EX BIBI lOTtlQCA FRANCES A YATES Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 https://archive.org/details/dictionaryofchri01snnit A DICTIONARY CHKISTIAN ANTIQUITIES. COMPEISING THE HISTORY, INSTITUTIONS, AND ANTIQUITIES OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH, FROM THE TIME OF THE APOSTLES TO THE AGE OF CHARLEMAGNE. BY VARIOUS WRITERS. EDITED BY WILLIAM SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D., AND SAMUEL CHEETHAM, M.A., PKOFESSOR OF PASTORAL THEOLOGY IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON. IN TWO VOLUMES.— Vol. I. ILLUSTRATED BY ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD. LONDON: JOHN MUEEAY, ALBEMAELE STEEET. 1875. The right of Translation is reserved. UNIFORM WITH THE PRESENT WORK. DICTIONAEY OF CHEISTIAN BIOGEAPHY, LITEEATUEE, SECTS, AND DOCTRINES. By Various Writers. Edited by Wm. Smith, D.C.L., and Henry Wage, M.A. Vols. I. to III. Medium 8vo. 31s. Gd. each. {To he completed in Four Volumes.) LOKEON : PRIKTED BY \^LLLIAM CLOWES AKD SONS, LIMITED, tTAJIFOKD STREET AND CHARING CROSS. LIST OF WRITEES IN THE DICTIONAEIES OF CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITIES AND BIOGRAPHY. INITIALS. NAMES. 0. B. Rev. Churchill Babington, B.D., F.L.S., Disney Professor of Archaeology in the University of Cambridge ; late Fellow of St. John's College. H. B — Y. Rev. Henry Bailey, D.D., Warden of St. Augustine's College, Canterbury, and Honorary Canon of Canterbury Cathedral ; late Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. J. B — Y. Rev. James Barmby, B.D., Principal of Bishop Hatfield's Hall, Durham. E. W. B. Rev. Edward White Benson, D.D., Chancellor of Lincoln Cathedral ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. C. W. B. Rev. Charles William Boase, M.A., Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. H. B. Henry Bradshaw, M.A., Fellow of King's College, Cambridge ; Librarian of the University of Cambridge. W. B. Rev. William Bright, D.D., Canon of Christ Church, Oxford; Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History in the University of Oxford. H. B. The late Rev. Henry Browne, M.A., Yicar of Pevensey, and Prebendary of Chichester Cathedral. 1. B. ISAMBARD BrUNEL, D.C.L., Of Lincoln's Inn ; Chancellor of the Diocese of Ely. T. R. B. Thomas Ryburn Buchanan, M.A., Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. D. B. Rev. Daniel Butler, M.A., Rector of Thwing, Yorkshire; late Head Master of the Clergy Orphan School, Canterbury. a 2 iv LIST OF WRITEES. INITIALS. NAMES J. M. C. Rev. John Moore Capes, M.A., of Balliol College, Oxford. J. G. C. Rev. John Gjbson Cazenove, M.A., late Principal of Cumbrae College, N.B. C. Rev. Samuel Cheetham, M.A., Professor of Pastoral Theology in King's Ccllege, London, and Chaplain of Dulwich College; late Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge. E. B. C. Edward Byles Co well, M.A., Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Cambridge. J. LI. D. Rev. John Llewelyn Davies, M.A., Rector of Christchurch, Marylebone ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. C. D. Rev. Cecil Deedes, M.A., Vicar of St. Mary Magdalene, Oxford. W. P. D. Rev. William P. Dickson, D.D., Regius Professor of Biblical Criticism, Glasgow. S. J. E. Rev. Samuel John Eales, M.A., Head Master of the Grammar School, Halstead, Essex. J. E. Rev. John Ellerton, M.A., Rector of Hinstock, Salop. E. S. Ff. Rev. Edmund S. Ffoulkes, B.D., Late Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford. A. P. F. The Right Rev. Alexander Penrose Forbes, D.C.L., Bishop of Brechin. W. H. F. Hon. and Rev. William Henry Fremantle, M.A., Rector of St. Mary's, Marylebone ; Chaplain to the Arch- bishop of Canterbury. J. M. F. Rev. John M. Fuller, M.A., Vicar of Bexley. C. D. G. Rev. Christian D. Ginsburg, LL.D. W. F. G. The late Rev. William Frederick Greenfield, M.A., Master of the Lower School, Dulwich College. A. W. H. The late Rev. Arthur West Haddan, B.D., Rector of Barton-on-the-Heath and Honorary Canon of Worcester Cathedral ; formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford. E. H. Rev. Edwin Hatch, M.A., Vice-Principal of St. Mary Hall, Oxford. LIST OF WRITERS. V INITIAL. NAMES. E. C. H. Eev. Edwards Comerford Hawkins, M.A., Head Master of St. Jonn's School, Leatherhead. L. H. Eev. Lewis Hensley, M.A., Vicar of Hitchin, Herts ; late Fellow of Trinity CoLlegc, Cambridge. H. Eev. Fenton John Anthony Hort, M.A., Fellow of Emmanue] College, Cambridge ; Chaplain to the Bishop of Winchester. H. J. H. Eev. Henry John Hotham, M.A., Vice-Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. J. H. John Hullah, Late Professor of Music in King's College, London. W. J. Eev. William Jackson, M.A., Late Fellow of Worcester College, Oxford ; Bampton Lecturer for 1875. G. A. J. Eev. George Andrew Jacob, D.D., late Head Master of Christ's Hospital, London. W. J. J. Eev. William James Josling, M.A., Eector of Moulton, Suffolk ; late Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge. L. Eev. Joseph Barber Lightfoot, D.D., Canon of St. Paul's ; Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge; Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. E. A. L. E. A. Lipsius, Professor in the University of Kiel. J. M. L. John Malcolm Ludlow, M.A., Of Lincoln's Inn. J. E. L. Eev. John Egbert Lunn, B.D., Vicar of Marton, Yorkshire; late Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. G. F. M. Eev. George Frederick Maclear, D.D., Head Master of King's College School, London. S. M. Eev. Spencer Mansel, M.A., Vicar of Trumpington, Cambridge; Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. W. B. M. The late Eev. Wharton B. Marriott, M.A., Of Eton College; formerly Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. G. M. Eev. George Mead, M.A., Chaplain to the Forces, Dublin. 