces difperfed
in their refpedive quarters, while the Ruffians
proceeded to the coronation of their new Em-
peror, and prepared to folemnize the royal nup-
tials; and the duke of Holftein defpairing to have
his interefts confidered in the court of Ruffia, af-
ter the death of his mother-in-law the Czarina,
returned to Germany about three months after-
Vol. Ill,
HISTORY.
wards ; and another month was fcarce expired be-
fore prince Menzikoff, who in a manner go-
verned the Ruffian empire, was on a fudden de-
prived of all his high offices and employments,
and banifhed to Siberia, and the immenfe trea-
fure, eftate, and effeds he had amafied together,
were confifcated, being charged with the following
crimes, viz.
1. To have been the only caufe of the death
of the Czarowitz Petrowitz, the prefent
Emperor’s father.
2. To have difi waded the late Emperor front
removing his firft confort from a dole prifon to 3
place more agreeable.
3. To have defrauded his fovereign in theex-
cile, by which he amafied immenfe luins.
4. To have detained one half of the general
impofts on tobacco, whereof he was fuperinten-
dant, and which amounts to 600,000 rubles per
annum.
5. To have falfely accufed feveral perfonswho
had well ferved their mafter, and deprived them
of their honours and eftates.
6. To have fet no bounds to his ambition af-
ter the deceafe of Peter I. which appeared by
his defign to marry his daughter to the prefent
Emperor, in order to get the regency of the
whole monarchy into his own hands, and fupprefs
the authority of all the other councils.
7. To have laboured night and day with a view
to fuborn the army, and to engage the lame in
his intereft ; for whenever the emprefs wanted
money to pay the troops, he always fupplied her
with confiderable fums, which he afterwards got
in again with large intereft.
8. To have placed vaft fums of money in the
banks of London and Amfterdam.
What was the true reafon of the fall of this
great favourite, is uncertain ; but it is conjedured
the Emperor’s relations looked upon him as
the principal inftrument in advancing the late
Czarina to the throne, to the prejudice of his
fent Majefty, and all the nobility ; and the great
men of the empire were extremely provoked at
the ambition and covetoufnefs of this minifter,
who afi'umed the foie adminiltraiton of the go-
vernment, and difpoled of all polls and places of
profit among his creatures ; and, as his original
was very mean, and he had taken little care to
cultivate a friendfhip with the nobility, it was found
no dffiicult matter, it feems, to ruin him.
About the fame time the youngEmperor re-
ftored his grandmother, the firft wife of Peter
the Great, to her liberty, and declared her inno-
cent of the crimes fhe had been accufed of ; for
his grandfather, her hufband, had fhut up this
princefs in a dole prifon, charging her with fe-
veral crimes, and caufed himfelf to be divorced
from her before he took the late Emprefs Ka-
tharine to his bed. He alfo reverfed thecon-
Q_q qq ftitutioa
666
A CONTI
ftitution made by his grandfather the CzarPE ter
J. which fubverted the right of primogeniture, and
the natural order of fucceilion in the Imperial fa-
mily, and the reft of the families of Ruffia ; and
made void the criminal procefs againft the late
Czarowitz, his father : the boyars and noblemen
alio, who had been banifhed to Siberia under the
adminiflration of prince Menzikoff, were re-
called from banifhment, and their efcates reltored
them.
The following year his Czarifh Majefty fet out
from Peterfburgh on the 20th of January, and ar-
rived at Mocfow the 15th of February following ;
where the ceremony of his coronation was per-
formed with unufual fplendour, on the 7 th of
March 1727-8 ; and about three months after the
court received advice, that the princefs of Ruffia,
Anne Petrowna, confort to the Duke of
Holftein, died at Kiel, the capital of the dutchy
of Holftein, on the 15th of May 1728, leaving
iftue only onefon, named Peter.
On the 3d of December 1728, died at Mofcow
the princefs Natali a Alexiwina, only li-
fter of the Czar, and daughter of the late Czaro-
witz, in the 15th year of her age. And now his
Czarifh Majefty being about to return to Peterf-
burgh, the antient Ruffian nobility ufed their ut-
raoft endeavours to perfuade him to relide at Mof-
cow, the center of his dominions, and not at Pe-
terfburgh, the extremity thereof. They repre-
fented, that the laft place being in a conquered
country from Sweden, and a frontier on that fide,
will in all probability be attacked, whenever a
fair opportunity offers for the Swedes to recover
their loft dominions : that the affairs of the world
are fo uncertain, that a new war with that warlike
nation, is not perhaps fo remote as people ima-
gine, efpecially if the King of Poland, who lhall
fucceed his prefent Majefty, fhould think it his
intereft to join with Sweden ; from whence they
conclude, that it is altogether impolitick, and
even dangerous, to exhauft the treafure of the em-
pire in building palaces, and other magnificent e-
clifices, in a place fo much expofed to the infults
of enemies, and which might excite their envy
andjealoufy. They carry their infinuationsmuch
farther, and endeavour to perfuade the young
Monarch, that notwithftanding the conquefts
of the late Emperor, gold and filver grew daily
more fcarce in Ruffia ; and that the projedts for a
fea trade by the way of Peterfburgh, that have been
fo much cried up, will come to nothing, and ex-
pole the nation to vaft expences. They talk with
great contempt of their projected fleets of men of
war, and feem perfuaded, that the Swedes and
Danes, with the affiftance of the maritime pow-
ers, will never fuffer the Ruffians to have the do-
minion of the Baltick. Thefe infinuations were
anfwered with ftrong arguments by the other par-
ty, who reprefent, that the Emperor’s refidence
NUATION
at Peterfburgh is abfolutely necefiary, for the
execution of the projects of the late Emperor, and
the prefervation of Livonia, and other conquered
countries from Sweden, which render Mufcovy
more confiderable in the world than her large
kingdoms in Tartary, and make the Princes of
Europe court her friendfhip and alliance, which
they entirely flighted before ; and that the pre-
fervation of Peterfburgh being of abfolute necef-
fity, for keeping up the figure the Ruffians
make at this time in Europe, it is no lefs necef-
fary the Emperor fhould refide there; adding, that
the avenues to that place may be rendered fo
difficult, by augmenting the fortifications of Revel
in Livonia, and other places in Finland, that Pe-
terfburgh will be in no danger of being infulted,
in cafe of a rupture, as it is pretended. They
magnify, on the other hand, their naval ftrength,
and the great progrefs they have already made for
opening and fettling a trade by fea with feveral
countries, which were altogether unknown to the
Ruffians before the reign of Peter the Great:
but it teems it was carried, that it was moft ex-
pedient the Czar fhould refide at Mofcow.
The following year, the courts of Ruffia and
Spain concluded a treaty of commerce, wherein
it was laid to have been agreed, 1. That all the
merchandizes imported into Spain by Ruffian fhips,
fhall pay but one half of the duties which were paid
by other nations. Timber for building fhips, and
other naval ftores, are included in this article.
2. The Spanifh merchant fhips fhall enjoy the
fame privileges in the harbours of Ruffia ; and the
liquors they fhall import fhall be free from all im-
pofitions.
3. By virtue of the prefent treaty, the King of
Spain is allowed to have as many fhips as he fhall
have occafion for, both fhips of war and others,
built in Ruffia.
The Czar publifhed an edict alfo, by which all
foreigners who fhould fettle at Mofcow, fhould
be exempted from paying taxes for ten years, and
allowed the free exercife of their religion.
In the mean time prince Dolgoruki,
governor to the young Czar, played the fame
game as his predeceflbr prince Menzikoff had
done, and wheedled the young Monarch to de-
fire his eldeft daughter, the princefs Katiiajune
Dolgoruki, in marriage ; and that princefs
was accordingly elpoufed to his Czarian Majefty,
and received the congratulations of the Court of
Ruffia thereupon ; and the 20th of January was
appointed for the celebration of their nuptials : but
her good fortune proved of very fhort duration ;
for three days before the marriage was to have been
folemnized, the Czar was taken dangeroufly ill as
he returned from hunting, and on the 29th of
January 1729-30, died of the fmall pox.
The fenate and great officers of ftate, being af-
fembled thereupon, caufed the dutchefs-dowager
of
OF MODERN
of Courland to be proclaimed Emprefs and fove-
reign of all Ruffia; and appointed prince Dol-
corukIj father to theprincefs betrothed to the
late Emperor, and three other princes, to go
with all poffible expedition to Mittau, to ac-
quaint the new Emprefs with the death of their
late Sovereign, and defire that fhe will with all
convenient fpeed repair to Mofcow, to take pof-
Tefiion of the throne. Prince Dolgoruki and
the other deputies travelled with fo much ex-
pedition, that they arrived at Mittau the 5 th
of February, and had audience of the new Em-
prefs, who declared her refolution to fet out the
7 th in the morning for Mofcow. This princefs
is daughter of the late Czar Ivan or John, bro-
ther to the Czar Peter the Great, and was born
in the year 1693. She was married to the late
duke of Courland, Frederick William,
who died in the year 1711 : fhe has two fitters
living, viz. the dutchefs of Mecklemburg, and the
princefs Prescovia.
Here we find the Ruffians palled by the princefs
Elizabeth, daughter of Peter the Great,
by the late Czarina Katharine, and advanced
the dutchefs dowager of Courland, the daughter
of his brother Ivan or John, to the throne. The
reafon whereof probably might be, that the friends
and relations of the late Czar Peter II. looked
upon the iflue of the Czar Peter the Great, by
the Emprefs Katharine, to be fpurious, and
therefore advifed his Czarifh Majefty, P e t e r II. to
appoint his aunt, the dutchefsdowager ofCourland,
to fucceed him ; for it appears, that Peter II.
caufed the fentence of divorce againft his grand-
mother to be reverfed, and her Majefty declared
innocent of the crimes on which that fentence
was founded : and if his grandmother was not
legally divorced at the time Peter the Great
married his fecond Emprefs Katharine, the
iflue of the latter muft be illegitimate, and con-
fequently the dutchefs dowager of Courland, the
daughter of his brother John, was next heir to
the crown. We find, indeed, that Peter the
Great endeavoured to legitimate his fpurious iflue,
as Lewis XIV. of France had done, whofe
fteps he imitated in this particular. But the ftates
of Ruffia had no more regard to that alteration in
the conftitution after the death of Peter the
Great, than the eftates of France had to the edi&s
of Le w is XIV. on the like occafion.
The Czarina arriving at Mofcow from Cour-
land, on the 28th of February, made a fpeech to
thefenate, wherein fhe thanked them for the care
they had taken to fill the vacant throne according
to the antient laws and conftitutions of the em-
pire, and for the regard they had paid to her per-
fon in that refpedt ; and promifed to maintain
the prerogatives and privileges of the fenate ; to
protect all her faithful fubjedls in the enjoyment
of their liberties and properties, and maintain and
HISTORY.
fupport the Grecian religion in the empire ; and
recommended to the fenate the promoting of com-
merce, and renewing their treaties and alliances
with foreign powers ; and concluded, with con-
firming all officers civil and military in their re-
fpedtive pofts and employments.
It appears, that the Ruffians, when they ad-
vanced this princefs to the throne, propofed toput
fome limitations on their fovereign ; for they fent
her the following articles to fign, at the fame
time they acquainted her with her acceffion, and
the death of the late Czar ; and fhe actually
figned them at Mittau, before Are fet out for Mof-
cow: the articles being of the following tenor, viz.
1. That herCzarian Majefty would govern by
the advice of her privy council. 2. That fhe
would not make peace or war without their ap-
probation. 3. That (lie would not raife contri-
butions, levy taxes, or difpofe of any confider-
able office without their content. 4. That no no-
bleman fhould be condemned or executed, unlefs
it plainly appeared that he deferved fuch punilh-
ment. 5. That gentlemen’s eftates fhould not be
confifcated till due proof was made of the crimes
laid to their charge. 6. That the Czarina fhould
not difpofe of or alienate the crown lands, with-
out the confent of the privy council. And
7. That fhe fhould not marry, nor name her fuc-
ceflor, without the approbation of the faid coun-
cil.
Thus the privy council hoped to have fliared
the government with their fovereign ; and had
given the Czarina to underftand probably, that
this was one principal motive of their recog-
nizing her title to the throne, and palling by the
princefs Elizabeth, the daughter of Peter.
the Great : but the Czarina’s friends fo managed
matters, that they procured an addrefs from the
nobility and great officers, foon after her arrival,
wherein they declared, “ That monarchical go-
“ vernment only was agreeable to the Ruffians ;
“ and therefore in treated her CzarianMajefty would
“ be pleafed to accept of the fovereignty entire,
“ and with the fame authority as itwaspoffefled by
“ her predeceflors”. Whereupon the Czarina an-
fwered them, “ That it w ? as her intention to go-
“ vern her fubjedls in peace and righteoufnefs; but
“ that as fhe had figned certain articles, fhe was
“ defirous to know whether the privy council
“ would confent to her acceptance of her people’s
“ offers.” The members of the council having
fignified their confent, by bowing their heads, the
Czarina accepted of the fovereignty, and ordered
the high chancellor to bring the articles Hie had
figned ; which being done, they were torn in
pieces before them all. Afterwards her Czarian
Majefty made a moft gracious fpeech, wherein
file promiled, before other things, “ That fhe
“ would be a true mother of her country, and
“ do all the good Ihe could to her fubjefts”. And
Q^q q q 2 her
668
A CONTINUATI ON
her Czarian Majefty received the compliments of
congratulation of all the foreign minifters upon
this occafion.
After which the clergy, and all officers civil
and military, were required to take the oaths to
her Majefty ; and this they thought fit to do in as
abfolute terms as they had done to Peter the
Great, without any referves or limitations.
The firft noblemen who felt the Czarina’s re-
lentment, after fhe found herfelf eftablifhed on
the throne, were prince Do lgoruki and his
fon, who w T ere, probably, the chief inftruments
in compelling her Majefty to fign thofe articles
which reftrained her power. Thefe, with feve-
ral more of their relations, were banifhed, and
their effedls confifcated ; for which proceedings,
fhe Czarina was pleafed to give the following rea-
fons, among others, in the declaration fhe pub-
lifhed on this occafien, viz.
That prince £>olgoruki and his fon Ivan,
had behaved themfelves very infolently while they
were minifters to the late Czar Peter II. Carry-
ing that Monarch to places remote from his capital,
inorder to keep himignorant of theaffairsof thego-
vernment : and that, following the example of
prince Me nzikof f ,they had endeavoured to mar-
ry the late Czar in his tender years to the daughter
oftheeldeft Dolgorukx, who, with his fon, was
alfo charged with embezzling the publick treafure
during their adminiftration.
In the month of July 1730, Don Emanuel,
brother to the King of Portugal, reforted to the
court of Ruffia, where he was fplendidly enter-
tained, and the magnificent palace of prince Me n-
zikoff affigned him for his relidence; but he
returned to the court of Vienna the following
month, by the way of Peterfburgh, having re-
ceived from the Emprefs a prefent of a gold fword
fet with diamonds.
The inhabitants of Peterfburgh, about the fame
time, drew up a very moving reprefentation, con-
cerning the decay of their trade, occafioned by
the long abfence of the court from that city ;
and fome hopes were given them, that the court
would for the future refide part of the year at
Peterfburgh, and part at Mofcow ; but the Cza-
rina thought fit however to refide all the year
1730, at the city of Mofcow, or in the neigh-
bourhood of it.
Augustus King of Poland dying at War-
saw, on the firft of February N. S. 1733, and the
brench court, by the power -of money, engaging
great numbers of the Polifh grandees (and among
the reft the primate) to favour the eledtion and
advancement of King Stanislaus, father-in-
law to the mod chriftian King, to that vacant
throne, the Emperor of Germany and the
Czarina ufed their utmoft efforts to prevent the
eledlion of Stanislaus, and to procure the E-
ledfor of Saxony, the fon of the late King of Po-
land, to be elected.
In the mean time the French equipped a fqua-
dron of men of war, on which they put fome
land forces on board, and fenc them to Dantzick,
while King Stanislaus travelled inognito to
Poland by land, and arrived at Warfaw, to the
great joy of the primate, and his party ; whoun-
derftanding that the Mufcovites had entered Po-
land with 50,000 men, and that the Elector of
Saxony was advancing ‘ towards their frontiers
with a body of Saxons, they haftily fummoned a
diet to meet at Warfaw in the beginning of Septem-
ber, where the friends of Stanislaus being af-
fembled, elected that Prince King of Poland, on
the 1 2th of September 1733, while others pro-
tefted againft it, and left the diet abruptly, which
made the eledlion void ; for by the conftitution of
that kingdom, the eledlors muft be unanimous
in their choice. Indeed the party of Stanislaus
fell upon thofe that were fo hardy to give a ne-
gative to his election, and cut fome of them to pie-
ces j but the reft retiring, and joining the Ruffians,
compelled the party of St a nisi, a us to fly in their
turn ; and the Poles proceeding to a new choice,
the Eledtor of Saxony was chofen King of Poland
on the 5 th of October following ; the Mufcovites
about the fame time pofieffing themfelves of the
capital city of Warfaw.
On the nth of January the new King Au-
gustus II. arrived at Cracow with his Queen,
being attended thither by an army of fifteen or
twenty thoufand Saxons ; and on the 17 th of the
fame month, his Majefty was crowned King of
Poland: in the mean time King Stanislaus,
with moll of the noblemen of his party, lhut
themfelves up in the city of Dantzick, and pre-
pared for a vigorous defence ; which town the
Ruffians, under the command of general Lacy,
inverted on the 20th of February.
About the middle of March the general count
Munich came from Peterfburgh to the Ruffian
camp to command the fiege, and fummoned the
magiftrates a fecond time, but to purpofe. Where-
upon having eredted three batteries, he began to
fire off fmall bombs, and red-hot bullets of a
fmall fize ; but thefe did little or no execution,
and the Ruffian heavy artillery happened unluc-
kily to be detained on the frontiers of Pruffia.
On the 25 th of March the garrifon of Dant-
zick fet the fuburb of Schotland on fire, left the
Ruffians fhould make a lodgment there : on the
29th the Ruffians attacked one of the outworks,
and were repulfed : here the Dantzickers fhewed
a great deal of bravery ; but the former renewing
their attack on the 31ft, carried it after a vigorous
defence. Thebefieged made two fallies afterwards,
to regain the poll, without fuccefs. This fort being
taken, the city’s communication with the fea was
in a great meafure intercepted by the redoubts and
batteries which the Ruffians eredted along the river:
however, fome fmall boats and flat-bottomed vef-
lels found means to get up to the town with recruits
OF MODERN HISTORY.
and arms from Sweden, till the 24th of April fol-
lowing, at which time the Ruffian artillery arri-
ved at the camp.
On the 29th general Munich fent a frefh fum-
mons to the magiftrates to furrender, or expeft
a furious bombardment, and no capitulation. The
magiflrates, and the whole town, were hereby
put under the greateft conflernation ; but a
French veil'd coming up the river to the city, not-
withflanding the Ruffian fire, and bringing advice
that the French fuccours were arrived at Copen-
hagen, on their way to Dantzick, they refolved
to abide the lafl extremities ; and thereupon the
bombardment began May the firft, N. S. and did
great execution, fetting the city on fire in many
places. Mean time the Ruffians advanced their
trenches and attacks towards Bifcopfberg, and
railed feveral batteries along the Viftula. On the
other hand, the Dantzickers made feveral fallies,
and a prodigious fire on the Ruffians, with con-
fiderable lofs on both fides. In the night between
the 6th and 7 th, the fort called Somerfchank,
was attacked and carried by the Ruffians, after a
brave defence made by the befieged ; general
Munich having a horfe killed under him. This
entirely cut off the communication of the city with
fort Wechfelmunde. A few days after count
Munich received a reinforcement of feveral
thoufand Ruffians and Saxons, together with guns
and ammunition from Warlaw, which they be-
gan to want, having thrown above 500 bombs
into the city.
On the 1 2th of May general Munich fum-
moned the town again by letter, demanding fort
Wechfelmunde to be delivered up to him. Upon
this the magiflrates demanded a fufpenlion of arms
for forty eight hours, to confult with the burghers:
the general at firft refufed it ; but on their fe-
cond application was prevailed on to grant it for
the twenty third and twenty-fourth. The Dant-
zickers took this occafion to repair their works,
See. and fired at the general as he came too near
to obferve what they were about. This was con-
trary to the rules of war ; but it is faid the gene-
ral made the firft breach.
On the 24th and 25 th the French landed
2,700 men at Fort Wechfelmunde, juft before
the expiration of the ceffation of arms, and on
the 27 th attacked the intrenchment near Wech-
felmunde, to force their way into the town.
They were led on by count Plf. lo, the French
ambaffador to Denmark, and M. de la Mot he ;
the firft was unfortunately kill’d, and the latter
wounded in the aftion. The French were over-
powered with number, and obliged to retire;
which however they did in fo good order, as to
make their lofs much lefs than wasexpefted.
On the 16th of June fort Wechfelmunde fur-
rendered on the following terms, viz.“ That the
l ‘ French regiments encamped under the fort,
“ fhould be recondufted fafe on board the Rufi
“ fian veffels, to any port of the Baltick which
“ fhould be agreed upon with the Ruffian admi •
“ ral : that the faid troops fhould be differed to
** embark thence for France on board their fqua-
“ dron, or other merchant-fhips:that they fhould
“ be allowed to embark and debark, drums beat-
“ ing and colours flying. But that upon their en-
“ trance into Ruffian veflels, they fhould deliver
“ up their arms, to be kept fafely till their landing ;
“ that the Swedifh colonel de Stackels-
“ berg, and the troops of his nation, fhould be
“ convey’d fafe to Sweden, and the fort furrender
“ in two days.” Accordingly, on the 25th fort
Wechfelmunde was put into the hands of the
duke of Sax-Weiffenfels, who caufed a Saxon gar-
rifon to be put into it immediately.
On the 26th of June the Dantzickers fent de-
puties to the Ruffian general, to demand a fuf-
penfion of arms for eight days : the general would
allow them but eight hours to furrender in ; how-
ever on the 28th was prevailed to grant them
three days to capitulate. But on the 29th, being
informed by a private letter from a magiftrate,
that King Stanislaus made his efcape that
night, his excellency refumed hoftilities, and be-
gan to bombard the city with great fury.
The city of Dantzick, underftanding they were
no longer to expeft relief from France, furrender*
ed on the firft of July 1734, agreeing to pay a
million of crowns to Ruffia, totvards the expences
of the war ; and the Polifh noblemen in Dant-
zick were at the fame time obliged to fign the
following aft of fubmiffion to King Augus-
tus III, viz.
“ Whereas, by the permiffion of Divine Pro-
“ vidence, by the prefent circumftance of affairs
“ and events which have happened, the will of
“ the Almighty evidently appears in favour of
“ the illuftripus Eleftor of Saxony : we the un-
“ derwritten, in confideration of the prefent ftate
“ of affairs, hereby acknowledge and receive the
“ faid illuftrious Eleftor, as our rightful fove-
“ reign, being juftly perfuaded, that he will pre-
“ ferve and inviolably maintaiq our rights and
“ privileges : in confidence whereof we fign thefe
“ prefents.”
Over and above the fum agreed on by the capi-
tulation, count Munich, the Ruffian general,
infilled on a million of crowns more, byway of.
fatisfaftion, for the efcape of King Stanislaus,
who arrived fafe in the Pruffian territories, after
he left Dantzick, and met with a very kind re-
ception there.
The French being defeated in their defign of
advancing Stanislaus to the throne of Po-
land, entered into a confederacy with the Kings
of Spain and Sardinia, to fall upon the Empe-
ror of Germany, as the principal occafion of
their difappointment ; determining to attack his
A CONTI
dominions in Italy and Sicily, as Well as in
Germany ; in purfuance whereof, the French
affembled an army in the year 17 33, which
palled the Rhine, and took the ftrong fortrefs
of Keil over againft Strafburg. And at the tame
time, the Spaniards landed another army in Italy,
and joining the French and Sardinian forces
there, pofl’efled themfelves of the greateft part
of the dutchy of Milan in one campaign. In
the next, the Spaniards made themfelves ma-
ilers of Naples -and Sicily ; whereupon the Em-
peror applied himfelf to his allies of Great Bri-
tain and Holland, for the quota of troops they
were refpedtively obliged by their treaties to
furnifh him with ; and being difappointed of
thefe fuccours, he obtained a body of troops
from the Czarina to reinforce his army on the
Rhine ; but thefe were at fuch a diftance, that
another campaign palled before they joined the
Imperialifts, in which the French took the ftrong
town of Philiplburg. And notwithftanding the
Ruffians did fend a body of troops to the af-
fiftance of the Imperialifts in the campaign of
1 7 35, the Emperor being forfaken by all the
reft of his allies, did not think himfelf fufficient-
ly enabled by this reinforcement to maintain
the war againft fuch powerful enemies, and
therefore clapp’d up a peace with France and her
confederates, and thereupon the Ruffian troops
returned home. By the articles of peace Lorrain
was yielded to France, and Naples and Sicily
to Don Carlos, prince of Spain. On the
other hand, Tufcany and Parma were trans-
ferred to the duke of Lorrain, and the dutchies
of Milan and Mantua confirmed to the Empe-
ror : But in this I fhall be more particular, when
I come to treat of the hiftory of Germany;
and only obferve here, that it is highly proba-
ble, the French, to revenge themfelves for the
affillance the Ruffians gave the Emperor, in-
cited the Turks and Tartars to invade their
frontiers, and were the principal occafion of
the prefent war between the Ottoman Porte and
the Ruffians. But however that was, the Ruf-
fians were very fuccefsful againft the infidels
in the firft campaign of 1736, taking the im-
portant fortrefs of Afoph from them, and over-
running Little Tartary and Crim Tartary, from
whence they carried off a vaft booty, with a
great number of Haves. Nor were the Ruffians
lefs fuccefsful in the year 1737, when they took
the town of Oczakow, which opened them
another paffage into the Black-Sea, and confe-
quently to the gates of Conftantinople, when-
ever their fleet {hall be fuperior to that of the
Turks. But the year 1738 has not been fo
fuccefsful to the Ruffian arms, their armies
having made but a very fruitlefs campaign, and
returned home (according to the London
Gazette) in a miferable condition. Tho’ either
NUATION
upon a principle " of juftice, or becaufe fhe
might be able to bend her whole force againft
the Turk, it appears, that the Czarina relin-
quifhed all the conquefts Peter the Great
made in Perfia, and of enemies has made the
Perfians her faft friends; and if the war between
the chriftians and infidels continues, may one
time or other, poffibly, be induced to make a
diverfion in favour of Ruflia and the Em-
peror.
A continuation of the prefent fate of Scandinavia.
CCandinavia, which comprehends Sweden, Den- Sea
0 mark and Norway, is fituated between 54 vla
and 72 degrees north latitude, and between 4 and
30 degrees eaft longitude.
The hiftory of Sweden was brought down
to the year 1724, in the former editions of
Modern History. The following year,
that government was difturbed by a perfon who
pretended to be Charles XII. giving out, that
this prince was not killed at the fiege of Frede-
rickfhall, as was reported, but was ftill alive,
and confined by his enemies in a clofe prifon
at Stockholm ; and letters were difperfed about
the kingdom, requiring his fubjedts to rife and
refeue him ; but upon examining the matter,
the gentleman, who had thus perfonated his
late majefty, appeared to be a perfect madman.
The next occurrence which gave the Swedes
any uneafinefs, was the marriage of the Duke
of Holftein with the Czarina’s eldeft daughter,
in the year 1725. Some fuggefted, that this
might poflibly prevent the Duke’s fucceeding to
the crown of Sweden ; for the Swedes dreaded
nothing more, than being governed by a Prince,
who might one day be fovereign of Ruflia :
however, the King and Queen of Sweden
thought fit to compliment her Czarifh Majefty
on the marriage of her daughter with the Duke
of Holftein, and made magnificent prefents to .
the Duke and the Princefs his bride.
The court of Sweden remained ftill fo jealous
of the intrigues of the party of the Duke of
Holftein, that count Welling was condemned
to perpetual imprifonment, for holding a cor-
refpondence with that Prince; and yet it ap-
pears, that the King and Queen of Sweden, the
fame year (1728) made a prefent to the Duke
and Dutchefs of Holftein, who then refided at
Kiel, of a fervice of plate of the value of
100,000 rix-dollars on the birth of their fon,
and ordered an annual penfion of 120O crowns
to be paid them towards the expences of their
table ; for the Duke, being greatly impoverifhed
by the King of Denmark’s feizing the dutchy
of Slefwick, the court of Sweden did not think
it prudent to render that prince defperate, left
he flrould be ihduced to apply himfelf to the
court
OF MODERN HISTORY.
court of Ruffia to efpoufe his caufe, as well
againft the .Swedes as the Danes ; the former
having palled him by in favour of the prefent
King of Sweden, tho’ his right to that crown
was beyond all difpute, and he had. never done
any thing to forfeit it : and the Dane, with
equal right, had feized the Duke’s fhare in the
dutchy of Slefwick.
The Swedes being now importuned to be-
come parties in the Hanover alliance, thought fit
to accede to it, after two or three years folici-
tations, notwithstanding the inftances of the
Emperor and the Czarina, to perfuade them to
accede to that of Vienna.
In the mean time, an Aga arrived at the
court of Sweden fromTurky, to folicit the pay-
ment of great fums of money which had been
lent the late King of Sweden, by fome mer-
chants of that nations, while his Majefty re-
mained at Bender : but it was fufpedted, he had
matters of much greater importance in corn-
million ; namely, the engaging Sweden, and
fome other chriftian powers, in a war with the
Ruffians and the Emperor, while the Turks
fhould attack them in other places : and what
rendered this the more credible, was the T urkifh
Aga’s having frequent conferences with the mi-
nifters of Great- Britain and France.
The Landgrave of Hefle-Caffel, father of
the King of Sweden, dying on the 2 lit of
March, N. S. his dominions in Germany, which
are very confiderable, defcended to his Swedilh
Majefty.
There is very little that demands our attention
in the hiftory of Sweden the la ft fix or feven
years, unlefs it be their application to trade. They
have, it feems, prohibited the importation of all
foreign merchandize aimoft, or laid duties on
them which amount to a prohibition, unlefs im-
ported in their own bottoms ; and have of late
eftablilhed an Eaft-India company, and fent
fome fhips thither, and confequently will have
no occafion to purchafe the merchandize of In-
dia of their European neighbours, as they for-
merly did, unlefs it be the fine fpices; and
thefe the Swedes, and all other nations, are
obliged to purchafe of the Dutch, who have
robbed the reft of the world of them ; and
confequently, fet what price they pleafe upon
thofe fpices. As the cafe Hands, therefore, it is
very little to the advantage of the Swedes, or
any other European people, to concern them-
felves in the Eaft-India trade ; confidering the
manufactures imported from thence tend only
to ruin their own, and that they are purchafed
chiefly with treafure. We ourfelves might do
much better without that trade than with it ;
provided we could effectually reftrain the wear-
ing the manufactures of India. If this be im-
practicable, indeed we may as well purchafe
them there, as retail them of our neighbours, to
whom we muft pay much dearer for them.
There is another article that muft not be paffed
over in filence, and that is the practice of the
Swedes in letting out their troops to their fouthern
neighbours, and becoming penfioners to them,
and frequently to Princes in oppofite interefts.
Great Britain not long fince paid them a fubfidy
for twelve thoufand Heffians, who being fubject
to the king of Sweden, may well be looked upon
as Swedes: however, that court being aimoft
always penfioners to France, there is little doubt
to be made that the Swedes will be ready at all
times to make a diverfion in favour of France,
whenever fhe lhall be at war with the Emperor or
any other power : if Great Britain fhould be in
ill terms with France, I am afraid fhe would re-
ceive but little affiftance from Sweden or Heffe.
The vaft fums of money employed therefore in
fuch fubfidies, may be looked upon as abfolutely
loft to the nation : we can depend but little
upon Heffian and Swedifh fuccours, efpecially
when we find a treaty concluded between Sweden
and France fo late as in the year 1735, whereby
France ftipulates to pay the Swedes an annual
fubfidy of 400,000 crowns ; and the Swedes, in
confideration thereof, promife to affift the French
with 16,000 men whenever that crown fhall de-
mand them. We have therefore prudently taken
7000 Danes into our pay, and are fo generous, it
feems, as to be at the charge of railing, clothing,
and arming, as well as paying them. The Danes
appear no lefs intent on promoting and extending
their traffick than the Swedes, prohibiting the im-
portation of all goods and merchandizes from
Hamburgh or Lubeck, that were not of the growth
or manufacture of thofe parts, and encouraging the
importation of merchandize in their own bottoms,
from the countries where the fame are refpectively
produced or manufactured : they have alfo ex-
tended their Eaft-India trade as far as China, and
appointed Altena, near Hamburgh, to be the port
where the goods of thofe countries fhould be un-
laded, and publick fales made of them. -
But in the latter end of the year 17 38, the King
of Sweden, on account of his ill ftate of health,
refigned the government of that kingdom, in fa-
vour of his queen, which was approved of by the
fenate ; and foon after, his moft chriftian Maje-
fty renewed the treaty with Sweden, by which he
obliged himfelf to pay to the crown of Sweden, du-
ring ten years, a fubfidy of 900,000 livres per ann.
(about 40,900 1. fterling) paying it in three terms ;
and that the crown of Sweden, on her part, pro-
mifed not to make any treaty during the faid ten
years, with any power whatever, without the
knowledge and confent of France.
A con-
672
Poland.
A C O N T I N
A continuation of the prefent fate of Poland.
P OLAND isfituated between 46 and 56 de-
grees north latitude, and between 15 and 34
eaft longitude.
The hiftory of Poland was brought down to the
year 17 26, in theformereditions of this work, about
which time count Maurice of Saxony, natural
fon of king Augustus, found means to get him-
felf elected fucceflor to duke Ferdinand, the
then fovereign of Courland; but duke Ferdi-
nand protefted againft the eledlion as ille-
gal, the ftates of that dutchy having been fum-
moned in his name, but without his knowledge ;
and the Poles protefted againft the election of
count Maurice, inlifting that this dutchy
ought to return to the republick, after the extinc-
tion of the prefent ducal family.
The Ruffians alfo pretending that Courland was
under the protedlion of that empire, protefted
againft this election, and infilled that the ftates
fhould proceed to a new choice, and eledl either
prince Menzikoff, the duke of Holftein, or
one of the two princes of Heffe in the Ruffian fer-
vice ; threatening the Courlanders with their re-
fentment, if they negledled to comply with thefe
terms. On the other hand, the diet of Poland
banilhed count Maurice of Saxony for refilling
to appear before the diet, and to fend them the adt
of his eledlion. They alfo decreed that the dutchy
of Courland fhould be divided into palatinates af-
ter the prefent duke’s death ; and commiffioners
were conftituted to proceed againft the authors of
the late convocation or affembly of the ftates that
eledted count Maurice : foon after which the
commiffioners, attended by a body of horfe and
foot, marched down to Mittau, the capital city
of Courland, in order to execute the decrees of the
diet, fome of which were of the following tenor,
viz.
1. The dutchies of Courland and Semigallia
fhall fall under the jurifdidlion of the crown of
Poland, in cafe duke Ferdinand .die without
male heirs.
2. The pretended adt of count Maurice’s
eledlion, fhall be and remain annulled ; and all
other pretenfions which hereafter may be made to
that fucceffion, are hereby declared void, in purfu-
ance of the decree of the laft diet at Grodno.
3. The privileges, liberties, and prerogatives,
both ecclefiaftical and civil, which heretofore were
granted to the nobility by king Sigismond of
glorious memory, fhall be inviolably maintained.
4. The Roman catholicks, as well as the pro-
teftants, fhall be tolerated and advanced to place
and dignities.
5. The dutchies of Courland and Semigallia
fhall never be difmembered from the crown of
Poland, or made over to any other power: on
U AT I 0 N
the contrary, they fhall always be confidered as
an infeparable member of the politick body of the
republick, and its immediate fubjedls: and no at-
tempts fhall be made towards any change in the
prefent conftitution, without the previous affient
and concurrence of the magiftracy and the nobi-
lity.
Againft thefe decrees, duke FERDiNANDt
the prefent fovereign of Courland, protefted, a,
they tended to fubvert the conftitution of thas
dutchy ; in which he was encouraged by the Ruf-
fians, who promifed him their affiftance, to op-
pofe the encroachments and ulurpations of the
Poles, on whom that dutchy had no dependance,
as duke Ferdinand infilled.
The king of Poland being in a very ill Hate of
health, in the years 1728 and 1729, the French
did not only demand that King Stanislaus
fhould be reltored to the pofleffion of all his lands
in Poland and Lithuania ; but began to bribe the
Polilh nobility to induce them to reftore Stani-
slaus to the throne of Poland, on the death of
his Majefty King Augustus II. whofe death was
daily expedled. About the fame time the protef-
tants of Poland prefented the following particulars
of the grievances and oppreffions they laboured
under, to the Kings of Sweden and Pruffia, viz.
1. That fince the peace of Oliva, the catholicks
have taken from the proteftants no fewer than one
hundred and twenty-eight churches, and forty-
fix fchools, in Poland, Lithuania, and Polilh
Pruffia.
2. That they are wholly driven out of thofe
which they ufed to enjoy in common with the
catholicks.
3. That moll of the revenues appointed for the
maintenance of their minifters, have been given
to convents; fo that thofe unhappy pallors can
fcarcely fubfift.
4. That in the cities, towns. See. whofe ma-
giftrates were formerly a mixture of catholicks
and proteftants, the latter were now entirely ex-
cluded from the magiftracy.
5. That the proteftants have frequently their
children taken from them, and put into monafte-
ries, there to be educated Roman catholicks.
6- That whenever any taxes are laid, the pro-
teftants are always double taxed ; wherein they
are much worfe treated than the Jews.
The city of Dantzick at the fame time offered
the perfecuted proteftants a fafe retreat, and the
fame privileges their own fubjedls enjoyed, if they
would fettle in their territories ; which many of
them, I prefume, accepted, lying under iuch
difeouragements in other parts of Poland.
In the mean time the Poles appeared highly dif-
contented with their King on account of his fre-
quent abfence from that kingdom, and keeping
up a body of Saxon troops ; which difeontents it
is fuppoled were fomented by the French emil-
faries.
OF MODERN HISTORY
faries, who even then were endeavouring to bribe
the minifters and officers of the republick, to pro-
mote the reftoration of King Stanislaus to
that throne: and the diet being affembled at
Grodno in the month of Auguft 1729, the mem-
bers were fo very warm, that they drew their fa-
bres, and it was with great difficulty the majority
were prevented cutting the minority in pieces ;
and at laft the diet broke up in the utmolt confu-
fion, having made the following proteft,. viz.
“We proteft, 1. Againft every thing that
“ may ftrike at the liberty of free election, and
e ‘ other privileges of Poland and Lithuania. 2dly,
“ Againft the mixture and incorporation that has
“ been made of Saxon troops in the army of the
“ crown. 3dly, Againft the ftridt alliance
“ with the houfe of Brandenburg. 4thly, Againft
“ the King’s going away without the confent of
“ the fenators and grandees of the kingdom.
« 5thly, Againft the diftribution that has been
“ made, without our privity, of feveral offices
“ which have been conferred on foreigners”.
At length the death of Augustus II. King of
Poland , which had been long expedted, hap-
pened on the firft of February, 1732-3. He was
the fecondfon of John George III. Eledtor of
Saxony, and fucceeded his eldeft brother John
George IV. in that electorate, An. 1694. He
was chofen King of Poland after the death of
the great Sobieski, An. 1697. notwithftand-
ing the intrigues of the emiflaries of France, who
fpared no treafure, or left any ftratagem untried,
to get the then prince of Conti eledted.
Augustus II. left no other legitimate iflue
but the Eledtor Augustus III. now King of Po-
land : but few princes have had more miftrefl'es,
or a more numerous natural illue, of whom count
M A u R 1 c e of Saxony is the eldeft : his mother be-
ing Aurora, the countefs of Coningsmark :
the fecond is count Roto fski, orRuTowsKi,
lieutenant general, and colonel of the crown
guards, whom the king had by a beautiful Tur-
kilh Have, who was taken prifoner very young.
The King had a third fon, viz. the chevalier d e
Saxony, by madam Lubomirski, the wife
of prince Lubomirski, from whom fhe pro-
cured a divorce. The fourth and youngeft of
the natural fons of Augustus II. was the. count
de Cossel, whofe mother was the countefs of
Cossel. Count FIoym, her hufband, carried
her to Drefden foon after his marriage, where
the King fell in love with her, and no fooner
made it known to her, but gained her compli-
ance. M. de Hoym, enraged at this, demanded
a divorce from her, which his wife readily came
into ; and the confiftory of Drefden declared their
marriage null and void. M. de Hoym married
again, and madam took the title of countefs de
Cosse l : but this lady at once loft the King’s fa-
vour and her liberty j for when fhe was in royal
Vol. III.
keeping, fhe had the aflurance to threaten the
King more than once, that if ever he abandoned
her fhe would piftol him. The King, who knew
her to be a woman that always kept her word,
thought it his belt way to be beforehand with her ;
tho’ it was not till fome time after that he caufed
her to be apprehended. Madam de Cossel,
who was retired to Berlin, did not diflemble her
chagrin; and it’s faid, fhe declared in publick, that
the King fhould pay dear for being falfe to her :
threats, which his Majefty would perhaps have
defpifed, if madam de CossEl had not refufed
to give him back a promile which he had made to
her, of marrying her in cafe the Queen fhould
die. Mean time the King defired of the King of
Pruffia to give orders for apprehending her ;
which was done accordingly, and madam de
Cossel was carried under a guard to Saxony,
where fhe remained in prifon till the death of tire
King. But we have been told by the publick
news-papers, that fhe obtained her liberty in
I 734-
His natural daughters were the countefs of
Bi l inski, the countefs of Orselsk a, and the
countefs of Mosch inski : the two laft of which
he had by two miftrefles. Upon the whole, ’tis
to be prefumed the German princes look upon
fuch amours as innocent amufements ; nor do
they regard whether the objedt of their affedtions
be married or unmarried. This prince alfo, in
imitation of Lewis XIV. of France, legitimated
all his fpurious iflue.
Upon the death of Augustus II. there ap-
peared three parties in Poland ; one for the Eledtor
of Saxony, a fecond for Stanislaus, and a
third for a native of the kingdom, exclufive of
Stanislaus; but the laft were an inconfider-
able number. The primate efpoufed the party of
Stanislaus, and fent circular letters to the fe-
veral palatinates and diftridts, requiring them to
take proper meafures to exclude foreigners, efpe-
cially one whofe pofleffions lay out of the king-
dom, pointing at the Eledtor of Saxony ; becaufe
fuch a prince would be more intent on the wel-
fare of his own ftate, than that of the republick.
He exhorted them to exclude all hereticks from
polls in the government and army, and to banifh
the perfons fufpedted of private attachments to a
foreign prince ; and not to permit the minifters
of foreign princes to have any guards. The pri-
mate wrote alfo to the feveral powers of Europe,
to delire their protedtion ; and to the Emperor
of Germany, and the Czarina, particularly entreat-
ing them, that they would not interpofe in the e-
ledtion, but leave the republick to make a free
choice of a future Sovereign .
Whereupon the party of the Eledtor of Saxony,
and molt of the foreign minifters, charged the
primate with partiality ; and the Ruffian minifters
declared, that Stanislaus was incapacitated to
Rrrr be
A CONTINUATION
be a candidate, and ought to be excluded by vir-
tue of a treaty between the Saxons and the Re-
publick. An. 1716, confirmed by the general diet
of Poland, An. 1717. And that the late Emperor,
Peter I. having been mediator and guarantee of
that treaty, the Czarina had not only a right, but
was under an indifpenfable obligation to prevent
an infraction of it ; and declared fhe would fup-
port that treaty with all her force.
The French ambaffador, the marquis de Mon-
ti, on the other hand, allured the republick, that
the French King w r ould not fail to affift the party
of Si’ anislaus with all his force.
The Emperor, about the fame time, wrote a
letter to the primate, intimating, that he would
defend the right of the Poles to a free election a-
gainft all enemies whatever ; and declared it to be
his opinion, that no prince ought to fit upon the
throne of Poland, but by the free and unanimous
votes of that nation, and duly qualified for that
honour, by the conftitution of the kingdom ; and
that his allies and confederates were of the fame
mind.
The interregnum diet for the choice of another
King being opened, it was in the firft place re-
folved to expel from it all that were not Roman
catholicks ; that is all chriftians of the Greek, Lu-
theran, or Calvinift communion : and fome of
the catholick members added, that if the diffidents
(the gentlemen of thofe perfuafions) did not walk
out of their own accord, they ought to be thrown
out of the windows. To which a nuncio of
Great Poland anfwered, that the gentleman who
propofed it, ought to confider, that no man could
throw another out of the window without being
near it himfelf ; and the debates on this fubjedt
run fo high, that the diet was abruptly adjourned.
The fame matter was contefted feveral days
afterwards ; but at length the nuncios both of the
Greek and Proteftant churches were excluded.
And the diet proceeded to make choice of a mar-
fhal or fpeaker, who was in the intereft of Sta-
nislaus : the minifters of Great Britain and
Pruffia exclaimed loudly againft this exclufion of
the diffidents; and the minifter of the Czarina
declared, fhe would fee juftice done them accord-
ing to the rights and privileges which had been fti-
pulated for them in feveral treaties, of which fhe
was guarantee: however the diffidents remained
excluded during the whole courfe of the diet.
The Roman catholick members, who frill con-
tinued their feffions from time to time, at length
agreed, that the diet of eledrion fhould be on the
25th of Auguft, and that it fhould lubfift no longer
then the ufual term, viz. fix weeks at fartheft, in
the ufual place between Warfaw and Wola ; and
they required all their members to take the fol-
lowing oath, (viz.)
“ I A. B. do fwear in the prefence of Almighty
“ God, that in the approaching eledrion I will no*
“ minate and chufe a King a Polander by birth,
C{ as in the prefent confederacy is provided : that I
“ will not form any cabal in favour of a foreigner,
“ whereby the free choice of a Polander may be
C{ impeded ; but that on the contrary, I will vote
“ for the utter exclufion of any foreigner what-
“ foever : that I will oppofe all who fhall offer
“ to break the facred confederacy, and will look
“ upon them as enemies to their country.
“ So help me God.”
Thus the primate carried all before him, but
not without a confiderable oppofition : many at-
tempts were made to exclude St anislaus in the
diet , and the Imperial and Ruffian minifters were
very adtive without doors, complaining, that the
freedom of voting was invaded by threats, arti-
fice, and ill-ufage : and when it was demanded
of the Czarina’s minifter, if the Ruffian troops
had orders to enter Poland before the eledrion;
he anfwered, he was not authorifed by his in-
ftrudtions to anfwer them in that particular ; but
on the contrary, charged the party of Stani-
slaus with inciting the Turks and Tartars to
invade Ruffia : to which the deputies replied, they
fhould be obliged to do it, if they had no other
way to defend themfelves. Whereupon the Ruf-
fian minifter withdrew, and fet out immediately
after for Peterfburgh ; at which the primate and
his party were terribly alarmed, being in no con-
dition to oppofe the Ruffian army, joined by the
adherents of the Eledlor of Saxony. The pri-
mate therefore difpatched a minifter to the court
of Ruffia, to endeavour to mollify the Czarina, and
wrote letters again to the European powers, to de-
fire their protection ; and at the fame time the
nobility of the refpective palatinates were fum-
moned to mount on horfe-back, to defend their
country againft the in vafion of foreigners.
On the 20th of June 1733, the minifters of
the Emperor, Ruffia, and Pruffia, delivered in
their refpeftive memorials, or protefts, againft the
contingent election of Stanislaus, who was
excluded from the throne by feveral treaties, of
which they were guarantees. They took occa-
fion alio to fhew the irregularity of the firft elec-
tion of St anislaus, in the year 1704, and his
fubfequent profeription and difqualification thereon
to accept that crown.
Stanislaus on the other hand, as a preli-
minary to his being elected again, difclaimed his
former eledrion, relinquifhed all demands on the
republick of any fums due to him, promifedre-
ligioufiy to obferve the Padfa conventa, and en-
deavoured to fhew, that his alliance with France
ought to be no objection to their choice of him.
On the 10th of Auguft the Ruffian general
Lasci entered Poland, at the head of 50,000
men, but halted fome time in Lithuania ; where-
upon
OF MODERN
upon the primate proceeded to open the diet of e-
ledlion on the 25 th of Auguft. In the 5th fef-
fion, prince Weisnowiski finding the party of
the Eledlor of Saxony inferior to his rival in that
partial diet, from whence many of the members
had been excluded, retired with 3000 men on
the other fide of the Viftula. The Ruffian forces
advancing at the fame time, the primate haften-
cd the election, and upon the 12th of September,
the votes of thofe that were left in the diet being
collected, and found in favour of Stanislaus,
the primate went to the houfe of the marquis de
Mont i, theFrench ambaflador at Warfaw, where
King Stanislaus arrived incognito two or
three days before, and bringing that Prince into
the field, he was received with the joyful accla-
mations of his party, and declared their King ; af-
ter which they attended him to the cathedral,
and Te deum was fung,asufual at fuch elections.
King Stanislaus, the day after he was e-
le&ed, fent a deputation to his opponents at
Prague, on the other fide of the Viftula, who
were now encreafed to 10,000 men, to propofe
an accommodation ; but they drew up a protelt
againftthe election, which was figned by the whole
body ; and on the 16th of September, they march-
ed to join the Mufcovites, having firft broke down
part of the bridge upon the Viftula. Whereupon
the party ofSTANisLAUs repaired the bridge,
and purfued prince Wiesnowiski and his ad-
herents, and attacked their rear ; in which ren-
counter fome were killed, and Wiesnowiski
loft part of his baggage : however he continued
his march, and joined the Mofcovites ; of which
Stanislaus receiving advice, abandoned War-
faw, and, accompanied by the primate, the French
minifter, and the chief of his party, repaired to
Dantzick, where they arrived the fecond of Oc-
tober.
In the mean time the palatine of Kiow being
left at Warfaw, with an army under his com-
mand, to keep polleffion of the city, and oppofe
the Mufcovites as long as he could ; on the
29 th of September a detachment of his army came
and polled themfelves before the Saxon palace at
Warfaw, and fent a meflage to let thofe with-
in know that he was come to fearch for Ruffians
concealed. The Saxon officer, who commanded
in the palace, refilling to admit him, the palatine
attacked it both with cannon and fmall arms : the
befieged made a flout defence, fo that the Poles
loft feveralmen in the attack. Hov/ever the Sax-
ons were obliged the next day to fubmit, upon
terms which were agreed to and figned by both
parties, to this effedl : “ That the faid palace
* i and every thing theretobelongingfhould remain
“ untouched : that twelve domefticks fhould be
“ allowedto remain inthepalace; thofe of themi-
“ litary capacity Ihould be conducted with honour
“ to the frontiers of Silefia, on their way to Sax-
HISTORY.
(( ony, with arms, horfes, and baggage; but
c< Ihould be difqualified ever to bear arms againft
“ the Republick of Poland”. The Poles attack-
ed alfo the hotel in which the Ruffian minifter re-
fided, from which his domefticks, according to
order, retired, the palace not being tenable ; and
thereupon the hotel was plundered by the Polifh
Soldiers.
On the 5 th ofOdlober, moft of the palaces and
houfes in Warfaw, belonging to the grandees
who had joined the Mufcovites, were plundered
by the populace, notwithftanding the Mufcovite
army, together with the confederated Poles, who
had joined them, were then arrived and encamp-
ed at Prague ; but the river Viftula being between,
and all the pafles ftrongly guarded by the army of
Stanislaus, under count Potocki, palatine
of Kiow, they could not get time enough to pre-
vent it.
The Mufcovites and confederated Poles, find-
ing they could not eafily pafs the Viftula and
come to the place where the Kings of Poland are
ufually chofen, and being refolved to come to an
election before the appointed time of Election
fhould expire, which was fix weeks, eredted a
Kolo at Cracow, on the other fide of the Viftula,
and there eledled the duke of Saxony, whom the
bifhop of Cracow proclaimed on the 6th of Odlo-
ber, by the name of Augustus III. King of
Poland. Soon after which the palatine of Kiow
retired with his army towards Cracow, and then
the Mufcovites and confederated Poles palled the
Viftula without oppofition, and took polleffion of
Warfaw, and in their turns, plundered the pala-
ces and houfes of the oppofite party ; but did not
find much in them, the Poles having taken care
to remove every thing of value.
From the arrival of King Stanislaus at
Dantzick, Odlober the fecond, 1733, to the lat-
ter end of February 1733-4, the magiftrates of
that city were bufy in forming a convention with
his Majefty, which was guaranteed by France,
for the better fecuring the city, and King St a-
n isl a u s’s perfon. This was no fooner conclud-
ed, but they began to prepare for a vigorous refi-
nance, repairing the fortifications, and throwing
up lines, intrenchments, and other works, upon
the upper grounds, which command the town.
During this time they received a great number of
officers, engineers, and other voluntiers, from
Sweden and France; likewife a great quantity of
arms and ammunition : So that the number of the
befieged might amount to 8000, including Poles,
Swedes, and French, who guarded the outworks ;
and the garrifon of the town itfelf, together with
the burghers fit to bear arms, might be reafonably
computed at about 12,000 more, well paid, with
a numerous artillery extraordinary well pro-
vided.
R r r r 2
February
6y6
A CONTINUATION
February 20, the Ruffians, to the number of nefe, with very little oppofition ; and at length
20,000, commanded by general L asci, inverted of the capital city of Milan itfelf.
the town, and fent to the magiftrates, requiring The next campaign, the reft of the Spanifh
them to difmiis King Stanislaus, and fubmit troops being arrived in Italy, they invaded Na-
to King Augustus, or elfe they muft expert to pies and Sicily, and reduced both thofe kingdoms,
be bombarded, and treated as enemies; and re- proclaiming Don Ca rl os King of the two Sici-
ceiving no fatisfadlory anfwer, hoftilities began lies; andat the fame time the Spaniards, and their al-
the 27 th. But of this fiege, and the furrender of lies, took every town belonging to the Emperor in
Dantzick, with the fubmiffion of the Polifh no- the north ofltaly, except Mantua. The French alfo
bility to King Augustus, I have already given belieged and took the town of Philiplburgh, upon
an account in the additions to the hiftory of the Rhine, in the courfe of this war : butlpropofe
Ruffia. to treat more particularly of the wars between the
King Augustus was in Saxony at the time Emperor and the French, and their confederates, in
of his election, but receiving a deputation from the additions to the hiftory of Germany, and on-
Poland, to invite him to take poffieffion of that ly take notice here, that by fubfequent articles
throne, his Majefty, with the Queen, fet out of peace, concluded in the year 1735, it was a-
from Drefden for Poland, guarded by fifteen or greed, that King S't an is la us fhould relinquifh
fix teen thoufand Saxons, and arrived at Cracow the kingdom of Poland to King Augustus,
on the 4th of January 1733-4. On the 17th of and retain only the ftile and title of King: that
the fame month, their Majeities were crowned by Lorrain fhould be yielded to France, and King
the bifhop of that fee. After which the king held Stanislaus enjoy that dutchy for life: that
a diet at Cracow, in which feveral regulations were the dutchies of Tufcany and Parma fhould be
made, for reftoring the peace of the kingdom. yielded to the duke of Lorrain, after the then
In the mean time theFrench King determining duke of Tufcany’s death : and the Milanefe to
to fupport his father’s pretenfions to the throne of the Emperor, except fome places in it that were
Poland, or obtain an equivalent for the difap- affigned to the King of Sardinia : and that the
pointment, entered into a confederacy with the Emperor fhould refign and confirm the kingdoms
Kings of Spain and Sardinia, to invade the Em- of Naples and Sicily to Don Carlos : that the
peror’s hereditary countries, both in Germany and French fhould reftore all they had taken from the
Italy; giving out, that the Emperor was in a Emperor on the Rhine, and guarantee the pragma-
confederacy with the Czarina and the Elector of tick fandlion. Ever fince the conclufion whereof
Saxony, to oppofe the advancement of his father King Augustus III. has remained in thepeace-
Stanislaus to the throne of Poland, and had able pofleffion of the throne of Poland, without
been the occafion of the Ruffians marching into engaging hitherto in the wars between the chrif-
Poland for that end ; and thereupon the duke of tians and infidels. Nor do I meet with any other
Berwick was ordered to aflemble a formidable ar- occurrence of confequence in the modern hiftory
my at Metz in Lorrain, with which he parted of Poland, unlefs it be the marriage of the prin-
the Rhine, and inverted fort Kehi on the nth of cefs royal, this prefent year, to Don Carlos,
Odtober 1733- On the 20th the trenches were King of Naples and Sicily,
opened, and the approaches being carried on till
the 28 th, the garrifon furrendered on condition of J continuation of the prefent fate of Bohemia.
being permitted to march out with military ho-
nours, and were conducted to Ulm. This was the T) OHEMI A (in which I include Silefia and Mo- Bohemia,
firft aft of hoftility between the French and the raviaj is fituated between 48 and 52 degrees
Imperialifts in that war. north latitude, and between 13 and 18 degrees of
The allies of France, the Kings of Spain and eaftern longitude.
Sardinia, about the fame time declared war againft Prague, the capital, baron Pollnitz ob- Pra g ue ”
the Emperor, making the exclufion of Stani- ferves, is one of the biggeft towns in Europe,
slaus from the throne of Poland the chief pre- encompafled with ramparts, and as well fortified
tence likewife, for attacking that prince. And the as a place of that extent can be ; but commanded
King of Spain ordered 16,000 foot to be tran- by feveral hills : That the fituation is pleafant, in
fported into Italy, rnd 5000 horfe and dragoons the midft of fine fields and gardens, and adorn’d
to march thither through France by land. But with noble buildings : that the convents of both
the King of Spain had already 6000 men in Tuf- fexes are a great ornament to it. The palace or
cany, for the fecurity of the eventual fucceffion caftle, which joins to the cathedral, is a great
of that dutchy to Don Carlos, and with thefe building, compofed of feveral main bodies, with-
the French, and the King of Sardinia, joining out fymetry or architecture. The apartments are
their forces in the winter of 1733, made them- but low and plain ; but here is one of the pioft
felves mailers of a great many towns in the Mila- beautiful profpe&s in the world. The great hall.
OF MODERN
Tn which the royal feafl is kept on the day of the
coronation of the kings, is the largeft of the kind
next to the Spacious hall of Weflminfler. The
palace-gardens are large, but have nothing to re-
commend them befides their Situation. The tri-
bunals of the regency meet in the palace.
The bridge over the Muldaw, which joins Little
Prague to the old town, is one of the longed: and
molt fubflantial bridges in Europe.
If we except Rome, Paris, and London, there
is no city where there are more gentry, or a gen-
try that is more wealthy : every body here lives
grand ; and in no part of the world do the nobi-
lity keep greater Hate, or take more pride in their
fubflance. They are polite and civil to ftrangers,
whom they know to be perfons of quality. For
my own part, fays the baron, I like them pro-
digiouily ; and I can fafely fay it, I have hardly
met with a foreigner, who has not the fame no-
tion of Prague that I have.
There are no people of quality in the world
more addicted to an expenfive way of living
than thofe of Prague ; which is the reafon that for
all their immenfe revenues, they are fometimes
over head and ears in debt ; but by good luck
they have a fettlement, which prevents them from
total ruin : for molt part of their lands are in-
tailed for ever on the eldeft fon of the family, fo
that he can neither alienate nor incumber them,
without the confent of the whole family, and
of the King himfelf ; which is a thing very hard
to be obtained.
Tho’ the Bohemians are brave and good fol-
diers, yet they do not love the fervice ; I mean
the gentry. Molt of them prefer the civil to mi-
litary employments ; and private life to polls in
the army, or at court. They are fo ufed to be
abfolute mailers at their ellates, where the pea-
fants are their Haves, and to be homaged like pet-
ty fovereigns by the burghers at Prague, that they
don’t care to refide at Vienna, and to.be obliged,
like other fubjedls to pay their court to the fo-
vereign, and the minillers.
The Bohemian peafantsare miferable to the laffc
degree ; their perfons, and all that they have, are
at the command of the lord. The poor wretches
have often not a bit of bread to eat, in a country
which is one of the moll plentiful in Europe for
all forts of provisions. They dare not go from
one village to another to work, nor learn a handi-
craft trade, without their lord’s confent. So much
Subjection keeps the poor creatures always trem-
bling and humble; fo that if you do but fpeak to
them, they are ready to lick the dull off your
feet. The Severity with which thefe people are
ufed, is really terrible ; but ’tis as true on the other
hand, that gentle ufage has no effedl upon them ;
for they are excefiively lazy and Itubborn, and be-
ing moreover ufed to harlh treatment, from gene-
HISTORY.
ration to generation, blows fcarce terrify them,
tho’ ’tis the only way to make them good for any
thing.
The Bohemians have a great genius for mu-
lick ; fo that there’s no village, be it ever fo
Small, but the mafs is fimg in concert ; and they
are very happy at winding the hunter’s horn.
’T is certain, that this kingdom is one of the
bell countries in the Emperor’s polTeffion, and
next to Hungary brings him in the moll money.
Bohemia is a country of Hates, whom the Em-
peror, as King of it, Summons every year to the
city of Prague. They confift of the clergy, no-
bility, gentry, and towns. The aflembly is open-
ed by a commiffioner of the Emperor’s nomina-
tion, who lays before them his imperial Majelly’s
demands. The Hates, Such is their fubmiflion
and zeal, grant the full demand, which is com-
monly a very great Sum ; yet for all this, the Bo-
hemians would not complain of taxes, if the Em-
peror relided among them ; but they are very Sor-
ry to fee their country exhauHed to enrich the Au-
Hrians, to whom they have a natural averfion,
and the Austrians as heartily hate the Bohemians.
The ladies here are very amiable. Gaming,
which may be called the univerfal pleafure, is car-
ried as high here as they pleafe in the houfes of the
quality, where aflemblies of both fexes are held eve-
ry night, with good cheer, particularly pheafants
and ortorlans in plenty ; and upon filh days there
are trouts, falmon, and cray- filh ; and, that there
may be nothing wanting, Bohemia likewife fur-
nifties good wine. At the eflate of the young
cou ntTscHERNiN at Melneg, there is a red fort,
not inferior to Burgundy. Of all thefe good
things many partake together ; and for my parr,
I own lam taken more with this pleafure than
any other, becaute we make it lafl as long as we
will, and then ’tis Suited to all ages.
There is a tolerable Italian opera here. In win-
ter they have races in flately Hedges : there is great
mafquerading ; and they dance till they are ready
to drop to the ground ; for this end there are pub-
lick balls, which are extraordinary fplendid, and
might be compared, if any can be compared,
with the balls at the Hay-Market in London.
In the fummer-time, when there is not fo.
much company in town, thefe aflemblies are
thinner. The gentry meet at night in a garden
belonging to the prince de Schwartzenberg,
where they game, chat, and w 7 alk up and down ;
after which they always go to Some houfe or o-
ther to Sup. When one has a mind to go to the
country, we are fure of a good reception ; and
the longer one Hays, the greater pleafure one gives
ro the mafler of the houfe. Here they pafs their
time in hunting of all forts. Many of the nobi-
lity keep packs of hounds, and others hawks.
The generality keep muficians in their fervice ;
6; s A CONTINUATION
fo that let the weather be what it will, one may fo ill lodged as the Emperor; for they have all
always be amufed m this country. Eefides, one ftately houfcs both in the city and fuburbs. Prince
enjoys all the freedom here that can be. Euc-ene of Savoy’s palace is the molt magni-
ficent building that one fhall fee ; for whether you
A continuation of the prefent Jiate of Germany. examine the outfide, or the infide of it, the whole
is of the bell contrivance and the utmoft magni-
Germany. ERMANY is fituated between 45 and 55 ficence. The hall, which forms the firft piece of
o degrees north latitude, and between 6 and the grand apartment, is all wainfcotted, and a-
tj degrees eaft longitude. domed with large pictures, reprefenting the chief
It is bounded by the Baltick Sea, Denmark, battles won by prince Eugene. From this hall
and the German Ocean on the north ; by Bohe- we pafs into a large antichamber, where we fee a
mia and Hungary on the eaft; by the gulph of fuit of tapeftry hangings, made by the famous De-
Venice and the Alps, which feparate it from Italy, vos of Bruflels, where that fkilful artift has re-
on the l'outh ; and by France and the Low-Coun- prelented the principal tranfactions of the war to
tries on the weft : being about fix hundred miles as great perfection aspoffibler out of this anti-
in length from north to fouth, and five hundred chamber we go into the bedchamber ; I never
in breadth from eaft to weft. faw any thing fo rich as the furniture is there ; the
Vienna. The chief town is Vienna or Wein, the capi- tapeftry is roll’d up in pilafters of green velvet em-
tal of the empire, fituated in 48 degrees 20 mi- broidered with gold, with figures in needle work
nutes north latitude, and in 16 degrees of eaft fo finely drawn, that they feem to be miniatures,
longitude, in a fine fruitful country, on one of the This piece is intirely furnilhed in all that tafte.
branches of the river Danube, which here divides The clofet next to the bed-chamber, is all over
itfelf, and forms feveral iflands. The city within gilt, and every thing in general in this apartment
the walls is not three miles in circumference, but is fuperb ; the paintings, looking-glafies, marble
has feveral large fuburbs. The houfes are built of tables, the very andirons being of moll curious
ftone five or fix ftories high, and the ftreets are workmanfhip.
narrow. The publick buildings are, firft the im- On the other fide of the city is another fuburb,
perial palace, which, baron P ollnitz informs us, which is very confiderable, and the walks are fine,
is large, but has nothing elfe to boaft of ; for the a- The Prat, for inftance, is a place mightily fre-
partments are low, dark, and without ornaments, quented : ’tis a wood in an ifiand formed by the
and the furniture is very antient, tho’ fcarce any Danube, where there is fuch a furprifing con-
princes have a finer treafure in tapeftry. The courfe of people in fine weather, that it may well
apartments of the Emprefs dowager were the on- enough be called the Boulogne grove of Vienna,
ly ones fit to lodge in ; for that princefs took care The court of Vienna, fays the baron, is in my
to have them not only raifed higher, but inlaid opinion the plaineft, and at the fame time the
and wainfcotted, which has given them a certain moft magnificent in Europe. To explain this
air of majefty they had not before. This prin- feeming paradox, I muft acquaint you, that as to
cefs’s apartment is hung with black velvet, it be- the external appearance of theEmperor’s houfhold,
ing the cuftom of the imperial court for the Em- nothing is fo plain, nor indeed fo difmal. His li-
prefs dowagers never to quit their mourning. veries are of black cloth, with a lace of yellow and
The palace of La Favourita, in the fuburb of white filk: the clothing of his guards is much the
Vienna, where the Emperor fpends the fummer, fame ; and befides, they are not many in num-
bs even inferior to that of the city. ’Tis a very ber. The palace itfelf, as has been intimated, is
large houfe, built upon the highway, without any very inconfiderable ; yet taking the court all toge-
court before it, without fymetry or architecture, ther, and confideiing the number of great and
and which, as to the outfide, looks more like a petty officers, the many rich noblemen thatfpend
convent than a royal palace. The infide perfect- high, and the feveral princes that are in the fervice
ly anfwers the outfide. There’s an afcent to the of his Imperial Majefty, it muft be confefted, that
apartments by a great ftair-cafe, all of timber, that there is not a court in Europe fo fplendid as that
leads to a guard chamber, which is a room of no of Vienna. At the time that I was there, the Em-
great extent, and without any manner of orna- peror had in his fervice two brothers of a King,
ments; and from thence there’s an entrance into two princes of royal blood, and a great number of
other apartments, but half furnilhed, and very princes of fovereign or other honourable fami-
low, which in Ihort is the fault of all the apart- lies : nor is there a court where there is a more
ments. The gardens of the palace are as incon- fudden tranfition from the meaneft to the moft
liderable as the building, they being full of large ftately external appearance ; and in this they com-
Iruit-trees, but in very bad order ; and I faw monly run to fuch an extreme, that they abfo-
nothing there that can be called a fine pro- lutely renounce elegancy to incumber themfelves
fpedl. with magnificence ; for on folemn days, as thofe
Mean time the court nobility are far from being of. births, marriages, &c. one fees nothing but
gold.
OF MODERN HISTORY.
gold, lace, and diamonds without number: and
as foon as thofe holidays, which are called Gala,
are expired, they all refume their former plain-
nefs.
Upon the days of Gala there are commonly
operas and comedies : their Imperial Majefties fit
in the pit, the Emperor in the chief place, and
the Emprefs on his left ; and the archdutchefles
are in the fame row. All thofe of the Imperial
family have arm chairs of the fame fize and
height, with a ftand behind, upon which is a wax
candle. Their operas are magnificent as to the
decorations and habits, and good judges have af-
fured me that their mufick is excellent.
Vienna is an archbifhoprick, and the cathedral
of St. Stephen a magnificent antient building,
but dark. The univerfity in this city is inferior
to few, either in point of antiquity, the number
of ftudents, or their accommodations and privi-
leges ; and the imperial library is in high efteem,
containing upwards of fourfcore thoufand vo-
lumes, ’tis faid ; and among the reft, the rnanu-
fcripts in Hebrew, Syriac, Arabick, Turkifh, Ar-
menian, Coptick, and Chinefe, are not to be pa-
ralelled in the world ; particularly there is a fair
Greek manufcript of the New Teftament, writ-
ten fifteen hundred years ago, in gold letters upon
purple. Here are alfo many thoufand Greek,
Roman, and Gothic coins and medals ; befides
which the Emperor has a collection of numberlefs
curiofities in art and nature, the catalogue whereof
makes a large folio.
Baron Poll nit z informs us, that the court
of Vienna, when he was there, confifted of his
Imperial Majefty Charles VI. his Emprefs E-
lizabeth Christina, daughter of Lewis
Rodolph duke of Brunfwick Wolfenbuttle,
and the three archdutchefles, their daughters;
the eldeft of which is fince married to the duke
of Lorrain, and the third is dead.
The Emperor Charles VI. is of a middle
ftature, moderately fat, of a hale, fwarthy com-
plexion, has a brisk eye, and thick lips ; the latter be-
ing the diftinguifhing mark of the Auftrian family.
It being expeded he would have fucceeded
Ch a r l e s II. K. of Spain, he had a grave education
fuitableto thepeoplehe was to govern, which made
him contraft an air of ferioufnefs, which to thofe
who have not the honour of knowinghim, has an
appearance of feverity ; yet however, he is faid to
be affable, and very humane.
The Emprefs confort was very handfome when
married to the Emperor ; and notwithstanding the
pimples in her face, and her prefent corpulency,
fhe may ftill be reckoned in the number of beau-
tiful princeffes. She was educated in the Lutheran
religion, but abjured it on her marriage with the
Emperor, then King of Spain.
There refided alfo in the Imperial court at that
lime, the Ernprefs dowager of the late Emperor
Legpold,EleonoraMagdalenaThere-
sa of Newburgh, who had ifiue by that Emperor,
Joseph Jacob the late Emperor, Charles VI.
the prefent Emperor, and three archdutchefles.
The eldeft is the archdutchefs Mary Eliza-
beth, governefs of the Auftrian Netherlands.
Thefecond Mary Anne, married to the King
of Portugal. And the third, the archdutcheis
Mary Magdalen.
The Emprefs dowager of the Emperor Jo-
seph, Wilhelmina Amelia, daughter to
the duke of Hanover, uncle to the King of Eng-
land, alfo refided there, who had two princefles
by the Emperor Joseph then living, viz. Ma-
ria Josepha, married to the electoral prince
of Saxony, now King of Poland; and Mary
Amelia, married to the electoral prince, now
Elector of Bavaria,
The German women, the baron obferves, are
rather handfome than pretty ; they are tall
and well-fhaped ; they walk well, but when they
curt’fy, do it in fuch an aukward manner, that
one would think their backs were in danger of
breaking. In their drefs they affeCt finery rather
than a good fancy. Two or three excepted,
there is none that lay on the red, much lefs the
White, and patches are very little worn ; in a
word, they have nothing about them that de-
notes coquettry. As to their h,umour, they are
reckoned frank, tho’ not eafily made familiar.
They are naturally vain, and, like all our German
women,prettyreferved,andnotfo fondofgallantry,
as they are of gaming, luxury, and magnificence”.
Such is their indolence, that they concern them-
felves.no more about their houfhold affairs,
than if they were ftrangers. They know no
books but their prayer-books, are extremely cre-
dulous, and give into all the externals of religion :
this makes their converfation fometimes infipid ;
and, unlefsnow and then a love-ftory falls in, rain
and fair weather are their general topics. They
have at leaft as great a conceit of Vienna as the
Parifians have of Paris; for out of Vienna they
think there is no falvation. But all thefe little
defeats are repaired by an uncommon greatncfs
of foul and generofity. They are hearty friends,
and warm protectors of thofe whofe intereft they
efpoufe. When they are in love, their paflion is
fincere; and inftead of ruining their lovers, there
are fome who have made the fortunes of thofe to
whom they have taken a fancy.
Ladies of the firft rank at Vienna ufually rife
late. As foon as their eyes are open they call for
chocolate, and fend to their hufbands to know
who they have invited to dinner, and whether
there is room for any more guefts. If the lady
does not like the company, fhe fends notice to
fome lady of her acquaintance, that fhe intends to
dine with her ; but if there be room at home, as
a polite hulband always take care to leave fome at
the
A CONTINUATION
the difpcfal of his wife, fhe fends an invitation to
whom fhe pleafes. After this fhe dreffes, and goes
to mafs ; for here the ladies are all fo devout that
there is none but what hears at leaft one mafs in
the day. There they read in five or fix different
prayer-books, kifs all the pictures that are at the
head of the prayers, and very devoutly tofs their
beads. After the office is over, they commonly
chat a quarter of an hour in the church ; then they
go abroad, and make fome friendly vifits, or elfe
go home to receive them. At thefe vifits they
hear all the news in Vienna. During this they
have all a little box of Indian lack upon their
knees, in which they thread gold till dinner-
time. When that is over they drink coffee, or
play at quinze, till night, when they go to court.
From the Emprefs’s apartment they adjourn to the
aftembly, where they divert themfelves at piquet
or at quadrille ; and then retire, undrefs them-
felves, go to fupper, and thence to bed, well
pleafed to think with what indolence and idlenefs
they have fpent the day.
The women of the fecond clafs, in which I in-
clude the gentlewomen that have no titles of ho-
nour, viz. the wives of the affeffors, referenda-
ries, and agents of the court, difeover fuch an air
of plenty and profperity, as is remarkably fur-
prifing. Their houfes are richly furnifhed, and
their tables well ferved. If a referendary has a
mind to a nice bit, no body muff offer to take it;
and the beft of every thing is what they are fure
to lay hands on. Belly-cheer is one of thofe
things which the Auftrians think of moil : they
require a great many dithes, and thofe well
cramm’d. They are fo very much accuftomed
to this profufion of eatables, that I have known
fome young people in Auftria affirm, they do not
know what good eating is in France, becaufe they
don’t ferve up a couple of loins of veal in one difh.
Different forts of wines are what they are alfo
very much ufed to, which certanly is very expen-
five, becaufe foreign wines pay confiderable duties;
yet nothing lefs will ferve them than eight or ten
forts of wine ; and I have been at houfes where
there have been no lefs than eighteen. They
place a note upon every plate, expreffing the fe-
vers 1 forts of wine at the beaufet.
The burghers, and common fort of people, mi-
mick the nobility as far as their purfes will afford ;
and it may befaid, that no nation in the world
is fo extravagant as this.
The Auftrians are naturally proud and haugh-
ty, and expedt all mankind fhould ftoop to
them : as their Sovereign is the firft in rank a-
mong the chriftian princes, fo they think theirs to
be the chief nation in the world. Nothing is
more vain nor infupportable than a young Au-
ftrian, whofe father is in any rank at court. They
are intoxicated with pride and prefumption ; and
as they know themfelves to be rich, and their fa-
thers to be great lords , they think they may
defpife all the world, and lay afide that cour-
teous and polite behaviour, which would fo well
become their birth. Yet what I here obferve
to you, concerning the young people, is not fo
universally true as not to admit of great ex-
ceptions, which is the cafe of every thing a f-
ferted in the general.
The nobility of Auftria, and of all the Empe-
ror’s hereditary dominions, are fo fond of the title
of count, that the gentlemen beg and follicit it
as eagerly, as if it was a great eftate. It is well
for them, that the difpatch pf their patents does
not coft much ; for the greateft privilege which
this brings them is all a chimaera. Thefe counts
may be faid to hold the fame rank among the
ancient counts of the empire, as the king’s fe-
cretaries in France do among the gentlemen of
good families.
As for gentlemen, they are fo common here,
that there are fcarce any others to be feen. All
the agents of the court, and all the referenda-
ries procure themfelves a title ; tho’ I know not
why, for neither they nor their wives dare to
rank themfelves among the prime nobility. This
madnefs of theirs, to be ennobled, isfo common,
and fo eafy to be gratified, that I have known
a man, who was formerly meflenger to the
Emperor Jofeph, purchafe the title of baron,
and his children begin to mix with the grand
monde.
The Emperor fhews all pofiible marks of gra-
titude to thofe Spaniards who adhered to him
while he was at Barcelona. He has loaded them
with wealth and honours; and, if it is pofiible for
one’s native country to be forgot, he has put them
in a fituation to forget theirs. This particular
goodnefs of the Emperor extends to all that fol-
lowed his fortunes in Spain, whom he diftin-
guilhes upon all occafions, and does them good,
preferable to his other fubjects.
The baron has given us a very lively inftance
of the drunken revels of the Germans, in an ad-'
venture of his own.
He had the honour, it feems, to dine at the
table of the Elector Palatine, in his palace of
Heidelburg, and was invited by that prince, af-
ter dinner, to fee the celebrated tun. He went
with him thither in the company of the prin-
cefs of Sultzbach, his daughter, and feveral other
ladies and gentlemen.
The trumpets led the way, fays the baron,
and the court followed in great ceremony.
When we had mounted the platform, which is
over the tun, the Elector did me the honour
to drink to me out of the Wilhom, which was a
filver gilt cup of a large dimenfion. He took
it off clean at one draught, and having caufed
it to be replenifhed, fent it to me by a page.
Good manners, and the refpedt I ow’d to the
Eledor’s
OF MODERN
Ele&or’s commands, not permitting me to re-
fufe the chalice, I begged heartily that he would
fuffer me to drink it off at feveral draughts,
which was indulged me ; and the Elector, talk-
ing in the mean time with the ladies, I took
the opportunity of his abfence, and made no
fcruple to deceive him ; for I returned great
part of the wine to the bottom of the tun,
threw a part of it on the ground, and the
reft, which was the leait part of it, I drank.
I thought myfelf well off, that he did not per-
ceive in what manner I bubbled him ; for I faw
he was very well pleafed with me. Then fe-
veral other great glafles went round, and the
very ladies wet their lips, which was the thing
that effectually contributed to demolifh us. I
was one of the firft that was over-powered. I
perceived thofe convulfive motions that threa-
tened me if I drank any more ; therefore I fneak-
ed off, and made the beft of my way down from
the platform. I was endeavouring to get out
of the vault, but was flopped at the door by
two life-guard men, who, with their carabines,
eroding each other, cried, Stand, there’s no com-
ing this way. I conjured them to let me pafs,
and told them, that I had very important rea-
fons for my departure ; but I might as well have
talked to the wind. I found mylelf in a terri-
ble quandary. To get up again to the head of the
tun was death r what would become of me,
I could not tell : in fhort, I crept under the
tun, and there hoped to hide myfelf ; but it
was a fruitlefs precaution. There is no avoid-
ing a man’s deftiny. It was my fate to be car-
ried ^hut of the vault, and to know nothing of
the matter. For the Elector perceived I was a
deferter, and I heard him fay, Where is he?
What is become of him? Let him be looked after,
and brought up to me, dead or alive. The guards
at the door, being examined, faid, that I came
that way in order to get out, but that they
fent me back again. All thefe inquiries, which
I heard from my hole, made me burrow my-
felf the more. I crept under the covert of a
couple of boards I met with by chance, where
nothing but a cat, devil, or page, could find
me out. But a little page, who was indeed
both devil and page too, ferretted me, and bauled
out like one that was mad ; Here he is ! here
he is ! and then I was taken out of my covert.
You may imagine what a filly figure I made.
I was carried before my judge, who was the
Elector himfelf ; but I took the liberty to chal-
lenge both him and all the gentlemen in his
retinue, as being parties in the caufe. Alas, my
little gentleman, faid the Prince to me, you re-
fufe us for your judges ; I will appoint you others
then, and we fhall fee, whether you’ll come off any
better. He nominated the Princefs, his daugh-
ter, and her ladies, to try me, and the Elector
Vol. III.
II I S T 0 RY.
was my accufer. After pleading my own caufe,
they put it to the vote, and I was condemned
unanimoully to drink as long as I could fwal-
low. The Elector faid, that as he was the So-
vereign, he would mitigate my fentence ; that I
fhould that day drink four pint glafies of wine,
and that for a fortnight running, I fhould tip
off the like glafs to his health immediately af-
ter dinner. Every body admired the Elector’s
clemency, and whether I did, or not, I was
fain to do as they did, and to return him
thanks. Then I underwent the heavieft part
of my fentence. I did not lofe my life, indeed ;
but for fome hours I loft both my fpeech and
my reafon. I was carried to a bed, where
when I came to myfelf, I was told, that my
accufers were in the fame pickle as I was, and
that none of them went out of the vault in the
fame manner as they entered it. Next day the
Elector was fo good as to mitigate the remain-
ing part of my fentence, and excufed me from
the penance to which I was condemned, upon
my promifing him that I would make one at
his table for a month to come.
T he north parts of Germany, and efpecially
thofe that border on the Baltick, according to the
anonymous authorof the prefentftate ofGermany,
are rather colder, and have longer winters than the
middle counties of England of the fame norther-
ly fituation. At Hamburgh, it is confiderably
colder in the winter, and hotter in the fummer,
than at Lincoln, tho’ thefe two cities lie in a
line ; and the counties of Lincoln, Leicefter,
Huntington, Norfolk, Suffolk, Buckingham,
Hertford, Efl’ex, and Middlefex, tho’ they lie
as far north as the electorate of Hanover, yet
are the winters longer and fharper there than in
the Englifh counties. In the middle and fou-
thern provinces of the empire, the climate is
much the fame with the parallel parts of France ;
only in that tract which runs along the foot of
the Alps, there is more fnovv. In the parts about
the Danube, the air is as mild as that of Italy
about the Po. Tho’ this country fo much a-
bounds with mines, hot baths, &c. yet is there
not more thunder here than elfewhere, except
what happens to the inhabitants of the Alps.
The weather is more conftant, and the fea-
fons more regular within land, than in thole
countries that border on the ocean. In the pro-
vinces near the fea, and which abound with
lakes and rivers, there is plenty of rain. In other-
parts, where the furface of the earth is drier,
there are fometimes confiderable droughts. The
north winds from the Baltick, and the bleak
mountains of Sweden, bring froft and fnow.
The eaft blafts, coming over a vaft continent of
three or four thoufand miles extent, bring dry
and unwholfome weather. The fouth, in the
fummer, brings refrefhing breezes from the
S f f f Alps.
682
ACONTI
Alps. So that the weft- wind, as with us, is
both the moil frequent and wholefome that blows
in Germany.
The face of the country is generally even ; in
fome places hilly, but no where mountainous,
except towards the fouth and fouth-weft, where
the Alps, and a few mountains in Alface, ferve
as boundaries and bulwarks againft Italy and
France. Indeed, a confiderable part of this coun-
try may more properly be faid to be low, as
Weftphalia, and the two Saxonies.
Part of the great Hyrcinian foreft, fo famous
among the antient Romans, and other writers,
is ftill remaining. It is, however, much dimi-
nifhed to what it was in Caefar’s time ; who
fays, it w 7 as nine days journey in breadth, and
fixty in length. It is now in feveral parts cut
down. What remains is branched out into
feveral forefts, which have their diftinft names,
fuch as that called the Black Foreft, GY.
Germany abounds with corn, cattle, fheep,
wool, cloth, horfes, GY. things of indifpenfable
ufe in life.
The rivers and lakes abound in fifh, in greater
variety and perfection than any other country
perhaps in the world.
The orchards are full of fruit trees, as apples,
pears, cherries, nuts, and almonds. And in the
foutherly provinces, there is plenty of the more
delicate fruits ; as peaches, apricocks, figs, and
olives, in good perfection.
The vines produce variety both of fmall and
ftrong wines ; and the Rhenifh are not only
equal to, but preferable to fome of the wines in
Italy.
Nay, the very mountains of the Alps, on the
German fide, in many places, are cultivated to
the top,' and the vallies abound in paftures and
vines.
The waftes and forefts, which feem to be of
no fignificancy or value, do yet afford many
things, both for the fuftenance of the poor, and
the delight and luxury of the rich. They yield
plenty of wood for fuel and building, and abound
with great variety of wild fowl, and all forts of
good venifon. They feed vaft numbers of hogs,
and feme of them, as the foreft of Ardenne,
feed good mutton.
The bowels of the earth are replenifhed with
rich mines of filver, lead, copper, fait, coal, vi-
triol, quick-filver, iron, bitumen, nitre, ocre,
GY. Moft of which things Germany has in
greater plenty than any other country in Eu-
rope.
The pooreft parts of the country have wood,
venifon, hogs, and fifh
To all which may be added the many whoifome
medical fprings, and baths, with which this
country does abound, beyond all other countries
in Europe.
NUATION
The Emperor’s countries abound with moft:
neceflaries and delicacies for human life. Au-
ftria has enough of corn, wine, and fait, and the
rivers afford plenty of fifh : their black cattle
they have from Hungary. The mountains of
Upper Stiria feed fuch plenty of fheep, that the
natives trade in them and their wool, and the
vallies are covered with black cattle. In Lower
Stiria they have ftore of corn, wine, fruit, fifh,
fait, and venifon. Tho’ the country of Carni-
ola be mountainous, yet it has many vallies,
which abound in wine, corn, fifh, and excel-
lent oil. Friuli is fruitful in corn, oil, and rich
cordial wines. Carinthia has enough of corn.
Kaftria is noted for a breed of good horfes,
whence many princes and nobles of Italy furnifh
their ftables. The bifhopricks of T rent and Brixen,
tho’ very mountainous, have plenty of wine, oil,
and fruit, in their fields and vineyards ; the wine,
which is ftrong, is exported to other countries.