7\ LIST OF WRITERS. INITIALS. NAMES. F. M. Rev. Frederick Meyrick, M.A., Rector of Blickling, Norfolk; Prebendary of lincoln Cathedral ; Chaplain to the Bishop of Lincoln ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford. W. M. Rev. William Milligan, D.D., Professor of Biblical Criticism in the University of Aber- deen. a. H. M. Rev. George Herbert Moberly, M.A., Chaplain to the Bishop of Salisbury; Rector of Dunst- bourne Rouse, Gloucestershire. H. C. G. M. Rev. Handley Carr Glyn Moule, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. I. R. M. John Rickards Mozley, M.A., late Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. A. N. Alexander Nesbitt, F.S.A., Oldlands, Uckfield. P. 0. Rev. Phipps Onslow, B.A., Rector of Upper Sapey, Hereford. G. W. P. Rev. Gregory Walton Pennethorne, M.A., Rector of Ferring, Sussex; lato Vice-Principal of the Theological College, Chichester. W.G.F.P. Walter G. F. Phillimore, B.C.L., Lincoln's Inn ; Chancellor of the Diocese of Lincoln. E. H. P. Rev. Edward Hayes Plumptre, M.A., (sometimes Professor of New Testament Exegesis in King's College, P.) London ; Prebendary of St. Paul's Cathedral ; Vicar of Bickley ; formerly Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. de Pressense. Rev. E. de Pressense, of Paris. J. R. Rev. James Raine, M.A., Prebendary of York ; Fellow of the University of Durham. W. R. Rev. William Reeves, D.D., Rector of Tynan, Armagh. G. S. Rev. George Salmon, D.D., Regius Professor of Divinity, Trinitv College, Dublin. P. S. Rev. Philip Schaff, D.D., Professor of Theology in the Union Theological Seminary, New York. W. B. S- Rev. William Edward Scudamore, M.A., Rector of Ditchingham ; late Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. J. S. Rev. John Sharpe, M.A., Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge. LIST OF WEITEHS. vii INITIALS. NAMES. B. S. Benjamin Shaw, M.A., Of Lincoln's Inn ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Cam- bridge. E. S. Eev. Egbert Sinker, M.A., Librarian of Trinity College, Cambridge. I. G. S. Eev. I. Gregory Smith, M.A., Eector of Great Malvern, and Prebendary of Hereford Catbedral ; late Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. J. S — T. John Stuart, LL.D., Of the General Eegister-House, Edinburgh. S. Eev. William Stubbs, M.A., Eegius Professor of Modem History, in the University of Oxford ; Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. C. A. S. Eev. Charles Anthony Swainson, D.D., Norrisian Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge, and Canon of Chichester Cathedral; late Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge. E. S. T. Eev. Edward Stuart Talbot, M.A., Warden of Keble College, Oxford. R. St. J. T. Eev. EiCHARD St. John Tyrwhitt, M.A., Late Student and Ehetoric Lecturer of Christ Church, Oxford. E. V. Eev. Edmund Venables, M.A., Canon Eesidentiary and Precentor of Lincoln Cathedral ; Chaplain to the Bishop of London. W. Eev. Brooke Fobs Westcott, D.D., (sometimes Canon of Peterborough ; Eegius Professor of Divinity in B. F. W.) the University of Cambridge ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. H. W. Eev. Henry Wage, M.A., Chaplain of Lincoln's Inn, and Professor of Ecclesiastical Plistory, King's College, London. G. W. Eev. George Williams, B.D., Eector of Eingwood, Hants ; late Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. J. W. Eev. John Wordsworth, M.A., Prebendary of Lincoln ; Examining Chaplain to the Bishop of Lincoln ; late Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. W. A. W. William Aldis Wright, M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge. E. M. Y. Eev. Edward Mallet Young, M.A., Assistant Master of Harrow School ; Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. H. W. Y. Eev. Henry William Yule, B.C.L., M.A., Eector of Ship ton-on-Cher well, and Vicar of Hampton Gay, Oxon. I PREFACE. This Work is intended to furnish, together with the * Dictionary of Christian Biography, Literature, and Doctrines,' which will shortly follow, a complete account of the leading Personages, the Institu- tions, Art, Social Life, Writings and Controversies of the Christian Church from the time of the Apostles to the age of Charlemagne. It commences at the period at which the * Dictionary of the Bible ' leaves off, and forms a continuation of it : it ceases at the age of Charlemagne, because (as Gibbon has remarked) the reign of this monarch forms the important link of ancient and modern, of civil and ecclesiastical history. It thus stops short of what we commonly call the Middle Ages. The later developement of Eitual and of the Monastic Orders, the rise and progress of the great Mendicant Orders, the Painting, Sculpture and Architecture, the Hagiology and Symbolism, the Canon Law, and the Institutions generally of the Middle Ages, furnish more than sufficient matter for a separate book. The present Work, speaking generally, elucidates and explains in relation to the Christian Church the same class of subjects that the * Dictionary of Creek and Koman Antiquities ' does in reference to the public and private life of classical antiquity. It treats of the organization of the Church, its officers, legislation, discipline, and revenues ; the social life of Christians ; their worship and ceremonial, with the accompanying music, vestments, instruments, vessels, and insignia ; their sacred places ; their architecture and other forms of Art ; their symbolism ; their sacred days and seasons the graves or Catacombs in which they were laid to rest. We can scarcely hope that every portion of this wide and varied field has been treated with equal completeness ; but we may venture to assert, that this Dictionary is at least more complete than any attempt hitherto made by English or Foreign scholars to treat in one work the whole archaeology of the early Church. The great X PREFACE. work of Bingham, indeed, the foundation of most subsequent books on the subject, must always be spoken of with the utmost respect ; but it is beyond the power of one man to treat with the requisite degree of fulness and accuracy the whole of so vast a subject ; and there is probably no branch of Christian archaeology on which much light has not been thrown since Bingham's time by the numerous scholars and divines who have devoted their lives to special investigations. We trust that we have made accessible to all educated persons a great mass of information, hitherto only the privilege of students with the command of a large library. In treating of subjects like Church Government and Eitual it is probably impossible to secure absolute impartiality ; but we are confident that no intentional reticence, distortion or exaggeration has been practised by the writers in this work. It has been thought advisable not to insert in the present work an account of the Literature, of the Sects and Heresies, and of the Doctrines of the Church, but to treat these subjects in the 'Dictionary of Christian Biography,' as they are intimately con- nected with the lives of the leading persons in Church History, and could not with advantage be separated from them. It has not been possible to construct the vocabulary on an entirely consistent principle. Where a well -recognized English term exists for an institution or an object, that term has generally been preferred as the heading of an article. But in many cases obsolete customs, offices, or objects have no English name; and in many others the English term is not really co-extensive with the Latin or Greek term to which it seems at first sight to correspond. The word Becanus (for example) has several meanings which are not implied in the English Dean. In such cases it was necessary to adopt a term from the classic languages. Cross-references are given from the synonyms or quasi-synonyms to the word under which any subject is treated. The Councils are placed (so far as possible) under the modern names of the places at which they were held, a cross-reference being given from the ancient name. In the case of the Saints' Days, the names of the Western saints have been taken from the martyrology of Usuard, as containing probably the most complete list of the martyrs and confessors generally recognized in the West up to the ninth century ; the occurrence of these names in earlier calendars or martyrologies is also noted. In the letters A and B, however, the names of Saints are taken principally from the * Martyrologium Komanum Yetus,' and from the catalogues which bear the names of Jerome and of Bede, without special reference PKEFACE. xi to Usuard. In the case of the Eastern Church, we have taken from the calendars of Byzantium, of Armenia, and of Ethiopia, those names which fall within our chronological period. This alphabetical arrangement will virtually constitute an index to the principal martyrologies, in addition to supplying the calendar, dates of events which are fixed — as is not uncommonly the case in ancient records — by reference to some festival. The names of persons are inserted in the vocabulary of this Work only with reference to their commemoration in martyrologies or their repre- sentations in art, their lives, when they are of any importance, being given in the Dictionary of Biography. Keferences are given throughout to the original authorities on which the several statements rest, as well as to modern writers of repute. In citations from the Fathers, where a page is given without reference to a particular edition, it refers for the most part to the standard pagination — generally that of the Benedictine editions — which is retained in Migne's Fatrologia. At the commencement of this work, the Editorship of that por- tion which includes the laws, government, discipline, and revenues of the Churcjh and the Orders within it, was placed in the hands of Professor Stubbs ; the education and social life of Christians in those of Professor Plumptre ; while the treatment of their worship and ceremonial was entrusted to Professor Cheetham; all under the general superintendence of Dr. William Smith. As the work pro- ceeded, however, a pressure of other engagements rendered it impos- sible for Professors Stubbs and Plumptre to continue their editorship of the parts which they had undertaken ; and from the end of the letter C Professor Cheetham has acted as Editor of the whole work, always with the advice and assistance of Dr. William Smith. In conclusion, we have to express our regret at the long time that has elapsed since the first announcement of the work. This delay has been owing partly to our anxious desire to make it as accurate as possible, and partly to the loss we have sustained by the death of two of our most valued contributors, the Kev. A. W Haddan and the Kev. W. B. Marriott. DIOTIONAEY OP OHEISTIAN ANTIQUITIES. A A AND n AAEON A and Oi. (See Rev. xxii. 13.) Of these symbolic letters the « is always given in the minuscular form. The symbol is generally com- bined with the monogram of Christ. [Mono- gram.] In Boldetti's Osservazioni sopra i cimiteri, &c. Rom. 1720, fol. tav. iii. p. 194, no. 4, it is found, with the more ancient decussated mono- gram, on a sepulchral cup or vessel. See also Do Rossi (^Inscriptions, No, 776), where the letters are suspended from the arms of the St. Andrew's Cross. They j are combined more frequently with the upright or Egyptian monogram. Aringhi, Horn. Subt vol. i. p. 381, gives an engraving of a jewelled cross, with the letters suspended by chains to its horizontal arm, as below. And the same form occurs in sepulchral inscriptions in De Rossi, Inscr. Chr. Rom. t. i. nos. 661, 666. See also Boldetti, p. 345, and Bottari, tav. xliv. vol. i. The letters are found, with or without the monogram, in almost all woi'ks of Christian antiquity ; for instance, right and left of a great cross, on which is no form or even symbolic Lamb, on the ceiling of the apse of St. Apollinare in Classe at Ravenna, circ. A.D. 675. They were worn in rings and sigils, either alone, as in Martigny, s. v. Anneaux, or with the monogram, as in Boldetti, ms. 21-31, 30-33. On coins they appear to be first used imme- diately after the death of Constantine. The earliest instances are an aureus nummus of Con- stantius (Banduri, v. ii. p. 227, Numismata Imp. Romanorum, &c.) ; and another golden coin bear- ing the effigy of Constantine the Great, with the words " Victoria Maxima." Constantine seems not to have made great use of Christian em- blems on his coin till after the defeat of Lici- nius in 323, and especially after the building of Constantinople. (See Martigny, s. v. Numis- matique.) The use of these symbolic letters amounts to a quotation of Rev. xxii. 13, and a confession of faith in our Lord's own assertion of His infinity CHRIST. ANT. and divinity. There is one instance in Martial (Epig. V. 26) where A, Alpha, is used jocularly (as A 1, vulgarly, with ourselves) for "chief" or " first." But the whole expression in its solemn meaning is derived entirely from the words of Rev. xxii. 13. The import to a Christian is shewn by the well-known passage of Prudentius {Hymnus Omni Hora, 10, Cathem^rinon, ix. p. 35, ed. Tubingen, 45) : — " Corde natus ex parentis ante mundi exordium, Alpha et 12 cognominatus, ipse fens et clausula, Omnium quae sunt, fuerunt, quaeque post futura sunt." The symbol was no doubt much more frequently used after the outbreak of Arianism. But it ap- pears to have been used before that date, from its occurrence in the inscription on the tomb raised by Victorina to her martyred husband Heraclius in the cemetery of Priscilla (Aringhi, i. 605). It is here enclosed in a triangle, and united with the upright monogram. See also another in- scription in Fabretti (Inscr. antiq. explicatio, Rom. 1699, fol.), and the cup given in Boldetti from the Callixtine catacomb, tav. iii. no. 4, at p. 194. From these it is argued with apparent truth that the symbol must have been in use before the Nicene Council.