Bohemia has enough of black cattle and fheep
for their own confumption, and their orchards
and gardens yield plenty of fruit, faffron, liquo-
rice, and hops, for export: their white and
browm beer is alfo efteemed and fent into
other countries, fo that it may very well fup-
ply the want of wine ; and their horfes are re-
markable for their courage and bulk. Moravia
has a good breed of horfes, oxen, fheep, and
goats, and corn of all forts for their own con-
fumption, and export. Silefia has feveral good
commodities, as madder, fweet-cane, but Spe-
cially wool and flax, which they export. Hun-
gary is one of the nobleft kingdoms in Europe,
exceeding fertile in rich wines, corn, and cattle :
the two latter are exported in great quantities
into the neighbouring provinces of Turky.
The ftrong Hungarian wines have a great
vent in the empire, and Poland, where the King,
the nobility, and clergy, have their cellars well
flocked with them. The circle of Swabia, of
which about a fifth part belongs to the Empe-
ror, is one of the moft fertile in the empire ; '
only it does not abound fo much with mines
as the Emperor’s other countries ; but in lieu
of thofe, the inhabitants have better vent for
their corn, cattle, wine, horfes, GY. into Swit-
zerland, a country that does not abound with
native commodities.
*Tbe town of Hamburgh further deferibed.
Hamburgh is one of the beft towns in Ger- Hamburgh,
many, being fituate on the Elbe, twenty-five
leagues from the mouth of it : it has noble ram-
parts, and very ftrong outworks ; and it alfo
takes care to be well provided with artillery,
and a good garrifon. Moreover, it is always
fure of the protection of the families of Bran-
denburg and Brunfwick, it being fo advanta-
geoufly
68j
Nurem-
berg.
OF MODERN HISTORY.
geouJly Situated, that it is the intereft of both,
that no power whatfoever Should take it.
Hamburgh is alio very confiderable, on ac-
count of the wealth of its inhabitants, who are
almoft all merchants, and much of the temper
of the Dutch merchants, very greedy of gain,
and thrifty. Their greateft delight is to have
gardens at the city gates, pretty much in the
tafte of thofe of Holland. The wives of the
great merchants are as much confined at Ham-
burgh, as the women of quality are at Venice ;
but I obferved, they were only pent up from
foreigners. A man may pafs his time very well
in this city, where there are Several perfons of
quality to fee, who make their vifitors perfectly
welcome. The walks, in and about this city,
are charming, and efpecially that on the ram-
parts is a noble one ; there being a double row
of trees, which forms an agreeable covert, and
from whence there is a profpedt finely diverfi-
fy’d by noble houfes, gardens, woods, meadows,
&c. in the midft of which one fees the rivers
Elbe and Alfter, which both together yield a
charming view. The river of Alfter comes into
the town, and forms a bafin very like a great
pond, which has a fine key on the Sides of it,
planted with Several rows of lime-trees, between
which there is a very fine walk.
It depends Solely upon its magiftrates, who
are chofe by the burghers themfelves. Its liber-
ty has been often contefted by the Kings of
Denmark ; who, as Dukes of Holftein, pretend,
that Hamburgh is built upon their territory, and
that therefore they ought to be fovereigns of it.
Moft of the European princes have refidents
here ; for which reafon, here are Several chapels
of the Roman catholicks, who, otherwise, would
be obliged to go to the church at Altena : as the
Calvinifts are forced to do ; the Lutheran being
the religion that is uppermoft at Hamburgh ■,
but the Jews have their Synagogues here.
The town of Nuremberg further deferibed.
Nuremberg is fituated in 49 degrees 30 mi-
nutes north latitude, and 1 1 degrees eaft longi-
tude, being the richeft and moft powerful city
in Germany next to Hamburgh, and the belt
built. The houfes are all very beautiful, lofty,
and perfectly lightfome, and moft of them are
painted on the outfide like thofe of Aulbourg.
The town houfe, in which the Senate aflembles,
is a ftrudture remarkably beautiful, is very large,
and completely well built : the principal front
is adorned by three great portico’s with marble
pillars : the infide is every whit anfwerable to
the magnificence of the outfide, there being
very fine rooms in it, adorned with noble paint-
ings.
Nuremberg has Seven other towns, and 480
villages in its territories : the government re-
fembles that of Venice : the efta’olifhed religion
is the Lutheran ; the catholicks have a frnall
church in the houfe of the Teutonick order :
the Calvinifts go to church in the territory of
Anfpach, but the Jews are not tolerated ; be-
caufe, it is faid, they formerly poifoned the
wells. They live in a place not far from Nu-
remberg, but come to town every morning,
paying Something for their entrance ; have an oid
woman Set over them, who is commonly both
their guard and their guide, and are permitted
to trade and trick wherever they can till night,
when they are obliged to retire.
In the church of the hofpital is kept Char-
lemagne’s crown, faid to weigh fourteen
pounds ; the feeptre and the globe ; in Short, all
the ornaments of empire, except Charle-
magne’s fword, faid to have been brought
from heaven by an angel.
The prefent electors of the empire .
I. The Elector of Mentz, Philip CHARLEs TheEleflot '
d’Eltz, born the 14th of October, 1665. ca _ oi Mencz -
non of Mentz and Treves in 1677. provoft of
the church of Moxftadt in 1710. chofen Elector
and archbifhop of Mentz in 1732.
The prefent Elector is fon of the late James
d’Eltz, major in the Emperor’s Service, and
counsellor of ftate to the Elector of Treves.
As the Electors of Mentz, Treves, and Cologn
are ecclefiafticks, they never marry.
The brothersand lifters of the Eledtor of Mentz
are, 1. Charles, chamberlain to the Eledfor
hisbrother; 2. Damian, canon of Treves ; 3.
Philip, knight of the Teutonick order j 4,5,
6. John, Anne, and Mary.
He is the fecond perfon in the empire next to
the Emperor, as he is high chancellor. He is more-
over prefident of the electoral college, vifitor of
the aulic council, of the chamber of Spires, and
all the other courts of the empire, and guardian
of the archives and matricula. He crowns the
Emperor. All foreign princes and ftates direft
to him what propositions they make to the em-
pire ; and to him the princes and ftates of Ger-
many make their complaints, in order to the re-
drefs of grievances. He is diredtor of the pofts
of the empire.
A confiderable part of this Eledtor’s revenues
arifes from the toll on the rivers Rhine and Mein,
as alfo from the tax on the excellent wines which
his country produces. The Jews, who are rich
here, pay an extraordinary tax. Thefe, with o-
ther things, bring in a fum of about 100,000 1. per
annum to the Prince.
The Eledtor of Mentz in time of war has had
in arms 8000 foot and 800 horfe. He is able at
all times to maintain 5 or 6000 men.
S f f f 2 He
684
A CONTI
He refides at Merita, an antient and trading
town : ’twas very much embellifhed by the laft
Ele&or but one, and its fortifications put into fo
good a condition, that it may now be reckoned
one of the ftrongeft bulwarks of the em-
pire.
His titles are, Philip Charles, by the
grace of God, Archbifhop of the holy fee of
Mentz, great chancellor in Germany, and Elec-
tor of the holy Roman empire.
There are many proteftants in this Roman ca-
tholick electorate : at Mentz they are allowetf to
live, but have not the free exercife of their re-
ligion. Both the city of Erfurt and the univer-
fity are moftly proteftants.
The El ell or of Treves.
Eieftor of II. Francis George, count of Schoen-
Trtves. born-Puckhein, born the 4th of June 1682. ca-
non of Cologn, Munfter, and Treves, provoft
of the church of St. Maurice in Augfburg, and
provoft of the cathedral church of Treves, was
cholen Archbiffiop and Elector of Treves in 1729
(upon the refignation of the late Elector of Mentz) :
he -was alfo elected provoft of the church of El-
wangen, and bifhop of Worms, in 1732.
This EleCtor isfon to M. Frederick count
of Schoenborn-Puckhein, counfellor of ftate to
the Emperor and the EleCtor of Mentz ; he died
in 1717.
The electorate of Treves is comprized in the
circle of the Lower Rhine ; having the countries
©f Luxemburg on the weft ; Juliers and Cologn
on the north ; Lorain and the Palatinate on the
fouth ; and the principality of Naffau on the eaft.
It is, one part with another, about 70 miles in
length, and 30 in breadth. On the fouth and
weft it is fomewhat barren, woody, and hilly, a-
bounding however with all forts of venifon ; but
on the banks of the Rhine and Mofelle there grows
good corn ; alfo fome wine, which is fharp, and
not very rich.
The toll on the Mofelle and Rhine, his own
domain, which is confiderable, and the taxes
which he impofes upon his fubje&s, bring him
in a revenue of near 70,000!. per annum.
Tho’ the city of Treves is a very antient and
noble city, yet the EleCtor has his ordinary refi-
dence at Witlick, in the caftle of Ottenftein.
Sometimes he refides at the caftle of Hermanftein
on the Rhine, over-againft Coblentz, on account
of its noble profpeCts.
His titles are Franc is George, by the grace
of God, Archbifhop of Treves, great chancellor
in Gaul, EleCtor of the holy Roman empire, bi-
fhop of Worms, &c. and count of Schoenborn.
As Archbifhop, he has a crofs, &c. On each
fide of the electoral hat appears the croficr, and
NU AT I ON
the fword, to reprefent the fpirltual and temporal
pow r er of the Prince.
The fubjeCts of this electorate are Roman ca-
tholicks.
The eleHorate of Cologn,
III. Clemens Augustus, Prince of Bava- Eieftor of
ria, born the 5th of Auguft 1700, was bifhop of Colo S ni
Munfter and Paderborn in 1719, coadjutor to the
late Archbifhop of Cologn, prince Joseph of Ba-
varia, in 1722, to whom he fucceededthe firft of
November 1723. He was afterwards eleCted bi-
fhop of Hildefheim in 1724; bifhop of Ofnabrug
in 1728, on the death of Ernest us, brother
to King George I. of Great Britain ; and in
1732, he was made provoft of Liege, and great
mafter of the Teutonick order. He is brother to
the prefent EleCtor of Bavaria.
This EleCtor crowns the Emperor if the cere-
mony be performed in his diocefe ; and, if elfe-
where, he and the EleCtor of Mentz have that
honour by turns. His fubjeCts cannot appeal to
the tribunals of the empire but for great fums.
His eftates are very confiderable ; they confift
of, i- The archbifhoprick, which extends about
1.00 miles along the weft-fide of the Rhine, but
in molt places it is not above feven or eight miles
broad. It belongs to the circle of the Lower
Rhine, having Cleveson the north, Bergues on
the eaft, Treves on the fouth, and Juliers on the
weft ; and is very fruitful in corn and wine, par-
ticularly that fort of wine called Blecker and Rhe-
nifh.
This Prince is more rich and powerful than ei-
ther of the other two ecclefiaftical Electors ; for he
generally holds feveral wealthy bifhopricks, where-
of that of Leige is one in commendam. The e-
lectoral revenue amounts to about 130,000 !. but
the other five great benefices,, which the prefent
Elector is actually poffefied off, augment that fum
to betwixt 2 and 300,000 1. a year.
In time of war he has, befides garrifons, guards
of horfe, grenadiers, partizans, and carabineers,
three regiments of horfe, three of foot, and one
of dragoons, confifting of between 1500 and 2000
men each.
His electoral highnefs refides at Bonn, a. well-
built trading towm on the Rhine. The palace is very
grand ; it was erected by the late Archbifhop, but
not quite finilhed. His feats of pleafure are Beuil
and Arenfberg. The firft lies about eight miles
from the capital ; it was built by the prefent E-
lector, who fpends moft of his time at it.
His titles are, Clement Augustus, by the
grace of God, Archbifhop of Cologn, great chan-
chellorin Italy, (this office is now quite obfolete)
Elector of the holy Roman empire, &c. .
The crofs is the chief thing that prefents in his
coat
685
Eleftor of
Bavaria.
OF MODERN HISTORY
coat of arms for the archbiihoprick ; the en-
figns armorial, are the mitre with the crofier and
fword, &c.
The eftablilhed religion here is the Roman ca-
tholick ; but there are proteftants in the electo-
rate, particularly in Cologn, where the Luthe-
rans have a church ; but the Calvinifts are obliged
to go two miles out of town to their place of
worlhip.
The Eledlor of Bavaria.
IV. Char les Albert, born at Brufiels
the 24th of Auguft 1697, Elector of Bavaria in
1726, married in 1722 Maria Amelia,
youngeft daughter of the late Emperor Joseph,
and ofWiLHELMi na-Am e l i a princefs of Ha-
nover. Their children are, 1. Maria Anne
Walpurge, born the 5th of July 1724. 2.
Theresa Ben Mary, born the 24th of No-
vember 1725. 3. Maximilian Joseph, born
in 1727.
His Electoral highnefs is great mailer of the
empire. The counts of Walpurge are his vicars.
He is director of the circle of Bavaria jointly with
the Archbilhop of Saltzburg.
Upper and Lower Bavaria (except fome tracts
of land, and places which belong to fome ecclefia-
fticks) is in length about 130, and in breadth a-
bout 100 miles.
The elector of Bavaria is one of the richell
Princes in the Empire. His country is fo well
peopled, that they reckon in Bavaria, including
the Upper Palatinate, 35 great and little cities,
49 towns, above 1000 fiefs noble, and 11,704
villages and hamlets, which bring in a revenue of
above half a million of our money : a modern
German writer makes it amount to between 8
4nd 900,00.0 1 . He adds, that the late Elector had
fome years above one million.
This Elector is known to be one of the power-
fulleft princes in Germany. He has feveral towns
well fortified, a noble arfenal, and commonly
12,000 men on foot. He can on an emergency
march 30,000 men into the field.
The Elector refides in his capital city of Mu-
nich, a fine, wealthy, and populous city. His
palace is very noble, and exceeding richly fur-
nifhed. His other feats are Dachau, Schleilheim,
Furftinriet, Starenberg, Oetingen, and a'bove all,
the magnificent palace of Nymphenberg, with-
in two miles of the capital : ’twas built by the late
Elector : the gardens are inferior to none . but thofe
of Verfailles.
The Elector’s titles are, Charles Albert,
by the grace of God, Duke of Upper and Lower
Bavaria, , and of the Upper Palatinate, Duke and
Count Palatine of the Rhine, Elector and grand
mailer of the houfhold to the empire, &c.
This prince and his fubjects are generally Roman
catholicks.
The Eledlor of Saxony.
V. The Elector of Saxony, Freder t-c k Dedtor 0 f
Augustus III. born the 26th ofSeptember i696, Saxony ‘
embraced the Roman catholick religion in 1717,
and fucceeded to the electorate in January 1733.
He married in 1719, Maria Joseph, eldeft
daughter of the late Emperor Joseph. Their
children, befides three that are dead, are, 1. Fre-
derick Christian Leopold, eledloral
prince, born the 23d of Auguft 1722. 2. Ma-
ria Amelia, born in 1724, (married to the
King of Naples). 3. Maria Margaretta,
born in 1727. 4. Maria Anna Sophia, born
in 1728. 5. Augustus Lewis Albert,
born in 1730. 6. Carolina, born in 1731. 7.
Charles Joseph Francis Xavier, born
in 1 7 33 * N a daughter, born in 1736.
The Eledlor. is great marlhal of the empire ;
he is alfo vicar during an interregnum, and foie
director of Upper Saxony . The count ofPapen-
heim is his hereditary vicar.
The Eledlor of Saxony is rich and powerful ;
his country is very fruitful and populous, and
brings in a revenue of betwixt 7 and 800,000 L
per annum.
The Eledlor commonly has 20,000 . regular
troops, and 20,000 militia, without reckoning the
ban, and the arriere ban, .and the body of miners
and hunters, who are obliged in time of - war to
bear arms.
Drefden is the capital of the eledlorate, and
the ufual feat of the Eledlors. ’Tis large, popu-
lous, and well-built ; the fortifications are mo-
dern, and very ftrong. The Elbe runs through
the town, and divides it into old and new by a
(lately bridge of 17 arches.
His Titles are, Frederick Augustus III.
by the grace of God, great marlhal, and Prince
Elector of the holy Roman empire, Duke ofSax-r
ony, Cleves, Juliers, &c.
The • Elector of Brandenburg.
VI. The Eledlor of Brandenburg, Frederck Elector of
William II. King of Prulfia, was born the BraIuleI1 '-
24th of July 1688 ; fucceeded his father in 1713 ; burs ’
married in 1706, Sophia Dorothea, who
was born the 4th of March 1687. She is filler,
to King George II. of Great Britain,: Ihe ha9
borne fourteen children ; thofe that are alive are* ,
1. Frederica Sophia Wilhelmina, .
born in 1709; married in 1731 to Frede-
rick, hereditary Prince of Brandenburg Bare-
ith, and now, on the death of his father in 1735,.
duke of Brunfwick Wolfenbuttel. They have
two children, viz. 1. Charles William,
Ferdinand, born in September 1 7 35 > . 2.
George Francis, born in September 1736.
2. Fre-
A CONTI
2. Frederick, prince royal, born the 12th
of January 1712, married at Saltzdahl in June
1733, Elizabetha Christiana, filler to
the Duke of Brunfwick-Wolfenbuttle fhe was
bom in 1715.
3. Frederick Louisa, born in 1714;
married in 1719 to Charles Frederick,
Margrave of Brandenburg- Anfpach. They have
one fon, born in 1736.
4. Philippina Charlotta, born 1716,
and married in 1734, to prince Charles of
Brunfwick-Beveren.
5. Sophia Dorothea Maria, born in
1719; married in 1734, to the Margrave of
Brandenburg-Schwedt. They have one daughter,
born in 1736.
6. Sophia Ulrica, born in 1720.
7. Augustus William, born in 1722.
8. Anna Amelia, born in 1723.
9. Frederick Henry Lewis, born in
1726.
10. Augustus Ferdinandus, bom in
1730.
The Eledlors of Brandenburg are great cham-
berlains of the empire. The Prince of Hohenzo-
lern is the vicar. The Eledlor prefides in the
circle of Lower Saxony, jointly with the duke of
Bremen (now the Eledlor of Hanover •,) and in
the circle of Weltphalia, he and the Eledlor Pa-
latine are the two diredtors, as Dukes of Cleves
and Juliers. At the diet he has feven votes; the
firlt as Eledlor, and the reft as Prince of Magde-
bourg, Cleves, Lower Pomerania, Halberftadt,
Minden,and Camin; to which an eighth is added,
for the county of Maurs, lately eredled into a
principality.
Thefe countries are become rich and powerful
fince Frederick William the Great gave
fo kind a reception to the French proteftants, who
were obliged to leave their country in 1685, and
the following years. Above 100,000 of that in-
duftrious and adtive people having been fettled in
the moll confiderable places of his large domini-
ons, but particularly at Berlin, have made trade
and manufadtures to flourifh there, where former-
ly there were none. By thefe wife methods,
that Prince, and his fucceflor, Frederick I.
who trod in his Heps, faw the revenues almoft
doubled to what they had been but a few years
before; for in 1680 they were reckoned to a-
mount to only betwixt 6 and 700,000 1. but in
1690, they were thought to exceed 1,000,000 1.
per annum. His prefent Majefty, by almoft e-
very year inviting and fettling new colonies of that
people, has advanced his revenue to one million
and a half of our money. There are fome, who
confidering the many and great taxes that have
been laid, on all commodities, wearing apparel
and vidtuals not excepted, have made the annual
revenue of this prince to amount to near two mil-
lions of pounds fterling.
NUATION
The PrufTian forces, now efteemed the beft in
Europe, and much the moft numerous in pro-
portion to the territories of the Prince they ferve,
are thus defcribed by baron Pollnitz, viz.Thefe
troops are new clothed every year ; their pay is
good and regular ; the foldier is compelled to do
his duty, but when he does it, enjoys more liber-
ty than in the fer vice of any other nation : fo that
were I to carry a mulket, I fancy it would be in the
fervice of Prulfia, where fuch a ftridl difcipline is ob-
ferved, that the foldier is no fwearer, and is not al-
lowed to game ; and where, in a word, he does not
abandon himfelf to licentioufnefs. On Sundays
and faints days, they are required to go twice a-
day to hear a fermon. The catholicks have the
liberty of going to mafs- In fhort, good man-
ners are introduced and obferved in thole troops to
fuch a nicety, that you would wonder at it.
All the infantry is clothed in blue. It de-
pends on the colonel of every regiment to order
what waiftcoats and trimmings he pleafes for
the clothes. The horfe and dragoons wear white;
but the houfhold troops blue, with campaign
coats of gold lace. The Hufiars clothing is
red ; but the garbs of the officers, both of foot
and horfe, are plain, and only differ from the
apparel of the fold iers in the finenefs of the
cloth ; though there are fome regiments, whofe
waiftcoats are bedaubed all over with gold or
filver lace.
The colours, which are uniform in all the
regiments, are white, with the King’s device,
reprefenting an eagle flying towards the fun,
with this motto, Nec foli cedit. There is fuch
a uniformity obferved in all things throughout
the army, even in their guns, fwords, bayonets,
&c. that in every regiment they wear the very
fame, even to their {hoe-buckles.
The. fame regularity is obferved in the horfe
and dragoons, which ride both upon black
horfes ; and, indeed, they are not permitted to
have any others ; the officers themfelves being
not exempt from this rule, when they are at
the head of their fquadrons or companies. The
houfings and equipage of the latter are of the fame
pattern, and extremely rich. All the horfe wear
buff-coats, and underneath cuiraffes. They per-
form their exercife on foot like the infantry,
and with the fame exadlnefs. The kettle-drums
and trumpets of all the horfe are filver.
There is not a captain in all the Pruffian ar-
my but has at leaft ten fupernumerary men ;
fo that thefe included, the King’s forces amount
to near 100,000, all pick’d men. You could
not but admire, if you were to fee how they
behave : infomuch, that whenever they take
the field, it is pity but fortune fhould favour
them.
The tall grenadiers exceed the common re-
port, being the completed, the fineft, and beft
difciplined
OF MODERN
difciplined body that can be imagined. The men
are of all nations, there being fcarce a prince in
Europe, but takes a pleafure in fending recruits
to it. Some of thefe grenadiers have had fifteen
hundred crowns lift money ; and feveral receive
two florins per diem. Some of them are very rich ;
others there are who trade, and have good houfes
atPotzdam. The tailed: and beft man among
them all was one called Jonas, (lately dead) who
worked heretofore in the mines of Norway. The
famous Huguetan, whomFRE derick IV. King
of Denmark created count de Guldenftein, took
him from the mines, and prefented him to the
King ; he then ftooped in the fhoulders, and
hobbled in walking; but by tricking him up, they
gave him that good air which he wanted.
’Tis certain there are no troops in the world
where the peafant fooner fhakes off the clownifh
air, and more eafily aflumes the military one. This
gigantic regiment has required great pains, and
confiderable fums, to eftablilh it ; and I am fare
it has coft the King more than fix other regi-
ments.
The princes of the royal family are not ex-
empt from pafflng thro’ the degrees of military
iervice ; and ’tis not here as in other places, where
they have regiments and military governments
as foon as they are born. The King will have
them to know how to obey, before they come
to command and ’tis an encouragement to the
officers, to find themfelves fo far honoured as to
be on a par in the fervice with thofe who are
born to be their Sovereigns.
There are academies of cadets in Berlin, Magde-
bourgh, and other towns, where they are taught
the rudiments of war ; fo that ’tis a nurfery from
whence the King makes a draught of good offi-
cers. His Majefty has moreover ordered his gene-
rals of foot, to take each a young gentleman,
whofe fortune does not happen to be equal to his
birth, to keep them as pages, and to make them
learn their exercifes, and every thing that an of-
ficer ought to know.
The King’s prime minifter is the King him-
felf, who is informed of every thing, and de-
fires to know every thing. He gives great ap-
plication to bufinefs, but does it with extraor-
dinary eafe ; and nothing efcapes his penetration,
nor his memory, which is a very happy one.
No body knows better than he where his govern-
ment is ftrong, and where it is weak ; and no So-
vereign in the -world is of more eafy accefs, his
fubjedts being actually permitted to write to him
without any other formality than luperfcribing
the letter. To the King. By writing underneath,
To be delivered into his Majefty’s own hands, one
may be fure that the King receives and reads it,
and that the next poll he will anfwer it, either
with his own hand, or by his fecretary : thefe
anfwers are Ihort but peremptory, and they pre-
FI I S T O R Y.
vent a tedious painful attendance. The King,
who is an enemy to vain pomp and pageantry,
always goes abroad without any guards, with
only a frnall retinue, and fometimes too walks
on foot : he makes his greatnefs to confift in fo -
lid power ; in the having his troops well difciplined,
his places kept up in good order, his arfenals well
provided, and his treafury full enough to enable
him to oppofe his enemy in cafe he be attacked.
He never aims fo much as to difturb his neigh-
bours, much lels to rob them. I heard him fay
one day, that he had no intention of attacking
any body, nor of beginning a war ; but if he was
attacked, he would defend himfelf the beft he
could; a conduct which he has religioufly ob -
ferved ever fince he has been placed upon the
throne, even towards Charles XII. King of
Sweden, notwithftanding what is faid of him by
a certain author, who has wrote that Prince’s life.
But I will not deviate from my fubject.
There is no town in all the King of Pruffia’s do-
minions, except Neufchatel, where he has not been;
no province which he does not know full well ;
not a noble family but he can tell their revenues,
nor a court of juftice but he is well acquainted
with their chief members. His behaviour is plain ;
he knows no gallantry, and does not eafily par-
don it in his officers. He is fo true to his con-
fort the Queen, that he wifhes all men would fol-
low his example, and that every hulband would
live only with the woman whom God has allot-
ted him. His diverfion is hunting, and for this
reafon he refides commonly at Potzdam or Wu-
fterhaufen, which are pleafure-houfes four miles
from Berlin. Yet he generally goes on Saturdays
into his capital, where he holds a council on
Sunday, and returns on Monday. In the winter he
makes a longer ftay at Berlin ; but let him be either -
here or there, he is on the parade every day at ten
o’ clock, when his foldiers mount the guard ; after
which he gives audience to his minifters, and
holds a council, or goes abroad for the air. At
noon the King appears in a great faloon, where are
all the generals and officers, the foreign minifters,-
and all the court in general. There he converfes
a few moments, and then goes into another room,
where he dines with the Queen, the Princes and
Princeffes of his family, and any other per-
fons whom he has caufed to be invited. His
table is commonly fpread for eighteen guefts.
After he has fat about an hour and an half at
table, he retires to his clofet till fix at night, when
he appears again in the room where he held bis-
levee. There his Majefty gives orders to the
marfhal Wart ensle ben, governor of Ber-
lin, and to the marfhal Natzmer, commandant
of the gendarmery. After this he talks a while
with thofe that are prefent, and then pafies into a
roomatfome diftance from hisapartment, to which
the Queen repairs fometimes with one or two la-
dies
688
Elector
htine.
A CONTINUATION
dies in company. There are ten or a dozen
officers whom the king honours with his con-
fidence, who play here at picquet, ombre, and
back-gammon. Here they alfo fmoke, and to
this place the king fends for fuch as he has a
mind to talk wdth about fpecial affairs. I have
been there twice upon fuch an account. Here
there is no manner of reitraint, but every body
fits down, the king difpenfing with all the re-
fpedl that is due to him ; and at eleven o’clock
he difmifl'es the company, and retires,
The king hunts when he is at Potzdam and
Wufterhaufen; but in other refpedts, he leads
the fame life there as he does at Berlin. At
Potzdam he hunts the flag, having for that
end caufed a great foreft to be paled in, where
he has made noble roads.
Berlin, if we regard the largenefs of the ftreets,
the regular architecture of the houfes, and the
many works of magnificence and ornament,
which, during the prefent, and the two preceding
reigns, have been eredled there, is the fineft city of
the empire. His prefent Majefty has been fo
intent, not only on fortifying, but likewife beau-
tifying this capital, that he has made his cour-
tiers, and other great men, build (lately houfes
for themfelves. The city is pleafantly feated
on the banks of the Spree.; which, with feveral
canals to the Oder and Elbe, do, moreover,
render it one of the bed trading towns in Ger-
many. The King’s palace, which Frederick
I. began in 1699. is a fumptuous and vaft ftruc-
ture, and very richly furnifhed: it is not, how-
ever, quite finifhed.
The King’s feats in the country are Potzdam,
Oranienbourg, Fredericksfield, Charlottenbourg,
and Wufterhaufen.
The King and his whole court are Calvinifts ;
but the religion of the country is Lutheran. The
Eledlor, George - W ill i a m, the prefent
King’s great grandfather, having married a Cal-
vinift lady of the Palatine family, daughter to
Frederick V. King of Bohemia, turned Calvi-
nift too. Since that time, thofe of that perfua-
fion have increafed in the country, to which
they are encouraged by the court. There is
free exercife of religion in the dutchies of Cleves,
Halberftadt, and Minden, for Roman catholicks,
Lutherans, and Calvinifts.
There may be about three millions of fouls in
this Prince’s German dominions, without rec-
koning thofe of Brandenburg-Pruffia.
The Elector Palatine.
Pa-
VII. Charles Philip, born the 24th of
Odlober, 1661. He was at firft an ecclefiaftick ;
but afterwards took to the fword, and was made
general velt-marfhal of the empire, and gover-
nor of Tyrol, and fucceeded his brother John
William in the eledlorate, in 1716. He has
been twice married ; firft to Charlotte,
widow of Lewis margrave of Brandenburg,
and daughter to Bogislas of Radzivil, a Polifii
prince. She died in 1695. Secondly, to The-
resa, daughter to L-ubomirsky, another
Polifh nobleman. She died in 171a. By his
firft wife he has had four children, three of which
died in nonage; and the fourth, to the unex-
preffible grief of the Eledlor, her father, died in
1728. having been married to the hereditary
prince of Sultzbach, who died in 1729. By his
fecond wife he has had two children, but both
died in the cradle.
The Electors Palatine formerly enjoyed the
office of great mafter of the empire, and the
fifth place in the bank of Eledlors; but they
were deprived of thofe dignities, which were
given to the houfe of Bavaria in 1623. when
the Elector Palatine, King of Bohemia, was by
the Emperor ftript both of his crown and pa-
trimonial eftates. By the treaty of Weftphalia,
his fon Charles Lewis was reftored to his
eftates, and the eledloral dignity, and the office
of great treafurer of the empire was eredled in
his favour. Things continued in this fituation
till the year 170.8. when the Eledtor of Bavaria,
having been put to the ban of the empire, the
office of great mafter was given to the Eledtor
Palatine; who, in exchange, yielded that of
great treafurer to the new Eledtor of Brunfwick-
Lunenburg, or Hanover: but in 1714, the E-
ledtor of Bavaria, having reconciled himfelf to the
Emperor by the treaty of Baden, the Eledtor
Palatine was obliged to reftore to him the title
of great mafter. This is the ground of difpute
that fub lifts between the two eledloral houfes
of Palatine and Hanover, for the titular office of
great treafurer of Germany.
The Eledtor Palatine is diredtor of three cir-
cles ; of the Lower Rhine, jointly with the E-
ledtor of Mentz ; of the Upper Rhine, as Prince
of Simmeren, with the bifhop of Worms ; and
of Weftphalia, as Duke of Juliers, alternately
with the King of Pruffia, who is Duke of Cleves.
In the diets of the empire this Eledtor has five
votes ; one in the afi’embly of Eledlors, and four
in thofe of the Princes.
The revenues of this Prince arife chiefly from
the toll on the veffels that pafs up and down the
Danube and the Rhine ; from imports on wine,
corn, Stc. The countries of Juliers and Berg
yield above a third ; the Palatinate about one
other third, and his ancient patrimonial eftate of
Newburg, about a fourth part of the Eledlor’s
revenue : the whole has been efteemed at about
three hundred thoufand pounds a year.
In time of peace, the Eledtor has, of (landing
forces, about fix or feven thoufand men ; but
during the laft long war with France, he had
twelve
(llanheim.
OF MODERN
twelve thousand regular troops on foot ; which,
however, could not hinder the country from be *
ing laid wafte, the fortrefles demolifhed, &c. In
the dutchy of Juliers there are two fortified
places, viz. Juliers and Duren, and in that of
Berg, Dufleldorp ; and fome years lince, the E-
leftor has put the fortifications of Manheim in a
very good condition.
Manheim, the prefent refidence of the Elector
Palatine, is fituated in 49 degrees and 30 mi-
nutes north latitude, and eight degrees 20 mi-
nutes eaft longitude, between the Rhine and the
Necker, in a marfhy country.
It is ftrongly fortified, and has three fine
•gates, of which that of the Necker is the moft
magnificent, and the belt adorned ; in which
one fees beautiful baflo-relievo’s, after a plan
very happily executed. This gate opens towards
a long and fpacious ftreet, at the end of which
Hands the Elector’s palace, one of the largeft and
molt fubftantial buildings in Europe. The fitu-
ation of this palace is indeed very fine, at the end
of the city, and of a very noble large ftreet,
which, like all the reft, runs in a ftrait line. The
palace, which has a great fquare before it, con-
fifts of a large number of lodging rooms, with
a great high pavillion in the middle, and two
advanced wingsp with ample pavillions at the
ends ; where two other very extenlive wings
rife on both fides, that are likewife terminated by
pavillions, behind which there are other lodging
rooms. The infide of the palace is formed by
two great courts, which are feparated by an open
gallery or terrace. The apartments are adorned
with fine noble floors and ceilings, and have
the fineft profpect in the world to Spire, Franc-
kendahl, Worms, and all the country in gene-
ral, as far as the mountains of Alface, which
confifts wholly in towns and villages. All this
•fine fruitful country is watered by the Rhine,
which pafles behind the palace of Manheim, and
wafhes its fortifications. Upon this beautiful ca-
rnal are the gardens of the palace, for which there
are intended two curtains and a baftion. The
whole town is laid out in a moft regular and
charming manner; and it is, without difpute,
one of the prettieft towns in Europe. It is
pity the houfes are not higher: the reafon they
alledge for it is, that Manheim is a fortified
town, and that by confequence the houfes ought
to be low. I know not what authority there
is for this, fince Strafbourg, Metz, Luxembourgh,
and Lifie, are places of much more importance
than Manheim, and yet the houfes are as high
there as they are in other towns.
^ This Prince’s titles are. By the grace of* God,
Eledtor Palatine of the Rhine, great treafurer and
Elector of the holy Roman empire, Duke ofJL-
varia, Juliers, Cleves, UY»
Vol. III.
HIST 0RD
The Elector of Handvefy King of Great Britain*
VIII. George-Augustus, born the 30th of
October 1683, was created Prince of Wales in
1714. Elector of Hanover and King of Great-
Britain, the nth of June 1727. The 22d. of
Auguft 1705, he married Ca rolina-Wil-
heimina-Dorothea, born the firft of March
1683, daughter to John-Fredericic, Mar-
grave of Brandenburg- Anfpach, and ErdmCth-
Louisa, daughter to George, duke of Sax-Eife-
nach, and of Janett, countefs ofSayn. Their
children are :
r. Frederic k-Louis, bom the 19th of
January 1707, came to England in December
1728. On April the 27th 1736, he married
Augufta, who was born the 17th of November
1719. She is After to the reigning duke of
Sax-Gotha.
2. Anne, born the 22d of October 1709,
married the 14th of March 1734, William-
Char les-Frizo, Prince of Naffau-Dietz, or
Orange. December 7, 1736, fhe was delivered
of a princefs, who died in the birth.
3. Amelia-Sophia-Leonora, born the
30th of June 17 1 1.
4. Caroline-Elizabeth, born the 13th
of May 1713.
5. A prince born the 8 th of November 1716*
He died foon after.
6. George-William, born the 2d of
November 1717. He died the 5 th of February
the year following.
7. William-Augustus, duke of Cum-
berland, was bom the 14th of April 1721.
8. Mary, bom the 27th of February 1723.
9. Louisa, born the 4th of December 1724.
At the coronation of the Emperor, this Eledtor
carries the ftandard : he is arch-treafurer of the
empire, a titular honour. The electorate is at-
tached to the dutchies of Hanover and Zell,
which, by the king’s mother, are both united
in his perfon.
His revenue may amount to about 400,000 1 .
per annum, a fum far exceeding the current
charges of ftate ; efpecially now that there is
no court kept at Hanover.
In the year 1692, the King’s grandfather had
fourteen thoufand regular troops on foot. Now,
that the eftates of the electorate are larger by
more than one half, by the addition of Lunen-
burg and Bremen, his Majefty may raife here an
army of betwixt thirty and forty thoufand men,
without greatly burdening the fubjeft. In the
year 1729, he palled in review a body of nine-
teen thoufand eight hundred and ninety men,
and in September 1735, that number was aug-
mented to twenty-two thoufand regular troops.
Tttt The
Elector oi
Hanover.
690
Hanover.
A CONTI
Te town of Hanover further defer ibed, by baron
Pollnitz.
Hanover is fituated in 52 degree? 30 minutes
norlli latitude, and 9 degrees 40 minutes eaft
longitude.. The river Leine divides it into the
old and new towns, which are both encompaf-
fed with ramparts that fcarce deferve the name.
There is nothing very extraordinary in the pa-
lace, or caftle, which is rather commodious than
magnificent ; and the town of Hanover, gene-
rally fpeaking, is but ill-built. The moll re-
markable ftrudture in it is the Roman catholick
church, which- was granted to thofe of that
communion by Ernest-Augustus of Brunf-
wick-Lunenbourg-Hanover ; that being one of
the conditions, which the Emperor Leopold
demanded of him, when he honoured him with
the electoral dignity. That Prince, moreover,
engaged to admit of an apoftolieal vicar in his
dominions, and to give him leave to refide at
Hanover; as Spiga, who lately died at Franc-
fort, did for ma ny years. Divine fervice is per-
formed in this church as regularly as in a ca-
thedral, and they who officiate in it are mifilo-
naries. The number of catholicks is very con-
fiderable, but few perfons of quality are of that
communion, the nobility being all Lutherans.
When his MajeflyKing George II. fent for
the Prince of Wales to England, he ordered the
courtiers to continue their afTemblies at the ca-
ftle, and that his table fhould always be ferved
in the fame manner, as if he himfelf was at
Hanover. His Majefly keeps up the fame number
of gentlemen, pages, domefticks, and guards, and
the fame of horfes, grooms, &c. in his ftables.
There is a French comedy adled three times a
week at the palace, to which all people are ad-
mitted gratis ; and there are frequently concerts,
balls and afTemblies.
Tho’ the fovereign is abfent, yet here are not
wanting amufements, there being many good
families, and a number of amiable perfons.
The lovely countefs -of Delitz, niece to the
dutchefs of Kendal, could not fail of adorers,
even in the moll barbarous countries ; for the
charms of her mind are not inferior to the
beauty, fweetnefs, and gracefulnefs of her per-
fon.
No lady can have a better temper or beha-
viour than the baronefs de Bulau, daughter-
in-law to the marfhal, and daughter to the late
countefs of Platen : her hufband is a worthy
gentleman, and keeps a Very good houfe.
The count de Platen, hereditary poft-mafter
genera], is one of the richefl fubjedts in the elec-
torate, and one that fpends the moft money.
The fituation of Hanover is very agreeable,
and in its neighbourhood are feveral pretty feats.
NUATION
Among thefe, Herenhaufen (the houfe of the'
lord, or the mafter) is a caftle, which was buik
by order of the Ele&or Ernest-Augustus,
the King’s grandfather. This houfe, to which
a ftrait walk leads, bears no proportion to the
magnificence of its gardens, which are undeni-
ably Tome of the fineft in all Europe ; being par-
ticularly adorned with water-works, that throw
the water up much higher than the famous
fountain at St. Cloud, which was always looked
upon as the moft confiderable of the kind.
Between Hanover and Herenhaufen there are
two fine feats, of which one is called Fantafie,
i. e. the Whim ; and the other Monbrillant, or
Mount-pleafant. They were built by two filters-
in-law,viz. madam de Kilmanseck (who af-.
ter her hufband’s death, was by king George I.
created countefs of Arlington) and the countefs
of Platen. Thefe two houfes are a proof of the
good tafte of thofe ladies, who were really an
honour to Germany for their beauty, good
fenfe, manners, and genius. They both died in
their prime, a little time after one another;
my lady Arlington in England, and the coun-
tefs of Platen at Hanover, to which fhe was*
not only an ornament, but a luftre, according
to the baron’s notions.
The families of certain German Princes , that have German
fome relation to , or dependance on Great Britain. Prmces *
Frederick III. the prefentDuke of Sax- Sax-Gotha
Gotha, was born in the year 1696. He mar- Duke “
ried in 1729, a daughter of Sax-Mcinungen.
The Duke’s father was,
Frederick II. knight of the order of the
elephant, born in 1676, and died in 1732. He
married in 1696, Magdalene-Augusta,
daughter to Charles-William, Prince of
Anhalt Zerbet. This Princefs has borne fixteen
children ; thofe of them that are alive are,
1. The prefent Duke.
2. William, colonel of a regiment of foot
in the fervice of the Eleblor of Saxony, born
in 1701.
3. John-Augustus, a major-general in
the imperial army, born in 1704.
4. Christian-William, captain in the
Emperor’s fervice.
5. Louis-Ernest, captain in the Empe-
ror’s fervice.
6. Maurice, born in 1711.
7. Frederick, born the 4th of July 1715.
8. Augusta, Princefs of Wales, born the
17 th of November 1721.
9. John-Adolph, born in 1721.
Gotha, the capital city of the dutchy, ftands
on the Leina, in a fine corn country, about
two days journey fouth from Hanover. The
town is large j its chief trade is in woad.
The
•Orange
Prince.
OF MODERN HISTORY. 6 9
The Duke’s caftle, or palace, Hands on a hill f . Sigen, catholick and proteftautT
by itfelf; it was demolifhed by the Emperor 2. Dillenburgh.
Maximilian II. in 1567, but fince rebuilt by 3. Dietz, which is called Naflau Friefland,
Duke Ernest. From the apartments there is or Orange.
a vaft profpedt over a fine fertile plain. In (4. Hadamar, extindl in 17 ri.)
one of thefe chambers is a colledfion of valuable III. Saarbruck, divided into the families of
rarities, and a noble library. the counts of Idftein, Weilburgh, Ottweiler,
The country of Altenburg, of which the and Ufingen.
Duke of Sax-Gotha is alfo Sovereign, is very The Prince of Naflau-Dietz, Friefland, or
fruitful. The peafants here are faid to be the Orange.
richeftin all Germany, fo that they may almoft Wxlliam-Charles-Henrv-Friso, bora
vie for fubftance with thofe of Holland, who the 21ft of Auguft 17 11. He married Anne,
are the richeftin the world ; and, like the Dutch Princefs Royal of Great Britain, on the 14th
too, they do not care to fpoil the breed, and of March 1734, She was delivered after a long
fcorn to match their daughters to any but the dangerous labour of a Princefs, -who died in the
fons of wealthy farmers. birth : the corps was prefently laid on a bed of
At Altenburgh, the capital of the country, ftate, and ordered to reft there three days for
the Duke has a handfome palace, where the the view of the people ; it was afterwards carried
Dutchels dowager, with the Princefles her to Delft, and there interred in the burying-place
daughters, retired on the death of the late of the family.
Duke. The Prince’s father was,
As of all the Saxon princes of the Erneftine John-William-Friso, born in 1687,
branch, the Duke of Sax-Gotha is the moft Prince of Naflau-Dietz, Stadtholder of the two
powerful, fo of all the courts of Saxony, next provinces of Friefland and Groningen, and one
to that of Drefden, his is the moft numerous of the Dutch generals in the late war : he died
and moft magnificent, according to the author in 17 ix. He married a daughter of the late
of the prefent ftate of Germany. The Duke Landgrave of Hefle-Caflel, by whom he had
has all the officers of ftate, that are common thefe two children.
to fovereign princes. By the wife management 1. Charlotte-Amelia, born the 2d
and oeconomy of the publick finances, his fub- of October 1710 ; in 1727, married to the
jefts are the leaft burdened with taxes of any hereditary Prince of Baden- Durlach. He
ftate in Germany ; yet the revenues of the late died in 1732, leaving only one fon.
Duke were computed at a million of crowns, 2. The Prince of Orange.
or two hundred thoufand pounds a year, with Charles- Frederick, Duke of Holftein °f
which he kept on foot between two and three Gottorp, was born at Stockholm in 1700, and Holfteitl '
thoufand regular troops. His guards were well fucceeded his father in 1702. He went to the
clothed, his liveries rich, his tables ferved with court of Peterfburgh in 1721, where he was in
more elegance than profufion. Moreover, the high favour during the reign of the late Emprefs
dominions both of Weimar and Eyfenach are of Ruflia, and returned to his own country in
ready to fall very foon into his family;; by rea- 1727, having married two years before Anna-
fon, that the Duke of Sax-Eyfenach who is Petrowna, daughter to Peter I. Emperor
become next heir to the dominions of the Duke of Ruflia, by whom he had only one fon,
of Weimar, upon the death of his fon, the Charles-Peter-Ulrick, born An. 1728.
young prince, in 1732, has no children, and This Prince had the title of royal highnefs con-
the Duke of Weimar himfelf is not like to have ferred upon him in 1723; in 1734, an annual
any more iflue to fucceed him, he having abfo- fubfidy of about 5000 1. given him by the ftates
lutely refufed the repetition of matrimony, to of Sweden, to which kingdom, in cafe their
which he hath been often folicited by his fubjedts. Swedilh Majefties die without iflue, he is pre-
This double fucceffion, when it falls, will rank fumptive heir; for the Duke's father, Frede-
the Duke of Sax-Gotha among the moft confi- rick IV. (who was general of the militia of
derable princes of the empire. Swedilh Pomerania and Bremen, and killed at
the battle of Kliflow in Poland, in 1702.)
The Princes of NaJJau. married Hedgwick Sophia, daughter to
Charles XI. King of Sweden, and eldeft lifter
This houfe has formed three principal branches, to the late Charles XII. and to Ulrica,
thofe of the prefent Queen.
I Orange, extindb in King William III. His titles are Duke of Slefwick, Holftein,
of Great Britain. Stormar, and Dithmarlh ; and Count of Olden-
U. Dillenburg, divided into the branches of, burgh, and Delmonhorft.
T 1 1 1 2 The
692
A CONTI
The inhabitants of this country are Lutherans,
tho’ fome of their Princes have embraced the
Roman catholick religion.
The dominions of the Duke of Holftein con-
fift of, or ought to conhfc of, about one half of the
dutchy of Holftein, and near as much of the
dutchy of Slefwick, a province of Denmark bor-
dering on Holftein.
x. The dutchy of Holftein has Denmark on
the north ; the electorate of Hanover on the fouth ;
Mecklenburg and the Bai ickon theeaft; and the
ocean on the weft : it is, one part with another,
about 80 miles long and 60 broad. The country
is very fruitful, well watered, and populous, and
well leated for trade. It refembles Holland in di-
vers particulars ; fuch as its low iituation, and
being fubjedt to inundations, by which it fuftered
in 1717 ; in its rich pafturage, the neatnefs and
beauty of the towns, &c. but it far exceeds the
Dutch province in corn. It feeds vaft numbers
of black cattle, excellent horfes, and hogs. It
abounds with orchards, rivers, and canals, which
render it exceeding pleafant in thefummer, when
it is hotter than in England ; but the winters are
colder. The inhabitants are ftrong, handfome,
fair, and remarkable for their courage and fideli-
ty. They love good cheer, and the better fort
affect fplendid equipage and retinues. The Duke
has a number of good towns, the principal of
which is Kiel, on a bay of the Baltick ; it is po-
pulous, wealthy, and pleafant, the ftreets and
harbour being planted with fine rows of trees : it
enjoys a good trade. The ftates meet here. The
ducal palace is ftately. The univerfity, which
was founded here in 1669, has had many learned
profefi'ors.
2. The dutchy of Slefwick is divided between
the King of Denmark, and the Dukes of Hol-
ftein Gottorp, Holftein Glucklburg, &c. The
interefts and jurifdictions of the King of Den-
mark and the Duke of Holftein are fo intermixed,
that in time cf war the people know not which
to obey. In fome of the diftribts they divide the
revenues, and jointly chufe their magiftrates ; and
in others they chufe by turns. The four beft
towns belonging to the Duke, are Tonninghen,
Sonderen, Slefwick, and Gottorp. The firft is
final], but neat; and is the ftrongeft town be-
longing to his Highnefs. The fecond is a place
of good trade. Slefwick, which gives name to
the dutchy, was antiently a populous and rich city.
Gottorp gives title to the Duke (to diftinguifh
mm from the other branches of the family.) The
Duke’s grandfather defigned to rebuild the caftle;
the front is finifhed, and if the whole had been
compleated, it had been one of the fineft palaces
an Europe. The gardens, water-works, walks,
the bridge over the lake, the orangery, the ter-
ralles, the profpedls, are all in a finifhed tafte and
-beauty. The walk is very large, and full of fal~
NUATION
low deer and ftags- The city is rich and popu-
lous ; and the Duke has a revenue from the toll
upon black cattle, which pafs from Denmark
into Germany.
The eftablifhed religion of thele countries i^'
Lutheran. They have four fuperintendants, but
without any ecclefiaftical courts, cathedrals, &c.
They ferve a particular cure, have betwixt 150
and 200 1. a year ; are fubjecft to the aflembly of
the clergy, and are chofen by the year, and re-
moveable at pleafure. There are here between
500 and 600 parifhes. The churches are well
frequented, and kept very decent and neat. The
Calvinifts are hardly tolerated, and the Roman
catholicks find no quarter.
Thefe countries lying fo conveniently for trade,
by means of the two fees and navigable rivers and
canals, and being fo fruitful in themfelves, both
in corn and pafturage, render the Duke more con-
fiderable than many princes in the empire, who
have double the extent of territory. His reve-
nues are chiefly raffed from taxes on trade, toll
on horfes and black cattle, the fifhery, &c. all
which, befides his own ducal patrimony, has been
computed at betwixt 70 and 80,000 1. a year.
The houfe of Hefie is divided into two princi- o ~-
pal branches, viz. thofe of 1. The Landgrave of
Hefie Caflel ; and 2. The Landgrave of Hefie
Darmftadt.
The Houfe of Hefie Caffel comprehends that
of Hefie Rhinfield, as that of Darmftadt does that
of Hefie Homburg.
Theprefent Landgrave of Hefie Caflel, Fre-
derick King of Sweden, was born the 16th of _
April 1676 ; knight of the order of the elephant
and of the black eagle in 1705 ; made lieutenant
general of the Dutch army in 1702 ; general of
their horfe 1707 ; generaliffimo both by land and
fea of the armies of the King of Sweden in 1717 ;
Regent of the kingdom in his abfence, and King,
of Sweden on the refignation of Queen Ulrica
in 1720. He fucceeded his father in thefiand-
graviate of Hefie Caflel in 1730.
His firft wife was Louisa, daughter to the :
late King of Pruflia, who died in 1705. His fe-
cond wife was Ulrica Leonora, Princefs
royal of Sweden, and After and heirefs to King
Charles XII. of that kingdom, to whom ihe
fucceeded in 1718; but two years after fhe re-
figned the royal dignity to the Landgrave, to
which the ftates of the kingdom agreed. They
have no children ; and the King has lately refign-
ed the kingdom to the Queen again.
The Landgrave of Heffe Caffel’s revenues are
upwards of 120,000!.. per Annum. ’Tis com-
puted that he has between 40 and 50,000 men
in his dominions able to bear arms. The 12,000
men we had in our pay for five years brought him
in above a million of pounds,
The
OF MODERN HISTORY
The branches of Caflel and Homburg are Cal-
vinifts, Darmftadt Lutherans, and Rheinfelds
pro.fefles the Roman catholick religion : the latter
is not tolerated in the dominions of the other
three Princes, except in the fmall principality of
Hirfchfeld.
The hiftory of Germany, in the former edi-
tion of this work, was brought down to the con-
clufion of the treaty of Seville in 1728 ; the
principal article whereof was, that Great Britain
fhould affift the Spaniards in introducing fix thou-
fand of their forces into Italy, to fecure the e-
ventual fuccelfion of Don Carlos to thedutchy
of Tufcany ; to which treaty with the Spaniards,
the French and Dutch, as well as the Englifh,
were parties. The Emperor was extremely in-
cenfed at this article for introducing Spanifh forces
into Italy, forefeeing, that if the Spaniards once
got footing there again, they would never reft till
they had driven him out of Naples, and the reft
of his Italian territories ; he oppofed therefore the
putting that treaty in execution with all his
might, and would accept of no expedients that
were offered him for a great -while. But the Bri-
tifh fleet (with land forces on board) under the
command of Sir Charles Wager, joining
the fleet of Spain, in the fummer of 1731, con-
voyed fix thoufand Spanifh troops to Leghorn,
and landed them there, in a manner forcing the
Emperor to fubmit to that article. The grand
motive which influenced the Englifh to a£t in this
manner, ’tis faid, was the procuring the favour
of the Queen of Spain, that they might be let in-
to a fnare of the trade of that kingdom, from
which they had been in a manner excluded e-
ver fince the year 1717, when Sir George
Byng deftroyed the Spanifh fleet upon the coaft
of Sicily. We had indeed patched up a peace
with Spain afterwards; but they continued toad:
in a hoftile manner againft Britain, taking and
plundering our fhips, and infulting our people as
often as they had opportunity ; and tho’ we put
ourfelves to fo great an expence, to carry the
Spanifh forces into Italy, and difobliged the Em-
peror, our greateft and beft ally, I do not per-
ceive the Spaniards have altered their conduct to-
wards the fubjeds of Britain, but continue their
depredations to this day ; and, as had been fore-
feen, made ufe of the firft pretence that offered
to expel the Emperor from his Italian dominions.
His oppofing the advancement of King Stani-
slaus to the throne of Poland, was held to be a
fufflcient motive for their entring into a confe-
deracy with the French and the King of Sardi-
nia, againft the Emperor ; and accordingly, within
a month or two after the eledion of Au gustus
III. to that throne, the French, Spaniards, and
Savoyards, invaded the Milanefe, and over-run
the greateft part of that province, while another
army of the French palled the Rhine, and took
fort Kehl ; from whence the Emperor rightly
judged, that they mull have laid this fcheme, and
provided forces for thefe purpofes, long before the
death of the late King of Poland.
The Emperor being thus furprifed and diftref-
fed by his enemies, both in Italy and Germany,
applied himfelf to the Englifh and Dutch, for
their refpedive quota’s of troops they had en-
gaged to furnifh him with, when they guaranteed
to him the pofleflion of his hereditary dominions ;
and obferving their backwardness to affift him, his
minifter prefented a memorial to the maritime
powers on that fubjedl, of the following tenor :
He put them in mind, that when the Emperor
was engaged in the defence of Chriftendom a-
gainft the Turk in the year 17x7, Spain took hold
of that opportunity to attack him. He was then
in a good ftate of defence ; and the union be-
tween the two branches of the houfe of Bour-
bon did not at that time feem fo terrible as at
prefent they manifeftly appeared to be : a war
would not then have been near fo burthenfome
to him, as it was at this time ; efpecially, con-
sidering that he was then Supported by Great Bri-
tain in a manner which he can never forget :
nevertheless, he yielded to the inftances made to
him, for re-eftablifhing as ioon as poffible the peace
of Europe : he renounced the right he had to the
greateft and moft confiderable part of the Spanifh
monarchy : for the common good of Europe, he
took upon himfelf the guarantee of the order of
fuccelfion eftablifhed in Great Britain, in France,
and in Spain. And in fine, he confented that
(by way of reward) for the unjuft attack made
upon him, the eftates of Tufcany and Parma
fhould be fettled eventually upon a Prince of the
houfe of Bourbon. This laft article gave him
more concern than all the reft ; not that he had
any defign to unite thefe eftates with thofe he had
already pofi’efled, but becaufe he forefaw, that as
Soon as the two branches of the houfe of Bour-
bon fhould become united betwixt themfelves, that
addition of power would facilitate to them the
means of difturbing the peace of Europe, and op-
preffing its liberties, while, at the fame time, it
would be an obftacle to his Imperial Majefty’s
employing his forces in affifting to preferve either
the one or the other. His Imperial Majefty then
declared what he apprehended upon this head, and
the many precautions expreffed in the fifth article
of the quadruple alliance, are fo many authentick
proofs of his forefight. But his well-grounded
fears were appealed by the guarantees that were by
the very fame treaty promifed him.
The" Emperor moft religioufly fulfilled thofe
engagements he had taken upon himfelf: he ob-
tained the confent of the empire, for confirming
what had been ftipulated in favour of Don Car-
los,
The
A CONTI
The Emperor, on his part, fulfilled all the en-
gagements he had entered into, confiding entirely
in thofe guarantees, which were expreily contain-
ed, not only in the treaty, but in the declaration
relating to the Spanifh garifons. He fuffered thofe
very garifons to be introduced, and he evacu-
ated Parma and Placentia before the acceffion of
the lords the States General was iigned at the
Hague. By fuch fignal marks of fincerity
and moderation, he flattered himfelf with having
fatisfied every defire which the Queen of Spain
could at leaft for fome time conceive : but it hap-
pened quite otherwife ; they took care to ftart one
difficulty after another ; and the more his Britan-
nick Majefty laboured in employing his good of-
fices for ending all difputes, to the advantage of
Don Carlos, the more bufy they wherefrom
thence, to take occafion to infinuateto the Imperial
court, that the Emperor w'ould find his account
more in an union with the houfe of Bourbon, than
in the guarantees of the two maritime powers :
that without fuch an union they would keep his
Italian territories in continual fears and alarms ;
and that they would take particular care to chufe
the moil convenient time for giving the blow,
when it fhould not be in the power of his Impe-
rial Majefty’s allies to make good thofe engage-
ments, upon which he fo much depended.
While the court of Spain made ufe of thefe ar-
tifices without fuccefs, that of France purfued a
method fomething different, but fuch as tended to
the fame end — — She let flip no opportunity to
difunite and fow difcord among thofe who ought
always to join in defence of the liberties of Eu-
rope. She moved heaven and earth againft
that order of fucceffion which had been eftablifhed
in the auguft houfe of Auftria. Long before the
death of the late King Au gust us, the dutchy
of Milan was offered to the King of Sardinia, the
kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, to the Infante
Don Carlos, and the reft of the Emperor’s
kingdoms and hereditary countries, were parcell’d
out in feyeral different ways, according as the
minifters and emiflaries of France found it proper
for their purpofes.
And when the French King found he could
not accomplifh his ends by thefe infidious offers,
he turned his whole forces againft his Imperial
Majefty : the King ofSardinia attacked him in the
moft perfidious manner ; and the court of Spain
joined with the reft, in making war upon him
with all poffible vigour. The blow was in a great
meafure unforefeen by the Emperor ; and yet, by
a manifeft fort of contradiftion, they fuppofe
him to have been inclined for war, while at the
fame time they reproach him for being no way
prepared for it : and after having fwallowed up fo
many provinces one after another, after having
purfued the moft rapid fucceffes with the utmoft
vigouri after having moved heaven and earth, in
NUATION
order to deprive the Emperor of the afliftance of
his allies ; after having folicited all the courts of
Europe againft him, and after having endeavour-
ed as much as poffibly they could, to ftir up even
the Turk againft him, the enemies of this prince
cannot certainly, with any fort of countenance,
pretend to fet up for having an inclination for
peace, when the contrary appears by fo many in-
conteftable proofs ; at leaft, the Emperor cannot
imagine that any one will allow himfelf to be ib-
impofed on : it would be a misfortune greater
than any has yet befallen him, if fuch profef-
lions, fo inconfiftent with their adtions, fhould
meet with the leaft credit.
Among thofe who have fo often experienced,
how dangerous it is to trull the profeffions of
France, the Emperor would do injuftice to the
great penetration of his Britannick Majefty, and
to the wifdom and forefight of my lords the States
General, if he fhould apprehend in the leaft, that
fuch artifices could make any impreffion on their
minds. The views of France become more and
more manifeft : it is known to all Europe, that
the troubles with which it has been agitated for fo
many years, are originally owing to the unbound-
ed ambition of the Queen of Spain, and to her
impetuous defire to aggrandize her pofterity at any
rate ; and there is no one fo unjuft, as not to ab-
hor the enormous and perfidious behaviour of the
King of Sardinia towards the Emperor: in fuch
circumftances, is it poffible that his Imperial Ma-
jefty can fail of having the afliftance of his al-
lies ? or that, for re-eftabli£hing the balance of
power, they can defire him to make new facri-
fices, which, upon the firft occafion that offers,
will be a frelh provocation for the infatiable appe-
tites of his unjuft and perfidious aggreflors ? This
the Emperor can by no means believe, fince it
is not the method prefcribed by treaties for reme-
dying fo great evils. By thofe treaties, indeed,
it is faid, that good offices may be employed be-
fore giving their afliftance, which may be de-
manded in cafe of an attack by either of the con-
tracting parties ; but the interpofition of their good
offices is limitted iq the term of two months,
and can have nothing elfe for their objeCt, but
the reftitution of what has been unjuftly taken a-
way, and the reparation of the damages that have
been fuffered. Nothing would have been more
agreeable to the Emperor, than fuch an interpo-
fition of the good offices of the two maritime
powers. From thence he would have promifed
himfelf all the good effedts which he could have
defired ; and in this fenfe he agrees, that they
might have prevented the events of the war, from
rendering it more difficult to bring about a friend-
ly accommodation : but the fame term is expired,
many months having palled fince the rupture
made by the three powers before-mentioned.
Th®
OF MODERN HISTORY.
The Emperor has, without ceafing, folicited
again and again, for a performance of thofe gua-
rantees which have been promifed him ; he
knows too well the value of them ever to be cap-
able of giving them up, or fo much as inclined
to defift from the demand. The obtaining of
thefe guarantees was his only motive for con-
tenting to the eftablifhing a prince of the houfe of
Bourbon in Italy ; for evacuating Parma and Pla-
centia ; for allowing Spanifh garifons to be in-
troduced into the fortified places of Tufcany; and
for his rejecting all the offers of the court of Spain,
founded upon the fecret infinuations of that
of France. It is in vain for people to flatter
themfelves with re-eftablifhing the publick tran-
quility, and rendering it more fecure for the fu-
ture by a new treaty, till the preceding treaties
be made effectual. His Imperial Majefty neither
defires, nor wifhes any thing more than to fee
them fulfilled in all their articles ; and after the
efforts which he has made, for preferving the li-
berty of Europe, it cannot be denied, but that
it may be very eafy to warrant it againft any
attempts for a long time to come, provided on-
ly that he be effectually fupported. As the Em-
peror is not in a condition to make always the
fame efforts, the two maritime powers can ne-
ver have an opportunity, when it will coft them
lefs to eftablifh firmly and fpeedily, a lafting
peace in Europe, and to fecure the advantages of
their commerce in fuch a manner, that they
may be no longer fubjeCt to the caprices of the
court of Spain.
If France, inftead of turning her arms againft
the Emperor, had turned them againft the two
maritime powers, had fwallowed up their pro-
vinces one after another, and, in the midft of
great proteftations of her inclinations for peace,
had pulhed'on the war with the utmoft vigour,
the Emperor would not certainly have given any
credit to what they faid, nor would he have
imagined, that he could have fufficiently fhewed
his zeal for the publick good, or his friendfhip
for the parties attacked, by offering, after
many months, his mediation, inftead of perform-
ing thofe guarantees in which he Hands engaged.
But the engagements which refult from treaties
are reciprocal ; they are of equal force with re-
fpedt to every one of the contracting parties, and
that liable and folid fyftem, by which only the
tranquility, the happinefs, and the liberty of Eu-
rope can be fecured, mull vanifh, as foon as peo-
ple begin to depart from thofe meafures which
have been fettled by an unanimous content, and
which have been judged to be tjeceflary for fo
Salutary an end. The Emperor’s defire to fee the
publick tranquility reftored, as foon as poflible,
cannot therefore be greater than it is, nor his love
of peace more fincere : fo many facrifices which
he has upon more than one occafion deter-
mined to make, andof which he now feels the
fatal, though not the unforefeen, effeCts, are
convincing proofs of it. We have only to con-
fider what methods may be proper to be taken,
for fpeedily and fully fecuring fuch a tranquility
as may be really delirable ; that is to fay, luch a
one, as may not any way prejudice the balance
of power in Europe, which is already but too
much weakened ; and confequently fuch a tran-
quility as may be expeCted to continue for fome
time.
Thefe methods have no need of any farther
examination or difcuflion ; they are clearly ex-
preffed and afcertained by treaties. What fecuri-
ty can the Emperor have with refpeCl to future
events, if he finds no fecurity in the prefent con-
juncture ; which is perhaps the moft critical and
the leaft doubtful of any that can ever happen ?
It is upon thefe methods that his Imperial Ma-
jefty mull infill ; from them he cannot depart,
without doing an injury to himfelf, to his dignity,
and to his glory ; without failing in that duty
which he owes to his faithful fubjeCts ; and, in
fhort, without negleCting the publick good of
Europe.
Belides thefe motives, which are in themfelves
fo prefling, the proper intereft of the two ma-
ritime powers themfelves, and the real friendfhip
which his Imperial Majefty has for them, cannot
permit him to purfue any other meafure. The
court of Spain have but too fully verified what
they have more than once infinuated to the court
of Vienna : by the troubles which they have from
time to time found means to excite, they have
prevented the Emperor’s being ever in a condi-
tion to tafte the fruits of a profound tranquility |
the continual perturbations of Europe have en-
gaged him in exceflive expences: by the number
and power of his enemies, he found himfelf ob-
liged to make efforts which it is not poflible for
him to repeat often : thefe efforts he made only
to facilitate to the two maritime powers the
means of putting affairs again upon a gooff footing,
without putting themfelves to any great charge,
and v/ithout fubjeCting themfelves to anyrifque.
If the efforts which he has made, are to be
not only rendered ufelefs, but made to ferve for
procuring new advantages to the houfe of Bour-
bon, the two maritime powers muft thereby ren-
der ulelefs the beft and moft faithful ally they
have ; and France will obtain what the defires,
which is, to be able to keep all his Imperial Ma-
jefty’s territories in a continual alarm, without
its being poflible for them to fupport the liberty
of Europe, already in too tottering a condition.
This is what lies moft heavy upon his heart.
Unfortunately ! the Emperor has never been
deceived in what he has forefeen, or foretold,
with refpedt to the confequences of the increafe
of power in the houfe of Bourbon : at prefent,
he
A CONTINUATION
he forefees confluences more feta] and lefs re-
mote than any he has ever forefeen : he defires to
prevent them, and he will endeavour it to the
imnoft of his power. He does not feek to ag-
grandize himfelf; all his views are bounded in
being able to employ his forces for the prefer-
vation of his territories, for that of the empire,
whofe interefts are fo dear to him, and for the
repofe of others. The greateft part of the ad-
vantage arifing from thence, will accrue to his
allies, from whom he is, and always will be,
inieparable. It fticks on them to break thofe
bands, with which all Europe is threatened, by
the houfe of Bourbon : the fulfilling thofe
guarantees, which have been ftipulated by trea-
ties, is the only method for fecuring fo great an
advantage ; and that is what the Emperor de-
mands in the raoft friendly, and the moll em-
phatical manner he can think of.
After the accomplifhment of what is fbipulated
by thofe guarantees, the Emperor will be ready
to join in the method of a friendly accommo-
dation. Upon that occafion, as on every other,
he will make it appear, that his defire of peace
is as fincere, and as real, as that which Prance
pretends to is deceitful, and belied by her own
conduct. In taking matters upon this foot, it
is to be feared, that the events of war may ren-
der it more difficult to bring about a friendly
accommodation. On the contrary, they mull
conduce thereto, and then the Emperor will,
with alacrity, and readinefs, give ear to any
propofitions that may be confiftent with his ho-
nour, with the quiet of his territories, with the
prefervation of the balance of power in Eu-
rope, and confequently, with the eflential in-
terefts of the two maritime powers : fo that by
way of anfwer to the reprefentations made
by the minillers of his Britannick Majelly, and
my Lords the States General of the United
Provinces of the Low Countries, the Empe-
.ror is not againll their taking the method of
employing their good offices, if by that method
they can religioully perform all that is required
by treaties ; and if, by that method, the execu-
tion of them be no longer retarded.
But at the feme time, the Emperor believes,
that at this time of day, to content themfelves
with employing only their good offices, will ex-
pofe all Europe to a much greater danger ; and
that as affairs Hand at prefent, it is in vain to
flatter themfelves, with being able, by any fuch
method, to fatisfy what he has a right to de-
mand, by virtue of thofe engagements, which
have been entered into by treaties ; a full perfor-
mance of which the Emperor with confidence
expedts from the two maritime powers, he be-
ing ready upon all occafions to give them fignal
marks of a moll complete return, and of a
friendfhip the moll conftant and fincere.
Notwithftanding this moving reprefentation
of the Emperor’s, the Englifh and Dutch could
not be induced to take a part in the war, but
continued to offer their mediation ; which the
Spaniards and their allies very little regarding,
made an entire conqueft of Naples and Sicily,
and of all the reft of the Emperor’s territories in
Italy, except the town of Mantua. At the
feme time, the French army on the Rhine be-
fieged and took that important fortrefs of Phi-
liplburg; * whereupon the Englifh drew up the
following plan of a future peace, which they,
prevailed on the Dutch to approve of, and af-
terwards communicated to the contending par-
ties. This plan being of the following tenor.
1. That King Stanislaus fhall retain the
titles of King of Poland, and Great Duke of Li-
thuania, with all the honours and prerogatives
annexed to thofe auguft titles and rank, to
whatever place he fhall retire.
2. That he fhall have the free enjoyment of all
his ellates, and thofe of the Queen his confort.
3. That there fhall be a general amnefty for
all that is pall in relation to the prefent trou-
* The dake of Berwick, James Fitz James, marfhal of France, and grandee of Spain, commanded the
French army at this fiege. Fie was the natural fon of King James II. King of Great Britain, by
Mrs. Arabella Churchill, filler to the late duke of Marljoorough. He was killed by a, cannon ball
in the trenches before Philipfburg, on the twelfth of June 1734.. being then lixty three years of age and up-
wards, and left behind him three Tons, viz. duke Fitz James, the eidelt, now duke of Berwick ; the duke
of Liria, in Spain, his fecond fon ; and the third is an eccleiiallick in the church of France.
A late writer obferves, that the marfhal duke of Berwick was a foldier of fortune, and as fuch made war
his trade, which he lludied with an unwearied application ; and, as he never wanted courage, fo none ex-
ceeded him in military knowledge. As he confidered war as a fcience, he left little to chance, or even bra-
very, but depended more upon Ikill and difcipline, which gained him the battle of Almanza. He v/as re-
served, even to his general officers, rarely confulting them, nor fo much as communicating the orders he had
received, or the dengns he projected, but as they had their own parts to execute in them. He was never
a great favourite at the court of France, which is fomething to be . wondered at, confidering the ufe he
was made of on every occafion ; for, as a foldier of fortune, he had no obligations but for his appointments,
and yet attached himfelf to France, preferable to any other nation. As the marfhal took care to be obeyed
by the officers and foldiers of the armies he commanded, fo was he himfelf always obfequious to the orders of
this court r as one inllance thereof, he appeared in arms againll Spain with alacrity, after he had received
the high ell honours from the Prince now reigning.
Ties,
OF MODERN
bles, for all perfons of whatfoever rank or con-
dition they be; particularly, that all the pro-
vinces, cities, or towns (efpecially Dantzick)
where King Stanislaus may have retired
fince his election, fhall be reftored to the fame
ftate and condition in which they were before
the prefent troubles, with relation to their rights,
liberties, privileges, honours, and dignities. That
King Stanislaus fhall abdicate the throne of
Poland, and the Poles accept Augustus for
their King. On the other hand, that the Em-
peror fhould refign to Don Carlos, the king-
doms of Naples and Sicily ; and to the King of
Sardinia, Tortona, and Novarra, with their re-
fpedlive diitridts, and the Vigevanafco in the
dutchy of Milan : provided that France, and her
allies, fhall, bona fide, reftore whatever elfe they
may have taken from the Emperor, or the
empire, fince the beginning of this war; and
that the infante Don Carlos, on his part, fhall
yield up to the Emperor, all his right to Tufcany,
and the dutchies of Parma and Placentia, to be
poffefled by the Emperor, in full property ; with
a particular exception, however, to the city of
Leghorn ; which, for freedom of commerce,
fhall be a free city and port, and independent
on any other Sovereign but their own magi-
ftrates: and, moreover, the infante fhall engage,
as King of Naples and Sicily, that the trade of
the fubjedts of the King of Great Britain, and
their High Mightineffes, fhall be forthwith put
upon the fame foot, as in the reign of Charles
II. of Spain, of glorious memory: and as the
Emperor cannot enter into the pofleffion of
Tufcany, nor have any of the revenues thereof
during the life of the grand Duke, and the in-
fante will be poffefled of the kingdoms of Na-
ples and Sicily ; in the mean time, an equi-
valent in money, for the Emperor, fhall be
treated of in the enfuing negotiation : and, that
France fhall guarantee the pragmatick fandlion,
as other powers have done ; extending it only
to thofe countries the Emperor now poffefles, or
is to poflefs, by virtue of this plan. And, laft-
ly, the mediating powers propofed a general
armiflice or ceffation of arms, during the nego-
tiation.
The Emperor did not abfolutely agree to thefe
articles, tho’ he feemed inclined to come into
them ; but the French rejected them with the
litmoft contempt, as appears by the following
anfwer of the French King to the Britifh mini-
fter. “ Nothing interefts me in the prefent war
“ fo much as Poland ; my honour is highly con-
“ cerned in it : it is indifferent to England what
“ Prince reigns there, having no intereft there-
“ in : the conquefts which my allies have made
“ in Italy, is more immediately their concern
“ than mine ; as foon as they fhall be fatisfied
“ about them I fhall be content : but in the
Vol. III.
HISTORY
“ mean time, I will do my utmofc endeavour
(e in Germany to weaken my enemies. I have
“ already declared, that I would not keep pof-
5C fefiion of any of the places that I fhould take.
“ England may be allured of it from the pro-
“ mile I have made her : fire would have given
“ me infinite fatisfadlion in her mediation, if
“ fhe had not at the fame time armed herfelf ;
<c but I would have her know, that no power
“ in Europe fhall give law to me. And this
“ you may communicate to your mailer.”
Whereupon, the Britifh minifcer at the Hague,
Mr. Walpole, propofed to the States General
to augment their forces, as Great Britain had
done, that they might be in a condition to
compel the parties that refufed to comply to
hearken to their pacifick propofals : but the
Dutch would not come into the meafures of
Great Britain : and the emperor, apprehending
that he might make as good terms for himfelf,
as thofe the maritime powers had propofed in
their plan ; and both the Emperor and France
being highly incenfed at the condudt of Great
Britain and Holland ; the Emperor, on account
of their refilling him the affiftance they were
obliged to give him by their treaties, and fuffer-
ing Naples and Sicily to be torn from him,
which they had confirmed to him, by guarantee-
ing the pragmatick fandtion ; and the French,
being provoked with Britain for equipping a
fleet, whereby fhe prevented their lupporting
Stanislaus on the throne of Poland.
The contending parties agreed to enter into a
treaty, without regarding the mediation of the
maritime powers, and to fhew their refent-
ment of their pafled conduct, by fome articles
in the enfuing treaty, which they concluded in
the year 1736. The fecret articles whereof
will be kept a fecret from us, probably, till we
have the mortification to fee them executed.
Thofe they have been pleafed to publifh, were
of the following tenor.
1. That France reftore to the empire all the
places taken from it during the war. 2. That
the Emperor keep the Mantuan, Parma and
Placentia, and the Milanefe ; the King of Sar-
dinia to have Vigevanafco, Rovaro, and its de-
pendencies. 3. That the dutchy of I ufcany, after
the deceafe of the prefent Duke, be given to the
Duke of Lorrain, and Lorrain annexed to the mo-
narchy of France, but without any vote in the
empire. 4. That King St an islaus fhould be
acknowledged King of Poland by all Europe,
and enjoy all the honours of a crowned head;
after which, to refign that kingdom to King
Augustus, who fhall reftore to him all the
eftates in Poland, which belong to him or his
Queen. 5. That King St anislaus have, by
way of equivalent for Poland, the immediate
pofleffion of the dutchy of Barr, and ot Lorrain,
U u u u a ^ Ler
A GONTI
after the Duke of Tufcany’s death. 6. Don
Ca r los to be acknowledged King of Naples and
Sicily, and to have Del Prefidii, with the ifle
of Elbe ; but Leghorn to be declared a free port.
7 . Thaq France guarantee the pragmatick fanc-
tion.
Thefe were the preliminary articles : what ar-
ticles have been fince concluded are Itill a fecret
to us ; however, we find the preliminaries have
been carried into execution. King Augustus
III. is left in the quiet pofleffion of the throne of
Poland : the countries and towns taken by France,
and her allies, from the Emperor, are reftored to
him, except the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily,
which are yielded to Don Carlos ; and a fmall
part of the Milanefe, which is transferred to the
King of Sardinia : the Duke of Lorrain has taken
pofleffion of the dutchies of Tufcany, Parma,
and Placentia (the Grand Duke of Tufcany be-
ing dead,) and King Stanislaus is poflefled of
the dutchy of Lorrain, which devolves on France
at his death, and may, on many confiderations,
be deemed theirs during the life of that Prince.
I proceed in the next place to give fome account of
the war the Emperor is fince entered into with the
Turks.
The Mufcovites engaged in a war with the in-
fidels, in the year 1736, as has been intimated in
the Hate ofRuffia ; but the Emperor having then
but juft concluded a peace with France and her
allies, did not think himfelf in a condition to
take part in it, but offered his mediation to ac-
commodate the differences between thofe two
powers : however, the Porte imagining the Emperor
not altogether impartial, and obferving he was
drawing his troops together on the frontiers of
Hungary , refufed to accept his Imperial Majefty’s
mediation. And the following year, 1737, de-
clared war againft the Emperor ; who having by
this time afiembled a formidable army, command-
ed his general, count Seckendorf, to advance
into Servia, and lay fiege to the city of Nifla,
which the Turks not being able to relieve, fur-
rendered to the Imperial general, who afterwards
blockaded Widdin. In the mean time the Turks
defeated feveral bodies of the Imperialifts^ in Bof-
nia, and afterwards laid fiege to Nifla, which
was retaken by them the fame campaign ; the
Imperial' generals making no attempt to relieve it ;
fome imputing thefe misfoi tunes 10 the want of
neceffary fupplies in the Imperial army, and o-
thers, to the ill conduct of the general. But
however that was, general Seckendorf was
apprehended by the Emperor’s orders, the latter
end of the campaign, and a very heavy charge
exhibited againft him ; the governor of Nifla (ge-
neral Doxat) was tried before a council of war,
for delivering up that fortrefs to the Turks, be-
fore there was a neceffity for it, and condemned
to be beheaded ; which fentence was executed
N U A T I O N
upon him, though he was univerfally acknow-
ledged to be a brave and experienced officer, and
had been in the Emperor’s fervice upwards of forty
years.
The infidels, after the taking of Nifla, ad-
vanced to Meida and Orfova, making themfelves
mailers of the former: and this campaign of
1738, attacked Orfova a fecond time, and car-
ried it ; but the Imperialifts advancing towards
them, and gaining fome advantage, they thought
fit to abandon Orfova again ; however, the Turks
being reinforced foon after, returned to the fiege
of Orlova a third time, and the Imperialifts were
obliged to retire before them in their turn. The
Duke of Lorrain, the Imperial general, about the
fame time was taken ill of a fever, and returned
to Vienna for the recovery of his health, from
whence it was conjectured, there was little hopes
of the Imperialifts defeating the T urks ; and in-
deed they have actually retaken Orfova, accord-
ing to our laft advices. The Emperor appears to be.
but ill fupported in this war; neither the Princes
of Germany, nor any other European powers,
defire to fee him aggrandized by conquefts in
Turky. Should he be at the expence of any con-
fiderable fiege, he would be obliged, probably,
upon the conclufion of a peace, to reftore it again.
The Princes of the Empire, ’tis evident, are far
from furnilhing their refpedtive quota’s towards
this war : they know that all the conquefts which
are made, will be the Emperor’s foie property :
they fhall have no lhare in them, whatever they
contribute towards them ; and fince the frontiers
of Hungary are now fo well fecured by the late
conquefts of Belgrade and T emefwaer, they do
not feem to be fo much under the apprehenfions
of the ravages of the Turks, as they are of the
Emperor’s power.
The Mufcovites alfo are very well apprifed,
that if they make much greater advances, the
chriftians of the weft will endeavour to put a ftop
to the progrefs of their arms : moft of the powers
of Chriftendom had rather fee Turky in Europe ■
in the hands of the Grand Seignior, than under
the dominion of Ruffia, or the Emperor, for a
great many very fubftantial reafons.
The Ruffians therefore will, very probably,
reft contented for the prefent with the con-
queft of Afoph , rather than alarm the pow-
ers of Europe, by pufliing their good fortune
much further. If the Porte will fuffer this places
to remain in their hands, they will not be very
averfe to a peace with the Turks any more than
the Emperor, who can never carry on the war
to any great advantage, while the Princes of the
empire are fo very backward in furnilhing their
compliment of troops. And to what purpofe
Ihould he extend his conquefts, if he were better
fupported, when his pretended friends would in-
fallibly oblige him to refign them again at the
next
699
OF MODERN HISTORY.
next treaty of peace ; the articles whereof will be placed his brother Christian in his room, till
Charles Leopold, Duke of Mecklenburg, of ways to difturb his brother’s adminiftration,
born in 1679, and fucceeded his brother Fred e- and elude the Imperial decree, which wasrenevv-
rick William in 1713. He has been twice ed in 1732, with this additional claufe : “ That
married; firft to Sophia Hedgwick, aunt on “ the regent, for the further fecurity of his per-
the father’s fide to the Prince of Orange ; but “ fon and government, might take into his fer-
they were parted in 1710. His fecond wife was “ vice a certain number of troops of l'ome neu-
Catharine, daughter to the unfortune Ivan “ tral Prince, and then call the annual diet of
Alexiewitz, Czar of Rufiia, and filler to the “ the Hates, in order to rellore the publick tran-
reigning Emprefs of Ruffia, who died in 1733, “ quillity”. This Imperial mandate did more-
leaving one only daughter, Elizabeth Ca- overordain; “ That the degraded Prince ihouid
tharine, bom in 1718, and educated at the “ have a yearly falary of about ten thoufand
court of Peterlburg, having made publick profef- “ pounds, befides the revenues of Domitz and
lion of the Greek faith in 1733, in view of fuc- “ Swerin ; and his brother, the regent, fixthou-
ceeding her aunt in the throne of Ruffia, in cafe “ fand pounds”. On the receipt of this writ,
fhe died without iflue. 400 horle of Hanover, and 200 foot of Wolfen-
Duke Charles having formed a refolution buttle, were taken into pay, and things continued
of augmenting his forces, and of incorporating pretty calm in the country; the unhappy Prince
two regiments of Mufcovites, of 1500 men each, feemingly acquiefcing in this new regulation. He
which the Czar had made him a prefent of, a- hoped his filler-in-law, the Czarina, might be
mongthe troops of the country, began to raile wrought . upon to interpofe in his favour. At
unufual contributions on his fubjedls ; and on their lall, finding he had nothing to expecH from her,
refufal quartered foldiers on his nobility, and con- he went to Weimar; wnere committing fome
fifeated the eltates of thofe of them who had diforders in November 1735, the magillrates be-
made the greatell oppofition. He proceeded to gan a profecution againlt him, with intention to
augment his troops to the number of eleven thou- punilh him for breaking the peace of their little
fand men ; but the aulick council being applied to territory. But he will probably be reftored by
for redrefs of thofe grievances, by the eltates and the interpofition of the Czaiina, one time or o-
nobility, who had the laws of the country on ther.
their fide, the Emperor, in 1718, caufed a body .
of troops of the circle to march into thedutchy ; The fate of the controverfy concerning Bergues and
which being encountered by the Duke’s forces, fullers.
great diforders enfued, till at lall, his Highneis be-
iwr defeated, retreated to Dantzick ; and in 1728, John-William, the lall Duke of Cleves,
the Emperor fent commiffioners to Mecklenburg, Juliers, &c. dying without iliue, m 1609, left
who declared the Duke fallen from the govern- behind him four fillers, who were married to
ment of the country, and put the adminiltra- the Elector of Brandenburg, the Duke of New-
i-inn intn the fonds of his brother. The degrad- berg (anceftor to the prefent Eleftor Palatine,) the
dictated by the prefent mediators.
The Cafe of the Duke of Mecklenburg.
he the Duke Ihouid fubmit himfelf to his Impe-
rial Majelly, and return to a better mind.
In 1730, the Duke leaving Dantzick, return-
ed to Swerin, his capital, and tried all manner
him from the government of the country, and berg.
U u u u 2
Thel'e
7oo
A CONTI NUATI ON
Thefe two Princes only maintained their claim To difappoint his Pruffian Majefty as far as pof-
by arms; the former being aflifted by the Dutch, and fible, and to procure to the Prince of Sultzbach
the latter by the Spaniards, who were then in pof- the entire dominions now united in the Palatine
feflion of the Netherlands. The Dutch army houfe, his Electoral Highnefs omits nothing that
was commanded by Prince Maurice of Naflau, can be done ; and the young heir being underage,
and the Spanifh by the marquis of Spinola. So has named for his adminiftrator (and perhaps for
that (a thing which never before happened) the his fucceflor, in cafe he dies before his majority)
States and the Spaniards made war upon one an- Duke Ferdinand of Bavaria, whofe houfe,
other, in the name of their allies, tho’ the truce and that of Neuberg, are already knit together
that had been lately made, ft ill continued betwixt by ties of blood : it is not therefore to be doubted,
themfelves. There was not to much as one blow but the Bavarian houle will interpofe in this fuc-
given on either fide.The two armies induftrioufly a- ceffion.
voided meeting one another. The campaigns were The dutchies of Juliersand Berg (the countries
fpent in taking towns ; fo that the moft diligent of in difpute) lying in the neighbourhood of France
thofe two great generals was he who made the and the United Provinces, thofe two powers are
greateft progrefs. Upon one’s getting firft to a place, nearly interefted in the perfon who flrall fucceed
the other did nothing to hinder its being taken, to them. So that the ifl'ue of this grand affair
but bent his march full fpeed to another place, does not concern the Germanick body alone ;
and feized it, which he kept by virtue of his be- tho’ we may be fure, that there is not one mem-
ing the firft comer. ber thereof, that is not uneafy at the thoughts of
During thefe things, a congrels was held at an unequal diftribution of power amongft them.