* No doubt, as a con- venient symbolic form of asserting the Lord's divinity, it became far more prominent after- wards. The Arians certainly avoided its use (Giorgi, De Monogram. Christi, p. 10). It is found on the crucifix attributed to Nicodemus (Angelo Rocca, Thesaurus Fontificiarum, vol. i. 153, woodcut), and on a wooden crucifix of great antiquity at Lucca (Borgia, Be Cruce Veliterna, p. 33). For its general use as a part of the monogram of Christ, see Monogram. It will be found (see Westwood's Palaeographia Sacra') in the Psalter of Athelstan, and in the Bible of Alcuin ; both in the British Museum. [R. St. J. T.] AAEON, the High Priest, commemorated a Boldetti : " Quanto alle lettere A and w, non v'ha dubbio che quel primi Crlstiani le presero dall' Apocalisse." He goes on to say that it is the sign of Christian, not Arian, burial ; and that Ariaus were driven from Rome, and excluded from the Catacombs. Aringhi also protests that those cemeteries were " haud unquam heretioo soMs maticoque commercio pollutae." B 2 ABACUC ABbA Miaziah 1 = March 27 (Cal. Ethiop.). Deposition in Mount Hor, July 1 {Mart. Bedae, ffieron.). [0.] ABACUC. (1) Habakkuk the Prophet, com- memorated Jan. 15 {Martyrologium Bom. Vetus, Hieron., Bedae). (2) Martyr at Rome under Claudius, A.D. 269, commemorated Jan. 20 (^Martyr. Rom. Vetus), [C] ABBA , C-^BBAT.] ABBAT. {Ahhas or Ahha [j-dtis], a^^as, &^fia, in low Latin sometimes Abas, Ital. Abate, Germ. Abt, from the Chaldee and Syriac form of the common Semitic word for Father, probably adopted in that form either by Syriac monks, or through its N. T. use.) A name employed occasionally in the East, even so late as the 10th century, as a term of respect for any monks (Cassian., Collat. i. 1, A.D. 429 ; Reg. 8. Columh. ni., A.D. 609 ; Jo. Mosch., Prat. Spir., A.D. 630 ; Epiphan. Hagiop., Be Loc. SS., A.D. 956 ; Byzant. auth. ap. Du Cange, Lex. Inf. Graec. ; Bulteau, Hist. Man. d' Orient, 819 : and, similarly, afi^d- Sioy, h.^fiaZl(TKiov, ;|/ei»5aj8)8ay, KK^md^^as, for an evil or false monk, Du Cange, ib.) ; and some- times as a distinguishing term for a monk of singular piety (Hieron., in Epist. ad Gal. c. 4 ; in Matt. lib. iv. in c. 23) ; but ordinarily restricted to the superior of a monastery, Pater or Princeps Monasterii, elective, irremoveable, single, abso- lute. Replaced commonly among the Greeks by 'Apx^l^audpiT-ns [Archimandrita], 'Hyov- jxivos, or more rarely Koivofii6.pxf]s ; the first of which terms however, apparently by a con- fusion respecting its derivation, came occasion- ally to stand for the superior of more monas- teries than one (Helyot, Hist, des Ordr. Mon. i. 65) : — extended upon their institution to the superior of a body of canons, more properly called Praepositus, Abbas Canonicoruin as op- posed to Abbas MonacJiorum (e. g. Cone. Paris. A.D. 829, c. 87; Cotic. Aquisg. II. A.D. 836. canon, c. ii. P. 2, § 1 ; Chron. Lead.) ; but varied by many of the later monastic orders, as e. g. by Carmelites, Augustinians, Dominicans, Servites, into Praepositus or Prior Conventualis, by Fran- ciscans into Custos or Guardianus, by Camaldu- lensians into Major, by Jesuits into Rector : — distinguished in the original Rule of Pachomius, as the superior of a combination of monasteries, from the Pater, Princeps, or Oeconomus of each and from the Praepositi of the several families of each. Enlarged into Abbas Abbatum for the Ab- bat of Monte Cassino (Pet. Diac. Chron. Casin. iv. 60 ; Leo Ostiens., ib. ii. 54), who was vicar of the Pope over Benedictine monasteries (PriviL Nicol. I. Papae, A.D. 1059, ap. And. a Nuce ad Leon. Ostiens. iii. 12), and had precedence over all Benedictine abbats (PHviY. Paschal. II. Papae, A.D. 1113, in Bull. Casin. ii. 130; Chart. Lothar. Imp., A.D. 1137, ib. 157). Similarly a single Abbat of Aniana, Benedict, was made by Ludov. Fius, A.D. 817, chief of the abbats in the empire (CViroft. Farf. p. 671 ; Ardo, in V. Bened. c. viii. 36): and the Hegumenos of St. Dalmatius in Constantinople was, from the time of St. Dal- matius himself (a.D. 430), ipxc^u or irarhp liova(TTi]pio3V, Abbas Universalis or KaOoAiKhs, Exarchus omnium monasteriorum in urbe regia ( Cone. Constant, iv., A.D. 536, Act i. ; Cone. Ephes. iii. A.D. 431 ; and see Tillem., Mem. Eccl. xiv. 322 and Eustath. in V. Eutych, n. 18, Jo. Cantacuz. i. 50, Theocterictus id V. S. Nicetae, n. 43, quoted by Du Cange). Transferred im- properly sometimes to the Praepositus or Prior, the lieutenant (so to say) of a monastery. Abbas Secundus or Secundarius {Reg. S. Bened. 65 ; and see Sid. Apoll. vii. 17), the proper abbat being called by way of distinction Abbas Major (jConc. Aquisgr. A.D. 817 c. 31). Transferred also, in course of time, to non-monastic clerical offices, as e. g. to the principal of a body of parochial clergy (i. the Abbas, Gustos, or Rector, as distin- guished from ii. the Presbyter or Capellanus, and iii. the Sacrista ; Ughelli, Ital. Sac. vii. 506, ap. Du Cange) ; and to the chief chaplain of the king or emperor in camp under the Carlovingians, Abbas Castrensis, and to the Abbas Curiae at Vienne (Du Cange) ; and in later times to a particular cathedral official at Toledo (Beyerlinck, Magn. Theatrum, s. v. Abbas), much as the term car- dinal is used at our own St. Paul's ; and to the chief of a decad of choristers at Anicia, Abbas Clericulorum (Du Cange) ; and later still to the abbat of a religious confraternity, as of St. Yvo at Paris in 1350 and another in 1362 (Id.), Adopted also for purely secular and civil officers, Abbas Populi at Genoa, and again of the Genoese in Galata (Jo. Pachym. xiii. 27), of Guilds at Milan and Decurions at Brixia ; and earlier still, Palatii, Clocherii, Campanilis, Scholaris, Esclaf- fardorum (Du Cange) ; and compare Dante (Purgat. xxvi.). Abate del Collegia. Usurped in course of time by lay holders of monasteries under the system of commendation [see p. 54], Abbas Protector, Abbas Laicus, Archi' abbas, Abba- [or Abbi-'\ Comes, denominated by a happy equivoque in some papal documents Abbas Irreligiosus ; and giving rise in turn to the Abbas Legitimus or Monasticus (Serm. de Tumulat. 