Zanten, in order to an amicable accommoda- This being the cafe, according to the prefent ftate
tion betwixt the chief claimants, at which the of Europe, notwithftanding the juftnefs of his pre-
ambafladors of France, Great Britain, Spain, and tenfions, his Pruffian Majefty muft reft contented
the States General, affifted ; but this came to no- with what fhall be given him. Happy if he fhall
thing. At laft Brandenburg and Neuburg made be able to obtain any thing, in the way of nego-
an agreement, and divided thefe dominions be- tiation ; for, unlefs unforefeen opportunities fhould
twixtthemfelves.The firft had the dutchy ofCleves, offer, ’tis in vain for him to try to do himfelf
and the counties of Mark and Ravenfburg; and juftice by arms ; not but thofe countries are worth
the latter the dutchy of Juliers and Berg, with the fighting for, as they bring in near 200,000 1 . per
fmall territory of Ravenftein. annum to tire Elector. But the King of Pruflia
Under this agreement the two Electors of Bran- has neither ally, nor well- wither in the prefent
denburg and Palatine have lived quietly ever affair ; but on the contrary, he is furrounded with
fince. But the prefent Elector Palatine being the neighbours, who are far from being defirous of
laft diretft male defcendant of the houfe of Neu- contributing to the augmentation of a power,
burg, has nominated for his fuccelfor the Prince which already they look upon with a jealous eye,
of Sultzbach, the neareft of kin to him by a col- and think too formidable.
lateral branch of the Neuburg family ; which, The gentleman who drew up this ftate of the
however, proceeds not from the lady, by whom cafe, obferves, that it would greatly contribute to
the Palatine family poflefles Juliers and Berg. — the advancement of the proteftant intereft, and
Indeed this young Prince, ftridtly fpeaking, is not the ftrengthening the barrier againft France, were
related to his Electoral Highnefs. thofe countries to be poflefled by the King of
The King of Pruflia forms his Pretenfions of Pruflia. On the other hand, it might not only be
fucceeding in right of his maternal anceftor, on of ill confequence to the proteftant religion, but
failure of heirs of the Elector Palatine. Thefe dangerous to the liberties of Europe, if the fuc-
pretenfions were fettled by a family-treaty (be- ceeding Sovereign fhould be under French in-
twixt the houfes of Brandenburg and Neuberg) of fluence.
mutual fucceflion to the whole dominions of the
laft Duke of Cleves, on the failure of either of their A continuation of the prefent fate of the United
male iflue ; and this treaty was renewed in 1670. Provinces.
T 0 this his Electoral Highnefs replies. That his
predecefl'ors could not make fuch a treaty; and TP HE United Provinces are fituated -between United
that he has as good aright to annul it as they * 51 degrees 35 minutes, and 53 degrees 4o Provinces '
had to make it. But the particular reafon which minutes north latitude, and between 3 degrees 20
is whifpered at the Palatine court, why this fa- minutes, and 6 degrees 30 minutes eaft longitude,
mily-bargain, or treaty, ought not to take place, The liberty fo much boafced of in Holland,
will hardly pafs, viz. becaufe it was made over fays the baron, is no more than what the good
their cups. If this reafon was good, there are people of other countries enjoy; neverthelels I
very few contracts, it is to be feared, made, whe- muft except religion, which every one here may
ther in this country, or in any other, but what adapt to his own fancy. The liberty therefore
would be liable to a new difcuftion. con-
OF MODERN HISTORY.
confifls only in the equality of conditions: but
for a boor to prefume to be faucy to a burgher,
to defpife the nobility, to cenlure his mailers with
impunity, and to treat all Kings as tyrants, feems
to me to be a liberty which favours very much of
libertinifm. The Germans and the French, who
are not ufed to fuch licentioufnefs in their own
country, ealily fall into it here ; and ’tis really a
wonder to hear them in a coffee -houfe, talking of
fovereigns, efpecially when infpired with a holy
zeal, plead for religion, which, fay they, is eve-
ry where opprefled, except in the dominions of
the CalviniHs. They think every government
tyrannical, which does not not allow intire li-
berty of confcience. ’Tis true, that in this
country every one believes as he pleafes : and
here are religions of every kind, which never-
thelefs tend to one and the fame centre, viz. the
acquiring of riches, and the tormenting both of
body and foul, to get an eflate, not to enjoy it,
but to have the pleafure of dying rich. Money,
the darling, and the idol of the whole world, is fo
adored in this country, that it Hands in the Head of
birth, wit, and merit. A man who has but a
fmall fhare of the favours of fortune, is neglect-
ed almoft every where, but here he is defpifed.
Next to thofe of the prevailing religion, the
catholicks, among whom I include the Janfenifls,
are the moll numerous ; I have been told they
are above 20,000. They have fourteen churches,
ferved by different orders of friars, who, as they
die, the Hates have declared, fhall be lucceeded
hereafter by none but the fecular prieHs, who
are natives of the country.
Amflerdam is not a place for a man to live in
that is not concerned in trade; and a foreigner,
efpecially, knows not how to beftow himfelf.
He can find no where to go, but to fome forry
coffee-houfe, or melancholy walk. In the one,
he is fure to be incenfed with tobacco, and ftun-
ned with wretched commentaries upon news-pa-
pers, or the price of pepper and ginger ; in the
other, he is as folitary as a hermit. Their come-
dies are but a poor relief to fuch as don’t under-
ftand Dutch ; which, befides, is a language that
I think is not very lit for the ftage any more
than ours. I thought the adtors pitiful, and the
habits trifling ; but the decorations are fine, and
the theatre fpacious and magnificent. I cannot
imagine why the magiflrates will not let French
comedies be adled in their city, where, I think
they would do more good than harm ; for they
would help to polifh the youth, and would un-
doubtedly keep them from that temptation to de-
bauchery, to which idlenefs, and the difficulty of
knowing where to fpend the evenings, naturally
incline them. I heard M. d’Arcenson, the late
keeper of the feals, fay, he had obferved, while
he was lieutenant of the police at Paris, that there
were more diforders and debaucheries committed
in that city, during the fortnight at Eaff’er, when
the theatres were fhut up, than were commit-
ted in four months, when all fhews were kept
open. I doubt not but it would be fame at
AmHerdam, where there is a numerous youth,
for whom the parents are blindly complaifant,
and ready to kill the fatted calf ; fo that being
left to their own devices, and having in general
but few maxims of education, they run with the
ftream of their pafiions into all extravagancies.
Thefe young fellows, who prefer the exercife of
driving a chaife before all others, fet up in the
mean time for fine gentlemen ; but how well they
perform their part, I leave you to think.
The aflemblies, or focieties, as they are here
called, have nothing that is engaging. You fee
very fine faces there, but not a tongue moves, at
leaH to a foreigner ; the very fight of whom feems
to frighten them. Here they drink tea, or play
a game at ombre, or quadrille, and afterwards go
in quefl of a fupper.
Thofe focieties, or clubs, where there are no
ladies, are Hill worfe. In thefe they fmoke and
drink in abundance; talk of trade or politicks;
and at fuch times, woe be to thofe powers that
have forbid the importation of Dutch toys into
their dominions. The only remedy againfl cha-
grin, is reading, of which a man may have his
heart full ; for AmHerdam is not only the centre
of the bookfelling trade, but here are bookfellers
that are very ready to lend books to fuch, who,
like myfell, cannot be at the charge of a library.
I divide my time between reading, the coffee-
houfe, and taking the air ; the latter of which I
ufe very moderately ; one being obliged to go fo
far for it, that I think of it at leaff four times be-
fore I fet out. The canals, fuch as the Heers-
Gratcht, and the Keizers-Gratcht, are pleafant
walks in the town, becaufe they are planted with
trees ; but they are indifferently paved. Upon thefe
two canals live perfons of the greatefi diftindlion,
or rather thofe of the greateff wealth in the city.
One of the fineff walks in it is the bridge,
which joins the rampart from one fide of the Am-
flel to the other. ’Pis fix hundred and fixty feet
in length, and feventy in breadth ; and here one
enjoys an admirable profpedl, which is the only
one, perhaps, that can be compared with the
view from Pont-Royal at Paris. The admiralty,,
with its precindl, forms a little town. ’Tis one
of the arfenals of the Dutch navy. Here one actu-
ally fees feventy men of war, and materials for
building a much greater number. With the leave
of the Venetians, their arfenal, fo much boaffed of,
is by no means comparable with this, with regard
to naval Hores.
The admiralty office is fo near the India-com-
pany’s warehoule, that I am tempted to give you
fome account of a houfe which contains luch a
treafure. ’Tis a very great ffruclure of feverai
Hories,
02
r
A CON T I
ftorifis, diftributed into divers chambers or rooms,
where there is a prodigious quantity of all man-
ner of fpices, of which the moll common forts lie
in heaps, as corn does in all our granaries. There
are alfo a great many other things of value ; and,
in a word, every thing, be it ever fo precious, that
comes from the Indies. After I had walked about
an hour in this warehoufe, I was, as it were, em-
balmed with the odour of the different fpices,
which made my head ach exceedingly, or elfe I
fhould have thought, myfelf metamorphofed into
a mummy; but jefting apart, I fancy, that were
a carcafs to be depofited in this houfe, it would be
free from corruption. The India-company is
properly a republick within the republick it lei f :
it arms, difarms, raifes and difbands officers and
foldiers, without being accountable to the ftates.
It maintains a governor in the Indies, who lives
there with more pomp and grandeur than his
mailers do here.
The fuburbs of this great city, in which it is
laid there are above five hundred thoufand fouls, as
many as are in Naples, are extremely populous.
There are above eight hundred windmills conti-
nually at work in grinding corn, or fawing of
timber. On the other fide of the harbour there
are feveral villages, of which Sardam is the moll:
confiderable, not only for its fize, in which it
furpafles many towns, but for the wealth of its
inhabitants, who are called peafants, and pretend
to be nothing elfe, tho’ I cannot imagine why;
for they trade, and make a figure here upon the
exchange, like the molt fubftantial merchants,
and don’t apply themfelves to agriculture. I have
been told, that there’s above a thoufand windmils
at Sardam, always employed in fawing of timber,
which would have beena rare field for Don Qu i x-
ot to have difplayed his valour. That neatnefs
of which the Dutch are fo fond, is cultivated to
the greateft nicety in this village ; and the Am-
fterdamers themfelves cannot but own and ad-
mire it.
The peafants of Sardam drefs more like the ci-
tizens of Amlterdam than thofe of the other vil-
lages in thofe parts do, whofe apparel is of a very
extraordinary fafhion. They wear monftrous large
trowfers, wide enough to make any body a
whole fuit. Under this trowfer there is another
pair of breeches, and perhaps a third, or elfe a
pair of drawers ; and to the two pair of breeches
which are in fight, they have folid plate buttons
bigger than a crown piece. They alfo wear three
or four waiftcoats, one over the other, which
are fet fo thick with filver buttons, that they per-
fectly touch one another. Over all this clothing,
they have a dark-coloured furtout, or doublet,
which keeps them extremely tight downwards,
and therefore all their waiftcoats ride up fo, that
they feem to have breafts like women. Their
'fhoes are feamen-like, or, with reverence be it
N NATION
fpoken, fuch as are now worn by the French pe-
tit maitres. They have alfo filver buckles, but
fo large, that they are fitter for the harnefs of
horfes than for fhoes. I affure you, that if the
Romans had been drefl’ed like thefe peafants, the
Carthaginians would have taken a richer booty in
filver buttons, than they did at the battle of Can-
nre, when they took that heap of Roman rings.
The women alfo wear a fmall equipage of gold
and filver. They have gold ear-pendants; a bod-
kin of the fame which fallens their caps; chains
about their necks in form of pearl necklaces ;
great rings ; and in all this there is no expence
grudged.
The Sardamers are fo very much wedded to
their antient habit, that a father once refufed
to own his fon, becaufe, having been for fome
years in France, he came to wait on him upon
the exchange of Amfterdam, in a fuit of clothes
bedawb’d with gold lace.
I cannot fay that I have had any other fatis-
fadtion in my tour to North-Holland, than the
gratification of fight ; for company does not feem
to be the tafte of the country. I never ftirred
out, but every body took me for a very odd kind
of a man ; yeti am no petit maitre, nor is there
any thing uncommon in my make. The fair
fex in this out-of-the-way country, is very hand-
fome ; and here are country lafles, who have a
delicate complexion, not inferior to the fineft la-
dies. Thefe fylvan beauties are generally fair,
and have fuch a languilhing look, that I guefs they
would not prove unkind to any young faun that
courted them.
The hillory of the United Provinces was
brought down to the year 1728, in the former
edition of Modern History, when we find
the Dutch extremely incenfed againft the Em-
peror, for fupporting the Oftend company in
their trade to the Eaft-Indies, and fhewing but
little inclination to give up that branch of traf-
fick. The Dutch, thereupon, gave orders to
their commanders in India, to feize and fink all
Oftend Ihips they met with in thofe feas ; and,
unhappily, prevailed on the Englifh company
to give the fame barbarous orders to their cap-
tains, which were fhamefully put in execution ;
and one fhip, if not more, belonging to Oftend,
was funk in the river Ganges, by Ihips belong-
ing to the Englifh and Dutch Eaft-India com-
panies ; an outrage that the Emperor will never
forget: and in this, our unhappy countrymen
were made tools to the Dutch ; for we could
reap but little advantage by excluding the Em-
peror’s fubjedls of Flanders from the Eaft-Indies :
we had none of the fine Spices to lofe ; the
Dutch had long fince ravifhed thefe from us,
and the other branches of the Eaft-India trade are
fcarce worth the contending for : and the cun-
ning Hollander, at laft, over -reached hiinfelf in
getting
OF MODERN
getting the Offend company fupprefled ; for o-
ther nations immediately took the hint, and
imagining there muft be fomething extremely
valuable in that trade, to which there was made
fuch a violent oppofition by the maritime pow-
ers, immediately formed Eaft-India companies,
or enlarged their navigation that way ; and will
now, probably, one day difpute the pofTeffion
of the fpice iflands with the Dutch, which the
Englifh fo tamely abandoned, and, perhaps,
would never have attempted to recover. The
Dutch, indeed, would have drawn the Englifh
in to affift them, in excluding other nations
from the Indian feas; but, I prefume, we are
grown wifer than to burn our fingers in their
quarrel any more ; we have made too many na-
tions our enemies by coming into their fchemes,
and what returns they have made us for fuch
favours, are too notorious : we are frequently
drawn into quarrels, and then left to get out
of them as we can ; our crafty allies, in the
mean time, running away with our trade ; whe-
ther they are at peace or war with any power,
they continue to trade with them, and double
their gains, by getting their allies excluded from
it, while they lay the burthen of the war upon
their good-natured confederates.
In the year 1730, great numbers of people
■were put to death in the United Provinces, un-
der pretence of fodomitical pradtices, againft
which crime the ftates publifhed a very fevere
placaert ; wherein they obferve, that their laws
had hitherto affigned no particular punifhment
for this offence, and diredt the judges to con-
demn thofe who were convidted of it to what
kind of death they thought fit : but the prifo-
ners being tried privately, and none admitted to
converfe with them after fentence, fome have
fuggefted, that they were arbitrarily put to death
on° fufpicion of their dilaffedtion to the ftate, of
which they could produce no clear proof.
A treaty being concluded at Vienna in the
year 1731, between the Emperor and the King
of Great Britain, wherein the principal articles
on the part of the Emperor, were, that fix
thoufand Spaniards fhould be admitted into T uf-
cany, to fecure the eventual fucceffion of Don
Carlos, and that the Offend company fhould
be abolifhed ; Britain agreed, on her part, to
guarantee the pragmatick fandtion, and the
ffates were pleafed to accede to this treaty in
February 17 3 1-2. Whereupon the Emperor pro-
hibited the offenders, and all his fubjedts of the
Netherlands, to carry on any trade to the Eaft-
Indies, to the great fatisfadtion of the Dutch.
This grievance was no fooner redreffed, but the
Dutch were afflidted with a plague of worms,
a calamity that they had never before experien-
ced : thefe infedts eat into the wooden piles which
fupported their dikes, and had not the froffy
HISTORY.
weather come on, and deffroyed them, the banks
that keep out the fea would probably have been
demolifhed, and great part of their country laid
under water ; and it leems, the Dutch looked
upon their deliverance to be fo extraordinary am
event, that they kept a faff and thankfgiving in
one day, on the occafion, which are always
blended together here.
The fame year, the difpute between the King
ofPruffia and the Prince of Orange, in relation
to the eftate of the late King William III.
was adjufted ; but, I perceive, the Prince of
Orange was obliged to accept fomething lefs than
his fhare : .the ftates, who were executors of the
will, having more complaifance for the King of
Pruffia than the Prince. The province of Zea-
land alfo kept him out of the pofTeffion of Flufh-
ing and Terveer, which were part of his inhe-
ritance: however, the court of England had
fuch an opinion of this Prince, thus (tripped of
great part of his poffeffions, that a marriage
contract was figned between him and the Prin-r
cefs Royal, in the year 1733 ; and on the four-
teenth of March 1733-4, the marriage was fo-
lemnized at St. James’s with great fplendor.
When the King notified the marriage of his
daughter with the Prince to the States General,
they returned him abundance of compliments
on the occafion ; but gave him to underftand,
that they fhould endeavour to preferve their
conftitution ; and he muft not expedt they
would alter it again in favour of a ftadtholder,
tho’ they could not but difcern, that this was
his Majefty’s principal view in this match ; and,
indeed, they feem in all their conduct to deprefs
the Prince of Orange as much as they can, left
he fhould one day grow fo popular, that the
province of Holland, as well as the reft, fhould
be compelled by the people to- appoint him their
ftadtholder, which was the very cafe- of W 1 l-
l 1 a m III. late King of England.
And when his prelent Majefty, the King of
Great Britain, reprefented to the States the hard-
fhip and injuftice of keeping the Prince, Ilia
fon-in-law, out of pofTeffion of the lordfhips
which belong to him in the ifland of Zea-
land, they would not intermeddle in it, but
contented themfelves with Letting his Majefty
know, that Zealand was an independant pro-
vince, and might do as they faw fit ; which his
Majefty very well knew before : tho’ he was
fatisfied, at the fame time, if the States Gene-
ral would interpofe, the province of Zealand 1
would have been influenced by them : they were
afraid, if the Prince was reftored to the lord-
fhips of Terveer and Flufhing, he would have
fuch an intereft in Zealand, that he might in-
duce that province to elect him their ftadthol-
der ; and, as this is the moft powerful pro-
vince next to Holland itfelf, this would be a
oner;
7 ° 4
A CONTINUATION
great ftep towards his being appointed ftadt-
holder-general ; and for that reafon, unlefs the
Prince meets with fome fuch favourable junc-
ture, as happened when William III. was
made ftadtholder of Holland, he will fcarce
ever arrive at that dignity, but muft expeCt to
be treated by them, in the mean time, as a
Prince they are jealous may one day be their
rival in power.
The next thing that deferves our notice in
the hiftory of the United Provinces, is their
conduCt on the King of Poland’s death, when
they faw France in a confederacy with Spain
and Sardinia, againlt the Emperor : then did
thefe honed; gentlemen fign an add of neutrality
for the Auftrian Netherlands without confut-
ing either the Emperor or Great Britain, which
gave France and her allies fuch a fuperiority
on the Rhine, and in Italy, as perfedtly ruined
the Emperor’s affairs ; efpecially as their entring
into this neutrality, and refufing to fend the
Emperor thofe troops they were obliged by
treaty to furnifh him with, probably indu-
ced Great Britain to obferve much the fame
conduCt. It is not to be wondered, if the
Emperor, thus left alone, to oppofe fo power-
ful a confederacy, was in a manner driven out
of Italy, and brought to the brink of ruin ;
which when Great Britain faw too late, fhe
augmented her forces by fea and land, and in-
vited the Dutch to do the fame, to retrieve
the falfe ftep they had made, and give a check
to the conquefts of the confederates ; but we
find, the Dutch refufed to put themfelves to
the leaft expence in arming themfelves ; they
left Great Britain the honour of difobliging both
parties, that they might make the better terms, I
prefume, with the Kings of Spain and Naples,
in point of trade : but here again, poffibly, this
crafty ftate have over-reached themfelves ; for
both the French and the Emperor have been fo
much difobliged by their High Mightinefles, in
feveral inftances, that they will probably unite
to exprefs their refentment againft a ftate, that
has had fo little regard to both, and play’d fuch
a double game: for by an article from Antwerp,
we learn, that the Emperor has declared, he
intends to make his fubjeCts, of the Auftrian Ne-
therlands, ample fatisfa&ion for their lofs in
the abolition of the Oftend company, by a new
tariff : and the French feem determined, at the
fame time, to put the Hollanders under very
great difficulties in point of trade ; having, in a
manner, prohibited the importation of their
merchandize in France : but what will affeCt
them molt fenlibly, is a projedt, faid to be
formed between the Emperor and France, for
weakening their barrier, and laying them open
to the attacks of their enemies.
A continuation of the prefent fate of Italy.
T ALY is fituated between 38 degrees 20 Ita j y>
minutes and 46 degrees north latitude, and
between 7 and 19 degrees eaft longitude.
Rome is fituated in 41 degrees 50 minutes
north latitude, and 13 degrees eaft longitude.
Rome, fays baron Pollnitz, is ltill one of
the fineft cities in the world, tho’ it has loft
much of its ancient beauty and grandeur. No-
thing is equal to its church, its fountains, and
fome of its palaces. He proceeds to give a
particular defcription of them ; but having dwelt
pretty much on thefe particulars in the former
edition of Modern History, I fhall only
take notice of fuch things as were omitted
there.
Tho’ every thing in St. Peter’s church, fays
the baron, is worthy of the particular obferva-
tion of a curious traveller, I think nothing de-
ferves it more than the noble pictures of mofaic
work, wherewith the altars are decorated ; than
which there can be nothing more complete ; for
it furpafles any thing that ever was done by the
antients. ’Tis but a few years that the artifts
have arrived to the perfection we now difcover in
works of this kind. One of thefe pictures, which
is juft finifhed, reprefents the ftory of St. Pe-
tsoneua, St. Peter’s filter, fo excellently
defigned, and fo nicely coloured and polifhed,
that nothing in the art of man can out-do it. One
would fwear ’twas a picture behind a glafs ; yet it
confifts only of little glafs- fquares, exaCtly ce-
mented together by a certain gum that is extreme-
ly aftringent. ’Tis a piece of work of the more
value, becaufe it is proof againft the injuries of
weather, and nothing can damage it. They dc-
fign to remove out of this church all the pictures
painted in oil, which grow mouldy by time and
moifture, and to put pictures of mofaic work in
their place. If this projeCt, which is in a good
forwardnefs, and carried on apace, be ever finifh-
ed, St. Peter’s church will be pollefled of a
treafure the more precious, becaufe there will be
none like it.
The baron proceeds to give an account of
thofe unfortunate Princes, who are there called
King and Queen of England ( meaning the pre-
tender and his wife.) Perhaps (fays he) you
will not difiike to know what they are doing,,
and on what foot they ftand here. That un-
fortunate Prince, which is a title I think no
body can envy him, lives a very melancholy
life ; arid I queftion whether the penfion which
the Pope allows him, of twelve thoufand crowns,
is enough to make him eafy under his afflictions.
He lodges in the palace of the marquis Monti,
and has a great number of domefticks, but few
OF MODERN
his fervice that are perfons of quality. My lord
Dunbar is the chief man at his court, fince
mr. Hayes, to whom the pretender gave the
title of my lord Invernefs, retired to Avignon :
this gentleman is intrufted with the education of
the young Princes, who are ftiled here the Prince
■of' Wales, and the Duke of York, and as lovely
children they both are, as one fhall fee.
The Pretender is complimented with the ftile
of Majefty by the Pope, and by all that have
accefs to him. He never goes to an audience of
the holy father in publick, but always by the
back-ftairs; and the Pope not only gives him
an arm chair, but all the honours are paid to
him, that are due to a King who keeps incog-
nito. When the cardinals vifit him, he gives
them the tabouret or little ftool ; but the Impe-
rial cardinals never go to fee him ; nor did
they think fit to do it, even at the time when
the Emperor feemed to be more embroiled with
the King of Great Britain than ever, whereas
the French cardinals go to him every day, and
are always with him, notwithftanding the ftrict
alliance between the King their matter, and the
King of Great Britain. When the eldeft Prince,
who is here ftiled the Prince of Wales, goes to
wait on the Pope, he is treated as the prefump-
tive heir of a crown ; he has a chair fet for him
with a back to it, and takes place of the car-
dinals. As to the younger fon, the pretended
Duke of York, his rank is not yet fettled, nor
has he yet made a vifit to the Pope.
The Pretender is of a middling ftature, but
a mere fkeleton ; and, if I may venture to fay
it, has nothing in his looks of an impoftor. He
is prodigioufiy like the pictures I have feen
of the late King James II. only his af-
pe£t is fomething more melancholy ; but he
is fo far from it in his natural temper, that he is a
lover of pleafures, and would indulge himfelf
in gallantry, if he was not fo ftridly watched
by the priefts ; for if the fcandalous chronicle
does not belie him, mrs. Hayes, alias lady In-
vernefs, had for a while the honour of obliging
him. If one may guefs at the heart by ex-
ternal appearances, he is fincerely attached to
the religion which he profefies, yet without be-
ing fuch a bigot as fome will have him to be ; for
he caufes his children to be educated by prote-
ftants, and every funday a church of England
minifter preaches in Englifh in the proteftant
chapel of his palace: he is extremely referved at
firft to thofe with whom he is not acquainted,
but it wears off by degrees ; and when once he
knows people, he is very courteous and civil
to them. I have the honour to be often at his
table, and I am bound to acknowledge his fa-
vours to me.
His table, which is commonly laid for a do-
zen guefts, is ferved with what is grand and
Vol. III.
HISTORY.
delicate. People are feated at his table with-
out any diftinftion of rank, and he fits him-
felf between the two Princes, his fons : he talks a
great deal at his meals, but the tone of his
voice is not the moft agreeable : his conven-
tion runs generally upon common topicks, and
falls very naturally upon his misfortunes. All
this Prince’s time is regularly divided ; he rifes
early, devotes the morning to his bufinefs, hears
mats before noon, when he goes to dinner, and
after fitting an hour and an half, or two hours at
table, takes a nap ; and then, unlefs it be a
faint’s day, when he goes to vefpers, he walks
out for the air, in fome garden or o titer with-
out Rome, where he exercifes himfelf on horfe-
back, or elfe diverts himfelf at mall with his
fons and his gentlemen. In the evening he re-
turns to his palace, and receives vifits from the
cardinals j at ten o’clock he goes to fupper, and
at midnight to bed. During the carnival, he
was almoft every day at the opera, where his
box being very large, he ufed to fup with the
gentlemen and ladies of his court.
The baron, giving an account of the carni-
val at Rome, fays, it lafted but one week, ac-
cording to an eftablifhed cuftom and during
all that time, from two o’clock in the afternoon
till funfet, all the ftreets were full of mafquers,
fome on foot, and fome in open chaifes : the
former fay a thoufand filly things, and the lat-
ter throw flower in one another’s eyes by hand-
fuls ; but the beft on it is, that either by their
clothes, or their equipage, every body is known.
Befides, the pageantry of the Romans is always
the fame even in mafquerades ; they drefs up
their domefticks like harlequins, and make them
follow them with their faces bare. They thus
take the air, gravely, in open chariots, made
like gondola’s. Their horfes are adorned with
plumes of feathers, and loaded with little bells,
like ours in the fled races. In the evening, the
coaches range themfelves in two rows in the
ftreet del Corfo ; which is, befides, pretty nar-
row ; and there they fee the race of barbs, which
are five or fix horfes, that are differed to run
loole without a rider, from the gate del Popoli,
to a place beyond the Venetian palace. The
poor beafts gallop through the Ihouts and cries
of the populace, and are often crippled by link-
ing themfelves againft the coaches. T he firft
of thefe horfes that reaches the goal wins a prize
for his matter, which generally confifts of a piece
of cloth of gold ; and at funfet every body re-
tires. Mean time, a Roman will tell you, that
the carnival of Rome is the fineft in the world.
But the thing of which they brag moft, and
which they believe is no where to be paral-
lelled for magnificence, is their balls, of which
you fhall now be judge. Several gentlemen
having clubbed this winter for the hire ci the
X x x x Palace
A CONTI
palace Barberini, near the Mount of Piety, and
caufed it to be fumifhed by the Jew brokers,
when the day was fixed for the ball they in-
vited all the ladies ; and as to the gentlemen,
they had the liberty of appearing there mailed,
provided they made themfelves known at' the
door: all the rooms were lmall, and, but poorly
lighted ; there were feveral pieces of dancing to
the mufick of five or fix violinsr the room de-
figned for the principal nobility was encompaf-
fed with forms, and the place for the dancers
was an oval fpace railed in. A gentleman of
the company, that gave the ball, flood at the
entrance of the oval : they gave him- the title
of matter of the hail, and ft was he that called
out the dancers. All the ladies were mailed at
this ball,, which was called a feaft, but I know
not why ; for there were glades, indeed, but
there was nothing to eat or drink. The ladies
were all gay, and fome of them in court dref-
fes. I have been twice at thefe pretended enter-
tainments, but was fo tired, and in fuch dan-
ger of being prefled to death, that I do not care
to go again ; for which reafon, the Romans
fay I have not an elegant tafte.
Neither am I very well reconciled to their
plays, of which, indeed, here are none all the
year, except during the carnival ; but then we
had two opera-theatres, and four or five for co-
medy. Of all thefe theatres there is but one
that is good for any thing, and that is the la-
dies theatre, commonly called the theatre of
Aliberti, becaufe it was built by order of one
count Aliberti. The room is exceffive large,
fo that the voices are loft in it. It has feven
rows of boxes, fo low and little, that it makes
the room look like a hen-rooft; the pit wili hold
nine hundred perfons with eafe : the ftage is
fpacious, very high, and finely decorated ; but
they do not fhift the fcenes with that dexte-
rity as they do at our play-houfes ; yet when
the whole is put together, the place is not to
be defpifed : the habits of the three principal
adtors are magnificent, but thefe of the reft
are horrible. Their voices are good, and fo
are . their inftruments, for the molt part ; but
their dancers are too bad to behold, and you
cannot imagine any thing- more hideous : the
women are in the difguife of men, out of a
ridiculous fcruple, if I may venture to call it
fo, which they have here, that women fhould
not be feen at the theatres. This is the rea-
fon that the opera’s at Rome are vaftiy inferior
to the other opera’s of Italy. There is not, per-
haps, a more ridiculous fight than to fee thele
creatures, who are but halt men, play the parts
of women ; yet, tho’ they have neither air nor
gracefulnels, they are applauded here as much
as the beft adlrefles are elfewhere. Tho 5 ' I am
paflionately fond of the Italian mufick, yet I
NUAT I O NT-
own to you, that I am difgufted with their'
opera’s, when I fee thofe eunuchs play the part
of a Roland, a Hercules, or fome fuch
hero ; and I have not patience to fee no more:
than half a dozen adtors, no machines, and no
dances, except in the interludes. In my opi-
nion, fuch an opera rather deferves the name,
of a concert. Good voices here are very fcarce,
and there are actually but five or fix men, and
three women, that have the reputation of ling-
ing well. The cafe is the very fame with the
compofers they have juft loft one of the ableft
men of that clals, viz. Leonard Vinci,
who, they fay, was poifoned at Naples ; but
there are ftill remaining Mr. Hass, commonly
called the Saxon, and fignior Purpora, of
whom the former is a German, who marriedd
the famous figniora Faust inti.
'While I am giving you an account of the.
pleafures of Rome, I ought not to omit the in-
undations of the fquare Navona, which are per-
formed on 1 the four fundays in the month of
Auguft. T wo thirds of the fquare being then
laid under water, it forms a lake, in which the
coaches make a ring. The adjacent windows
are full of fpedlators, and the fronts of' the-
houfes are crowded by the populace, who make
hideous fhouts and outcries, when a coach hap-
pens to take in a little water* or when one over-
turns, which fometimes is the cafe. The od-
deft thing of all, to my mind, is, that while
the people were intent upon feeing the coaches'
pafs, and playing a thoufand pranks, a jefuit*
mounted upon a rail, at the other end of the
fquare, bawled out in vain for an audience of
penitents ; and tho’ very few, if any body heard
him, yet he went on haranguing ; and it was
not his fault, that every body did not forfake all
to hear him. About twenty paces from the
preacher was a mountebank, who by the co-
mical jefts and actions of his merry-andrew,
drew a much greater audience to him than the
jefuit had.
Are not thefe very enchanting pleafures?' Yet
a Roman, who never pafled the Ponte Mole,
as there are a great many who. have not, will
tell you, there i's none like thofe of Rome. But
1 affirm, that the Romans do not know what
diverfion is ; for in thofe parties of pleafure,
where reigns the greatefl freedom, there is al-
ways an air of conftraint, which one does not
fee elfewhere : nor does a free deportment be-
come them ; infomuch, that when they aftume
fuch a carriage, they naturally forget politenefs ;
which, befides, is not what they are much ufed
to; for they know how to be refpeftful much
more than to be polite. The way to be ac-
quainted with them thoroughly, is to vifit them
at their country-feats, where they are more-
frank, lefs ceremonious, and more fociable, and
where
O F MODERN H 1 S T O R Y.
where they live much better than they do at
Rome; at leaft they feed better: and I will even
venture to fay, that they there fpend high, but
they get not the credit by fuch living which
they ought, becaufe they do not fet it off to the
beft advantage ; and if I am not too much pre-
judiced, it feems to me that they grudge the
expence. The molt fumptuous article of their
repafts is deferts. They have excellent cooks and
butlers, .they pretend ; but as for us, Ultramon-
tains, w 7 e are not quite fo well ufed to their me-
thod of cookery.
Every nation in Europe where the Roman
•catholick religion is profeffed, have their hofpi-
tals for pilgrims in this city, but that of the tri-
nity receives all indifferently ; infomuch, that it
.had lodged and fed at one time fifteen thoufand
perfons, befides their ordinary quota.
The univerfity and publick fchools, here cal-
led the Sapienza, were founded by Pope Eu-
g.enjus IV. enlarged and beautified by Urban
VIII. and Alexander VII. The ftrudture
is magnificent, and the fchools of all the faculties
extremely commodious ; and there are no lefs than
forty profeflbrs, who have good falaries; but
they have very little bufinefs fince the erecting
the jefuits’ colleges, who feem to have engrofled
the education of youth here, and in molt Ro-
man catholick countries.
The palaces in Rome are very numerous,
.the nobility of Italy chufing to refide moll part
of the year in towns : and architecture is one
•of their favourite amufements, and they are fur-
nilhed with greater variety of rich materials from
the ruins of the old city, and their own quar-
ries, than are to be met with elfewhere.
The chief of the Pope’s palaces are the Vati-
can, Monte Cavallo, and the Capitol. As to
the palaces of the nobility, thole of Farnefe,
Borghefe, Colonna, Palavacini, and Barberini,
are molt admired; but we are not to imagine
that the whole town confifts of palaces: even
at the grand entrance of the gate del Popoli,
there are as mean buildings on the right and
left, as are to be feen in any town whatever,
while thofe in the front are furprizingly magni-
ficent.
The Pope, confidered as a temporal Prince,
is one of the molt abfolute monarchs in Europe :
he holds, indeed, a confiftory of cardinals fre-
quently, who are his council in ecclefiaftical
affairs, but are not permitted to intermeddle in
the civil government. The Pope has of late
years been very cautious in electing perfons of
high birth, who are related to fovereign princes,
on account of the difturbances that have been
occafioned fometimes by their too powerful in-
terelts ; and if fuch perfons do obtain a cardinal’s
cap, they feldom are advanced to the papal chair,
left they fhould endeavour to fix it in their
families. And the Popes haviug been Italians for
feveral centuries, take care that there never want
a great majority of the natives of Italy in that bo-
dy, to ftrengthen their intereft againft foreigners,
who being advanced to the papal fee, would na-
turally be partial to their relpeCtive countries,
and, perhaps, give up the prerogatives of the
church in favour of their natural Sovereigns. Such
cardinals as have not a competent fubfiltance of
their own, which feldom happens, are allowed,
it is faid, a ftipend of feven thoufand Roman
crowns per annum, out of the apoftolick cham-
ber.
The Pope’s chief minifter, is the cardinal pa-
tron, ufually one of the nephews, or a nearer re-
lation, to whom he gives an opportunity of a-
mafling prodigious lu ms, if the pontificate be of
a long duration ; and thefe nephews have been
the founders of fome of the greateft families in
Italy. The fecond minifter is the Pope’s vicar,
who is always a cardinal, and has the jurifdiCtion
of the fecular and regular clergy, lay communi-
ties, hofpitals, and Jews ; and has a lieutenant for
civil, and another for criminal affairs, and a bi~
fhop for his vicegerent in matters belonging to
his epifcopal function.
BaronPoLLNiTz, giving a charader of Rome,
and its modern inhabitants, fays, I cannot con-
ceive what motives, except devotion or curioiity,
can bring any man to Rome, than which there
is hardly a more melancholy city in the world :
yet I know fome foreigners, and particularly cer-
tain Englifhmen, who are fond of Rome to a de-
gree of enthufiafm.
The people here rife late and go to bed late :
the firft thing which they do, is to drink choco-
late; then they hear mafs in their domeftick
chapel, of which almoft every houfe has one :
they afterwards make fome vifits, return home at
dinner-time, undrefs, and dine frugally with their
families. After their meal they get between the
fheets, and fieep for an hour or two, and after
that loiter away as much in doing nothing at all ;
but then theydrefs, and go to the ring, which is
without the gate del Popoli ; from thence to
the Ponte Mole : there’s a walk which is very for-
rily paved, between two walls and fome pitiful
houfes ; and there is no air, but dull: enough to
choke one. When the fun is upon its decline,
the beau monde repairs to the lquare, or place d’E-
fpagne, where I think I have already told you
how they amufe themfelves : from the fquare they
go and make their vifits of ceremony : at two
o’ clock at night, which in the long fuminerdays
is about ten with us, they fall into ailemblies.
Thefe may be divided into three dalles : the great
companies, for gaming ; the private companies,
where they alfo play ; and the l'ocieties, in which
they only converfe.
X X X X 2
They
708
A CONTINUATION
They play at fuch games as we Ultramontains
know no more of than magick, viz. fuch as ta-
rot, pazzica, premiere, and milchiades. As to
the laft of thefe, I take it to be like languages,
which his difficult to be mafter of, unlefs people
begin to learn them when they are young. It
would take up a man’s whole life to learn to know
the cards, whereof at one game they play with
99, which are painted too with very extraordinary
figures, of popes, devils, &c. and it often happens
that the devil takes up the pope. During the con-
clave they play at pharo 3 but the Pope has pro-
hibited all games of hazard.
The private affiemblies differ only from the
publick ones, in that they have not fo much com-
pany. There is generally the miftrefs of the
houfe, and a dozen petits-colets, who really are
the petit maitres of this place, fuppofing them to
be Italians 3 for you are not to imagine that thefe
gentlemen will fuffer a poor Ultramountain abbe
to put in a word, becaufe they think he has nei-
ther fenfe nor merit. As this is a country of
priefts, you fhall fee ten fparks of the band to one
of the fword. ’Tis true, that the abbe wears the
fame habit as the gentlemen of the gown, and as
all others do, who are not able to lay out much
money in clothes 3 fo that when you fee a petit-
colet come out of any fufpicious place, you
muff beware of miftakes 3 for they are not al-
ways priefts, nor even clergymen.
A gentleman that lives beyond the mountains
will here be apt to forget the good manners he
has contracted in France, or ellewhere 3 the ge-
nerality of the Romans know nothing more than
ceremony, becaufe they are ignorant of good
manners 3 and there’s fcarce one of them in a
thoufand that has the air of a man of quality.
To be judge of this, one muft fee them at table,
and in what a very flovenly manner they be-
have at their meals, which is owing to their
eating generally alone 3 for they then loll fo
much upon the table, that when they dine in
company they are at a lcfs what to do. They
are not only nafty in their manner of eating,
but in their clothes 3 for I believe there is not a-
bove one out of thirty that puts on frefh linnen
every day.
The Italians are in general accufed of being
jealous 3 but I really think it wrong, for
there’s no nation where the ladies have more
freedom than here. It is poffible, that fome of
the leaven of the antient jealoufy may ftill re-
main among the citizens 3 but as to the people
of quality, I do not think them any mote .liable
to that imputation than our people are : I with I
could fay as much in their vindication as to their
avarice 3 but the fadt is too well known, and it
is the original fin of almoft all the Italians, par-
ticularly of the Romans, from the higheft to the
loweft 3 and ’tis undoubtedly this avaricious tem-
per, which makes them fo fober as they are 3 for
when they are at other folks tables they are in-
temperate enough ; yet I never faw the better
fort drunk, and the common people but very fel-
dom. They are accufed alfo of being revenge-
ful, which may be true enough ; but really they
are cried out againft upon that fcore much more
than they deferve ; for I have known fome that
have received affronts, fo good-natured as to for-
get them. ’Tis true, that the populace are very
apt to make ufe of the ftiletto ; but this is owing
to the too great indulgence of the magiftrate.
A man convidted of murder for the firft time,
is condemned to the gallies ; tbo’ in fome cafes
indeed, he is only banifhed from the city, and
the ecclefiaftical ftate, and then, after two or three
years abfence, he pays fifty crowns, and returns to
Rome. They who have committed a murder
and are not apprehended, generally compound
the matter with the government, by paying a cer-
tain fum of money. If juftice were no ftrifter
in our part of the world, and if our churches
were fandtuaries, as they are here, we fhould have
more crimes perhaps committed among us than
there are at Rome, where, when all is faid and
done, we don’t here of robberies, nor of murders
committed for the fake of robberies; and tho*
there are no lanthorns, nor watchmen, nor pa-
trolls here in the night, I fhould make no fcruple
to go from one end of the city to the other with
my purfe in my hand. What I fhould be moft
afraid of, would be the being aflaffinated by mi-
ftake ; but even murders of this kind are much
oftener committed among the dregs of the people,
than among perfons of condition ; for lince I
have been here, 1 have not heard of fuch an ac-
cident to any perfon of note.
The Campania of Rome is under the imme-
diate government of the Pope ; the other provin-
ces of the ecclefiaftical ftate, are governed by le-
gates, or vice-legates ; befides w 7 hicb, there is a
commander in chief of the forces in every pro-
vince, and every city hath its governor deputed
by the Pope ; but as to the podeftas or judges, and
other inferior officers, they are elected by the
inhabitants. The great oppreffion complained of
in the Pope’s territories, is his ingrafting *ill the
corn in the country, obliging the owners and
occupiers of lands to fell his agents their corn at
a very low rate, and retailing it out again at
double the price ; infomuch that fome gentlemen
chufe to let their lands lie uncultivated, rather than
manure them, the charges of ploughing and fow-
ing exceeding the profits they make. But it can
hardly be fuppofed, that this is generally the cafe ;
for if the people were difcouraged in this man-
ner from ploughing their grounds, the Sovereign
muft lofe the duty arifing by corn, which is one
of the beft branches of his revenue: neithe does
he hold up the .price of grain fo very high, as
fome
7°9
Villa’s.
Tivoli.
OF MODERN HISTORY.
fome fuggeft, when he retails it out ; for travellers crufted over, as the illands are enlarged, and the
all agree, that bread corn is very realbnable at Rome; banks clofe in upon them; for all round the
and tho’ there have been fome opprefl'ors among lake, where the ground was dry, they difcovered
the Roman Pontiffs, there have been others, who it to be hollow by the trampling of the horfes feet,
have diftributed great quantities of grain to the poor Near Tivoli alfo are the ftone quarries, from
gratis. So that to fay with fome, that the govern- whence they fetch that ftone ufed in their build-
ment is mild, and with others, ’tis oppreftive, is ings at Rome, called Tiburtine-ftone, of which
ridiculous : it is by all allowed to be defpotical, and great part of St. Peter’s is built, not com-
varies according to the difpofition and temper of parable to Portland-ftone, of which the churches
the Pontiff who happens to be upon the . throne, in London are built.
Only thus much is obferved in general, that there As to the great outcry in our part of the world,
is more liberty allowed at Rome to thofe of a againft the luxury of the cardinals, fays the ba-
different communion, than in any other Roman ron, I really think it unjuft ; for I cannot fee
catholick city whatever. As to the Roman wherein it confifts. Their houfhold is not over
villa’s : and above numerous. Their domefticks are ge-
Tivoli, the antient Tibur, faid to be built by nerally a maitre dechambre, an officer, who, they
the Greeks, is fituated on the brow of a hill, near fay, is tantamount to the great, chamberlain of
the river Anio orTeverone, about twenty miles our electors ; a cup-bearer, a train-bearer, one or
to the ea ft ward of Rome. The hill is covered two gentlemen, two or three priefts, as many va-
with olive-trees for five or fix miles together, and lets de chambre, eight or ten lackeys, three coach-
adorned with beautiful villa’s, or palaces: from men, eight horfes, and three coaches. Their
hence there is a glorious profpedb over the Cam- furniture is red damask, very plain. ^ They keep
pania, as far as Rome itfelfi In the time of the fo frugal a table, that they commonly allow their
antient Romans, it was efteemed one of the cook but one or two teftoons a day to defray the
moft healthful, as well as pleafant fituations in expence of it, exclufive of the wine, bread, and
Italy; on which account they had their fum- fruit; for they always eat alone. None but the car-
mer retirements here. Horace was fo well dinal minifters keep an open table at any time,
pleafed with the fituation, that he wifhes it The Princes of Italy every where give them the
might be the retreat of his old age. The Te- upper-hand; and a cardinal takes fo much ftate
verone forms a cafcade, or rather cataradl, near upon himfelf, that he refufes the precedency in
this town, falling from a rock, in one of the ca- his own houfe to a Sovereign Prince of Italy. Our
vities v, 'hereof is faid to be the grotto of Leu- Princes, on the other fide of the mountains, are,
cot he a, the Tiburtin fibyl, from whence the perhaps, as ftanch catholicks, and as .much de-
uttered her oracles. Here are alfo the ruins of voted to the holy fee as the Italian Princes are ;
an antient round building, furrounded with marble yet they don’t pay this homage to the cardinals,
pillars, fuppofed to be the temple of Hercules When one cardinal makes a vifit to another,
Saxanus. One of the greateft modern curio- the latter receives the vifitant at the coach-door,
fities, is the palace belonging to the family of and conducts him into the chamber of audience,
Este, or Modena, admired for its architecture, where they both place themfelves in arm-chairs,
fculpture, paintings, gardens, and water-works, under a canopy ; and after having been a few
Tivoli is now reduced to a very little town, minutes by themfelves, the gentlemen of the
furrounded with an ordinary wall ; but is ft ill cardinal that receives the vifit bring them ice,
the fee of a bifhop. Not far from it is the rivu- chocolate, and fweetmeats. When the ftranger
let of Salforata, formerly Albula, from whofewa- goes away, the other waits on him to the coach,
ters there arifes a fulphureous ftench, which may lends him a hand to put him into it, and even
be fmelt at a good diftance. The little lake thuts the coach-door. They give one another, the
from whence this river ifiues, is one of the greateft title of eminency ; but in. all their, interviews
natural curiofities about Rome: it lies in the very there s a great air of conftraint. _
bottom of the Campania, and is the drain ofthefe The complete number of caidmals. is ftventy.
parts ; the fides are covered with a kind of ftony They are the Pope s counfellors in oidmary,. an
cruft, and in it are feveral floating iflands, twen- have the right of elefting him. i hey are oiftin-
ty or thirty yards over, fuppofed to be formed guifhed into three orders, viz. fix Carcuna 1 -
originally by parcels of rarified fulphureous earth, Ihops, fifty priefts, and fourteen deacons. I heir
call up by the water, which, flicking to rufhes number was fixed by Pope Sixtus V. 1 he
and herbs, have been augmented by degrees to firft cardinal bifhop is ftiled.dean of the facred coi-
thisbignefs. This lake is unfathomable, and yet lege. This , dean, the firft cardinal prieft, anc
not above a mile in compafs at prelent : but Mr. the firft cardinal deacon, aie ftiled c ueis o tne
Addison fuppofes the banks have grown over it order; and, as fuch, they have t e^preiogativp
in the fame manner the iflands have been formed of giving audience to ambafladors, and to tne ma-
in it; and that in time the whole fur face will be giftrates of the ecclefiaftical ftate, during the va-
4 c.rncy
10
A CON T I N U A T I O N
•csrocy of the -holy fee, -Innocent IV. while to pay this deficiency too ; mid the Pope worift
the council was held at Lyons, made a rule, that hear any talk of compounding it.
the cardinals .hat fhould be red, to denote, that There are in Rome certain perfons filled Ro-
they were always ready to flied their blood for man Princes, who for the moil part are only be-
the liberties of the church. Boniface VIII. holden for this princely dignity, to the happinefs
ordered, that they fhould wear fcarlet robes, of their families, in having one of them a Pope
Paul III. required, that their bonnets fhould be for many of them are Pearce fo much as gentle-
oi- the fame colour, And Urban VIII .granted men. They are complimented with the ftile of
them the title of eminency, which before that excellency ; but this title extends only to the firft-
was only given to the ecclefialtical Electors of the born of the family. They require a vaft deal of
empire, and to the Grand Mailer of Malta. The homage from their domefticks ; and all affedl to
council ot Trent owned it to be the right of all have canopies and chambers of audience in their
nations to putin for the dignity of cardinal ; palaces. They expedl that a gentlman fhould come
but thofe who pufh for it with the greatell fuc- to their houfes without fending word beforehand,
cefs, are the kindred of the reigning Pope, the and wait in their antichamber till they are pleafed
nuncios in Germany, France, and Spain, the to fee him. You will think that they mult be
auditors of the rota, the clerks of the chamber, very neceffitous gentlemen, who will fubmit to
and, in fine, many of the Pope’s great officers. this rule, and that their excellency’s antichambers
The Pope claims a power of depofing cardinals, are only frequented by their own domefticks.
which they on the other hand deny he hath ; and When they receive vifits from one another in
certain it is, that cardinal Cofcia, who fo richly ceremony, they feat themfelves under a canopy,
deferved it, was not degraded, tho’ a fentence like the cardinals ; then they go abroad in ftate,
was palled upon him, and ratified, whereby he and have two coaches to follow .their -body-coach,
was declared excommunicate, and out of a pof- in which his excellency fits -forward by himfelf,
Ability of being ablolv’d, but by the Pope, even in ana his gentlemen ride backward ; and at the
articulo mortis ; he is alfo to be confined in a boots of the coach a footman carries an umbrel-
fortrefs, deprived of the power of fpeaking or la before them, as is done before the cardinals,
voting, &c. But as omnia venalia Roms, e- which is a fignal of refpedt, that requires all
ven more now than in Jugurtha’s time, the coaches, except thole of the cardinals or priefts,
cardinal del Giudicj, who is a friend of his to give them the way, and even to flop while they
eminency Cose i a, gave him to underftand, that pafs by.
the Pope was refolved to treat him as a grand vi- The princefies formerly did not ufe to give the
zir in difgrace ; that he muft abfolutely refund, right-hand to the ladies of quality, at their own
and that all his fins fhould be blotted out. Con- houfes; but fince the honours annexed to nepo-
fequently his eminency fubmitted to implore his tifm have been abolifhed, they have been obliged
Highnefs’s clemency, on condition of paying to humble themfelves, and to treat the ladies as
well for it; and, in fine, his pardon has been their equals; yet for all this, they correfpond to-
taxed at thirty thoufand ducats. He has cla- gether very little. Heretofore too, the Pope’s
moured againft it not a little ; but the holy nieces did not give precedence to any body, not
father would not bate an ace of it, and the car- even to the princefies; and all ladies in general
dinal was forced to acquiefce : however, as he al- were obliged to be in a full drefs w'hen they paid
ways watches for the death of the Pope, he de- them a vifit ; nor did the nieces go to any body’s
fired to pay it at feveral terms ; and, upon depo- houfe, but enjoyed all the honours of fovereigns.
fiting.ten thoufand crowns down, he immediate- But all this is over now ; for the nieces of the
iy received abfolution, his guards were taken off, prefent Pope not only give the right-hand to la-
and he had liberty granted him to walk about in dies of the loweft rank, but alfo return their vi-
the caftle of St. Angelo, and to converfe there fits.
with his brother ,the bifhop of Targa. He pleads The thing which puffs up this gentry to fuch a
poverty, and fhuffles of}’ his payment from one degree, is, that gentlemen of good families make
time to another, in conftant expectation that the no fcruple to wait on them ; the poverty among
gout will rife in the Pope’s ftomach, and take the nobility being very great, and there being but
him out of the way. At length, in 1734, he a very indifferent chance for gentlemen of the
paid down ten thoufand crowns more. But a fword , becaufe the greateft part of the Roman
colleftor of taxes, from whom he formerly re- gentry are fo much degenerated from their an-
ceived a great prefent, to procure him an acquit- ceftors, that they have no tafte for arms, while
tance from the chamber, to which he owed fe- their fondnefs for Rome, and the notion they
venty thoufand crowns, died lately infolvent, have, that there is not fuch a delightful place in
and without making good the fraud; and as the world, hinders them from going abroad, and
CiESAR, they fay, lofes nothing, the chamber puts them under a neceffity of being flaves to
comes upon cardinal Cose 1 a, who is condemned people who are very often inferiors in birth.
Nor
OF MODERN
Nor do the Roman princes diftinguifh them-
felves either by their air, or their manner of li-
ving. They have a great number of footmen
indeed, fome no lefs than two dozen ; but they
live very meanly ; fo that not one of them keeps
an open table, or has any thing to treat with but
ice, and at moll a difh of chocolate. The evening
is the time to converfe with them ; for as foon
as the Angelus has founded, all ceremonies at
Rome are over ; the abbots and priefts go in the
lay habit to the cardinals, and all compliments
at meeting are fet alide.
The princefles have the privilegeof being lighted
to the publick fpedtacles by eight flambeaux of
white wax; but I have known feme of them, who,
for faving their wax, never burnt any till they came
within four or five hundred paces of the theatre,
when they Hopped to give their lacqueys time to
light their flambeaux in order that they might ar-
rive at the opera in pomp ; and when they went
out they Hopped at the very fame place for their
lacqueys to put out their flambeaux, from which
place all the light the princefles had to go home
by, was no more than a couple of little dark
lanthorns, which are here made ufe of commonly.
This way of going with eight flambeaux, puts me
in mind of a certain Englifh dutchefs, who having
travelled in that manner at Rome, would fain
have introduced the fafhion at Paris too ; but fhe
was forbid to make that parade there, becaufe the
firH two or three times that fhe went abroad with
lo much fplendor, every body fell on their knees,
and thought the holy facrament was carrying to
fome fick perfon.
MoH of the ladies, as well as princefles, have
very magnificent coaches, but feldom make ufe
of them. The marquifs Sudarini, who has
lately matched his fon, has made his daughter-in-
law a prefent of a coach, for which he gave feven
thoufand Roman crowns, and there are many
others that coH more money; but thefe coaches
are terrible machines, and it is as much as a pair
of horfes can do to drag them along. Befides,
thefe fiately portable houfes have an attendance
on them which is by no means fuitable ; they are
generally accompanied by half a fcore or a dozen
fhabby footmen, who, with the fwords that they
wear, look more like catchpoles than footmen ;
their liveries in general are fcare-crows, and I do
not think that there are any in the world more fan-
taflical. The lacqueys are for the moH part old,
dirty, unfhapeable fellows, becaufe when once a
poor wretch has a livery put upon his back, he
never throws it off, and does not fo much as at-
tain the honour of being a valet de chambre :
when he is paH his fervice, his mailer jubilees him,
that is to fay, .puts him upon half-pay, and he
ferves no longer. The.appearance, or neatnefs of
a fervant, are things, that, ate not regarded here.
h rs'TOR y.
and provided they have but the number, what
matters if, fay they, how they look?
This humour of keeping fo many lacqueys, has
infected even the citizens ; they who are in fuch
mean circumftances, that they cannot afford to
maintain them the whole year round, covenant
with them only for fundays and faints days. Thus
a journeyman fhoemaker, or a chimney-fweeper,
who has but that very day put a ferub livery on
his back, and that often borrowed of a tallyman,
{hall walk gravely before young maffer or pretty
mifs to and from church, with his- greafy hair
turned up behind his ears, and a long fword by
his fide. For it would be reckoned indecent
here, to fee a woman, or a mifs, go abroad
alone, and the moH abandoned proffitutes are
always attended with a matron.
They have but two forts of punifhments at
Rome, viz. the Hrappa corda, and the gibbet.
The firH, tho’ it is not mortal, feemsto my mind
more terrible than death itfelf : the malefactor
being tied with his two hands together to a
rope, by which he is hoifled fifteen or fixteen
feet from the ground, and then let fall on a
Hidden, fo that he generally becomes a cripple
for life. When a man is to be hanged they
talk of it a week before-hand, as if it was the
finefi holy-day in the world. The night before
the execution, feveral prelates, princes, and o-
thers of quality, admitted into the confraternity of
comforters, repair at midnight to the prifon. When
they come near the dungeon they make a great
noife, and with a loud voice, afk the goaleiy
Where is fuch a one? naming the criminal that,
isyo be condemned. Here he is, fays the man,,
loud enough to be heard by the criminal. Open
the doors to us, fay the comforters ; he is in a
bad Hate there, we will remove him to a place
where he {hall be better. The turnkey opens
the dungeon, and lets in the comforters, who
exhort the criminal to go along with them j
and being guarded by a company of the Sbirri,
they put him in the middle, and carry him
thro’ feveral galleries and turnings towards the
door of a. chapel, before which is hung a piece
of black cloth. JuH as the criminal is pre-
paring to enter it, the fifeal, calling him by his
name, fays to him, You there is your fen-
tence ; and at the fame time throws him st-
paper, in which the fentence is written. The
criminal reads it, or elfe one of the comforters
does that office for him: that very moment
the Sbirri withdraw, and the comforters remain
alone with the criminal : then the. cloth hung
before the chapel door is. lifted up, and the pa-
tient is led to the altar at the end of it, with a
crucifix upon it, in the middle of fix lighted
wax candles ; where the queftion is put to him.
If he is willing to confefs ? It Ire {ays Yes, as
very
A CONTI N U A T I O N
very few Italians die willingly without confef- adminjftration, or for any money that patted
lion, a confellor is allotted him, who gives through his hands, by any future proceedings
him the bell advice he can. again it him ; and that whatever he acquired, his
After the criminal has confelled, he receives the Holinefs made him a free gift of it.
facraments, and the comforters continue with But the cardinal foon after loft his patron and
him till the next day. At ten o’clock, which prote∨ the Pope was taken ill of a fever on
is the hour of execution, he is conveyed in a the 14th of February 1729-30, and died on the
cart to the gallows, to which he rides back- 21ft of the fame month, being then fourfcore
wards, attended by two priefts, and two com- years of age, and fome few days more; for he
forters: when they are come to the fatal place, was born on the fecond of February 1650. He
they fet him down out of the cart before a chapel was the eldeft fon of Don Ferdinand Orsi-
to lay his prayers, and then they make him walk ni, or Ursini, Duke of Gravina, and was made
backwards to the foot of the ladder, which he cardinal by Pope Clement X. on the 22d of
alfo mounts with his back to it ; when the hang- February 1672. He was the oldeft cardinal of
man, who is at the top of it, fattens the rope the college when he was elefted Pops, on the
about his neck, and then leans with all his weight 29th of May 1724, and then took the name of
upon his Ihoulders to put him out of his pain. Benedict XIII.
After he is expired, mattes are faid in all the The Pope was no fooner dead, but cardinal
churches, and even in the Pope’s chapel, for the Albani, chamberlain of the holy fee, caufed
repofe of his foul ; and for this end a colledtion the effedts of cardinal Co sc 1 a to be feized,
is made, to which the pooreft people contribute and the principal agents of his extortions to be
fomething : at length, after he has hung four or imprifoned ; particularly his fteward, and the
five hours, he is buried like another man. farmer of the revenues arifing by fiih, who
I fhall conclude, fays the baron, with a re- were in great danger of being pulled in pieces
mark I have made upon the Romans in par- by the mob, as well as the cardinal himfelf ; but
ticular, and the Italians in general ; I mean as he had the good fortune to lave himfelf by a
to the reciprocal hatred of the inhabitants of the timely retreat: however, the cardinals aflem-
different ftates of Italy. I cannot imagine bling foon after, for the election of a new Pope,
that they fhould be fo blind as not to fee the cardinal Cose 1 a found means privately to get
prejudice it does them ; for, in fhort, it is not into the conclave, where he made loud com-
barely the hatred of one province to another, plaints of the feizing his effedts, but could get
but it diffufes its poifon to the towns that are none of them reftored.
fubjedt to one and the fame fovereign. Thefe After a conclave of four months, the choice
people do not coniider, that they form one and fell upon cardinal Laurence Corsini, who
the fame nation ; and that if they did but unite was declared duly eledted on the 12th of July
together, they would be both rich and power- 1730, taking upon him the name of Cle-
ful ; but being jealous of one another, they only ment XII. He was born at Florence April 7,
feek to ruin each other, and by that means de- 1652, and confequently within two years of
prive themfelves of the molt folid fupport of fourfcore at the time of his eledtion, being of the
their liberty. noble family of the Co rs ini’s in Tufcany.
Theformer edition of theMoDERN History I proceed now to give fome account of the
of Italy, left Pope Benedict XIII. in the chair, wars that happened in Italy, during the pontifi-
exceeding weak and infirm : however, the pious cate of Clement XII. which may be in a
Pontiff could not be perfuaded by his phyfi- great meafure aferibed to the treaty concluded at
dans, to omit his accuftomed devotions ; and Seville, between Great Britain and Spain, in the
in the month of Odtober 1729, as he was ce- year 1729, to which France and the States Ce-
lebrating mafs, and going to drink out of the neral alfo became parties ; for by this treaty, it
chalice, his hands fhook to that degree, that he was agreed, that the contracting parties fhould
fpilt all the wine and water that was in it upon introduce fix thoufand Spaniards into the dutchy
his veftment and the ground, at which the Pon- of Tufcany, to fecure the fucceffion of Don
tiff was in a great confternation, and it was Carlos, Prince of Spain, to that dutchy, after
thought proper to burn the garment, to plain the death of the then reigning Duke : which
the foot of the altar, and burn the fhavings. the Emperor appeared extremely averfe to, and
His favourite cardinal Cose i a, having been ordered great bodies of his troops to march into
accufed about the fame time of intolerable extor- Italy, in the year 1730, to oppofe the Spaniards
tion and oppreffion, of which his Holinefs would and their confederates, if they fhould attempt
never believe him guilty ; to fecure his emi- to put that article of the treaty in execution,
nence againft future enquiries, he figned an in- which prevented the tranfporting the Spaniards
ftrument of indemnity, importing, that this car- to Italy that year : but the Emperor, finding
dinal fhould never be made accountable for his that they would be affifted by the fleet and land
forces
OF«MODERN HISTORY.
forces of Great Britain the following year, if he the number of fix or feven thoufand men, com
did not come into the meafures prefcribed by
the treaty of Seville, he confented, at length,
very unwillingly, that if Great Britain, and her
allies, would guarantee his hereditary dominions
to himfelf, and his heirs female, he would fub-
mit to the introduction of fix thoufand Spa-
niards into Tufcany ; and they were according-
ly convoyed to Italy in the year 1731, by the
united fleets of Great Britain and Spain, and
took pofleflion of the dutchy of Tufcany ; which
proved, as the Emperor expedited, the ruin of
his affairs on that fide ; for the Queen of Spain,
whofe ambition,, probably, will never be fa-
tisfied, till fhe fees her fon, Don Car l o s,
fovereign of all the Spanifh territories in Italy,
having thus got footing there, entred into a
confederacy with the King of France, to drive
the Emperor out of all the Italian provinces
which formerly belonged to the crown of
Spain, and prevailed on the King of Sardinia
to come into this fcheme, contrary to his molt
folemn treaties and engagements with the Em-
peror ; Spain offering to augment his domi-
nions with the dutchy of Milan, or the greateft
part of it. The grand motive which prevailed
on France to come into this confederacy, was
the weakening the Emperor, whom fire ever
looked upon as her moft formidable rival in
power. The confederates laid hold of the flight-
eft pretence imaginable for putting their defigns
in execution ; namely, the Emperor’s making
intereft to get the Eleftor of Saxony advanced
to the throne of Poland : and obferving, that
his Imperial Majefty, relying on the guarantee
'of the maritime powers, for the fecurity of his
Italian territories, had withdrawn moft of his
troops from Italy; in this favourable juncture,
they united their forces that were in garrifon
in Tufcany, with thofe of the King of Sardi-
nia, and invaded Milan the latter end of the
year 1733, and being fupported by another
body of troops from France, under the com-
mand of marfhal Vn. lars, reduced al moft all
that dutchy within the fpace of a few months ;
while another army, commanded by the Duke
of Berwick, was ordered to pafs the Rhine, and
invade the frontiers of Germany, as has been
related already.
The following year, the Spaniards having
tranfported another army of twenty thoufand
men to Italy, Don Carlos invaded the king-
dom of Naples ; and being arrived at Averla,
three leagues from the city of Naples, on the
ninth of April 1734, deputies came from thence,
and made their mbmiffion to this Prince, deli-
vering him the keys of the city. While the
King remained in the neighbourhood of Naples,
the count de Montemar, the Spanifh general,
was ordered to purfue the Imperialifts ; who, to
Vol. III.
manded by general ViscoNf 1, retired to a camp
of difficult accefs near the town of Bitonto,
where they were attacked on the 25th of May
by the Spanifh army, which were three times
their number, and totally defeated ; for which
victory, Don Carlos caufed Te deum to be
lung in the cathedral of Naples, and created
count de Montemar duke of Bitonto, being the
place where he gained that memorable victo-
ry, which rendered Don Carlos matter of
that kingdom.
After this victory the Spaniards laid fiege to
Gaieta, which furrendered on the fifth of Au-
guft, and then made preparations for the inva-
fion of Sicily, and landed twenty thoufand men
there, under the command of the duke of Bi-
tonto, in the beginning of September 1734.
whereupon the whole iiland revolted to them,
except the citadel of Medina, and the fortrefles
of Syracufe and Trepani. The Spaniards after-
wards laying fiege to the citadel of Medina,
that fortrefs furrendered on the 22d of February
1734-5, on the taking whereof, the Infante Don
Ca.rlos, now ltiled King of Naples and Si-
cily, embarked for that idand, where he landed
on the ninth of March ; and, on the fecond of
June, the town of Syracufe furrendered, and
immediately after the fortrefs of Trepani, which
had been blocked up ever fince the Spaniards
landed in the idand : and now the Spaniards,
being entire mafters of Sicily, Don Carlos
made a triumphant entry into the capital city
of Palermo, on the thirtieth of June 1734,
and on the third of July following was crowned
King.
The town of Capua having been clofely
blocked up ever fince the arrival of the Spa-
niards in the kingdom of Naples, furrendered on
the 21 ft of November 1734 ; and foon after the
duke of Bitonto reduced Orbitello, and Porto
Ercole, and the reft of the fortredes the Im-
perialifts were pofiefied of on the coaft of Tufca-
ny : after which, he detached part of his army
to the affiftance of the confederates in Lom-
bardy ; whereupon the Emperor was obliged to
abandon all the places he was pofieded of in
Italy, except the city of Mantua, as has been
related already; and the following year 1735,
a treaty of peace was concluded between the
Emperor on one fide, and the Spaniards and their
confederates on the other; whereby the king-
doms of Naples and Sicily were confirmed to
Don Carlos; and on the other hand, Milan
and Mantua (except fome few places affigned to
the King of Sardinia) were yielded to the Em-
peror, and Tufcany to the Duke of Lorrain
(after the death of the then Duke) as has been
related already in the hiftory of Germany.
Yyy y
But
A CONTINUATION
But to give a more particular account of the
Tate war in the north of Italy ; altho’ the Em-
peror was furprifed at the beginning of the war,
and loft molt of the towns in Milan within thefpace
of a few months, for want of garrifons to de-
fend them : he afterwards reinforced his army
in the Mantuan, and difputed the ground by
inches with the French and their confederates,
maintaining the remainder of his Italian terri-
tories with great obftinacy, till the confederates
w r ere joined by the victorious army from Na-
ples ; J and then the Imperialifts, finding it im-
polfible to refill the united power of the confe-
derates, retired out of Italy, as has been faid in
the year 1735.
During this war, the molt confiderable ac-
tions w'ere, firft, that of Parma, of which we
received the following account from Mantua,
viz. On the 27th of June 1734, count Merci
palled the Parma with his army : the fame day
he received advice, that the marfhal de Coigny,
had likewife ordered his army to march. The
29th, count Merci advanced towards the vil-
lage of Croceta : he found that the enemy had
already began to intrench themfelves under the
walls of Parma, and that they had poflefled them-
felves of two caffines. That general, at the head
of five companies of grenadiers, fupported by
five or fix battalions, attacked the enemy about
eleven o’clock with fo much vigour, that he
took one of the caffines, and fix pieces of can-
non, which he immediately turned upon the
French ; but he being unfortunately killed foon
after with a cannon ball, and his troops not be-
ing timely fupported, the enemy obliged them
to abandon the calfine: the fight continued,
neverthelefs, with a great deal of vigour till night,
without any confiderable advantage on either fide.
The Prince of Wirtemberg, who took upon
him the command of the army, as foon as he
heard that count Merci was killed, beha-
ved very gallantly : he received two wounds,
and had feveral horfes fhot under him ; there
was only the right wing of our army engaged,
that is to fay, eighteen battalions, with a regi-
ment of horfe, and another of dragoons,, the
left wing not having fired a fhot. We had
about four thoufand men killed and wounded
upon the field of battle.
Among thofe killed the 29th, befides count
Merci, were the prince of Culmbach, counts
Nicholas Palfi and Harrach, general
de Vink, colonels Formentini and Sec-
xendorf, counts Daun, Nesselroth,
Scheffn burg, the marquis d’Este, the
young prince of Lowenftein, 5 rc. Among the
wounded were prince Lewis of Wirtemberg,
the Count de Castelbarco, M. de Dies-
bach, M. de Wachtendonck, M. de
Restoni, &c. General de la Tour was
fikewife wounded, and taken prifoner.
On the other hand, the French acknowledged
they had three or four thoufand men killed and
wounded in this adtion, which they obferved lafted
longer, and was more' bloody than any in the
memory of man. It feems to have been a
drawn battle, both fides claiming the vidtory,
and very probably, had not count Merci, the
German general, been killed in the beginning
of the adtion, the Germans had obtained a com-
pleat vidtory.
The next confiderable adtion was on the
15th of September, when count Koningseck,.
the Imperial general, palled the river Sechia in
the night, furprifed marfhal Broglio, the
French general, in his quarters, took great part
of his baggage, and made between two and three
thoufand prifoners, the general having but juft
time to make his efcape in his fhirt ; and four
days after, viz. on the 19th of September, ano-
ther obftinate battle was fought under the walls
ofGuASTALLA where neither party would ac-
knowledge themfelves beaten, but loft four or
five thoufand men each ; and among the Ger-
man officers was killed Prince Lewis of Wir-
temberg.
The celebrated mafhal Villars command-
ed the French army in Italy, in the beginning
of the year 1733 ; but his memory and judg-
ment failing him, he became troublefome to the
army, and he would have endangered all, if
the King of Sardinia had not prevailed on the
King of France to recall him. He fell fick at
Turin in his way home, and died there on the
17 th of June 1734, in the 84th year of his
age. He was page to Lewis XIV, but went
very young into the army, and foon diftin-
guifhing himfelf, owed his advancement more-
to his merit than his fortune. The French
looked upon him as the reftorer of their repu-
tation in Flanders the laft war, and the greateft
general in his time: he was to the laft a mans
of uncommon gaiety and gallantry ; for whe-
ther fighting or dancing, he appeared with the
fame vivacity and good humour, and feemed an
enemy to none except the jefuitSi What did
not confift well with fuch a temper was his-
love of money; heinriched himfelf too much
by the fpoils of war, and the contributions, he
ufed to raife for fafe guards.
The war in the Netherlands being finifhed by
the peace of Utrecht, the marfhal de V 1 Lr
lars had again the command of the army
in Germany. When he took his leave of the
King, he faid to him, I molt humbly intreat
your Majefty, to confider, that I leave you in
the midft of my enemies, whilft I am going
to fight yours. During the campaign, his ene-
mies told the King, in hopes his Majefty would
cenfure him for it, that he laid out the fum
of eighteen millions of livres in the purchafe of
an
OF MODERN HISTORY.
atr eflate. The King afking him one day at
dinner, if it was true, that he had made i'uch
a purchafe; Yes, Sir, replied the marfhal, who
fufpedted, that thole who told the King of it
were then at the table, I have bought an eftate
which coil; me eighteen [millions of livres, and if
the war continues, and your Majefty trulls me
with the command of your army, I hope to
purchafe a more coniiderable one next year at
the expence of your enemies.
Before I leave Italy, it may be proper to take
notice of the abdication of Victor Amadeus,
King of Sardinia, and of his attempts to r-eafcend
that throne, of which baron Pollnitz has
given us the following particulars, viz.
Victor Amadeus, King of Sardinia and
Duke of Savoy, after the death of the Queen his
wife, who was daughter of Philip of France,
duke of Orleans, by Henrietta of England,
fell in love with the marchionefs of* St. Sebaftian,
lady of honour to the princefs of Piedmont. The
virtue of madame de St. Sebaftian, and the King’s
devotion for her, induced him to marry this fa-
vourite. But not thinking it honourable for a
King to place a fubjeft on his throne, he took a
refolution to refign his crown before he contract-
ed fo unequal a f match. He imparted his de-
fign to madame de St. Sebaftian, who did all fhe
could to prevail with Victor to continue upon
the throne ; but finding he was refolved not to
make her a Queen, fhe confented to his abdica-
tion, ftill thinking herfelf highly honoured, to
become the wife of a Prince who had worn a
crown. King Victor confulted with his chief
favourites, about his abdication, who all advifed
him not to leave the throne. His fon, King
Charles, conjured him to keep poffeflion of it.
I proteft to your Majefty, faid this Prince, I ne-
ver once indulged a wifh to govern, and think my
felf exceeding happy to be your Majefty’s firft
fubjeCl. But all his remonftrances were of no
effeCt; and the 4th of September, 1730, was
fixed for the day of abdication. Upon that day
all the chief perfons in the government, and the
fenate, met in the great hall of the || palace.
There the King appeared, without any marks of
royalty, accompany ’d by the Prince of Piedmont,
and declared to the aflembly, that he was refolved
to yield the throne to his fon ; and that, from that
moment, he exempted them, as he did all bis
fubjeCls, from the oath of allegiance they had taken
to him. He exhorted them at the fame time to
acknowledge his fon Charles, Prince of Pied-
ment, for their King ; and defined them to be as
loyal to their new Sovereign as they had been to
him. Then the aft of abdication was audibly
read by the marquis del Bor go, fecretary of
ftate, and Charles was recognized for King.
After the ceremony was over, King Victor,
with the marchionefs of St. Sebaftian, whom he
had married on condition ** that fhe fhould wear
no other title, fet out from Chamberry, which
he had chofe for the place of his retirement. But
fcarce a month was paft, ere he began to repent
of having given the reins out of his hands, tho’
the King, his fon, behaved as dutifully to him as
if he had been ftill his fubjeCt. When King Vic-
tor refigned, he advifed his fon to caufe the
lands of the nobility and gentry to be furveyed,
and to impofe a tax on them in proportion to
the number of acres. This fcheme, tho’ it had a
view to the increafe of the King’s revenues, tend-
ed to the ruin of the nobility ; for which reafon
Charles, when he came to the crown, did
not think proper to put it in execution. Victor
being incenfed at it, wrote about it to his fon, rather
in the ftile of his lord and mafter than his father ;
and perceiving that Charles was ftill averfe to
his counfel, he entertained a thought of re-afcend-
ing the throne, ft To this end, he fecretly felt
* The Prince had a kindnefs for mademoifelle de Cumiane, before toe Was married to the count de St. Se-
baftain, when toe was maid of hone ur to madame royale. She was afterwards a lady of honour
Dutchefs of Savoy, and at laid tire-woman to the Princefs of Piedmont, late Queen of Sardinia. She was, left
a widow 1 723. While toe was married to the count de St. Sebaftain, toe ihll preierved the King s Inend-
toip and erteem and was always in great credit with him. When toe became a widow, the old flames of love
broke out again ; the King gave her an apartment at court, where he could fee her without being ieen , and
thn/A motive of this abdication was his perplexity on account of
and Tnfcanv and the introduaion of the Infante Don Carlos into Italy. They fay, he entered into engage
ments relating to this! fird° with the court of Vienna, and afterwards with Spam and „ no, tang polhble o
E »tS either 'of thefe courts, without expofmg himfelf to the ,e entmen, . of The other , » ab-
dicate, at lead for a time, becaufe he knew of no other evay to extrtcjK h.nifelf .roir, ,
II The abdication was performed the 3 d of September, in the caftle of Rivoli. 1 he declared motives were the
fati^es of 7 oT fifty years, the infirmities of old age, and the neceffity of tome interval of retirement be-
tweenato attmk 0 f St . Sebaftian till he came to Chamberry where fee met Um
for heSout K Turin without her. When he married her, he gave he, one hundred
which toe purchafed the marquifate of Spigo for her children, and then exchanged her title of counteis St.
baftian for that of marchionefs of Spigo. , , . c , , 1 .r rr , n rlufionof the
tfVicTO* Amadeus tookit into his head to re-atoendthe throne as toon as he heard of the concluiion 0 1 me
yi6
A CONTINUATION
the pulfe of the people, and found them all faith- The King was ft ill in hopes that he ftiould be
ful i'ubjefts to Charles: yet all this did not able to make Victor eafy, and was willing to
difcourage him ; he relied upon the troops, which have an interview with him, and for that pur-
he knew had an efteem for him, and he thought pofe he went with his Queen toEvian, and from
they would alfo be his friends; for molt of thence to Chamberry, where Charles paid his
the officers having been preferred by him, he did father a vifit, but found him very much out of
not doubt but they were ft ill attached to him; temper. The Prince, however, bore all with the
and he flattered himfelf with their concurrence to dutifulnefs of afon. But when he took leave of
his deligns. He wrote to the marfhal Khe bin- Victor, he paid a vifit to madame de St. Se-
der, in general terms indeed, but in a itile that baftian, with whom he had along conference,
was very toothing and tempting. This general. He delired this lady to pacify King Victor,
who was commander in chief of the forces, be- and to difluade him from concerning himfelf any
ing fenfible of what confequence it was to de- farther with ftate affairs. He hath made me a
prive King Victor of the leaft hopes of re-af- King, faith Charles, and a King I will be.
cending the throne, returned hiinanfwer, that he You can do any thing with him, therefore make
owned he was obliged to him for his eftate, ho- him eafy. If he does not like this, let him chufe
nours, and everything. “ Your Majefty, faid any other caftle or place in my dominions that he
“ the marfhal in his letter, has made me all likes better, of which he fhall have the entire dif-
“ that lam. I am under no obligation to King pofal. They fay Charles dropt a hint in this
“ Charles, but my engagements to your Ma- converfation, that he was inclined to yield his fa-
“ jefty are inexpreffible ; tho’ of all the favours ther a province in fovereignty : however he pro-
“ which you have heaped upon me, the honour of mifed great advantages to madame de St. Sebaftian,
“ your efteem was always to me thedeareft. Give not only for herfelf, but for the fon fhe had by a
“ me leave therefore, fir, to preferve that efteem, former marriage, and for her brothers. This la-
“ which I prefume to fay, I have acquir’d by dy promifed the King all that he defired, but kept
“ th e blood I have fpilt for your fervice; whereas, her word very ill ; for her ambition to be Queen
“ fir, I fhould forfeit it, were I to be fo unhappy prompted her to make King Victor every day
“ as to be guilty of perjury to the King you have more and more uneafy.
“ given me, and to whom you have enjoined Victor after this obferved no meafures, and
‘ £ my obedience. I fhall be as true to him as I faid publickly, that he would re-afcend the throne.
“ was to your Majefty, and will fpend the laft To this end, he thought it neceflary for him to
“ drop of my blood to maintain him on the be nearer Turin. He therefore wrote to the
“ throne. Iam, however, always ready to give King, his fon, that the air of Chamberry was bad
“ your Majefty the molt fincere marks of my for his health, and defired him to let him go and
“ refpedt for your perfon, being fully perfuaded, refide at the caftle of Montcallier. Charles
“ fir, that your Majefty will lay no commands on was returned to Turin when he received this
“ rne, but fuch as are agreeable to that juftice letter; but before he had time to anfwer it, he
“ which ever accompanied all your actions, &c. underftood that the King his father, and madame
This anfwer was not iufficient to cool King de St. Sebaftian, were already come to Monteal-
Victor’s ambition to refume the government, her. He was not at all forry for it ; becaufe, as he
He wrote a fecond time to the marfhal de Rhe- knew King Victor’s deligns, he could better
binder, and to other general officers. He af- obferve his motions when fo near him : and King,
fumed an imperious ftile, and fignified that he Victor, on his part, was glad that he was at
knew how to punifh thole that refufed to obey Montcallier, in hopes that the neighboiffhood of
him. All thefe letters were carried to King Turin might give him a better opportunity of
Charles; who being concerned to fee his fa- tampering with thegarrifon, and the command-
ther fo uneafy, faid to thole who brought them, ing officer of the place. He did all that was in
What would you have me do ? He is my Father ; his power to gain them, and gave fuch publick *
I depend upon your fidelity, and refign myfelf proofs of his intention to re-afcend the throne,
to Providence. that Charles’s minifters,ff fearing leaft he fhould
call
treaty of V ienna, by which the Emperor consented to the Introdu&ion of the Spaniards, he then let the mar-
chionefs del Spigo into the true motives of his abdication, and into the meafures he intended to take for re-afeend-
ing the enrone. This ambiticu? woman encouraged him ; and being withal a very cunning intriguing perfon,
fne left no Hone unturned, to bring a projedl to bear which would fet her on the throne ; and ffie engaged all
her friends and relations in the affair, of whom fome betrayed her.
* Thefe proofs were his fending for the marquis del Eorgo to Montcallier, demanding the inftrument of
abdication from him, giving him but twelve hours time to fetch it, and his appearing before the citadel of Turin,
with a view of getting into it, and of animating the gariion to a (lift him in his enterprife.
j Thefe were all privy couniellors and great men ; who, being aiiembled by order of the King, and confuted
on
7 J 7
OF MODERN HISTORY.
call in foreigners to his affiftance, unanimoully
advifed the king to confine him. The young
Prince exclaimed feveral times againft this propo-
fition. What, faid he, make my father a pri-
foner ? No ; I can never content to that. And
indeed it was a long time ere he could agree to
it ; but at length he was prevail’d on by the ftre-
nuous follioitations of his council ; tho’, when
he figned the order for confining him, his hands
fhook to fuch a degree, that the fecretary ot
ftate was obliged to guide it.
The count de la Perouse, lieutenant ge-
neral of his forces, was charged with the exe-
cution of the warrant for arrefting King Vic-
tor, and had a detachment given him of three
thoufand men, drawn out of the garrifons ofTu-
rin, and other neighbouring places, to fupport him
in the undertaking. They all marched out at the
fame hour from their quarters, without knowing
whether they were to go; and at-two o’clock next
morning they all arrived at the ptace appointed,
at Montcallier. The count de la Perouse, at-
tended by the chevalier d e Sol a re, lieutenant
governor, at the head of a detachment of grena-
diers, with their bayonets fcrew’d to their muf-
kets, went up the great ftair-cafe of the palace,
which led to King Victor’s apartment, while
the marquis d’OR mea, fecretary of ftate, who
carry’d the order figned by King Charles, fe-
cured the back-ftairs with another detachment of
grenadiers. M. de la Perouse finding the
apartment fhut, broke open the door, and
after feizing a page in waiting, that was a-
lleep in the firft antichamber, he made his way
farther, and forced open all the doors till he came
to the chamber where the King was a-bed with
madame de St. Sebaftian. T his lady hearing a
noife arofe immediately, and having only time
to flip on a night-gown, ran to the door, when
feeing fo many armed men, fhe cryed out, Oh,
fir, we are betrayed ! They gave her no time to
fay more ; but two officers carried her into the
next chamber, where they caufed her to be drefs’d,
and afterwards conduced her to Ceve, a fortrefs
ofPiedmont.
Neither the outcry of madame de St. Sebaftian,
nor all the noife that was made, had awaked King
Victor, who always flept found. The che-
valier de Solare feiz’d the King’s fword, which
he faw lying on a table, and the count de la
Perouse went to the bed-fide and opened the
curtains. Upon that the king ftarted out of his
fieep, and asked, what was the matter ? The count
de la Perouse faid to him, that he had orders
from the King to arreft him. What King do
you mean, faid Victor, ’tis I that am your
King and mafter, you ought to acknowledge no
other. Your Majefty has been fo, replied the
count, but you are fo no longer ; and fince it
has pleafed you to give us King Charles for
our lord and mafter, and to command us to obey
him, I hope your felf will fet us an example
of fuch obedience. The King was in a violent
paffion, threatened the officers, and refufed to
rife. The chevalier de Solare, coming too
near the bed, the King punched him with his
elbow in the belly, and commanded him in
wrath to withdraw. As he Hill continued ob-
ftinate in his refufal to rife, the officers lifted him
up, and drefs’d him. The King was heard to fay,
in the mean time, that he only wifficd to fit two
hours on the throne, that he might hang up the
rafcals that had milled his fon ; and he named the
principal lords of the court.
As foon as he was drefs’d the officers furround-
ed him, and conduced him down the great ftair-
cafe to his coach, that waited for him in the
yard. The King feeing the anti-chamber full of
grenadiers, feemed furprifed at it ; and the fol-
diers, who as yet knew not on what errand they
were fent, feemed no lefs furprifed, when they
faw their old King was to be carry’d off a pri-
foner. What ? our King ! faid they foftly to
each other. What has he done ? What is the
matter? The count de la Perouse fearing a
mutiny, called out, Silence, in the King’s name,
on, pain of death. The old King found drawn
up in the court-yard, a regiment of dragoons,
which he had always valued above the reft of his
troops. The fight of it affedled him ; and he
would have fpoke to it, but no time was allow-
ed him, and he was obliged to go into the coach,
The count de la Perouse, and the cheva-
lier de de Solare, asked his leave to fit with
him ; but the King anfwered, he would not fuffer
it. So they mounted their horfes, rode by the
fides of the coach, which was furrounded by
the foldiers, and conducted him to Rivoli. Ihad-
almoft forgot to tell you, that when he went from.
Montcallier, he asked for three things ; his wife,
his papers, and his fnulf-box, the laft of which,
was all he obtained.
The day after he came to Rivoli, as they were
clapping iron bars and double fhutters to the win-
dows of his apartment, the King afked the gla-
zier, what he was going to do ? I am going*,
faid the man, to put on double fhutters to your
windows, that you may not catch cold this win-
ter. How now, varlet ! faid the King, do you
think I fhall fpend all the winter here ? Ah by
my faith, replied the glazier, you will pafs this
winter here, I believe, and many more.
This prince was attended with care, and treat-
ed with all the refpedt due to his perron ; and
they?
on the imminent danger of his being dethroned, were all of cp.nion for pu,tmg Victor Ajadeu.
confort under an arreft.