8. Quintin., ap. Du Cange), as a name for the abbat proper (sometimes it was the Decani, Contin, Aimoin. c. 42 ; and in Culdee Scotland in the parallel case it was a Prior) who took charge ot the spiritual duties. Lastly, perverted altogether in later days into a mock title, as Abbas Laetitiae, Juvenum, Fatuorum, or again Abbas Bejanorum (of freshmen, or " Yellow Beaks," at the univei*- sity of Paris), or Cornardorum or Gonardorum (an equallj' unruly club of older people elsewhere in France), until " in vitium libertas excidit et vim dignam lege regi," and the mock abbats accord- ingly " held their peace " perforce (Du Cange). The abbat, properly so called, was elected in the beginning by the bishop of the diocese out of the monks themselves (with a vague right of assent on the part of the people also, according to Du Cange) ; a right confirmed at first by Justinian {Novell, v. c. 9, A.D. 534-565) ; who, however, by a subsequent enactment transferred it to the monks, the abbat elect to be confirmed and formally blessed by the bishop {Novell, cxxiii. c. 34). And this became the common law of Western monasteries also {Reg. 8. Bened., A.D. 530, c. 64 ; Cone. Carthag., A.D. 525, in die Ilda ; Greg. M., Epist. ii. 41, iii. 23, viii. 15; Theodor., Poenit. II. vi. 1 in Wasserschl. p. 207 ; Pseudo- Egbert, Poenit. Add. in Thorpe, ii. 235, &c. ; — "Fratres eligant sibi abbatem," Aldhelm ap. W. Malm., De G. P. v. p. Ill), confirmed in time by express enactment {Capit. Car. M. et Lud. Pii^ I. vi., A.D. 816),—" Quomodo (monachis) ex se ipsis sibi eligendi abbates licentiam dederimus;'* —Urban. Pap. ap. Gratian, cap. Alien, caus. 12, ABBAT ABBAT 3 qu. 2 ; and so also cap. Quoniam Dist. Ixix. — enforcing the episcopal benediction, from Cone. Nicaen. ii., A.D. 787, c. 14. So also Counc. of Cealchyth, A.D. 785, c. 5 (monks to elect from their own monastery, or another, with consent of bishop), but Counc. of Becanceld, A.D. 694, and of Cealchyth, a.d. 816 (bishop to elect abbat or abbess with consent of the "family"). And forms occur accordingly, in both Eastern and Western Pontificals, for the Benedictio re- spectively of an Hegumenos, or of an Abbas, both Monachorum and Canonicorum, and of an Abba- tissa (see also Theodor., Poenit. II. iii. 5, in Wasserschl. p. 204, &c. ; and a special form for the last named, wrongly attributed to Theodore, in Collier's Eecords from the Ordo Rom., and with variations, in Gerbert). An abbat of an exempt abbey (in later times) could not resign without leave of the Pope (c. Si Abbatem, Bonif. VIII. in Sext. Deer. I. vi. 36); and was to be confirmed and blessed by him (Matt. Par. in an. 1257). A qualification made in the Benedictine Rule, allowing the choice of a minority if theirs were the sanius consilium, necessarily became a dead letter from its impracticability. Bishops, however, retained their right of institution if not nomination in Spain in the 7th century (Cone. Tolet., A.D. 633, c. 50) ; and the Bishop of Chalons-sur-Marne so late as the time of St. Bernard (Epist. 58). See, however, Cans, xviii., Qu. 2. The nomination by an abbat of his suc- cessor, occurring sometimes in special cases (e.g. St. Bruno), and allowed under restrictions (Cone. Cabillon. ii., A.D. 650, c. 12 ; Theodor., Capit. Dacher. c. 71, in Wasserschl. p. 151), was ex- ceptional, and was to be so managed as not to interfere with the general right of the monks. So also the founder's like exceptional nominations, as e. g. those made by Aldhelm or Wilfrid. The interference of kings in such elections began as a practice with the system of commendation ; but in royal foundations, and as suggested and pro- moted by feudal ideas, no doubt existed earlier. The consent of the bishop is made necessary to an abbat's election, " ubi jussio Regis fuerit," in A.D. 794 (Gone. Franeof. c. 17). The bishop was also to quash an unfit election, under the Benedictine rule, and (with the neighbouring abbats) to appoint a proper person instead (Reg. Ben. 64). Once elected, the abbat held office for life, unless canonically deprived by the bishop ; but the consent of his fellow-presbyters and abbats is made necessary to such deprivation by the Council of Tours (Cone. Turon. ii., A.D. 567, c. 7 ; so also Excerpt. Fseudo-E(/berti, 65, Thorpe ii. 107). And this, even if incapacitated by sickness (Hincmar ad Corbeiens., ap. Flodoard. iii. 7). Triennial abbats (and abbesses) were a desperate expedient of far later popes. Innocent VIII, (A.D. 1484-1492) and Clement VII. (a.d. 1523-- 1534). Like all monks (Hieron., ad Rustic. 95 ; Cassian., Gollat. v. 26 ; Caus. xvi. qu. 1, c. 40 ; Dist. xciii. c. 5), the abbat was originally a lay- man (" Abbas potest esse, et non presbyter ; laicus potest esse abbas ;" Jo. de Turrecrem., sup. Dist. Ixix.) ; and accordingly ranked below all orders of clergy, even the Ostiarius (Dist. xciii. c. 5). In the East, Archimandrites appear to have become either deacons at least, or com- monly priests, before the close of the 5th century (inter Epist. Hormisd. Pap., A.17, 514-523, ante Ep. xxii.; Cone. Gonstantin. iv., A.D. 536, Act i.), although not without a struggle : St. Sabas, e. g., A.D. 484, strictly forbidding any of his monks to be priests, while reluctantly forced into the presbyterate himseH" by the Patriarch of Jeru- salem (Surius, in Vita, 5 Dee., cc. xxii. xxv). And Archimandrites subscribe Church Councils in the East, from time to time, from Cone. Gonstantin., a.d. 448. The term 'A^fiaSo-Kpea-- fivrepos, however, in Nomoean. (n. 44, ed. Co- teler,), appears to indicate the continued ex- istence of abbats not presbyters. In the West, laymen commonly held the office until the end of the 7th century, and continued to do so to some extent or other (even in the proper sense of the oilice) into the 11th. Jealousy of the priestly order, counterbalanced by the absolute need of priestly ministrations, prolonged the struggle, in the 6th century, whether Western monasteries should even admit priests at all. St. Benedict, a.d. 530, hardly allows a single priest ; although, if accepted, he is to rank next the abbat (l^eg. 60). Aurelian of Aries, A.D. 50, allows one of each order, priest, deacon, sub- deacon (Reg. 46). The Regula Magistri (23) admits priests as guests only, " ne abbates ut- pote laioos excludant." St. Gregory, however, A.D. 595, gave a great impulse, as to monastic life generally, so in particular, by the nature of his English mission, to presbyter (and episcopal) abbats. And while Benedict himself, a layman, was admitted to a council at Rome, A.D. 531, as by a singular privilege (Cave, Hist. Litt. in V. Bened.) ; during the next century, abbats occur commonly, 1. at Councils of State, or in Councils of abbats for monastic purposes, in Saxon England and in France ; but 2. in purely Church Councils in Spain. Theodore (about a.d. 690) repeats the continental canon, inhibiting bishops from compelling abbats to come to a council without reasonable cause (Poenit. II. ii. 3 ; Wasserschl. p. 203). And in one case, both Abbates pres- byteri, and Abbates simply, subscribe a Saxon Council or Witenagemot, viz., that of Oct. 12, 803 (Kemble, G. D. v. 65), which had for its purpose the prohibition of lay commendations ; while abbesses occur sometimes as well, e. g. at Becanceld, A.D. 694 (Anglo-Sax. Chron.), and at London, Aug. 1, A.D. 811 (Kemble, C. D. i. 242). Lay abbats continued in England a.d. 696- (Wihtred's Dooms, § 18), a.d. 740 (Egbert's Answ. 7, 11), A.D. 747 (Counc. of Glovesho, c. 5), A.D. 957 (Aelfric's Can. § 18, — abbats not an order of clergy). In France, an annual Council of abbats was to be summoned by the bishop every Nov. 1, the presbyters having their own special council separately in May (Gone. Aure- lian. i., A.D. 511 ; Gone. Autisiod., A.D. 578 or 586, c. 7). Abbats, however, sign as represen- tatives of bishops at the Councils of Orleans, iv. and v., A.D. 541, 549. But in Spain, abbats subscribe Church Councils, at first after and then before presbyters (Gone. Braear. iii., A.D. 572 ; Oseens., a.d. 588 ; Emerit., A.D. 666 ; Tolet. xii. and xiii., A.D. 681, 683) ; occurring, indeed, in all councils from that of Toledo (viii.) a.d. 653. From a.d. 565, also, there was an unbroken succession of presbyter-abbats at Hy, retaining their original missionary jurisdiction over their monastic colonies, even after these colonies haa grown into a church, and both needed and had ^ B 2 4 ABBAT ABBAT bishops, although undiocesan (Baed., H. E., iii. 4, V. 24). And clerical abbats (episcopal indeed first, in Ireland, and afterwards presbyteral — see Todd's St. Patrick, pp. 88, 89) seem to have been always the rule in Wales, Ireland, and Scotland. In Ireland, indeed, abbats were so identified with not presbyters only but bishops, that the Pope is found designated as "Abbat of Rome" (Todd's St. Patrick, 156). Most con- tinental abbats, however (and even their Prae- positi and Decani) appear to have been pres- byters by A.D. 817. These officers may bestow the benediction (" quamvis presbyteri non sint" ; Cone. Aquisgr., A.D. 817, c. 62). All were ordered to be so, but as yet ineffectually, A.D. 826 (Cone. Rom. c. 27). And the order was still needed, but was being speedily enforced by custom, a.d. 1078 (Cone. Pictav. c. 7: " Ut abbates et decani [aliter abbates diaconi] qui presbyteri non sunt, presbyteri fiant, aut praelationes amittant "). A bishop-abbat was forbidden in a particular instance by a Council of Toledo (xii., A.D. 681, c. 4), but permitted subsequently as (at first) an exceptional case at Lobes near Liege, about A.D. 700, (conjecturally) for missionary purposes among the still heathen Flemish (D'Achery, Spicil. ii. 730) ; a different thing, it should be noted, from bishops resident in abbeys under the abbat's jurisdiction (" Episcopi monachi," according to a very questionable reading in Baed. H. E. iv. 5), as in Ireland and Albanian Scotland, and in several continental (mostly exempt) abbeys (St. Denys, St. Martin of Tours, &c.), and both at this and at later pei'iods in exempt abbeys generally (Du Cange, voc. Episcopi Vagantes: Todd's ^S'^. Patrick, 51 sq.); although in some of these con- tinental cases the two plans seem to have been interchanged from time to time, according as the abbat happened to be either himself a bishop, or merely to have a monk-bishop under him (Martene and Durand, Thes. Abu. Anecd. i. Pref. giving a list of Benedictine Abbatial bishops ; Todd, ib.). In Wales, and in the Scottish sees in Anglo-Saxon England (e.g. Lindisfarne), and in a certain sense in the monastic sees of the Augustinian English Church, the bishop was also an abbat ; but the latter office was here ap- pended to the former, not (as in the other cases) the former to the latter. So, too, " Antistes et abbas," in Sidon. ApoU. (xvi. 114), speaking of two abbats of Lerins, who were also Bishops of Riez. Pos- sibly there were undiocesan bishop-abbats in Welsh abbeys of Celtic date (Rees, Welsh SS. 182, 266). Abbats sometimes acted as chore- piscopi in the 9th centuiy : v. Du Cange, voc. Chorepiscopus. The abbats also of Catania and of Monreale in Sicily at a later period were always bishops (diocesan), and the latter shortly an archbishop, respectively by privilege of Urban II., A.D. 1088-1099, and from a.d. 1176 (Du Cange). So also at Fulda and Corbey in Germany. We have lastly an abbat who was also ex officio a cardinal, in the case of the Abbat of Clugny, by privilege of Pope Calixtus T;,, a.d. 1119 (Hug. Mon. ad Pentium Abb. Clun., ap. Du Cange). The natural rule, that the abbat should be chosen from the seniors, and from those of the monastery itself (Reg. S. Serap. 4, in Holsten. p. 15), became in time a formal law (Decret. Bonif. VIII. in 6 de Elect.— khh-di to be an already professed monk ; Capit. Car. M. et Lud. Pii, i. tit. 81, " ex seipsis," &c., as above quoted ; Concil. Rotom., A.D. 1074, c. 10) : although the limitation to one above twenty-five years old ia no earlier than Pope Alexander III. (Cone. La- teran. a.d. 1179). In the West, however, the rule was, that "Fratres eligant sibi abbatem de ipsis si habent, sin autem, de extraneis " (Theodor., Capit. Each. c. 72, in Wasserschl. p. 151 ; and so also St. Greg., Epist. ii. 41, viii. 15) : while in the East it seems to be spoken of as a priAdlege, where an abbey, having no fit monk of its own, might choose a ^evoKovpirrjs — one tonsured elsewhere (Leunclav. Jus Graeeo-Rom. p. 222). Repeated enactments prove at once the rule of one abbat to one monastery, and (as time went on) its common violation (Hieron. ad Rustic. 95 ; Reg. S. Serap. 4, and Regulae passim ; Cone. Venetic, a.d. 465, c. 8 ; Agath., a.d. 506, cc. 38, 57 ; Epaon., a.d. 517, cc. 9, 10 ; and so, in the East, Justinian, L. I. tit. iii. ; De Episc. 1. 