A CONTI
they fay he began to be corapofed. The che-
valier de Solas E, and two captains of the guards,
were appointed to take care of him, with whom
he fometimes played at billiards. They had or-
ders to treat him with all manner of refpedt, but
to give no anfwer to any of his complaints. *
In the whole courfe of this affair, ’tis fortunate
for King Charles, that not one of his fub-
jedts failed in his allegiance to him ; he has not
been obliged to ftain his government by any
bloody execution, nor has he caufed above three
perfons to be apprehended, among whom were
King Victor’s two phyficians that carried his
letters, but they are lately let at liberty.
They lay, that madame de St. Sebaftian fell in-
to a deep melancholy, and lived intirely upon
broth of her own making. After her difgrace,
her fon, who was an enfign in the guards, was
no longer feenat court. The young King mif-
fing him, ordered the marquis d’Orme a, minifter
and fecretary of ftate, to acquaint him, that he
might come to court and continue in his employ-
ment, and that his Majefty affured him, he did not
intend he fhould be a fufferer for any crime what-
foever, which madame deSt, Sebaftian had com-
mitted, and that he would take care of his for-
tune.
The Piedmontefe are charmed with their new
King; and indeed he is a Prince, fays the baron,
that has the qualities of a good monarch. He is
humane, compaflionate, generous, and benefi-
cent. He is a little under fize in ftature, but
very well fhaped ; dances well, loves pleafures,
and particularly hunting. Without flattery, one
may fay, he is endowed with a great many vir-
tues ; and that if he has faults, ’tis only owing
to human nature, with which intire perfec-
tion is incompatible.
His firft Queen was of the family of Heffe
Rhinfels. She brought the King two princes f
and a princefs; but dying in 1736, his Sardi-
nian Majefty is lately married to the eldeft princefs
of Bavaria.
The death of John Gaston de Medicis,
Duke of Tufcany, happening in the month of
June *737, the Duke of Lorrain, in purfuance
of the late treaty between the Emperor and
France, and her allies, took pofleflion of that
dutchy, as has been intimated already ; and on
his return to Vienna, appointed the princefs Anna-
Mar ia-Louisa, After of the late Duke, to be
regent of Tufcany in his abfence. The Duke
of Parma, Anthony Farnese, father-in-law
to the prefent Queen of Spain, died fome years
before him without iflue, viz. in the month of
January 1731.
What is moll remarkable in tie Modern
NUATION
History of Genoa, is, the rebellion of their
fubjedls in the ifland of Corlica, which could ne-
ver have fubfifted fo many years, if Jt was not
fomented by fome foreign powers ; but who they
are is yet a fecret ; and we know as little of
Theodore, who ftiles himfelf their King ; but
he will probably be laid aflde, or forced to abdi-
cate by the French, who under pretence of ma-
king themfelves umpires between the Genoefe
and their fubjefts, have introduced a body of troops
into that ifland, and will probably give law to
both.
The republick of Genoa alfo has been in fome
confufion lately, by an infurredtion of the popu-
lace, and made France umpire of their differences;
but all is quiet again there.
As to the republick of Venice, they feem to
have remained in a ftate of indolence of late years,
ftudying nothing more than to be at peace with all
their neighbours ; however, they happened to give
fome difguft to the court of Great Britain, by the
honours they paid the foil of the Chevalier St.
George, and their minifter at the Britilh court
was thereupon commanded home.
I have already mentioned the marriage of Don
Carlos, King of the T wo Sicilies with the
princefs royal of Poland, the laft year, which will
probably perfedtly reconcile the courts ofSpain and
France to his Majefty King Augustus III.
whofe advancement to that throne was made the
grand pretence for the late war commenced againft
the Emperor, by France and her allies of Spain
and Sardinia.
A continuation of the prefent fate of France.
'C'RANCE is fituated between 42 and 51 de- r
- L grees north latitude, and between 5 degrees
weft, and 8 degrees eaft longitude.
Paris is fituated in 48 degrees 40 minutes north
latitude, and 2 degrees 15 minutes eaft longitude.
I have given the dimenfions of this capital in the 1
former edition of Modern History, and
fhall now entertain the reader with fome obfer-
vations of Baron Pol lnitz on that city. He
feems to admit that London exceeds Paris about
one fifth in bignefs, and as much in the number
of its inhabitants ; but obferves, that Paris a -
bounds in elegant palaces of the nobility, and
fine convents, which are not to be met with at
London. In the character he gives of the natives,
he fays, Tho’ the French have their faults as well
as other nations, they have, however, a thoufand
good qualities ; and I think them, fays he, much
more amiable at home than they are abroad, •
where, be a man ever fo much prepolleffed in
their favour upon other accounts, he is furfeited
with
* He died O&ober 31. 1732.
f There is now but one prince, the youngeft being dead ; but three prince fibs.
OF MODE R I s
with their eternal criticifms, and to hear them in-
cefiantly remarking, They don’t do fb at Paris ;
You don’t fee this in France. Here they are po-
lite, good-natured, humane, civil, and engaging ;
and a foreigner, who can bring himfelf ever fo
little into their way of thinking, aCting, and fpeak-
ing, will always be forry to leave them.
But that itch of gaming, adds the baron, which
has infeCted the generality of the French, is look’d
upon as one of the plagues of the nation. I can’t
imagine how ’tis poffible for people, who can
fcarce ftay a quarter of an hour in one place, but
are generally reftlefs wherever they are, to fit five
or fix hours together in cutting and fhu filing the
cards. ’Tis however, a neceffary evil, efpecially
fora foreigner, who mull otherwife make a ve-
ry filly, figure, till he is initiated in the cuftoms
of the country. The ladies fay of a man who
does not play, that he is a ufelefs piece of lum-
ber ; and the molt flaming lovers ceafe to make
love as foon as cards are brought upon the car-
pet.
There are fome houfes, however, where this
pafiion for gaming is not quite fo prevalent ; ’tis
laid too, that the lawyers houfes are not fo liable
to the contagion ; but I own I am not converfant
enough with them to know the difference. ’Tis
certain that at court they play deeper than any
where; and very many of the nobility have im-
paired their fortunes, for the fake of having the
honour to be one of a party with the King.
His Majefty commonly plays at lanfquenet ; the
party confifts of twelve cutters, who fet a lewis
d’or upon the card. The King, and the princi-
pal eamefters, as the count de T. hou louse-, the
duke d’Antin, the duke de Grammont, and
the like, fet two, and fometimes four lewis d’ors
upon a ftake. The King is reckoned to have the
belt luck of all that play in the Queen’s apart-
ment. Any body that is well drefled,. is admitted
to make one of the company, which forms a
great court, tho’ a mixed afi'embly. All the la-
dies fit round the gaming table, and the men
ftand. The French fay, that gaming fets every
body upon a level. There is one St. Remi,
who had been a lacquey, firft to the marfnal
de Est rees’s, lady, and then to the duke of
Bourbon, who preferred him to be his valet de
chambre, and at the Queen’s arrival, gave him
a poll in her Majefty’s houfhold, which he held
at the fame that he officiated as the duke s
valet de chambre: I have feen this man raife
or fall the mirth of the King’s company at
pleafure. It is true he does not cut, but he is
at every card, and makes very good paftime.
At Fontainebleau, I heard him one day bet the
King twenty lewis d’ors upon his own card
againft his Majefty’s. The King anfwered cool-
ly, No marquis ; which is a nickname his Ma-
jefty has given him, and may, nevprthelefs, be
J HISTORY.
tranfmitted to the pofterity of this Srn. Remi,
who is moreover fop enough to be a marquis.
This medley of people at play has been the
cuftom in France at all times.
It is certain, however, that this liberty, with
which all forts of people are indulged, of com-
ing in for a game and away, renders them
faucy. That noted comedian Baron, the
greateft coxcomb of all men living before the
Quin aults, was one day at the houfe of the
Prince de Conti, the fame that had been
chofe King of Poland, where they were play-
ing at lanfquenet. Baron, pulling his purfe
out with a carelefs air, faid to the Prince, Ten
Lewis d’ors upon the knave, M. de Conti*
Done, Britannicus, faid the Prince de Conti,
who knew that Baron had been juft adding
that part in a play. It is certain, that at many of
the womens houfes, the gamefters are’ as muen
pampered, as a father confefl'or is by his female
votaries. A great many houfes fubfift here by
the emoluments of gaming ; where, were it not
for the money arifing from their cards, their
fuppers would be very light, and many that
now ride would go on foot. The Duke de
Gevres, governor of Paris, and the Prince
of Carignan, who have a grant for licenfing all
manner of gaming, have farmed it out, and’
get one hundred and twenty thoufand livres a-
piece by it, clear money, which one (hall hard,
ly find in any city of the world.
In fpeaking of Mr. Laws’s fcheme, or the
Miffiffippi project, he obferves, that the debts -
of Lewis XIV. a little before he died, amount-
ed to two thoufand two hundred millions of
livres ; but by the reduction of the principal and
intereft of the revenues of the town-houfe (of
Paris) by ftriking off two fifths upon all con-
tracts, and by reducing intereft to four per cent,
the debts- of the ftate were reduced to one thou-
fand eight hundred millions, which was the
very fum that was owing from the crown when ■
Lewis XV. came to it. The debts of the go-*-
vernment were afterwards reduced, to one thou-
fand four hundred millions, by finking a quarter,
a half, and three fourths, upon the ftate. bills, as
well as other debts owing by the King, as alfo •
on penfions, and by the recovery of great fums. -
thro’ the chamber of juftice,
And in this ftate were the finances in France,-,
when Mr. Law undertook to pay the re-
mainder of their debts of the crown by the:
Miffiffipi fcheme, which he did in a manner ef-
fect, but it was by robbing multitudes of private
people of their fortunes.
The players are much more refpeCted at Pa-
ris, according to the fame writer, than heie,
which makes them infolent to the laft degree.
The nobility are fond of their company, anc •
admit them to their parties of pleafure: as
they.
they are kings upon the ftage, and equals and
companions at table with the belt lords in the
kingdom. The adtors in the opera, as well
as they divert the publick for lucre, have
indeed the privilege, that a gentleman may be
admitted among them without difparagement
to his title : this is a favour, fays a modern
author, very juftly, which had never yet been
granted to thofe who perform in the publick
fpedtacles, and who give diverlion for money ;
becaufe in molt of the ages of chriftianity they
had been looked upon as perfons excommuni-
cated and infamous, by reafon of the corrup-
tion in morals, owing to their then too licen-
tious reprefentations, which, perhaps, is no
longer apprehended to be the cafe at prelent.
It is certain, that if a performer in an opera may
be noble, I cannot fee why a perfon may not
be the fame in a comedy ; tho’ it is my opi-
nion, that if ftage-players may be gentlemen,
rope-dancers and tumblers have a title to it:
for, befides the honour they have of diverting
the publick, they run the rifk of breaking their
necks every day ; and is not that the lot of the
nobility?
Tho’ lackeys are not commonly the fubjedts
of converfation, yet, I think, that thofe of Pa-
ris deferve fome notice. They form fo con-
fiderable a body, that there are many Kings
who have not fo numerous an army. Befides,
thele fellows make fuch extraordinary fortunes,
and often rife from valets to be mailers and
gentlemen, that really they ought not to be con-
founded in the lump with the European lackeys.
Thofe of them that fet up for fine fellows, as
many of them do (for in the livery of Paris,
you meet with every thing that is handfome
and gay) fuch, I fay, as are in the fervice of
fome young noblemen, are commonly equals
and companions with their mailers. There are
others, who are the darlings of the fair fex ;
and, if fatire may be credited, and appearances
perhaps, into the bargain, there are ladies even
of the firft quality, who do not always treat
their lackeys as fervants. It is true, they moll
commonly take them out of the livery, and in
order to bring them near their perfons, they
make them their pages, or valets de chambre.
Nothing is thought too good for thefe favou-
rites of Venus; they are rigged outlike Princes,
and were you to fee one of thefe fortunate lac-
keys, you would naturally take him for fome
perfon of confequence. And, indeed, there are
fome who adt the man of quality to fuch a per-
fedtion, that nothing can exceed it, and they
have often better manners than their mailers. The
airs of importance, and of quality, are very
natural to the French. There are others of the
menial clafs that enjoy the favour of their young
mailers, in a way fo uncommon, that one knows
not what to think of it ; and many of thefe
young gentlemen, forgetting the refpedl that is
due to their own perfons, and their famihU,
make parties at fupper with them, at which
time, I fancy, converfation is the lea 11 part- of
the entertainment. But. fuch is the fpirit of
debauchery, that has infected the generality of
the young people at court, tho’ it is true enough
that it ever was fo.
I do not lay that exceffive debauchery is the
univerfal gout — • of the nation ; for, on the
contrary, the French are virtuous from the era-,
die to the grave, if they are but fo happy as to
get over the four or five years of juvenile fury,
and to furmount the tumultuous pallions which
their great vivacity kindles in their brealls, and
prompts them to do things at twenty years
of age, which at thirty they detell and abhor:
and I affirm of the French, in general, that they
are not vicious by inclination. The nobleman
is infinitely more fo than the bulk of the peo-
ple ; and whether i.t is bad company, bad coun-
fel, or whatever it is that milleads him, he
thinks that to be debauched gives him a fine
air, and many of them really boall of being
greater debauchees than in fadt they are.
But this does not feem to me to be the cafe
of the women (I mean thofe that are not very
rigidly attacked to the precepts of virtue.) They
always preferve an appearance of decency,
which impofes on fuch as do not know them :
nor is their converfation licentious; and if they
are naughty, it is in private. It is certain, that our
countrymen do not do the French ladies jullice.
Many of our young fellows, when they comehome
from Paris, affedting to be coxcombs, tell Ho-
nes fo much to the difadvantage of the fair fex,
that moll of the German gentlemen, and ef-
pecially of our ladies, think the reverfe of what
they ought to do. Virtue and modelly are as
eminent among the fex here as elfewhere ; and
thofe whifflers that give themfelves the liberty of
fcandalizing them, very often know not how
to call one woman of quality by her right name,
and even never faw her antichamber. It is cer-
tain, that there are women of quality here who
have laid afide the malk ; but of thefe there are
fo few, that the whole fex ought not to be re-
proached for their mifeondudt. I give you my
word and honour, that there are fine young ladies
here, born to charm our fex, whom calumny itfelf
is obliged to refpedl, and I do not fee what more
can be defired. I will not vouch the fame for the
young gentlemen, of whom, indeed, the great-
efc number is very much debauched ; but there
are fome that have quitted the reins of modelly.
ATREMOuiUE,aLuxEMBouRG,a Bouf-
flers, and many more may be fet up as ex-
amples to our youth, who perhaps would be
worfe than the youth of France, if they were
entered
721
OF MODERN HISTORY.
entered as young into company, and feated in
the centre of joy and pleafures.
The hiftory of France was brought down to the
year 1729, in the former part of this work ; and
as to the French wars in Poland, Germany, and
Italy, iince that time they have been already treated
of in the continuance of the hiftory of the re-
lpeftive countries above-mentioned. I proceed
now to enquire, what other occurrences of con-
fequence have happened in the hiftory of France,
between the year 1729 and the prefent time : and
the firft we meet with is the birth of a Dauphin,
on the 24th of Auguft, O. S. 1729, to the un-
fpeakable joy of the French nation. The queen
had three daughters before, as was related in the
former edition of Modern History.
In the month of November 1729, the mar-
quis of Villeneuve, amballador of France at
Conftantinople, fent to* his mafcer, the moll
Chriftian King, a diftionary of the Turkifh and
Arabian languages, being the firft book that was
printed in the Grand Signior’s prefs at Conftan-
tinople ; and they had begun an impreffion of
the Alcoran there.
The Duke of Lorrain arriving at the court
of France at Chriftmas 1730, did homage to
the French King at Verfailles on new-year’s-day
following, for the dutchy of Bar, and other do-
mains of that crown. The duke made but a
ihort ftay in France, but during his refidence
there, prefented the officers and attendants of
his molt Chriftian Majefty, with the value of an
hundred and fifty thoufand livres. And, on the
other hand, the King gave the Duke eight pieces
of rich tapeftry, representing the works of Ra-
phael, wrought in gold, valued at two hun-
dred thoufand livres. And now the controver-
fy relating to the bull Unigenitus being revived
in France, his molt Chriftian Majefty publilhed a
declaration on the 24th of March 1730, ordain-
ing, that the conftitution Unigenitus fhould be
inviolably obferved ; and that as it was become
the law of the church, the acceptation of it
fhould be looked upon as a law of the king-
dom ; and caufed the faid declaration to be re-
giftered in his prefence, at his bed of juftice,
held on the third of April 1730; tho’ feveral
counfellors fpoke with great warmth againft it,
defiring the King to fufpend the regiftering the
declaration, fince it might be attended, as they
fuggefted, with fatal confequences.
There were about three hundred and twenty
prefidents or counfellors prefent, of whom not
above thirty or forty voted for the regiftering
of the declaration ; and yet, the chancellor com-
manded, in the King’s name, that the faid de-
claration fhould be regiftered fimply, that is,
without any reftriftion or limitation. Among
the opponents, fome were for making remon-
ftrances to his Majefty, and others, for defiring
that Prince to revoke his declaration.
VOL. III.
Among ft the reft, the abbot GuILLebauo
faid : “ To accept the bull in the fenfe requir’d
44 by the declaration, they muft think as the
44 author of the bull did, on all the propofitions
44 condemned therein : this is required upon pain
44 of excommunication. Now every body knows,
44 fays he, what the Pope thinks in the ninety-firft
44 propofition : he believes he hath a right in
44 certain cafes, to wreft the fceptre from the
44 King’s hand, and difpofe of his crown as he'
44 fhall think fit. ” Here the chancellor inter-
rupted him, and faid : Pray, fir, where have you
learn’d, or who has told you, that the Pope
thinks fo ? 44 In the legend of Gregory VII.”
replied Monfieur Guillebaud, and feve-
ral other counfellors with him. To which the
abbot added, for the conclufion of his vote,
44 This is fo frightful and terrifying, that we
44 have no other part to aft, nor any other
<c courfe to take, but humbly to requeft his
44 Majefty to withdraw his declaration.”
Monfieur Delpeche faid, 44 I fhould think
44 myfelf guilty of high-treafon, if I confented
44 to the regiftering of this declaration.
M. Verrin exprefTed himfelf in thefe words,
direfted to the chancellor. 44 I believe, fir,
44 this declaration cannot but kindle a fire both
44 in church and ftate. ” This, faid the chan-
cellor, is very far from our intentions, feeing
that on the contrary, we defign to reftore peace
to both. 44 A falfe and infidious peace, replied
44 M. de Verrin, which would tend to fub-
44 jeft the King to the Pope, whereof the dif-
44 mal eonfequences ought to ftrike all good
44 fubjefts, and efpecially magiftrates, to the very
44 heart : therefore, fir, my opinion is, that his
4 Majefty may be moft humbly addrefled to re-
44 call his declaration. ”
When the King’s declaration for the accepta-
tion of the bull Unigenitus was produced in the
parliament of Normandy, it was refolved, by a
majority of voices, to appoint a committee to
examine that declaration ; who having made
their report, it was agreed to make remonftran-
ces to the King : thofe remonftrances were ac-
cordingly drawn up and read in an affembly of
the chambers, the 17 th of May, and fent to-
court the fame day : but the parliament having '
received a lettre de juflion (a letter of command)
containing an exprefs order from his Majefty to
regifter the King’s declaration, they obeyed his
Majefty’s intentions the nineteenth. The re-
monftrances above-mentioned were to this ef-
feft: 44 That when they regiftered the confti-
44 tution Unigenitus, in 1714 and 1720, it was
44 done with modifications and explanations,
44 efpecially with regard to the XCI propofition,
44 which was condemned by the Pope’s bull,
44 and implied. That the fear of an unjuft ex-
44 communication ought not to hinder us from
“ doing our duty : that his Majefty’s new de-
Z z z z 44 claration*
A CONTI N
“ claration, ordering the eonftitution to be ob- '
« ferved according to its form and tenor, feems
« to annul thefe modifications : that the Safety
“ of his Majefty’s facred perfon, and the rights
« of the independency of his crown, ought not
« to be grounded upon ambiguous propofitions,
« which may make room for interpretations,
“ of which the Ultramon tains may take ad-
“ vantage for the fupport of their dodtrine, con-
« cerning the temporalities of King’s ;, efpecial-
« lyata time, when the legend of Gregory
t4 VII. {hews the fecret motives of the 91ft
“ propofition : that by condemning this propo-
“ fition, it follows, that the fear of an unjuft
<c excommunication fhould hinder the parlia-
“ ment from doing their duty ; fince, if it
“ fhould happen, that the court of Rome fhould
«* threaten his Majefty’s fubjedts to fulminate his
“ excommunication upon their heads, they would
“ then be difcharged from the oath of fidelity
“ they have taken to him, &c.
“ Our fear encreafes, they add, when we re-
« fledt that the legend, which does a Pope the
“ honour to rank among the faints, one who
t« reckoned it a priviledge annexed to his dig-
« nity to exercife an authority of dethroning
“ Emperors and Kings, and difpofing ot their
crowns as he pleafed, came from the fame
« hand, and the fame power, that publifhed
“ the eonftitution Unigenitus. What difficulties,
* c fire, nay what difmal confequences, may we
« expedt, if the fubjedts, being accuftomed to
46 look upon the eonftitution as a law of the
« univerfal church in point of dodtrine, as it
<t is called in your declaration, fhould perfuade
“ themfelves, that there are certain occafions,
« wherein they may fall off from their fidelity
“ to their King. ”
Eorty advocates of the parliament of Paris, who
had oppofed the regiftering of the bull Unigenitus,
were afterwards reftored to the King s favour,
on making a fubmiffion of the following te-
nor, viz. ,
44 We were always thoroughly convinced,
“ and {hall always take a pride in publickly
<£ profeffing, that the kingdom of France is a
ftate absolutely monarchical : that the fu-
“ preme authority refides in the Angle perfon
of the Sovereign : that your Majefty holds in
“ your kingdom the place of God alone, of
“ whom you are the lively image : that the fub-
“ million which is due to you is a duty of le-
“ ligion, which ought to be performed, not for
“ fear of punifhment, but out of motives of
“ confcience : that there is no power upon earth
« that can discharge people from the inviolable
“ fidelity which they owe to their Sovereign :
“ that excommunication itfelf, fo terrible, when
“ it is pronounced upon juft grounds, can never
“ break the facred knot which binds fubjedts to
U ATI ON
;t their King : that his authority is no way's to
« be ft ruck at under any pretence whatsoever :
“ that he is the only Sovereign legiflator in his
“ dominions : that the parliaments, and other
« courts of the kingdom, hold of your Majefty
“ alone, the authority they exercife: that the
“ refpedt and fubmiffion which are paid to their
“ arrets center in your Majefty, as the foun-
“ tain from whence rhey Spring, and that for
“ this reafon, juftice is adminiftered there in
“ your Majefty’s name : that it is your Ma-
“ jefty that Speaks in the arrets, and that they
“ are no farther to be executed, than as they are
“ ftamped with your Majefty’s Seal.
“ Thefe, fire, are the truths, in which we
“ are daily confirmed by the exercife of our
“ office, in the prefence of the parliament, fo
“ careful to maintain all the prerogatives of
“ your facred authority. Our confciences fhall
“ never reproach us for departing from them ;
“ we will never abandon them, and fhall be
“ ready at all times, and upon all occafions,
“ to Sacrifice our lives and fortunes in the fup-
“ port of thefe fame truths.
“ Moreover, fire, we look on it as an un-
“ alterable principle, that the minifters of the
“ church, who are members of the ftate and
“ fubjedts of your Majefty, are, like all the other
« orders of the kingdom, fubjedt to all the laws
“ which bear the charadter of the royal autho-
rity : that they hold of Jesus Christ alone,
“ and of his church, the Spiritual power, of
“ which the Salvation of fouls is the objedt, and
« which commands obedience, by the terror of
« Spiritual punifhment ; but that it is to your Ma-
« jefty alone that they owe the outward jurif-
« didtion, which they exercife in your dominions,
<• for the ufe of which they are neceffarily ac-
“ countable to your Majefty, and consequently to
“ the parliament, which adminifters juftice in your
« name, and to whom it belongs, under your au-
« thority, to prevent by way of appeal, any in-,
<c jury that might come from that quarter, to
“ the law and maxims of the kingdom.
“ This is the effential point upon which we
“ ufed the liberty which we have to anfwer
“ queftions, concerning which we are confulted
“ by the parties that apply to us ; and which
“ we flatter ourfelves, fire, your Majefty will
be pleafed to preferve to us.
« Laftly, we take the liberty to proteft to
your Majefty, that by the expreffions in our
paper, we did not mean any thing but what
was conformable to the truths we have here
laid before your Majefty, and in the fame
fenfe that feveral have ufed them before us,
in fome ordinances of the Kings your Maje-
fty’s predeceffors, in the moil approved au-
thors. Every other fenfe, every other inter-
pretation, is ftill farther from our thoughts ;
r “we
€C
OF MODERN
we difavow, fire, and deteft, every thing that
tends in the leaft to ftrike at your authority;
<c andifwe knew of any ftronger terms wewould
<e make ufe of them, to exprefs to your Ma-
“ jefty the integrity and fidelity of our fenti-
“ ments.
It appears by this fubmiifion, as a certain writer
obferves, that the advocates here aflert the preten-
fions of the rights and privileges of the kingdom, a-
gainfttheUltramontains,aswellas theindependance
of the crown; and, it feems, the King was pleafed
to accept of it in the moil authentick manner.
By an arret publifhed on the tenth of March
1731, all difputes and contefts concerning the
bull Unigenitus, were fuppreffed and prohibit-
ed, and particularly in the univerfities of the
kingdom.
The Pope, in the mean time, condemned the
principles contained in the abovefaid fubmiifion of
the advocates of Paris, and decreed that it fhould
remain eternally fuppreffed, as containing maxims
and propofitions, falfe, fcandalous, rafh, fedi-
tious, tending to the deftrudlion of the hierar-
chy, and invading the jurifdiction of the church,
and contrary to the fupreme authority of the
fovereign Pontiff ; favouring and favouring here-
fy ; erroneous, fchifmatical, and heretical ; forbid-
ding to read, and keep the fame upon the pain of
major excommunication, that fhall be incurred,
ipfo fadto : His Holinefs referving to himfelf,
to whom only it belongs, to abfolve from the
fame, &c.
In the mean time her Majefty was delivered of
another prince, (viz.) on the 30th of Auguft,
1730, on whom the title of duke of Anjou was
immediately conferred by his Majefty, together
with the order of the Holy Ghoft : and on the
12th of March, 1732, the Queen of France be-
ing delivered of another princefs, the King of
France had then two fons and four daughters
living ; [but in February 1733, their Majefties
third daughter died, aged four years and fix
months ; and on the 7 th of April following, their
youngeft fon, the duke of Anjou, died, aged two
years and feven months : but to make fome a-
mends for thefe loifes, the French Queen was de-
livered of a fifth princefs the next month.
And now the French court, in contempt of
theBritifh nation, which they fuppofed durft not
refent any injury offered them by their grand
monarch, iflued an arret or declaration, requir-
ing all the Englifh, Scotch, and Irifh, out of
employment in that kingdom, to inlift in their
fervice, or tranfport themfelves from thence im-
mediately, on pain of the galleys ; and, without
giving them time to confider of it, immedi-
ately feized and imprifoned moft of the fubjedts
of Great Britain that were then refiding in
France, in order to recruit their forces with them,
or condemn them to the galleys on their refufal to
HISTORY.
ferve; and when the ear] of Waldegr ave, the
Englifh ambaflador, prefented a memorial, fet-
ting forth the injuftice and unreafonablenefs of
this infult on a nation in alliance with them, the
French did not think fit intirely to defift from
thefe practices, but only told him, that gentlemen
of fortune and merchants, with their fervants,
were excepted out of the order. However, I
don’t find any fatisfadlion given the Britifh fub-
jedls for this outrage, many of whom fuffered
great hardfhips in lothfome dungeons before they
were releafed : fo very low is languifhing Britain
funk in the eyes of her neighbours, who in the
reign of the glorious Queen Anne trembled at
her frown.
Another mark of French infolence unhappy
Britain fuffered in the perfon of captain Stew-
ard, who putting into Dunkirk to deliver fome
goods there, one of his failors w^s debauched from
him, and inlifted in the French fervice. The
captain immediately applied to the commandant,
reclaiming his foldiers, and complained of the viola-
tion of treaties, adding, he muft write to the court of
Great Britain if he was refufed juftice there. But
inftead of doing him juftice, the commandant
fent the captain to prifon, and would not releafe
him till he had given the failor a formal difcharge,
and paid him his wages, tho’ he had not per-
formed the voyage. As foon as the captain re-
covered his liberty, he made a proteft againft this
proceeding, and fent an information to the ad-
miralty at London. But I could never learn the
French made us any fatisfadlion for this infult,
any more than for the former.
The fame year the Briftol-merchant, captain
Scot commander, met a French fhip of twenty
guns and a hundred and fifty men off the weftern
iflands, bound from Africa to Spain, who haled
them, and ordered captain Scot to come on
board ; but the fea running high, the captain would
not venture to put out his boat ; and upon his
refufal, the Frenchman fired a fix pounder at the
Englifh fhip, which pierced her under the cabbin
windows, and broke one of her upper deck beams :
after which he fired four or five more fhot at her,
which did fome damage to her rigging, and then
boarded her, and demanded a fight of the cap-
tain’s papers and bill of health. They threatened
at firft to throw the captain over-board ; but at
laft they thought fit to retire without doing any
further damage to the fhip, or to any perfon on
board.
But thefe inful ts are trifles, compared with their
expelling us from the iflands of St. Lucia and
St. Vincent, and their inciting the Indians in Nova
Scotia, New-England, Virginia, and Carolina, to
invade our plantations on the continent, and mur-
der our people fettled upon the frontiers ; for an
account whereof I refer the reader to the mo-
dern hiftory of America.
Z z z z 2
The
7 2 4
Spain.
A CONTINUATION
The French, ’tis- true, have paid off that vaft Spaniards of making thofe valuable conqueftsr
debt they contracted in the late wars with Great above-mentioned, by {landing neuter, while the
Britain and her confederates ; at leaft they have Emperor was left fingly to maintain the war a-
wiped off the fcore ; fo that the crown is no gainft Spain, France, and Sardinia, and, in the
longer burthened with it. They have extended end, compelled to part with one part of his he-
their frontiers, and enlarged their territories, by reditary dominions to fave the reft, tho’ his allies
the addition of that fine country ofLorrain ; and,
is faid, they are treating with the Emperor for
Luxemburgh, and fome other frontiers in Flan-
ders, which will entirely deftroy that barrier,
which coft Great Britain and the United Provin-
ces fo much blood and treafure to obtain. They
are eredting a harbour at Graveling, more com-
modious than that of Dunkirk was, and confe-
quently more prejudicial to the trade and navi-
gation of Great Britain, in cafe of another war :
they have vaftly increafed and enlarged their fo-
reign commerce to Spain, Italy, Turky, and the
Eaft antTWeft Indies : they have improved their
plantations to a miracle, and perfectly driven us
out of the fugar trade and other branches of com-
merce. And no wonder, in thefe circumftances,
if a people, naturally haughty and infolent, treat
the nations their neighbours with much inju-
Itice, contempt, and difdain, efpecially when they
have made the Emperor their ally, hitherto their
Hioft confiderable rival on the continent, but
now ready to unite with France in diftrefling
Great Britain, tho’ he cannot but remember how
lately he was faved from deftruCtion by her in-
fluence ; and that he is more indebted to Britain,
for the extenfive territories he poflefles, than to
any power in Europe.
No wonder, if the French, who have fo often
felt the force of the Britifh arms, are glad of every
opportunity of depreffing and infulting a nation
they fo lately dreaded. France is now become
the great umpire of the world, and gives law to
every other power ; and will no doubt to Britain,
if fhe fuffers herfelf to be trampled on in the man-
ner fhe has been for fome years palled.
A continuation of the prefent fate of Spain and
Portugal.
C PA 1 N (including Portugal) is fituated between
^ 36 and 44 degrees north latitude, and between
10 degrees weft and 3; degrees eaft longitude.
The hiftory of Spain and Portugal was brought
down to the year 1731, in the former edition of
this work, and the introducing Don Carlos,
Prince of Spain, into Tufcany, with fix thoufand
Spaniards; the wars in Italy ; the conqueft of
Naples and Sicily, with the peace that follow-
ed between Spain and her allies, and the Em-
peror, have been treated of already in the hiftory
of Italy. I proceed in the next place to enquire
how Spain has requited Great Britain for thofe
important fervices : viz. the fettling Don CAr-
x 09 in Italy, and the opportunity lhe gave tire
had guaranteed to him the enjoyment of the
whole.
And it appears the Spaniards were exceeding
civil to us ail the while we were engaged in per-
fuading the Emperor to admit Don Carlos,
with his Spaniards, into Italy, and convoying him
thither. They promifed reftitution for all their
depredations, and affigned commiffaries to in-
quire into all the captures that had been made,
and actually fent orders to their American go-
vernors to do usjuftice* Nay, his reported, they
condemned and confifcated one of their guarda
cofta’s, towards making fatisfadtion to fome mer-
chants, whofe {hips they had plundered : but they
had no fooner obtained their ends, and fixed Don
Carlos in Italy, than they renewed their ho-
ftilities, took great numbers of Britilh {hips, as
well in the Mediterranean, as America ; and'
when complaints, and undeniable proofs were
made of thefe outrages, no reftitution could be
obtained, but we were put off with dilatory pro-
mifes from year to year, that the fadts fhould be
inquired into, and in the mean time continued
their depredations to .that degree, that a Britifh.
fhip could not fail with any fafety, to and from
our American plantations without a convoy,
they had alfo the affurance to lay claim to Port
Royal, and the fouth part of Carolina, in which
Georgia is comprehended ; and adtuaily made
preparations to drive us from thence, as well as
from the bays ofCampeachy and Hunduras ; not-
withftanding the Britifh nation has been long in
the pofieffion of thofe countries, and they have,
been confirmed to us by feveral treaties.
If it be fufficient for the Spaniards, to fupport
their claim to all Florida, and among the reft, to
South Carolina, to fay, they were once In pof-
feffionof half a dozen places on- that extenfive
continent ; the French, by the fame rule, ought
to relinquish Louifiana, which lies in the heart of
that country : they ought alfo to quit that valu-
able ifland of Hifpaniola, the belt plantation for
fugar they have; for the Spaniards were long po fief-
fed of that whole ifland. But will France yield up their,
acquifitions on the continent,. or iflands, to the Spa-
niards, becaufe they firft difcovered or pofleffed.
them? No; they will certainly infill on their poflef-
fion, fince the Spaniards thought fit to abandon ;
them for better The Spaniards, indeed, would
have excludedevery European nation from Ame-
rica at firft, under pretence of their being the-
firft difcoverers ; and adtuaily made a feizure of
all {hips, murdering their crews, if they prefum’d
to appear in thofe feas : but it being found that
72
OF MODERN HISTORY.
the Spaniards could not plant or cultivate a forti- covering Naples, and the reft of the Span i fit ter-
eth part of that vaft continent, and that the na- ritories in Italy ; but the Emperor confenting to
fives were far from giving them a permiffion to the admiflion of fix thoufand Spaniards into Tuf-
fettle there, and ufurp the dominion of the coun- cany, they had afterwards no pretence to invade
try, every other European people thought them- the Italian provinces the Emperor was pofleflcd
felves at liberty to traffick with that new world, of : however, they did not intirely lay afide the
and to fettle colonies there by the permiffion of defign of recovering Naples and Sicily, but kept
the natives, without afking leave of the Spani- up their army, and even augmented it, that they
ards ; and no power in Europe, but that of Bri- might be in a condition to invade Italy the firft
tain, will fuller its fubjefts to be infulted and favourable opportunity ; and, in the mean time,
plundered in that part of the world, under pre- that their troops might not want employment,
tence that the Spaniards are univerfal monarehs and be unfit for aftion, they determined to at-
of it. The Spaniards never had any fettlemcnts tempt the recovery of Oran on the coaft of
in Carolina, or in the bays of Campeachy or Barbary, which the Algerines took from them
Hunduras : or, if they had any, they had quitted in the year 1708, after the Spaniards had been
them; and fu rely, ’tis as lawful for the Englifh, near two hundred years in polleflion of thatfor-
as any other people, to plant and cultivate a coun- trefs.
try they found deferted, and void of inhabi- To recover which, the Spaniards embarked
tants ; and here were none, except fome Indi- 30,000 man on board their fleet, with a fuit-
ans, who made no other ufe of the country, than able quantity of warlike ftores of all kinds, for
to hunt in it; and we had the con lent of thole a fiege; and fetting fail from the road of Ali-
Indians to fettle colonies there. Let the Spani- cant, on the 24th of June 1732, arrived on the
ards, who ufe fuch freedoms with the fubjefts of 28th at Cane Ferro, two miles from the city of
G reat Britain, pradlife upon thofe of France in Oran, wdtere they landed their army without op-
like manner (and the French have a much weaker pofition, but the next day were attacked by a
title to what they pofl'efs in America than the body of 20,000 Moors. The fight was long and
Englifh have) and we fhall foon fee whether fharp : the main part of the Moors attack was
their grand monarch will be pleafed to wait the born by the Spanifh left-wing, who, after an
event of a negotiation of feven or eight years ftand- engagement of above four hours, vigoroufly fil-
ing, and will not immediately make reprifils on ftained, repulfed the Moors with great lofs, and
the aggreflors, where his flibjedts are unjuftly and drove them from the tops of the mountains with
violently attacked and difturbed in their trade fo much hafte and fear, that the alarm reaching
and navigation. I’m apt to think the Spaniards Oran, ftruck fuch a panick terror there, that the
durll not infult even the dispirited Englifh, in the bey or governor, and garrifon, abandoned the
manner they have done of late, if they had not place with the utmofl precipitation, and theSpa-
fome aflu ranee of being fupported by the French, niards entered the next day, being the firft of
It is poffible the French may unite with the July.
Spaniards, to difpoflefs us of fome of our plan- The adjacent fort of Mazalquiver, which might
tations in America, in order to lucceed us there : have held out a month had it been defended,was alfo
but can the Spaniards expect ever to enjoy their furrendered to the Spaniards without firing a gun.
own American dominions in quiet, after they This rapid fuccefs ftruck a terror into all the neigh-
have affifted the French to drive the Englifh from bouring towns, and even into Algiers itfelt ; but
thence ? would not their gold and iilver mines be the progrefs of the Spaniards was foon interrupted,
in a great deal of danger, if the French were as partly by the violent heats of the country, which
powerful in that part of the world as they are in brought a great ficknefs and mortality among
this, and there were no Britifh colonies there to the foldiers, and partly by the want of irefh
interpofe for their prefervation ? But if the Spa- water, which is very fcarce on that coaft, fothat
niards are fo infenfible of their danger from that they could not make any diftant marches. Bs-
quarter, as to unite with their and our common fides this, the Moors having recovered their fright,
enemies, I hope the Englifh will take fuch pre- took heart again, and began to entertain the Spa-
cautions for the fecurity of their colonies, as to niards with very fharp fkirmifhes, in which the
bid defiance to both nations. But to proceed in Moors were often fuccefsful ; their light horfe
the hiftory of Spain; being good > foldiers, tho their foot aie but in-
This court had railed a very formidable army, different ; and once by an ambufeade they fiur-
with a defign of taking polleffion of Tufcany prifed a confiderable body of Spanifh troops, of
by force, in cafe the Emperor oppofed their in- whom they killed 300, and among the reft the
traducing garrifons into the fortified towns of that dukedeSt. Blafs, a grandee of Spain. However, the
dutchy, in order to fecure the reveriion to Don Spaniards leaving ftrong garrifons in Oran and
Carlos, after the death of the then Duke ; and Mazalquivir, under the command of the inn -
it is not improbable they had then a view of re- quts of Santa Cruz, the fleet returned with the
7 26 A CONTINUATION
reft of their army to Spain, which the Turks and time : the criminal palling by the gate of M. de
M oors had no fooner intelligence of, but they Belmonte, which was not far from one of
a f!embled their army again, and with their ufual the King’s palaces, called the Buen Retiero, the
fury, attacked the forts and outworks which co- fervants of this minifter feeing their old friend the
vered Oran, and particlarly that of Santa Cruz, farmer manacled, and tied upon an afs, without
whither the governor fending a reinforcement, enquiring what was the occalion of it, refcued the
and a fupply of ammunition and provifions, the prifoner, and carried him into their mafter’s
Turks attacked the convoy, and an engagement houfe, where he was kept two days, and thenaf-
enfued, in which the Spaniards loft abundance of lifted by the family, to make his efcape to a place
men, but threw the intended relief into the fort, of fecurity, as the Spaniards relate. On the o-
On the other hand, the Turks and Moors pro- ther hand, M. de Belmonte affirmed, that he
ceeded to open their trenches before Oran, and was no fooner acquainted with the matter, but
to befiege the town in form : whereupon the mar- he turned off the fervants who were concerned in
quis of Santa Cruz, the governor, made feveral it, and ordered the criminal to be put out of his
fuccefsful fallies, in which he levelled their works, houfe, and immediately fent word to the go-
and nail’d up their cannon ; but in one of them vernor of Caftile, by whofe warrant the crimi-
had the misfortune to be wounded and made a nal was apprehended, to excufe the outrage, and
prifoner: however the infidels, by the frequent let him know he had turned off the fervants that
lallies of the garrifon, were at length compelled were concerned in it. However, the govern-
to raife the fiege, and the Spaniards ftill remain in ment taking no notice of M. Belmonte’s apo-
polleffion of that city, and the forts about it. logy, two days after fent a detachment of foldi-
The following year, 1733, happened the long- ers to his houfe, apprehended all his fervants, and
expedled death of Augustus II. King of Po- carried them to prifon ; of which the minifter of
land ; and the Emperor efpoufing the interelt of Portugal gave the following account to all the
the Eledlor of Saxony, fon of the late King, a- foreign minifters refiding at Madrid, viz.
gainft KingSTANiSLAUs, the Spaniards, French, “ On the twenty fecond of February, a great
and Sardinians, entered into a confederacy againft “ number of foldiers, of thofe called los ban-
his Imperial Majefty, and made this a pretence “ quillos, headed by three officers, forced them-
for invading his dominions in Italy and Germa- “ felves into my houfe, with their bayonets
ny, and at length drove the Imperialifts entirely “ fixed to their pieces, and feized fome of my do-
out of Milan, Naples, and Sicily, while the Eng- “ mefticks that were under the portico and upon
lifh and Dutch, who had guaranteed thofe terri- “ the great flair-cafe: they afterwards entered
tories to the Emperor, flood looking on, without “ my antichamber, and had already taken one of
affording them any affiflance ; and his Imperial “ my pages, when I went myfelf and demand-
Majefly°was at length compelled to facrifice the “ ed of them, what orders they had to commit
Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily to the Spaniards, <£ fuch an outrage againft my houfe ? One of them
to fave the reft of his dominions, as has been al- “ return’d for anfwer, that they had an order
ready related in the hiftory of Italy : but I o- “ from the King to feize all my fervants in gene-
mitted there to obferve, that Spain and her allies, £< ral, without any exception, but efpecially thofe
apprehending the Pope to be in the interefl of the “ wearing my livery, and to condudl them to
Imperialifts, under pretence that fome of the fub- ec the publick prifons ; and moreover, to fearch
jedls of Spain and Naples had been infulted by the “ every where for thofe of my fervants that did
populace at Rome., they marched their army up “ not appear. I afked that officer if he had this'
to the very gates of that city, and refufed to “ order in writing? He anfwered me in the nega-
retire till they had extorted 40,000 crowns from <c tive ; but that his officer, who had a verbal
his Holinefs ; and the Genoefe, and Pifans, upon ic order, had given him the fame in like manner,
flighter pretences, were ferved much in the fame “ and that they were come to execute it. I then
manner by the infulting Spaniard. “ replied, that as I had no other arms at hand
Before the war was well ended in Italy, a differ- “ than the immunity of my characler,which I faw
ence happened between Spain and Portugal, which “ fo cruelly and outrageoufly violated, I fhould
was very near producing another. A country take no other ftep than to retire, to avoid
farmer, who lived in a village about a mile from “ being an eye-witnefs of fo unheard-of a pro-
Madrid, and ufed to ferve the ftables of M. de “ ceeding.
Belmonte, the Portuguefe Minifter at that “ The foldiers took nineteen of my dome-
court, with ftraw and barley, having killed a “ Hicks, as well of the livery as others, hand-
man, was brought prifoner to Madrid by the of- “ cuffed them tv/o and two, and conducted them
ficers of the village, attended by fix foldiers, on “ through the moil publick llreets of Madrid,
Sunday the 20th of February, 1734-5, being the “ and in the fame livery, to prifon.
laft day of the carnival, when multitudes of peo- “ This, gentlemen, is a faithful recital of that
pie were affembled in the llreets, as ufual at that t£ fadl, fo violent and unheard-of before, which
' “ en-
OF MODERN HISTORY.
“ -entirely deftroys the laws of nations, and
“ breaks thro’ all that is facred amongft the
“ moil barbarous nations, who infpired by rea-
“ fon and nature, preferve the immunity of
“ publick minifters.
In anfwer to this manifefto, the following
letter was fent by the Spanifh court, to all the
foreign minifters refiding at Madrid, and com-
municated by them to their refpective courts.
S I R,
<c Though the extraordinary circumftances,
“ which attended the enterprize made the twen-
“ tieth inftant, by the minifter of Portugal and
“ his domefticks, are fo well known, that they
“ juftify the refolution the King took the twenty-
“ fecond, to caufe the guilty domefticks to be
“ arrefted in whatever place they could be
“ found ; yet as the fame was executed in the
“ hotel of that minifter, his Majefty has com-
“ manded me to communicate to your excel-
tc lency, the motives which obliged him to take
“ that refolution, to the end, that not only your
“ excellency may be convinced of the indif-
“ penfable neceffity he was under, confidering
tc the temerity of that minifter, to have
<c recourfe to fuch violent methods ; but al-
“ fo be allured, that the King and his mini-
“ fters obferve with the utmoft exadnefs, the
“ regards which are owing to the character
“ of the minifters of fovereign powers, who re-
“ fide at this court.
“ The publick attack committed by that mini-
“ fter’s domefticks upon the foldiers and officers of
“ juftice, who were conducing thro’ the gate of
“ Alcala a prifoner, guilty of a very atrocious mur-
“ der, and the feizing and carrying off the faid
(s prifoner, out of the hands of the officers of
“ juftice, fo near the palace of Buen Retiero,
“ make it appear, that they not only afiume
“ to themfelves a publick protection of crimi-
“ nals, to the prejudice of the authority and fo-
“ vereignty of the King ; but at the fame time,
“ one may fee a manifeft violation of the royal
“ refidence, which has been hitherto regarded
“ as a place facred, as well by the natives of
“ the country as foreigners, and fo worthy of
“ refped, that the leaft violation committed
“ within its territory was worthy of death. The
“ precaution taken to place a perfon at the gate
“ of the city, to watch the arrival of the pri-
“ foner, which makes it fufpeded the enter-
“ prize was a premeditated defign, and was the
“ caufe, without doubt, that the arrival of the
“ faid criminal was inftantly known in the
houfe of the minifter, excludes all pretences,
“ which incidents, or any other occafion, might
“ have furnilhed. The manner in which the
“ prifoner was conduded from the gate of
“ the palace, with a view to excite a tumult
“ by dint of cries, that deferved punifhment in
“ the midft of a concourfe of fo many people
“ in a publick walk, expofed the King’s fove-
“ reignty, and difhonoured his right in the pub-
“ lick ftreets. The liberty granted to the cri-
“ minal, whofe irons were taken off after his
“ coming into the minifter’s houfe, and who
“ was afterwards expofed in the windows, to
“ the view of the fpedators, makes it evidently
“ appear, how much the authority of thofe was
“ defpifed who caufed him to be taken.
“ Thefe circumftances did not permit decen-
“ cy, nor the fovereign authority to diflemble,
“ or to leave unpunifhed an attempt of this
“ nature, much lefs, that an affair fo publick
“ fhould pafs over without a publick fatisfadion.
“ Neverthelefs, the punifhment was deferred till
ce the third day, tho’ the guilty had not given
“ his Majefty the leaft tokens of their repen-
“ tance ; and tho’ it is pretended, that a letter
“ was written to the governor of the council
“ of Caftile, which was but an indired way to
“ acquaint the King of the affair, it being well
“ known, that the dangerous indifpofition of the
“ faid governor, hindered him from receiving
“ and anfwering letters. But if attention fhould
“ be given to that letter, what fault might not
“ that minifter be accufed of ? He owns there-
“ in he gave liberty to the criminal, approving
“ thereby the condud of his domefticks ; and
<£ fays, that he did it immediately after he was
“ brought to his houfe, and was acquainted with
‘ c the affair : it is, however, well known, that
‘ c the minifter was then walking in his garden,
“ that the criminal ftaid above thirty hours in
“ his houfe, and was afterwards condudea, with
“ much precaution, to a place of fafety. He
“ fays he haft turned away his footmen, and
‘ c they were all found at his houfe : fo that all
“ he alledge6 for his juftification, proves on the
“ contrary his fault, forgetting thereby the re-
“ fped which is owing to a monarch in his
“ own court, and which every fovereign will
“ maintain without the leaft infradion. Where-
ct fore his Majefty perfuades himfelf, that your
14 excellency will eafily comprehend, that the
“ prefent cafe cannot be compared to any
“ of thofe, wherein fugitives may for fome
“ time enjoy an afylum, in the houfes of cha-
“ raderized minifters ; nor to thofe wherein li-
“ berty, with regard to perfon or place, may
“ take effed. Dated at the Pardo, Feb. 28, 1733.
“ Signed
Don Joseph Patinho.
Upon this mifunderftanding between the two
courts, the troops of both kingdoms were order-
ed to march towards the frontiers ; and it hap-
pened very fortunately for the Portuguefe, that
the greateft part of the Spanifh army was ffill
3
A CONTINUATION
in Italy ; for had they been in Spain, they might
have marched up to the gates of Lifbon,
before any foreign power could have interpo-
fed to have prevented it ; the fortified towns
on the frontiers of Portugal being generally out
of repair, and their militia in a very wretched
condition.
His Portugueze Majefty, therefore, immediate-
ly difpatched Don Antonio d’Alvezedo
to the court of Great Britain, to delire their
affiftance ; whereupon fir John Norris was
commanded immediately to fail for the river of
Lifbon, with a llrong fquadron of men of war,
and arrived thereon the 9th of June 1735, and
was received by the Portugufe with tranfports
joy, they being fenfible, that nothing lefs could
have protected them from Spanifli vengeance.
His Portugueze Majelty, on the arrival of the
fleet, ordered them a weekly allowance of an
hundred oxen, four hundred Iheep, four hundred
geefe, as many turkeys, one thoufand hens, one
thoufands bafkets of greens, fifty arroves of fweet-
meats, one hundred thoufand lemons and oranges,
and fourfcore pipes of wine. The King of Por-
tugal was fenfible, that the inftruments of fo
fignal a fervice, deferved at leaft to be well en-
tertained : and if he was not at any other ex-
pence towards leflening the charge of the fifty
thoufand pounds per month, which that fleet
flood the nation in ; yet this is much more than
ever we received from any other power in the
like eircumftances. When we fent over a body of
troops to the affiftance of the Dutch, in the be-
ginning of Queen Anne’s war, the French be-
ing upon their frontiers, and about to penetrate
into the heart of their country, as they them-
felves reprefented, we did it generoufly, with-
out demanding any part of the charges. The
like conduct we obferved towards the Emperor
and the empire, when they were upon the brink
of ruin. I do not find, that any of thefe good
allies contributed a fhilling towards the fubfi-
ftance of the forces employed in their delive-
rance. We did all this like the charitable man
in the gofpel, hoping for nothing again, tho’
we run ourfelves over head and ears in debt to
fave them. On the contrary, when the Dutch
brought over our Great Deliverer, King Wil-
liam, they demanded fix hundred thoufand
pounds for that fervice, and were honeftly paid
it. I won’t pretend to fay, that none of our
officers or minifters ever received a gratuity, for
the important fervices we have done our allies.
It would tempt a man to think, there had been
fomething of this kind, in the reign of Queen
Anne, or we could never have confented to
have taken fo unequal a fhare in that war, and
in a manner, borne the whole burthen of it, till
v/e had exhaufted all our treafure, and run fifty
millions in debt ; while thofe who were more
nearly concerned in the event of the war, did
little or nothing towards the fupport of it. If
this was the effect of fuffering our minifters to
become penfioners to foreign princes, furely no-
thing can be more deftructive to a nation. Can
it be expected, that minifters in pay of fo-
reign powers, fhould be faithful to their coun-
try ?
But one of the moft notorious pieces of in-
gratitude this nation ever was fenfible of, was
that of the Queen of Spain’s ; who, notwith-
ltanding we convoyed her fon, Don Carlos
to Tufcanv, and gave him an opportunity o.
making a conqueft of Italy, to the ruin of our
good ally the Emperor, has ever fince treated
the fubjefts of Britain as her enemies, and o-
penly makes war upon them in every part of
the world, where fhe apprehends her people
fuperior to us : though it feems, we employed
both our fea and land forces in introducing Don
Carlos into Italy, at our own charges, and
were not furnifhed even with refrelliments,
while our fleet lay in the Spanifh harbours, with-
out paying extravagantly for them.
There are two or three expeditions to the
Baltick, that ought not to be forgotten in this
place, when our powerful fleets faved both the
Danes and Swedes, from the ravages of the
Ruffians, and yet neither of thofe powers paid
any thing towards the charges their deliverers
were at, or ever made any fuch acknowledg-
ment for thefe important fervices, unlefs their
receiving penfions for troops we never ufed,
and putting us to the charge of railing them, are
to be looked upon as obligations. Is it no won-
der we ftill groan under the burthen of heavy
taxes, after thefe numerous expeditions, at our
own expence, to ferve our neighbours ? Can
we expeft to run round the world perpetually
in fearch of adventures, without being liable to
the like misfortunes as our great predeceflbr in
chivalry was fubjedt to ?
To return to Portugal. Some time before the'
Britifh fleet fet fail thither, Mr. Ke e n, the Britifh
envoy, communicated to the court of Spain, the
defign of his Majefty to fend a fleet thither ;
alluring him, that the King his mafter had no
other defign in it, but to protect the trade of his
fubjects, and his allies ; and particularly to fe-
cure the return of the Brafil fleet to Lifbon, on
board of which the Englifh nation had a very
large intereft.
To which the court of Spain anfwered, that
there could be no manner of occafion for this
armament : his catholick Majefty having already
accepted the mediation of his nephew, the King
of France, which fecured Portugal from all acts
of hoftiiity on the part of Spain. On the con-
trary, nothing could have been more prejudi-
cial to the trade of Europe, than the fending
the
7 2 9
OF MODERN HISTORY.
'the Britifh fleet to Litton. For while this was England, Holland, Italy, &c. who are unfortu-
doing, all hands were employed at Cadiz in fit- nately ftruck by the rebound,
ting out the flota for New Spain. Every one And what effedt will that naval force produce
knew, that the cargo the carries thither is a de- in the maritime provinces of Spain ? With what
pofit, to which all the nations of Europe eager- eye will the Spaniards behold entering into thofe
ly ftrive to contribute, and to have a thare in, ports, which the prefent ftate of peace keeps
that they may partake of the great profits produ- open to the Britifh nation, a fleet, friends, as
ced by the return of the capitals employed in you pleafe to call them, but armed neverthe-
it ; and one of the greateft motives to that con- lefs with all the accoutrements and appearances
fidence which people have to put their fortunes of an enemy ? The Spaniards will fee the En-
in that fort of commerce, is the good under- gliih fhips freely enter their ports, while their
Handing, which they fee between the courts of own merchantmen will hardly dare venture out
Spain and Great Britain : perfuaded that they upon the fmalleft trip, for fear of fome unfore-
bave nothing to fear for their effects, but winds fee n infult. In what condition will then the
and tempefts, and other accidents of the fea, maritime commerce of Spain be, and that of
they have the lefs uneafinefs and referve in giv- other nations which trade with her.
ing into a trade, whofe great advantages they It will be faid, perhaps, that the defign of
are fo well acquainted with. The advantages the fleet was to fupport a peace, which they
they draw from it have a proportionable influ- would maintain between two crowns, animated
ence over all the other branches of trade in ge- againft one another. To which it is eafy to an-
neral, and things remaining in this condition, fwer, that if the court of Great Britain added
caufe a happy circulation of wealth in Spain ; upon that motive, nothing was lefs neceflary than
and among all thofe nations where commerce all that parade of a fleet, which is a pure lofs
flourifhes ; but it is with the body politick, as it to their nation. It is even eafy to demonftrate,
is with the human body ; as foon as the circu- that that fleet does more harm than good to the
lation is flopped in any confiderable part, it im- pacifick negotiations.
mediately languifhes, and becomes all over di- To re-eftablifh the harmony between the two
flempered. nations, Portugal had no need of any other ex-
The flota from Cadiz was equipping as ufual ; pedient than that of refuming the fentiments of
•every body was preparing rich merchandize to moderation and juftice : that would have fatis-
put on board it, which they had purchafed, either fied fuch a King as Philip V. But the Bri-
by bills of exchange for ready money, or upon tifh fleet has very much changed the face of af-
credit : all on a fudden they hear of a naval ar- fairs ; the King of Portugal finding fo confider-
mament making in England, to go and co- able a fupport, enlarges his pretenfions. If he
ver the fea all along the coaft of Portu- demands thofe reparations to be made him,
gal ; at this news the merchants tremble ; con- which he himfelf owes to the majefty of a great
fidence vanifhes ; every one thinks of fecuring King, who has been offended in the fight of
his effedfs, and no man will rifque his capital on two capital cities, where fhall we be ? what
board the galleons, which may be attacked ei- muft we expedt?- That the peace will be
ther going to New Spain, or coming back : peo- farther off than before ; and that of a diftemper
ple had rather keep their goods in their ware- which of itfelf feemed to point out its own cure,
houfes, and run the rifque of their perifhing there ; the fleet has made an incurable difeafe, whofe
they had rather renounce the hopes of a return confequences will be more to be dreaded than
that would enrich them, than hazard an event the evil itfelf.
that would ruin them without refource: this Inanfwer to tbefe reprefentaticns, Mr. K eene,
fear is communicative, and by a contagious e- the Britifh minifter, informed the court of Spain,
motion, a branch of trade, which is the foul of that he was ordered, by the King of Great Bri-
all the trade in Europe, lofes its own proper vi- tain, his matter, to repeat the aflurances already
gor; and, in proportion as it languifhes itfelf, it made, and declared, that the protection of the
draws all the fubordinate branches into the fame trade of his Majefty’s fubjects, and thofe of his
condition. Let us add, that thofe who furnifh allies, was the foie caufe of fending that fleet to
goods to be fent to New Spain, have borrowed large Lifbon ; that his admiral had exprefs orders, nei-
fums, and employed them according to the belt ther to aflift or encourage the King of Portu-
of their judgment ; the goods are already bought, gal to attack any power whatever, or undertake
but they do not go ; they cannot then make the any thing againft them ; and his catholick Ma-
reimburfements to which they Hand engaged, jefty might be allured, that provided the King s
Circumftances, in which the merchants have no fubjects are not molefted in their trade in the
part, reduce them to glaring bankruptcies; by Eaft and Weft Indies, and in Europe, and that
their fall they occafion that of feveral other mer- nothing is undertaking againft the coafts and
chants, not only of Spain, but alfo of France, trade of Portugal, his Majefty’s fleet, as long
Vol. III. A a a a a as
73 °
A CONTINUATION
Africa.
Eg>’P ?
as it flays in thofe feas, will never give his ca-
tholick Majefty, or his fubjects, the leaft caufe
of fufpicion or uneafinefs.
The differences between the courts of Spain and
Portugal being fome time afterwards amicably
adjuffed, the Britifh fleet returned to England,
without committing any acts of hoftility ; but
the Spaniards have not ceafed to revenge the dis-
appointment they met with on the Britifh mer-
chants from that day to tins, whenever they
have had an opportunity.
A continuation of the prefent fiats of Africa.
A Frica, the third divifion of our continent, is
fituate between 37 degrees north, and 35
degrees fouth latitude, and between 20 de-
grees weft, and 50 degrees eaft longitude ; com-
prehending Egypt, Abyflinia, Nubia, Abex, A-
nian, Zanquebar, Mofambique, Terra de Natal,
Caffraria, and the Hottentot country, Monomo-
topa, Monomugi, Angola, Congo, Loango, Gui-
nea, Negroland, Zaara, Biledulgerid, Morocco,
Algiers* Tunis, and Tripoli.
A continuation of the prefent fate of Egypt.
Egypt is fituated between 21 and 31 degrees
north latitude, and between 30 and 33 degrees
eaft longitude. Since the publication of the for-
mer edition of the ftate of Egypt, Dr. Shaw
has furnifhed us with many uieful obfervations
on that country. There is no point in hiftory,
he obferves, that hath been fo often, and fo va-
rioufly treated of, as that which relates to the
pyramids. The antients abound with a diverfity
of accounts and deferiptions concerning them,
whilft the moderns, after a much longer courfe
of obfervations, have yet, notwithftanding, ra-
ther multiplied the difficulties than cleared them.
The dimenfions of the great pyramid have
given occafion to one difpute. Herodotus
makes the bafe of it to be eight hundred foot
long, Diodorus feven hundred, and Strabo
only fix hundred. Among the moderns, San-
dy s found it to be three hundred paces,
Bel lon 1 us three hundred and twenty-four,
our pro feflbr Greaves fix hundred and ninety-
three Englifh, and le Brun feven hundred
and four feet (as we may fuppofe) of France,
which makes about feven hundred and feventy
of our mealure. There is no way, I prefume,
to reconcile thefe differences, and it would be
unjuft to charge any of thefe authors with a de-
figned miftake. [See obfervations on the dimenfions
of the great Egyptian pyramid, in mifcellaneous
obfervations on authors, ancient and modern,
vol. 1. p. 1 19.] Thus much in general may be
faid, in defence of errors and difagreements of
this kind, that none of the fides of this pyra-
mid are exactly upon a level. For there is- n
defeent in palling' from the entrance into it, all
along by the eaftern corner to the fouthern j
there is again an afeent from this to the wellern
point : at the fame time, the fides which regard
the weft and the north, have been encroached
upon by fuch drifts of fand, as the Etefian winds,
from time to time, have brought along with
them. As therefore it will be difficult to find
a true horizontal bafe, it being likewife uncer-
tain (which is the chief thing to be confidered)
how far thefe drifts of fand have been accumu-
lated above the foundation of it ; all calculations
of this kind muft be exceedingly precarious, a-
greeable only to the time, and to the particular
circumftances of the fituation when they were
made.
Neither doth it appear, that either this, or
any other of the three greater pyramids, wair
ever finifhed. For the ftones in the entrance of
the greateft are placed arch-wife, and to a greater
height than feems neceflary for fo fmall a paf-
fage : there is alfo a large fpace left on each fide
of it, by difeontinuing feveral of the parallel
rows of fteps, which in other places run quite
round the pyramid.
Dr. Shaw is of opinion alfo, that the pyra-
mids were not intended for the tombs of their
princes, as has been generally held.
The great cheft of granite marble, which is
found in the upper chamber of the great pyra-
mid, he fuppofes to have been rather intend-
ed for fome religious ufe, than for the cof-
fin of Cheops. For among other ufes, which
at this diftance of time, and in fo fymbolical a
religion, we cannot expedt to trace out in hi-
ftory, this cheft may be fuppofed to have been
concerned, either in the myftical worfhip of
Osiris, or to have ferved for one of their fa-
cred chefts, wherein either the images of their
deities, or their facred veftments, or utenfils,
w r ere kept ; or elfe, that it might have been a
favifta or ciftern, fuch as contained the holy wa-
ter, made ufe of in their ceremonies.. The length
of it, which is fomewhat more than fix foot,
does indeed favour the received opinion of its
having been defigned for a coffin ; yet both the
height and the breadth, which are each of them
about three foot, very far exceed the dimenfions,
that, perhaps, were ever obferved by the Egyp-
tians, upon fuch occafions. Thofe ftone coffins
which I have feen in Egypt (and by them, I
prefume,, we may judge of others) were all of
them of a quite different form from this
pretended, one of Cheops, being inferdbed
with hieroglyphicks, and made exactly m the
fafhion of the mummy chefts, juft capacious
enough to receive one body. Whereas this,
which I am fpeaking of, is an oblong fquare,
not ending as the mummy chefts do,, in a kind
of
OF MODERN
of pedeftal, whereupon it might have been eredt-
ed ; neither is it adorned with any facred cha-
racters, which from the great number of cof-
fins that are never known to want them, feem to
have been a general, as well as neceflary, adt of
regard and piety to the deceafed.
The manner likewife in which this cheft is
placed, is quite different from what was, per-
haps, ever obferved by the Egyptians, in the de-
politing of their dead. For the mummies always
ftand upright, where time or accident have not
difturbed them : whereas the cheft lieth flat upon
the floor, and thereby hath not the dignity of
pollute, which we may fuppofe this wife nation
knew to be peculiar, and therefore would be ve-
ry fcrupulous to deny to the human body. Now,
if this cheft was not intended for a coffin (and
indeed Herodotus tells us, that Cheops’
tomb was in the vaults below) we have fo far a
prefumptive argument, that neither could the
pyramid itfelf have taken the name of a fepul-
chrefrom it. Nay, provided that even Cheops,
and others, had been buried within the precindls of
this, or any other of the pyramids, yet this was
ftiil no more than what was praftifed in other
temples ; and therefore would not deftroy the
principal ufe and defign for which they were
eredled. And indeed, I am apt to think, that
there are but few, who attentively confider the
outward figure of thefe piles, the ftrudture and
contrivance of the feveral apartments in the in-
fide of the greateft, together with the ample pro-
vifion that was made on each fide of it, for the
reception, as may be fuppofed, of the priefts,
but will conclude, that the Egyptians intended
the latter for one of the places, as all of them were,
to be the object at leaft of their worfhip and de-
votion.
The doctor further obferves, that in a country
like Egypt, which is annually overflowed, it can-
not be expected, that there fhould be any great
variety, either of plants or animals. However,
Prosper Alpinus, Bellonius, and other
authors of great reputation, have been very co-
pious upon both thefe lubjedts ; though it may
be prefumed, if the aquatick plants and animals
are excepted, there are few other branches of the
natural hiftory that are coeval with Egypt. The
mufa, the date-tree, the caffia fiftula, the fyca-
more, nay, even the leek and the onion, may
be fuppofed to have been originally as great ftran-
gers to it, as the camel, the bubalus, the gazel,
and the Camelopardalis: for it is highly probable,
that the foil of Egypt. cannot claim the fame an-
tiquity with that of other countries, but being
made in procefsof time by the Nile, all thefe a-
nimal and vegetable productions muft have been
by degrees tranfplanted into it.
Yet, even fome of thofe plants and animals, that
may be reckoned among the indigenae, or to be at
HISTORY.
leaft of great antiquity, are now either very fcarcc,
or altogether wanting in this country. For the
more indigent fort of people have left us very
little of the papyrus, by continually digging up
the roots of it for fewel. The perfea too, that had
formerly a place in moft pieces of their fymbo-
lical writing, is either loft at prefent, or the de-
fcriptions of it do not accord with any of the
Egyptian plants that are known at that time.
It cannot certainly be the (perfica or) peach-tree,
as it is commonly rendered, becaufe the leaves are
perennial, and fall not like thofe every year.
And then, among the animals, the hippopota-
mus is what the prefent race of Egyptians are
not at all acquainted with. Nay, the very cro-
codile fo rarely appears below the cataracts, that
the fight of it is as great a curiofity to them as to
the Europeans. In like manner, the ibis, that
was once known to every family, is now become
exceedingly rare, tho’ the want of it is fufficient-
ly fupplied by the ftork. For, befides a great
number of thefe birds that might undoubtedly e-
fcape my notice, I faw in the middle of April,
1722, three flights of them, each of which took
up more than three hours in palling by us, ex-
tending itfelf, at the fame time, more than half
a mile in breadth. They were then leaving E~
gypt (where the canals and the ponds that are
annually left by the Nile were become dry) and
directed themfelves towards the north-eaft.
It is obferved of the ftorks, that for about the
fpace of a fortnight before they pafs from one
country to another, they conftantly refort toge-
ther, from all the circumjacent parts, in a certain
plain ; and there forming themfelves once every
day into a dou-wanne (according to the phrafe
of thefe people) are faid to determine the exact
time of their departure, and the places of their
future abodes. Thofe that frequent the marlhes
of Barbary, appear about three weeks fooner than
the flights abovementioned were obferved to do,
though they likewife are fuppofed to come from
Egypt, whither all’o they return a little after
the autumnal equinox, the Nile being then re-
tired within its banks, and the country in a pro-
per diipofition to lupply them with nourilh-
ment.
The Mahometans have the bel-arje (for fo
they commonly call the ftork) in the higheft e-
fteem and veneration. It is as facred among
them, as the ibis was among the Egyptians; and
no lefs profane would that perfon be accounted,
who fhould attempt to kill, nay, even hurt or
moleft it. The great regard that is paid to thefe
birds, might have been perhaps firft obtained,
not fo much from the fervice they are of to a
moift fenny country, in clearing it of a variety
of ulelefs reptiles and infects, as from the fo-
lemn gefticulations they are obferved to make,
as often as they reft upon the ground, or re-
A a a a a 2 turn
A CONTINUATION
turn to their nefts. For firft of all, they throw
their heads backwards in a pofture, as it were,
of adoration ; then they ftrike, as with a
pair of caftanets, the upper and lower parts of
their bills together, and afterwards proltrate their
necks in a fuppliant manner, quite down to the
ground, always repeating the fame gefticulations
three or four times.
It may be obferved, that the fands and moun-
tainous diftridls, on both fides of the Nile, afford
as great a plenty, both of the lizard and Terpen-
t : ne kinds, as the defert of Sin. The ceraftes is
the molt common fpecies of the latter. Signore
Gabrieli (a Venetian apothecary, who had
lived a long time at Kairo) fhewed me a couple
of thefe vipers, which he had kept five years in
a bottle well corked, without any fort of food,
unlefs a fmall quantity of fine fand, wherein they
coiled themfelves up in the bottom of the veffel,
may be reckoned as fuch. When I faw them,
they had juft call their fkins, and were as brifk
and lively as if newly taken.
As it feldom rains in the inland part of this
country, the different fpecies of grain, pulfe, and
other vegetable productions, are, all of them,
intirely indebted to the river for their growth and
increafe. However, thefe feveral kinds of plants are
not all raifed and nourifhed the fame way. For
barley and wheat (which are ufually ripe, the one
about the beginning, the other at the latter end
of April) require no further culture and refrefh-
ment than in fome part or other of October
(the inundation being then over) to be either
thrown upon the mud, or elfe to be beat or
plowed gently into it. At this time they alfo
fow flax, and plant rice. Now wheat and rice
being of a flower growth than flax and barley,
it ufually falls out in the beginning of March,
that when the former kinds are not as yet grown
up, or begin only to fpindle, the barley is in the
ear, and the flax is boiled. The plantations of
rice are kept almoft conftantly under water ;
and therefore the larger crops of it are produced
near Dami-ata and Rozetto, where the plains
are low, and confequently more eafily over-
flowed than thofe which lie higher up the river.
Now fuch vegetable productions as require
more moifture than what is occafioned by the
inundation, are refrefhed by water that is drawn at
certain times out of the river, and lodged in large
cifternsmade for thatpurpofe. Archimedes’s
fkrew feems to have been the inftrument that
was antiently made ufe of upon thefe occafions, ..
though at prefent it is not known ; the inhabi-
tants ferving themfelves, either with various
kinds of leathern buckets, or elfe with a fakiah, y
as they call the Perfian wheel, which is the
general and ufeful machine. Engines and contri-
vances of both thefe kinds, are placed all along
the banks of the Nile, from the fea to the ca-
taracts, their refpective fituations being higher,
and confequently the difficulty of railing water
the greater, in proportion as we advance up the
river.
When, therefore, their pulfe fafranon for car-
thamus) melons, fugar, canes, See- (all which are
commonly planted in rills) require to be refrefhed,
they ftrike out a plug that is fixed in the bot-
tom of one of thefe cifterns, and then the
water gufhing out, is conducted from one rill
to another by the gardiner, who is always
ready, as occafion requires, to flop and diveft
the torrent, by turning the earth againft it
with his foot, and opening at the fame time
with his mattock a new trench to receive it.
A continuation of the prefent fate of Guinea.
The next grand divifion of Africa I am to re- Guinea,
view, is that of Guinea, which is generally held
to extend from the mouth of the river Senegal,
fituate in 15 degrees 30 minutes north latitude,
and 16 degrees weft longitude, to the fouth-eaft,
as far as Cape Negro, fituate in 18 degrees fouth
latitude, and 1 1 degrees eaft longitude : but then
we mull include Congo and Angola. In the
former edition of this work, indeed, I extended
the coaft of Guinea but from 10 degrees north
latitude to 4 degrees north latitude; but ob-
ferving fince, that the fame merchants trade both
to the north and fouth of thofe limits, and deal
in almoft the fame articles, it feems very pro-
per to ftile the whole coaft, from the river Se-
negal in the north, to Cape Negro in the fouth,
the Guinea Coaft. The moft northerly fettle-
men ts the Europeans have in this tradl, are thofe
of the French, fituate near or in the river Sene-
gal, in 15 degrees 30 minutes north latitude.
The next are thofe of the Englifh, in the river
Gambia, fituate in 13 degrees 20 minutes north
latitude; and further fouth were heretofore o-
ther fettlements belonging to the royal African ,
company, in the river Sherbro, fituate in 7 de-
grees 30 minutes north latitude. The coaft -from
the river Sherbro, round Cape Palmas, to the ri-
ver Ancober, near Axim, is about 250 leagues,
in length, and commonly called the Windward
Coaft, on which there is no fettlement or fac-
tory of any European nation. From the river
Ancober eaft ward to Acra, is about 50 leagues:
this part is ufually called the Gold Coaft, on
which are feveral Englifh and Dutch forts and
vfadlories. From Acra eaftward, to Jaqueen, is
about 60 leagues, in which the only places where
the Englifh, French, and Dutch, had factories,
were Whidaw and Jaqueen ; and this is called the
Slave Coaft. From Jaqueen to the bay of Benin,
and fo round to the Callibars, Camarone, and
Cape Lopez, 1 minute fouth of the line, is 300
leagues, in which long trad is no fettlement of
any
733
River
Gambia.
OF MODERN
sny European nation. The coafts of Congo
and Angola, to the fouthward of Cape Lopez,
extend to Cape Negro, in 18 degrees fouth lati-
tude, as has been obferved already. I proceed
now to review the ftate of the faid feveral coun-
tries on the fouth- weft of Africa, to which the
Europeans trade.
The French are abfolute mafters of the mouth
of the river Senegal, which lies in 15 degrees 30
minutes north latitude, in which they have fe-
veral forts and fadories, as they have alfo on
the fea-coaft to the north and fouth of that
river, and for a great while monopolized the
trade of that gum, which from the river Sene-
gal obtained that name ; but the Englifh royal
African company begin now to fhare the gum
trade with them, having found a way to the woods
where it is produced, from their fettlements in
the river Gambia.
And here it is neceflary to obferve in the firft
place, that the river Gambia, in molt of our
maps, is called the river Niger; and the Senegal
feems to be a branch df that river ; and that the
fource of the river Niger is placed upwards of two
thoufand miles eaft of the mouth of it ; whereas
it is evident to me, that the Senegal and Gam-
bia are two diftind rivers, running from eaft to
weft almoft parallel to each other, and that nei-
ther of them are navigable above 600 miles,
which is not more than 300 miles by land, if we
make the ufual allowances for the winding of
rivers : from whence we may very well con-
clude, that thofe who pretend to have penetrated
into the heart of Africa by thefe rivers, have ne-
ver travelled above three or four hundred miles
from the fea-coaft.
Mr. Moor relates, that failing into the mouth
of the river Gambia, the fhores appeared very
beautiful, being for the raoft parts clothed with
woods, and between the woods pleafant green
rice grounds : that James Iiland, the chief fettle-
ment belonging to the royal African company,
lies ten leagues up the river, almoft in the middle
of it, being three miles from the neareft fhore :
that at low- water, the iiland is about three quar-
ters of a mile in circumference, upon which there
is a fquare fort of ftone, regularly built, with fourba-
ftions,upon each whereof are feven cannon mount-
ed, which command the river all round. Under
the walls of the fort, facing the fea, are two round
batteries, and on each of them four large cannon
mounted ; and between thofe are nine fmall
guns mounted for falutes.
In the fort are fome very good apartments, in
which the governor, chief merchants, fabtors,
writers, and enfign, lie ; and under fome of thefe
apartments are very good ftorehoufes.
One officer, one ferjeant, two corporals, one
gunner and gunner’s mate, and thirty foldiers,
are by eftablilhment the garrifon of this fort;
HISTORY.
but ficknefs, occafioned chiefly by the exceflive "
drinking of diftill’d liquors, often reduces it to a
very weak condition, till fuch time as recruits
can be railed in England, and by the company
fent over hither. The foldiers, and tradefmen,
and other fervants, lie out of the fort in barracks,
built as the fort is, with ftone and mortar. The
whole is furrounded with pallifadoes, and the ri-
ver forms an excellent mote, being three miles
wide in the narroweft part. There are alfo o-
ther barracks, built oppofite to thofe of the fol-
diers., for the ufe of the company’s caftle-flaves and
black fervants. Under them are ftore-houfes,
and under thofe of the foldiers are flave-houfes.
This fort preferves the right of trading to the
river Gambia for the company, and confequently
for the fubjefts of England.
Befides the fort, there are feveral factories up
the river, fettled for the conveniency of trade.
They are all under the direction of the governor
and chief merchants at this fort, to whom the
factors remit all their trade. For this purpofe
the company have here 3 or 4 floops, of about
thirty tun each, and about the fame number of
long-boats : fome of them are conftantly em-
ployed in fetching provifions and water from the
main, for the ufe of the grarifon, and the reft
are employed in carrying goods up to the facto-
ries, and bringing from them flaves, elephants
teeth, wax, or whatever trade they have, down
to James Fort, from whence molt of it, except
flaves, is fent home by the governor and chief
merchants, to the company in England.
According to the fame writer, the mouth of
the river Gambia lies in 13 degrees 20 minutes
north latitude, and 15 degrees 20 minutes
weft longitude, and is formed by fome broken
iflands on the north, and by Cape St. Mary’s on
the fouth. On the north-fide of the river, the firft
kingdom is that of Barrah, which extends twenty
leagues along the river ; and in this country the
African company have two factories, one at Gil-
lifree, over againft James Fort, and the other at
Colar, upon a river of the fame name, which
difcharges itfelf into the Gambia, eight leagues a-
bove James Iiland.
The next kingdom is Gadibu, which extends
twenty leagues. Further eaft, on the north-fide
of the river, is the kingdom of Sanjally, which ex-
tends fourteen leagues. In this kingdom the A-
frican company have their chief fadtory of Joar,
being about two miles diftantfrom the river.
Next to Sanjally lies the kingdom of Barfally,
extending about fifteen leagues along the river, to
which molt of the other kingdoms are tributary;
and beyond Barfally lies the kingdom of Yany,
which extends eighty leagues further up the river.
And the laft kingdom on the north-fide of the^
river, to which our author travelled, is that ot
Wolly, which extends feven leagues beyond
Yany..
A CONTI
Yany. In this kingdom the company have the
Fadtory of Fatatenda, which is about five hundred
miles from the mouth of the Gambia. Here the
river is as wide as the Thames at London-bridge ;
and hither Hoops of forty tuns come up with their
cargoes, and the tides rife three or four foot.
On the fouth-fide of the river, the firft king-
dom we meet with is that of Cumbo, which com-
mences at Cape St. Mary’s, and extends eleven
leagues to the eaftward of it, affording plenty of
neats, cattle, goats, and fowls ; and here the
company have a fmall fadtory, which purchafes
provifions for the garrifon at James-Fort.
The next kingdom on the fouth-fide is Fonia,
extending feven leagues, in which the company
have two fadtories employed in buying up ele-
phants teeth and bees- wax. The next country
to Fonia is Caen, extending twenty three leagues
along the river, in which is a large town called
Tancrowall, where the company have a fadtory,
near which lives Signior Antonio Voss, a
famous black Portuguefe, who trades largely
with the Englifh feparate traders, and fometimes
with the company. He is reckoned to be worth
10,000 1 . fterling; he has got a vaft number of
houfe-fiaves (viz. Haves who live with him
as lervants, a grandeur much ufed both by the
Portuguefe and Spaniards) which he keeps for
fervice and breed, and are efteemed by him al-
mofl: as much as his own children. And, as he
has got a great many canoes, he fends his own
men-Haves with them to all ports of trade up
the river, and by that means engrofles a great
deal of trade, infomuch that he has commonly
a great many Haves, and good quantities of ele-
phants-teeth, and bees-wax, by him, by which
he turns a penny with the feparate fhipping, and
is well fkilled in his way of bartering, he being
thoroughly mailer of the prime coll in England
of all forts of goods, taking always care to keep
his warehoufe well flock’d with goods, and has
the upper-hand vaftly of fome of his neighbours,
who are fometimes obliged to fland Hill half a
year together, for want of goods to trade with.
Tancrowall is divided into two parts ; one be-
longing to the Portuguefe, and the other to the
Mundingoes ; the former living always in large
fquare houfes, the latter in round huts made of a
good fat binding clay, which foon hardens : they
are twenty feet diameter, and about eight feet
high ; over them there is a covering like a bee-
hive, made either of flraw or palmetto leaves,
fo well fitted that the rain cannot penetrate them,
nor the heat of the fun flrike through them : they
very much refemble fome ice-houfes in England.
This town of Tancrowall is the refidence of
a prieft, who is yearly fent over from St. J ago.
Here is alfo a church, where, during the priefl’s
flay, is mafs almofl every day. Here area great
many other Portuguefe, who have among them
NUATION
feveral canoes, which they fend up the river to
trade once or twice a year, by which means they
have made this town a place of great refort, and
the richeft in the whole river. It is pleafantly
fituated by the water-fide, about half a mile in
length, with a woody hill behind, that runs fome
miles along the river-fide, about half a mile from
it : between which and the river is pleafant walk-
ing in a dry feafon.
Next to Caen lies the country of Jagra, famous
for hufbandmen and laborious people, by which
means it abounds with corn and rice. In this
country is Elephants-IHand, being four or five
miles long, full of trees and marfhy. This king-
dom extends itfelf above twelve leagues ; and
then begins the country of Yamina, which a-
bounds in corn and fowls ; in it is a large plea-
fant ifland, and another fmall ifland, almofl; in the
middle of the Gambia, called Sea-Horle-Ifland,
full of trees and marfhy ground, and abounding
in lea-borles, from whence it takes its name.
This country extends about fourteen leagues ; and
then we come to Eropina, a petty kingdom, ex-
tending about fourteen leagues along the river
fide : after which begins Jemarrow, governed by
an Emperor, who is a Mundingo : here the com-
pany have a fettlement near a large town called
Brucoe, which is inhabited by people of the Mun-
dingo race, but firidt followers of Mahomet. A-
bout half a mile below this town is a ledge of
rocks dry at low-water, which reaches from the
northern fhore five fixths of the way over the ri-
ver, and leaves fo narrow a channel under the
fouth fhore, that it is very dangerous for large
fhips to pafs it ; and our Hoops are obliged to take
the opportunity of Hack-water to go through this
place, which is called Pholey’s Pafs. In the fame
Empire, about nine miles above Pholey’s Pafs, are
a great many rocks, near a town called Dubocun-
da, which reach from the fouth-fide two thirds
acrofsthe river; and about three miles above this
is another ledge of rocks, dry at low-water ;
but there is a deep channel on the north-fide.
This country runs about thirty-two leagues along
the river, and then begins Tomany, which is a
very large country, confiding of more towns
than any other which I have known on the
whole river. The company have a fadtory at a
fmall town called Yamyamacunda, which makes
a confiderable trade in dry goods, provided it is
well fupplied : a little below the town, in the
middle of the river, are fome rocks, but never
dry ; and over-againft the factory, on the north-
fide the river, about half a mile from it, is
a Handing lake about two miles long, which
abounds in fifh. This country extends up the
river-fide about twenty fix leagues, and is govern-
ed by a Mundingo, by name Hume Badgy.
Above Tomany begins Cantore, in which is
a town called Colar, fix miles beyond which is
the
OF MODERN HISTORY.
735
the farthefl I have been ; all beyond is little and as they do not plough with horfes or cattle, Husbandry.
The nations
cn the banks
of the rivsr
Gambia.
jMundin-
goes. Their
ftature.
Their com-
plexion.
Creoles.
known to white people. Colar I believe is about
five hundred miles from Cape St. Mary’s, the
fouth part of the entrance into the Gambia river.
The fea-horfe, the crocodile, and other ani-
mals, for which the Nile is famous, abound in
the river Gambia, which overflows its banks alfo
every year, as the Nile does, but fome months later.
Thefe countries, on the banks of the Gam-
bia, are inhabited by feveral races of people, viz.
Mundingoes, Jolloiffs, Pholeys, Floops and Por-
tugueze : the molt numerous are called Mundin-
goes, as is likewite the country where they inha-
bit ; they are generally of a black colour, and
well fet. When this country was conquered by
the Portuguefe, which was about the year four-
teen hundred and twenty, fome of that nation fet-
tled in it, who have cohabited with the Mun-
dingoes, till they are now very near as black as
they are ; but, as they retain a fort of baftard
Portuguefe language, called Creole, and as they
chriften and marry, by the help of a prieft, fent
yearly over hither from St. Jago, one of the Cape hand, and fhoots to the fame height upon a large
they can ufe but very little : therefore the Kings
are willing to give the Pholeys leave to cultivate
lands, and live in their countries. They plant
near their houfes tobacco and cotton, which they
fence in together; beyond that are their corn Indian com.
fields, of which they raife the four kinds, ufual
all over this country ; that is to lay, Indian corn,
or maife.,. which grows in a great head, and is
the food of the natives of America, as well as
Africa : befides which, they have rice, and the
larger and the lefier Guinea corn. In Gambia is
no wheat, barley, rye, oats, or any other Eu-
ropean grain ; but there is a kind of pulfe be-
tween the kidney-bean and pea, and potatoes,
and yams. The larger Guinea corn is round,
and about the fize of the fmalleft peafe : they
fow it by hand, as we do wheat and barley ; it
grows to nine or ten foot high, upon a lmall
reed ; the grain is at the top, in a large tuft.
The lefler Guinea corn is called by the Portu-
gueze, manfaroke: this likewife is fowed by
Jolloiffs.
Floops.
deVerdlflands; they reckon themfelves ftill as well
as if they were actually white, and nothing an-
gers them more than to call them negroes, that
being a term lately appropriated to Haves.
On the north fide of the river Gambia, and
from thence in-land, are a people called Jolloiffs,
whofe country is vaftly large, and extends even
to the river Senegal. Thefe people are much
blacker, and much handfomer than the Mundin-
goes; for they have not the broad nofes and
thick lips, peculiar to the Mundingoes and Floops.
In Ihort, all the countries hereabout, fays the
reed, on the top of which the corn grows on
the head like a bulrulh : the grain itfelf is very
fmall, and like canary feed in Ihape, only lar-
ger. — Thefe are all the bread-kind that are ufed
in Gambia; and, indeed, the natives make no
bread, but eat the flower of the various grains,
as thickners to liquids. The Indian com they
rnoflly ufe when green, parching the ear upon
coals, and then it eats like green peafe: they
boil their rice chiefly as the Turks do : by beat-
ing the Guinea corn in wooden mortars, they
make flower, as they do fometimes of rice and
Pholeys.
fame writer, (and I have feen vaft numbers of Indian corn. The natives never^bake ^cakes or
people from each) cannot come up to the Jol-
loiffs’ for blacknefs of fkin, and beauty of fea-
tures.
In every kingdom and country on each fide
of the river, there are fome people of a tawny
colour, called Pholeys, much like the Arabs,
which language molt of them fpeak ; tho’ they
have a vulgar tongue befides, called Pholey.
bread for themfelves (as I faid before) but thofe
women, who 'wait on the Europeans, have learn-
ed to do both. . Pholey: fur-
The Pholeys are the greateft planters in the ther ^ cri -
country, tho’ they are ftrangers in it. They bed.
are very induftrious and frugal, and raife much
more corn and cotton than they confume,
which they fell at reafonable rates, and. are very
a
They live in hoards, or clans, and build towns, hofpitable, and kind to all ; fo that a Pholey
but are not fubjeft to any Kings of the country, town in the neighbourhood,, is by the natives
tho’ they live in their territories ; and, if they reckoned a blefling r and their behaviour has
Govern-
ment.
they — , — , _ . . .
are ill treated in one nation, they break up their gained them iuch general reputation, that it is
towns, and remove to another. They have chiefs univerfally lookeci upon infamous to violate the
of their own, who rule with fo much mode- laws ot hofpitality towards them.. As their hu-
ration, that every adt of government feems ra- manity extends do all, they are doubly kind^ to
ther an act of the people than of one man.
This form of government goes on eafily, be-
caufe the people are of a quiet difpofition, and
fo well inftructed in what is juft and right, that
a man who does ill is the abomination of all,
and none will fupport him againft the chief.
In thefe countries the natives are
people of their own race ; infomuch, that if they
know of one of them being made a Have, all.
the Pholeys will redeem him. And as they have
plenty of food, they never fuffer any of their
own nation to want, but fupport the old. The
_ __ blind and the lame, equal with the others,, and
not fond of as far as their ability goes, affift the wants of
lands, they defire no more than what they uie .
the Mundingoes, great numbers of whom they
have
73 6
A CONTINUATION
have maintained in Famines. The fame writer adds. The Pholeys are very particular in their drefs,
they are very rarely angry, and I never heard and never wear any other than white cotton
them abufe each other ; yet this mildnefs does clothes, which they make themfelves : they are
not proceed from want of courage, for they are always clean, efpecially the women ; their houfes
as brave as any people of Africa ; and the Jol- are built in a regular method, a good way
loiffs, nay even the King of Barfally, does not diflant from each other, to avoid fire, forming
dare to meddle with them. They ufe their arms very good flreets and pafiages, a thing which the
very dextroufly, which are the launce, a fagay, Mundingoes do not regard. They are great ad-
or dart, bows and arrows, fhort cutlafhes, mirers of large white and yellow beads, which
which they call fongs, and guns upon occafion. laft are called by their own name, viz. Pholey
They fettle commonly near fome Mundingo beads.
town, there being fcarce one of any note or Thefeare almofl the only people, high up the
bignefs (efpecially up the river) but what there river, of whom beafts are purchafed : we ufed to
is another of thefe Pholeys not far from it. purchafe a cow for an iron bar ; but of late fome
They are ftridl Mahometans ; none of them (un- of the mailers of the floops in this river have
lefs here and there one) will drink brandy, or raifed the prices ; fo that now we are obliged to
any thing flronger than water and fugar. give fometimes two iron bars for one beaft.
They breed cattle, and are very dexterous in On the fouth-fide of this river, over-againft
managing them ; fo that the Mundingoes leave James-Fort, in the empire of Fonia, and but a
theirs to their care : the whole herd belonging to little way inland, are a fort of people called Floops, Floops de-
towns feed all the day in the favannahs, and who are in a manner wild : they border clofe cn e *
after the crop is off in the rice grounds. They upon the Mundingoes, and are bitter enemies to
are watched by fome herdfmen, who prevent each other. Their country is of a vafl extent ;
their going into the corn, or running into the but they have no King among them. Each of
woods. They have a place near each town for their towns is defended by Hakes drove all round,
the cattle, in the middle of which they raife a and filled up with clay : they are independant of
flage about eight foot high from the ground, and each other, and under the government of no one
eight or ten foot wide : and over it a roof of chief ; notwithflanding which they unite fo
thatch, with the fides all open. They drive firmly, that all the force of the Mundingoes
great numbers of Hakes in rings round the Hage, (tho’ very numerous) cannot get the better of
and every night they duly bring up the cattle, them.
who are fo tame, and well accuHomed to it, Gambia river is navigable for floops two hun-^ v «Gam-
that they -come up witheafe: each beaH is tied dred leagues, the tides reaching fo far from the p c ‘ r a ibe e d '
feparate to a flake with a Hrong rope, which they mouth of it. The fides of the river are for the
make of the bark of trees. After the cattle are mofl part flat and woody for about a quarter of a
tied, they milk the cows, and four or five men mile inland, in fome places not fo much ; and Face of the
Hay upon the Hage all night, with their arms, within that are pleafant open grounds, which they countI 7-
to guard them from the lions, and other wild ufe for their rice, and in the dry feafon it ferves
beafls. The calves they wean from the cows, and their cattle for paflure. Inland it is generally
keep in a common pen, which is made with fo very woody ; but near the towns there is al-
flrong and high a fence round it, that no wild ways a good large fpace of cleared ground
beaH can pafs it. In the morning they again for corn. The foil is moflly fandy, with fomesoil.
milk the cows, and then let them go into the clay, and a great deal of rocky ground. Near
favannahs, as ufual. the fea, and the lower part of the river, are no
They are great huntfmen ; they kill lions, ty- hills to be feen ; but high up the river are fome
gers, and other wild beafls, and often go twenty lofty mountains, from the tops of which are
or thirty in a company to hunt elephants, whofe pleafant profpedls. The hills are of iron-ftone ;
teeth they fell, and whofe flelh they fmoke dry, and tho’ they are fometimes little elfe but a con-
and eat, keeping it feveral months together. The tinued hard rock, yet are they full of trees. In
elephants (as they fay) generally go a hundred every kingdom there are feveral lords of foils,
or two hundred in a drove, and do great mif- commonly called Kings of the towns where they
chief ; not only to the fmall trees, which they dwell. It is their privilege to have all the palm-
pull up by the roots, with their trunks, but like- trees and ciboa-trees, infomuch that no one durlt
wife to the corn : to prevent which, the natives, cut any leaves, or draw any wine from them,
on notice or fufpicion of their coming, make without their previous knowledge and con- .
fires all round their corn to keep them out ; for fent. The men who have the liberty of
if they get once in, they will with their broad drawing wine, give two days produce in a week
feet trample it down for perhaps half a mile to- to the lord of the foil, as an acknowledgment;
gether. and white men are obliged to make a fmall pre-
737
language.
Produce
and traf-
fic k.
Gold.
Slaves.
OF MODERN HISTORY.
fent to them before they can have liberty to Cut down, there are many brought along the river,
ciboa leaves, or grafs, to cover a houfe. Thefe are either taken -in war, as the former are,
The moft general language is Mundingo, by or men condemned for crimes, or elfe people
■which name the country people are called. If ftolen, which is very frequent. The companies
you can fpeak that language, you may travel fervants never buy any of the la ft, if they fu-
from the river’s mouth up to the country of Jon- fpedt it, without fending for the alcade, or chief
coes (alias merchants) fo called from their buy- men of the place, and confulting with them a-
ing every year a vaft number of flaves there, and bout the matter. Since this flave-trade has been
bringing them down to the lower part of this ufed, all punifhments are changed into flavery :
river, to fell to the white people : which court- there being an advantage on fuch condemnations,
try I believe cannot, by all report, be lefs than they ftrain for crimes very hard, in order to get-
fix weeks journey from James-Fort. the benefit of felling the criminal. Not only
The next language moftly ufed here, is cal- murder, theft, and adultery, are punifhed by fel-
led Creole, a baftard fort of Portuguefe, fcarce ling the criminal for a Have, but every trifling
underftood in Lifbon ; but it is fooner learnt by crime is punifhed in the fame manner.
Englifhmen than any other language in this ri- Several of the natives have many of their flaves
ver, and is always fpoken by the linguifts, which born in their families : there is a whole village
ferve both the feparate traders and the company, near Brucoe of 200 people, who are all the
The Arabick is fpoken by the Pholeys, and by wives, flaves, or children of one man. And
moft of the Mahometans of the river, tho’ they tho’ in fome parts of Africa they fell their flaves
are Mundingoes. born in the family, yet in the river Gambia they
The chief trade of this country is gold, flaves, think it a very wicked thing ; and I never heard
elephants-teeth, and bees-wax. The gold is of of but one that ever fold a family flave, except
a very good quality, and finer than the fterling for fuch crimes as would have made them to be
gold. They bring it in fmail bars, big in the fold had they been free. If there are many fami-
middle, and turned round into rings, from ten ly flaves, and one of them commits a crime, the
to forty {hillings each. The merchants, who matter cannot fell him without the joint confent
bring this and other inland commodities, are blacks of the reft ; for if he does, they will all run a-
of the Mundingo race, and are called in Mun- way, and be protected by the next kingdom to
dingo Joncoes. They are very unwilling to tell which they fly. The flaves fold in the river, be-
much of the inland countries ; all that I could ga- fides thofe brought by the merchants, may a-
ther from them concerning their gold, was, that mount in a year to above 1000, more or lefs, ac-
it is not wafhed out of the fand, but dug out of cording to the wars upon the river. *
mines in the mountains, the neareft twenty days The third great merchandize of the river is ivo- ivory,
journey from Cower. ry, or elephants-teeth, got either by hunting or
The fame merchants bring down elephants- killing the beafts, or pick’d up in the woods. It
teeth ; and in fome years flaves, to the amount is a trade ufed by all nations hereabouts ; for
of two thoufand, moft of which they fay are pri- whoever kills an elephant, has liberty to fell him
foners taken in war : they buy them from diffe- and his teeth : but thofe traded for in this river,
rent princes, who take them: many of them are are generally brought from a good way inland,
Bumbrongs and Petcharies, nations each of them and a great many of them by the merchants,
of different languages, and are brought from a vaft I never faw a full-grown elephant, fo fhall not
way inland. Their way of bringing them is fpeak concerning them ; but the teeth I have had
tying them by the neck with leather thongs, at fome experience in. Some are found in the
about a yard diftance from each other, thirty or woods ; but whether they are of elephants long
forty in a firing, having generally a bundle of dead, or whether the elephants fhed their teeth,
corn, or an elephant’s tooth, upon each of their 1 have not been able to learn : but I have known
heads. In their way from the mountains they men bring in teeth which they have found in the
travel through very great woods, where they can- woods, without any fkull or bones fixed to them,
not for fome days get water ; fo they carry in The biggeft tooth I ever faw, weighed 1301b.
fkin-bags enough to fupport them for that time. The larger they are, the more valuable by the
I cannot be certain of the number of merchants pound. One tooth which weighs an hundred
who follow this trade ; but there may be perhaps pounds, is worth more than three teeth which
about an hundred, who go up into the inland weigh 140 pounds. Many of them are broken
country with the goods which they buy from the pointed ; thefe are confiderably lefs in their va-
white men, and with them purchafing in various lue. Some are white, others are yellow ; but
countries, gold, flaves, and elephants teeth. They the difference of colour makes no difference in
ufe afies as well as flaves in carrying their goods ; price.
but no camels nor horfes. The fourth branch of trade is bees-wax, which Wax.
Befides the flaves which the merchants bring may be much increafed. The Mundingoes make
Vol. III. B b b b b bee-
A bar de-
lined.
Young
flaves as
dear as full-
grown
fere.
Frer.cn
fa&ory.
/ir and
ftafons.
-•A CONTINUATION
bee-hives of ftraw in the {hape of ours, and fix ly winds right down the river, which, in the
a bottom-board into the hive, thro’ which there months of November, December, January, and
is a hole for the bees to go in at ; they then fling February, do generally blow very frefh, efpecial-
them by wyths to "boughs of trees. ly in the day-time.
A bar is a denomination given to a certain quan- Four months in the year are unhealthy, and
tity of goods of any kind, which quantity was of very tedious to thofe who are come out of a col-
equal value among the natives to a bar of iron der climate ; but the perpetual fpring, where you
when this river was firft traded to. Thus a pound commonly fee ripe fruit and blofloms on the
of fringe is a bar, two pounds of gunpowder is fame tree, makes fome amends for that incon-
abar, an ounce of lilver is but a bar, and ioo venience. The air is very pleafant and refrefh-
gun-flints is a bar ; and each fpecies of trading ing, but it has fomething fo very peculiar in it,
goods has a quantity in it called a bar : therefore that the keys in your pockets will ruft.
their way of reckoning is by bars, or crowns. The moft exceflive heat is generally about
one of which does not fometimes amount to the latter end of May, a fortnight or three weeks
one fhilling fterling ; but that happens according before the rainy feafon begins,
to the goods they are in want of, fometimes dear. The Jolloiffs make the fineft cotton cloths,
fometimes cheap. Thefe five articles, viz. fpread- and that in large quantities: their pieces are ge-
eagle dollars, chryftal beads, iron bars, brafs nerally twenty feven yards long, and never a-
pans, and arrangoes, are called the heads of the bove nine inches wide: they cut them to what
goods, becaufe they are deareft. When you a- length they pleafe, and few them together very
gree with the merchants for flaves, you always neatly, to make them ferve the ufe of broader
agree how many of the heads of the goods you cloths: they make them up into pairs, one a-
fhall give him upon each flave, which is three or bout three yards long, and one and a half wide,
four, if the flaves are worth forty or fifty ; but to cover their fhoulders and body ; the other al-
when flaves are dearer, as they oftentimes are moft of the fame width, and but two yards
at eighty bars per head, then you muft give five, long, to cover from their waift downwards,
and fometimes fix, of the heads upon every flave ; Such a pair is the clothing either for a man or
and there is an aflortment made of the goods by woman ; they only differing in the manner of
bars of different fpecies, which come out to the wearing. I have feen a pair of cloths fo fine
price of the flaves. The men and women ufed and fo bright dyed, as to be worth 39 s. fterling.
to be much dearer than boys and girls ; but there Their colours are either blue or yellow, fome
' have been fo many veflels in the river of late very lively ; the firft is dyed with indico, the lat-
years for young flaves, to carry to Cadiz and ter with the barks of trees.
Lifbon, that there is fcarce any difference between The common people wear a cloth round their Clothing,
the price of young flaves and grown one?. middles, which comes down about their knees.
The French have a fadtory at Albreda, on the and another cloth over their right fhoulder (the
north-fide of the river Gambia, a mile or two men having generally one arm bare, which the
below James-Fort. Whenever their fadlors want women have not) and the womens clothes are ge-
to go up the river above James-Fort for wood, nerally down as low as the fmall of their legs,
or any thing elfe, which they cannot fo well be They are very proud of their hair; fome wear it
provided for below, they are obliged to afk leave in tufts and bunches, and others cut in crofles
of our governor, whofeldom or never denies them, quite over their heads : the men commonly wear
but puts a man on board, to fee that they do not caps made of cotton-cloth, fome plain, and
make any trade ; neither are they allowed to go fome with feathers and goats tails. The women
above Elephants Ifland, which is about thirty generally wear handkerchiefs tied round their
leagues above James-Fort. heads, leaving their crowns bare ; and for want
The rainy feafon commonly begins with the of handkerchiefs, they ufe flips of blue and white
month of June, and continues till the latter end cotton cloth. Others will let their hair hang
of September, and fometimes the beginning of down on each fide of their heads, plaited like hor-
Odtober : the firft and laft are the moft violent fes rnanes, on which they firing coral, and for
generally. The wind comes firft, and blows ex- want of it pipe-beads. A great many of them
ceflivehard for the fpace of half an hour or more, (efpecially up the river) wear on the crowns of
before any rainfalls; infomuch that a vefiel may their heads, a good number of fmall horfe-bells.
be fuddenly furprized and overfet by it ; but Their towns are numbers of houfes Handing Towns,
then a perfon may fee it a good while before it together without any order : the huts are gene-
comes; for it looks difmal, and very black, and rally fourteen or fifteen yards in circumference,
the lightening breaking out of the black clouds built with mud and binding clay, and covered:
as they move flowly towards you, makes it ap- with long grafs or ciboa leaves, commonly cal-
pear awful. During the rainy ieafons, the lea- led palmetto. 1 heir doors are very fmall, and
breezes feldom blow, but inftead of them, eafter- don’t go upon hinges, but are let into the houfe-
wall.
739
OF MODERN HISTORY.
wall. They generally keep their houfes very clean ; am told he is very dextrous: and fometimes.
but I cannot fay fweet, by reafon of their {link-
ing fifti and other things which they keep in
them.
Furniture. Their furniture confifts in a fmall cheft for
clothes, a mat raifed upon {licks from the ground
to lie on, a jar to hold water, a fmall calabafh
to drink it, with two or three wooden mortars,
in which they pound their corn and rice, a baf-
ket or two to lift in when beat* and two or
three large calabalhes, out of which they eat it
with their hands. They are not very careful of
laying up a {lore againft a time of fcarcity, but
chufe rather to fell what they can, and in the
time of famine they can fall two or three days
without eating (which I myfelf know to be true,
there being a very great famine in the year 1 7 3 2 »
efpecially high up the river, where I then was ;)
but then they are always fmoking tobacco,
which ferves to amufe them.
Food. A diflr of crocodiles eggs is much admired by
them ; but their ufual food is croofcoofh, being
corn beaten in a wooden mortar, and lifted thro’
a fine balket, till it is about as fine as coarfe
flower : then they put it into an earthen pot full
of holes like a cullinder, which is luted to the top
of an earthen pot, in which is boiling water,
and fometimes broth in it, the {team of which
cures and hardens the flower; and when it is done,
they mix them together, and eat them with their
hands. Fifli dried in the fun, or fmoked, is a
favourite difh of theirs; but the more it {links
the more they like it. There is fcarce any thing
which they do not eat ; large fnakes, guanas,
monkeys, pelicans, bald-eagles, alligators, . and
fea-horfes, are excellent food. And their liquor
is palm-wine, ciboa-wine, honey-wine (which is
not unlike our mead) brandy, and rum : but
when they can get the two laft, they drink but
a fmall quantity of the others.
Religion of The King of Barfally and his fubjedts are Ma-
Barfally. hometans ; notwithftanding which both the King
and his officers drink to very great excefs when
he vifits the Englifti factories; but when he is fo-
ber, or not quite fuddled, he frequently prays ;
and fome of his people will fooner die than drink
Habit? of flrong liquors. His habit refembles that of other
their Kings. Kings in th } s COU ntry, being a garment like a
furplice, which comes no lower than the knees ;
a pair of breeches of the fame fort of cloth, a-
bout feven yards wide, gathered round the middle :
he wears no {lockings, but always a pair of flip-
pers (except when he rides), a lmall white cot-
ton cap, and commonly a pair of gold- earings.
His people, as well as himfelf, wear always white
clothes and white caps ; and, as they are exceed-
T y rants. ing black, it makes them look very well. 1 he
prefent King is a tall man, very paflionate, and
fometimes, when any of his men affront him,
he does not fcruple to {hoot them, at which 1
when he goes aboard a company’s floop at Co-
hone (his own town and place of refidence) he
is for {hooting at all the canoes which pafs by
him, killing perhaps one man or two frequently
in a day. He has got a great many wives, but
never brings above two or three abroad with
him : he has feveral brothers, to whom he fel-
dom fpeaks, or permits them to come into his
company ; and when they do come, they pull off
their caps and garments, and throw dull upon
their foreheads, as every one does who comes
into the’ King’s prefence (except white men.)
As foon as the King dies, his brothers or fons go
to fighting for the crown, and whoever is the
ftrongeft is made King.
This King is potent, and very brave : his do-
minions are large, and divided into feveral parts,
over which he appoints governors, called boo-
meys, who come every year to pay homage to
him. Thefe boomeys are very powerful, and
do juft what they pleafe with the people ; and
although they are feared, yet they are beloved.
Other Kings generally advife with their head
people, and fcarcely do any thing of great con-
fequence without confulting with them firft ;
but the King of Barfally is fo abfolute, that he
will not allow any of his people to advife with
him, unlefs it be his chief flave, called Ferbro,
viz. (mailer of the horfe) who carries the King’s
fword in a large filver cafe, of great weight, and
who gives orders for what things the King wants
to have, or to be done; and in battle he is the
leader of his men.
The King’s ufual way of living, is to fieep
all day, till towards fun-let ; then he gets up to
drink, and goes to fleep again till midnight;
then he rifes and eats, and if he has any ftrong
liquors, will fit and drink till day-light, and then
eats, and goes to fleep again. When he is well
Hocked with liquor, he will fit and drink for
fivg or fix days together, and not eat one morfel
of any thing in all that time. It is to that infa-
tiable thirft of his after brandy, that his fubjedls
freedoms and families are in fo precarious a fitu-
ation; for he very often goes with fome of his
troops by a town in the day-time, and returns
in the night, and fets fire to three parts of it,
placing guards at the fourth, to feize the people
as they run out from the fire : he ties their arms
behind them, and marches them to the place
where he fells them, which is either Joai or Co-
hone.
His fubjedls, however, are very merry fellows,
Mr. Moor allures us, and will dance to a drum,
ora ballifeu, fometimes four and twenty hours
together, dancing now and then very legulaily
and at other times in very odd geftures, ftrivmg
always to outdo one another in nimblenefs and
adlivity.
B b b b b 2 The /
A CONTTNUATI ON
They are very fubjedl to fcold one with an- put it up to their nofes ; and nothing can affront
other, which they call fighting ; for if two per- them fo muph as to falute them with your left-
ions abufe each other very heartily, they call it hand. Whdrn a man has been a day or two from
a great fight,, and are generally a good while be- home, the wife falutes him on her knees at his
fore they come to blows; which however does return; and in the fame pofture fhe always brings
fometimes happen, and then they do fight in him water to drink.
earneft, either with knives, fagays, or cutlafFes, When a perfon brings you eggs or fowls to*
whichfoever they are provided with ; and they buy, it is imprudent to kill or make ufe of them-
very often kill one another ; but when that hap- before the perfon you buy them of is actually
pens, the murderer flies to another kingdom , and gone away ; for it feems it was a cuftom in this
that King always proteds him, and looks upon country (and not yet entirely difufed) that what-
hun kindly, and always treats him as one of his ever commodity a man fells in the morning, he
own fubjeds. may, if he repents his bargain, go and have the
Some people, as has been intimated already, have things again, on paying back the money, any
a good many houfe-flaves, which is their great- time before the fetting of the fun.
eft glory ; and they live fo well and eafy, that it It is cuftomary, when factories are fettled, to
is fometimes a very hard matter to know the put them, and the perfons belonging to them,,
flaves from their mailers or miftrefles ; they very under the charge of people of the neareft lar°e
often being better clothed, efpecially the females, town, who are obliged to take care of it, and to
who have fometimes coral, amber, and filver, about let none impofe upon the white men, or ufe-
their hands and wrifts, to the value of 20 or 30 s. them ill ; and if any body is abufed, they muft
fterling. . apply to the alcade, the head man of the town.
The natives are not fo difagreeable in their be- and he will fee juftice done you.
haviour, as fome are apt to imagine ; for when I This man is up the river called Tobaubo Man-
went through any of their towns, they almoft all fa, which is in Englifh, The white man’s King,
came to fhake hands with me, except fome of But in moft parts of the river he is called alcade,
the women, who having never feen any white and hath a great power : for every town almoft
men, ran away from me as fall as they . could, having two common fields of cleared ground;
and would not by any means be perfuaded to come one for their corn, and the other for their rice ;
near me. Some of them invited me to their hou- the alcade appoints the labour of all the people,
fes, and brought their wives and daughters to fa- he [being in the nature of a governor. The men
lute me, and fit down by me, always finding work the corn ground, and the women and girls
things about me to gape at and admire ; fuch as the rice ground : as they all equally labour, fo
boots, fpurs, gloves, clothes, or wig, each of the alcade equally divides the crop among them,
thena being to them fubjedts of difcourfe and ad- When a child is born, they dip him over head
miration. and ears in cold water three or four times in a
The girls would have people think they are day ; and as foon as they are dry, they rub them
very modeft, efpecially when they are in com- over with palm-oil, particularly the back-bone,
pany ; but take them by themfelves, and they fmall of the back, elbows, neck, knees, and hips,
are very obliging ; for if you will give them a When they are born they are of an olive-colour,
little coral, or a filk handkerchief, you may take and fometimes do not turn black for a month or
what liberty you pleafe with them. But thofe two.
who pretend L to be of the Portuguefe religion, I do not find that they are born with flat nofes;
and therefore call themfelves chriftians, are fome- but if it be the mother’s fancy to have it fo, fhe
what more referved than the Mundingoes are. will, when fhe wafhes the child, pinch and prefs
But notwithftanding their religion, and chriftia- down the upper part of its nofe.
nity too, if any white man has a fancy to one of Large breafts, thick lips, and broad noftrils,.
them , and is able to maintain them, they will are by many reckon’d the beauties of the country,
not icruple to live with him in the nature of a One breaft is generally larger than the other,
wife, without the ceremony of matrimony. The children go naked till they are eight of
The men commonly wear fwords flung over nine years old ; and fome of them are pinked in
their right fhoulder, others carry fagays or fpears their faces and brealts for ornament,
about three yards long, others have bows and ar- They give away their daughters when they are
rows, but all of them wear knives flung by their very young ; fome as foon as they are born, and
fides ; and indeed I have obferved that they are the parents can never afterwards break the match
very dextrous at ufing whatever fort of weapon but it is in the man’s power never to come and
they carry. take his wife, unlefs he pleafes ; and unlefs he is
Their manner of falutation is, fhaking of fo generous as to give her leave, fhe cannot mar-
hands ; but generally, when the men falute the ry any other. They generally take their wives
women, they, inftead of fhaking their hands, very young, when they are obliged to pay the
pa-
OF MODERN
parents of the wife two cows, two iron bars, and
two hundred cola, a fruit that comes a vaft way
inland.
When the man takes home his wife, he makes
a feaft at his houfe, to which every body that is
willing comes without the form of an invitation ;
for they don’t uie much ceremony that way, and
there they play and dance for three or four days
fucceifively, the woman [being brought upon
mens fhoulders to her hufbands houfe, with a
veil over her face, which the keeps on till fhe
has been in bed with her hufband ; during
which they dance and ling, beat drums, and fire
their fmall arms.
Every man is allowed to take as many wives
as he pleafes ; fome have no lefs than a hundred.
If they are found lying with any other men but
their hufbands, they are liable to be fold for
Haves : they are turned off at pleafure, and he
makes her take all her children with her, unlefs he
has a mind to keep any of them himfelf.
It isufual to fee the women abroad the fame
day, or the morrow after they are delivered ; a-
bout a month afterwards they name the child,
which is done by {having its head, and rubbing
it over with fome oil.
Some Ihort time before the rainy feafon begins,
they circumcife a great number of boys about
twelve or fourteen years of age ; after which they
put on a peculiar habit, each kingdom being dif-
ferent in their drefs.
When people die, all their friends and acquain-
tance come and cry over them a day or two, as
the Irifh do, and bury them in the room in
which they die, or elfe very clofe to it. Thofe
of the relations that are not upon the fpot, do,
out of refpedl to the deceafed, cry and howl as
much at an hundred miles diftant, as tho’ they
were adtually with the deceafed at the time of his
deceafe.
I don’t find that the African company have
now any fort at Sherbro-river, or in the river Si-
erra Leon, or indeed on any parts of the coaft
between the rivers Gambia and Sherbro ; but
there are fome private traders, Portuguefe and o-
thers, who have fettlements on this coaft, and
trade with the natives, and fuch European {hip-
ping as arrives annually upon the coaft lor gold,
ivory, Haves, &c.
Mr. Atkins, in his remarks on the Guinea
Coaft, ob{erves, that there are about thirty private
traders fettled on the river Sierra Leon. That
they all keep Gromettas (Negro fervants) which
they hire from Sherbro river, at two accys or
bars a month. The women keep houfe, and
are obedient to any proftitutions their mafters
command. The men fervants work in the boats
and periagoes, which go a trading in turns, with
coral, brafs, pewter, pans, pots, arms, Englifh
i history;
{pints, &c. and bring back from the Rio-Nunes,
Haves and teeth, and from Sbeibro, cam- wood
for dyers ; a Hoop or two is the moft that is
loaded from the latter place in a year, and that
with difficulty, being obliged to go far up the
river, narrow and befet with mangroves, which
makes it iickly.
That they purchafe chiefly ivory and Haves,
and when the Haves are brought hither, they
chain three or four of them together, commit-
ting them to the care of the Gromettas, till they
have an opportunity of felling them, which
they do for about fifteen pounds a good Have,,
allowing the purchafer forty or fifty pound per
cent, profit on his goods.
As thefe Haves are placed under lodges near
the owner’s houfe, for air, cleanlinefs, and cu-
ftomers better viewing them, I had every day
the curiofity of obferving their behaviour, which-
with moft of them was very dejedfed. Once,
on looking over fome of old Cracker’s Haves,
I could not help taking notice of one fellow a-
mong the reft, of a tall ftrong make, and bold
ftern afpedl. As he imagined we were viewing
them with a defign to buy, he feemed to dif-
dain his fellow-flaves for their readinefs to be
examined ; and, as it were, fcorned looking at
us, refufing to rife or ftretch out his limbs, as
the matter commanded ; winch got him an un-
merciful whipping from Cracker’s own
hand, with a cutting manatea-ftrap ; and he had.
certainly killed him, but for the lofs he muft
have fuftained by it: all which the Negro bore
with magnanimity, fhrinking very little, and'
fhedding a tear or two, which he endeavoured
to hide, as tho’ afhamed of it. All the compa-
ny obferving his courage, wanted to know of
Cracker how he came by him ; who told us,,
that this fame fellow, called captain To mb a,
was a leader of fome country villages, that op-
pofed them and their trade at the river Nunes r .
killing his friends there, and firing their cot-
tages. The fufferers this way, by the help of
my men (fays Cracker) furprized, and
bound him in the night about a month ago,,
he having killed two in his defence before they
could fecure him ; and from thence he was.
brought hither, and made my property.
The country about Sierra Leon is fo thick
fpread with wood, that you cannot penetrate a
pole’s length from the water- fide, unlefs between:
the town and a fountain, from, whence they
fetch their w 7 ater, without a great deal of diffi-
culty. They have paths, however, thro’ thefe
woods to their plantations ; which, tho’ but a
mile or two from the towm, are frequently the.
walks of wild beafts.
The Ihores hereabouts, like thofe of Sweden*,
are rocky, and without any colour of earth at-
J moft;.
742
A CONTINUATION
mod ; yet produce large trees, the roots fpread- hundred hanging nefts at leafh upon it. This is
ing on the furface : the chief of thefe are the a fmall familiar bird, that builds upon the ex-
palm, the cocoa, and the cotton- tree. treme flendereH twigs of a tree, hanging like
Other vegetables for food are rice, yams, plan- fruit ; and thus fecure their young againft mon-
tanes, pine-apples, limes, oranges, papais, palm- keys, parrots, fquirrels, and other creatures of
nuts, wild roots, and berries. ptey .
This is their common fuffenance, the gift of Panyarring is a term for man-Healing along
providence without their care ; they might a- the whole coaft : here it is ufed alfo for Healing
bound, but prefer eafe and infolence ; he is the any thing elfe ; and by cuftom (their law) every
greateff man among them, who can afford to man has a right to take as much from another,
eat rice all the year round. Kid and fowl they as he can prove afterwards at the Palaaver
have fo me, and thefe were all the domeftick court, he hath been defrauded of by any perfon
animals I faw. that place.
The Negroes here are well-limbed, clean fel- Cabaceers are the principal trading men at
lows, flat-nofed, and many with exomphalos’s, all towns ; their experience, or courage, hav-
the effeft of bad midwifry, or ftraining in their ing given them that fuperiority : and thefe gen-
infancy to walk ; for they are never taught, tlemen ufually come off to our fhips with fome
but creep upon a mat on all fours, till they Englifh title and certificate, the favour of former
have ftrength to ereft themfelves ; and notwith- traders to them for their honefty and good fer-
ftanding this, are feldom diftorted. Thefe do vice.
not circumcife, but the flaves brought from the Their drefs is little more than a clout to cover
northward are frequently fo. their nakednefs ; but both fexes take delight in
The women are not nigh fo well fhaped as twilling their woolly hair into ringlets with gold,
the men ; childing, and their breafts always pen- or glittering Hones, and fhall beffow a great
dulous, Hretches them to fo unfeemly a length deal of time upon it.
and bignefs, that fome, like the Egyptians, I The women are fondeH of what they call fe-
believe, could fuckle over their fhoulders. Their tilhing, or drefs, fetting themfelves out to at-
being imployed in all labour makes them robuH ; tradl the good graces of the men. Some make
for fuch as are not Gromettas, work hard in a flreak round their foreheads of white, red, or
tillage, make palm-oil, or fpin cotton, and when yellow ; others make circles round their arms
they are free from fuch work, the idle hufbands and bodies, and in this frightful figure pleafe,
put them upon brading and fetilhing out their The men alfo have their ornaments, confining
woolly hair, being prodigious curious in this in bracelets, or marilla’s, about their wriffs and
fort of ornament, and keep their wives thus ancles, of brafs, copper, pewter, or ivory ; the
bufied feveral hours every day. fame again on their fingers and toes : a neck-
Their houfes are low little huts, not quite fo lace of monkeys teeth and ivory Hicks in their
bad as many in Yorkfhire, built with wooden ears.
Hockades fet in the ground, in a round or fquare At Seffhos, moH of our windward flave-fhips
form, thatched with Hraw ; and for furniture, Hop to buy rice, exchanged at about two flail-
they have a mat or two to lie down upon, two lings per quintal- The river is about half the
or three earthen or wooden difhes, with a fpoon, breadth of the Thames, a narrow entrance, only
all of their own making. They are idle, prin- for boats, on the Harboard fide, between two,
cipally for want of arts and domefiick employ- rocks, which on great fwells and winds, make
ments ; for the women plant, and gather in the fhooting of it dangerous,
their corn and fruits, and do every thing with- The town is large, and built after a different
out door but hunt and fifh. model from thofe we have left : they run them
Whole towns Ihift their habitations, either up (fquare or round; four foot from the earth :
when they do not like their neighbours, or in at that height is the firff and chief room to
expectation of greater conveniences elfewhere, fleep in. In the middle of it is a fire-place for
foon clearing ground enough for what building charcoal, that ferves a double purpofe (viz.) dri-
and culture they propofe. Seignior Joseph, a ving off infefts and vermin, and drying their
Chriffian Negroe of this place, has lately, with Indian corn. Of the upper loft they make a
his people, left a clean well-built town, and Horehoufe, that runs up pyramidal thirty foot,
removed further up the river. Their huts are making the town at diffance appear like a num-
moffiy orbicular, forming a fpacious fquare area, ber of fpires, each Handing fingly.
and in this the doors are paved with cockle- This, and every town hereabouts, had a Pa-
fhells; two or three crofies are ereCted, and laaver room, a publick place of meeting for the
round about it are lime-trees, papais, plantanes, people to tranfadf the bufinefs of. the lociety.
pine-apples, and a few bee-hives. And in the They are large, and built fomething like our
middle of the area is a large tree, with five lodges for carts, with a raifed floor four foot
from
743
OF MODERN HISTORY.
from the ground ; here they meet without diftinc-
tion, king and fubject, fmoking from morning to
night. At this place it is common to bring your
traffick, brafs pans, pewter and bafins, powder,
fhot, oldchefts, &c< and exchange for rice, goats,
and fowls. Two or three pipes, a charge of
powder, or fuch a trifle, buys a fowl ; a two
pouiTd bafin buys a goat.
From hence our author proceeds to the com-
pany’s capital, or fettlement of Cape Coaft, or
Cape Corfe Caftle. This fadtory confifts of mer-
chants, factors, writers, miners, artificers,
and foldiers ; and excepting thofe of the firft rank,
he fays, all the reft are a company of white Ne-
groes, who are intirely refigned to the governor’s
commands, according to the ftridleft rules of dis-
cipline, and are punifhed (garrifon fafhion) on
feveral defaults, with muldts, confinement, the
dungeon, drubbing, or the wooden horfe ; and
for enduring this, they have each of them a fa-
lary fufficient to buy canky, palm-oil, and a little
fifh to keep them from ftarving : For though
the falaries found tolerably in Leadenhall-Street,
from fifty pounds to ninety pounds per annum a
fadtor, fifty pounds an artificer ; yet in the coun-
try, the general pays them in crackra, a falfe
money, which is only current upon the fpot, and
difables them from taking any advantage of buy-
ing necefl'aries from {hips calling down ; fo that
for the fupport of nature, thefe thin creatures are
obliged to take up all necefl'aries of the company ;
and, in effect, by it aflign ever their liberty, none
being admitted to depart till he has adjufted all
accounts. When the man is too fober to run in
debt, there are acts of mifmanagement, or lofs of
goods under his care, to be charged as wanting.
They are all liable alfo to be mulcted for drunken-
nefs, fwearing, neglects, and lying out of the
caftle ; even for not going to church (fuch is their
piety.) And thus by various arbitrary methods,their
ferviceis fecured durante bene placito.
The fame method he takes with the town Ne-
groes, who, inconfiderate wretches, are continu-
ally fcoring up for goods or drams, and thus be-
come pawns to the company, i. e. liable to be fold
when the general thinks fit.
Though the general has but one vote in bufinefs,
he influences the reft, who fign whatever he pro-
pofes. He difpofes alfo of preferments to the
factors and writers, who as they pleale or difpleafe,
may be continued or removed. 1 hofe who are
employed at a diftancefrom the fort, are allowed
a commiffion in trade, additional to their pay ; fo
in fome of the outer forts (fuch as Accra or in a
fhip) they make confiderable profits, while at others
again, Anamaboe or Dixcove, they find a great
deal of trouble, wet lodging, fcarcity of provifion,
and no profit ; and as thele laft out-number the
good, I ohferved raoft of our faftors to have
dwindled much from the genteel air they brought,
wear no cane or fnuff-box, have lank bodies, a
palevifage, their pockets fown up, or of no ufe,
and their tongues tied. One caufe of their Hen-
dernefs indeed, is a fcarcity of provifion, little be-
fides plantain or fmall fifli, Indian corn, and a
great deal of canky to be bought at market.
Poor F d was a youth well recommended,
and lived as long as he could, i had once fome
bufinefs in his office, when a Negro woman came
bawling about his ears for a plantain he had ftole
from her: he would fain have concealed the
meaning of her mufick, but at length I underftood
it was the only morfel he had eat for three days
paft, one night’s debauch, and feveral muldts,
having run him out of pocket. The next occafion
I had of inquiring after him, I heard, that being
too narrowly watched in this illegal traffick, he
pined with a vacuum of the guts, and died, leav-
ing this advice to his countrymen, rather to run a
remote hazard of being hanged at home, than
chufe a tranfportation hither.
The general does not feel this want ; for al-
though here be a fcarcity of neat cattle, kid, or
fowl (nobody having any befides himfelf) he fup-
plies this want from other parts, by their own
trading veflels, and dafhees from mailers of fhips
and neighbouring nations ; and for vegetables, he
has a large garden, firft planted by Sir Da ley
Thomas, a former governor, abounding not
only with theirs, but fruits of Englifh growth,
and intirely for his own ufe.
The fadtory have every now and then a large
demand for fait, made and brought hither from
Accra. The fale appears like a fair in the caftle ;
and many of thofe Negroes, whofe ivory or gold
would notpurchafe half a bufhel, I was told had
travelled fome hundred miles ; they chufing to go
in bodies when feed-time is over, as a better pro-
tedlion from wild beafts, and their wilder country-
men, who frequently made incurfions from feve-
ral parts of the coaft, and feize them for llaves,
when few and defencelefs.
We failed from Cabo Corfo, and touched in
our paflage (fays the fame writer) at Anamaboe,
Montford, Barku, Shalio, Accra, R. Volta, the
Papau Coaft, and arrived at Whydah, July the
4th, where we made a ftay of three weeks.
At Anamaboe our private fhips finifh their
Having, few or none being got downward till you
reach Whydah.
At Montford, Shalio, and thereabouts, they
make up the deficiency of rice and corn for the
voyage, the country appearing fruitful, and wall
_ betterafpedl than any of thofe we have palled to
windward, intermixed with hills and vales a<.
every league almoft a town, many corn-fields,
fait- pans, and other marks of induftry, particu-
larly about Accra. ~ . ,
At Accra, the Englilh, French, ana Dutch
fadtory and fort, and make there
great
have each
A CONTI
great quantities of fait, Supplying the windward
and the inland provinces, where it is always a
precious commodity.
Before we reach hither, we pafs by a confider-
able high mount, which has been feen to fmoke
like a volcano ; from whence, and being the haunt
of rapacious wild beafts, they call it Devil’s Hill.
But the moil danger to travellers here, is from a
prodigious number of apes (fome five feet long)
and monkeys that inhabit it, who will attack fingle
paffengers, and drive them for refuge into the
water, of which thefe creatures are very fearful.
At fome places the Negroes have been fufpe&ed of
beftiality with them, and by the boldnefs andaffec-
tion they are known under fome circumftances to ex-
prefs to our females, but more from their near refem-
blance to the human fpecies, would tempt one to
fufpeCt the fad; although by the way, this, like
other hebridous produdions, could never go far-
ther. Our carpenter got one on board from thefe
parts, as near the likenefs of a child, without being
one, as perhaps was ever feen ; a flat and fmooth
vifage, little hair, no tail, would tafte nothing
but milk or gruel fweetened, and that with diffi-
culty, moaning continually in a tone like an in-
fant ; in fhort, the moans and afpect were fo
Blocking and melancholy, that after two or three
months keeping, it was ftunned and thrown o-
ver-board.
The Ourang Ou tang, taken now and then in
fome parts of Guinea, and at the illand of Borneo
in Eaft-India, has been thought a human favage.
Captain Flower brought home one from Ango-
la in 1733, difembowelled and preferved in rum ;
it lived a few months with him, had a fmooth
vifage, little hair, genitals like the human, would
frequently walk on its hind legs voluntarily, would
fit down in a chair to fip or drink, in the fame
manner they did ; always flept fitting with his
hands upon his fhoulders, not mifchievous like
others, and had his hands, feet, and nails more
refembling ours.
The river Volta is remarkable for the rapidity
of its ftream, making a very great fea upon the
bar, and carrying itfelf off for fome way unmixed :
at two leagues it is only brackifh ; from hence
begins the Papau coaft, low and vroody.
The whole track from Sierra Leon is without
gulphs or bays, of near an equal depth of water
at the fame diftances, little elevation, except at
great rivers, where the tides are regular, as with
us at home ; feldom without breezes. When a
ftorm or tornado happens, they are always off
fhore ; no dews perceptible on board fhips in the
nights, though large at fhore, and a conflant
mifty horizon.
There is a return of vernal and autumnal rains
through the whole coaft : the former, whether
on this or the other fide the equator, are longer
and more inceflanl; they begin on this fide at Si-
NUATION
erraLeon in May, at the Gold Coaft and Whydafi
in April, preceded by fouth and fouth-eaft winds.
On the other fide of the Line again, the vernal
rains fall at Cape Lopez in October, at Angola in
November, &c. And as thefe feafons are attended
with clouds, the air is cooler, and therefore by the
ftewed inhabitants denominated winter.
Tornadoes, by the Spaniards called travadoes,
are in no part of the world fo frequent as at Guinea .
They are fierce and violent gufts of wind, that
give warning for fome hous, by a gradual lower-
ing and blackening of the sky to windward,
whence they come, accompanied with darknefs,
terrible {hocks of thunder and lightening, and end
in rains and calm. They are always off fhore,
between the north and north-eaft here, and moft
eafterly at the Bites of Benin, Calabar, and Cape
Lopez ; but although they are attended with this
favourable property of blowing from the fhore,
and laft only three or four hours, yet fhips im-
mediately at the appearance of them, furl all their
fails, and drive before the wind.
We have fometimes met with thefe torna-
does two in a day, often one ; and to fhew
within what a narrow compafs their effects are,
fhips have felt one, when others at ten leagues
diftance have known nothing of them: nay, at
Anamaboe (three or four leagues off) they have
had ferene weather, while we have buffered un-
der a tornado in Cape Corfo road ; and vice
verfa. A proof of what naturalifts conjecture,
that no thunder is heard above thirty miles. One
we felt the afternoon of taking Roberts the
pirate, that feemed like the rattling of ten thou-
fand fmall arms within three yards of our heads;
it fplit our main top-maft, and ended as ufual,
in exceffive fhowers, and then calm: the near-
nefs is judged by the found inftantly following
the fiafh. Lightening is common here at other
times, efpecialJy with the {hutting in of even-
ing, and flafhes perpendicularly, as well as ho-
rizontally.
Air-mattans, or harmattans, are impetuous
gales of wind from the eaftern quarter, about
Midfummer and Chriftmas: they are attended
with fogs, laft three or four hours (feldom thun-
der and lightening, as the tornadoes ) and ceafe
with rain ; are very dry, fhrivelling up paper,
parchment, or pannels of efcrutores, like a fire.
They reach fometimes the Gold Coaft, but are
frequenteft, and in a manner peculiar to the Bite
of Benin.
Mr. Atkins, fpeaking of the trade of the Gui-
nea Coaft, obferves, that from the river Gam-
bia, in 21 degrees 13 minutes north, to Angola,
about 9 or 10 degrees to the fouth, the Portu-
guefe were the firft Europeans that fettled, and
built forts here, tho’ now the leaft concerned in
it : what remains of theirs is to the fouthward,
on the river Congo, at Loango de St. Paul, and
OF MODERN HISTORY.
iftands, where they keep priefts to teach their preferve the trade from being engrofied by our
language to the natives, and baptize without
making chriftians.
The African company, in its flourifliing con-
dition, gained annually to England 900,000 1 .
whereof in teeth, camwood, wax, and gold, on-
ly 100,000 1. and the reft in Haves, which, in the
infancy of their trade, were in very great de-
mand over all the American plantations, to fup-
ply their own wants, and carry on a clandeftine
commerce with the Spanilh Weft-Indies. On
computation, Barbadoes wanted annually 4000
Negroes; Jamaica 10,000; Leeward Illands
6000 ; and becaufe the company could not
fupply this number, having only imported
46,396 Haves, between the years 1680 and 1688,
interlopers crept in, and contended forafliare.
From this time the company vifibly decayed ;
infomuch, that in eight following years they only
imported to the Weft-Indies 17,760 Haves, and
the feparate traders, in that time, 71,268.
Finding their trade under great diladvantages,
tho’ private traders were obliged to pay them
ten per cent, they refolved to make the beft fnare
they could in this money, by leffening their ex-
pence about the forts : they accordingly with-
drew all fupplies from the garrifon, leaving them
to fubfift by their own management, or ftarve ;
Charles-Fort, at the mouth of the river Gambia,
having only twelve men, was taken by a pri-
vateer of eight guns in 1709. Sierra Leon had but
thirteen men; Sherbrofour; and thefe were not
any charge to the company, being poflefled by
fuch, as having a long time refided in that fer-
vice, by help of thofe fortifications, were capa-
ble of doing fomething for themfelves_; and fo
the private traders, by degrees, got entirely quit
of this duty, the rea'fon in a manner ceafing for
which it v. 7 as at firft allowed.
About 1719, their affairs feemed to revive a-
gain, under the aufpices of the duke of Chandois,
who became a very great proprietor in their ftock,
and promifed from his figure and intereft, a re-
newal of their privileges : more fhips -were em-
ployed than for many years paft ; but whether
it were their too large expence, or corruption
of their chief officers, who too often in compa-
nies think they are fent abroad purely for their
own fervice, or both, they foon felt, that with-
out a feparate adt, they were uncapable of con-
tending with private traders ; they applied to par-
liament for relief, and now Support their forts by
an annual allowance from the government of
TO,OOOl.
Thofe who are the favourers of companies
fuggeft, that if that trade be allowed, it feems
better for the publick, that feme rich and pow-
erful fet of men Should have fuch excluiive
powers to encourage and enable them to main-
tain forts and garrifons, to awe the natives, and
Vol. III.
dangerous rivals here, the French and Dutch,
which, as we relinquiHi it, falls to them, and
gives them an opportunity of fixing what price
they pleafe upon goods imported from thence.
The company’s trade wanting that en-
couragement, every year grows worfe : they
buy dearer than in times paft, on the Coaft, and
fell cheaper in the Weft-Indies ; the reafon at
Guinea is a great fcarcity of Haves, and an im-
proved knowledge in the trading negroes, who
difpofe of them. On the other fide, our colonies
are now pretty well glutted with Haves, and their
call consequently not nigh fo large : 20,000 in a
year, perhaps, furnifhes all our plantations ; and
tho’ more are imported by private traders, it is
in order to transport them again to the Spa-
nifti Weft-Indies, where, tho’ the Afliento fhips
are of late years only indulged by treaty, all 0-
thers being liable to confutation, and the people to
ilavery, if taken by the Spanifh guard de cofta, yet
the profpedt of gain inciting, they ftill find means
to continue on, and maintain a forcible traffick
for them, under the piotedlion of their guns.
This clandeftine method, by the way, hurts the
South-Sea company, beating down the price of
their Haves, who cannot fo well afford it, becaufe
bought and brought there at a greater charge.
I now proceed to our method of trade. Pri-
vate trading fhips bring two or three boats with
them upon this coaft for difpatch ; and while the
mates go away in them, with a proper parcel of
goods and inftrudlions, into the rivers and by-
places, the fhip is making good her trade at others
near hand.
The fuccefs of a voyage depends, firft, on
the well forting, and on the w T ell timing of a
cargo. Secondly, in a knowledge of the places
of trade, what, and how much, may be expell-
ed every where. Thirdly, in dramming well
with Englifh fpirits, and conforming to the hu-
mours of the negroes. Fourthly, in timely fur-
nifhing proper food for the Haves. Fifthly, in dif-
patch ; and laftlyfthe good order and management
of Haves, when on board ; of each a word or two.
Firft, on the timing of a cargo: this depends
at feveral places much upon chance, from the
fanciful and various humours of the negroes,
who make great demands one voyage for a com-
modity, that perhaps they rejedt next, and is in
part to be remedied, either by making the things
they itch after to pafs off thole they have not
fo much mind to, or by fuch a continual traf-
fick and correfpondence on the coaft, as may
furnifh the owner from time to time with quick
intelligence, to be done only by great merchants,
who can keep employed a number of fhips ; that,
like a thread, unites them in a knowledge of
their demands, and a readier fupply for them, as
well as difpatch for their matter’s intereft, by
C c c c c P LU ~
74 6
A CONTINUATION
putting the purchafes of two or three fhips into of the Englifh factories, there is a better under-
one. The late Mr. Hum p h r e y Mor r ice was Handing and fecurity : Thefe are places that fell off
the greateft private trader this way ; and, unlefs a number of Haves, managed, however, wholly
Providence had fixed a curfe upon it, he mull on board the fhips who anchor before the town,
have gained exceedingly. hoift their enfign, and fire a gun ; or when the
Secondly, of the forting : this ma y be obferved
in general, that the windward and leeward parts
of the coaft are as opposite in their demands as
is their dillance. Iron bars, which are not alked
for to leeward, are a fubftantial part of the wind-
ward cargoes : cryftals, oranges, corals, and brals-
mounted cutlafies, are almoft peculiar to the
windward coaft as are brafs-pans from RioSe-
thos, to Apollonia ; cowreys (or bouges) at
Whidah ; copper and iron bars, at calabar ;
— but arms, gunpowder, tallow, old fheets, cot-
tons of all the various denominations, and Englifh
fpirits, are every where called for. Sealing-wax
and pipes are neceflary in fmall quantities; they
ferve for dafhees,(prefents) and are a readypurchale
for fifh, a goat, kid, or a fowl.
Where the company’s factors are fettled, as at
Gambia, and along the greateft part of the Gold
Coaft, they influence the trade fomething againft
private fhips ; fo alfoat Sierra Leon, fome feparate
traders live, who voyage it with boats into the
adjacent rivers ; and moft of what a fhip can pur-
chafe, is thro’ their hands : but thofe from Lon-
don feldom ftrike higher upon the coaft than
Cape Mount, Montzerado, and Junk, falling
from thence down to leeward, many of the
places, in their courfe, being rendered dangerous,
from the tricks and panyarrs the traders have firft
pradlifed upon the negroes ; a mutual jealoufy
now keeping each fide very watchful againft vio-
lence. We trade on board the fhip, often keep-
ing our failors in clofe quarters abaft, becaufe
few, while the Haves are viewing and contradl-
ing for at the fore-part ; at night alfo keeping a
good watch, fome of thefe negroes attempting
now and then to fteal with their canoes athwart
your hawfe, and cut the cable. Captain Cum-
mins at Whidah they ftranded in 1734.
They again are as often diffident of coming
nigh us, and will play for hours together in their
canoes about the fhip, before they dare venture.
In this windward part, I have before obferved, they
have a fuperftitious cuftom of dropping with their
finger a diop of fea water into their eye, which
they are pleafed when anfwered in, and pafles for
an engagement of peace and fecurity ; ar.d
yet, afier all this ceremony, they will fome-
times return to fnore; if hardy enough to come
on board, they appear all the time fhy and
frightened, and from the leaft appearance of a
panyarr, jump all over- board. Downwards to
Baflam, Affinee, Jaquelahou, Cape le Hou, Ja-
quea Jaques, Cape Apollonia, and Three Points,
or where they have poflibiy gained a knowledge
natives feem timorous, do. it by their boats coaft-
ing along the beach, and pay at fome of them a
fmall duty to the chief cabiceers.
When a fhip has gathered up all this trade, fhe
makes up the deficiency of her freight at Anama-
boo, three leagues belowi Cape Corfo, where
they conftantly ftop, and are fometimes two or
three months in finifhing. It is a place of very
conliderable trade in itfelf ; and befides, the com-
pany have a houfe and fadlor, keeping always a
number of Haves againft thofe demands of the in-
terlopers, who they are fenfible want difpatch,
and therefore make them pay a higher price for it
than any where on the whole coaft, felling at fix
ounces and a half a Have (in exchange for goods)
tho’ the poor creatures look as meagre and thiu
as their writers.
Giving way to the ridiculous humours and
geftures of the trading negroe, is no fmall arti-
fice for fuccefs. If you look ftrange, and are nig-
gardly of your drams, you frighten him ; Sambo
is gone ; he never cares to treat with dry lips ;
and as the expence is in Englifh fpirits of two
fhillings a gallon, brought partly for that purpofe,
the good humour it brings them into, is found
difcounted in the fale of goods.
A fifth article is, the wholefome victualling
and management of Haves on board.
The common, cheapeft, and moft commo-
dious diet is with vegetables, horfe-beans, rice,
Indian corn, and farine, or flower ; the former
fhips bring with them out of England ; rice they
meet to windward about Sefthos ; Indian corn at
Momford, Anamaboo, &c. and further fupplies of
them, or farine, at the iftands of St. Thomas and
Prince’s, mafters governing themfelves in pur-
chafing, according to the courfe they defign to
fteer.
This food is accounted more falutary to Haves,
and nearer to their accuftomed way of feeding,
than fait flefh. One or other is boiled on board
at corftant times twice a day into a dab-a-dab
(fometimes with meat in it) and have an over-
leer, with a cat-of-nine-tails, to force it upon
thofe that are fulien and refufe.
When there was that great trade for Haves at
Whidah, the commanders, with, their furgeons,
always attended on fiiore, where they purchafed
them, in what they called a fair and open mar-
ket.
The mates kept on board, receiving from time
to time their mafter’s directions, as to the goods
wanted, and to piepare the fhip for the reception
and fecurity of the Haves lent him ; where this
is
OF MODERN HISTORY.
Is a rule always obferved, to keep the males a-
part from the women and children, to hand-cuff
the former ; Briftol fhips triple fuch as are fturdy
with chains round their necks ; and to keep your
own men fober,and on a barricado’d quarter-deck ;
tho* thenatural cowardice of thefe creatures, and no
other profpedt upon riling, but falling into the
hands of the fame rogues that fold them, very much
leliens the danger : neverthelefs, it is advifeable
at all times to have a diligent watch on their ac-
tions, yet (abating their fetters) to treat them with
all gentlenefs and civility.
When we are llaved, and out at fea, it is com-
monly imagined the negroes ignorance of na-
vigation, will always be a fafeguard ; yet, as
many of them think themfelves bought to
eat ; and more, that death will fend them into
their own country, there has not been want-
ing examples of rifing and killing a blip’s com-
pany diftant from land, tho’ not fo often as on
the coaft : but once or twice is enough to lhew,
a mailer’s care and diligence fhould never be over
till the delivery of them. Some negroes know
well enough, that their preferving one white man
may anfwer their purpofe in an exchange : how-
ever, generally fpeaking, we allow greater liber-
ty in our paffage ; as conducive to their health,
we let them go at large on the blip’s deck,
from fun-rife to fun-fet ; give fuch as like it
pipes and tobacco, and clean and air their dormi-
tories every day.
Slaves differ in their goodnefs ; thofe from the
Gold Coait are accounted bell, being cleaneft
limbed, and more docible by our fettlements
than others : but then they are for that very
reafon more prompt to revenge, and murder
the inftruments of their bavery, and all'o apter
in the means to compafs it.
To windward they approach in goodnefs,
as is the dillance from the Gold Coaft ; fo as at
Gambia, orSierraLeon, to be much better than at
any of the interjacent places.
To leeward from thence, they alter gradu-
ally for the worfe ; an Angolan negro is a pro-
verb for worthlefi'nefs, and they mend (if we may
fo call it) in that way, till you come to the Hot-
tentots, that is, to the fouthermoft extremity of
Africa.
I have obferved how our trading is managed
for baves, when obliged to be carried on aboard
the blip Where there are fadlories (as at
Gambia, Sierra Leon, the Gold Coaft, Whidah,
Calabar, Cabenda, and Angola) we are more at
large ; they are fold in open market on fhore,
and are examined by us in like manner as our
brother trade do beafts in Smithlield ; the coun-
tenance and ftature, a good fet of teeth, pliancy
in their limbs and joints, and being free of vene-
real taint, are the things infpefted, and governs
our choice in buying.
The bulk of them are country people, ftupid as
is their diftance from the converfe of the Coall-ne-
groes ; eat all day, if vidluals is before them, or if
not, let it alone without complaint ; part without
tears with their wives, children, and country, and
are more affedled with pain than death : yet in this
indocile ftate, the women retain a modefty ; for
tho’ ftripped of that poor clout which covers their
privities (as I know the Whidahs generally do)
they will keep fquatted all day long on board, tc
hide them.
Whidah baves are more fubjedl to fmall-pcx
and fore eyes ; other parts to a ileepy diftemper;
and to windward, exomphalos’s. There are
few inftances of deformity any where; even
their nobles know nothing of chronical diftem-
pers, nor their ladies of the vapours. Their flat-
tifh nofes are owing to a continual grubbing in
their infancy againll their mother’s backs, being
tied within the tomee, whether upon travel, or
bufinefs, for a year or two, the time of their
fucking.
Ivory is purchafed in teeth, or fcrevelio’s. The
teeth are large, weighing from thirty to an
hundred weight, and worth double the other at
home ; thefe felling for ten or twelve pound,
when the other do not for above bve pound a
hundred.
The fcrevelio’s are fmall, from bfteen down to
four pound weight ; among thefe laft are fold us
to windward, the teeth of the hippopotamus, or
fea-horfe, catched in the rivers Nunes and Gam-
bia, about bxteen inches long, a white ivory,
but fo brittle, as not to be eably worked.
The rule upon the coaft is, that when four
will weigh an hundred weight, they fhall be all
accounted teeth, and paid for as fuch, tho’ one or
two of them be never fo fmall ; for the more
teeth encreafein their w 7 eigbt, the beter the ivory,
and makes amends for the fmallnefs of the other.
At Gambia the points of them are often found
broken, from the elephants grubbing againft
rocky ground : at other times you fee them haw-
ed, or they are light in proportion to their big-
nefs ; circumftances to abate their value.
I have been often ruminating how the trad-
ing Negroes come by thofe elephants teeth, and
find they exchange our European commodities
with the inland natives for them ; but whether
they again fhoot the elephants, or find their teeth
in travelling through the woods and defarts, is
uncertain. Their rivers and canoes, indeed, help
to extend their knowledge a vaft way through
the country ; and there are -fome accounts that
tell us, the negroes fituated upon thefe rivers
(like the Americans) make excurfions, or voyages,
of a month or two from their habitations.
Mr. P i. u n k e t , of Sierra Leon, and others, of
above twenty years experience in thofe parts, have
informed me, that elephants move and change
C c c c c 2 their
A CONTINUATION
their pa flu re in very large herds ; that they have
feen droves upon the banks of the Gambia, of a
thoufand and fifteen hundred togther ; that they
are bold, forage lefs than horfes, and look out
much better : from the circumftance of number,
and boldnefs of their march (faid to be in a line)
they fecm fecured from any attacks of the
timorous natives, who mull come very near, or
their fkin is impenetrable by fire-arms. Befides,
ivory was the trade of Guinea before the ufe of
them : to which I may add, the weighty teeth
come to fale in lefs number than the fcrevelio’s,
altogether perfuading me they are not fhot, but
that the larger lize are teeth of elephants which
have died naturally, and which being grown to
their uttnoll perfection and folidity, withftand a
very coriliderable elapfe of time, without decay or
mouldering ; and that the fcrevelio’s are probably
Inch as are fined when young, or as bucks do
their horns, which the natives, by practice, know
where to look for.
Gold is either fetifh, in lump, or in duft. The
feti/h gold is that which the negroes call into va-
rious fhapes, and wear as ornaments to their ears,
arms, and legs, but chiefly at their head, entan-
gled very dexteroufly in their woolly hair ; it is fo
called from i'ome luperftition (we do not well
underftand) in the form, or in their application,
and commonly mixed with fome bafer metal, to
be judged of by the touch-flone and fkill of the
buyer you employ.
The lump or rock gold, is in pieces of different
weights, pretended to be brought out of mines.
I faw one of thefe, which Mr. Phips had at
Cape Corfo, weighing thirty ounces; they are
always fufpedled to be artificial, and by the cun-
ning fellows in trade call fo, to hide fome bafer
mixture of filver, copper, or brafs; wherefore
it is not fafe trufting to the antique dirty look, but
to cut or run it for fatisfadlion.
Duft-gold is the common tralfick ; the bell comes
hither from the neighbouring inland kingdoms of
Dinkira, Akim, and Arcana, and is got (we are
told) out of the river fands.
Mailers of fhips cuflomarily hire a native at fo
much per month, for this part of the trade ; he
has a quicker fight at knowing, and by practice
readier at feparating the drofly and falfe gold, with
which the true has ever fome mixture, to im-
pofe on unfidlful people. This impure ltuff is
called crackra, a pin or brafs duft, current upon
the gold coaft among themfelves, but is a grofs
cheat in traffick ; fome of it is very bad.
Captain Snel grave makes the following
obfervations on the Guinea trade : he fays, as
foon as the natives perceive a fhip on their coaft,
they make a fmoke on the fea-fhore, as a fignal
for the fhip to come to an anchor, that they
may come and trade with the people aboard.
As foon as we are at an anchor, they come to
us in fmall boats, called canoes, being made of
a Angle tree, and bring their commodities with
them.
Along the greatefl part of this coaft, the Eu-
ropeans have been cautious of venturing on fhore
amongft the natives, they being very barbarous
and uncivilized.
However, the trade on this part of the coaft
has been exceedingly improved within thefe
twenty years paft. It conlifts in negroes, ele-
phants teeth, and other commodities, which the
natives freely bring on board our fhips, except
when any affront has been offered them ; which,
to the great fcandal both ofEnglifh and French,
has too often been done ; namely, by their for-
cibly carrying away the traders under fome
flight pretence of having received an injury from
them. And this has put a flop to the trade of
the particular place where it has happened for a
long time, and innocent people, who have come
there to trade in fmall veflels, have fuffered for
their countrymen’s villany ; feveral, in my time,
having been furprized by the natives, and the
people dellroyed out of revenge.
On the gold coaft, the firft and molt wefter-
Iy European fettlement, was the fort of Fre-
derickfburgh, belonging to the Brandenburghers,
or Pruflians; who, by ficknefs, or the frequent
mutinies of the garrifon, being forced to aban-
don it, the negroes took pofleflion of it, and
the Dutch attempted to recover it from them,
under pretence they had purchafed the fort of
the Brandenburghers. The Dutch loft forty
men in the attack, and were bravely beaten off
by the black governor, who now reigns lord of
this part of the country, demanding a duty from
all fhips that touch here. He was formerly a
fervant to the Brandenburghers ; and where the
Europeans acknowledge his authority, he treats
them with great humanity. The Dutch have
ten or twelve forts and factories upon this coaft,
and the Englifh as many. The chief of the
Dutch forts is that of d’Ehnina, fo named by
the Portugueze, who eredted it, from the gold
mines they fuppofed to be in the neighbour-
hood of it.
This is the largeft, and bell fortified fettle-
ment upon the gold coaft ; and two or three
leagues to the eaftward of it Hands the principal
Englifh fort of Cape-Coaft-Caftle, which is of a
quadrangular form, defended by four baftions,
ftrong enough to refill the attacks of the ne-
groes, tho’ it would make but a mean figure in
Flanders.
There is a great deal of dull hazy weather
on this coaft ; their rainy feafon begins in April
or May, and continues to September ; and, as
moft of our factories lie on the fea coaft, from
whence there afcends flunking fogs, the coaft is
very unhealthful. The pleafanteft and moft
healthful
OF MODERN
healthful feafon is, when the fun is at the greateft
diftance from them. The moft violent Itorms
and tornadoes happen during the rainy feafon,
ufually in July or Auguft, when no {hips can
live upon the coaft ; and it is very difficult go-
ing on ihore, at all times there runs fo great a
furf. The country forms an agreeable landfkip
from the fea, confiiling of hills and valleys,
woods, and champaign fields, and is tolerably
fruitful where it is cultivated.
As the negroe traders bring their gold from
diftant places, fo they do the Haves they fur-
nifh us with ; and having agreed with the Eu-
ropean merchants for the price of them, and
the price of the goods they are to take in ex-
change, a fhip is foon difpatched, if they deal
fairly ; but, if a merchant delivers his goods
before he has his Haves, they will fometimes
make him wait a great while, and, perhaps,
put hard conditions upon him. It is computed
by late travellers, that there are annually export-
ed from the whole coaltof Guinea feventy thou-
fand Haves, and upwards, by the Englifh, Dutch,
French, and Portuguefe ; but the country where
the greateft number of Haves were purchafed,
till very lately, was the kingdom of Whidah,
or Fidah, for that reafon ufually called the Slave
Coaft.
Captain Snelgrave gives the following relation
of the conquefl of the kingdom of Whidah by
the King of Dahome.
The con- Sabee, the chief town of the kingdom of
tjueft of the Whidah, is fituated about feven miles from the
whidah ° f ^ ea '^^ e * ^is town ^e King allowed the
1112 ‘ Europeans convenient houfes for their factories,
and by him we were protected in our perfons
and goods, and when our bufinefs was finifhed,
were permitted to go away in fafety. The
road where {hips anchored, was a free port for
all European nations trading to thofe parts for
negroes. And this trade was fo very confid'er-
able, that it is computed, while it was in a flou-
rifhing ftate, there were above twenty thoufand
negroes yearly exported from thence, and the
neighbouring places, by the Englifh, French,
Dutch and Portuguefe.
The land was well ftocked with people, the
whole country appeared full of towns and vil-
lages ; and being a very rich foil, and well cul-
tivated by the inhabitants, it looked like a gar-
den. Trade having flcurifhed fora long time, had
greatly enriched the people, which, with the
fertility of their country, had unhappily made
them fo proud, effeminate, and luxurious, that
tho’ they could have brought at leaft one hun-
dred thoufand men into the field, yet fo great
were their fears, that they were driven out of
their principal city by two hundred of their ene-
HISTORY.
mies, and at laft loft their whole country to a
nation they formerly contemned.
The King of Dahome, a far inland prince-,
who for fome years paft had rendered himfelf
famous by many victories gained over his neigh-
bours, fent an ambaffador to the King of Whi-
dah, _ requefting to have an open traffick to the
fea-lide, and offering to pay him his ufual cu-
ftoms on negroes exported, which being refu-
fed, he refented the affront, and invaded the
moft northern province of the kingdom of
Whidah, of which a great lord, named Appra-
gah, washereditary governor, who forthwith
fent to the King for his affiftance : but thro’ the
intereft of his enemies at court, who wiflred his
deftruction, he was refufed; fo having made a
little refinance, he fubmitted to the King of
Dahome, who received him very kindly.
The conquefl: of Appragah gave the King
an eafy entrance into the heart of the country,
but he was obliged to halt there by a river, which,
was about half a mile to the northward of the
principal town of the Whidahs, called Sabee,
the refidence of their King. Here the King of
Dahome encamped for fome time, not imagining-
he could have found fo eafy a pafiage and con-
queft as he met with afterwards. For the pafs
of the river was of that nature, it might have-
been defended againft his whole army by five
hundred refolute men ; but inftead of guarding
it, thefe cowardly luxurious people, thinking the
fame of their numbers fufficient to deter the Da-
homes from attempting it, kept no fet guard.
They only went every morning and evening to-
the river fide to make fetiche, as they call it ;
that is, to offer facrifice to their principal God,
which was a particular harmlefs fnake they
adored, and prayed to on this oceafion, to keep
their enemies from coming over the river.
In the mean time the King of Dahome fent
to the Europeans, then refiding at Whidah,
to affure them, if they ftood neuter, and
■were not found in arms, they fhould receive no
damage in their perfons or goods, in cafe he
proved conqueror; and he would eafe their trade,
and remove divers irnpofitions laid on it by the
King of Whidah : on the contrary, if they ap-
peared againft him, they muft expedl his re-
lentment. They would gladly have retired
from Sabee to two mud-walled forts, belonging
to the Englifh and French African cotnpanies,.
which are within three miles of the fea-fide ; but
finding it would have been refented by the King
of Whidah, as a difcouragement to his people,
they were obliged to remain in the town, never
fuipefting the inhabitants would have ran away
in that cowardly manner they did, or that they
fhould fhare the fate of war with them.
The pafs of tfie river being left wholly to the
care of the fnakes, whom the enemy little feared,.
scd
A CONTI
and they having obferved for feveral days, that
the Whidahs kept no fet guard there, it encou-
raged the King of Dahome’s general to lend two
hundred of his foldiers to ford the river ; which
having done without oppoiition, and being bold
fellows, they marched towards the town of Sa-
bee, founding their mufical inftruments. This
was about three o’clock in the afternoon, and
the outguards of the town were almoft all afleep ;
but being roufed by the noife of the enemies
mufick and fhouts, they fled into the town, re-
porting, that all the Dahome army was got
over the river ; which foon reaching the King’s
ear, . he immediately fled with all his people,
making no refinance. I was informed by the
white people then in the Englifh and French
forts, that about five o’clock the fame after-
noon, they faw fuch numbers of people flying
from all parts of the country towards the fea-
fide, that it was very furprizing : for the fields
were covered with them many miles round,
and their black colour made them the more
confpicuous in a clear fun-fhiny day, on a fine
flat champaign country. The King, with a
great number of his fubjedts, fled to an ifland on
the fea coait, which was parted from the main
land by a river, having ferried over in canoes;
but a great many, that could not have the fame
benefit, being hurried on by their fears, were
drowned in the rivers, in attempting to fwim to
the iflands lying near Popoe, which was the
next neighbouring country to their own, on
the fea-coaft to the weftward, and where
they might have been fecure from their ene-
mies, had they efcaped. Moreover, many thou-
fands of thefe poor people, that fheltered them-
felves up and down the country among the
bufhes, periftied afterwards by fword and fa-
mine.
But to return to the Dahome foldiers : when
they firft came to Sabee, it feems they marched
diredtly to the King’s court, where not finding
him, they fet it on fire, and then fent their ge-
neral word what had happened, who brought
the whole army over the river that evening.
He was in fuch a furprize at his good fortune,
that he could hardly believe what he faw ; and
the white gentlemen were as much amazed to
fee the great cowardice of thefe people, who had
vapoured fo highly, and as ignominioufly quit-
ted the town, without oppofing their enemies in
the leaft, leaving them intirely in the power of
the conquerors, with all their own riches. The
day after the taking the town of Sabee, the white
men taken prifoners were fent into the coun-
try to the King of Dahome, who then lay
encamped with another army about forty miles
off, in the kingdom of Ardra ; fome hammocks
being provided for the principal white people,
NUATION
which is the ufual way of travelling in this eoun*»
try for gentlemen, either white or black.
Some few days after their arrival in the King
of Dahome’s camp, the Europeans were fet at
liberty, and fuffered to return to the Englilh
and French forts, the principal gentlemen being
prefented with Haves; and the King allured
them, as foon as his affairs were fettled he Ihould
encourage trade, and have a particular regard to
their interefts.
Snex grave relates, that he arrived at
Whidah in the latter end of Marcli 1726-7, a-
bout three weeks after this conqueft, and found
that fine country, lately exceeding populous,
now deftroyed by fire and fword ; that the
flaughter of the inhabitants was a moll moving
fpedtacle, the fields being in a manner covered
with their carcafles.
From the road of Whidah, Snelgrave
failed to Jaqueen, a port about feven leagues
to the eaftward of it; this people having fub-
mitted to the King of Dahome, and then un-
der his protection.
The King of Dahome hearing of captain
Snelgrave ’s arrival on the coaft, with an
intent to trade, invited him to his camp, which
then lay about forty miles up the country,
whether the captain went, being furnifhed with
horfes, hammocks, fervants, and all manner of
accommodations for his journey. The day af-
ter his arrival at the camp, he had an audience
of his negroe Majefty, of which the captain
gives the following account, (viz.)
The King was in a large court pallifadoed
round, fitting (contrary to the cuftom of the
country) on a fine gilt chair, which he had ta-
ken from the King of Whidah. There was held
over his head, by women, three large umbrel-
la’s, to fhade him from the fun ; and four other
women Hood behind the chair of ftate with fu-
zees on their Ihoulders. I obferved the women
were finely drefled from the middle downward
(the cuftom of the country being not to cover
the body upward of either fex:) moreover, they
had on their arms many large manelloes or
rings of gold of great value ; and round their
necks, and in their hair, abundance of their
country jewels, which are a fort of beads of divers
colours, brought from a far inland country,
where they are dug out of the earth, and in
the fame efteem with the negroes as diamonds
among the Europeans.
The King had a gown on flowered with
gold, which reached as low as his ancles, an
European embroidered hat on his head, with fan-
dais on his feet. We being brought within ten
yards of the chair of ftate, where defired to ftand
ftill : the King then ordered the linguift to bid
us welcome ; on which we paid his Majefty the
OF MODERN HISTORY.
refpedt of our hats, bowing our heads at the behind him, and in his behaviour he {hewed a
fame time very low, as the interpreter directed brave and undaunted mind, nothing like fear ap~
us. Then I ordered the linguift to acquaint the pearing in him. As he flood upright by the ftage,
King, £; That on his Majefty’s fending to de- a feticheer, or prieft, laid his hand on his head,
“ fire me to come up to his camp, I forthwith faying fome words of confecration, which tailed
t£ refolved on the journey, that I might have about two minutes : Then he gave the fign of ex-
w the pleafure of feeing fo great and good a ecution to a man that flood behind the victim,
“ King as I heard he was, relying entirely on who, with a broad fword, immediately ftruck him
u the promifes his mefi'enger had made me in on the neck with fuch force, that the head was
<e his Majefty’s name. ” The King feemed fevered at one blow from the body ; whereupon
well pleafed with what I faid, and allured us of the rabble gave a great Ihout. The head was caft
his protection and kind ufage. Then chairs be- on the ftage, arid the body, after having lain a
ing brought, we were defired to fit down, and little while on the ground, that the blood might
the King drank our healths, and then liquor be- drain from it, was carried away by Haves, and
ing brought us by his order, we drank his Ma- thrown into a place adjoining to the camp. The
jelly’s. After this, the interpreter told us, “ It linguift told us, the head of the vidtim was for
“ was the King’s defire we fhould ftay fome the King, the blood for the Fetiche, or God, and
s£ time with him, to fee the method of paying the body for the common people. We faw many
&£ the foldiers for captives taken in war, and other perfons facrificed in this lamentable manner,
“ the heads of the {lain. ” and obferved, that the men went to the fide of
It fo happened, that in the evening of the day the ftages bold and unconcerned ; but the cries of
we came into the camp, there were brought a- the poor women and children were very moving,
bove eighteen hundred captives, from a country I told an officer, “ I wondered they fhould fa-
called Tuffo, at the diftance of fix days journey. “ crifice fo many people, of whom they might
The king, at the time we were prefent, “ otherwife make good advantage by felling,
ordered the captives of Tuffo to be brought into “ them.” He replied, “ It had ever been the cuf-
the court ; which being accordingly done, he “ tom of their nation, after any conqueft, to of-
chofe himfelf a great number out of them to be fa- ££ fer to their God a certain number of captives,
crificed to his Fetiche, or guardian angel ; the ££ which were always chofe out from among the
others being kept for Haves for his own ufe, or “ prifoners by the King himfelf; for they firmly
to be fold to the Europeans. There were proper “ believed, fhould this be omitted, no more fuc-
officers who received the captives from the fol- ££ cefs would attend them : And he argued for the
diers hands, and paid them the value of twenty “ necefiity and ufefulnefs of their doing it, from
{hillings fterling for every man, in cowries (which “ the large conquefts they had made within a few
is a {hell brought from the Eaft- Indies, and car- ££ years, without any defeat.” Then I asked
ried in large quantities to Whidah by the Euro- him, “ Why fo many old men were facrificed in
peans, being the current money of all the neigh- “ particular.” He anfwered, “ It was belt to put
bouring countries far and near) and ten {hillings ££ them to death ; for being grown wife by their
for a woman, boy, or girl. There were likewife ££ age and long experience, if they were prefer v-
brought by the foldiers fome thoufands of dead ££ ed, they would be ever plotting againft their
people’s heads into the court ; every foldier, as he ££ matters, and fo difturb their country ; for they
has fuccefs, bringing in his hand one, two, three, ££ never would be eafy under flavery, having been
or more heads hanging in a firing; and as the “ the chief men in their own land; moreover, if
proper officers received them, they paid the foldi- “ they fhould be ipared, no European would buy
ers five {hillings for each head: Then feveral peo- ££ them on account of their age.” I then obferved
pie carried them away in order to be thrown on a to him, “ That I had feen feveral handfome-
great heap of other heads that lay near the camp, “ young people facrificed, whom I was fure the
the linguift telling us his Majefty defigns to build a ££ Europeans would gladly have bought.” He
monument with them, and the heads of other replied, “ They were defigned to attend in the
enemies formerly conquered and killed. £t other world the King’s wives, whom the Tuf-
Snelgrave afterwards went to fee the man- “ foes, their countrymen, had fiain.'
ner of facrificing their enemies. Our guard, fays In the evening we pafled by the place where
he, made way for us through the crowd, till we the facrificed bodies were thrown-; there were two
came near four fmall ftages, which were ere died great heaps of them, confifting of four hundred
five feet from the ground ; we flood clofe to them, perfons who had beenchofen out by the king that
and obferved the ceremony, which was performed very morning.
in the following manner ; He adds, that a black prince' who accorn-
The firft vidtim we faw was brought to the fide panted hinv to the king’s camp, informed him af-
of the ftage; it was a comely old man, between terwards, that the facrificed bodies had been taken
fifty and fixty years of age ; his hands were tied away in the night by the common people, who
7S 2
A CONTI
had boiled andfeafted on them as holy food. This
ftory induced us, faysSNELGRAVE, to fend for
our linguift, and take a walk to the place where
we had feen the carcaffes the evening before, and,
to our great furprize, we found they were all gone ;
thereupon alking the interpreter what was become
of them, he replied fmiling, “ The vultures had
“ eaten them up.” I told him, ‘‘ that was very
t£ extraordinary indeed, to fwallow bones and all
there being nothing remaining on the place but a
great quantity of blood; fo he confeffed the feti-
cheers, or priefts, had divided the carcalTes among
the people, who had eat them in the manner they
had been told. And though no doubt this will
appear incredible to many, fays Snelgrave;
yet I defire they will only make this one reflection,
That thofe who could be fo cruel as to facrifice
their fellow creatures, might probably carry their
barbarity a degree farther.
However, as I relate nothing for matter of
fadt, fays he, but what I was an eye-witnefs to ; fo
I fhall leave the reader to give what credit he
pleafes thereto : But as a further confirmation of
their being canibals, I fhall relate what I afterwards
learned from one Mr. Robert Moor, who was
a perfon of great integrity, and at that time fur-
geon of the Italian gaily. This {hip came to Whi-
dah whilft I was at Jaqueen, and captain John'
Dagge, the commander, being indifpofed, fent
Moor to the king of Dahome’s camp, with
prefents for his majelty. There he faw very ftrange
things, efpecially human flefh fold publickly in
the great market-place. A3 I was not in the
market during the time I was in the camp, I faw
no fuch thing ; but I don’t doubt but that I fhould
have feen the fame, had I gone into that place, for
there were many old and maimed captives brought
from Tufl'o (befides thofe facrificed) which no
Europeans would have bought.
In the character Snelgrave gives us of the
king of Dahome, he fays, I had a good opportu-
nity of taking an exaCt view of him. He was
middle-fized and full-bodied, and, as near as I could
judge, about forty-five years old ; his face was
pitted with the fmall-pox; neverthelefs, there was
fomething in his countenance very taking, and
withal majeftick. Upon the whole, I found him
to be the molt extraordinary man of his colour
that I had ever converted with, having feen no-
thing in him that appeared barbarous, except the
facrificing of his enemies, which a Portuguefe
gentleman told me he believed was done out of
policy; neither did he eat human flefh himfelf.
He adds, that the King promifed to fend him
flaves fufficient to freight his {hip down to Ja-
queen ; and that he would take but half the duties
the European merchants ufed to pay, and made
him a prefent of feveral flaves, with cows, goats,
fheep, and other provifions for his journey; And
N U A T I 0 N
within two or three days after his arrival at Ja-
queen, the flaves that had been promifed him
were fent thither; but he did not meet with fuch
good ufage however from the Dahome officers,
as he might have expeCted from the promifes the
King had made him : That on the ift of July,
1727, he failed from the road of Jaqueen for the
Weft-Indies, having fix hundred negroes on
board.
He concludes with informing us, that all the
country of Whidah was fo depopulated and ruined
by the King of Dahome, upon fome attempts the
Whidahs made to recover their liberties, that there
is no profpeCt of trade reviving there for many
years.
As to the hiftory of the conqueft of the king- Remarks oa
dom of Whidah by the King of Dahome, and the Sn £L ' ,
lofs of the flave trade on that coaft ; I find all that narrative!
have gone that voyage fince the year 1727, agree
with Mr. Snelgrave in the main, only it is
remarkable that not one of them charge the nation
of the Dahomes with being canibals, or devour -
ers of their own fpecies : but himfelf and fome of
them give us very fubftantial reafons to believe
that the charge is not well grounded ; particularly
Mr. Atkins, who obferves, that the people fup-
pofed to be canibals, generally inhabit countries
very remote, and little known to us ; and that
travellers who report thefe things, ufually do it
upon hear-fay, or upon reafons that are not con-
clufive, and againft later experience.
That what Snelgrave relates of the King of
Dahome’s putting to death feveral captives, facri-
ficing them to his gods, or to the manes of his
friends, or for fome political reafons, is very far
from making good the charge.
And as to that part of the ftory where Sne l-
grave fays he faw the carcaffes of hundreds of
thofe prifoners who were put to death, lying on
heaps, and that the next day there was nothing of
them to be found ; and what he relates of his lin-
guift telling him firft that the carcafies were de-
voured by vultures, and then that they were eaten
in the night-time by the people, Mr. Atkins
anfwers,
1. That there is all the reafon in the world to
believe the carcaffes were buried, or that fome of
the bones or offal would have been feen about
the places where they were eaten the next day ;
and fuggefts,' that the linguift obferving his maf-
terSNELGRAVE to be very ciedulous, and in-
clined to believe they were eaten, humoured him
in this opinion, and concurred with his notions by
way of compliment.
2. That nothing is fo common as for people to
believe their enemies, whom they dread, efpe-
cially if they know little of them, to be lavages,
or monfters of men. And the conquering Da-
homes might be fo far from undeceiving the peo-
ple
7
OF MODERN
pie ofWhidah in this particular, as to confirm
them in the frightful notions they had entertained
of them, in order to keep them in fubjedtion.
3. Snelgrave himfelf relates, that the King
of Dahome never eat human flefh, which is ve-
ry ftrange, if his people did ; whether we fuppofe
the prifoners were facrificed to his gods, or that
human flefh was efteemed a fine difh in that coun-
try. In either of thefe cafes it is natural to fup-
pofe, the prince would have partaken of the ban-
quet or facrifice, with his officers and people.
4. If thefe prifoners were defigned to be eat,
one would have thought they would have made
choice of the youngeft and fatteft, as was ufual
where other animals were intended for a facrifice,
or a feftival : whereas he tells us, they took the
old, the lean, and the decrepid : nor would they
have thrown them on heaps in that hot country,
where a carcafe immediately putrifies, but would
have drefled and prepared the bodies for cookery
as they had been killed.
5. That if human flefh was efteemed fuch de-
licious food amongft them, they would not fell
their prifoners for flaves ; neither would there
be fuch prodigious numbers of people to be
found on thefe coafts, if the neighbouring nations
were canibals, and devoured thofe they made pri-
foners.