39 : and Balsamon ad Nomoean. tit. i. c. 20. — " Si non per- mittitur alicui ut sit clericus in duabus ecclesiis, nec prajfectus seu abbas duobus monasteriis praeerit "). No doubt such a case as that of Wilfrid of York, at once founder and Abbat of Hexham and Ripon, or that of Aldhelm, Abbat at once (for a like reason) of Malmesbury, Frome, and Bradford, was not so singular as it was in their case both intelligible and excusable. The spirit of the rule obviously does not apply, either to the early clusters of monasteries under the Rule of St. Pachomius, or to the tens of thou- sands of monks subject to the government of e. g. St. Macarius or St. Serapion, or to the later semi-hierarchical quasi-jurisdiction, possessed as already mentioned by the Abbats of St. Dalma- tius, of Monte Cassino, or of Clugny, and by Benedict of Aniana. Genei'als of Orders, and more compact organization of the whole of an Order into a single body, belong to later times. The abbat's power was in theory paternal, but absolute — " Timeas ut dominum, diligas \\i pa- trem " (Reg. S. Macar. 7, in Holsten. p. 25 ; and Regulae passim). See also St. Jerome. Even to act without his order was culpable (Reg. S^ Basil.). And to speak for another who hesitated to obey was itself disobedience (Reg. passim). The relation of monk to abbat is described as a libera servitus (Reg. S. Orsies. 19, in Holsten. p. 73); while no monk (not even if he was a bishop, Baed. H. E., iv. 5) could exchange mo- nasteries without the abbat's leave (Reg. passim), not even (although in that case it was some- times allowed) if he sought to quit a laxer for a stricter rule (Reg. PP. 14, in Holsten. p. 23 ; Gild. ap. MS. S. Gall 243, pp. 4, 155) ; unless indeed he fled from an excommunicated abbat (Gild. ib. p. 155, and in D'Ach., Spicil. i. 500). In later times, and less civilized regions, it was found necessary to prohibit an abbat from blind- ing or mutilating his monks (Gone. Francof. A.D. 794, c. 18). The rule, however, and the canons of the Church, limited this absolute power. And each Benedictine abbat, while bound exactly to keep St. Benedict's rule himself (e. g. Cone. Angustod. c. a.d. 670), was enjoined also to make his monks learn it word for word by heart (Cbrac. Aquisgr., A.D. 817, cc. 1, 2, 80). He was also limited practically in the exercise of his authoritv (1) by the system of Praepositi or Priores, elected usually by himself, but " consilio et voluntate fro- A BEAT ABBAT 5 trwn " (^Reg. Orient. 3, in Holsten. p. 89 ; Reg. S. Bened. 65), and in Spain at one time by the bishop (Cone. Tolet. iv. a.d. 633, c 51) ; one in a Benedictine abbey, but in the East sometimes two, one to be at home, the other superintending the monks abroad (Reg. Orient. 2, in Holsten. p. 89) ; and under the Eule of Pachomius one to each subordinate house ; a system in some sense revived, though with a very different purpose, in the Friores non Conventuales of the dependent Obedientiae, Cellae, &c., of a later Western Abbey ; and (2) by that of Decani and Centenarii, elected by the monks themselves (Hieron. ad Eustoch. Epist. xviii. ; Reg. Monach. in Append, ad Hieron. 0pp. V. ; Reg. passim ; see also Baed. IT. E. ii. 2), through whom the discipline and the work of the monastery were administered. He was limited also from without by episcopal jurisdiction, more effi- ciently in the East (Cone. Chalc., A.D. 451, cc. 4, 8, &c. &c. ; and so Balsam, ad Nomocan. tit. xi., " Episcopis magis subjecti monachi quara monas- teriorum praefectis "), but in theory, and until the 11th century pretty fairly in fact, in the West likewise (Reg. S. Bened. ; Cone. Agath., a.d. 506, c. 38; Aurelian.i., a.d. 511, c. 19; Epaon., A.D. 517, c. 19 ; Herd. a.d. 524, c. 3 ; Arelat. v., a.d. 554, cc. 2, 3, 5 ; and later still. Cone. Tull., A.D. 859, c. 9 ; Rotomag., a.d. 878, c. 10 ; Au- gustan., a.d. 952, c. 6 ; and see also Greg. M. Epist., vii. 12 ; X. 14, 33 ; Hincmar, as before quoted ; and Cone. Paris. A.D. 615 ; Tolet. iv. a.d. 033 ; Cabillon. \. A.D. 650 ; Herutf. a.d. 673, c. 3, in Baed. H. E. iv. 5, among others, putting restric- tions upon episcopal interference). The French canons on this subject are repeated by Pseudo- Egbert in England (Excerpt. 63-65, Thorpe, ii. 106, 107). Cassian, however, in the West, from the beginning, bids monks beware above all of two sorts of folk, women and bishops (De Instit. Coenob. xi. 17). And although exemptions, at first merely defining or limiting episcopal power, but in time substituting immediate dependence upon the Pope for episcopal jurisdiction altogether, did not gi-ow into an extensive and crying evil until the time of the Councils of Rheims and of Rome, respectively a.d. 1119 and 1122, and of the self- denying ordinances of the Cistercians (Chart. Char it. in Ann. Cisterc. i. 109) and Premonsti'a- tensians, in the years a.d. 1119, 1120, repudiating such privileges but with a sadly short-lived virtue, and of the contemporary remonstrances of St. Bernard (Lib. 3 De Consid., and Epist. 7, 42, 179, 180) ; yet they occur in exceptional cases much earlier. As e. g. the adjustment of rights between Faustus of Lerins and his diocesan bishop at the Council of Aries, c. A.D. 456 (which se- cured to the abbat the jurisdiction over his lay monks, and a veto against the ordination of any of them, leaving all else to the bishop, Mansi, vii. 907), a parallel privilege to Agaune (St. Maurice in the Valais), at the Council of Chalons A.D. 579, and privilegia of Popes, as of Hono- rius I. A.D. 628 to Bobbio, and of John IV. A.D. 641 to Luxeuil (see Marculf., Formul. lib. I. § 1 ; and MabilL, Ann. Bened. xiii. no. 11, and Ap- pend, n. 18). Even exempt monasteries in the East, i. e. those immediately depending upon a patriarch, were subject to the visitatorial powers of regular officials called Exarchi Monasteriorum (Balsam, in Nomocan. i. 20 ; and a form in Greek Pontificals for the ordination of an exarch, Ha- bert., Archierat., Pontif. Gi^aec. observ. i. ad Edict. pro Archimandrit. pp. 570, 587), exercised some- times through Apocrisiarii (as like powers 3f the bishops through the Defensores Ecclesiarum) ; and even to visitations by the emperor himself (Justi- nian, Novell, cxxxiii., cc. 2, 4, 5). The Eule Pachomius also qualified the abbat's power by a council of the Majores Monasterii, and by a tri- bunal of assessors, viri sancti, 5, 10, or 20, to as- sist in administering discipline (Reg. S. Pach. 167, in Holsten. p. 49). And the Eule of St. Bene- dict, likewise, compelled the abbat, while it re- served to him the ultimate decision, to take counsel with all the brethren (juniors expressly included) in greater matters, and with the Seni- ores Monasterii in smaller ones (Reg. S. Bened. 