6. That at Loango, the river Gambia, and in
many other parts of Africa, faid to be inhabited
by canibals on the firft difcovery, it appears by
later voyages, that there are no fuch people
to be found there.
7. That if this practice was taken up by the
Dahomes, as Snelgrave fuggefts, to terrify
their enemies, they would not have eaten the car-
cafl'es in the night time, and in private, but in
the day, and in the face of all the world.
And laftly, as to what Snelgrave fays Mr.
Moor told him, thathefaw human flefh fold
by the Dahomes in the market, he anfwers, if
Moor did not mean human flefh fold alive into
flavery, he might miftake it for the flefh of mon-
keys, which are very large in this country, and
frequently eaten here. Mr. Atkins adds, that
he never faw a flefh market of any fort, on the
coaft of Guinea, tho’ he had been on fhore in
feveral places ; and that it was ufual when a
beaft is killed there, to diftribute the quarters
and joints immediately among their neighbours,
who do the fame in return, becaufe the flefh will
not keep
But the principal objection is, that Snel-
grave fhould take all this upon hear-fay, when
he himfelf was upon the fpot : that he fhould not
once vifit the market all the time he was in the
King of Dahome’s camp, tho’ he profefles him-
felf to be more curious and inquifitive than moft
travellers are: perhaps he would not fay he had
fcen thefe things with his own eyes ; becaufe
HISTORY.
gentlemen, that went the fame' voyage, might
then have given him the lye diredtly. But here,
if all that he has fuggefted fhould be found to
be falfe, he could come off by faying, he was
deceived himfelf, by the relation of others,
and had aflerted nothing pofitively of his own
knowledge.
Mr. Atkins alfo obferves, that the people of
Negroland eat but little flefh of any kind, much
lefs human flefh ; but live chiefly on Indian corn,
rice, plantains, palm-nuts, pine-apples, and now
and then a little ftinking fifh, or fowl, by way
of fauce, or to give a reliffi to the reft. It is
monftrous, therefore, to fuppofe that fuch a
people fhould devour feveral hundred human car-
cafies in one night, and fo difpofe of the bones,
that not one of them was to be found next morn-
ing.
Captain Uring gives the following defcrip- Loargo
tion of the town and country of Loango, the
fouth-eaft coaft of Guinea : he fays, the town
of Loango is about five miles from the fea-fide,
fituate in a large plain, and a champion country
all round it for many miles. It is near eight
miles in circumference, very populous, and lies in
4 degrees 40 minutes fouth latitude, which makes
their days and nights almoft equal throughout
the year. The air was ferene and clear moft
part of the time we remained there. The chief
of their trade is in flaves, tho’ they have fome
elephants teeth, and bees-wax, and have very
rich copper mines in the country. I have feen
quantities of copper drops, which were pieces
of about a pound weight, run from the oar, and
is for the moft part bought by the Dutch. I was
informed that the greateft part of their flaves were
brought eight or nine hundred miles out of the
country, which they call Poambce ; I take this
to be Ethiopia. They ufed to make excurfions
nearer home, in ftrong parties; and where they
found any people fettled by themfelves, and not
under the protedlion of any goverment, they
feized them, and drove them before them, as o-
ther people do cattle, till they brought them to a
trading town, where they were fold for flaves ;
and this is as much a trade among them, as fel-
ling horfes, cows, and fheep, or the like, in o-
ther countries. Thofe flaves which are brought
fo far out of the country, are generally very ig-
norant, and dull of apprehenfion : but thofe ta-
ken nearer the fea-coaft are more quick, efpeci-
ally the people of Loango, who are a crafty cun-
ning people, and tolerably ingenious: they are
moft of them tall, ftrong, and well-limbed ; and
all of them are great lovers of brandy and to-
bacco : they do not make fo good flaves as thofe
of the Gold Coaft, or Whidah ; the reafon which
is given for it, is, that the people on the Gold
Coaft fare hard for want of provifions, and are
capable to go thro’ more labour, wdth lefs victuals,
D d d d d than
A CONTI
than the natives of other countries, where they
have plenty, as they have in the kingdoms of
Angola, Congo, and thofe countries from whence
thefe flaves are brought. It feldom happens, that
any of the towns-people are fold for flaves, ex-
cept in cafes of adultery, or when their great
men fell fome of their fervants for difobedience.
The women do all the drudgery as planting,
reaping, dreffing their provifions, carrying bur-
thens, combing their hufbands hair, twilling it
into feveral forms, and painting their bodies ;
they alfo make mats. Moll of the bread eaten
amongll them they call cankey, which is made
with Indian corn beat fmall, which they mix
with fome roots, and boil it in dumplins, and
when they take it out of the pot, then they wrap
it up in leaves, and it will keep good five or fix days.
If any of their great men, or Europeans, have
occafion to travel, they are conveyed in ham-
mocks after thismanner: theyhavealonglightpole,
to which the hammock is faftened near the end, and
two men taking it up, one before and the other
behind, will carry a lulty man a round pace, feve-
ral miles, without relling. When they go long
journies, they have fix men who take turns to
carry, and are fo dextrous, that they never flop
when they change, but fliift, keeping on their
ufual pace. There is no fuch eafy way of tra-
velling as this ; the perfon fitting or lying in the
hammocks, as he thinks fit, and they have a
piece of callicoe thrown over the pole, when
they have a mind to keep the fun from them.
The houfes of the inhabitants are low, the
fides of them made with cane wattled together
with twigs, and covered with leaves or branches
of trees, of which they have many convenient
for that purpofe, and confift mollly of two or
three rooms, the innermoft of which is particu-
larly for their women. Moil of them have fmall
yards, inclofed in the fame manner as the walls
of their houfes, where are generally growing
plantain, banano, and other trees, the fruits of
which ferve them for food, and the branches
are convenient to fhade them from the fun when
they have a mind to take ihe frefh air, which
makes the town look very agreeable. Some of
their great men, and the chief of their merchants,
have cane walls of about ten or twelve foot high,
which form a walk about eight foot wide, and
reaches near forty yards from the houfes, but
with fo many windings and turnings, that you go
five times that diftance before you come to their
habitations ; which is all the grandeur I obferved
in their buildings. I have been entertained with
palm-wine and fruit at many of their houfes.
The chiefeil of the common peoples food is
cankey, potatoes, and other roots ; the better
fort eat fowls, and Hewed fifh. Their fifh is
dreffed thus : they take five or fix frefh mafounge,
and put them into an earthen pot, with a little
NUATION
water and palm-oil, and a great deal of bird pepper,
and fome fait j over the fifh they lay three or
four pieces of fmall flicks a-crofs, and then fill
the pot with green plantains, and cover it clofe, the
fume of the potftews the plantains : this is efteemed
an excellent favoury difh. I was prevailed on to
tafte it, but it was fo hot of the pepper, that I
could not get the tafte of it out of my mouth
for feveral hours. There is very little difference
in the apparel of the men and women, both
wearing a fathom of cloth about their wafts,
which is tucked in in fuch a manner, that the
corner almoft touches the ground, hanging on the
left fide. In the mornings and evenings the wo-
men have a fathom to wrap round their fhoulders,
which I did not obferve the men made ufe of.
Their money they call mucates, being certain
pieces of cloth made of filk grafs by the women,
about the bignefs of a fheet of paper, and pafles
as current coin ; they few feveral of them toge-
ther, which make a fathom, and was what they
clothed themfelves with before the Europeans
traded with them. They value our goods by an
imaginary coin, fomething in the nature of the
Portuguefe manner, of counting by rees, of
whom I fuppofe they learned it. A piece of blue
bafts is valued at a thoufand , a piece of painted
calicoe at fix hundred, a piece of neconees fix
hundred, a guinea fluff three hundred, a paper
braul three hundred, a fmall kegg of powder three
hundred, a gun three hundred, and fo of the reft.
Annabafes and brafs pans, pewter bafons, guns
and powder are much efteemed with them : they
are very fond of fmall blackheads and coral, to make
bracelets. We had alto knives, tapfeels and charco-
lees with a fmall quantity of fcarlet and blue broad-
cloth, which the natives wear in i'mall rings tied
round their waift for ornament. We bought
men flaves from three thoufand fix hundred to
four thoufand, and women, boys, and girls, in
proportion. We reckoned a man Have at fifty
{hillings prime coll of the goods in England.
There was in the town a large Portuguefe factory,
and in the road a large Dutch fhip, and two Eng-
lifh fbips befides ourfelves, or we^fhould have
purchafed flaves much cheaper. I had almoft for-
got to mention an ornament which the women
wear about their ankles, which is large brafs rings
of five or fix pound weight. They have a mar-
ket every day, where provifions and goods are
fold ; it begins very early in the morning, and
hits about three hours : they have plenty of indian
corn, kidney-beans, cala vances, pindas, and gutr-
a-gubs, which lall are in fhape and tafte like
our white peafe, with this difference, one grain
being as big as four or five ; they grow on a vine
which runs upon the ground, and every Angle
grain is covered with a diftindl fhell. They have^
great numbers of plantain and bnnano trees,
as they have of palm trees of feveral forts,
from
755
Algiers
kingdom.
OF MODERN
from whence they draw great quantities of palm -
wine, and extradl a great deal of oil from the
fruit, which they both eat and anoint themfelves
with, and fell to the Europeans. They have al-
fo large cotton trees of a prodigious fize. Pine
apples are fo plenty here, I have bought ten for
a knife which coft in England about two pence.
They have feme limes; but I faw no lemons,
and but very few oranges, and thofe bitter, four,
and ill-tafted. They have plenty of dunghill
fowls ; but I faw neither turkey nor duck in the
country, no black cattle, nor hogs, and but one
fheep. The men have their drinking-boutsof palm-
wine, which is the only liquor the country affords
befides water : they let it Hand two days after it
is taken from the tree, in which it ferments,
and grows four, and has fome fpirit in it,
which exhilerates them, and makes them merry :
they’ll fit at thefe drinking-bouts twelve hours
together, till they get drunk. I have tailed it,
but found it very difagreeable ; but when it is firft
taken from the tree, it has a very pleafant tafte.
The kingdom of Algiers is iituated between
30 (or according to fome 32) and 37 degrees
north latitude, and between 1 degree weft and
9 degrees eaft longitude ; being bounded by the
Mediterranean on the north, by Tunis on the
eaft, by mount Atlas, which Separates it from
Biledulgerid, or Numidia, on the foutb, and by
the river Mulvia, which feparates it from the
empire of Morocco on the weft, being about fix
hundred miles in length from eaft to weft, but
the breadth very uncertain, fome bounding it by
mount Atlas, and others taking in part of that
mountain.
It is watered by feveral rivers, which rifing
in mount Atlas, run to the northward and
difeharge themfelves into the Mediterranean ;
the largeft whereof is the Malvia, or Malva,
which forms its weftern boundary, of which Dr.
Shaw gives the following defeription, viz. The
Mulvia is a large and deep river, which emp-
ties itfelf into the Mediterranean fea, over a-
gainft the bar of Almeria in Spain, and lies about
fifty- four miles to the fouth- weft by weft of
cape Hone, and two hundred and forty from
the Atlantick ocean. Small cruifing veilels are
admitted within its channel, which by proper
care and contrivance, might be made more
commodious for veilels of greater burthen, and
as navigable as it was heretofore. The fources
of this river are a great way within the Sahara,
at the diftance of eight hundred miles from the
fea, according to Abulfeda, and the courfe
of it, contrary to that of moil other rivers of this
country, lieth almoft the whole way in the fame
meridian.
This country is generally mountainous, but
the moil confiderable chain of mountains are
thofe on the fouth, which extend from eaft to
HISTO RY.
weft, and go under the name of mount Atlas.
And thefe. Dr. Shaw informs us, are not al-
ways of that extraordinary height or bignefs,
which have been attributed to them by antiquity.
Thofe parts of them which I have feen, fays
the dodlor, are rarely, if ever equal, to fome of
the greater mountains of our own ifland : and
I queftion, whether they can any where Hand
in competition, either with the Alps or the A-
pennines. If we conceive a number of hills,
ufually of the perpendicular height of four or
five, or fix hundred yards, with an eafy afeertt,
and feveral groves of fruit and foreft trees, ri-
fing up in a fuceeffion of ranges one behind an-
other ; and if to this profpeft we here and there
add a rocky precipice of a fuperior eminence,
and difficult accefs, and place upon the fide, or
fummit of it a mud-walled Dafhkrath, or village
of the Kabyles, we fhall then have a juft and
lively idea of thefe mountains.
At prefent, the fame writer informs us that
the whole country is divided only into three
provinces, viz. 1. That of Tlemfan on the weft.
2. of Titterie on the fouth ; and 3. Conftantina,
on the eaft of Algiers.
1. The province of Tlemfan, or Tremefen,
according to Dr. Shaw, extends from the con-
fines of Morooco eaftward along the Mediterra-
nean fea to the river Ma-faffran, being upwards
of two hundred miles, the whole being almolt
equally diftributed into mountains and valleys,
but is almoft deftitute of fountains and rivers,
as well as wood. Notwithftanding which, it
has ever been efteemed more fruitful than the
eaftern part of the kingdom. The moft confi-
derable river in this province is the Shelliff, which
rifes in the mountains of the fouth, and running
firft north eaft, and then to the weftward, falls
into the fea at Cape Ivy or Jibbel Difs.
The chief towns are, (1.) Tremefen, or Tlem-
fan, fituate in 35 degrees north latitude, fome
few minutes eaft of London, lying about fixty
miles fouth of the Mediterranean, formerly a rich
populous city, and capital of the kingdom of the
fame name, but is not very confiderable at pre-
fent.
(2.) Oran, or Warran, fituate on thecoaftof
the Mediterranean, in 34 degrees 40 minutes
north latitude, 40 minutes eaft longitude.
2. The province of Titterie, or the middle pro-
vince, extends fifty miles to the weftward of
Tlemfan, being bounded on the eaft by the ri-
ver Booberach, which feparates it from Con-
ftantina. This is nor fo mountainous as the
weftern province, efpecially towards the fea
coaft, which is a fine rich champaign country
in many places. In this province Hands the
city of Algiers, the capital of the kingdom, fi-
tuate in 36 minutes 40 degrees north latitude,
and 3 degrees 20 minutes eall longitude. It lies
D d d d d 2 on
A CONTINUATION
on the fide of a mountain, and riling gradu-
ally from the fhore, appears to great advantage,
as we approach it from the fea. The walls are
three miles (Dr. Shaw fays, a mile and half)
in circumference, ftrengthened on the bank fide
by ballions, and fquare towers between them.
The port is of an oblong figure, a hundred and
thirty fathom long, and eighty broad. The
eaftern mound of it, which was formerly the
ifiand, is well fecured by feveral fortifications.
The round caftle (built by the Spaniards whilft
they were mailers of the ifiand) and the two
remote batteries (eredled within this century)
are faid to be bomb-proof, and have each of them
their lower embrafiures mounted with thirty-fix
pounders : but the middle battery, which appears
to be the oldeft, is of the lealt defence. Yet it
may be obferved, as none of the fortifications
I have mentioned are afiilted either with mines
or advanced works, and as the foldiers who are
to guard and defend them cannot be kept up
to any regular courfes of duty and attendance,
that a few refolute battalions, protected even
by a fmall fquadron of fhips, would have no
great difficulty to make themfelves quickly ma-
ilers of the very ftrongell of them.
The hills and vallies round about Algiers are
every where beautified with gardens and country
feats, whither the inhabitants of better falhion
retire during the fummer feafon. The country
feats are little white houfes, fhaded by a variety
of fruit-trees, and ever-greens, whereby they af-
ford a gay and delightful profpedl towards the
fea. The gardens are well Hocked with me-
lons, fruit, and pot-herbs of all kinds; and, what
is chiefly regarded in thefe hot climates, each
of them enjoys a great command of water, from
the many rivulets and fountains which every
where dillinguifh themfelves in this fituation.
The fountain water made ufe of at Algiers,
univerfally elleemed to be excellent, is likewife
derived thro’ a long courfe of pipes and con-
duits from thefe fources. The town contains,
according to the fame writer’s computations, two
thoufand Chriftian flaves, fifteen thoufand Jews,
and one hundred thoufand Mahometans, of
which only thirty at moll are renegadoes.
The naval force of the Algerines hath been
for fome years in a declining condition. If we
except their row-bows and brigantines, they had,
A. D. 1732, only half a dozen capital fhips
from thirty- fix to fifty guns, and at the fame
time had not half that number of brave and ex-
perienced captains. A general peace with the
three trading nations, and the impoffibility of
keeping up a fuitable difcipline, where every pri-
vate foldier difputes authority v/ith his officer,
are fome of the principal reafons why fo fmall
a number of vefl'els are fitted out, and why fo few
perfons of merit are afterwards willing to command
them. Their want likewife of experience, with
the few engagements they have been lately con-
cerned in at fea, have equally contributed to
this diminution of their naval character. How-
ever, if by proper difcipline and encouragement,
they fhould once more afi'ume their wonted
courage and bravery, they have always in rea-
dinefs fuch a quantity of naval ftores, as will
put them in a capacity of making confiderable
augmentations to their fleet ; tho’ even at pre-
fent, we find them troublefome enough to the
trade of Europe.
In the fouthern part of this province is the
higheil mountain in Barbary, called Jurjura, be-
ing part of that chain of hills which go under
the name of Atlas. It is at leaft eight leagues
long, lying nearly in a north ealt and fouth
weft direction. It appears to be from one end
to another a continual range of naked rocks and
precipices, and fecures, by its rugged fituation,
a number of Kabyles from becoming tributary
to the Algerines.
3. The province of Conftantina is fituated be-
tween the river Booberak, which feparates it from
Titterie on the weft, and the river Zaine, which
divides it from the kingdom of Tunis on the eall,
and is almoft equal to the two former provinces,
being upwards of two hundred and fixty miles
in length, and more than a hundred in breadth.
The tribute likewife collected by this viceroy,
is much greater than that of the other two: in-
afmuch, as the Titterie bey brings only every
year into the treafury above twelve thoufand.
dollars, and the weftern bey forty or fifty thou-
fand ; whereas there is paid in by the viceroy
of this province never lefs than eighty, and fome-
times one hundred thoufand.
The fea coaft of this province,, from the
Booberak to Boujejah, and from thence almoft
entirely to Bona, is ’mountainous and rocky, an-
fwering very appofitely to the title of the high,
or lofty.
The chief to wns of this province are, (n)Bugia,
formerly the capital of a kingdom: of the fame,
name, fituate on a hill near the mouth of the
river, about twenty leagues eaft of Algiers, the
port being formed by a narrow neck, of land,
running out into the fea. It is a fortified town,,
built upon the ruins of a large city, and a great
part of the old wall ftill remaining,, which is:
carried up to the very top of the mountain;,
and befides a caftle on the hill, which com-
mands the city : there are two more at the bot-
tom of it for the fecurity of the port ; but thefe,
i.t feems, w ere not able to defend the fhips in the
river’s mouth, when they were attacked by Sir
Edward Spragg, the Englilh admiral, in
the year 1671; for he took and deftroyed nine-
Algerine men of war in this harbour.
2. Con-
757
OF MODERN HISTORY.
( 2 .) Conftantina, the capital of the province,
the antient Cirta, fituated on the river Rummel,
upwards of ninety miles to the fouthward of
Bugia, of which Dr. Shaw gives the follow-
ing defcription. The greatell part of the town
hath been built upon a kind of peninfular pro-
montory, inacceffible on all fides except towards
the fouth weft. This I computed to be a
good mile in circuit, lying a little enclined to
the fouthward, but ending to the northward,
in a precipice of at leaft a hundred fathom
perpendicular. In this direction we have a
beautiful landfkip, arifing from a great variety
of vales, mountains, and rivers, which lie be-
fore it to a great diftance. To the eaftward
our profpedl is bounded by an adjacent range
of rocks, much higher than the city ; but to-
wards the fouth eaft the country is more open,
entertaining us with a diftant view of the moun-
tains of Seedy-Rougeife, and of thofe of the Zi-
ganeah. In this direction the peninfular pro-
montory fas I have called it,) is feparated from
the neigbouring plains by a deep narrow valley,
perpendicular on both fides, thro’ which the Rum-
mel conveys its ftream, and over which there was
formerly a bridge of excellent workmanfhip.
The neck of land to the fouth weft, near
which flood the principal gate of the city, is
about the breadth of half a furlong, being entire-
ly -covered with a feries of broken walls, ci-
tterns, and other ruins, which are continued
quite down to the river, and carried on from
thence over a flip of plain ground, that runs
parallel with the deep narrow valley already de-
fcribed. Such was the fituation and extent of
the antient Cirta. But the prefent city hath not
the fame dimenfions, being confined to that part
of it which I have called the peninfular pro-
montory.
Befides the general traces of a diverlity of
ruins, fcattered all over this place, we have ftill
remaining near the centre of the city, that par-
ticular fet of citterns, which I judge received
the water brought thither from Phyf-geah, by
an aquedudl. They are about twenty in num-
ber, making an area of fifty yards fquare. T he
aquedudt is ftill in a more ruinous condition
than the cifterns : however, the fragments which
have continued down to this time, fufficiemly
demonftrate the publick fpirit of the Cirtefians,
in eredling a ftrudlure, that would require luch
an immenfe quantity of materials.
Upon the brink of the precipice to the north-
ward, there are the remains of a large and mag-
nificent edifice, where the Turkifh garrifon is
lodged at prefent. Four of the bales, each feven
foot in diameter, with their refpeflive pedeftals,
are ftill in their places, and feem to have apper-
tained to the portico. They are of a black
ftone, little inferior to marble ; hewn, in all pro-
bability out of that very range cf rocky precipi-
ces upon which they are founded.
Among the ruins to the fouth weft of the
bridge, upon the narrow ftrip of land juft now
defcribed, we have the greateft part of a trium-
phal arch, called the [Cafiir Goulah] cattle (as
they interpret it) of the giant, confifting of
three arches, the middlemoft whereof is the
moll fpacious. All the mouldings and frizes
are curioufiy embellifhed with the figures of
flowers, battle-axes, and other ornaments. The
Corinthian pilafters eredled on each fide of the
grand arch, are panelled like the fide polls of
the gates of the city, in a gufto, as far I have
obferved, peculiar to Cirta ; but the pillars of
the fame order, which fupported the pediment,
are broken down and defaced.
Barbary, according to Dr. Shaw, enjoys a
A:'r and
feafoiis-
wholefome temperature of air, neither too hot
in fummer, nor too flrarp and cold in winter.
The winds are generally from the fea, i. e. from
the weft (by the north) to the eaft. Thofe from
the eaft are common at Algiers from May to
September, at which time the w r efterly winds
take place, and become the molt frequent. Some-
times alfo, particularly about the equinoxes,
we very fenfibly experience that force and impe-
tuofity, which the antients have afcribed to the
Africus, or fouth weft wind, called La-betch
by the mariners of thefe feas. The foutherly
winds, which are ufually hot and violent, are
not frequent at Algiers. They blow fometimes
for five or fix days together, in July and Au-
gull, rendering the air fo exceffively fuffocating,
that during their countinuance, the inhabitants
are obliged to fprinkle the floors of their houfes
with water.
The winds from the weft, the north-weft,
and the north, are attended with fair wea-
ther in fummer, and rain in winter. But the
eafterly winds, no lefs than the foutherly, are
for the moil part dry, tho’ accompanied with
a thick and cloudy atmofphere in moft.feafons.
It is feldom known to rain in this climate
during the fummer feafon ; and in molt parts of
the Sahara, or defart on the fouth of Algiers,
particularly in the Jereed, they have rarely any
rain at all.
The firft rains fall fome years in Septem- Husbandl 7-
ber, in others a month later ; after which
the Arabs break up their ground, and begin to .
fow wheat, and plant beans. This commonly
falls cut about the middle of October, but the
lowing of barley, and the planting of lentils
and gravancos, is a fortnight or three weeks
later, or not till the end of November. If the
latter fall in the middle of April, (as they ufually
do) the crop is reckoned fecure, the harveft.
following;
75 8
Corn of
Barbary,
Pulfe.
Food.
Kcots,
Fruit.
Wi ne .
A CONTINU ATI ON
following in the latter end of May, or in the be-
ginning of June, according to the preceding
quality of the feafons.
T wo bufhels an'd a half of wheat, or barley,
are judged here to be fufficient to fow as much
ground, as a pair of oxen will plow in one
day, which I have always found to be a little
more or lefs equal to one of our acres. I could
never learn, that any part of Barbary afforded
yearly more than one crop, one bufhel yield-
ing ordinarily from eight to twelve, tho’ fome
diftrifts, I have been informed, afford a much
greater increafe.
There is but one kind of wheat and barley
cultivated in this country. In fome diftricts,
where they have a command of water during
the lummer iealon, the natives cultivate rice,
Indian corn, and . particularly a white fort of
millet, which the Arabs call drah, and prefer
to barley for the fattening of their cattel. Oats
are not cultivated at all by the Arabs (the horfes
of this country feeding altogether upon barley)
neither is bigg (or winter wheat) fo much as
known in this climate.
1 he Moors and Arabs continue to tread out
their corn, after the primitive cuftom in the call.
After the grain is trodden out, they winnow it
by throwing it up into the wind with fhovels,
lodging it afterward in mattamores, or fubterra-
neous magazines.
Beans, lentils, and garvancos (the latter of
which is the cicer, or chich pea) are the chief
pieces of pulfe that are cultivated in thefe king-
doms. Peafe, till of late, were known in the
gardens only of the feveral chriflian merchants.
jThey are fown with the firfl rains, and bloffom
in the latter end of February, or the beginning
of March. Beans are ufually full podded at
that time, and being boiled up with oil and
garlick, are the principal food ofperfons of all
diftindions during the fpring. After them, len-
tils and garvancos begin to be gathered-
Of roots, pot-herbs, and the fruits of this coun-
try, there is not only a great plenty and variety,
but a continuance or fucceffion, at leaft of one
kind or other, throughout the whole year.
There are great numbers of palm-trees in this
country, alfo almond-trees, apricots, plumbs,
cherries, mulberries, apples, pears, peaches, nec-
tarines, pomegranates, prickle pears, olives, wal-
nuts ; but no hafel filberts, goofberry or currant
trees.
The grape ripens towards the latter end of
July, and is cut for the vintage in September.
The wine of Algiers, before the locufts in the
}ears^ 1723-24, made fuch vaft deftrudion of
the vineyards, was not inferior to the belt her-
mitage, either m briiknefs of taite, or flavour.
But fince that time it is much degenerated, having
not hitherto recovered its ufual qualities, though,
perhaps, it may ftill difpute the preference with
the wine of Spain or Portugal. The lemon (and
fometimes the Seville orange) tree, is always in
a fucceffion of fruit and blofl'oms ; but the Chi-
na, as it is commonly called, is a foreigner,
and beareth only towards the latter end of au-
tumn.
As to their gardens, there is nothing laid 0 ut Gardeni ‘
with method, beauty, or defign ; the whole be-
ing only a medly and confufion of trees, with
beds of cabbages, turnips, beans, garvancos, &c.
nay, fometimes of wheat and barley difperfed a-
mong them. Fine walks, parterres, and flower-
plats, would be to thefe people the lofs of fo
much profitable foil ; as planting in order and
regularity, the ftudy of foil and compofts, or the
aiming at any new improvements and difcoveries,
would be 1 0 many deviations from the practice
of their anceftors, whofe footfteps they follow
with the utmoft reverence and devotion.
The foil which fupports thefe vegetables, is Soil
for the moll part of fuch a loofe and yielding con-
texture, that an ordinary pair of oxen is fufficient
in one day to plough an acre of the ftifteft fort
of it. The colour of it is not always the fame ;
for in the plains of Zeidoure, it is blackifh,
whilft in thofe of Elmildegah, &c. itinclineth to
be red : though all of them are equally fruitful,
and impregnated alike with great quantities of
fait and nitre.
In the falt-petre works of Tlemfan they ex- Salt *
traft fix ounces of nitre from every quintal of the
common mould, which is there of a dark co-
lour ; and at Doufan, Kairwan, and fome other
places, they have the like quantity from a loamy
earth, of a colour betwixt red and yellow. The
banks of feveral rivers, to the depth fometimes of
two or three fathom, are ftudded in fummer time
with nitrous and faline knobs and exudations,
which, befides the depth of the foil, fhew us
likewife, how well it is faturated with thefe mi- .
nerals. For to this grand and inexhauftible fund
of falts, we may in a great meafure attribute the
great fertility for which this country has always
been remarkable, and ftill continueth to be f<p,
without any other manuring than the burn-
ing in fome few places of the ftubble. Though
it is fomewhat extraordinary, that the province
of Bizacium, which was formerly held in fo
much repute for its fertility, fhould be at pre-
fent the moft barren and unprofitable part of thefe
kingdoms.
It appears farther, that the fait is the chief and
prevailing mineral of thefe kingdoms, as well
from the feveral fait fprings, and mountains of
fait, as from the great number of falinas fhibkahs,
that are, one or other, to be met with in every
diftrid.
The
759
OF MODERN
The fait pits of Arzew lie furrounded with
mountains, taking up an area of about fix miles
in compafs. They appear like a large lake in
winter, but are dry in fummer, the water being
then exhaled, and the fait left behind criftalized.
In digging, they pafs through different layers of
this fait, whereof fome are an inch, others more,
in thicknefs ; in proportion, I prefume, to the
quantity of faline particles the water was im-
pregnated with before their refpedtive concretions.
This whole area is made up of a fuccefiion of
fuch fimilar ftrata heaped one upon another :
and in the fame manner are the Salinae betwixt
Carthage and the Guletta, thofe of the Shott, and
of other places, either bordering upon, or lying
within the Sahara.
Jebbel Had-defla is an entire mountain of
fait, fituated near the eaftern extremity of the
lake of Marks. The fait of it is of a quite dif-
ferent quality and appearance from that of Salinae,
being as hard and folid as ftone, and of a reddifh
or purple colour. Yet what is wafhed down
from thofe precipices, by the dews, attaineth
another colour, becoming as white as fnow, and
lofing that fhare of bitternefs which is in the pa-
rent rock-falt. The fait of the mountains near
Lwotaiah and Jibbel Minifs, is of a grey or blew-
ifh colour, and, without lubmitting to the like
accidental purification, as at Had-defTa, is very
agreeable to the palate ; the firft, efpecially, be-
ing fold at Algiers for a penny an ounce.
Of the like quality and flavour is the fait of
the lake of Marks (called likewife Bahirah Pha-
ruoune) and of other Idler plains of the fame
nature. Thefe are ufually called fhibkah, i- e.
faltifh plats of ground, being commonly over-
flowed in winter (at the fame time they appear
like fo many extenfive lakes) but are dry all
fummer ( when they may be taken for the like
number of bowling-greens prepared for the turf)
Some of thefe fhibkahs have a hard and folid bot-
tom, without the leaft mixture of gritty mould,
retaining the fait that lieth chriftalized upon
them after rain. But others are of a more ouzy,
abforbent nature, feldorn preferving any faline
incruftations upon the furface.
Batin and Befides the fait fprings and rivulets already men-
hot fpringt. tioned, thefe countries abound in hot and ful-
phureous fprings and baths.
Some of thefe waters are little more than luke-
warm ; others of more intenfe heat, and very
proper to bathe in, while the hammam mefkou-
teen, and the upper bath at Mereega, are much
too hot for that purpofe ; the former boiling a
large piece of mutton very tender in a quarter
of an hour.
Befides the hot mineral effluvia that are conti-
nually difcharged by the thermae, there ftill re-
mains below the furface fome vaft and inexhaust-
ible funds of fulphur, nitre, and other inflammable
HISTOR Y.
bodies, of which the frequency and violence of
the earthquakes, ann. 1723, and 1724, fhookEarth-
down a number of houfes, and clofed up the <iuakc ''
courfe of feveral fountains : but by one of thefe
violent concufiions, ann. 1716, a large patch of
ground at Wamre, lying in an eafy defcent, with
a well, a few trees, and a farm houfe about, glided
all down together for the fpace of a furlong, till
they were, one or other of them, flopped by the
channel of the Harbeene. Several of the breaches,
together with fome pieces of the houfe, turned
uplide down, and lying a diftance from each
other, are to this day Handing monuments of this
cataftrophe. I was likewife informed, that the
like accident happened at the fame time in fome
of the mountainous diftridts near Boujeiah and El-
Khadarah. The great fhock in ann. 1724, was
perceived from Miliana to Bona, the air being
then very clear and temperate, and the quickfil-
ver Handing at the greateft height, whilft upon en-
quiry, other concufiions were only found to be
local, or of fmall extent; the quickfilver in thefe
cafes obferving no certain period, and the air be-
ing, as at other times, either calm or windy, ha-
zy or ferene.
Earthquakes, during my flay at Algiers, fell
out generally a day or two after a great rain, at
the end of the fummer, or in the autumn. The
caufe perhaps may arife from the extraordinary
conftipation or clofenefs of the furface at fuch
times, whereby the fubterraneous ftreams will be
either fent back or confined ; whereas the whole
country being full of deep chinks and chafms, the
inflammable particles have an eafier efcape.
Lead and iron are the only metals that have yet Minerals*
been difcovered in Barbary ; the latter white and
good, but in no great quantity. Their lead oar
is very rich, and might be obtained in large quan-
tities, if their mines were under a good regu-
lation.
Befides rhe horfe, the mule, the afs, and ca- Animals,
mel, ufed in Barbary for riding and carrying
burthens, Dr. Shaw mentions another animal,
called the kumrah, a little fierviceable benft of
burthen, begot betwixt an afs and a cow, being
Angle hooffedlike the afs, but the tail and head
(except the horns) like a cow, and a fkin fieeker
than that of the afs.
The black cattle of this country are generally
very fmall and flender, the fatteft of them when
brought from the flail, rarely weighing above five,
or fix quintals, or hundred weight ; neither is
their milk in proportion to their fize : for not-
withftanding the rich herbage of this country from-
December to July, the butter hath never the fub-
ftance or richnefs of tafte with what our Engliih
dairies afford us in the depth of winter. Abdy
B afhaw, the late Dey of Algiers, was no leis fur-
prifed than his minifters, when admiral Caven-
dish, a few years ago, acquainted him that he
7 6o A CONTI
'had a Hampshire cow aboaid the Canterbury,
(then in the road of Algiers) which gave a gallon
of milk a day ; a quantity equal to what half a
dozen of the belt Barbary cows would yield in the
fame time. The Barbary cattle likewife have a-
nother imperfection, that they always lofe their
calves and their milk together.
The fheep and goats contribute alfo to the
dairies of this country, it being chiefly of their
milk that the Moors and Arabs make cheefe. In-
stead of runnet, they make ufe (in the fummer
feafon particularly) of the flowers of the great-
headed thiftle, or wild artichoak, to turn the
milk, putting the curds thus made, into fmall baf-
kets of rufhes, or palmetta leaves, and binding
them afterwards and prefling them. I have al-
ready feen many of thefe cheefes above two or
three pound weight, being ufually of the fhape
and flze of a penny loaf. They have no other
method of making butter than by putting their
milk or cream into a goat’s fkin, which being
fufpended from one fide of the tent to the other,
and prefled to and fro in one uniform direction,
quickly occafioneth that feparation which is re-
quired of the unCtuous wheyey parts.
Befides the great variety of the cattle of this
country, we may obferve farther, that each fpe-
cies are very numerous and prolifick. Several A-
rabian tribes can bring into the field only three or
four hundred horfes, at the fame time that they are
poflefled of more than fo many thoufand camels,
and triple again that number of fheep and black
cattle. The Arabs rarely kill any of their flocks,
living chiefly upon their milk and butter, or elfe
upon what they get in exchange for their wool.
Wild beafts. Of cattle that are not naturally tame and do-
mefticated, thefe kingdoms afford large herds of
the neat kind, called bekker el wafh by the Arabs.
This fpecies is remarkable for having a rounder
turn of body, a flatter face, with horns bending
more to each other than in the tame kind: thefe
are of the fize of the red deer, with which they
agree in colour.
Among their wild beafts are the lion and pan-
ther: the tyger is not a native of Barbary.
The dubbah is an animal about the bignefs of a
wolf, but of a flatter body, and naturally limps
upon the hinder right leg.
Befides thefe animals, it has others in common
with other countries, as red and fallow deer, the
gazel, or antilope, the bear, the ape, the iche-
neumon, the porcupine, the hedge-hog, the fox,
the ferret, the weefel, befides the mole, the rab-
bit, the hare, and the wild boar, which are every
where in great numbers. The lion is fuppofed
to prey chiefly upon the latter, which notwith-
standing hath fometimes been known to defend
itfelf with fo much bravery, that the victory hath
inclined to neither fide, the carcaffes of them both
having been found lying dead together all in a
gore, and mangled to pieces.
NUATION
The locufts, which I faw in the years 1724 Locuffc,
and 1725, fays Dr. Shaw, were much bigger
than our common gralhoppers, having brown
Spotted wings, with legs and bodies of a bright
yellow. Their firft appearance was towards the
latter end of March, the wind having been for
fome time Southerly ; and in the middle of April
their numbers were fo vaftly increafed, that in the.
heat of the day they formed themfelves into large
bodies, appeared like a fucceflion of clouds, and
darkened the fun. About the middle of May,
when theirovaries were turgid, each of thefe bodies
began gradually to difappear, retiring into the
Metijah, and other adjacent plains, to depofit
their eggs. Accordingly, in the month follow-
ing, their young broods began gradually to make
their appearance, and it was furprifing to obferve,
that no Sooner were any of them hatched, than
they immediately collected themfelves together,
each of them forming a compact body of Several
hundred yards Square, which marching afterwards
diredtly forward, climbed over trees, walls, and
houfes, and eat up every plant in their way, and
let nothing efcape them. The inhabitants, to flop
their progrefs, made trenches all over their fields
and gardens, and filled them with water ; or elfe
placing in a row great quantities of heath, ftubble,
and Such like combuftible matter, they fet them
on fire on the approach of the locufts. But all
this was to no purpofe, for the trenches were
quickly filled up, and the fires put out by infinite
1 warms Succeeding one another, whilft the front
Seemed regardlefs of danger, and the rear prefled
on fo clofe, that a retreat was impoflible. A day
or two after one of thefe bodies was in motion,
others were already hatched to glean after them,
gnawing off' the young branches, and the very
bark of iuch trees as had efcaped before with the
lofs only of their fruit and foilage: fo juftly hath
the inspired writer compared them to a great army,
and observed, That the land is as the garden of
Eden before them, and behind them a defolate,
wildernefs.
Having in this manner lived near a month up-
on the ruin and deltrudtion of every thing that was
green or juicy, they arrived at their full growth,
and threw off their worm-like ftate, by calling
their fkins. To prepare themfelves for the change,
they clung by their hinder feet to fome bufh,
twig, or corner of a ftone, when immediately,
by an undulating motion, ufed upon the occafion,
their heads would firft appear, and foon after the
reft of their bodies; after which they lay in a lan-
guishing condition : but as foon as the fun and air
has hardened their wings, and dried up the moi-
fture that remained upon them after the calling of
their Houghs, they returned again to their former
voracity, with an addition both of ftrength and
agility : but they continued not long in this ftate,
before they were intirely difperfed, as their parents
had
761
T>'onfters.
Arts and
fciences.
Phyfick.
Natural
parts.
OF MODERN HISTORY.
had been before, after the laying of their eggs ; tainly fubtle and ingenious, only time, applica-
and as the diredtion of the marches and flights of tion, and encouragement are wanting to cultivate
them both was always to the northward, it is pro- and improve them,
bable they perilhed in the fea, a grave which, ac- Few perfons will either admit of advice, or me- charms,
cording to thefe people, they have only in com- dicine, believing in dlridt and abfolute predeftina-
mon with other winged creatures. tion, whillt others, who aie lefs fuperftitious,
Thefe infedls, fprinkled with fait and fry’d, are prevent the afliftance of both, by their ill condudt
in tafte not much unlike the river cray-fiih. and management, leaving all to the ftrength of
Africa produces few monfters, according to the nature, or elle to magar-eah, as they call charms
fame author. The natural and ordinary courfe of and enchantments.
things is much the fame in Barbary as in other Neither numeral arithmetick, or algebia, are
places, each fpecies, as far as I could be informed, known to one perfon in twenty thoufand, not-
keeping inviolably to itfelf; for if we except the withftanding their forefathers, if we may judge
mule and the kumrah (which are procreated from from the name, feem to have been the inventors
animals, under the diredtion of mankind, and of the one, as they have given to all Europe the
therefore not fo properly left to themfelves) few I charadters of the othei. However, the merchants,
prefume, if any other inftances, can be fairly urged befides being frequently very dextrous in the ad-
in favour of the old obfervation, That Africa is dition and fubftradtion of large fums by memory,
always producing fome new monfters. have a Angular method of numeiation. by putting
Arts and fciences are little known or encouraged their hands into each other’s fleeve, and there
in Barbary. Befides their koran, and fome other touching one another with this or that finger, or
enthufiaftick comments upon it, very few books with fuch a particular joint of it (each of them
are read or inquired after by thofe few perfons of denoting a determined fum or number] they will
riper years, who have both time and leifure for tranfadl affairs of the gieateft value, without
ftudy and contemplation. All that variety of fpeaking to one another, or letting the ltanders-by
learning which they formerly either invented into the fecret. _
themfelves, or adopted into their own language, Thefe people play upon feveral inftruments of Mulick *
may be reduced at prefent to a few fheets of blun- mufick ; but as they do not write down their
dering geography, or to fome tirefome memoirs compofitions, nor aim at any contrail 01 vaiiety
of the tranfadlions of their own times; for fuch of parts, it may be difputed, whether even
branches of hiftory as are older than their prophet, this branch of the mathematicks is to be confi-
are a medley only of romance and confufion. dered as a fcience among them. For the mufick
Upon my arrival at Algiers, fays the fame wri- of the Bedoweens rarely confifts of . more than
ter, I made 7 it my bufinefs to be acquainted with one ftrain, fuitable to their homely inftruments,
fuch perfons as had the character of being learned and to their fimple invention. The aiabebbah,
and curious ; and though it is very difficult (as as they call the bladder and firing, is in the higheft
well from their natural fhynefs to ftrangers, as vogue, and doubtlefs of great antiquity ; as isal-
from a particular contempt they have for chrif- fo thegafpah, which is only a common reed open
tians) to cultivate any real friendfhip among them ; at each end, having the fide of it bored with
yet in a little time I could find the chief aftrono- three or more holes, according to the ability of
mer, (who had the fuperin tendance and regula- the perfon. who is to touch it : though the com-
tion of the hours of prayer) had not trigonometry pals of their tunes rarely or evei exceed an oc-
enough to projedl a fun-dial : that the whole art tave. Yet fometimes, even in this limplicity of
of navigation, as it is pradlifed at Algiers and harmony, they obferve fornething of method and
Tunis, cGnfifted in nothing more than what is ceremony, for in their hiftorical cantatas efpe-
ealled the pricking of a chart, and diftinguifhing dally, they have their preludes and fymphonies,
the eight principal points of the compafs. Even each ftanza being introduced with a fjourifh fioni
chymiftry, formerly the favourite fcience of the arabebbah, whilft the nanation itlelr is ac-
thefe people, is no farther applied at prefent than companied with the foiteft touches they are able
the diftilling of rofe-water. to make upon the gafpah. The tar, another of
There* are not indeed wanting feveral perfons their inftruments, is made like a fieve, confifting
who preferibe in phyfick, play upon a variety of (as the tympanum) of a thin rim, 01 hoop of
mufical inftruments, and are concerned in other wood, with a fkin ol parchment lit etched over
adlions and performances which feem at leaft to the top of it. This feives ior the bafs in all their
fuppofe fome fkill in nature or mathematicks ; concerts. _
yet all this is learnt merely by practice, long ha- The mufick of the Moors is more artful and
bit, andcuftom, aflifted for the moft part with great melodious, and they have a much greater varie-
ftrength < 5 f memory, and quicknefs of invention : ty of inftruments than the Arabs; for, befides
for no objection can be made againft the natural feveral forts of flutes and hautboys, they, have the
parts and abilities of thefe people, which are cer- rebeb, a violin of two firings, which is played
Vol. HI. E e e e e upon
702
Buildirgs
of the
Moors,
Tents of
the Arabs,
A CONTINUATION
upon with a bow : the a-oude, a bafs double ments, according to the number of the family,
ftringed lute, bigger than our viol, which is They have no other beds but mats, or bedclothes
touched with a 'ple&rum, with feveral fmaller but the blankets they wrap about them in the
gittars (or quetara’s, according to the pronuncia- day-time.
tion) of different fizes, each of them tuned an As to the Kabyles, or inhabitants of the moun- Buildings
oftave higher than another. And notwithftand- tains ; thefe live in dafhkra’s, or thatched cot- Mountain-
ing they learn all by ear, paffmg quickly from tages, with clay walls, and their villages are de- ee^or* 1 '
one meafure to another, and haftening the time, nominated gurbies. Each of thefe cottages con- Kabyles.
(as the muficians term it) in them all ; yet there fifts but of one room, in which alfo they houfe
is always great uniformity and exaiffnefs ob- their calves and kids ; the people and their young
ferved throughout all their performances. I have cattle living much alike.
often obferved twenty or thirty perfons together, _ The Arab women make the clothing and fur- Closing
proceed in this manner from one air to another, niture for the family, particularly their hykes,^ re- uria "
during thefpace of a whole night (the ufual time or woollen blankets ; and the webs of goats hair
of their entertainments) without making the leaft for their tents.
blunder or hefitation. One of thefe hykes is ufually fix yards long.
As to the form of the Moorifh houfes; they and five or fix feet broad, ferving the Kabyleand
are built about cloyffered courts, with foun- Arab, for a complete drefs in the day, and for his
tains often playing in the middle of them, and bed and covering in- the night. It is a loofe but
galleries over them. Their doors are large, their troublefome kind of garment, being frequently
chambers fpacious, and their pavements marble : difconcerted, and falling upon the ground ; fo that
from the porch, on each fide of which are benches the perfon who wears it, is every moment
(where the matter of the family ufually receives obliged to tuck it up.
vifits, and difpatches bufinefs, few perfons being ad- The burnoofe, which is a cloke or mantle, is
mitted further) we proceed to the fquare court on alfo made by thofe women. Many of the A-
feftivaldays, where the company are entertained ; rabs go bare-headed, binding their temples with a
and thisis fometimes fheltered from the heat and in- narrow fillet, to prevent their hair being trouble-
clemencies of the weather, by an umbrella or veil, fome ; but the Moors and Turks, and wealthier
expanded upon ropes from one fide to the other. Arabs, wear caps or turbants.
In the cloyfters and galleries are large rooms of Some of the Arabs wear under their hykes a
the length of the court, which people of fafhion clofe-bodied frock or tunick, girt about their bo-
hang with velvet or damafk from the middle of dies when they are at work 5 for then they ac-
the wall downwards ; the reft is adorned with the tually throw off their hykes and mantles. The
mod ingenious wreathings and devices in ftucco Turks and Moors wearlinnen under their tunicks,
and fret-work. The ceiling is generally of wain- but the Arabs in general wear -nothing but wool-
fcot, either very artfully painted, or elfe thrown len.
into a variety of pannels, with gilded mouldings Neither are the Bedoweens or Arabs ufed to
and fcrolls of their koran intermixed. The wear drawers, a habit which the citizens of both
floors are laid with painted tiles, or plaifter of fexes do conftantly appear in, efpecially when
terrace: but the eaftern nations making no ufe they go abroad to receive vifits. The virgins are
of chairs (either fitting crofs-legged, or lying diftinguifheu from the matrons, in having theirs
at length upon thefe floors,) they have them made of needle-work, ftriped filk or linnen, juft .
conftantly fpread over with carpets, which as Tamar’s garment is deferibed, 2 Sam. xiii.
fometimes are moft beautifully defigned, and of 18. But when the women are at home, and in
the richeft materials. For their further eafe like- private, then they lay afide their hykes, and
wife and convenience, there is a row of damafk fometimes their tunicks ; and inftead of drawers,
or velvet bolfters ranged along each fide of the bind only a towel about their loins. A Barbary
floor. At one end of which chamber there is a matron, in her undrefs, appears exadtly in the
little gallery, raifed four or five foot above the fame manner that Si lenus doth in the Admi-
fioor, with a balluftrade in the front of it. randa.
The top of the houfe, which is always flat, is We are to obferve further, with regard to the
covered with a ftrong plaifter of terrace, and fur- habits of the Moorifii women, that when they
rounded by a wall or battlements. appear in publick, they always fold themfelves
The Bedoweens, or Arabs of Africa, live in up fo clofe in their hykes, that, without the ad-
tents called ithymas, from the fhade they afford, dition of a veil, there is very little to be feen of
orbeetelfhar, houfes of hair, from the matter their faces. But in the fummer months, when
they are made of, being of an oblong figure, not they retire to their country feats, they walk a-
much unlike a barn. They pitch their tents in broad with lefs caution and refervednefs ; and up-
a circular form ; and this portable village is called on the approach of a ftranger, let only their veils
a dou-war. Each tent confifts but of one room, fall over their faces. They all affedl to have
divided by curtains and carpets into feveral apart- their hair hang down to the ground, which they
col-
Manufac-
tures,
OF MODERN HIST OR Y. 7 6 3
collect into one lock, upon the hinder part of the
head, binding and plaiting it afterwards with rib-
bons. Where nature hath been lefs liberal, there
the defeat is to be fupplied by art, and foreign
hair interwoven with the natural. After their
hair is plaited up in this manner, they proceed to
drefs their heads, by tying clofe together, above
the lock I have described, the feveral corners of
a triangular piece of linnen, wrought into a va-
riety of figures by the needle. Perfons of
better fafhion, wear above this a farmah, as they
call it, which differs not much in fhape from
the former head- drefs, but is made of thin
flexible plates of gold or filver, varioufly cut
through, and engraved in imitation of lace. A
handkerchief of crape, gauze, fiik, or painted
linnen, bound clofe about the farmah, and falling
afterwards, without any order, upon the lock,
completes the head-drefs of the Moorifh ladies.
But none of thefe ladies take themfelves to be
completely drefled, till they have tinged the hair
and edges of their eye-lids with the powder of
lead-oar. The footy colour, which is in this
manner communicated to the -eyes, is thought
to add a wonderful gracefulnefs to perfons of all
complexions.
Carpets are another branch of the trade and
manufactories of this country. They are made
of much coarfer materials, and are not fo beau-
tifully defigned as thofe of Turkey ; but being
cheaper and fofter, they are preferred by thefe
people to lie upon. At Algiers and Tunis there
are looms for velvet tafitas, and feveral kinds of
wrought filks. A coarfe fort of linnen is like-
wife made all over thefe kingdoms, tho’ Sufa is
noted for producing the fineft. The greateft
part of the manufactures I have mentioned are
confirmed at home ; fome of which are fo fmall
and inconfiderable, particularly the filks and lin-
nen, that the deficiencies are frequently made
up from the Levant, and Europe. It may be
further obferved, that thefe parts of Barbary
fend very few of their commodities to foreign
markets. Oil, hides, wax, pulfe and corn, are
the general produce ; but the firft are either
in fuch fmall quantities, or fo much wanted at
home, that corn may be reckoned the chief, and
indeed the only branch of trade for exporta-
tion. Before the lofs ofWarran, 1 have known
our merchants fhip off fome years, from one
or other of the ports of thefe kingdoms, feven
or eight thoufand ton. There is likewife fo great
a confumption of oil among the natives them-
felves, that in the kingdom particularly of Al-
giers, it is feldom permitted to be Ihipped off
for Chriftendom. Greater quantities indeed are
produced near Tunis and Sufa, but then the
Moorifh merchants alone are allowed to buy
it; obliging themfelves, at the fame time, to
difpofe of it at Alexandria, Damiata, or fome
other ports of the Mahometan dominions.
Commodities of all kinds are fold very cheap Provisions,
in this country. We can have a large piece °fJYthem!
bread, a bundle of turneps, a fmall bafket of
fruit, &c. for the fix hundredth and ninety fixth
part of a dollar, i. e. of three fhillings and fix-
pence of our money. Fowls are frequently
bought for three half-pence a piece, a fheep for
three fhillings and fix-pence, and a cow and a
calf for a guinea. It is happy likewife for thefe
people, that they can have one year with ano-
ther, a bufhel of the bell wheat for fifteen or
eighteen pence. For the inhabitants of thefe ufual food,
countries, no lefs than the eaftern people in ge-
nera], are great eaters of bread ; it being com-
puted, that three perfons in lour live entirely
upon it, or elfe upon fuch compofitions as are
made of barley and wheat flour.
In cities and villages where there are publick
ovens, the bread is ufually levened , but among
the Bedoweens, as foon as the dough is kneaded,
it is made into thin cakes, which are immediately
baked upon the coals.
Befides feveral different forts of fricafees, and
of roaft, boiled, and forced meats (the firft and
laft of which are always made very favoury) the
richer part of the Turks and Moors mix up a
variety of difties with almonds, dates, fweet-
meats, milk, honey, See. I have feen at fome
of their feftivals, more than two hundred difhes,
whereof forty at leaft were of different kinds ;
but among the Bedoweens and Kabyles, there
are neither utenfils nor conveniences for fuch
entertainments ; two or three wooden bowls, a Kitchln
pot and a kettle, being the whole kitchen furni- iUrtuture '
ture of the greateft emeer. However, all the
orders and degrees of thefe people, from the Be-
doween to the Bafhaw, eat in the fame man- Manner of
ner, wafhing firft their hands, and then fitting eatln s-
crofs-legged round a mat, or low table, upon
which their difhes are placed. They make no
ufe of a table-cloth, each perfon contenting him-
felf with a {hare of a long towel that lies round
the mat. Knives and fpoons are little in ufe,
for the food being well roafted and boiled, re-
quires no carving. Cufcaflowe, pilloe, and other
difhes likewife, which we fhould reckon fpoon
meats, are ferved up in the fame manner with
all their other forts of food, no better than luke-
warm ; fo that the whole company dipping their
fingers together in the dilh (making ufe of their
right hand only ) take what portion of it they
can conveniently difpofe of for a mouthful,
making it firft into little balls, or pellets, in the
palms of their hands. No fooner is any perfon
fatisfied than he rifes up, and wafhes himfelf,
without paying the leaft regard to the company,
whilft another that very moment takes his place ;
E e e e e 2 the
764
A CONTINUATION
the fervant fometiraes (for there is no diftin&ion
of tables) fucceeding his matter. When they fit
down to thefe meals, or eat and drink at any
other time ; and, indeed, when they enter upon
their daily employ, or undertake any bufinefs
whatfoever, they always pronounce, with the
greateft ferioufnefs and reverence, the word Bif-
millah, i. e. (in the name of God) ufing Alham-
dillah, i. e. (God be praifed) after nature is fa-
tisfied, and their affairs are attended with fuccefs.
Way of life. The Turks and Moors are early rii'ers, con-
ftantly attending the publick devotions at break
of day. Each perfon employs himfelf afterwards,
in the exercife of his proper trade and occupa-
tion, till ten in the morning, the ufual time of
dining; returning again to his bufinefs till (Afa)
the afternoon prayers, at which time all kind of
work ceafeth, and their {hops are fhut up. The
fupper commonly follows the prayers of (Ma-
greb) fun-fet, and then repreating the fame at
the fetting of the watch, when it begins to be
dark, they go to bed immediately after. Some
of the graver people, who have no conftant
employ, fpend the day, either in converfing
with one another at the Haf-effs in the Bazar,
or at the coffee-houfe : whilft a great number
of the Turkifh and Moorifh youths, with no
fmall part of the unmarried foldiers, attend their
concubines with wine and mufick into the fields,
or elfe make themfeives merry at one of the
publick taverns : a practice indeed exprefsly pro-
hibited by their religion ; but what the neceffity
of the times, and the uncontroulable paffions of
the tranfgreffors, oblige thefe governments to
difpenfe with.
The Arabs follow no regular trade or employ-
ment ; his life is one continued round of idlenefs
•or diverfion. When no paftime calls him abroad,
he doth nothing all the day but loiter at home,
fmoke his pipe, and repofe himfelf under fome
neighbouring {hade. He hath no relifh at all
for domeftick pleafures, and is rarely known to
converfe with his wife, or play with his chil-
dren. What he values above all is his horfe,
for in this he placeth his higheft lausfadtion,
being feldom well pleafed, or in a good hu-
mour, but when he is far from home, riding at
full fpeed, and hunting.
The Arabs, as well as the eaftern nations, are
very dextrous at this exercife. I have feen fe-
veral perfons, who could take up a jerrid or dart
at full fpeed from the ground ; and there are
none of them but can quickly hunt down a
wild boar. We have upon one of the medal-
lions of Conftantine’s arch, a very beautiful re-
prefentation of this fport, as it is performed to
this day by the Arabs, who after they have
rouzed the beaft from his retirement, and pur-
fued it into fome adjacent plain, endeavour there,
by frequent overtaking and turning it, to tire
and perplex it ; and then, watching an oppor-
tunity, either launce at it at fome diftance, or,
coming clofe by its fide, fix their fpears in its
body. At the hunting of the lion, a whole di-
ftridt is fummoned to appear, who forming
themfeives firft into a circle, enclofe a place of
three, four, or five miles in compafs, according
to the number of the people, and the quality
of the ground that is pitched upon for the fcene
of this adtion. The footmen advance firft, rufh-
ing into the thickets with their dogs and fpears
to put up the game, whilft the horfemen, keep-
ing a little behind, are always ready to charge
upon the firft {ally of the wild beaft. In this
manner they proceed, ftill contracting their cir-
cle till they all at latt either clofe in together, or
meet with fomething to divert them. The ac-
cidental paftime upon thefe occafions is fome-
times very diverting; for the feveral different forts
of animals that lie within this compafs, being by
this means drove together, they rarely fail of
having a variety of agreeable chafes after hares,
jackalls, hyaenas, and other wild beafts. It is a
common obfervation in this country, that when
the lion perceives himfelf in danger, nay fome-
times the very moment he is rouzed, he will
feize direCtly upon the perfon who is the near-
eft to him, and rather than quit his hold, fuffer
himfelf to be cut in pieces.
Hawking is one of the chiefeft diverfions a- Hawking,
mong the Arabs, and gentry of the kingdom of
Tunis. Their woods afford them a beautiful
variety of hawks and falcons.
The greateft part of the Moorifh women Perfons of
would be reckoned beauties, even in Great Bri- the woraen>
tain ; their children certainly have the fineft
complexions of any nation whatfoever. The
boys, indeed, by wearing only the tiara, are
expofed fo much to the fun, that they quick-
ly attain the fwarthinefs of the Arab ; but the
girls, keeping more at home, preferve their beau-
ty till they are thirty, at which age they are u- .
fually paft child-bearing. It fometimes happens,
that one of thefe girls is a mother at eleven,
and a grand-mother at two and twenty ; and as
their lives are ufually of the fame length with
thofe of the Europeans, there have not been in-
ftances wanting among thefe matrons, of fome
who have lived to fee their children of many
generations.
No nation in the world is fo much given to superffinaa
fuperllition as the Arabs, or even as the Maho- and charms,
metans in general. They hang about their chil-
drens necks the figure of an open hand, which
the Turks and Moors paint upon their {hips
and houfes, as an antidote and counter-charm
to an evil eye, for five with them is an unlucky
number. Thofe who are grown up, carry al-
ways about with them fome paragraph or other
of their koran, which, as the Jews did their
phyladteries.
7 6 J
OF MODERN
phyladeries, they place upon their breaft, or
fow under their caps, to prevent fafcinaiion and
witchcraft, and to fecure themfelves from fick-
nefs and misfortunes. The virtue of thefe
charms and fcrolls is fuppofed likewife to be
fo far univerfa], that they hang them upon the
necks of their cattle, horfes, and other beafts of
burthen. They place great confidence in ma-
gicians and forcerers ; and upon fome extraor-
dinary occafions, particularly in a lingring di-
ftemper, they ufe feveral fuperftitious ceremo-
nies in the facrificing of a cock, a fheep, or a
goat, by burying the whole carcafs under ground,
or by drinking a part of the blood, or elfe by
burning or difperfing the feathers. For it is a
prevailing opinion all over this country, that a
great many dileafes proceed from fome offence
or other that hath been given to the Jenoune,
a fort of creatures placed by the Mahometans
betwixt angels and devils. Thefe, like the fairies
of our forefathers, are fuppofed to frequent (hades
and fountains, and to affume the bodies of
toads, worms, and other little animals, which
being always in our way, are liable every mo-
ment to be hurt and molefted. When any per-
fon therefore is fickly or maimed, he fancies that
he hath injured one or other of thefe beings ,
and immediately the women, who are dextrous
in thefe ceremonies, go upon a Wednefday with
frankincenfe, and other perfumes, to fome nefgh-
bouring fpring, and there facrifice, as I have al-
ready hinted, a hen or a cock, an ewe or a ram,
&c. according to the fex and quality of the pa-
tient, and the nature of the diftemper.
Govern- The Arabs are permitted by the Algerines, to
Arabs! 1 £he be governed by their own laws and magiftrates,
without controul, provided they behave them-
felves peaceably, pay them the eighth part of
the produce of their lands, and a fmall poll-tax,
which is annually colledled by the Turks. And
every dou-war, or village, may be looked upon
as a fmall principality, being governed abfolutely
by the perfon of the greateft fubftance in it : the
government ufually defcends from father to fon,
or to the next heir, except he be an infant, or
unqualified to govern, and then the uncle, or
fome near relation, takes the adminiftration of
the government upon him. W hen one of thefe
governors has the command only of a fingle
dou-war, he is commonly called the fheik ; but
the ruler or chief perfon of a tribe, whofe au-
thority reaches over feveral dou-wars, hath the
title either of the (fhiek el kibeer) great lord or
elder, or elfe of (emeer) prince.
Number of The w hoIe force of Algiers, in Turks and Co-
Aigien! n loglies, is computed at prefent to be about fix
thoufand five hundred; two thoufand whereof
are fuppofed to be old, and excufed from duty :
and of the four thoufand five hundred that re-
main, one thoufand are conftantly employed in
HISTORY.
relieving annually their garrifons, whilft the reft
are either to arm out their cruifers, or elle form
the three flying camps which are fent out every
fummer, under the command of the provincial
viceroys. To the Turkifh troops we may join
about two thoufand Zwowah, as the Moorifh
horfe and foot are called:' yet, notwithftand-
ing thefe are kept in conftant pay, and may be
fuppofed to augment the number of foldiers, yet
being all of them hereditary enemies to the
Turks, they are little confidered in the real fafe-
guard and defence of the government. "I he
method therefore that is obferved in keeping this
large and populous kingdom in obedience, is not
fo much by force of arms, as by diligently ob-
ferving the old political maxim, “ Divide and
“ command. ” For the provincial viceroys
are very watchful over the motions of the Ara-
bian tribes, who are under their feveral diftrifts
and jurifdicdions; and as thefe are in continual
jealoufies and difputes with one another, the beys
have nothing more to do than keep up the fer-
ment, and throw in at proper times new matter
for difcord and contention. There are a great
many Arabian and African tribes, who in cafe
their neighbours fhould obferve a neutrality,
would be too hard for the whole army of Al-
giers, notwithftanding each Turk valueth himfelf
in being a match for twenty Arabs. When there-
fore there is any mifunderftanding of this kind,
the viceroys play one tribe againft another, and
provided the quarrel proves equal, a few Turks
feafonably thrown in, will be more than a ba-
lance for the enemy. By thus continually fo-
menting the divifions, which always fubfift a-
mong the Arabian princes, and by drawing on
afterwards one family to fight againft another,
thefe four or five thoufand Turks maintain their
ground againft all oppofition.
In the inland towns and villages of Barbary, Way^ftra-
there is for the raoft part a houfe fet apart for
the reception of ftrangers, with a proper officer
to attend it. Here perfons are lodged and en-
tertained for one night, in the beft manner the
place will afford, at the expence of the com-
munity.
Except at thefe places, fays Dr. Shaw, I
met with no khans, or houfes of entertainment,
throughout the whole courfe of my travels. To
furnifh ourfelves with tents would have beeii
both cumberfome and expenfive ; befides the
fufpicion it might have raifed in the Arabs, that
we were perfons of rank and fortune, and ccn-
fequently too rich and tempting a booty to Be
fuffered to efcape. The unfortunate gentlemen,
who were concerned not many years ago in an
embafi’y to Abyffmia, found this to be true, at
the expence of their lives.
If, therefore, in the courfe of our travel-
line, we did not fall in with the hovels of the
s Kabvles,
A CONTI
Kabyles, or the encampments of the Arabs, we
had nothing to protect us from the inclemency,
either of the heat of the day, or the cold of the
night, unlefs we met with fomp' accidental
grove of trees, the fhelve of a rock, or fome-
times, by good fortune, a grotto. At thefe times,
which indeed did feldom happen, our horfes
were the greateft fufferers : and as they were
always our firft care, we gathered for them bub-
ble, grafs, boughs of trees, and fuch like pro-
vender, before we fat down.
When we are fo fortunate in travelling in
Barbary, to find out the encampments of the
Arabs (for we are not fond of vifiting the Ka-
byles, who are not fo eafily managed) we are
entertained for one night upon free coft : the
Arabs, either by long cuftom, the particular te-
nure of their lands, or rather, perhaps, from
fear and compulfion, being obliged to give the
fpahees, and thofe who are with them, the
mounah, as they call it, which is a fufficient
quantity of provifions for themfelves and their
horfes. Befides a bowl of milk, and a bafket
of figs, raifins, dates, or other dried fruits, which
were prefented to us upon our arrival, the mafter
of the tent where we lodged, fetched us from
his flock (according to the number of our com-
pany) a kid, or a goat, a lamb, or a fheep, half
of which was immediately feethed by his wife,
and ferved up with cufcaffowe ; the reft was u-
fually made Kab-ab, and referved for our break-
faft or dinner the next day.
However, the tents of thefe roving herdfmen,
though they may fhelter us from the weather,
are, notwithftanding, attended with their incon-
veniences. For the cold and the dews that we
are every night expofed to in the defarts of Ara-
bia, do not incommode us half fo much as the
vermin and infedts of all kinds, which never fail
to moleft us here. Befides fleas and lice, which,
without a miracle, are here in all their quarters,
the apprehenfions we are under of being bit or
ftung by the fcorpion, viper, or venomous fpi-
der, rarely fails in fome parts of thefe countries
to interrupt the reft that is fo grateful and ne-
ceflary to a weary traveller. Upon fight, indeed,
of one or other of thefe venomous beafts, a tha-
leb, or writer, who happened to be one of my
fpahees, after he had muttered a few words,
exhorted us all to take courage, and not be
afraid of fuch creatures, as he had made tame
and harmlefs by his charms and incantations.
We are likewife no lefs offended (from whence
we might leaft expedl it) by their kids, calves,
and other young cattle, that are tied up every
night under the eaves of their tents, to prevent
them from fucking their dams. For the cords
that are ufed upon thefe occafions, being only
made of loofe fpun yarn, the fretful creatures
are every moment breaking loofe, and trampling
over us.
NUATION
When our company was at any time enter-
tained in a courteous manner (for the Arabs
will fometimes part with nothing till it be ex-
torted by force) I ufed to give the mafter of
the tent a knife, a couple of flints, or a final!
quantity of Englifh gunpowder, which being
much ftronger than their own, they have
in great efteem, and keep for the priming
only of their fire-arms. If the Iallah (or lady)
his wife, had been obliging alfo in her way, by
making our cufcaffowe favoury and with expe-
dition, flie would return a thoufand thanks for
a fkean of thread, a large needle, or a pair of
fciffars ; all of them great rarities, and very en-
gaging prefents with thefe people.
During the exceflive heats of the lummer, and
efpecially when we were apprehenfive of being
intercepted by fome party of free-booting Arabs,
we then travelled in the night ; which having
no eyes, according to their proverb, few of them
dare then venture out, as not knowing the
dangers and ambufcades they may poffibly fall
into.
Our ftages, ordays journeys, were not always the
fame. For when any danger was apprehended, we
then travelled thro’ as many by-paths as our con-
ductors were acquainted with, riding in this man-
ner, without refting fometimes twelve, fome-
times fifteen hours together. Nay, in returning
from Jerufalem (fo vigilant were the Arabs
at that time, in diftrefling the pilgrims) not-
withftanding we had the iheck (or faint) of
Mount Carmel, with twenty of his lervants to
proteft us, we refted only one hour in two and
twenty ; for fo long we made it in travelling
betwixt Sichem and Mount Carmel. But in the
kingdoms of Algiers and Tunis, an ordinary
day’s journey (exclufive of the time taken up in
making obfervations) rarely exceeded eight or
nine hours. Our conftant praftice was to rife
at break of day, fet forward with the fun, and
travel till the middle of the afternoon, at which ,
time we began to look out for the encamp-
ments of the Arabs; who, to prevent fuch par-
ties as ours from living upon them, take care
to pitch in places the leaft confpicuous. And
indeed fometimes, unlefs we difcovered the fmoke
of their tents, obferved fome of their flocks, or
heard the barking of their dogs, it was with dif-
ficulty (if at all) that we were able to find
them.
In Barbary, where the Arabs are under fubjec-
tion, I rarely carried along with me more than
three fpahees, and a fervant, all of us well arm-
ed ; though we were fometimes obliged to aug-
ment our numbers, particularly when we tra-
velled among the independant Arabs, upon the
frontiers of the neighbouring kingdoms, or where
two contiguous clans are at variance : thefe, and
fuch like harammes, as the free-booters are ufu-
ally
7 6 7
OF MODERN HISTORY.
ally called, mu ft be, I conjedlure, what the Eu- lake or lagune, ten or fifteen miles from the Ga-
ropeans mean by wild Arabs, notwithftanding leta caftles, and about eighteen from the place
there is no fuch name peculiar to any one body where Carthage flood. It is about five or fix
of them, they being all of them the fame, and miles round, and is encompafted by a high ftrong
have all the like inclinations (whenever a proper wall, and a dry ditch : in the upper part of the
opportunity or temptation offers itfelf) of robbing, town, on a rifing ground, is a caftle or citadel,
ftripping, and murthering, not ftrangers only, the w'alls of which are alfo very high, but has
but alfo one another. no ditch. The city is watered by a rill rifing in
However, to prevent, as much as poffible, the a neighbouring mountain, which is conveyed to
falling into their hands, the greateft fafety for the town over a deep valley by an aquedudl.
a traveller at all times, is to be difguifed in the There are cannon mounted on the walls ; but
habit of the country, or dreffed like one of his the fortification is not regular, nor built after
fpahees. For the Arabs are very jealous and in- the manner of thofe in Europe : it ftands upon
quifitive, fufpedling all ftrangers to be fpies, and a large fpace of ground, and the ftrength of it
fent to take a furvey of thofe lands, which at feems to confift only in the height of the walls,
one time or other (as they have been taught to The ftreets of the city are very irregular, tho’
fear) are to be reftored to the chriftians. there are in it a great many lofty and well-built
The horfes and camels of thefe countries keep houfes, which have but few windows on the out-
generally one conftant pace ; the latter at the rate fide. They have fquare courts within, which are
of two miles and an half, the other of three geo- paved with tile, having galleries fupported with
graphical miles an hour. pillars two or three ftories high, and are con-
Captain Uring gives the following defcription trived for coolnefs, where their families regale
of Carthage and Tunis, viz. themfelves, and take the frefh air.
Carthage. I walked almoft all over the ground where the The city is very populous, as we may judge
city of Carthage formerly flood ; but there is by the number of harlots, which I was aflured
hardly any appearance that there ever had been a were not lefs than fifteen thoufand regiftered.
town there, the grafs covering the ftones almoft The bey’s revenues are chiefly from olive-trees,
every where. I was fhewed a place where it is the owners of which pay a tax of four afpers a
faid their citadel flood, and another, which I year for each tree. They pay alfo a certain rate
w 7 as told, was the place of arms : we faw there for their dates, and other fruits ; and there are
pieces of walls lying flat upon the ground ; and likewife duties upon all goods imported. Their
in that part which is fuppofed to be the middle of chief manufacture are caps, which they export in
the city, there is a range of 16 citterns for holding great quantities to Turkey : they export fome oil,
water, which had been all arched over with brick, cotton-yarn, pot-afh and fpunges, fome corn and
and a broad walk on each fide of them ; the arches beans,
remained whole over feveralof them, and three Their cufcufu, which is oneof their general and Cufcufu,
or four of the citterns were not the leaft decay- belt difhes, is madethus: they put flower intoa large
ed, and had then water in them, tho’ the great- flat pan, and fprinkle it with water, and taking
eft part were ruined. Thefe citterns were, no great pains to fhake it too and fro over a flow fire,
doubt, made to hold a flore of water, for fup- which feparates it, and rolls it into fmall balls,
plying the inhabitants in cafe of a fiege, and about the bignefs of pigeon fhot ; when they
would hold many thoufand tons. They had, no have prepared a fufficient quantity of it, they put
doubt, many more befi 4 es thefe for that purpofe ; it into a fort of a cullender, which they fet over
they having no frefh water in the town, but the top of the pot where their flefh is boil-
what was conveyed thither by an aquedudl near ing, and it receives the fleam thereof, and moiftens
thirty miles out of the country, which was about it; and when their meat is boiled enough, they
thirty, or thirty-five foot high ; part of which, put it all together into a difh, and eat it.
for near one hundred and fifty foot in length, I We went to fee an antient building, fifty miles The ruins,
faw Handing, and all the reft was fallen down, fouth of Tunis, faid to be eredted either by the of an am-
w here the ruins are to be feen in feveral places : Romans or Carthaginians : we found four fifths of P hltheatre °
it was built of a hard Hone, fomething like flint, it Handing, but it was decayed in feveral places,
tho’ of another kind. Not far from Cape Car- It flood upon a large plain, and had been a very
thage the bey has a houfe and gardens, near fine and large amphitheatre, built with fquare
which is a well with waiter ; but it being brackifh, ftones. When it was entire, it was of an oval
it was not fit to drink, tho’ it ferved to water the form, in three circular ranges or walks, arched
gardens. The city of Carthage flood upon a clear round, and was three ftories high, and had
point or cape, moderately high, and the fea run- about fixty-five wdndows in every ftory, with
ing on both fides of it, formed almoft a penin- galleries on the infide, which in all would contain
fula. at leaft twenty- five or thirty thoufand fpedlators.
The city of Tunis ftands at the head of a large When we had viewed the amphitheatre within-
fide
T unis.
7 63
Soil of
Tunis.
America.
A CONTINUATION
fide and without, and fufficiently fatisfied our cu- The Portuguefe are poilefsed of the extenfive
riofity, we ranged about the village, which was- country of Brafil in South America,
built out of its ruins. Several of the inhabitants The Britifh dominions are fituated in North
invited us into their houfes, where we faw their America, and confift of the provinces of Hud-
women, who, contrary to the cuftom of Ma- fon’s-Bay (part of Canada) New-Britain, New-
hometans, met us, and feemed highly pleafed Scotland, or Acadie, New-England, New-York,
with our company; they were not fatisfied New-Jerfey, Penfilvania, Maryland, Virginia,
with barely feeing our faces, but defired us to un- North and South Carolina, and Georgia, and the
button our garments, and furveyed our naked Britifh American iflands.
arms and brealts : the men, who flood by, feemed The territories the French claim are part of
as much delighted as the women ; whether they Canada and Florida in North- America, and Caen,
were wives or fingle women, was unknown to or equinoxial France in South America, with
us ; but notwithstanding their curiofity, they the French American ifiands.
feemed very modeft. The inhabitants of the vil-
lage were all of the Moorifh race, being of the A continuation of the prefent fate of New-England.
colour ofMulattoes; ’tis very probable they had
never before feen any men fo white as we were. The following pages are the anfwer of a gen- New-Eng-
In this journey I made what obfervations I tleman lately come from New-England, and a knd '
could of the country thro’ which 1 palled ; molt native of that country, to fome enquiries made
of the land was a hard, reddifh, fandy foil, which by the author of this work, in relation to New-
bore no grafs, and very few fhrubs. I do not England.
remember, for ten or fifteen miles together, to There are in New-England about fixty thou-
bave feen any creature, not fo much as an in- fand fighting men, from lixteen to fixty years
fed. Within a few miles of the amphitheatre, of age, and about three hundred thoufand fouls,
there were fome fhrubs, without any leaves, feat- The Maflachufets-Bay contains about thirty thou-
tered over a large plain, with a herd of goats fand effedive men, from fixteen to fixty.
browfing upon them ; and about midway in our The colony of Connedicut fourteen thoufand
journey, we palled thro’ a tolerable village, of a- fighting men : Rhode-Ifland and Providence-
bout two hundred houfes, which was much the Plantation, feven thoufand effedive men : New
bell that I faw in the country, where there was Hampfhire five thoufand fighting men; and the
a linnen manufadory, moft of the inhabitants province of Maine about four thoufand men fit
being either fpinners or weavers. It was fur- to bear arms.
rounded with olive-trees, and had fome fmall gar- Governor Burnet frequented the epifcopal
dens, from whence we had both grapes and figs, church. The governors and magiftrates ufually
We palled by feveral fmall forry villages, not go to the independent congregations,
worth naming ; but where we faw a green fpot. One member of the epifcopal church is a judge,
there was alfo fome huts and olive-trees, the great- Several gentlemen of the church of England have
ell part of the country being barren ; which I was received commilfions,both civil and military, from
much furprifed to fee, this being the antient Numi- his excellency governor Belche r ; and thisyear
dia, from whence, hiltory tells us, came fuch 1738, John Read, Efq; a counfellor at law,
numbers of people ; and that they Ihould chufe was chofen one of the reprefentatives for the
fuch a country to live in, or how they could fub- town of Bollon (being the firlt inllance of that
fill, is very unaccountable. kind.) Two years ago, John Eastwicke,"
Efq ; was chofen one of the feled men of Bollon,
A continuation of the prefent fate of America. after many years ftruggle to get a churchman in.
There are for Bollon four reprefentatives, twelve
T HE continent of America is fituated between overfeers of the poor, feven feled men, and fe-
80 degrees north and 58 degrees fouth lati- ven affeffors, all which have great influence in
tude, and between 35 and 140 degrees welt Ion- the town affairs. Notwithftanding the church-
gitude, being divided into North and South Ame- men in Bolton pay one fifth part of the town
rica, by a line drawn crofs the Ilthmus of Darien rates, yet till within thefe two years, no church-
from Porto Bello to Panama ; the firlt of thefe man was fuffered to be chofen, tho’ the church-
towns lying in ten degrees, and the latter in nine men have been ftruggling for it more than twen-
degrees north latitude. The Spanifh provinces of ty years. It mull be obferved, that altho’ the
North America, are Old Mexico, New Mexico, churchmen pay one fifth part of the tax, they have
and part of Florida. not the one tenth part of the wealth of the town.
r ^In South America are the Spanifh provinces of The governor’s falary is not fettled.
Terra-Firma, Peru, Chili, Patagonia, or Terra The manufadures of New England are fo in-
Magellemca, Paragua, La-plata, the country of confiderable in comparifon of England, that they
the Amazons, and the Spanifh Ifiands. mull not be mentioned together; the New-
Englanders
OF MODERN HISTORY.
Englanders being ftill fupplied with nineteen
parts in twenty of Engliih manufactures. Yet it
mult be acknowledged, that the making of lin-
nen greatly encreafes in New-England ; the
Irifh people who have lately fettled there, hav-
ing brought that bufinefs to great perfection.
Some linnen made at Londonderry, in the pro-
vince of New-Hampfhire, hath often been fold
for iix {hillings fterling the Engliih yard, and
the greater part of the linnen made in that flou-
rifhing town, fells for twenty pence to two (hil-
lings per yard fterling money.
And, if good encouragement was given to the
making of canvas or fail-cloth, even the royal
navy might be fupplied in a few years with that
ufeful commodity from New-England *, the
Irifh people finding the country exceedingly well
adapted for the linnen manufacture.
They do not trade to the French iflands for
rum, molofies, See. as heretofore.
The cod filhery is in a flourilhing condition,
and they are not now interrupted by the French
in the fame from Cape Breton.
The whale filhery on the coaft of Greenland
hath lately been attempted with very good fuccefs
by the Nantucket men, who are undoubtedly the
molt expert and Ikilful men in the world in that
particular affair. And it is the opinion of many,
that a few years will determine who are the belt
whale-filhers on the coaft of Greenland, the
hardy peopleof Nantucket, or the Dutchmen.
The fort at Annapolis Royal is made of earth,
being built formerly by the French, and is a re-
gular fortification, confuting of four baftions, a
deep dry moat, a covert way and counterfcarp,
with an half-moon and outworks, detached from
the body of the place. The lower battery of fe-
venteen pieces of full cannon was flighted fome
years ago.
The other Engliih fort in Acadie upon the
illand at Canfo, is not worth mentioning, efpeci-
ally when we confider what a large and regular
fortification of (tone the French have at Cape
Breton, very near to Canfo.
The frontiers of Maine are defended by regular
blockhoufes, molt of them being in good repair.
And on the frontiers of Maflachufets, Maine,
and New Hampfhire, are many regular block-
houfes well flank’d, fupported, and defended in
time of war by their proper owners.
The old fort at Pemaquid, rebuilt by the ho-
nourable colonel Dunbar, by direction from
England, hath fince been flighted by an order from
hence. It would have been an excellent barrier
in that quarter, and great fettlements were carry-
ing on in that place by the farmers from Ireland.
No attemptshave been made to civilize the natives
of Acadie, or cultivate the foil: it hath been found
by experience, that few fettlements have ever
been made under a military government. The In-
Vol. III.
dians of Acadie, thofe bordering upon the fron-
tiers of Maine, New Hampfhire, and upon the
north- weft part of Mafl'achufet, are all of them
to a man in the intereft of France, having miflio-
naries from France fettled among them, who
take a great deal of pains with the Indians.
The following piece is a letter from Sa-
muel Dale, M. L. to Sir HansSloane, bart.
prefident of the royal fociety, containing the de-
feriptions of the moofe deer of New England,
and a fort of flag in Virginia.
S I R,
“ The prefent which I herewith make you is the
“ head, or rather the attire (as it is called in he-
“ raldryj of the moofe-deer, fent me fome years
“ fince from New Eugland by the honourable
“ Samuel Shut e efq ; then governor of that
“ colony. This animal has been mentioned by
“ feveral authors, but their accounts have gene-
<c rally been fo very imperfeCt, that little fatisfac-
“ tion hath thereby been given to the curious en-
“ quirers after natural hiftory. The firft mention
“ that I find of this moofe deer is by Mr- Jose-
“ l yn, in a little traCt called New England rari-
“ ties, where page the 19th that author writes,
“ That it is a goodly creature, fome of them
“ twelve feet high, their horns exceeding fair,
“ with broad palms, fome being two fathoms
“ from the top of one horn to the other. Much
“ to the fame purpofe is the account he gives of
“ this animal in another book of his called Two
“ voyages to New England, p. 88. in which
“ he faith, That a moofe, orelke, is a creature,
“ or rather a monfter of fuperfluity when full
“ grown, being many times bigger than an Eng-
“ lilli ox. What Neal in his hiftory ofNew
“ England, vol. 2. p. 573. hath of this animal,
“ called by him the mofe, is copied from the a-
t£ forefaid Joselyn. The belt and fulleft
<c account of this animal was fent by the honour-
“ able Paul Dudley Efq; fellow of the royal
“ fociety. This is publilhed in the philolbphical
“ tranfabtions of the royal fociety, no. 368. p.
“ 165. where he makes them to be of two forts,
“ viz. the common light grey moofe, called by the
“ Indians wampoofe, and thelarge or black moofej
“ which is the beaft whofe hornsl herewith repre-
“ fent. As to the grey moofe, I take it to be no other
“ than what Mr. John Clayton, in his account
“ of the Virginian quadrupedes, publilhed in the
“ aforefaid tranfablions, no. 210. p. 122. calls
“ the elke , which beaft by the Parifians in their
“ memoirs for a natural hiftory of animals, eng-
“ lilhed by Mr. Pit field, p. 167, is called by
“ the name of the ftag of Canada, of which I
“ havefeena fingle horn fent by Mr. Mark
“ Catesby, from Virginia, by the name of an
“ elkes-horn, and was in all refpebts like thofe cf
“ our red deer, or ftags, only larger, weighing
“ about twelve pounds averdupoiz, and from the
F f f f f “ burr
A CONTINU ATI ON
i( burr to the tip, meafured by a tiring, about fix
“ feet high. Mr. Dudley writes, that his
“ grey moofe is moft like to the ordinary deer ;
“ that they fpring like them, and herd together
“ fometimes to thirty in a company : but whether
“ he means by that term the red, the Virginian,
“ or fallow deer, is uncertain, he having faid no-
“ thing of their horns, which was needful to di-
“ ftinguifh them. The black moofe is (by all that
<£ have hitherto writ of it) accounted a very large
“ creature. Mr. Joselyn (as I before mention-
“ ed) makes it many times bigger than an ox,
“ and Mr. Dudley writes, that the hunters
<c have found a buck or a flag moofe fourteen
“ fpans in height from the withers, which at nine
“ inches to the fpan, is ten feet and a half ; and
“ that a doe or hind of the fourth year, killed by
“ a gentleman near Bofton, wanted but one inch
(C of feven feet in height. The flag, buck, or
“ male of this kind, hath a palmed horn, not like
“ that of our common or fallow deer, but the
<£ palm is much longer, and more like to that of
“ the German elke, from which it differs in that
“ the moofe hath a branched brow antler between
“ the burr and the palm, which the German elke
hath not.
“ Nor doth the horn of this New England
“ black moofe agree in figure with either of thofe
“ mentioned in the philofophical tranfadlions, no.
** 227. p. 489. and no. 394. p. 123. to be found
“ foffil in Ireland, thelaftof which Mr. Kelly
“ writes that for want of another name they
“ called elkes horns. I fufpedl that thofe horns
<£ which the late reverend and learned Mr. Ray
“ mentions in the fynopfis methodica animalium
tc quadrupedium, to have feen with one Mr.
Holney, an apothecary of Lewes in Suflex,
“ as likewife in divers mufaeums, were not the
“ horns of this black or American moofe, but of
t£ the German elke, becaufe that inquifitive gen-
“ tleman takes no notice of any brow antlers
“ they had, which I think was too notorious to
w have efcaped his obfervation, had there been
“ any fuch.
“ Concerning the number of young ones or
“ calves, which a moofe brings forth at a
“ time, authors vary; for Mr. Dudley faith,
££ that they bring forth but two; but Joselyn,
“ in his two voyages p. 89. and from him Neal,
“ that they are three ; and that they do not
“ go fo long pregnant as our hinds by two
“ months. What thefe two laft mentioned au-
“ thors write concerning their calling their calves
“ a mile diflant from each other, doth not feem
to me probable: nor dol find thatNEAL, in
S£ his defcription of this beail, makes any mention,
“ of their having a long tail, though fo charged
“ to do by Mr. Dudley, who likewife omits
“ the brow antlers in his defcription of their horns.
“ There is another beail of the deer kind,
“ which, though very common in Virginia, and
1 ‘ without doubt in other of the northern pro-
‘‘ ,vinces in America, yet I think it is not de-
“ fcribed by any author (but it is expected that it
‘ 4 will not efcape being taken notice of by Mr.
‘‘ Catesby in his natural hiltory of Florida, &c.)
‘ 4 Mr. Beverly, in his prefent Hate of Virginia,
‘‘ mentions both elke and deer in that country,
44 but doth not defcribe either: but by what I
‘ c have received from Mr. Catesby, the firlt
‘ 4 Ihould have been the Canada flag, and the
44 other the deer I have here mentioned. Mr.
44 Clayton likewife mentions the elke, which
44 he faith are beyond the inhabited parts, and are
44 the fame with Mr. Beverley’s ; as alfo the
“ deer, of which he faith there are abundance,
4 ‘ yet doth not defcribe them, but calls them red
4£ deer, though they are not the fame as we here
4£ call by that name, but of thofe which are fallow.
“ Mr. Neal likewife mentions deerin New Eng-
“ land, but gives only the name, which being ge-
“ neral, nothing can be inferred from it.
“ That which I take for the undefcribed deer,
££ is a beail of the hag kind, having round horns
“ like them, not fpreading out as in the Hag or
“ red deer, but meeting nearer together at their
“ tips, and bending forward over the face of the
“ animal : the brow antlers likewife are not
“ crooked and Handing forward, but llrait and
“ upright. The fkin of this deer is of an arena-
“ ceous, or fandy colour, with fome black hairs
“ intermixed, and fpotted all over while young
“ with white fpots, like fome forts of our fallow
“ deer, being alfo about the bignefs of them when
“ fully grown. The dama Virginiana Raii fy nop,
“ animal, quad. p. 86. which was formerly in St.
« James’s park, feems to be different from this,
“ if Mr. Willoughby was not led into a mif-
<£ take in taking it to be of the palmate kind, by
“ only feeing it when the horns were fhed ; per-
“ haps this laft of Mr. Ray, may be the mau-
“ roufe of Jose lyn’s voyages, p. 91. which he
“ faith is like the moofe, but his horns are but
“ fmall, and the beail about the fize of a Hag ; but
“ his defcription is too fhort to be fatisfactory.”
A continuation of the prefent fate of Carolina.
The following pages are an anfwer from ge-
neral Oglethorpe, to fome enquiries made by
the author, concerning the Hate of Carolina and
Georgia.
Carolina is part of that territory which was
originally difcovered by Sir Sebastian Cabot.
The Englilh now pollefs the fea-coall, from the
river St. John’s, in 30 degrees 21 minutes north
latitude. Wellward the King’s charter declares it
to be bounded by the Pacifick Ocean.
Carolina is divided into North Carolina, South
Carolina, and Georgia ; the latter is a province
which
77 1
OF MODERN
which his Majefty has taken out of Carolina, and
is the fouthern and weftern frontier of that pro-
vince, lying between it, and the French, Spa-
niards, and Indians.
The part of Carolina that is fettled, is for the
moll part a flat country : all near the fea, is a
range of iflands, which breaks the fury of the o-
cean : within is generally low-land for twenty or
twenty five miles, where the country begins to
rile in gentle fwellings. At feventy or eighty
miles from the fea, the hills grow higher, till
they terminate in mountains.
The coaft of Georgia is alfo defended from the
rage of the fea by a range of iflands. Thofe
iflands are divided from the main by canals of fait
Water, navigable for the largeft boats, and even
for fmall floops. The lofty woods growing on
each fide the canals, make very pleafant land-
fcapes. The land at about feven or eight miles
from the fea, is tolerably high ; and the farther
you go weftward the more it rifes, till at about
150 miles diftance from the fea, to the weft,
the Cherikees or Apellachean mountains begin,
which are fo high that the fnow lies upon fome of
them all the year.
This ridge of mountains runs in a line from
north to fouth, on the back of the Engiifh colo-
nies of Carolina and Virginia ; beginning at the
great lakes of Canada, and extending fouth, it ends
in the province of Georgia, at about two hundred
miles from the bay of Appellachee, which is part
of the gulph of Mexico. There is a plain coun-
try from the foot of thefe mountains to that
fea.
The face of the country is moftly covered with
woods ; the banks of the rivers are in fome places
low, and form a kind of natural meadows, where
the floods prevent trees from growing. In other
places, in the hollows, between the hillocks, the
brooks and ftreams being ftopt by falls of trees,
or other obftrudtions, the water is penn’d back :
thefe places are often covered with canes and
thickets, and are called in the corrupted Ameri-
can dialed!, fwamps. The fides of the hills are
generally covered with oaks and hiccary, or wild
walnuts, cedar, faflafras, and the famous laurel
tulip, which is efteemed one of the moll beautiful
trees in the world : the flat tops of the hillocks
are all covered with groves of pine-trees, with
plenty of grafs growing under them ; and free
from underwood, that you may gallop a horfe for
forty or fifty miles an end. In the low grounds,
and iflands in the river, there are cyprefs, bay-
trees, poplar, plane, frankincenfe, or gum-trees,
and other aquaticks. All parts of the province
are well watered ; and in digging a moderate depth,
you never mifs of a fine fpring.
What we call the Atlantic Ocean, wafhes the
eaft and fouth-eaft coafts of thefe provinces. The
gulph ftream of Florida fets with a tide in
HISTORY.
the ocean to the eaft of the province ; and it is
very remarkable, that the banks and foundings of
the coaft extend twenty or twenty-five miles to
the eaft of the coaft. To explain this, we will
mention the manner of the voyage from Europe.
You fet out with variable winds, and having got
enough to the weft of Europe, you ftand fou-
therly till you meet with the trade winds ; which
you do, on this fide the 20th degree north lati-
tude. Thofe winds blowing generally eaft ward-
ly, and moderately brifk, foon drive you over the
greateft part of the Atlantick ocean: you keep
the fame latitude , till you think you are near
the Bahama^, and then you fteer northwardly,
to avoid falling in with them, till you come in-
to 29 degrees, and then you run in to make the
fhore. You crofs the gulph ftream of Florida,
which is a rapid tide, that fets out from between
the ifland of Cuba and Bahama, on the one fide,
and Florida on the other. It is upwards of twen-
ty leagues wide, and fo rapid that it runs to the
northward, at the rate of three miles an hour.
When you are paft the gulph ftream, you throw
the lead, and if you find the ground at twenty
five leagues of the coaft of Georgia or Carolina,
thefe they call the banks, and the water fhoals
gradually to fhore, till you come within two
leagues, where the banks are fo fhoaly that they
bar all further paflage, excepting in the channels
which lie between the bars. Thefe bars are the
defence of the coaft againft enemies fleets, and
the reafon that it has laid fo long undifeovered ;
for without good pilots you cannot come into
any harbour, the fhoalinefsof the coaft frightened
fhips fo from coming to make difeoveries upon it :
till Mr. Oglethorpe had the entries on the
coaft of Georgia founded in the year 1733, no
fhip attempted to go into ports in Georgia, nor
did the merchants believe there were any ports
upon that coaft. Though now they find the ri-
ver Savannah an excellent harbour; and upon the
worft of the bar, three fathom at dead low water.
There is alfo a noble harbour to the fouthward,
called Teky-Sound, where there is anchoring
for a large fquadron in ten or fourteen fathom
water land-locked, and a good and fafe entry
through the bar.
Between thefe harbours on the one fide, and
the Bahamas on the other, the Spanifh fhips mult
come home with all the treafures of Mexico ; and
a fquadron here in time of war, can hardly mifs
intercepting them, and at the fame time have
fafe harbours under their lee, and a healthy cli-
mate ; have all Georgia, Carolina, and North-
America, a plentiful country, to fupply them with
frefh provifions ; fo that they would be under
none of thofe inconveniencies from want and
ficknefs, which thole fquadrons buffered who lay
at Porto Bello.
Fffff 2
The
CONTINUATION
The tides upon this coaft flow generally feven
foot : the foundings are fand, or ooze, and fome
oyfter hanks, but no rocks : the coaft appears low
from the f§a, and covered with woods.
Cape Fear is a point which runs with dreadful
fhoal? far into the fea from the mouth of Claren-
don river, in North Carolina. Sulwan’s Ifland,
and the Coffin- land, are the marks of the entry
into Charles-Town harbour : Hilton-head upon
Trenches Ifland, {hews the entry into Port-
Royal ; and the point of Tvbee Ifland, makes the
entry of the Savannah river. Upon that point the
truftees for Georgia have erefted a noble final or
lighthouffi, 90 foot high, and 25 foot wide ; it is
an octagon, and upon the top there is a flag-ftaff
30 foot high.
The province of Georgia is watered by three
great rivers, which rife in the mountains, viz.
the Alatamaha, the Ogechee, and the Savannah,
the laft of which is navigable fix hundred miles
for canoes, and three hundred miles for boats.
The Britifh dominions are divided from the Spa-
nifh Florida by a noble river called St. John’s.
Thefe rivers fall into the Atlantick ocean ; but
there are befides them, the Flint, the Catooche,
and even the Miffifippi river, which pafs through
part of Carolina, or Georgia, and fall into the
gulph of Apellachee or Mexico.
All Carolina is divided into three parts:
North Carolina, which is divided from South Ca-
rolina by Clarendon river, and of late by a line
marked out by order of the council : South Ca-
rolina ; which on the fouth is divided from
Georgia by the river Savannah. Carolina is di-
vided into feveral counties ; but in Georgia there
is but one yet eredfed, viz. the county of Savan-
nah : it is bounded on the one fide by the river
Savannah, on the other by the fea, on the third by
the river Ogechee, on the fourth by the river
Ebenezer, and a line drawn from the Ebenezer
to the Ogechee. In this country are the rivers of
Vernon, Little Ogechee, and of Weftbrook.There
is the town of Savannah, where there is a feat of
judicature, confifting of three bailiffs and a re-
corder. It is fituated upon the banks of the ri-
ver of the fame name. It confifts of about two
hundred houfes, and lies upon a plain of about
a mile wide, the bank fteep to the river, forty
five foot perpendicularly high : the ftreetsare laid
out regular. There are near Savannah,'in the fame
country, the villages of Hampftead, Highgate,
Skydoway, and Thunderbolt ; the la' ter of which
is a tranflation of a name : their fables fay, that
a thunderbolt fell, and a fpring thereupon arofe in
that place, which ftill fmells of the thunder.
This fpring is impregnated with a mixture of
fulphur and Heel, and from this fmell probably
the ftory arofe. In the fame county is Jofeph’s
Town, and the town of Ebenezer, both upon
the river Savannah, and the villages of Abercorn
and Weftbrook. There are fa w- mills ere&ing on
the river Ebenezer, and the fort Argyle lies up- .
on the pafs of this county over the Ogechee. In
the fouthern divifions of the province lies the
town of Frederica, with its diftridt, where there
is a court with three bailiffs and a recorder. It
lies on one of the branches of the Alatamaha.
There is alfo the town of Darien, upon the
fame river, and feveral forts, upon the proper paf-
fes, fome of four baftions, fome are only redoubts ;
befides which there are villages in different parts
of Georgia. At Savannah there is a publick
ftore-houfe built of large fquare timbers ; there is
alfo a handfome court-houfe, guard-houfe, and
work-houfe: the church is not yet begun, but
materials are colledting, and it is defigned to be a
handfome edifice. The private houfes are gene-
rally fa wed timber, framed and covered with
fhingles ; many of them are painted, and moil
have chimneys of brick. At Frederica, fome of
the houfes are built of brick ; the reft of the pro-
vince is moftly wood. They are not got into
luxury yet in their furniture, hewing only what
is plain and needful ; the winters being mild,
there are yet but few houfes with glafs- windows.
The Indians area manly well-fhaped race ; the
men tall, the women little : they, as the antient
Grecians did, anoint with oil, and expofe them-
felves to the fun, which occafions their fldns to
be brown of colour. The men paint themfelves
of various colours, red, blue, yellow and black :
the men wear generally a girdle, with a piece of
cloth drawn through their legs, and turned over
the girdle both before and behind, fo as to hide
their nakednefs. The women wear a kind of
petticoat to their knees. Both men and women
in the winter wear mantles, fomething lefs than
two yards fquare, which they wrap round their
bodies, as the Romans did their toga, generally
keeping their arms bare : they are fometimes. of
woollen, bought of the Englifh ; fometimes of
furs, which they drefs themfelves. They wear
a kind of pumps, which they call morgifons,
made of deer fkins, which they drefs for . that
purpofe. They are a generous good-natured
people, very humane to ftrangers ; patient of
want and pain ; flow to anger, and not eafily
provoked ; but when they are thoroughly in*
cenfed, they are implacable ; very quipk of ap-
prehenfion, and gay of temper. Their publick
conferences fhew them to be men of genius, and
they have a natural eloquence, they never ha-
ving had the ufe of letters. They love eating,
and the Englifh have taught many of them to
drink ftrong liquors, which, when they do, they
are miferable fights. They have no manufac-
tures but what each family makes for its own
ufe : they feem to defpife working for hire, and
fpend their time chiefly in hunting and war; but
plant corn enough for the fupport of their fami-
lies.
OF MODERN
lies, and of the ftrangers that come to vifit them.
Their food, inftead of bread, is flour of Indian
corn boiled, and feafoned like hafty-pudding ; and
this is called homminy. They alfo boil venifon
and make broth : they alfo roaft or rather broil
their meat. The flefh they feed on is buffaloe,
deer, wild-turkeys, and other game ; fo that
hunting is necefl’ary, to provide flefh, and plant-
ing for corn. The land belongs to the women,
and the corn that grows upon it ; but meat mull
be got by the men, becaufe it is they only that
hunt. This makes marriage neceffary, that the
women may furnifh corn, and the men meat.
They have alfo fruit-trees in their gardens,
viz. peaches, nedlarines and locufts, me-
lons and water-melons; potatoes, pumpkins,
and onions, &c. in plenty, and many wild kinds
of fruits ; as parfimonies, grapes, chinquepins,
and hickary-nuts, of which they make oil. The
bees make their combs in the hollow trees, and
the Indians find plenty of honey there, which
they ufe inftead of fugar. They make what an-
fwers fait of wood-afhes, and long-pepper which
grows in their gardens ; and bay-leaves fupply
their want of fpice. Their exercifes are a kind
of ball- playing, hunting, and running; and they
are very fond of dancing : their mufick is a kind
of a drum, as alfo hollow cocoa-nut fhells. They
have a fquare in the middle of their towns, in
which the warriors fit, converfe, and fmoke to-
gether ; but in rainy weather they meet in the
King’s houfe.
They are very healthy people, and have hard-
ly any difeafes, except thofe occafioned by the
drinking of rum, and the fmall pox : thofe who
do not drink rum are exceeding long-lived. Old
Brim, Emperor of the Creeks, who died but a
few years ago, lived to one hundred and thirty
years ; and he was neither blind .nor bed-rid, till
ftXme months before his death. They havefome-
timqs pleurifies and fevers, but no chronical di-
ftempers. They know of feveral herbs that have
great virtues in phyfick, particularly for the cure
of venomous bites and wounds.
The native animals are, firft theurus or zo-
rax, defcribed by Ctesar, which the Englifh
very ignorantly and improperly call the buffaloe.
' They have deer of feveral kinds, and plenty of
roe-bucks and rabbits. There are bears and wolves,
which are very fmall and timerous ; and a brown
wild-cat, without fpots, which they very im-
properly call a tyger ; otters, beavers, foxes,
and a fpecies of badgers, which they call racoons.
There is great abundance of wild fowls, viz. the
wild turkey, the partridge, doves of various kinds ;
wild geefe, wild ducks, teal, cranes, herons
of many kinds, not known in Europe : there
are great variety of eagles and hawks, and great
numbers of fmall birds, particularly the rice bird,
which is very like the ortelan. There are alfo
HISTORY.
fome rattle fnakes, but not near fo frequent as is
generally reported. There are feveral fpecies of
fnakes, fome of which are not venomous.
There are crocodiles, porpoifes, Iturgeon, mul-
lets, cat-fifh, bafs, drum, devil fifh, and many
fpecies of frefh water fifh, that we have not in
Europe ; oyfters upon the fea iflands in great a-
bundance. But what is moll troublefome there,
is flies and gnats, which are very troublefome near
the rivers ; but as the country is cleared, they
difperfe and go away. Befides the animals that
are natives, there are all the fame animals as in
Europe, cows, fheep, hogs, See.
The vegetables are innumerable ; for all that
grow in Europe grow there ; and many that can-
not Hand in our winters thrive there.
An account of the logwood countries by Mr. Atkins.
Mr. Atkins, fpeaking of the logwood cut-
ters, obferves, that they were originally fettled at
the Bay of Campeachy, but being difturbed there
by the Spaniards, they removed to the Bay of
Honduras, where they fupport themfelves by
force of arms, being about 500 (later accounts
fay 1500) merchants and fervants.
Their principal rcfidence is at a place called the
Barcaderas, about forty miles up a narrow river
full of alligators; and what is a greater inconve-
nience againft tranfporting their effedls, is a ftrong
current in it from the frefnes up land, and the
banks being covered with fhrubs, that makes it dif-
ficult to walk and tow the boats ; covered alfo
with infinite numbers of fand-flies and mufkitos :
they live in pavilions ; a fervanr, at their time of
lying down to reft, fhaking them till cleared of
thefe vermin, that are an unfufferable plague and
impediment to bleep.
At the feafon (once a year) they move their pavi-
lions from the pleafurable fpots, the better to attend
the logwood cutting, which carries them lome-
times many miles from this principal refidence,
to follow the wood, which runs in a line or
vein (like minerals in the earth) of fome miles
perhaps, and then as many without a (tick of it.
They cut it into large pieces, and leave it on the
ground tdl the land-floods favour their bringing,
it into the river, and then canoes are laden away
with it to lay in ftore at the Barcaderas, where the-
chief are Hill left refiding.
They have all good arms ; and knowing the.
Spanifh clemency, defend themfelves defperately
if attacked, which has happened feldomer than,
at Campeachy, and always by fea.
A fervant, which is the firft ftep with fea- men
into the trade, is hired at a tun of logwood, per
month, and has one day in feven for himfelf,
making about ten pounds per month to him :
hence.,, if thoughtful and fober, they in time be-
come mailers, join frock, and trade independently.
744
Honduras
logwood-
cutters.
A CONTI
They have a King, chofe from among their bo-
dy, and his confort is ftiled Queen ; agreeing to
fome laws by common confent, as a guide to
them.
The fhips that come into the bay are on their
guard alfo, and fetch it down in flat-bottomed
boats, each crew being allowed on the voyage a
bottle of rum, and fome fugar, and row gene-
rally in the night, as freeft from flinging flies,
and reft in the day.
The exchange with fhips is for money,, beer,
flour, or any fort of provifions and neceffaries ;
thefe the cunningeft relerve in ftore againft the
wants and demands of the inconfiderate, and fo
make extraordinary returns.
An account of the logvjood countries by Mr. Uring,
The country of Honduras, where the Englifh
cut their logwood, is all a flat, and great parr of it
a morafs, with feveral large lacunes, which in
the rain-times are almoft all over-flowed. In the
dry time of the year, the logwood-cutters fearch
for a work, that is, where there are a good num-
ber of logwood trees, and then build a hut near
them, where they live during the time of their
cutting. When they have cut down the tree,
they log it, and chip it, which is cutting off the
bark and fap, and then lay it in heaps, cutting
away the underwood, and making paths to each
heap, that when the rains come in which over-
flow the ground, it ferves as fo many creeks or
channels, where they go with fmall canoes or
dories, and load them, bringing them fometimes
to the Barcaderas, thirty miles, from whence the
people who buy it fetch it : but if it fo happens,
that the wood ftands upon a ridge, or on fuch
high ground that the water does not flow to it,
they cut it into logs proper for backing, and back
it out, as they call it. Some of thefe trees grow
very tall and llraight, tho’ moft of them are low
and crooked : it bears a fmall leaf, fomething like
our white thorn, and the underwood is prickly,
not much unlike it : it blofl'oms, and bears feed,
which, by falling off fows the ground from
whence it fprings up, and the overflowing the
ground brings the foil over it, which makes it
take root and grow a great pace. The general
price of the wood at the Barcaderas is five pounds
per ton, Jamaica money. The wood-cutters are
generally a rude drunken crew; fome of which
have been pirates, and moft of them failors : their
chief delight is in drinking; and when they
broach a quarter cafk, or a bogfhead of wine, they
feldom ftir from it while there is a drop left : it is
the fame thing when they open a hogfhead of
bottle-ale or cyder, keeping at it fometimes a
week together, drinking till they fall afleep ; and
as foon as they wake at it again, without ftir-
ring off the place. Rum punch is their general
NU AT I O N
drink, which they’ll fometimes fit feveral days at ;
alfo they do moft work when they have no
ftrong drink ; for while the liquor is moving they
don’t care to leave it. I had a very unpleafant
time living among thefe people, tho’ they paid
me a confiderabie deference ; and when they
killed a deer, or wild fowl, I was always fure to
have part of them' ; but I fliould have been much
more agreeable to them, if I would have kept
them company at their drinking-bouts. The wild
creatures I faw were deer, tygers, alligators, and
guanoes ; the deer are fmall, but lean. I faw at
feveral times two tygers ; we fired at one of them,
but the gun milled fire, and he walked leifurely
away into the woods : being both times in a creek
upon the water, we were in no danger. I was
informed they have monkeys, picarry, and war-
ree, but I faw none. They have quams, cori-
fo’s, Mufcovy ducks, whiffling ducks; which
laft are fomething bigger than our teal, and as
good eating ; cockrecoes, macaws, parrots, two-
penny chicks, double and fingle curliews, crab-
catchers, and other fowls. There are great num-
bers of guanoes, upon whofe eggs we often feafted,
drinking them mixed in punch. All their ri-
vers and creeks are full of fifh ; which alfo fwarm
with alligators that will feize a man in the water.
I have tailed of their flefh, which is coarfe, and
ear of their eggs, but they are not fo good as a
turtle’s or guanoe’s.
The logwood cutters during the floods,
dwell at the Barcaderas, which are forty-two
miles up the river, where they have built their
huts upon pretty high banks, which juft keep
them out of the water in the time of the floods.
As foon as they have notice of any {hip or veflel’s
arrival at the river’s mouth, they flock down on
board, in order to purchafe fuch things as they
want, and are fure to provide good ftore of ftrong
liquor. The commodities which fuit them are
all forts of ftrong liquors, provifions, fmall arms,
gunpowder, and fmall Hoot ; cutlafles, or hang-
ers, axes, ozenbrigs, and fhoes. Ozenbrigs is
their general wear, and almoft all their cloth-
ing, except hats and fhoes : their pavillions are
alfo made of ozenbrigs ; there is no poffibility of
living without them, there being fuch multitudes
of biting and flinging flies, as mufkitoes, fand-
fiies, galley-nippers, and bottle-afles, which laft
poifon the blood to that degree, wherever they
bite, that it leaves a black fpeck as big as a large
pin’s head, which in two or three days grows
rotten. In the northerly winds there are few flies
to be feen, nor are they in fuch numbers during
the floods, as in the dry times. Among the fmall
iflands or kays in the bay are great numbers of
green turtle, which the bay men never want
when they fifh for them, and are moftly taken in
nets. The manatee is often found here, and
there is likewile great quantities of feveral forts of
ex-
775
OF MODERN HISTORY.
excellent fifh, among which the Jew fifh exceeds
in goodnefs : they are fhaped fomething like a
cod, but thicker in proportion, and much better
eating : they have very broad fcales, and fome of
them weigh eighty pounds.
The trade between 'Jamaica and Spanijb America .
Trade be- In the beginning of the year 1711, I went over
tween ja- j n a Hoop well mantl’d and arm’d, to trade on
SpanlfliA- the coaft of New Spain, and we carried with us a
meric a. great quantity of dry goods, and about a hundred
and fifty negroes. We firft touched at Porto-Bello,
but being war-time, we ufed to go to the Grout
within Monkey- Kay, which is a very good har-
bour, and is about four or five miles from the har-
bour and town of Porto-Bello. As foon as we ar-
rived there, our cuftom was to fend one of our
people who could fpeak Spanifh into the town,
with letters to the merchants, to give them no-
tice of our arrival, and they appointed the time
and place where and when our canoe fhould wait
for them to bring them on board, in order to traf-
fick with us ; and when they had agreed with us
for fo many negroes, and fuch a quantity of goods
as they wanted, they returned to the town, and
the next day brought their money on board, and
received them. We lay at this place trading fix
weeks, in which time the Spanifh merchants at
Panama had notice of our being there, and they
came over the Ifthmus to trade with us. Thefe
merchants frequently travelled in the habits of
peafants, and had their mules with them, on
which they brought their money in jars, which
they filled up with meal; and if any of the King’s
officers met them, nothing appeared but meal, and
they pretended they were poor people going to
Porto-Bello to buy fome trifles ; but they for the
molt part went through the woods, and not in
the road, in order to prevent their being difcov-
ered by the royal officers. When they had bought
as many negroes, and fuch a quantity of dry
goods as their money would purchafe, they ufed
to proportion and make them up in little packs fit
for one man to carry, and we fupplied them with
as much provifions as wasnecefiary for their jour-
ney, crofs the Ifthmus to the South Sea, and thu s
they palled together through the woods in the moft
fecret manner. While we lay at the Grout, the
firft voyage a Spaniard agreed with us for feventy
Haves, and a good quantity of dry goods, which
we delivered between Chagre and Porto Nova ;
the fignal agreed upon being made from the caftle
of Chagre, we anchored about two miles from
it, and fent our canoe on fhore, where we found
the Spaniards, with feveral afl'es and mules laden
with gold and filver, which we carried on board,
and when the money was found to be right, and
all things were adjulted, we landed the negroes
and dry goods, providing them with neceflarks
for their journey over to the South Sea, and then
failed again for the Grout ; but being not able to
difpofe of all our cargo there, we fet fail for Car-
tagena, and by the way touched at Tolue, where
we furnifhed ourfelves with poultry, which are
reckoned the belt upon the main. When we ar-
rived at Brew, which is the place where we lay to
trade with the merchants of Cartagena, we gave
notice of it to fome of the people of that ifland,
who fent word into the city of our being there :
feveral merchants came from thence to trade with
us ; and when we had fold what we could we re-
turned to Jamaica. This place is about eight
miles from the city, and a good road for vefl’els to
ride in. I was feveral voyages to the Spanifh coaft,
trading in this manner.
A description of Jamaica hy Mr. Atkins.
Mr. Atkins gives the following defeription of
the chief towns in Jamaica.
St. Jago is irregular and low built, to fecure it chief towns
again ft ftorms: even the governor’s, or what they in I anulC2-
call the King’s houfe, is but a ground floor, and
makes one fide of a quadrangle, with a parade
where all gentlemen meet to tranfaft their bufi-
nefs : the merchants and fadtors for diftant plant-
ers, and the officers, civil and military, do toge-
ther make a confiderable number, dividing in the
evenings into parties of dancing, gaming, or drink-
ing, and generally to a publick houfe, to avoid the
obligation of returns and treats, very coftly in this
country.
Kingfton, at the upper end of Port Royal har-
bour, the place of lading and unlading almoft all
fhips to and from the ifland, is, in my eye, pre-
ferable to the former. The ftreets are wide and
more regular to face the fea breezes, and the crofs
ftreets at right angles, that the air may have as
little interruption as poffible ; a convenience that
cannot be too much meditated in fo hot a climate ;
for the land breezes failing betimes in the morn-
ing, you have it exceffively hot, all creatures
languifh and faint till the fea ones fucceed, which
will not be till ten 0’ clock, fometimes eleven, or
later, and may be efteemed the life of the ifland,
difpelling thofe impure vapours continually ex-
haled from the mountains, and refrefhing and
roufing the animal nature from backgammon, or
loitering, to bufinefs.
The harbour is fpacious here, and the fnips lie
land-locked; but the peninfula that covers them
from the fea being low and narrow^, they are not
fo fafe againft ftorms as one would imagine.
From hence to Spanifh Town;, when called on.
any law-fuit or bufinefs, they take boat to Pai-
fage Fort, on the other fide a fmall river at the
bottom of the harbour, where are three or four
houfes that furnifh paflengers for the journey
(6 miles) at twenty fhillings a coach, or five {hil-
lings.
A CONTI
lings a horfe, and are rarely without cuftomers,
the calls in traffick are fo frequent.
Port Royal, which makes up, with the former
two, all the towns of note on the whole ifland, is
on the ftarboard entrance of the harbour. The
road before it is reckoned good holding ground,
and fenced from foutherly winds by l'andy kays
without. The town itfelf ftands on fuch a fan-
dy kay, not much above the furface of the wa-
ter, and contains no more ground than holds
the buildings, and the fort contiguous with it on
the outer point ; which, with a line, or ram-
part of guns to the fea (together about one hun-
dred) is their chief defence. Under the fort is a
little nook or bay called Chocolate-hole, where
we have a hulk lies for cleaning fhips.
Mr. Atkins alfo gives us the following ac-
count of a ftranger’s daily expences at Jamaica.
Bits of 7 d. ? .
Dinner. 5
A bottle of fmall beer. i
A bottle of ale. 4
Coffee per difh. i
A quart of rum punch. 4
Lodging per night. 8
Ordinaries are filled with a mixture of land
and fea-faring people, who have three or four
forts of cookery at dinner, and each a pint of
Madeira, with a defert of guavas, and other in-
lipid or ill-tafted fruit. One of our difhes is fre-
quently turtle, much efteemed in this part of
the world, and are fupplied to the market here
by Hoops, and fold at a bit a pound, like other
■flefh, now alfo increafed to a tolerable plenty,
by the planters having fet apart fervants, pens,
and pafture-grounds, for rearing up all kinds of
domeftick animals, in which of late years they
have found their account ; our fhips companies
being victualled here twice a week with frefh
beef, during a flay of fix months, and an hof-
pital on fhore provided with lighter food.
Bartering is the eafieft way of living on fhore,
or rather, no man can live long without it :
Madeira wines, refined fugars, linnens, and ne-
celfaries of almoft all kinds, felling from one
hundred pound to one hundred and fifty per cent,
advance ; their rum to you three bits per gallon ;
fugars from four to feven dollars a hundred,
both Superior to Barbadoes. Other commodi-
ties are ginger, piemento, cacao, or the choco-
late nut, indigo, cotton, tortoife-fhell, dyers
wood, cedar, mahogany and manchineel woods ;
and they allow 35 per cenf. advance on money.
The Creoles (thofe born here) which are pro-
perly the natives of the ifland, the antient ones
being all extirpated by the cruelty of the Spa-
niard before our poflefllon, are a fpurious race';
the firft change by a black and white they call
mulatto, the fecond a muftee, the third a caftee ;
the faces, like a coat of arms, difeovering their di-
NUATION ■
ftinbtion. They are half negrifh in their man-
ners, proceeding from the promifeuous and con-
fined coverfation with their relations, the fer-
vants at the plantations, and have a language e-
qually pleafant, a kind of gipfy gibberiih that
runs fmootheft in fwearing.
The Englifh are computed at feven or eight
thoufand, the negroes at eighty thoufand, a dif-
proportion, that together with the feverity of
their patrons, renders the whole colony unfafe.
Many hundreds of them have at different times
run to the mountains, where they afl'oeiate and
commit robberies upon the defencelefs and near-
eft plantations ; and which, 1 imagine, they
would not have done but for the cruelty of their
ufage, becaufe they fubfift very hard, and with
danger, by reafon of parties continually fending
out by the government againft them, who have
five pound a head for every one killed, and their
ears are a fufficient warrant for the next juftice
to pay it: if the negro be brought in a prifoner,
he is tormented and burnt alive. Our lateft
advices from Jamaica concerning them, is, that
they have chofe a king, that they daily increafe,
have fome inacceffible places of retreat, and are
fufpedted of being encouraged and fupplied with
powder and arms from Cuba.
The natural remedy againft this evil is an in-
creafe of hands. They have large favannahs
both on the north and fouth fides, fuppofed for-
merly to have been fields of Indian wheat, that
afford good pafturage, and breed up a great
number of cattle, with a great wafte of land.
Hill left capable of large improvements, into fu-
gar plantations, or tillage ; but here lies the
objebtion to any further encouragement. If
the prefent proprietors can export eleven
thoufand hogfheads of fugar annually, and the
price with that number is kept low at market,
whoever contributes to the making eleven thou-
fand more, is depreciating his own eftate, and
lending a hand to ruin himfelf. Tillage and graz-
ing, tho’ not employing the land to one tenth of
its value in fuch colonies, would interfere with
the prefent intereft alfo, by lowering the price
of provifions ; wherefore the fecurity from fuch
augmentation of people (the merchants being
judges) gives place to profit, a negledl that muft be
repaired in the end, by undertakers of more gene-
rous fentiments. This convinces me, thaf al-
tho’ trade be wealth and power to a nation, yet
if it cannot be put under reftridfions, and control-
led by a fuperior and difinterefted power, ex-
cels and irregularity will be an oppreflion to
many, and counter-balance the publick advan-
tages by increasing the difficulties of fubfiftence,
and with it mens difaffebtion.
Here is a diftant evil, the cure of which lies
in an expence that no body likes, nor for fuch
diflike will ever blame himfelf in time of dan-
ger.
777
OF MODERN
ger. The merchant and planter think, if lefs
fugars were made it would be better ; provided
(every one means) the bad crop do not happen
upon their own plantations ; and thus for the
fame reafon, the Dutch and other companies
burn their fpice, India goods, tobacco, &c, viz. to
keep up a price ; for rendering things common,
or cheap, or affifting towards the fame liberty,
would border too much upon the chriltian pre-
cepts.
The floop-trade hence to the Spanifh Weft-
Indies, under the protection of our men of war,
has been reckoned at two hundred thoufand
pounds per annum. In 1702, orders came to
the governor to hinder it, on account of a
treaty between us and the Dutch for that pur-
pofe, who have fince gone into it themfelves
from Curifao. And in 1716, a yet greater ob-
ftrudtion was put upon them by the peculiar
privileges of the aftiento factors : however, they
continue on, and complain of no other illega-
lities than the Spanifh feizures of late years, very
frequent; and, together with the decay of this
branch of trade, their want of Spanifh wrecks,
privateering, and fall of fugars, makes the ifland
not fo flourifhing as in times paft.
An account of Barbadoes , and its fugar-works t from
Mr. Atkins.
The negroes of Barbadoes are computed to
be eighty or ninety thoufand countenanced in
polygamy, Englifh twenty thoufand ; the women
among them raoft Scotch and Irifh, very home-
ly, and great fwearers. The men, contrarily,
are very gay, clean, and handfome ; from mean
originals, often fucceeding with rich widows, it
being but juftice to link a fat plantation to the
truly naufeous draught of matrimony.
The way of feeding fuch a multitude, and
providing neceflaries in an ifland yielding little
befides fugar, is principally by their fifheries and
importations.
The fea gives them great plenty of flying
fifh, dolphins, barricuda, and king-fifh, parti-
cularly the firft : they bait with their own fpecie,
which thrown about, the fifh fly in fuch num-
bers to the boats, that they take them up with
dip-nets, and fometimes the dolphins with them.
The feafon goes off at the autumnal equi-
nojj. Their importations by {hips from Eng-
land, Ireland, New-England, Penfilvania, Caro-
lina, orNew-York, conftantly fupply any de-
feat of food or neceflaries, every veil'd bring-
ing them fomething or other of this kind, which
the merchants keep in ftore, and fell the plan-
ters occafionally, who give their fugars, rum,
and molafles, in return. The price in what I
was acquainted was, viz.
Vol. Ill,
HISTOR Y.
Bought.
Rum, at is. 2d. per gallon.
Citron water, 40s. and 30-3.
Pickled pepper, 10 s.
Preferved ginger, 5s. per pound.
Sugar 20 s. a hundred, and before our improve-
ments (fays Gee) the Portuguefe fold for 7 and
81 . a hundred.
Cocoa, 3 or 4I. per hundred.
Aloes, 4d. per pound.
Sold.
Salt beef and pork, 40 s. for a calk of two
hundred weight.
Bifket, 17 s. per hundred.
Candles, 6 d. halfpenny per pound, See.
Exchange 30 per cent or more.
The fugar canes are fet out between Auguft and
December fix inches deep, and do not come to ma-
turity until one year and a quarter. When ripe,
which is known by their colour, they cut them,
up with a bill, and fend them to the windmills,
which prefles out the juice fo clean, that the
canes, by being an hour or two in the fun, be-
come fit for fuel.
The liquor rauft not remain in the ciftern
above a day for fear of fouring ; it is therefore
by a gutter conveyed to the copper or boiler,
and in the boiling the filth feummed off: thence
it is conveyed into the fecond and third ; and
in the laft, called the tack, is boiled to a con-
fiftency, and turned into a grain by throwing in
of temper, which is only the infufion of lime
and water made ftrong, according to the good-
nefs of the cane. Nine pounds of juice make
one of mufeovado, and one of molafles.
From hence it is carried to the cooling ciftern
till fit to put in pots, which have holes at bot-
tom to drain off the molafles.
Of thefe molafles again they fometimes make
another worfe fugar, called paneels. Of the
feum, coarfe molafles, wafhings of the boilers
and pots fomented together, is made rum.
To refine fugar is to boil it over again, and
clarify with the fame lime water, and eggs ;
reckoned better than the clayed fugars of this
region, made by putting a clayey earth mixed
with water to the thicknefs of a batter upon
them, and repeated three or four times, accord-
ing to the degree of whitenefs defigned : both
ways carry the treacle and molafles downwards,
but the former is moft efteemed, as mixing lefs,
and purging to better purpofe. Lime refines
from impurities, and imparts a fofter tafte, ex-
perienced in throwing it into wells of hard wa-
ter : the bell refined in loaves comes back to
the fugar colonies from England, fell at fifty
or one hundred per cent, advance, and are of
common ufe ; they muft be kept dry, a hot and
moift air diflolving them.
Ggggg
From
77 s
St. Luda.
A CONTI
From molaffes diftillers make a clean brandy ;
and it gives a pretty tailed fpirit to malt liquors
boil’d, and worked in the tun.
Befides rum and fugars, they have quantities of
ginger, aloes, tamarinds, citron, caffia, colo-
quintida, cafiava, limes, oranges, guavas, pine
apples, maftich, cedar, cotton, palmetto trees, and
prickled pear ; but our apples and pears, or any
of our fhrub-fruits, goofeberry or currant, will
not thrive. Of the potatoe they make a brifk fmall
beer, called mobby.
'The enter prife to the ijlands of St. Lucia and St.
Vincent , from Mr. U r i n g .
His Majelly King George I. by letters pa-
tents, dated 20 June, 1722, granted to his grace
John duke of Montagu, the illands of St. Lucia
and St. Vincent, fituated in the American ocean,
between 12 and 14 minutes north latitude, and
between 60 and 61 minutes weft longitude ; the
lirft about 24 leagues weft-north-weft of Barba-
does, and feven leagues fouth of the French iJland
of Martinico, and the fame diftance north and by
call from St. Vincent.
The duke was alfo conftituted captain general
of the illands of St. Lucia and St. Vincent, which
till that time were included in the commiffion,
and under the government of the governors of
Barbadoes.
His grace having appointed captain Ur xng his
deputy-governor, and provided feven fhips and
velfels to carry over the planters, with fuch pro-
vifions and necefiaries as were requifite to fettle
colonies in thefe illands, and obtained of his Ma-
jefty the Winchefter man of war, commanded
by captain Or me, to convoy, attend, and protedl
the planters ; Mr. Uring embarked on board
the Winchelfea on the 10th of September 1722,
and failing to Ireland to take in provifions, made
it the 15 th of December before he arrived at St.
Lucia : being come to an anchor in Pigeon Bland
Bay, a Barbadoes Hoop foon after arrived from
Martinico, the mailer whereof communicated to
Fir. Uring the copy of a mandate by the King of
France, which he faid was publifhed by order of
the French general in all the churches of that
illand, and in all their towns by beat of drum,
which contained in fubftance, that if the Englifh
did not leave the illand of St. Lucia in the fpace of
fifteen days, they were to be drove off by force
of arms.
The next morning Mr. Uring weighed from
Pigeon Illand-Bay, and Hood for the harbour of
Petite Careenage ; which they found to be a very
good one, and in it feveral places fit for careening
fhips, fheltered from every wind; in one of
which fhips of fixty guns and upwards may ca-
reen very conveniently : the land is very hilly all
round the harbour, and in moll places fteep, af-
NUATION
cending from the water-fide. At two in the af-
ternoon he landed fifty men, to cut down the
trees and bufhes on the point, that lay fit for a
battery of guns to command the entrance of the
harbour. The fame day he fent Mr. Fau l k-
ner to Martinico, with letters from the duke
of Montagu and the admiralty, directed to cap-
tain Charles Brown, commander of the Fe-
verfham man of war, and captain Ellis, com-
mander of the Hedlor, who were then at Mar-
tinico, and acquainted them that the duke had
appointed him deputy governor of St. Lucia and
St. Vincent, and that being come to fettle thefe
illands under the protection of the Winchelfea man
of war, he defired, that in purfuance of the orders
they had received from the admiralty for that pur-
pote, they would join him as foon as pofiible,
being apprehenfive the governor of Martinico de-
figned to moleft the colony.
In the mean time he proceeded to land his
people, guns, tools, planks, and ftores to fortify
the harbour, and build a large houle to Ihelter the
workmen. On the 22d of December, captain
Bland and captain Brown arrived from Mar-
tinico with his Majefty’s Ihips the HeClor and Fe-
verfham, and foon after a French Hoop, which
brought a letter from the French general, to ac-
quaint Mr. Urin g, that he had heard of his
landing Englifh forces in the illand of St. Lucia,
and defired to know his intentions ; and at the
fame time he received the following copy of the
French King’s mandate, viz.
A mandate of the King to the fieur chevalier
de Feuquiere, governor and lieutenant gene*-
ral of the windward illands in America.
“ His Majelly having been informed that the
“ King of England has given the illands of St. Vin-
“ cent and St. Lucia to the duke of Montagu,
“ has made his complaint of it to the court of
“ England, and has alledged that neither the one
« nor the other of thefe illands belong to that
“ crown : the firft of them ought to remain to
“ the Caribbees, according to conventions made
“ with that people ; and the fecond belong to
“ France, who has been willing to fufpend the
“ fettlement of that illand on the requeft of the
“ King of England. Notwithftanding thofe rea-
“ fons, his Majelly hath not been informed, that
“ there has been any revocation of this grant. On
“ the contrary, he underftands that the duke of
“ Montagu is preparing to fend and take pofi’ef-
“ lion of thofe illands, and to tranfport numbers
“ of families thither .This undertaking being con-
<« trary to the rights of his Majefty, his intention is,
c ‘ that in cafe the Englifh fhould take pofieffion
“ of St. Lucia, and fettle there, the fieur cheva-
« her de Feuquiere lliall fummon them to
“ retire in fifteen days, in regard that illand be-
“ longs to France ; and if they do not fo depart,
« he lliall compel them to it by force of arms.
“ He
779
OF MODERN
« He fhall take care to charge fome of the wifeft
«« and moft experienced of his officers with this
“ expedition. His Majefty defires there fhould
“ be as little effufion of blood as poffible, nor
« will he have any pillage made : he only wifhes
“ the Englifh would retire, and not pofiefs them-
“ felves of a country which belongs to him.
Done at Verfailles the 2 ill of September 1722.
Signed Lours. Seen and Compared with the o-
approved, Philip de riginal 31 Dec. 1722.
Orleance. de pas Feuquiere.
Upon reading the mandate, and the French
governor’s letter, in which it was enclofed, Mr.
Uring fent to captain Brand and captain
Brown, to know if he might depend upon
their affiftance, if he was attacked by the French ;
but they would give him no pofitive anfwer, and
foon after failed to Barbadoes : he alfo fent a
letter to the governor of Martinico, to acquaint
him, that he had orders from the duke of Mon-
tagu, the lord proprietor, under his Britifh Ma-
jefty’s patent, to plant St. Lucia, and defend it ;
but propofed the fufpending all ads of hofbility
till they could hear from their refpedive courts
of Great Britain and France.
Mr. Urjng alio thought fit to write to the
prefident of Barbadoes, that the governor of Mar-
tinico had threatened to drive the Englifh from
the ifland, if they did not depart in fifteen days,
and to defire his affiftance to fupport this part of
his Majefty ’s dominions. To which the prefi-
dent anfwered, that he was ready to give him all
the affiftance in his power. But the captains
Brown and Brand remained fo long abfent
from St. Lucia, that the French had an opportu-
nity of fending between two and three thoufand
men from Martinico, and landing them on the
ifland : the captains of the men of war alfo re-
fufed to give him any affiftance towards forti-
fying and defending the colony by land ; and a
great many of the planters falling lick, and o-
thers deferting over to the French at the fame
time,Mr.URiNG had not fourfcore left fit to bear
arms ; which compelled him at length to come
to a treaty with the French general, the marquis
of Champigny ; and the following articles were
concluded between them.
1. That the Englifh fhould quit the ifland of
St. Lucia within feven days, provided that the
fhips of the Englifh nation fhould at all times have
liberty to come into the ports of the faid ifland,
and wood and water there, and ferve their other
cccafions, as the French veflels alfo might.
2. That the Englifh colony fhould be at liber-
ty to reimbark all their cannon, ftores, arms,
baggage, and every thing belonging to them,
without moleftation.
3. That all deferters fhould be given up.
4. That immediately after the Englifh had eva-
(
HISTORY.
cuated the ifland, the French forces alfo fhould e-
vacuate it ; and that the ifland fhould remain in
the fame ftate it was till the controverfies be-
tween the two crowns, relating to this ifland,
were decided.
In purfuance of which agreement Mr. Uring
embarked with his people, and failed to Antigua,
fending the Winchelfea man of war, and cap-
tain BRAiTHWAiTEin the Griffin floop, to take
a view of the ifland of St. Vincent, and fee if it
was practicable to make a fettlement there: in
the mean time a confiderable reinforcement ar-
rived at Barbadoes from the duke of Montagu,
with ammunition and provifion, and orders to
attempt a fettlement on St. Vincent, if the plan-
ters were driven from St. Lucia.
Captain Braithwaite arrived at Antigua
fome few days afterwards, and made the follow-
ing report of his expedition to St. Vincent.
In purfuance of a relolution in council, and
your order for fo doing the day you failed with
his grace’s colony for Antigua, I failed with the
Griffin Hoop, in company with his Majefty’s fhip
the Winchelfea, to St. Vincent. We made the
ifland that night, and next morning run a-
long the fhore, and faw feveral Indian huts ; but
as yet no Indians came off to us, nor could we
get afhore to them, byreafon there was no ground
to anchor in. Towards the evening two Indians
came on board, and told us we might anchor
in a bay to leeward, and when we were at an-
chor they would bring their general on board.
Here we came to an anchor in deep water, and
very dangerous for the floop. One, whom they
called general, came on board, with feveral o-
thers, to the number of twenty two : I entertained
them very handfomely, and made the chief fome
trifling prefents ; but found him to be a perfon of
no confequence, and that they called him chief to
get fome prefent from me. Here two of the In-
dians were fo drunk, they would not go afhore,
but flayed on board fome days, and were well en-
tertained. After this, little winds and great cur-
rents drove us off for feveral days ; but at laft we
came to an anchor in a fpacious bay, to the lee-
ward of all the ifland, the draught of which I
ordered to be taken by our furveyor, for your
better underftanding the place, being the only
one where a fettlement could be made. The
fhip and floop were fcarce come to an anchor be-
fore the ftrand of the fhore was covered with In-
dians; and amongft them we could difcover a white
man, who proved to be a Frenchman. I took
captain Watson in the boat with me, with a
Frenchman, and immediately went afhore. As
foon as I came amongft them, I afked why they
appeared all armed ; for every man had cutlafhes;
fome had mufkets, piftols, bows and arrows, &c.
They, with very little ceremony, inclofed me,
and carried me up the country for about a mile,
over a little rivulet, where I was told I was to»
G g g g g 2 fee
A CONTINU ATI ON
fee their general. I found him fitting amidft a
guard of about an hundred Indians ; thofe near-
eft his perl'on had all mufkets, the reft bows and
arrows, and great filence. He ordered me a feat,
and a Frenchman flood at his right hand for an
interpreter. He demanded of me, what brought
me into his country, and of what nation ? I told
him Englifh, and I was putin to wood and wa-
ter, as not caring to fay any thing elfe before the
Frenchman ; but told him, if he would bepleafed
to come on board our fliips, I would leave Eng-
lifhmen in hoftage for thofe he fhould be pleafed
to bring with him ; but I could not prevail
with him either to come on board, or fuffer me
to have wood or water. He faid, he was in-
formed we were come to force a fettlement, and
we had no other way to remove that jealoufy,
but by getting under fail. As foon as I found
whatinfluencetheFrenchman’s company had upon
him, I took my leave, after making fuch re-
plies as I thought proper, and returned to my
boat under a guard. When I came to thefhore,
I found the guard was increafed by a number
of negroes, all armed with fuzees : I got into my
boat without any injury, and went on board to
captain Orme, and told him my ill fuccefs.
Immediately after I fent on fhore the Hoop’s boat
with a mate, with rum, beef, and bread, &c. with
fome cutlafhes; and ordered a Frenchman, who
went with a mate, to delire the guard to conduCt
them to their general, and to tell him, thattho’ he
deny’d me the common good of water, and a
little ufelefs wood, neverthelefs I had fent him
fuch refrefhments as our fhips afforded. Our
people found the Frenchman gone, and that then
the Indian general feemed pleafed, and received
what was fent him, and in return lent me bows
and arrows.
Our people had not been long returned but
their general fent a canoe, with two chief Indians,
who ipoke very good French, to thank me for
my prefents, and to afk pardon for his refufmg me
wood and water, and allured me I might have
what I pleafed ; and they had orders to tell me,
if I pleafed to go a-fhore again, they were to re-
main holtages for my civil treatment. I fent them
onboard the man of war, and with captain Wat-
son went alhore: I was well received, and con-
duced as before. But now I found the brother,
the chief of the negroes, was arrived with 500
negroes, mold armed with fuzees ; they told my
interpreter, they were allured we were come to
force a fettlement, or elfe they would not have
denied me what they never before denied any
Englifh, viz. wood and water j but if I pleafed,
I might take in what I wanted under a guard.
Finding them in fo good a humour, I once more
introduced the defire I had to entertain them on
board our fhips, and with fome difficulty pre-
vailed with them, by leaving captain Watson
on fhore under their guard, as a hoftage. I car-
ried them on board the King’s {hip ; where they
were well entertained by captain Orme, who
gave the Indian general a fine fuzee of his own,
and to the chief of the negroes fomething that
pleafed him. Captain Orme allured him of the
friendfhip of the King of England, &c. The ne-
groe chief fpoke excellent French, and gave an-
fwers with the French compliments. Afterwards
I carried them on board the duke’s floop, and af-
ter opening their hearts with wine, for they fcorn’d
to drink rum, I thought it a good time to tell
them my commiffion, and what brought me
upon their coaft. They told me it was well I
had not mentioned it a-fhore, for their power
could not have protected me : that it wasimpof-
fible ; the Dutch had before attempted it, but were
glad to retire. They likewife told me, two French
Hoops had the day before we came been amongft
them, gave them arms and ammunition, and
affured them of the whole force of Martinico for
their protection againft us : they told them alfo,
that they had drove us from St. Lucia, and that
we were come now to endeavour to force a fettle-
ment there, and notwith Handing all our fpecious
pretences, when we had power we fhould
enftave them ; but declared, they would
truft no Europeans: that they owned them-
felves under the protection of the French, but
would as foon oppoie their fettling amongft them,
or any aCt of force from them, as us, as they
had lately given an example, by killing feveral :
and they further told me, it was by very large
prefents the French ever got in their favour a-
gain, but they refolved never to put it in their
power, or any European, to hurt them. They ad-
viled me to think what they faid was an aCt of
friendfhip. This being all I could get from them,
I difmiffed them with fuch prefents as his grace
ordered for that lervice, with a difcharge of can-
non, and received in return as regular vollies of
fmall-fhot as I ever heard. In the night the
Winchelfea drove from her anchors, which, as
foon as I perceived, and had received captain
Watson from the fhore, I got under fail, and
flood to the man of war. This is a faithful report
of all I can recoiled.
John Braithwaite.
Upon confidering this report, it being adjudged
impracticable by Mr. Uring, and the duke’s
friends at Antigua, to fix an Englifh colony at
St. Vincent, his grace’s ftores which remained
were put on fhore at St. Chriftopher’s, to be dif-
pofed of to the belt advantage 3 and Mr. Uring
returned to England, and gave the duke of Mon-
tagu fuch an account of the expedition, that his
grace perfectly approved his conduCt.
The gentleman, who wrote the account of this
expedition, gives us the following defcription of
the
O F M O D E R N HISTORY.
the ifland of St. Lucia, and enumerates fome of in the abfence of their men, which would' en-
the advantages that would accrue to Great Britain danger the lofs of that ifland, or at leaft tne plun-
by plantino- it. derm S or f P 0lIm S of it, and would be more
St Lucia, fays this writer, is about twenty two damage to them than any benefit they can pro-
miles in length, and eleven broad; the greateft pofe to themfelvesby invadmg the Leeward Iflands;.
part of it very good land, and in many places and fo the fame, if their defign is againft Barba-
hilly and very rich vallies, very well watered does, the Leeward-Ifland people joining thole ot
with fine rivers all through the ifland, which St. Lucia, Martinico will be in the fame danger ;
make it exceeding pleafant and delightful ; and it and by that means our plantations m thofe parts
muft be very healthful, by its being fo narrow, will be intirely fecured, by the poflelhon ot bt.
and the hills being not fo high to intercept the Lucia ; and it will always be m the power ot the
continual trade-winds that always fan it from the Englifh to difturb the French, and not in the
eaftward, whereby the heat of the climate is miti- power of the French to hurt the Englifn: but
gated and made rather agreeable than troublefome. if both nations fhould fit Hill, without invading
The variety of fixations that it affords by the each other, yet St. Lucia will be of the greateft
hills and vales, makes it 'both convenient and de- advantage to Great Britain, it it were appointed
lio-htful, as well as the pleafantnefs of the pro- the place of rendezvous for his Majefty s fhips of
fpe&s ; and it is full of tall trees, amongll which war, from whence they might continually relieve
are great quantities of good timber fit for build- each other, if need were, and keep always-crui-
ing houfes and windmills, from whence both fing on the French, that they could not be able
Barbadoes and Martinico have been furniflred to have a vefiel go m or out of their harbours, but
with very great quantities, and are ftill. The what might be intercepted by the King s fhips ;
cacao or chocolate nut grows here very well ; and fo the trade of our plantations would there-
and there grows alfo a great deal of fuftick, and by become fecured, and the Martinicans would
there is great plenty of wild fowl. It lies weft- have no reafon to boaft, as they did in the fate
north-weft from the ifland of Barbadoes about war, that they maintained their lflands chiefly by
twenty four leagues, fouth from Martinico about privateering on the Englifh, which is too well
feven leagues, and the fame diftance north by known to the merchants that have been traders
eaft from St. Vincent ; and hath feveralgood bays to thofe parts. But in cafe St. Lucia was fettled,
and excellent harbours for fhips to anchor in, and proper meafures purfued, it would entirely
one of which is the Petite Careenage, where we prevent fuch mifchiefs for the future, and the
defigned the firft fettlement. This harbour is on Englifh would foon grow too powerful for the
the north-weft part of the ifland, and is much the French, who at prefent have greatly the advan-
fineft and moft convenient in all the Caribbee tage of the Englifh ; and the Leeward lflands are
ifland s Great numbers of fhips may be there in the greateft danger, in cafe of a war with
fafe in all kinds of weather ; and it is very com- France, of being invaded, which the Englifh
modious for careening fhips ot war, and other planters are moft lenfible of, and it is what the
v e fTels wife ft of them apprehend every day.
If this ifland had been fettled, as was intended by Notwithftanding his Majefty’s undoubted right
his mace the duke of Montagu, proper forts built, to thefe iflands, and the peace and friendfhip ;
and & garrifons placed therein for the protection and then fubfifting between the two crowns thus
defence thereof, it would have been of the greateft unhappily ended the expedition to St. Lucia,
importance for the fecu ring the Leeward Iflands, An undertaking truly worthy the notice and ge-
and even Barbadoes, from being invaded by France nerous difpofition of his grace the duke of Mon-
in time of war; for no armament can be made, tagu, and the greateft ever undei taken by a-
nor any expedition carried on by the French fubjeft at his own expence. When we rec-
at Martinico againft any of thofe iflands, but kon up the vaft charge of the fhips, with four
muft be known at St. Lucia almoft as foon as hundred and twenty - five fervants, ftores, can-
the defign is formed, by the nearnefs of its neigh- non, ammunition, &c. and the paying more
bourhood to that ifland; from whence likewife than fifty officers falaries from fiity to four hun-
Barbadoes and the Leeward iflands, might have di ed pounds fterling, for a year and a half,, be-
timely notice to provide for their better defence, fides providing for their daily fubfiftence in a
If St. Lucia were well inhabited by the Englifh, dear country, and eighty- five tradefmen and ar-
the people of Martinico would know their intereft tificers, from twenty to thirty pounds wages
better than to enter upon any expedition againft yearly, which his grace Iras alfo paid ; wecan-
Barbadoes, or the Leeward Iflands, when they had not conclude, but it muft have coft him forty
an enemy fo near them ; for they muft needs confi- thcufand pounds and upwards . Had . it met tne
der if their men were fent off that ifland to invade fuccefs tne greatnefs of the undertaking deferv-
the’ Leeward Iflands, the Barbadians would join ed, . by what we. may judge from the other
the people of St. Lucia, and fall upon Martinico Caribbee Brands, it wonk. have veiy confidera-
r r f bly
ySz
Mavps r
tois’s re
marks on
Lapland.
A CONTI
bly mcreafed the revenue of the crown ; and at
the fame time, would have brought a profit to
the nation of two hundred thoufand pounds year-
ly, befides giving an intire fecurity to the other
Caribbee Iflands, and the trade thither, by the
pofleffion of an ifiand, in which only a fquadron
of his Majelty’s fhips can remain in the like fafe-
ty. At prefent, the Duke of Montagu is the
greateft fufFerer by this difappointment: and al-
though we are now, blefled be God, in a pro-
found peace with all our neighbours, yet it may
be reafonably hoped, from the prudence and
forefight of a wife miniftry, fuch meafures may
be taken, that we may not lofe the advantages
of thele illands (of right belonging to the crown
of England) in cafe of a war.
A continuation of the prefent fate of Lapland.
Monfieur Maupertuis, of the royal aca-
demy of fciences at Paris, having lately publifh-
ed, The figure of the earth determined from
oblervations made by order of the French King,
has in it fome fhort remarks on Lapland ; we
have chofen to infert them here ; tho’ out of their
proper place, rather than omit them.
In the defarts we palled between Tornea and
Cape Nord, we were expofed to the great flies
with green heads, which in this feafon (July
1736) are fo infufferable, as to drive the Lap-
landers, and their rain-deer, from their habita-
tions, to feek fhelter on the coafts of the ocean :
They fetch blood wherever they fix. At the
foot of the mountain of Horrilakeo the flies
were ftill more mercilefs, and were not to be
driven off" with fmoke, for with great fires they
defend themfelves from thele flies ; but we were
obliged, notwithftanding the exceflive heats, to
wrap our heads in our lapmades (a gown made of
rain-deer fkins) and to cover us with branches
of fir, which rather Hilled than defended us from
thefe troublefome animals.
The infedts poifoned our victuals too : no
fooner was a difli of meat ferved up but it was
covered with them, while another fwarm, with
all the rapacioufnefs of birds of prey, were flut-
tering about to carry off fome pieces of mutton
which were dreffing for us. Thefe flies here are
fo terrible, that the foldiers of the regiment of
Weftro-Bothnia, a body diftinguilhed even in
Sweden, where there are fo many brave troops :
thefe men, hardened with the greateft fatigues,
were obliged to wrap up their faces, or cover
them with tar to defend themfelves from them.
Mr. Maupertuis fays, in Auguft 1736.
for a month paft, we had been inhabitants of
the defarts, or rather of the mountains tops ; the
earth or rocks, fpread with the Ikin of a rain-
deer, had been our beds ; and our food chiefly
fillies, that the Finlanders brought us, or which
N U A T I O N
ourfelves had catched with fome forts of berries,
or wild-fruits, that grew in the woods. I left
Turtula to go a-crofs the foreft, and find out the
fignal, which the officer had eredled at Niemi,
and a frightful journey it was. We fet out from
I urtula on foot till we got to a brook, where
we embarked on three little boats ; but they paf-
fed with fuch difficulty between the ftones, that
we had to go out of them at every turn, and
leap from one rock to another: the brook brought
us to a lake, fo full of little yellovvilh grains, of
the bignefs of millet, that the whole water was
difcoloured with them. I took them to be the
chryfalis of fome infedl, and was tempted to fan-
cy, that this infedl mull be fome kind of thofc
flies that fo tormented us : for I could think of
no other fpecies of animals, whofe numbers cor-
relponded to the quantity of grains, that covered
this large body of water. From the extremity of
this lake, we had to walk to another of very
clear water : here we found a boat, and putting
our quadrant on board, refolved to follow it a-
long the fide of the lake on foot ; but the wood
was fo thick, that we were forced to cut our
way thro’ it, and were entangled at every ftep
by the depth of the mofs, and fallen fir-trees,
that lay a-crofs our road in all thefe woods.
There are almoft as many fallen trees as Hand-
ing. The foil, after it has reared them to a
certain height, can no longer furnilh the proper
nourifhment : nor is it deep enough to allow
them to take firm root; the leaft blaft of wind
overfets them ; and in all thefe woods one fees
nothing but firs and birches, rooted out in this
manner: the wood of later time reduces to dull,
without at all affedling the bark ; and one is fur-
prized to find pretty large trees, that crumble
upon the flighted: touch. This has probably gi-
ven the hint of the ufe the Swedes make of it to
cover their houfes : and, indeed, there could be
nothing imagined fitter for the purpofe. In fome
provinces they cover the bark with earth, which
forms upon the roof a fort of garden, fuch as
are to be leen upon the houfes of Upfal. In
Weftro-Bothnia the bark is bound with fir-poles,
fixed a-top, and hanging down on either fide of
the roof : our woods then had rather the afpedl
of the ruins of woods, whofe trees have moft of
them perifhed ; and it was thro’ one of thefe, one
of the moft horrid of them too, that we muff pafs,
with the twelve foldiers that carried our baggage.
Having at length reached a third lake, very large,
and the fineft water that can be imagined, we put
our inftruments and baggage on board : two boats
we found there, and waited their return upon
the coaft. The high winds, and bad condition
of their boats, rendered their pafiage tedious, yet
they came back at laft, and ferried us over to
the foot of Niemi, by three o’clock in the af-
ternoon.
The
OF MODERN HIST OR Y.
The beautiful lakes that furround this moun-
tain, and the many difficulties we had overcome
in getting thither, gave it the air of an inchant-
ed iiland in a romance ; and, indeed, any where
but in Lapland, it would be a mod delightful
place : on one hand, you fee a grove of trees
rife from a plain, fmooth and level as the walks
of a garden, and at fuch eafy diftances, as nei-
ther to embarrafs the walks, nor the profpedt
of the lake that wafhes the foot of the moun-
tain : on the other, you have apartments of dif-
ferent fizes, that feem artificially cut in the rock,
and to want only a roof to compleat them ; and
the rocks themfelves fo perpendicular, fo high,
and fo fmooth, that you would take them for
the walls of an unfinifhed palace, rather than
for the works of nature. From this height, we
had occafion feveral times to fee thofe vapours
rife from the lake, which the people of the coun-
try call Haltios, and which they deem to be the
guardian fpirits of the mountains : we had been
frightened with ftories of bears that haunted this
place, but faw none; it feemed rather a place
of refort for fairies and genii, than for bears. He
fays, they parted from Turtula the twelfth of
Auguft, and entered the Tenglio with boats:
Its cataradls are troublefome, rather for the little
water there is, and the great number of ftones,
than for the rapidity of its ftream. As we failed
along, fays Maupertuis, I was furprized to
fee upon the banks of the river, rofes of as live-
ly a red as any that are in our gardens. We
reached Horrilakero the next day, at nine at
night : having gone up to Avafaxa in the even-
ing, we faw Horrilakero all in flames. It is an
accident not uncommon in thefe woods, where
there is no living in the fummer time without
fmoke, and where the mofs and firs are fo com-
buftible, that a fire once kindled, will fpread over
fome thoufands of acres. Thefe fires, or their
fmoke, have fometimes retarded our obferva-
tions, as much as the thicknefs of the air. As
this burning of Horrilakero had been no doubt
occafioned by our not taking iufficient care to
extinguifh our fires, we difpatched thirty men
to cut off its communication with the neigh-
bouring woods; but on the twenty-firft, after
we had finifhed our obfervations at Avafaxa,
Horrilakero was ftill burning ; we faw it involved
in a cloud of fmoke, and the fire that had made
its way downwards, was ravaging all the forelt
below.
The cold was fo extreme in December 1736,
that whenever we would tafte a little brandy,
the only thing that could be kept liquid, our
tongues and lips froze to the cup, and came
away bloody. The froft even congealed the fin-
gers of fome of us, and threatened us with yet
more difmal accidents. While the extremities of
our bodies were thus freezing, the reft, thro’ ex-
cefiive toil, was bathed in fweat. Brandy did
not quench our thirft ; we muft have recourfe
to deep wells dug thro’ the ice, which were
fhut almoft as foon as opened, and from which
the water could fcarce be conveyed unfrozen
to our lips ; and muft thus run the hazard of the
dangerous contraft which icy water might pro-
duce in our heated bodies. Judge what it muft
be to walk in fnow two foot deep, with heavy
poles in our hands, which we were continually
laying upon the fnow, and lifting up again.
The ftedge which the rain-deer draws here is
a fort of boat, fcarce large enough to hold the
half of one’s body. As this travelling in the
fnow is a kind of navigation, that the veflel may
fuffer the lefs refiftance in its courfe, it has a
fharp head, and a narrow keel, like an ordinary
boat; and on this keel it tumbles fo from fide to
fide, that if one takes not good care to balancer
himfelf, it will be in danger of ovepfetting every
moment. It is fixed by a thong to the collar
of the rain-deer, who as foon as he finds himfelf
on a firm beaten road, runs with incredible fury.
If you would ftop him, it avails little to pull a
fort of rein which is tied to his horns. Wild
and unmanageable, it will only make him turn
upon you, and revenge himfelf by kicking. If
this happens to a Laplander, he turns the boat
over him, aqd ufes it as a buckler againft the
attacks of the rain-deer : but as we were ftrangers
to this addrefs, we might have been killed be-
fore we could put ourfelves in fuch a pofture
of defence. Our only defence was a little ftick
each of 11s had got in his hand, by way of rud-
der to fteer our courfe, and keep clear of the
trunks of trees. In this manner w r as I to climb
Avafaxa, accompanied by the Abbe Out hie r,
tw 7 o men and a woman of the country, and
Mr. Brunnius, their curate.
The firft part of our journey was done in a
moment ; our flight over the plain beaten road,
from the curate’s houfe to the foot of the moun-
tain, can be compared only to that of birds. And
tho’ the mountain, wffiere there was no track,
very much abated the fpeed of our rain-deer, they
got at length to the top of it, where we imme-
diately made the obfervation for which we came.
In the mean time our rain-deer had dug deep
holes in the fnow, where they browzed the mofs
that covered the rocks. And the Laplanders had
lighted a great fire, at which W'e prefently joined
them to warm, ourfelves. The cold was fo ex-
ceeding great, that the heat of this fire could reaclv-
but to a very fmall diftance. As the fnow juft
by it melted, it wras immediately froze again,
forming a hearth of ice all round.
If our journey up hill had been painful, our
concern now was, left our return fhould be too
rapid. We had to come dowm a fteep, in con-
veyances, which, tho’ partly funk in the fnow,.
Hid..
CO
4 A CONTINUATION, &c.
ftiJon, notwithstanding drawn hv animals, whole fee m to Mow from all quarters at once, and drivs
fury in the plain we had already tried, and who, about the fnow with fuch fury, that in a moment
tho’ finking in the fnow to their bellies, would all the roads are loft. Unhappy he, who is fur-
endeavour to free themfelves by the fwiftnefs of prized by fuch a ftorm in the fields. His ac-
their flight. We very foon found ourfelves at the quaintance with the country, or the marks he may
bottom of the hill ; a moment after, ail this great have taken by the trees, cannot avail him; he is
river was crofted, and we back at the curate’s blinded by the fnow, and loft if he ftirs but a ftep.
houfe. During our whole flay in the frigid zone, the
The town of Tornea, at our arrival on the cold was fo exceflive, that the 7th of April 1737,
30th of December, had really a moft frightful at five in the mornnig, the thermometer was fallen
afpeft. Its little houfes were buried to the tops in to twenty divifions below the point of freezing,
fnow ; which, if there had been any day-light, altho’ every afternoon it rofe two or three divi-
mult have effectually fhut it out. Butthefnows fions above it: a difference of height not much
continually falling, or ready to fall, for the moft lefs than that which the greateft heats and colds
part hid the fun the few moments that he might that are felt at Paris, ufually produce in the ther-
have fhewed himfelf at mid-day. In the month mometer. Here, in the fpace of twelve hours,
of January, the cold was increafed to that extre- we had all the variety that is felt in the tempe-
mity, that Mr. Re a u mur’s mercurial thermo- rate zones in a whole year,
meters, which at Paris, in the great froft of In May the fun was come nearer, or rather no
1709, it was thought ftrange to fee fall to 14 de- more quitted us. It was curious enough to fee
grees below the freezing point, were now got him enlighten, for fo long a time, a whole ho-
down to 37. The fpirit of wine in the others rizon of ice, and to fee fummer in the heavens,
was frozen. If we opened the door of a warm while winter ftiil kept poffeflion of the earth,
room, the external air inftantly converted all the We were now in the morning of that long day
vapour in it into fnow, whirling it round in white of feveral months ; yet the fun, with all his afii-
vortexes. If we went abroad, we felt as if the duity, had wrought no change either upon the
air were tearing our breafts in pieces. And the ice or fnows.
cracking of the wood, whereof the houfes are The 6th of May it began to rain, and fome
built, as the violence of the cold fplit it, con- water appeared on the ice of the river. At noon
tinually alarmed us with an approaching increafe a little fnow melted ; but in the evening winter
of cold. The folitude of the ftreets was no lefs refumed his rights. At length, on the 10th of
than if the inhabitants had been all dead. And in May, the earth, which had been fo long hid, be-
this country you may often fee people that have gan to appear. Some high points that were ex-
been maimed, and had an arm or a leg froze off. pofed to the fun, fhewed themfelves as the tops
The cold, which is always very great, increafes of the mountains did after the deluge, and all the
fometimes by fuch violent and fudden fits, as are fowls of the country returned. Towards the
almoft infallibly fatal to thofe that happen to be beginning of June (1737) winter yielded up both
expofed to it. Sometimes there rife fudden tempefts earth and fea ; and we fet out forStockholm on the
of fnow that are ftiil more dangerous. The winds ninth, having finifhed our obfervations here.
The End of the "Third V olume .
THE
THE
I N D
A.
Page
A BE X, the ft ate thereof 9
Chief towns and inhabitants, ibid.
ABYSSINIA, rivers, 3
Produce of the Soil, ibid.
Animals, ibid.
Provinces and chief towns, ibid.
The air of the conntry, ibid.
Seafons, ibid.
Perfons of the Ethiopians 4
Their genius ibid.
Habits ibid.
Diet, manufadtures, buildings, traffick ibid.
Their way of travelling ibid.
Arms and war, ibid.
Government 5
The common people Haves ibid.
The prince’s revenues ibid.
The laws and cuftoms of the Abyflinians ibid.
Their religion, 6
The Emperor fubmits to the Pope 7
Several provinces revolt ibid.
The ufurpations of the jefuits ibid.
The papifts are maflfacred ibid.
The old religion reftored ibid.
Their marriages §
Polygamy pradifed by their great men ibid.
Their funerals ibid.
Learning and languages of the Abyffmians ibid.
Acapulco town 136
Acarai town 395
Acomac county 429
Acra 4
Africa, or El Melidia 99
AFRICA, its fituation 1
Antiently contained feveral celebrated kingdoms and
Hates ibid.
The foil and produce in general ibid.
The different people who inhabit It 2
The grand divifions thereof ibid.
The African illands 103
Egypt firft planted, and from thence the reft of Africa
115
Utica and Carthage built by the Tyrians and Phoe-
nicians ibid.
The wars of Carthage with the Africans and Cyre-
nians ibid.
AFRICA, their wars with the Mauritanians and Nu~
midians y 1 5
They conquer Sardinia, and the illands of Baleares
ibid.
They carry their Arms into Spain ibid.
Their wars in Sicily ibid.
Their confederacy with Xerxes againft Greece ibid.
An infurrection of the Africans fuppreffed ibid.
Carthage and Rome in alliance ibid.
A further attempt to reduce the Grecian cities in Si-
cily ibid.
Greeks carry the war into Africa ib.
Tyre deftroyed by Alexander the Great ibid.
The Carthaginians facrifice their children to Saturn
in their diftrefs
A rebellion in Carthage fuppreffed
The Greeks abandon Africa
An alliance between Carthage and Rome
Pyrrhus
He is obliged to abandon both Italy
the
}}7
ibid,
ibid,
againft
ibid,
and Sicily
ibid.
Sicilian rebels againft the
ibid.
The Romans aflift
Carthaginians
The firft Punick war
The Romans build a fleet
Their machine for grappling with the enemy’
ibid,
ibid,
fhips
ibid.
1 1 8
ibid,
ibid,
ibid.
Their firft naval vidtory over the Carthaginians
They obtain a fecond naval victory over them
Remarks on their fuccefs
The Romans invade Africa
Carthage defires a peace, and Regulus rejedts their
offers ibid.
Fie is defeated and made prifoner by the Carthagini-
ans 1 1 9
The ftory of the cruelties exercifed on him very doubt-
ful ibid.
The wars of the Carthaginians, with their merce-
nary forces in Africa 1 20
The Romans feize Sardinia, and compel the Car-
thaginians to confirm it to them 1 2 1
Amilcar makes great additions to the Carthaginian
territories in Spain ibid.
Hannibal made general in Spain, and is fuccefsful
in his wars ibid.
Saguntum taken by ftorm, ibid.
The fecond Punick war ibid.
Hannibal begins to march for Italy, and paffes the
Alps ibid.
Hhhhh Han-
Vol. III.
Hhhhh
INDEX.
Hannibal takes Turin by ftorm, and defeats P.
SciPIO *22
He gains another victory overSEMPRONius ibid.
He is furrounded by Fabius, and extricates him-
felf by ftratagem ibid.
The Battle of Cannae 123
He is cenfared for not purfuing his victory ibid.
He quarters his Army in the Campania of Rome and
Naples ibid.
Both the Scino’s defeated and killed inSpain 1 24
Asdrubal defeated and killed in Italy ibid.
Syphax enters into an alliance with the Romans
ibid.
Mass in is s a enters into alliance with the Romans
ibid.
Scipio reduces Spain, and carries the war into Af-
frica, and gains a great victory ibid.
Hannibal commanded to evacuate Italy ibid.
Scipio obtains a victory over him 125
The mortifying terms impofed on the Carthaginians
ibid.
Their fleet burnt ibid.
The end of the fecond Punick war ibid.
Hannibal reforms the civil government of Carthage
ibid.
He is charged with correfponding with the enemies
of Rome, and takes refuge in the court of An t i o-
chus ibid.
He reforts to the court of Prussia, whopromiflng
ta deliver him to the Romans, he takes a glafs ot
poifon ibid.
Scipio dies in banilhment the fame year ibid.
The wars of Carthage with Mass i n i s s a ibid.
The Romans refolve to deftroy their Hate ibid.
Make a defcent in Africa with a great army,
which occaflons the third Punick war 1 z6
Scipio takes Carthage by ftorm, and burns it ibid.
Some defcription of old Carthage ibid.
Deftroyed about 146 years before Christ ibid.
The genius and temper of the Carthaginians ibid.
Their religion 127
They facrifice their children to Saturn ibid.
The government of Carthage ibid.
The reft of the powers of Africa made fubjeft to
Rome ibid.
Chriftianity flourilhes here ibid.
The Vandals fubdue the Roman territories in Africa
ibid.
The Romans recover Africa from them 1 28
The Saracens conquer Africa and Spain ibid.
The North of Africa now under the dominion of the
Emperor of Morocco, the Dey of Algiers, and
the Beys of Tunis and Tripoli ibid.
A continuation of the prefent ftate of Africa 730
Alampo _ 44
ALGIERS, the fttuation and extent of that kingdom
82
Its rivers and provinces ibid.
Oran taken by the Spaniards anno 173,2 83
Algiers Proper ibid.
The town of Algiers ibid.
Face of the country 84
Government ibid.
Land forces 8 5
Three beys or viceroys ibid.
ALGIERS, the force of the Algerines at fea
A letter from the Grand Signior to the Dey of Al-
giers, in behalf of the Dutch ibid.
They have little dependance upon the Grand Signior
87
The mufti, cadi, &c. ibid.
The Dey chofen by the foldiers only ibid.
Adminiftration ofjuftice ibid.
Defcent of eftates ibid.
Punilhments ibid.
Condition of Haves at Algiers ibid.
Taverns kept by the Englilh flaves ibid.
The Turks of Algiers drink wine ibid.
Female flaves 89
The ftory of a virtuous Spanifh flave, as related by
the fathers ibid.
No proteftant eccleftafticks at Algiers gz.
Goods imported and exported ibid.
The Engliih furnifh them with ammunition and na-
val ftores ibid.
The foundation of the Turkilh government there
93
The war betwixt the Englilh and the Algerines 1 96
Articles of peace concluded with Algiers, ann. 1682.
ibid.
Provinces and chief towns
755
Air, feafons, and hulbandry
757
Corn of Barbary, gardens, foil, fait, baths, and hot-
fprings
758
Minerals, animals, wild beafts, monfters, arts and
fciences
759
Phyftck, natural parts, charms, mufick
761
Buildings of the Moors
762
Tents of the Arabs
ibid.
Buildings of the mountaineers or kabyles
ibid.
Clothing and furniture
ibid.
Manufactures
763
Proviftons, the price of them
ibid.
Their ufualfood
ibid.
Kitchin furniture, and manner of eating
ibid.
Sports
764
Perfons of the Women
ibid.
Superftition and charms
ibid.
Government of the Arabs
763
Number of Turks in Algiers
ibid.
The way of travelling in Barbary
ibid.
Alvarado river
1 31
Alvarado’s" cruelty in Guatimala
183
ALVARADO, Don Pedro de, lands in
Peru 3 24
A detachment under Almagro fent
againft him
ibid.
He was one of the conquerors of Mexico ibid.
Elis hardlhips at fea, and his fatiguing marches af-
terwards ibid.
Articles between him and Almagro 325
He returns to Mexico ibid.
Albany town 5 8 3
ALMAGRO, fome account of him 307
He brings a great reinforcement to Peru 318
A detachment under him fent againft Alvarado
3H
He takes upon him the government ofCufco 327
He furprifes Cufco, and makes Ferdinando Pi-
zarro prifoner 333,
He is defeated and made Prifoner, and Cufeo taken
b y
INDEX.
by the Pizarrifts, and tried for his life, and put to
death 335
His charafter 336
A parallel between Pi zarro and him 338
Almagro the younger defeated atChupas. Taken and
beheaded 340
Amapalla town 140
Amazon river 267
AMAZONS, name of the country, fituation and extent
402
The river Amazon difcovered byGoNZALO Pizar-
ro ibid.
The difficulties of the hr ft difcoverers ibid.
They build a brigantine 403
They embark their gold and baggage 404
Ore llan a with 50 foldiers embarks on board the
brigantine ibid.
He comes into the Atlantic ocean, and fails to Spain,
and obtains the government of the Amazon coun-
try
ibid.
Dies in an attempt to fubdue it
405
Peter de Orsua attempts to difcover
this country
ibid.
Two friars fuccefsful in difcovering it
ibid.
Texeira fails up the river to Peru
ibid.
The fources of the river Amazon
ibid.
Its courfe and magnitude
406
The air, winds, feafons, trees, fruits.
corn, roots.
plants and animals
ibid.
Perfons of the natives
ibid.
The ftories of Amazons, Sec. fiftitious
ibid.
Genius, habits, government, wars, religion ibid.
Orellana’s voyage down it
337
Ambergreefe
523, 526
Amber liquid
1 99
AMERICA, its name
1 29
Subject to four European princes
ibid.
The Spaniffi dominions there
ibid.
The dominions of Portugal
ibid.
The Britifh dominions there
ibid.
The territories claimed by France
130
The Spaniards and Englifh more right to Florida than
the French
ibid.
A continuation of the prefent ftate of America 768
Amfterdam 44
Anamboa 44
Annabon ifland 108
Annapolis, the capital of Maryland, 506, 552,568
ANDES, mountains of Chili 357
Vulcano’sinthem 358
Mines ibid.
Further obfervations on the Andes ibid.
ANGOLA, the fouthern part of Congo 42
The chief town S. Paul de Loanda ibid.
Negroes purchafed cheap here 43
Anian, the Hate of it 9
Anthony St. ibid.
Ancra 114
Angelos Los, town 137
Anime 198
Andalufta New, its fituation 250
Angol city 363
Anne Arundel county 506
Antegoa 623
Anguilla, one of the caribbee iflands* defcribed 623
Apoquinemink town
Arebo
Ardra
Araba ifland
Arica port and river 266,
ARABIA, a continuation of the prefent ftate of it
Dr. S haw’s remarks on Arabia Petrie a
Afcenhon ifland
Affumption town
Atabilipa, Inca of Peru
Condemned to be burnt
He is baptized and afterwards ftrangled
Avery, fome account of him and the pyrates at
dagafcar
Avogato river
Auguftine St. town
Awerri
Axim
Azores iflands
B.
583
. 44
ibid.
256
268
656
ibid.
107
39 6
3 .”
22 !
ibid.
Ma-
105
197
420
. 44
ibid.
144
B ACON’s rebellion ; the grievances which occa-
fioned it 374
The governor compelled to fign his commiffion of ge-
neral, but proclaims him a rebel afterwards 376
The governor forced to fly from James-town, which
the rebels burnt ibid.
Ba con takes an oath of his followers, and fummons
an aftembly
He dies, which puts an end to the rebellion
BAHAMA ISLANDS, their fituation
The hiftory of them
Baltimore county
Baltimore, lord, obtains a grant of Maryland
Barbuda ifland
Bavaria, eleftor
Batenftern
Babmandel
Barbara St. town
Bamboe canes
Balfam of Peru
Baftimento iflands in America
Baranca town
Barklogs or floats 265, 356
Bark of Peru 288
Balfam of Peru defcribed 289
Baldivia river and town in South America 360, 362
Bahia Captainfhip and town in Brazil 420
Barnftaple county in America 5 1 9
BARBADOES, its name, fituation, extent, and face
of the country 618
Winds, hurricanes, rivers, wells, and weather 619
Produce of the ifland, trees and plants, animals, food,
government, number of people, their trade, revenues,
&c. ibid.
The hiftory ibid.
The trade of Negroes monopolized 620
The ifland depopulated by a plague 621
The people oppreffed by their governors ibid,
6000 1. per arm. extorted for the governor’s falary
ibid.
The fortifications run to ruin ibid.
F urther defcribed 777
Its fugar works ibid,
Hhhh h 2 BENIN
.3 77
ibid.
623
ibid.
506
369
622
68 5
44
103
133
' 9 $
199
2 43
247
INDEX.
BENIN and the Have eoaft, the firit divifion of Guinea
44
Chief towns 44
Beavers 187,433,509
Bezoar-ftone 285
Berghen, a town in America 5 8 1
Beaufort town in America 591
Berkley, Sir William, governor of Virginia 370
Several beneficial laws confirmed after the reftora-
tion by him 371
Silk and linnen manufactures encouraged by him 372
Further difcoveries attempted 373
Sir Wi l li am dies in England 377
BERMUDA ISLANDS, their fituation 633
A college intended to be erefted ibid.
The chief town St. George 634
BefTurabia, a province of Turky 659
Bergues and Juliers, the Hate of the controverfy con-
cerning them 699
Bifcay New, a province in America 133
Bibby tree 1 97
Bialogrod, a town of Turkey 659
BILEDULGERID, a divifion of Africa 69
Blanco cape 131,265
Blood wood 195
Block ifland 520
Bogia province in Africa 84
Bona, a town in Africa ibid.
Bourbon ifland in the Indian fea 104
BOHEMIA, a continuation of the prefent Hate of it
676
Bonaventura river and bay 255
Bonayre ifland, in America 256
Bobio river 360
BOSTON, the capital of New England, founded 5 1 7
538
Briftol county 519
Brandenburg, eleCtor 685
BRAZIL, its fituation, face of the country, fprings,
lakes, and rivers ; the fea, harbours, and capes,
air, winds, and feafons 418
The province 419
Trade and fhipping, 421
Claying of fugar there defcribed ibid.
The voyage from Portugal to Brazil 422
From Brazil to Guinea ibid.
Whale Filhery ibid.
Ship-building ibid.
The way of life of the Portuguefe at Bahia ibid.
Carriages and vifits, artificers and flaves ibid.
Diamonds, and other precious ftones 424
Towns, houfes, and furniture of the natives ibid.
Some vagrant nations ibid.
Two great nations of the Brazilians ibid,
food, arts and fciences 425
Their genius ibid
Beads proper to this country, fowls, ferpents, infetts
and fifh ibid.
V egetables, foreft trees, and fruits 427
Corn, and minerals 428
The hiftory of Brazil ibid.
Kni vet’s account of canibals, giants, monfters-, &c.
4 2 9
Their religion, marriages, and funerals 430
Wars and arms ibid.
BRAZIL, the Dutch take Olinda, and the whole pro-
vince of Pernambuco 431
Count Maurice governor of Dutch Brazil ibid.
The prefent inhabitants of Brazil ibid.
The force of the Portuguefe there 432
BRITISH PLANTATIONS, the Hate of their forti-
cations, &c. 635
BRITAIN NEW, its fituation, extent, and produce of
the country 570
The firlt difcovery of it by Cabot ibid.
Hudson’s difcovery 571
His men run away with the (hip, and leave him to
perilh ibid.
Sir Tho. Button’s voyage to the bay ibid.
James’s voyage thither ibid
A patent to plant the country in 1 670 ibid.
The French invade the factories in time of peace, and
take them 57 2
Rellored by the peace of Utrecht ibid.
Articles of that treaty relating to New Britain, &c.
ibid.
Buccaneers, fome account of their attempts in the Spa-
ni(h Well-Indies 240
Buenos Ayres, a town in America 396
Bugia, a town in Africa 84
Bunch whale 523
Byferta, a town in Africa. 99
C.
C AFFRARIA, its fituation and extent 10
The Dutch government at the Cape 3 1
The revenues of the cape 32
The company’s flaves there ibid.
The hulbandry of the Dutch at the Cape 3 3
Their cattle and foil ibid.
Their feafons for plowing, fowing, &c. ibid.
They tread out their corn ibid.
The cultivation of their vines, and management there-
of _ 34
Their kitchen gardens ibid.
Fruit trees ibid.
Company’s garden ibid.
Plants that grow in the Hottentot country 35
Exotick plants ibid.
Quadrupedes 3 6
The fea-horfe, 37
The elk 38
A fine wild afs ibid.
Sea cow 39
The llinkbingfem ibid.
Fowls and birds ibid.
Ollriches 40
Reptiles and infedls ibid.
The Caffries on the weftern coalt 42
CANADA, the reduction of it attempted 552
Another expedition againll it, anno 1711 561
CANARY ISLANDS, the height of the peak 1 10
Suppofed to be raifed by an earthquake 1 1 1
Chief towns ibid.
Thefe i (lands a perfect paradife 1 1 2
The find difcovery of them ibid.
California defcribed ' 230
Cape Coall,the capital of the Englilh forts in Guinea 44
Camels, their ufefulnefs 79
Ca-
INDEX.
Caravans 80
Cairoan, a Town of Barbary 99
Catoch Cape, in Mexico 1 3 1
Cameron Cape, in Mexico ibid.
Campeachy town, in America. 1 39
Carthage town, in Mexico 1 4 1
Carrion crow 1 89
Cardinal, a Mexican bird 190
Cacalototal, a Mexican bird ibid.
Cacoa-tree and nut 196
Cavally, an American iifh 192
Cabbage-tree of America 1 9 5
Calabalh-tree 196
CalTava root 199
Carthagena, province and city in America 246
Caracos, a country in Terra-firma 248
Caribiana, a province of South America 251
Canibals, Dampier’s opinion of them 253
Callao, the port to Lima 266
Caflivi root 289
Caftro, a town of Chili 363
Calvert county, in Maryland 506
Cafco river, in New-England 5 1 7
Cambridge, in New-England 5 1 8
CAROLINA, its fituation and extent 589
The face of the country ibid.
The antient name Apalack ibid.
A bad coaft for navigation ibid.
Sea-ports and cape ibid.
Rivers 590
Climate rather hot than cold ibid.
Hurricanes ibid.
The three grand divifions ibid.
The fituation of North and South Carolina 590
Animals and vegetables, the fame as in Virginia 592
Nature of the foil, and the quick improvement made
in this colony ibid.
Bad government under lords proprietors ibid.
Load two hundred fhips annually 593
Trade with the Indians, Haves high wages ibid.
Two hundred thoufand deer skins exported ibid.
No glafs or earthenware ibid.
Vines, cattle ibid.
No hay ibid.
Butter ibid.
Wool, flax, cotton, rice, Indian corn, filk 594
Planters encouraged to go over ibid.
Situated well for trade 595
Remarks on Purr y’s account of Carolina ibid.
Trade with the Indians 596
Different produft of N. and S. Carolina ibid.
The hiflory of the plantation of this colony ibid.
Planted by the Englilh. The form of government ibid.
Perpetual diftra&ions in thefe colonies, in danger
of being deftroyed by the natives 597
The King purchafes Carolina ibid.
The intereft of the prince and people to encourage
thefe colonies ibid.
Sir Alex. Cummins takes a view of Florida, five
hundredmiles weft of Charles-Town. French forts
there 597
The Charokees acknowledge the King of Great Bri-
tain their fovereign 398
Six of their chiefs come to England. A treaty with
them ibid.
CAROLINA, The fpeech of the Indians on figningthe
articles 39 g
The chiefs return home again 600
The religion of the Englilh in the plantations 603
The occafion of erefting a fociety for propagation of
the gofpel 604
North Carolina ftill without a clergy ibid.
The minerals in the Britifh plantations 605
Whether the difcovery of filver mines would be any
advantage to Gr. Britain ibid.
The prefent ftate of it 770
Carribbee iflands, the prefent ftate of them 623
CAR'I’H AGE and Utica built by the Tyrians and
Phoenicians 1 1 3
Rebuilt by Julius or Augustus C.esar 126
Some defcription of the old town ibid.
Deftroyed about 146 years before Christ ibid.
The genius and temper of the Cartiiaginians ibid.
Their religion 1 27
They facrifice their children to Saturn ibid.
The government of Carthage ibid.
Carthage defcribed 767
Cenu, a town of Terra-firma 247
Cecil county, in Mary- land 506
Chriftianburg, a fort of Guinea, 44
Chriftophers St. one of the Caribbees 1 1 1
Chametlan, province in Mexico 133
Chiapa, province and town in Mexico 1 39
Chiriqui town 141
China root 199
Chagre, river in America 234
Cheapo, river in Mexico ibid.
Cheapo, town in Mexico 24 1
Chepelio, ifland near Terra-firma 244
Chuche, ifland near Terra-firma ibid.
Charcas, audience in Peru 275
Chiniquita, a town of Peru ibid.
CHILI, the name, fituation, and face of the country,
and mountains 337
V ulcano’s in the Andes 358
Mines of the Andes ibid.
Further obfervations on the Andes ibid.
The fprings and rivers 339
Baths and lakes 360
Ports, feas, winds, and feafons ibid.
The three grand divifions of Chili 361
Weather in the low lands ibid.
In Cuyo ibid.
In Terra Magellenica ibid.
The provinces and chief towns ibid.
Buildings of the Chilefians 363
Natives of Cuyo no fix’d abode 364
The perfons of the Chilefians ibid.
Their genius and temper, food and diverfions 365
Few artificers 366
Their learning ibid.
Their averflon to fervitude ibid.
Animals 367
Foreft-trees, flowers, and medicinal herbs ibid.
Fruits, Europeans fruits,corn, mines, foreign trade 368
The difference between Cuyo and Chili Proper 369
The defarts of Pampas ib:d.
The hillory of Chili ibid.
Almagro’s expedition thither 370
Valdivia’s invafion ibid.
The
I N D E X
CHILI,, the civil wars of the Spaniards in Peru and Chili
ibid.
The Chilefians revolt 371
Caupolican, gen. of the Chilefe, his condudl ibid.
Lautaro deferts to the Chilefe 372
The Spaniards routed ibid.
Valdivia taken and executed ibid.
The Chilefians obtain a fecond victory ibid.
Lautaro killed before St. Jago 373
Caupolican taken and put to death ibid.
The Spaniards driven out of all Chili almoft ibid.
Six Spanifh towns taken by them ibid.
Oforno fiege, taken by llorm ibid.
Villarica taken and deftroyed ibid.
Remarks on thefe calamities ibid.
The Hollanders attempt to fettle colonies in Chili ibid.
The condition of the Spaniards before the Indians re-
volted 374.
A treaty between the Dutch and the Chilefians 375
The Dutch erect a fort, and difcover their thirfi of
gold, which ruins the enterprize, and they aban- '
don Chili 376
Narborough's Voyage to Chili, anno 1669. 377
The account the Spaniards give of the ftate of Chili
3 8 .i
Narborough trafficks with the Spaniards, but is
not buffered to trade with the natives ibid.
The ftature of the Chilefians 382
Remarks on the Spanifh accounts of America ibid.
SirJoKN Narborough returns thro’ the Streights 383
Chiloe Ifland 384
Ifland of John Fern ando ibid.
Governor Pullen’s defcriptions of that ifland 385
Captain Pain’s obfervations on the prefent ftate of
Spanifh America 39 °
His remarks on Chili 392
The author’s remarks on governor Pu llen’s projeft
of fettling colonies in Chili ibid.
The advantage of erefiting forts on the ifthmus of
Darien 393
Chico, river in Chili 360
Chili Proper 362
Chiloe ifland, near Chili 363
Charles cape, in Virginia _ 426
Chefepeak bay, in Virginia ibid.
Charles county, in Virginia 429, 506
Cheptonk, in North Maryland 504
Charles town in New England founded 537
Champlain, or Corlair lake, in Canada 573
Chefter county and town, in New England 583
Chichefter town, in New England ibid.
Charles town, in Carolina 590
Chriftopher,St. one of the Caribbee Iflands, defcribed 623
China, a continuation of the prefent ftate of it 65 1
Cinola, province and town, in Mexico 133
CONGO, its fituation and extent 42
Angola, the fouthern part thereof ibid.
Congo Proper, the fecond divifion ibid.
Loango, the third and moil northerly divifion ibid.
Other towns and fettlements of the Portuguefe in
Congo ibid.
Negroe towns ibid.
The Portuguefe mafters of the country 43
Predudt of Congo ibid .
Conradfburg, a fort in Guinea 44
84
103
} 3 1
ibid.
134
136
1 39
141
Conftantina province and town, in Barbary
Comorro iflands of Africa
Condecedo cape, in Mexico
Corientes cape, in Mexico
Compoftella town, in Mexico
Colima town, in Mexico
Cozumel ifland, in Mexico
Cofta Rica province, in Mexico
Conception town and city 1 4 1 , 362,395
CORTEZ arrives at the port of St. John de Ulva 1 54
Some account of Donna Marina, his concubine
and interpreter ibid.
An embaffy from Montezuma ibid.
The Mexicans aftonifhed at the artillery and fmall
arms 1 5 5
He demolifhes the temples ofZempoala 156
A mutiny among the Spaniards 157
Cortez burns his fhips ibid.
He begins his march for Mexico • ibid.
An embally to Tlafcala, debates in the fenate there-
upon 1 5 8
The Tlafcalans refolve to oppofe the Spaniards 159
Cortez marches to Tlafcala ibid.
Montezuma invites him to Mexico 160
He murders feveral thoufand Mexicans at Cholula
ibid.
The magicians employed by Montezuma to di-
ftrefs the Spaniards 162
Cortez enters Mexico. His firft interview with
Montezuma 163
He fhews C ortez the great temple 1 66
The impolitick zeal of Cortez ibid.
He feizes on Montezuma 167
Lie lays him in irons 168
A plot againft the Spaniards 1 69
Narvaez fent from Cuba with a body of Spaniards,
to reduce Cortez 170
He corrupts the officers 1 7 1
Hefurprizes Narvaez, and makes him prifoner 172
The Mexicans unite their forces againft the Spaniards
17 3
Cortez treats them as a conquered people ibid.
He marches away in the night 1 74
He is attacked by the Mexicans, and his rear cut off
ibid.
Recovers the farther fide of the lake ibid.
Montezuma aud his fons faid to be murdered in
this retreat 175
The battle of Otumba ibid.
Tepeaca fubdued by Cortez 176
Veffels built for the fiege of Mexico ibid.
The fiege commences ibid.
Mexico taken 1 77
The Emperor taken ibid.
The daughter of the Mexicans at this fiege ibid.
Confirmed in his government 1 79
The tyranny and cruelty of the conquerors, particu-
larly of Alvarado ibid.
Honduras and Jucatan conquered ibid.
He hangs the Mexican Emperor ibid.
He goes over to Spain and buys his peace again 1 80
He attempts new difcoveries ibid.
He goes to Spain, and is not buffered to return to
Mexico ibid.
His death 1 8 1
Cockrecoes
INDEX.
c
190
ibid.
192
*9+
198
ibid.
234
ibid.
241
250
265
266
ibid.
267
305
3D0, 363
360
39 6
4 1 9
5 1 6
52°, 539
567
Cockrecoes, an American fowl
Cormorant
Cochineel
Cotton tree
Copal gum
Coranna gum
Conception river
Congo river, in America
Conception town, ibid.
Comana, a town in Terra Firma
Cofma port, in Peru
Copiapo port, ibid.
Coquimbo, ibid.
Colanche river, ibid.
Convents of Nuns, ibid.
Copiapo river and town, ibid.
Coronada river, ibid.
Cordua, a town of La Plata
Corupa town, in Brafil
Connecticut river, in New England
Connecticut colony, in New England
Government, and the Hate of religion there
Codrington, Colonel, his benfaCtion for a college, and
the converfion of the negroes 623
Conclufion of the prefent ftate of America 646
Cologn, EleCtor of 684
Colepeppee, lord, promotes divifions among the
Virginians 379
He gains the propriety of the northern neck by ar-
tifice 381
Crevaecceur, a fort of Guinea 44
Crown mountains, in Mexico 1 4 1
Creoles of America 735
CUBA, fituation and extent, face of the country, ri-
vers, Jiarbours, feafons, provinces, and chief
towns 407
Some defcription of the people 408
Fortifications of the Havnana ibid.
Churches ibid.
Treafure of the galleons ibid.
Birds, fruit, cattle, animals, and mines 409
Hiltory of Cuba ibid.
Culiacan, province and town in Mexico j 3 3
Cum a, a town of Brafil 419
Curafl'ow Ifland 256
CUSCO town, the metropolis of Peru 271
The temple of the fun ibid.
The chapel of the moon ibid.
The chapel of the liars ibid.
The royal'palace 272
The callle 273
Four great roads iffue from the great fquare 274
The city compofed of all nations in the empire ibid.
Cufco abandoned by the Indians ibid.
Cufcufu, African food 76 7
Cuyo, province and chief towns in Chili 3.63
D.
A M P I E R call away on Afcenfion Ifland
308
DARIEN INDIANS Hill preferve their liberty 246
The importance of the Illhmus to any European power
ibid.
The advantage of ercdling forts cn the Illhmus 393
Darien river, in America 234
Deer without horns i 87
Delmimina, the Dutch capital in Guinea 44
DE LA WAR, lord, appointed governor of Virginia
363
He brings Powhaton to terms 364
De la War river, in America 574, 582
Defiada, an ifland of the Caribbees 644
Dorothea, a fort in Guinea 44
Domingo city, in Hifpaniola 410
Dorchelter county, in America 506
Dominica, an ifland of the Caribbees 622
Dover town, in America 583
Dolce river, in An>crica 423
Dragons fwamp, in America 429
Drake, admiral, arrives at Roanoak 351
Durango a town in Mexico 133
E.
E DINBURGH NEW, on the Mhnrus of Darien,
its fituation 241
The llrength of it 242
The healthfulnefs and fertility of the country about
it, according to V/al lace ibid.
Near the gold mines ibid.
The occafion of fettling a Scots colony here ibid.
The extent of the country under the dominion of the
Indians ibid.
The Scots are well received by the Indian princes
ibid.
The Spaniards and Englilh Eall-Indian company op-
pofe them ibid.
The Scots obliged to quit the country ibid.
Egypt, a continuation of the prefent Hate of it
Elks, of Africa
Elizabeth county, in Virginia
Elizabeth Hie, near New England
Elizabeth town
ELECTORS of the empire
Emeralds
Erie lake, near New Y ork
Effex county in New England
ETHIOPIA SUPERIOR, the boundaries thereof, and
the countries comprehended under that name 2
Suppofed to be fubjeft to the Queen of Sheba, and
Queen Candace, and to Pr es te r John ibid.
Europe, a continuation of the prefent Hate of it 658
574’
73°
28
429
520
58,
683
203
638
519
109,
'Ayall, one of the iflands of Azores
Fairfield, county in America
Fez, a province and city of Barbary
Fernando, Ifland in the South-Sea
Ferro, an ifland of the Canaries
Filhing-hawks
Finback whale
Floops, a people on the river Gambia in Guinea
Forte Ventura, an ifland of Africa
Fredericklburg fort on the Guinea coal!
Francifco Cape in America
Fruits of Peru, fugar, oranges, peaches, &c.
Frogs of Virginia very large 434,
France, a continuation of the prefent ftate: of it
114
520
7*
3»4
1 10
190
523
73?
1 1 2
44
255
289
441
718
FRENCH-
INDEX.
FRENCH AMERICA, The colonies belonging to
them 636
The limits of Louifiana and New France according
to the French 637
The real limits of the French territories in North Ame-
rica ibid.
The rivers, lakes and towns
The Indians of Florida and Louiliana defcribed
Their buildings
Moveables and Hulbandry
Perfons of the Florida Indians
Their women, habits, genius,
638
639
ibid.
640
ibid.
temper and religion
ibid.
641
ibid,
ibid.
Ufage of their prifoners
CharaXer of the Illinois
Their behaviour to the dead
Remarks on the relations of defigning adventurers
ibid.
RefleXions on the ftate of the French colonies on the
continent 642
Remarks on the ftate of our frontiers againft the
131
Spaniards
Of the French iflands
Funchal, a town in the Maderas
643
ibid.
113
G.
£^Ally -walp
191
244
2 55
192
343
347
Gallara, an ifland of America
Gallo, an ifland of America
Gar-fifli
Gasca fent to Peru
He returns to Panama with a vaft treafure
The treafure feized by the rebels of Panama : he
recovers it again, and arrives with it in Spain
ibid.
Gambia, a river in Africa 733
George, Prince, county in Virginia 429, 506
GEORGIA, fituation and chief towns 591
Eleven towns ordered to be built there, and the lands
laid out to each town 592
A patent for ereXing it into a province 600
A colony of Swifs fent thither ibid.
Mr. Oglethorpe fails with a detachment of
Englilh
Large fums raifed for the colony
The creeks confirm the lands to the Englilh
vernment
German town in America
GIRON, he is defe-te. 1 and flies to the mountains
He is taken and executed.
Gloucefter county in Virginia
Gloucefter town in New Jerfey
Gold coaft in Guinea
Goletta, a fortrefs on the weft of Barbary
Gomera, an ifland of the Canaries
Gourds
Gold Mines in Mexico
Golden ifland in America
Gold of Peru
Govanadore river in America
Grain coaft in Guinea
Grand Canary ifland
Gratia Dios cape in America
Granada, town in America
Grape tree
Granadilla fruit
Granada New, its fituation and extent
Granada ifland in America
Guamanga town in America
Guanuco town, ibid.
Granchaco, port to Truxillo, ibid.
Guara port, ibid.
Guadalajaza audience and city, ibid.
Guaxata, province and town, ibid.
Guatulco harbour, ibid.
Guatimala audience, province and town
Guanoe of Mexico
Guiachichil, a bird
Guava fruit
Guaiacum tree
Guiaquil ifland
Guafco river and town in America
Guayra province and town in America
Guia town in America
Guadalupe, one of the French Caribbee iflands
GUINEA, its fituation, extent, and fubdivifions
Benin and the Have coaft the firft fubdivifion
Chief town Benin
Englilh Settlements there
Other European Settlements
The gold coaft
Chief towns
ibid,
ibid.
429
582
44
99
1 10
198
200
2 43
290
360
44
1 1 1
140
141
*97
198
254
643
271
ibid.
265, 271
Z65
133
*37
138
139
186
190
197
199
265
360, 363
395
420
644
43
ibid.
. 44
ibid.
ibid,
ibid,
ibid.
The hiftory of it continued
Gigeri, a town in Barbary
Gibraltar New in America
Peru
He defeats Alvarado
He attacks the camp ol
to retire
ibid.
The ivory coaft
ibid.
601
Grain coaft
ibid.
ibid.
Air and feafons on the Guinea coaft, winds and ri-
1 with
vers
45
i O RGE
A great furf upon the coaft
ibid.
ibid.
The face of the country
ibid.
nd go-
The perfons of the Negroes, their habits and
orna-
602
ments
ibid.
583
Salutations, genius and temper
46
: of it
Debauched by the Chriftians
ibid.
678
Their quadrupedes, reptiles, fowls and filh
47
693
Corn and plants
, 4 8
84
The palm-tree defcribed
ibid
248
Guinea pepper
49
them
Foreft trees
ibid.
, . z 5 .3
Minerals
5 °
him in
Gold, where found
ibid.
349
Trade of the Guinea coaft
ibid.
35 °
Slave trade
ibid.
forced
The ivory trade
. 5 2
35 1
A calculation of the value of the Guinea trade
ibid.
Goods
INDEX.
GUINEA, Goods exported to Guinea 52
Their artificers and fiihermen ibid.
Their hulbandry managed by the women ibid.
Home trade of the Negroes 5 3
The beginning of the Guinea trade ibid.
The Dutch endeavour to drive the Englilh from the
Gold Coaft, and take fome of their forts in time of
peace 54
Remarks on the trade to Guinea by a company ibid.
On the project of poflefiing the gold mines 5 5
On planting the fine fpices here ibid.
Weights of Guinea ibid.
The princes and ftates of Guinea ibid.
Their nobility and defcent of the crown 56
Revenues and laws 57
The Dutch ufurp an authority over the natives ibid.
The arms of the Negroes, and their way of making
war 5 8
An attempt of the Dutch to feize the gold mines de-
feated ibid.
Religion of Whidah 59
A ferpent worihipped ibid.
The religion of the Negroes on the Gold Coaft 6i
The diet of the Negroes 62
Difeafes of the Negroes 63
Difeafes of the Europeans there ibid.
Their marriages 64
Defcent of eltates ibid.
Their funerals 6;
Slaves facrificed on the death of a King 66
A continuation of the prefent ftate of it 732
The nations on the banks of the river Gambia.
Their ftature, complexion, government, and huf-
bandry 735
The river Gambia defcribed. The face of the coun-
try, produce and traffick 736
French fattory 738
Air, feafons, furniture and food ibid.
Religion of Barfally 739
Habits of their Kings ibid.
The conqueft of the kingdom of Whidah 749
Remarks on Snelc rave's narrative 752
H.
H ANNIBAL made general in Spain 121
Begins his march for Italy ibid.
He defeats P. Sc ip 10 1 22
Gains a viftory over Sempronius ibid.
He obtains another vittory ibid.
He is furrounded by Fabius, and extricates himfell
by a llratagem ibid.
The battle of Cannae 123
He is cenfured for not purfuing his victory ibid.
He quarters his army in the campania of Rome and
Naples ibid.
He is commanded to evacuate Italy 1 24
He reforms the civil government of Carthage 1 25
He is charged with correfponding with the enemies
of Rome, and takes refuge in the court of Anti -
ochus ibid.
He reforts to the court of Prussias, who promifing
to deliver him to the Romans, he takes a glafs of
poifon ibid.
Vol. Ill,
Hamburgh defcribed 682
Hampfhire New, in America 567
Hanover, Elcftor of 689
Hanover town, further defcribed 690
Havana, the greateft Spanifh port in America 407
HELENA, St. an American ifland 10;
The perfons of the natives 1 06
Their genius and temper 107
Hemftead town, ibid 581
Henry cape, in Virginia 426
Henrico county, ibid. 428
Hertford county, in America 5 20
HefTe, Prince of 692
Hippopotamus, or river-horfe 39
Higuey 410
Hiftory of New England 532
HISPANIOLA, its fituation, face of the country and
divifion 4 1 o
Chief town of the Spaniards ibid.
Towns fubjedt to the French ibid.
The inhabitants. Their perfons ibid.
Quadrupedes, fowls, reptiles, and infects, crocodiles,
tortoifes, and fifh 4 1 1
Fruits and fugar ibid.
The hiftory ibid.
Cromwell attempts the conqueft: of it 412
Buccaneers, their original in this ifland ibid.
Hohio river, a branch of the Mifliflipi 691
Hollanders attempt to fettle colonies at Chili 371
Holftein, Duke of 638
Honduras cape, in America 1 3 1
Honduras province 140
Horn-fnake 435
HOTTENTOT COUNTRY, its fituation and divi-
fion 1 o
The firft: difcovery of it ibid.
The Dutch fettle at the Cape ibid
The face of the country ibid.
The feveral Hottentot nations 1 1
Their perfons and habits 1 3
Ornaments, diet, and furniture 14
Their genius and temper 1 5
Their government ibid.
Their arms 1 6
They never fight on horfeback ibid.
The caufes of war among them ibid.
Their way of attacking a wild beaft 17
Honours conferred on him that kills a wild beaft ibid.
Their way of fwimming 1 8
Their marriages ibid.
Their way of roafting meat 19
They allow of plurality of wives and divorces ibid.
The women work to maintain their huflmnds in idle-
nefs ibid.
They have fcarce any fenfe of fliame, and expole
their female children if they have twins 20
Their religion 2 1
They worlhip departed faints and heroes 22
The endeavours of the Dutch miflionaries to make
profelytes of them 23
Some rites peculiar to them 24
They have no notion of a future ftate 2 5
They expofe their parents to certain deaths _ 26
Their funerals ibid.
I i i i i HOT-
I N D E X.
HOTTENTOTS, the management of their cattle 27 John’s, St. town 135,141
Their phyficians 27 JolloifFs, a people fo called in Africa 735
They ferve the Dutch z8 Iroquois, or five nations in America 573
Their mechanicks ibid. Ifle of Wight county, in Virginia 429
Their traffick 29 Itata, a river of Chili 360
Their way of travelling 30 Itapoa, a town of La Plata 396:
Their language ibid. Italy, a continuation of the prefent llate of it 704
The cape town 31 Juliers and Bergues, the Hate of the controvert/ con-
HUDSON’s BAY difcovered 571 cerning them 699
Hudson’s men run away with the Ihip, and leave Ivory Coaft 44
him to perilh ibid.
Sir Tho. Button’s voyage to the Bay ibid. K.
James’s voyage thither ibid.
A patent to plant the country ibid. TiV" Ent county, in Virginia 429-
The French invade our factories in time of peace, jf\_ Kent county, in Penfylvama 583
and take them 572 Kenebeck, a river in New England 517
Reilored by the peace of Utrecht ibid. Keowee, an Indian town 592
Articles of that treaty relating to New Britain, and King William county, in Virginia 429
New Scotland ' ibid. King and Queen county, ibid. ibid.
Humming bird 190,440 Kinglton, a town in Jamaica 609
Huron’s lake, near New York 638
J-
J Ago St. the chief of Cape Verde iflands 109
Jago St. town 1 37
Jago St. the capital of Chili 362
Jago St. the capital of Cuba 407
famaica, a town in Queen’s county 581
JAMAICA ISLAND, its fituation, extent, and face
of the country 606
Tides, ports, and rivers 607
Springs and petrifying waters ibid.
Hot baths, fait fprings, lakes and rivers under ground
ibid.
Winds, earthquakes, and rains 608, 609
Towns 609
Buildings, inhabitants, habits, food, and animals
61 1
Rats and fnakes eaten in Jamaica 613
Liquors and lodgings ibid.
Vegetables and animals, difeafes and remedies 614
Port- Royal harbour fatal to Englifh feamen ibid.
Hiilory of Jamaica ibid.
The prefent ilate of Jamaia reptefented in an addrefs
to the throne 6 1 5
The right of the logwood trade infilled on by the lords
commiffioners for trade 6 1 6
Government and laws 6 1 8
Further defcribed 775
James river, in Virginia 4 2 ^
fames county and town, ibid. 428
Janeiro Rio, a town and captainlhip in Brafil 423
Jafly town 659
JERSEY NEW, in America, its fituation and extent
5 81
Divifion and fubdivifions ibid.
Government ibid.
Ignatio, a town of La Plata 395
Ilhoes captainlhip in Brafil 423
Illinois river and lake, in America 638
Imperial, a river of Chili 360
Imperial, a town of Chili 362
Infumafort, in Guinea 44
Johanna, one of the iflands of Comorro 103
L Ancerota, one of the Canary iflands 1 1 2
Lancalter county, in Virginia 429
La Plata Proper, province in America 369
Lapland further defcribed 728
Lapland flies ibid!
La Villia, town in Mexico 141.
Leg-worms 1 9 1
Lempa, a river of Mexico 1 3 1
Leon town, in America 140
Lewis St. de Tampice, in America 136
Lewes town 383
Lightwood tree 193
LIMA, audience and city in Peru 27a
Lima founded 326
Befieged by the Indians 332
Loango town and country, a defcription of them 42,
753
Lobos ifland, in America 263
Loculi, infedl 192
Logwood trade, the right of it infilled on by the lords
commiflioners for trade 616
Logwood countries 773
Logwood 195
London New, county in America 520-
Long ifland, ibid. 581
Lorenzo cape 265
Loxa, a town of Peru 269
Loyola, ibid. 270
Lucia St. an ifland of the Caribbees 622
Lucena harbour 420
Lugue, the firll adventurer to Peru, fome account of
him 307
M.
M Acaw, a Mexican bird 189
Mackarel, Spanilh 192
Madagafcar, the largell of the African iflands 1 05
Madre de Popa, a town of Terra-firma 246
Madrigal, a town in Terra-firma 255
Magadoxa, a country in Africa 9
Magdalena, a river in America 247,. 254
Maghey
INDEX.
198
379
*95
5*9
265
*97
1 92
! 95
198
255
5*7
136
254
248
256
290
4*9
644
5 20
644
5° 4
Maghey-tree
Magellanick ftraights
Maho tree
Maine province, in New England
Malabrigo, a port in America
Mammee tree and fruit
Manatee fifh 187,
Mangrove trees
Manchinel tree
Manglares point or promontory, in America
Maniieim, the prefent refidence of the Elector Palatine
689
Manimoys '7
Maquas > New England tribes
Marchians 3
Marquis, a port town in Mexico
Martha St. a province and town in America 247,
Maradaiba, a town in Terra-firma
Margaretta, one of the Terra-firma illands
Marcafites ofPeru
Maragnan province and river, in America
Marigalante, an ifland of the Caribbes
Martha’s vineyard and ifland in America
Martinico, an ifland of the Caribbees
MARYLAND, fituation and face of the country
Springs, rivers, fea-coaft, air, and feafons 504, 505
Provinces, towns and buildings 505, 506
Perfons and habits of the Maryland Indians 506
Genius and tempef, mechanick arts and diet 507
Various ways of dreffing their food 508
Their hunting, fifhing, fowling, and beavers 50 8, 509
Difeafes and remedies of the Indians and Englifh 509
Maryland firft difcovered and granted to lord Bal-
timore - 369, 510
Planted anno 1633 ibid.
M..anderftandings between the Englifh and Indians
5 1 1
The Indians abandon their country to the Englifh
ibid.
The crown appoints a governor ibid.
Laws of Maryland ibid.
JoNEs’sobfervationson their religion and government
SH
A further account of the college for the education of
the Englifh and Indians in Virginia 5 1 5
Mary’s St. ifland of Africa 1 14
Mary’s St. county and town, in America 505
Maflachufet colony in New England 5 1 7
MASSASSOIET, an Indian King 534
Enters into an alliance with the Englifh, and acknow-
ledges the King of Great Britain his fovereign
535
He renews the treaty of alliance with the Plymouth
colony 541
MASSINISSA enters into an alliance with the Ro-
mans 1 24
His wars 125
Matthew St. an ifland of Africa 108
Mather’s account of feveral perfons faid to be bewitched
554
Maurice Prince, an ifland of Africa 104
Maule, a river of Chili 360
Maurice river, in America 574
Maypoco, a river of Chili 360
Mechoacan province, in Mexico
Mechoacan root
Mecklenburg, Duke of, his cafe
Melinda, a country in Africa
Melons, Mexican
13 6
*99
699
9
198
Mendoza, one of the Spanifh towns in the province
of Cuyo 363
Mentz, Elector of 683
MEQUINEZ, the refidence of the Emperor of Morocco
7 1
The feveral quarters of the city ofMequinez 74
Merida, a town in America 1 39
Merimack, a river in New England 5 1 6
Metafuz, a town in the province of Algiers 84
Mexico Old, deforibed 141
MEXICO, the fituation and extent of it 130
Face of the country ibid.
The feas, gulplrs, and capes of Mexico 1 3 i
The lakes and rivers ibid. 135
The winds and tides 1 3 2
Wet and dry feafons ibid.
Temperature of the air ibid.
The provinces of Mexico 133
Mexico, audience and city 134
Mexican buildings, palaces, and temples 142
Country towns 1 43
The various inhabitants of Mexico 144
The perfons and habits of the Indians ibid.
Habits of the antient Mexicans 145
1 — of the Spanifh Indians ibid.
— — of the blacks and mulattoes ibid.
The genius of the Mexicans 1 46
Manufactures ibid.
Their food and exercifes 147
The conquelt of Mexico by the Spaniards 1 50
The Spaniards firft attempt on Jucatan defeated ibid.
Co rt e z made captain general againft Mexico 15 1
He arrives at the ifland of Cozumel ibid.
He demolifhes the images of the Indians 152
He lands at Tobafco, and gains a victory over the
natives 1 5 3
He obtains a fecond victory ibid.
He arrives at the port of St. John de Ulva 154
Some account of Donna Marina, his concubine
and interpreter ibid.
An embaffy from Montezuma ibid.
Mexicans amazed at the fire arms of the Spaniards 1 5 5
Mexico, the ftate of it when the Spaniards arrived there
ibid.
Prodigies and prefages of the fall of the Mexican
empire ibid.
Cortez demolifhes the temples ofZempoala 156
A mutiny among the Spaniards 157
Cortez burns his fhips ibid.
Cortez begins his march for Mexico ibid.
An embafly to Tlafcala 1 5 8
Debates in the fenate of Tlafcala on this embafly
ibid.
The Tlafcalans refolve to oppofe the Spaniards 159
Cortez marches to Tlafcala ibid.
He murders feveral thoufand Mexicans at Cholula
ibid.
The magicians employed by Montezuma to (li-
ft refs the Spaniards 1 6 2
I i i i i 2 CoK-
INDEX.
MEXICO. Cortez enters Mexico. 163
His firil interview with Montezuma 163
Montezuma fhewsCoRTEZ the great temple 166
The impolitick zeal of Cortez ibid.
Seizes the perlon of Montezuma 167
CoRTEzlays Montezuma in irons 168
A plot againft the Spaniards 1 69
Narvaez lent from Cuba with a body of Spaniards,
to reduce Co rte z 170
Co r 1 e z corrupts the officers of Narvaez i 7 i
Cortez lurprizes Narvaez, and makes him prifo-
ner 1 7 2
The infolence of the Spaniards in Mexico ibid.
The Mexican nobility maffacred 1 73
The Mexicans unite their forces againft the Spaniards
173
Cortez treats the Mexicans as a conquered people
ibid.
He marches away in the night 174
He is attacked by the Mexicans, and his rear cut off
ibid.
Recovers the farther fide of the lake ibid.
Montezuma and his fons faid to be murdered in
this retreat 175
A battle between the Mexicans and the Spaniards at
Otumba ibid.
Tepeaca fubdued by Cortez 176
Veffels built for the fiege of Mexico ibid.
The fiege of Mexico commences ibid.
Mexico and the Emperor taken 177
The flaughter of the Mexicans at this fiege ibid.
Cortez confirmed in his government 179
The tyranny and cruelty of the conquerors ibid.
Honduras and Jucatan conquered by Cortez ibid.
He hangs the Mexican Emperor ibid.
He goes over to Spain and buys his peace again 1 80
Orders in favour of the natives, ibid.
Corvez attempts new difcoveries ibid.
He goes to Spain, and is not fuffered to return to
Mexico ibid.
His death 1 8 1
The Biffiop of Chiapa’s narrative of the Spanifh cru-
elties, dedicated to prince Philip ibid.
He fhews how populous America was before theSpa-
niards arrived there, and the genius of that people
ibid.
Fifteen millions deftroyed ibid.
Variety of tortures ibid.
Eight hundred Indians given for a mare 1 83
A prince fold for a cheefe ibid.
Thefe faffs well attefted ibid.
Twenty millions deftroyed in 40 years 1 84
Mexican animals 18510194
Birds and fowls 1 89
Infedls and vermin 1 90
Mexican vegetables 195
Fruit-trees, and fruits ibid.
European fruits here 198
No wine ibid.
The feafon of fruit in Mexico ibid.
Their gums and drugs ibid.
Their corn and hufbandry 1 99
Plantations of the Indians 200
Sugar farms, plantations of tobacco, indico. &c. ibid.
Mexican flowers ibid.
MEXICO. Flowers have very little feent in hot coun-
tries 200'
Their minerals, particularly gold andfilver ibid.
Silver and gold coin 203
No coin among the Indians ibid.
Precious ftones and jewels ibid.
Traffick with foreigners prohibited 204
Their trade with the Philippines ibid.
Their trade with Peru 206
Silver carried from Acapulco to the Philippines near
China ibid.
Their trade with Old Spain ibid.
The courfe of the galleons to America 207
Their trade between the continent and iflands by the
Barlavento fleet ibid.
The trade of the Englifh by virtue of the Affiento 209
The Mexican carriages, and way of travelling 212
Hiftory of Mexico 213
Mexican Kings 214
The learning of the Mexicans 216
Their antient government 2 1 7
The courts of their antient Kings ibid.
Their women ibid.
Courts of juftice and military power 218
Their revenues ibid-
Government of modern Mexico ibid.
The forces of Mexico 219
The intereft of Britain and Spain to unite againft the
French in America ibid.
The revenues of Mexico 220
Religion of the Chichimeca’s 22 1
They worfhip the fun and moon ibid.
Pyramids erefted to them ibid.
Religion of the Mexicans ibid.
Their idols 222
Their human facrifices ibid.
A refemblance betwen the Mexican and chriftian rites
ibid.
Their manner of facrificing men 223
Convents and nunneries 225
The chriftian religion introduced ibid.
The manner of converting the Indians ibid.
Dignities in the church conferred on the native Spa-
niards 226
Differences between the old Spaniards and the Mexican
Spaniards ibid.
The loofe lives of the monks and miffionaries ibid.
The laity proportionably lewd ibid.
Seafons of mortification ibid.
Their marriages and polygamy 227
Impolitic not to marry with the Indians 228
Mexican education and funerals ibid.
MEXICO NEW, its fituation and extent 229
All the countries north of the gulph of Mexico, for-
merly called. Florida ibid.
Gold and filver mines in New Mexico ibid.
The French muft be driven from Florida, or the Bri-
tiffi and Spaniffi fettlerpents will be ruined 2.30
Michael’s, St. an ifland of Africa 1 14
Michael’s, St. a port town of Mexico 140
Middlefex county,, in Virginia 429
Middlefex county, in New England 5 1 8
Middleton, a town in New Jerfey, 5 8 1
Migua, a troublefome infedt in Mexico 19 1
Miffiffipi river 638
Mock~
INDEX.
Mocking bird 440
Mohacok river, in America 574
Moldavia, a continuation of the date ofit 658
Mombazzo, a city of Africa 10
Mongale, ifland and town ibid.
Monkeys of Mexico 1 89
Monomotapa, a country in Africa 42
Monomuegi, ibid. ibid.
Moofe deer of Mexico 1 86, 522
Moofe deer of New England 769
MONTEZUMA invites Cortez to Mexico 160
The magicians employed by him to aiftrefs the Spa-
niards 162
Cortez’s firft interview with Montezuma 163
He fhews Cortez the great temple 1 66
His perfon feized by Cortez r6 7
He is laid in irons 168
Montezuma’s fubjefts affemble to deliver him from
his captivity 1 69
He requires Cortez to return to Spain ibid.
Montezuma, and his fons, murdered by Spaniards
J 75
Mont-real town 639
Montferrat, an ifland of the Caribbees 623
Moratigons 5 1 7
MORGAN, Sir Harry, deflroys old Panama 235
Hishiftory ibid.
Vice-admiral to Mansvelt the buccaneer 235
His expedition againft Porto-bello 236
He plunders Maricaibo and Gibraltar 237
Articles between him and his men ibid.
The caftle of Chagre taken 238
Morgan marches to Panama with 1 200 men ibid.
He routs the Spaniards 239
Storms and takes Panama ibid.
He brings 400,000 pieces of eight to Jamaica 240
He is knighted for his bravery in taking Panama
ibid.
Some account of the reafon of thefe attempts of the
buccaneers ibid.
MOROCCO, the fituation and extent of the empire 70
Antiently Mauritania Tinnitana ibid.
Face of the country ibid.
Rivers and port towns ibid.
The air and feafons ibid.
Divifion of the empire ibid.
The reception of the Britith ambaflkdor at Mequinez,
anno 1727 71
Some character of the Emperor 7 2
He murders feveral people ibid.
The demands of the Britilh court 73
Articles of peace and commerce ibid.
Jews the only merchants 74
The condition of chriflian flaves here ibid.
Of the renegadoes ibid.
The kingdom of Morocco 76
The complexion and habits of the natives ibid.
Diet, genius, and temper of the Moors 77
Laws and government ibid.
Succeflion of the crown 78
Land forces and flrength at fea ibid.
Revenues of the empire ibid.
Camels and horfes, their ufefulnefs 79
Produce of the foil 80
Trade by land ibid.
Religion, marriages, and funerals of the Moors 8 1
Mofqueto Indians 149
Mozambique, a country in Africa io
Mufcovy, a continuation of the prefent ftate of it 66j
Muftagan, a town of Algiers 83
N.
N Anfamund county, in Virginia 429
Nantucket ifland in New England 5 1 9
NARBOROUGH’s voyage to Chili, anno 1669 3 77
He traflicks with the Spaniards 381
But is not differed to trade with the natives ibid.
His lieutenant and three more made prifoners by the
Spaniards 382
He returns thro’ the Streights 383
Narraganfets, a people in New England 5 17
Nata town, in Terra-firma 241
Navidad town, in Mexico 136
NEGROLAND, the prefent ftate of it 67
The river Niger ibid.
European fettlements on the mouths of the Niger ibid.
Chief town, Tombut ibid.
A fruitful country ibid.
Perfons of the natives and trade 68
An enquiry into the reafon of different complexions
and features ibid.
Nelfon port, in America 572
Nemattanow, an Indian of Virginia, his character
367
Neumkeaks, a people of New England 5.17
Nevis, an ifland of the Caribbees 61 5
Newbury, a town in New England 5.1 9
New-Hamplhire province in New England ibid.
New-haven county in New-England 520
Newport, a town, ibid. ibid..
New-Windfor, town in America 581
Newfoundland, fituation, climate, face of the country,,
harbours, filhery, inhabitants, chief towns, foil,
and hiftory 634, 63 j
NEW ENGLAND, its fituation and face of the coun-
try 516
Sea, bays, and rivers ibid.
Tides, winds and feafons 5 1 7
The provinces and fubdivifions of this country ibid.
Englilh colonies firft eroded ibid,.
The prefent diviffons of the country, and the feveral
counties ibid.
Their buildings publick and private 520
Their habits, arts and fciences, genius,, temper and
food 5 2 1
Lovers of ftrong liquors, flothfu! and poor ibid.
Their quadrupedes, the moofe deer 522
Fowls, InfeCts, &c. ibid.
The fpermaceti whale, and whalebone 523
The fcrag whale ibid.
The finback and bunch whale ibid.
The way of taking whales in New England 525
Ambergreefe, what 5 26
New England plants, by Dudley 527
Foreft trees and fruits 528
Trade and manufactures of the Britilh colonies ibid.
Iron works in Hampfhire 529
Duties on Negroes imported ibid.
A ftate of the filk, linnen and woollen manufactures'
in the plantations ibid .
The raifing naval ftorcs ought to h: encourag’d in the
plantations 53 °
NEW
I N D E X.
53 °
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
53i
paper,
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
NEW ENGLAND. Trades now carried on there pre-
judicial to Old England
Hats and leather
Linnen made in New Hamplhire
Naval ftores, &c.
Canvas for fails in the MaiEichufets
Brown Hollands made there, cotton, linnen,
iron- works, and woollen-cloth
Copper-mines in the Maffachufet colony
Hats exported
Diftillers and fugar bakers
Produce of the foreign fugar colonies imported into
New York, and New Jerfey ibid.
Produce and handicrafts in Connecticut ibid.
No manufactures in the fugar iflands which interfere
with Great Britain 532
Refledtions on the charter goverments ibid.
Trade and produce of Rhode Ifland, and Providence
plantation ibid.
Trade with the Dutch and Spaniards ibid.
Hiitory of New England ibid.
Two company’s e redded by one patent ibid.
The London company plant South Virginia ibid.
The Plymouth company trade to North Virginia, or
New England ibid.
Hunt fpirits away twenty feven of the natives, and
fells them for (laves in Spain 533
The original of the New England colonies ibid.
The firft colony fet fail for New England, and arrive
at Cape Cod 534
New Plymouth founded ibid.
The chief planters ibid.
Massassoiet, an Indian King, vifits them ibid.
Massassoiet enters into an alliance with the En-
glilh, and acknowledges the King of Great Bri-
tain his fovereign 535
The natives deftroyed by a peftilence ibid.
Several chiefs defire the protection of the colony ibid.
Divifions in the colony on account of religion ibid.
The Plymouth planters obtain a charter 536
Cattle fent to New England ibid.
The original of the Maffachufet colony ibid.
They refufe to tolerate the fervice of the church of
England 337
A great mortality among the planters ibid.
Charles-towtl founded ibid.
Bolton, the capital, founded 538
The fmall pox fatal to the Indians ibid.
Divifions among the planters ibid.
The crofs in the colours expunged as idolatrous ibid.
The original of Providence plantation ibid.
Mr. Vane, governor of Maffachufets ibid.
Connefticut colony 339
New Hamplhire and Maine planted ibid.
The war with the Pequots ibid.
The Pequots defeated by the Englilh, who poffefs
their country 540
Divifions among the Englilh occafioned by the nu-
merous and monftrous herelies and errors that were
broached at this time ibid.
One party banilhes the other 341
The exiles retire to Rhode Ifland and plant it, anno
1639. ibid.
Charge the independents with perfection ibid.
Massassoiet renews the treaty of alliance with the
Plymouth colony 3^,
The New England heroes return to England and join
the rebels, anno 1641. ibid.
The government of New England model’d like that
of Holland ibid.
They exclude all that differ from them from placet
in the government ibid.
Converfion of the Indians 542.
The Indians prejudiced againft the independants
ibid.
Anabaptifts and quakers perfected 333
Several quakers put to death ibid.
King Charles’s order to flop thefe perfections ibid.
One executed for a witch 544
New York recovered from the Dutch, and given to
the Duke of York ibid.
The perfection hill continued in New England
ibid.
The quakers petition to King Charles II. 543
The independants anfwer to the quakers charge of
perfection ibid.
A boat with men in it drove from Spain to New En-
g land 546
A general confpiracy againft the Englilh 547
A war commences thereupon 349
Two parties of the Englilh cut off by the Indians
ibid.
The Indians burn and plunder the Englilh towns
549
The Indians ruined by their divifions ibid.
Philip killed ibid.
King Philip’s charadter ibid.
The Indians on the fouth-weft entirely fubdued ibid.
The war on the north-eaft ibid.
A peace with the Indians ibid.
A furrender of the New Hamplhire charter 530
Judgment againft the Mafiachufet charter ibid.
A new charter granted the Maffachufets ibid.
An infurredtion in New England ibid.
A war with the, Indians : the revolution ibid.
The people of New England depofe their governor
ibid.
Sir Wi l l. Ph 1 ps’s expedition againft Port Royal 5 5 1
His rife in the world ibid.
Port Royal taken 332
Refigned to the French by King William ibid.
Recovered by Q^Anne ibid.
The reduction of Canada attempted ibid.
A new charter granted to New England 3 33
SirWiLLiAM Phips governor ibid.
The war commences again ibid.
Peace concluded with the Indians ibid.
New England bewitched ibid.
Paris, a preacher, the prime author of the delu-
fion 534
The witneffes threatned to extort a confeftion ibid.
The form of the indidtment againft Burroughs.
The evidence againft him ibid.
The prifoner convidled, and his execution ibid.
Mather’s account of thefe tranfadtions 334
The dodtor’s account exploded 555
The evidence againft all of them incompetent and
ridiculous ibid.
Neal’s
INDEX.
Neal’s remarks' on Dr. Mather’s relation 556
Dr. Mather confefles his errors . 559
Ne-a l’ s remarks on thefe profecutions 5 60
Sir William- Phips impeached and fent for to
England jbid.
The war breaks out again ibid .
Fort Pemaquid furprifed by the French, and demo-
lifhed ibid -
The Englifh take Port-Royal 561
An expedition againft Canada, 1711. _ ibid.
Admiral Walker and general Hill arrive at Bo-.
lion i b ‘ d -
Part of the tranfports call away S 6 1
The admiral and general return to England ibid.
The delay in furnilhing provifions the occafion of the
ill fuccefs in the expedition againft Quebeck 562
The trade of New England interferes with that of
Great Britain i b | d -
They refufe to allow the governor a fixed falary ibid.
The conftitution of the Maftachufet colony ibid.
Gbfervations on the adminiftration of the plantation
governors 5 6 3
Of the independency of New England on the crown
ibid .
Of uniting the colonies under one viceroy ibid.
Of making all the colonies immediately dependant
on the crown 5 b 4
The laws of New England ibid.
Government of Conefticut and Rhode-ifland, and the
ftate of religion there 5 b 7
Of New Hampfhire ibid.
The difference between the charter governments, and
thofe immediately depending on the crown 568
Money of New England ibid.
New England further defcribed 768
Niagara cataraft, in America 57 z
Nicanticks, a people in New England 5 1 7
Nicaragua, province and lake 140
NICHOLSON made governor of Virginia 482
Propofed to have one viceroy over all the colonies,
and a ftanding army in America ibid.
He mifreprefents the Virginians and the reft of the
1 33 :
plantations at court
Nicoya, town in Mexico
Niger, a river in Africa
Nombre de Dios, a town in America
Norfolk county, in Virginia
Northumberland county, in Virginia
Northampton county, ibid.
North-caftle town, in America
North river, ibid.
NOVA SCOTIA, and its filheries, yielded to Great
Britain by the peace of Utrecht 1 the fituation and
extent 562, 569
484
141
67
243
429
ibid.
430
581
1 3 1
The country of Acadia ftill uncultivated
The French encroachments there.
NUBIA, the prefent ftate of it
Its fituation and extent
Chief towns
Nuremberg town, defcribed
O.
Oglethorpe, his account of the religion and
ment of the Creeks
Old wife filh
Onandaga river, in Canada
Ontaria lake, ibid. 5
Opoffum, an American animal
Oran, a Spanifh town in Barbary
Orange fort, in Guinea
Orange Prince
Oratavia, a port in the Canaries
Orchilla ifiand, in America
Orellana’s voyage down the river Amazon
Orleans town
Oromante, a town in Chili
Oronoque river, in America 250
Oforno, a town in Chili
Otoque, an ifiand near Terra-firma
Ounce, or tyger-cat
Oubach river, in Florida
Oxford town, in America
Oyfter bay, in America
govein-
202
192
574
73 > 6 38
1 86
82
44
691
1 1 1
256
337
639
363
267
363.
244
187
6.38'
583
581
254
ibid.
ibid.
8
ibid.
ibid.
683
o
GLETHORPE Mr. fails with a detachment of
Englifh to Georgia 600
P.
1 Acamores province, in America 270.
Pacha Camac temple 302
Pachuca town, in Mexico 136
Pacoes, or Peruvian fheep a 84
Pain captain, his obfervations on the prefent ftate of
Spanifh America 390
Palatine, Eleftor of 668
Paleftine, a continuation of the ftate of it 657
Palm tree defcribed 48
Palma, an ifiand of the Canaries it o
Palma, a town in Terra-firma 254
Pampeluna city, in America 254
Pampas, defarts of Chili 369
Panama city, in Terra-firma 234
Paracod fifh 192
Paragua river and province, in South America 395
Parana province and river, ibid. ibid.
Paria captainfhip, in Brafil 4 1 9
Pariba river, ibid. 423
Pafteo cape, in America 255, 265,.
Patagonia, a province of Chili 363
Patience fort, in Guinea 44
Patowmack river, in Virginia 426, 504
Patuxent river, ibid. ibid. 516
Patuxets, a people in New England 5 1 7
Paytaport, river, and town, in America 265, 267, 270
Payraba province, in Brafil 4 20
PENSYLVANIA, its fituation and exent 582
Rivers, counties, and chief towns ibid.
The feveral kinds of government in Englifh America
583.
The hiftory of the plantation of the colonies of New
York, New Jerfey, and Penfylvania 584
The produce andtrafikk of the northern colonies 386
The llrength and forces of the northern colonies 588
261
262
ibid,
ibid.
264
ibid,
ibid.
PERU.
PERU
The limits and dominions of the Inca’s
The face of the country
The plains of Lanos, Sierras, and Andes
The feasof Peru
Winds in the ocean
Weather at land
INDEX.
’ERU . The reafons for the general drought on the Pe-
ruvian coaft enquired into 264
The capes, iflands, and port towns, on the coaft of
Peru 265
The fea and land breezes here ibid.
Lakes of Peru 266
Lakes on the tops of the mountains ibid.
One of them the fource of the river Amazon ibid.
Water that forms rocks 267
Pitchy fountains ibid.
Salutary waters ibid.
Rivers that rife in the mountains of Peru ibid.
Peru divided into three audiences 268
The temple of the fun
The chapel of the moon and ftars
Their way of building
The caltle of Cufco
Los Charcos audience
Of the Peruvian- towns in general
Convents of felett virgins
Their royal highways defcribed
Magazines
Their carriages and way of travelling
ibid.
272
273
2 75
ibid.
276
ibid,
ibid,
ibid.
277, 278
27S
Perlons and habits of the Peruvians
Their genius and temper
No probability of humane facrifices or canibals in
Peru 279
The true charafter of the Peruvians ibid.
Their traffick and food 282
Plays, exercife of arms and hunting 283
Every nobleman learned fome trade 284
Vifits and -ceremonies ibid.
Polls and expreffes ibid.
Animals, paco’s, or Peruvian fheep ibid.
Vicugnes, or goats 285
Wild beafts -ibid.
Cattle imported from Europe 286
Filh 287
Vegetables 288
Peruvian bark ibid.
Their hulbandry ibid.
European grain fowed there, and vines planted
289
Scarce any difference of feafons ibid.
Sugar, oranges, peaches, &c. ibid.
The fruits of Europe vaftly large ibid.
Balms of Peru ibid.
Their minerals and gold 290
Marcafites, filver of Potofi ibid.
Quickfilver mines 291
Vermillion, precious ftones, and pearls 293
The ancient hiitory of the Peruvians, their religion,
government, &c. ibid.
Their reformation by the Inca’s 294
Their notion of God 295
Their priefts of the royal blood 296
They brought the idols of all nations into the tem-
ple of the fun ibid.
The civil government of the Inca’s ibid.
A profound lubmiffion to parents required ibid.
A further enquiry into their religion 302
The principal feitivals of the Inca’s 303
The ceremony of adoring the rifing fun ibid.
Their facrifices, convents of nuns, and notions of a
future ftate
The conquefl of Peru 306
The three principal adventurers in this conquefl;
ibid.
Their contra 307
Pi z a rr o embarks for Peru, and is deferted by all his
men but thirteen and a flave 308
Two years fpent in this voyage 309
They are hofpitably received by the Peruvians ibid.
Peter de Candia goes on fhore alone, and takes a
view of Tumbez ibid.
Pizar.ro fails to feven degrees fouth latitude, and
turns to Panama for more forces 310
He goes to Spain for a commiffion and recruits ibid.
He embarks again for Peru, anno 1530. ibid.
He lands north ot the equator, and marches to Turn'
bez. Lofes moft of his men, but robs the Indians
of a great deal of treafure ibid.
Finds the Peruvians engaged in a civil war ; he joins
the people of Tumbez, and reduces the iftand of
Puna 311
Atabilipa, then Inca or Emperor ibid.
Pizarro reduces Tumbez, and poffeffes himfelf of
a vaft treafure ibid.
St. Michael’s, the firft Spanilh town and colony in
Peru ibid.
Pizarro marches to Caxamalca 312
The Inca’s embafly to him, and his embaffy to the
Inca ibid.
The Inca’s anfwer to the ambaffadors 3 1 3
He marches to meet the chriftians ibid.
He marches to Caxamalca 3 1 4
Father Vincent’s fpeech to him ibid.
The Inca’s anfwer to the friar’s fpeech 3 1 5
The Indians malfacred, and their Inca made prifo-
ner 317
The treachery and cruelty of the Spaniards confeffed
by their own hiftorians ibid.
The Inca offers vaft treafures for his liberty 3 1 8
Almagro brings a great reinforcement ibid.
The Peruvians lofe their efteem for the Spaniards
319
A formal procefs drawn up againft Atabilipa 320
He is condemned to be burnt 3 2 1
He is baptized, and afterwards ftrangled ibid.
Pi zarro’s apology for this proceeding ibid.
He proclaims another Inca, and marches towards
Cufca 322
A treaty between the Spaniards and Indians ibid,
Cufco abandoned by the Indians : the Spaniards en-
ter it . 323
Some account of their plundering that capital ibid.
Don Pedro de Alvarado lands in Peru 324
A detachment under Almagro fent againft him
ibid.
Articles between Alvar ado and Almagro 3Z5
Alvarado returns to Mexico ibid.
Governments conferred on Pizarro and Alma-
gro 327
Almagro takes upon him the government of
Cufco, which occafions a war with the Pi z a r-
r o’s ibid.
The marquis perfuades Almagro to march to
Chili ibid.,
Man co Inca revolts 328
30 +
PERU.
I N D E X.
PERU. The emperor demands great Tams of the Pi-
ZARHO’S 329
Ferdinando Pizar.ro obtains a great deal of
V treafure from the Inca ibid.
He efcapes from the Spaniards ibid.
A general infurre&ion of the Indians 330
Cufco befieged ibid.
The Indian Haves join the Spaniards ibid.
Cufco-Caftle retaken by the Spaniards 330
Almagro furprizes Cufco, and makes Ferdinan-
do Pizarro prifoner 333
Marquis Pi zarro fends Alonza de Alvarado,
to the relief of Cufco and his brothers ibid.
Almagro defeats Alonzo de Alvarado, and
makes him prifoner ibid.
The treachery of the Pizarro’s 334
Almagro defeated, and made prifoner : Cufco ta-
ken by the Pizarrifts 335
Almagro tried for his life, and put to death ibid.
A charafter of Almagro 336
Ferdinando Pizarro imprifoned in Spain ibid.
Los Charcas and the mines of Potofi reduced ibid.
La Plata founded, and the lands and Indians divided
among the Spaniards ibid.
The marquis is affaflinated 338
A parallel between Pizarro and Almagro ibid.
The Pizarrifts aflemble their forces, and declare war
againlt young Almagro 339
Almagro poflefies himfelf of Cufco / ibid.
Almagro defeated at Chupas, taken and beheaded
34 °
Gonzalo Pizarro becomes a malecontent 341
Complaints ftill of the oppreffion of the Indians ibid.
Orders to redrefs grievances ibid.
Gonzalo Pizarro appears at the head of the
malecontents 342
He ufurps the government of Peru ibid.
The prefident Gasca fent thither 343
The court of Spain wheedle Pizarro ibid.
The Emperor’s letter to him ibid.
He is deferted by great numbers 344
He feizes the King’s treafure at the mines 345
He is deferted by all his forces ibid.
Surrenders himfelf, is condemned and beheaded ibid.
Some remarks of the ufurpations of the Spaniards
34 6
Gasca returns to Panama with a vaft treafure 347
It is feized by the rebels ; he recovers it again, and
arrives with it in Spain ibid.
Another infurreftion in Cufco fuppreffed ibid.
General Alvarado furprizes Godinez, and puts
him to death, with many more of the difaffefted 349
Another rebellion by Hern and ez Giron ibid.
He defeats general Alvarado 350
He attacks the camp of the royalifts, but is forced to
retire 3 5 1
He is deferted and flies to the mountains : is taken
and executed ibid.
Of the marriages of the Peruvians, &c. 352
Common women 353
The laws of defcent and inheritances ibid.
Widows and orphans provided for ibid.
The management of their children ibid.
Their funerals 354
Their belief of another ftate ibid.
Vol. III.
PERU. The ftate of the Peruvians when the Spaniards
arrived there 354
The navigation of the Peruvians 355
Bark-logs 356
The prefent fliipping of Peru ibid,
Pearl iflands in America 243
Pearls 293
Pecaree, Weft India hogs 1 86
Pelican, an American fowl 190
Penobfcot river, in New England 517
Penlbury, manor-houfe of the Pens 583
Pequots nation in New England 5 1 7
Pernambuco province in Brazil 4Z0
Perth Amboy, town in New Jerfey 581
Perfta, a continuation of the ftate of it 656
Philadelphia county and city 583
Ph ips, Sir Wi lliam, his expedition againft Port-Royal
55 1
His rife in the world ibid.
Port-Royal taken 552
Port Royal, now called Annapolis ibid.
Sir Wii.Phips made governor of New England 553
Pemaquid fort built ibid.
Sir Will. Pheps impeached, and fent for to Eng-
land 560
Pico, an ifland of the Azores 1 1 4
Pine apple, an American fruit 197
Pines ifle, in America 243
Pifca, a port town of Peru 27 1
Pifcataway, a river in New England 5 1 6
PIZARRO FRANCIS, 306
He embarks for Peru 308
He is deferted by all his men but 1 3 and a Have ibid.
Pizarro fails to 7 degrees fouth latitude, and re-
turns to Panama for more forces 3 1 o
He goes to Spain for a commiifion and recruits ibid.
He embarks again for Peru, anno 1530 ibid.
He lands north of the equator, and marches to Tum-
bez, lofes moft of his men, but robs the Indians
of a great deal of treafure ibid.
He finds the Peruvians engaged in a civil war, joins
the people of Tombez, and reduces the ifland of
Puna 3 1 1
He reduces Tombez, and poflefies himfelf of a vaft
treafure ibid
St. Michael’s, the firft Spaniih town and colony in
Peru ibid.
He marches to Caxamalca 3 1 2
The Inca’s embaify to him, and his embafly to the
Inca ibid.
The Inca’s anfwer to the ambafladors 3 1 3
The Indians maffacred, and their Inca made prifoner
3W
Pizarro’s apology for this proceeding 321
He proclaims another Inca, and marches towards
Cufco 322
The Spaniards enter Cufco : fome account of their
plundering that capital 323
Ferdinando Pizarro obtains a great deal of trea-
fure from the Inca 329
The treachery of the P 1 z a r ro’s 3 34
Almagro defeated and made prifoner, and Cuico
taken by the Pizarrifts 335
Ferdinando Pizarro imprifoned in Spain 336
The marquis aflaflinated 338
Kkkkk PI-
INDEX.
PIZARRO. A parallel between Pizarro and Alma-
CRO 338
Gonzalo Pizarro appears at the head of the male-
contents 34 2
He ufurps the government of Peru ibid.
The Emperor's letter to him 343
He feizes the King’s treafure at the mines 344
He is deferted by all his forces ibid.
Surrenders hinflelf, is condemned and beheaded 345
Plantains, fruit 197
Plantations, Britilh, their fituation, extent, and fubdi-
vifion 425
PLATA, its fituation and extent, face of the country,
feas, lakes and rives 394
Seafons, periodical Ilorms, and floods 395
Provinces ibid.
The Indian towns 396
The perfons, habits, genius, and temper of the inha-
bitants of La Plata 397
Their food ; they are excellent mechanicks ibid.
Exercifes and diverflons, hufbandry and fruits 398
No wood in the plains : woods in the hilly country
.399
Their beafts and minerals ibid.
An abftraft of the hiftory ibid.
Qualifications of the jefuit miflionaries 400
The religion of the natives according to Tec ho
. ibid.
Plata,, an ifland in the South Sea
Plata river, in South America 267,
Plymouth county, in New England
Pocomoac river, in America
Pocaflets, a nation or tribe in New England
Poland, a continuation of the ftate of it
Popayan province and city in South America
Popo
Porco, a town of Peru
Porto Sanfto, an ifland of the Maderas
Porto Bello, in Terra-firma
Porto Calvo, a town in Brafil
Porto Seguro, Captainfhip in Brafil
Port-Royal, a town in Carolina
PORTO-RICO, fituation and extent
The face of the country
The city of Porto Rico
Seafons and winds
The hiftory of this ifland
The Spaniards cruelty to the native*
Drake repulfed at Porto Rico
The E. of Cumberland takes the town.
men by fleknefs, and forced to quit it
Produce of Porto-Rico
Potofl town, in Peru
Potofl reduced
Potigi province, in Brafil
Prague, the capital of Bohemia
Prickle-pear
.Princefs Anne county, in Virginia
Princef3 ifland, near Africa
Providence plantation in New England
Providence ifland
Puebla Nova, a town in Mexico
Puerto Veijo, a town of Peru
Pullen, governor, his description of the
John Fernando
Purification town* in America 396
Purryshburgh town, in Georgia 591
POWHATON, Sovereign of Virginia, crowned by
theEnglifh 36Z
He threatens the Englilh 364
The princefs Pacahunta married to Mr. Rolf 365
A peace between the Englilh and Powhaton ibid.
The princefs comes to England ibid.
Powhaton dies ibid.
Pyrates, fome account of Avery, and thofe at Mada-
gafear 1 05
265
334
5*9
5°4
5 J 7
672
2 55
44
275
n 4
Z41
420
423
59 1
412
ibid.
413
ibid,
ibid,
ibid
414
Lofes his
ibid,
ibid.
1 3"7» 2 75
336
419
666
*97
429
108
520
632
141
268
ifland of
• 385
Qc
Q
Uakers, feveral put to death in'New England 543
Quam, a Mexican bird
Quebeck, the capital of French
Quickfllver mines of Peru
Quiloa
Quitto, a city and audience of Peru
R.
189
Canada
638
291
9
268
R Acoon, an Indian quadrupeds
Radnor town, in America
Ramada, a town of Terra-firma
Rancheira, ibid.
Rappahanock river in America
Raritan river, ibid.
Rafpray, a filh in America
Rattle-fnakes, colonel Beverley’s account of
Reys, a town of Terra-firma
Rhode ifland, in New England
Ria Lexa town, in Mexico
Richmond and Stafford counties, in America,
Rimac valley, in Peru
Rio de la Hacha, a town and province in Terra'
Rio Grande river
Rofaira river, in Mexico
S.
187
583
247
ibid.
426-
574
192
them
436
247
520
140
429
3°5
nrma
247
419
134
644 .
SL
. 43
ibid.
44
114
*33
254
z 5?
S Aba ifland,. in Canada
Saco river, in New England.
Saghedock river, ibid.
St. Paul de Loando town, in Africa.
St. Salvador town, ibid.
St. Sebaftian, ibid.
St. George, an ifland of the Azores
St. Sebaftian town, in Mexico
St. John of the Plains, a town of New Granada
St. Jago river, in Granada
St. John de Pafto, a town in the Province of Popayan
ibid.
St. Helena cape, in America 265-
St. Clara ifland, ibid. ibid.
St. Michael’s, a port town of Peru 269, 31 1
St. Jago, a town in the province of Pacamores 270
St. Francis de Borgia town, in Peru ibid.
St. Jago, the capital of Chili 262, 396
St. John de Frontiera, one of the Spanifh. towns in the
province of Cuyo 365
St-
INDEX.
St. Xavier town 395
St. Lewis town 419
St. Salvador, the capital of Brazil 420, 423, 632
St. Antonio river in Brazil 423
St. Vincent, a town and province of Brazil ibid.
St. Paul town 424
St. George’s river in New England 505
St. Mary’s town and county in New England ibid.
St. Clair lake in New England 5 74
St. Jago de la Vega town 609
St. Chriftophers, an ifland of the Caribbees 623
St. Laurence river in Canada 638
St. Bartholomew’s ifland in Canada 644
St. Martin’s ifland ibid,
St. Euftace ifland ibid.
St. Thomas’s ifland ibid.
Saba ifland ibid.
Salado river 395
Salem town $19, 582
Salinas port in America 265
Salisbury town in New England 5 19
Salisbury plain in Long-ifiaad 5 8 1
Sallee, a piratical port 70
Salta town 396
Samballas, iflands of America 243
SanCto Spirito captainfhip in Brazil 423
Santa Cruz town 1 1 j, 1 1 3, 275
Santa Pecaque town in Mexico 134
Santa Fe town in Mexico 141
Santa Maria town and river of Terra-firma 234, 241
Santa Fe deBagota, capital of New Granada 254
Santa Fee town 396
Santa Cruz ifland in Canada 644
Santos town 422
Sapadillo fruit 197
Sapotes fruit, an account of them 198
Sa-rfiparilla root 199
:Safafras river in New England 304
Safquahanna river 582
Savannah town in Georgia 591. founded 60 1
Saxony EleCtor 685
Sax Gotha duke 690
ScheneCtida, a town in New York 581
Schoolhill River in Penfilvania 583
Sc 1 p 1 o reduces Spain 1 24
He carries the war into Africa, and by the a fli fiance
of M a s s 1 n issa gains a great victory over Hani-
bal 125
Takes Carthage by Form and burns it 126
Scrag-whale 523
Scudadero, a town in Terrra-firma 241
Sculpin, an American fifh 193
' Sea-cow 39
Sebaftian, St. a town of Brazil 423
Serigippe, a town in Brazil 420
Serlefa, a town of Algiers 83
Severn, a river in America 504
Sheep, Peruvian 1 87
Shining fly] 191
Shrewsbury town in America 581
Siara province 419
Silguero, an American bird 190
Silk-grafs 198
Silver-mines 201
Sloth, a Mexican beaft 1 S6
Smith, captain, taken by king Powhaton 361
Pacahunta, Powhaton’s daughter, faves his life ibid.
Snook, a fifh 152
Snakes and ferpents 434
Sir Hans Sloan’s remarkson them 435
Soconufco, province and town in America 1 39
Somerfettown and county in America 506
South-fea difeovered 258
Spain, a continuation of the prefent Bate of it 724
SPANISH AMERICA, the vaft extent of the Spanifh
territories in America 4 1 5
FofTeffed by the Spaniards alone for 100 years ibid.
The firft attempt of the Englifh, &c. on Newfound-
land 1 ; 60 ibid.
The French attempt to fettle colonies in Florida 1562
ibid.
James town in Virginia, the firft colony of the Eng-
lifh in America, fettled in 1606 416
The Spaniards in America in a perpetual ftate of war
with other nations ibid.
The Spaniards weakened by their conquefts ibid.
The Americans the worfe for the Spaniards ibid.
The uncertainty of the Spanifh accounts ibid.
St. Lucia ifland 778
St. Vincent ibid.
The expedition thither ibid.
SpermaCeti whale 523
Spirito SanCto town in America 137
Squafh, an American animal 1 89
Squirrels flying 1 86
Staten ifland in America 581
Stones, precious, of Peru 293
Subtle Jack, a bird 1 89
Suffolk county in America 517
Sugar claying deferibed 421
Sugar iflands, no manufactures in them which interfere
with thofe of Britain 532
SUGAR-ISLANDS, their cafe ftated by themfelves
624
The cafe of New- York ftated in an addrefs ibid.
They affirm that they take off more Britifh manu-
factures than all the fugar-colonies except Jamaica
625
That the Britifh fugar-colonies cannot take ofF half
their provifions, or fupply them with rum ibid.
Objections made by the reft of the northern colonies
to the bill for their relief ibid.
Thefe objections anfwered by the fugar-colonies 626
An aCt faffed in favour of the fugar-colonies 681
Surrey, county in America 429
Sufa, a town in Barbary 99
Suffex, county in America 583
Suz, a province of Morocco 76
Sweden, a continuation of the prefent ftate of it 670
Syphax enters into alliance with the Romans 1 24
He deferts them ibid.
He is taken by the Romans ibid.
T.
’Abago, an ifland in the bay of Panama 244, 256
Tacamahaca, a gum ibid,
Talbot county in America 506
K k k k k 2 Ta-
INDEX.
Tamalamcque, a town in America 247
Tamara, province, river, and town in Brazil 420
Tamarinds, Mexican fruit ~ 198
Tanafiie, an Indian town 592
Tangier town defcribed 75
Teguantipique river and town 1 3 1
Teneriffe-ifland 110
Tenez province and town 63
Ten-pounder 192
Tercera-ifland 114
Tercero river 395
Tergowifh town 658
Terra de natal, in Caffraria 4 1
Tetuan town defcribed 74
TERRA-FIRMA, the counties included under that
name 233
Terra firma proper defcribed ibid.
Face of the country ibid.
Rivers, air, feafons, and chief towns 234
I (lands of Terra-firma 243
The Indians on the Ifthmus, at war with the Spa-
niards ibid.
The bay of Panama, and the i (lands in it ibid.
The foil and produce of Terra-firma 244
Their perfons and habits 245
Their government ibid.
The Darien Indians ftill preferve their liberty 246
The importance of the Ifthmus to any European
power ibid.
Carthagena province and chief towns ibid.
Taken by Sir Francis Drake ibid.
Taken by the French ibid.
Situation and extent of the province of St. Martha
247
Face of the country mountainous ibid.
The foil and produce, air, and chief towns ibid.
Situation and extent of the province of Rio de la
Hacha ibid.
The province and chief towns of Venezuela 247, 248
The fituation of the province of New Andalufia,
with Comana and Paria 250
The province of Guiana, or Caribiana 251
European fettlements in this province ibid.
The Engblh fettlements yielded to the Dutch ibid.
The chief Dutch fettlement, Surinam ibid.
The chief French fettlement, Cayenne ibid.
The perfons of the Caribbees 252
Clothing and ornaments ibid.
Reputed Canibals by the firft difcoverers, the truth
whereof is enquired into ibid.
Enquiries into the ftories of giants and dwarfs 253
Of witchcraft and magick ibid.
Wafer’s account of the Indian Pawawers or con-
jurers ibid.
Religion of the Caribbees 254
The province of New Granada, its fituation and
extent ibid.
The province of Popayan 233
Gold in their mountains and rivers ibid.
Iflands on the coaft of Terra-firma ibid.
The difcoverers of Terra-firma 257
The firft colony planted in Darien, or Terra-firma
Proper ibid.
The South-fea difcovered 258
TERRA-FIRMA. The reft of Terra-firma reduced
by private adventurers 260
Thames river 516
Thomas St. ifland 108
Thomebamba, a town of Peru 269
Tiguianuco, a town of Peru 275
Tiguares town 420
Titicaca, a lake in Peru 266
Tivoli 709
TlafcaJa province and town 137
Tobacco, the planting it in Virginia 345
Tobafco river and town 1 3 1 , 138
Tocama, a town of New Granada 254
Tolu, a port town of Carthagena 247
Tomaco river 235
Tombut, chief town of Negroeland 67
Tortoife 193
Tortuga, fait ifland 256
Trade between Jamaica and Spanifli America 775
Trernefen province in Barbary 82
Treves debtor 684
TRIPOLI, kingdom and city 99
Chief towns and bagnio’s 99, 100
Produce and traffick of the country 1 00
Modern hiftory of Tunis and Tripoli ibid.
Trinidad town of Guatimala 140
Trinidad, a town of New Granada 234
Trinity ifland near Terra-firma 256
Truxillo, a town in Guatimala 140
Truxillo, a port of Peru 263, 271, 327
TUNIS, kingdom and city 98, 99, 767
The fituation, rivers, and chief towns 98, 99
Soil 768
Tucuman, a province of Peru 396
Tumbez, or Tombez, a town and province of Peru
. 269,309
Tuma, a town of New Granada 254
Tupinambes of Brafil, their perfons 424
Turpom filh 192
Tygrello bird. 190
V.
Y ALDIVIA’s invafion of China 370
He is taken and executed 371
Valladolid, a town in Mexico 139, 140, 270
Valparifo river in America 360
Va s co difcovers Peru 259
Is beheaded by Pedrarias ibid.
Vane, Sir Harry, governor of the Maffachufetts
538
Velez, a town of New Granada 254
Venella, or Bainilla fruit 196
Venezuela province and chief towns in Terra-firma
247, 248
Venta de Cruz, town in Terra-firma 241
Vera Cruz, or Ulva town, in Mexico 13,7
Vera Paz, province and town in Mexico 1 39
Veragua, province in Mexico 141
Verd cape in Africa 68
Verd cape iflands - 109
Verina, a town of Terra-firma 251
Vermeio, a port in Peru 265
Vermillion and cinabar, fome account of them 293
Vicugnes,
INDEX.
Vicugnes, or Peruvian goats 285
Vienna town 678
Villarica taken and defrayed 373
Vincent St. an ifland of the Caribbees 62 z
Virgin’s iflands 4 X +
VIRGINIA, its fituation 4 2 5
The face of the country. Teas, rivers, tides, fprings
426
427
432
ibid.
428
43 °
ibid.
and lakes
The air, winds and feafons
Difeafes and remedies 4Z7,
Terrible thunder
Provinces and chief towns
Numbers of people
Indian villages and buildings
The perfons, habits, genius and temper of the Vir-
ginians ibid.
Arts and fciences 43 1
Animals 43 2
Fowls and birds 439
Fifh and cattle 34 1
Soil and vegetables _ 34 2
Fruits and hufbandry ibid.
Plantations too large and ill managed 343
Hulbandry of tobacco 345
Colonel Beverley’s account of the foil and vege-
tables ibid.
Hiftory of Virginia 347
Mr. Rale i ghM attempted to fix colonies there 348
The dominion of all heathen countries granted him
not poffeffed by chriftians ibid.
Two lhips fent to Virginia 349
They arrive at the ifland of Wokokon ibid.
They traffick with the Indians ibid.
The Virginians, an inoffenfive hofpitable people ibid
35 °
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
35 °
A fecond voyage by fir Er>. Greenville
He makes difcoveries on the continent
He fails to the ifland of Roanoak
A colony of 108 men left there
A confederacy formed again!! the colony
The country dellroyed and abandoned by the natives
.35 1
A fecond confpiracy formed again!! the Englifh ibid.
Admiral Drake arrives at Roanoak ibid.
Takes up the colony and carries them home ibid.
Sir Eoward Green arrives with three {hips, and.
leaves fifteen men at Roanoak ibid.
Another colony of 150 men fent to Roanoak under
capt. White ibid.
A detachment fent to Croatan 35 2
The colony remove to Croatan, where they perilhed,
being abandoned by fir Walter Raleigh 35 3
Sir W a lt e r charged with levity as well as avarice ibid.
Goes in fearch of gold mines at Guiana ibid..
Some error? in Mr. Old mixon’ 's hiltory _ 345
An enquiry by what right chriltian princes invade
pagan countries 355
The Virginian hiltory continued 356
A fort erefted by the Englilh ibid,
The Englifn abandon their fort and return to England
357
Mr. EIackluit and others licenfed to trade to Vir-
ginia by- SirW. Raleigh ibid.
The lords Southampton and Arundel fend a hip to
Virginia 35 ^
Weymouth, captain, his voyage to Virginia ibid.
VIRGINIA. Some of the Indians furprifed, and brought
away by the Englilh 35.8
King James’s patent incorporating the Virginian
adventurers in twoccmpany’s anno 1606. ibid.
Three Ihips fent out by the London adventurers 35.9
They land at Cape Henry in 37 degrees north lati-
tude 360
Pofleflion taken of the country ibid.
The colony fix at James Town ibid.
The colony reduced to great diftrefs 361
Capt. Smith goes in fearch of provifions : takes them
by force from the natives, on their refufal to fell
him any ibid.
Smith taken by KingPowHATON ibid.
Elis life faved bypACAHUNTA,PowHATON’s daugh-
ter, and a peace made between the natives and tire
colony ibid.
Powhaton crowned by the Englifh 362
The colony fend home common fand for gold dull ibid.
Lord de la War appointed governor 363
Sir George Summers, and two other deputies, cal!
away on the iflands of Bermudas ibid.
Dale carries over a fupply 365
Pacahunta married to Mr. Rolf ibid.
A peace between the Engliflrand Powhaton ibid.
Pacahunta comes to England ibid.
Yardly promotes the Tobacco plantations ibid.
The government fettled as in England 3,66
Negroes firft imported ibid.
The lands parcelled out among the planters ibid,
Oppaconcanough’s plot to maflacre the Englifh ibid.
Three hundred and forty leven murdered 3.67
The occaflon of this maflacre ibid.
The Englifh ad! a treacherous part, and maflacre the
Indians in their turn 3,68
Grants to particular perfons independant of the com-
pany ibid.
Another maflacre ibid.
The company diflblved ibid,.
Other parts of Virginia feparated from it 3.69
A third maflacre 370
Op paconcanough taken prifoner ibid.
Sir Will. Berkley’s peace with the Indians ibid.
The grand rebellion in England ibid.
Virginia the lafl of the King’s dominions that fubmit-
ted to the ufurper 37 1
The ordinance concerning navigation to the planta-
tions ibid..
The Virginians firft throw offthe ufurper’syoke ibid...
Several beneficial laws confirmed after the relioratioa
ibid.
Silk and linnen manufaflures encouraged 372
Leather, fait, and fhip-building 372
The limits between the Englifti and the Indians fet-
tled ibid.
The only way to promote the building of towns 372
Laws again!! the feflaries ibid.
A plot of the republicans again!! the government ibid,.
The plantations to receive their mercnandize and pro-
vifions only from England 373
The Virginians prohibit the planting tobacco ibid.
Forts ordered on feveral rivers for fhips to ride under ib.
Further difcoveries attempted ibid,
Apalathian mountains ibid.
Difcoveries as far as the gn T ph of Mexico 374
AIR-
INDEX.
374
ibid
VIRGINIA. Bacon's rebellion'
The grievances which occa honed it
The government compelled to hgn Bacon’s commif-
hon of general 376
But proclaimed him a rebel afterwards ibid.
The governor forced to fly from James-town, which
the rebels burnt ibid.
Bacon takes an oath of his followers, and fummons
an aflembly 377
Bacon dies, which puts an end to the rebellion ibid.
Sir Will. Berkley dies in England ibid.
The Engliih merchants difcourage the building towns
in Virginia 378
An artifice of the governor to defraud the people ibid.
The Virginians deftroy their tobacco 379
Lord Colepepper promotes diviflons among the
Virginians ibid.
Lord Coletepper gains the propriety of the north-
ern neck by artifice 3 80
Torts demolilhed and guards of light horfe in their
ftead ibid.
Lord Howard of Effingham governor, his extortions
oppreffion ibid.
A college erefted 48 1
Nicholson governor again 482
Propofed to have one viceroy over all the colonies, and
a Handing army in America ibid.
The feat of the government removed ibid.
He mifreprefents the Virginians and the reft of the
plantations at court 484
The boundaries of the country corrected by Bever-
ley 485
Government of the Virginians 486
Huffianawing a neceflfary qualification for an officer
ibid.
The government of the Engliih in Virginia ibid.
Revenues of Virginia 488
How a right to land is obtained 489
Notice to be given when any one leaves the country
49 1
No perfon to have any poll till he has been refident
three years ibid.
Religion of the Virginians 492
The opinion the Indians at firfl: entertained of the
Engliih, and their religion ibid.
Colonel Beverley’s account of their religion 493
Capt. Smith’s account of it 494
Remarks on their feveral relations ibid.
The Hate of the chriftian religion in Virginia 495
The clergy’s conditions precarious here ibid.
The college endowed 496
Schools erefted for the natives ibid.
The condition of the poor in Virginia 497
Of their women, marriages, divorce, and children 497
Engliih women ibid.
Servants and Haves, the difference between them 498
Fortifications, wars, treaties, and embaflies 499
The pipe or calmet of peace 5 ibid.
Some publick buildings lately erefted 500
The Engliih forces in Virginia ibid.
Foreign trade, and Flipping 501
Manufaftures and coin ibid.
Earths, ftones, and minerals 502
Quick growth of wood ibid.
Their way of travelling 503
5°3
ibid.
VIRGINIA. Hofpitality of the natives fupplies the place
of inns
Land and water carriage
Virginia flag 769
Ulva, or Old Vera Cruz in Mexico 137
United Provinces, acontinuation of their prefent ftate 700
Upper lake in America 638
Vragua river 393
Urbs town 99
Vredenburgh 44
Uring’s account of the expedition to the fflands of
St. Lucia and St. Vincent 778
Utica and Carthage built by the Tyrians and Phoeni-
cians 1 j 5
W.
658
186
W ” Alachia, province and government
Waree, Mexican fwine
Warwick county, in Virginia 429
Weitmoreland county, ibid, ihid.
Whales in New England, the way of taking them 527
Whidah, or Fida town, in Guinea 44
Whidah kingdom, the conquefl of.it 749
White-wood, Mexican 195
Wicomo river, in Virginia 504
Williamiburg, a town, ibid. 428
William county, ibid. 429
Witchcraft and magic of the Americans 253
WITCHCRAFT. New England bewitched 553
Paris a preacher, the prime author of the delufion
554
The witnefles threatened to extort a confeffion ibid.
The form of the indiftment againil Burroughs
ibid.
The evidence againil him ibid.
The prifoner convifted ibid.
His execution ibid.
Mather’s account of thefe tranfaftions ibid.
The doftor’s account exploded 555
The evidence againil all of them incompetent and ri-
diculous ibid.
Neal’s remarks on Dr. Mather’s relation, 556,
560
Dr. Mather confeifes his error
Wompancags, a tribe of New England Indians
559
5*7
X.
X Alifco province and town, in Mexico
Xagua, a river in Mexico
133
1 3 1
Y.
A R A river in Mexico 1 3 1
Ylo, a port in Peru 266, 275
Ylo, a -river of Peru 268
York river and county in America 426, 429
York newly recovered from the Dutch, and given to
the Duke of York 544
YORK NEW, fituaticn and extent 573
Face of the country, feas, harbours, capes, and lakes
ibid.
Forts built on the lake Ontario by the French 574
Rivers and air ibid.
The fituation of the five nations ibid.
Two other nations in the confederacy 573
YORK
INDEX,
YORKNEW. The attempts of the French to make
themfelves mailers of the lakes ibid.
The motives of the Indians to enter into an alliance
with the European nations 575
Perfons of the Iroquois 576
The genius and temper of the five nations ibid.
Government of the five nations 577
Their forces and wars ibid.
Marriages and women 578
Religion and funerals ibid.
Of making profelytes among them ibid,
drinking their chief vice ibid.
Wars between the Iroquois and the French 579
Maxims in war ibid,
A fpeech of a Sachem to the governor of New York,
&c. ibid.
New York Proper, the fituation 580
Subdivifion of the counties ibid.
New York city and county ibid.
Counties and chief towns in Long ifland t; 8 1
Government, produce and trade ibid.
The cafe of New York ftated in an addrefs 624.
They affirm that they take off more Britifh manu-
factures than all the fugar colonies? except Jamaica
625
They import more filver and gold than all the i /lands
except Jamaica 625
Objections made by the reft of the northern colonies
to the bill ibid.
Thefe objections anfwered by the fugar colonies.
626.
Z.
AARA, or the defart 69
The natives of a different complexion from the
Negroes ibid.
Zacatecas, town and province in Mexico 1 3 3
Zamora, a town of Peru 269
ZANQUEBAR in Africa, the prefent ftate of it 9
Counties comprehended in it ibid.
Air and buildings ibid.
Produce of the country ibid.
Religion ibid,
Zibo, a town in Hifpaniola 410-
Zocotora ifland, near the eaft coaft of Africa 1 03.
Zofola, a divifion of Zanquebar isb
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