2, 3). The Eule of Columbanus gave him an un- qualified autocracy. The abbat was likewise limited in his powei" over abbey property, and in secular things, by his inability to interfere in person with civil suits ; which led to the appointment of an Advocatus, Vicedomnus, Oeconornus, Procurator (Cod. Can. Afric. A.D. 418 (?), c. 97 ; Justinian, lib. i. Cod, tit. 3, legg. 33, 42 ; Cod. Theodos. lib. ix. tit. 45, leg. 3 ; St. Greg. Epist. iii. 22 ; Cone. Nicaen. ii. A.D. 787, c. 11), revived with greater powers under the title of Advocatus Ecclesiae, or Monas- terii, by Charlemagne (Capit. A.D. 813, c. 14 ; and Lothar., Capit. tit. iii. cc. 3, 9, 18, &c.) ; who from a co-ordinate, frequently proceeded to usurp an exclusive, interest in the monastic revenues. The abbat also was required to give account of the abbey property to both king and bishop, by the Council of Vern (near Paris) A.D. 7 55 ; while neither abbat nor bishop separately could even exchange abbey lands in Anglo-Saxon England, but only by joint consent (Theodor., Poen. II. viii. 6, in Wasserschl. p. 208). Within the abbey and its precincts, the abbat was to order all work, vestments, services (Reg. S. Bened. 47, 57 ; Regulae passim) ; to award all punishments, even to excommunication (Reg. S. Bened. 24 ; Leidrad., Lugdun. Arch., ad Car. M. ap. Galland., xiii. 390, restoring to the Abbat of Insula Barbara, " potestatem ligandi et solvendi, uti habuerunt praedecessores sui ;" Honorius III. cap. Dilecta, tit. de Major, et Obedientia, desiring a neighbouring abbat to excommunicate refrac- tory nuns, because their abbess could not ; and see Bingham), or to the use of the " ferrum abscis- sionis " (Reg. S. Bened. 28). He was also to be ad- dressed as " Domnus et Abbas " (ib. 63). And while in the East he was specially commanded to eat with the other monks (Reg. PP. 11, in Holsten. p. 23), the Eule of Benedict (56) appoints him a separate table " cum hospitibus et peregrinis," to which he might, in case there was room, invite any monk he pleased. The Council of Aix A.D. 817 (c. 27) tried to qualify this practice by bidding abbats " be content" with the food of the other monks, unless " propter hospitem ;" and some monas- teries kept up a like protest in the time of Peter Damiani and Peter the Venerable ; but it con- tinued to be the Western rule. He was ordered also to sleep amon^ his monks by the Council of Frankfort A.D. 794 (c. 13). The abbat was spe- cially not to wear mitre, ring, gloves, or sandals, as being episcopal insignia — a practice growing up in the West in the 10th and 11th centuries, and (vainly) then protested against by the Coun- cil of Poictiers A.D. 1100, and by St. Bernard (Epist. 42) and I eter of Blois (Epist. 90 ; and see e ATJBAT ABBAT also Thom. Cantiprat., De Apihus:, i. 6 ; Chron. Casin. iv. 78). But a mitre is said to have been granted to the Abbat of Bobbio by Pope Theodo- ras I. A.D. 643 (^Bull. Casin. I. ii. 2), the next alleged case being to the Abbat of St. Savianus by Sylvester II. A.D. 1000. A staff, however, but of a particular form, and some kind of stockings (" baculum et pedules "), were the special insig- nia of an abbat in Anglo-Saxon England in the time of Theodore A.D. 668-690, being formally given to him by the bishop at his benediction {Poenit. II. iii. 5, in Wasserschl, p. 204). And the staff was so everywhere. He was also to shave his beard, and of course to be tonsured (Cone. Bitu- ric. A.D. 1031, c. 7). His place of precedence, if an ordinary abbat, appears to have been finally fixed as immediately after bishops, among pm'- lati, and before archdeacons (see, however, Decret. Greg. /X, lib. ii. tit. 1, cap. Decemimus) ; but the list of our English convocations from Arch- bishop Kemp's Register A.D. 1452 (Wilk. I. xi. sq.), though following no invariable rule, appears usually to postpone the abbat and prior to the archdeacon. In Saxon England, he shared in like manner with the king (as did an abbess also) in the " wer " of a murdered *' foreigner " {Laws of Ine, 23; Thorpe, i. 117). The abbat also was not named in the canon of the mass (Gavant. in Ruhr. Miss. P. iii. tit, 8 ; Macr. F.F., Hierolex, in Can. Missae), except in the case of the abbat of Monte Cassino (Ang, a Nuce, in notis ad Leo. Ostiens. ii. 4). But an anniversary was allowed to be appointed for him on his death (e, g. Cone. Aquisgr. A.D. 817, c. 73). He was forbidden (as were all monks, at least in France) to stand sponsor for a child (Cone. Autissiod. A.D. 578, c. 25 ; Greg. M., Epist. iv. 42), with a notable ex- ception, however, in England, in the case of Abbat Robert of Mont St. Michel, godfather to King Henry II.'s daughter Eleanor (Rob. de Monte ad an. 1161), or to go to a marriage (Cone. Autissiod., ib.) ; or indeed to go fiir from his monastery at all without the bishop's leave (Cone. Arel. v. A.D. 554) ; or to go about with a train of monks except to a general synod (Cone. Aquisgr. A.D. 817, c. 59). He of course could not hold pro- perty (although it was needful sometimes to pro- hibit his lending money on usury, Pseudo-Egbert. Poenit. iii. 7, in Thorpe, ii. 199); neither could he dispose of it by will, even if it accrued to him by gift or heirship after he became abbat (Reg. PP. 2, in Holsten. p. 22) ; but if the heirship was within the 4th degree, he was exceptionally enabled to will the property to whom he pleased (Justinian, lib. i. Cod. tit. de Episc. ct Cier. c. 33). Further, we find bishops and archdeacons prohibited from seizing the goods of deceased abbats (Co7ic. Paris. A.D. 615 ; Cabillon. i. A.D. 650). And later wills of abbats in the West are sometimes mentioned and confirmed, but prin- cipally in order to secure to their abbeys pro- perty bequeathed to those abbeys (see Thomassin). Privileges of coining money, of markets and tolls, of secular jurisdiction, began certainly as early as Ludov. Pius, or even Pipin (Gieseler, ii. p. 255, notes 5, 6, Eng. Tr.). Others, such as of the title of prince, of the four Ahhates Imperii in Germany (viz., of Fulda — also ex officio the empress's chancellor — of Weissenberg, Kempten, Murbach), of the English mitred baronial abbats, and the like, and sumptuary laws limiting the number of their horses and attendants, &c., beloijcj to later times. An abbat, however, might hunt in Eng- land (Lairs of Cnut, in Thorpe, 1. 429). An abbat, or an abbess, presiding over a joint house of monks and nuns, is noted by Theodore as a pecu- liar Anglo-Saxon -custom : — " Apud Graecos non est consuetudo viris feminas habere monachas, neque feminis viros ; tamen consuetudinem istius provinciae " (England) " non destruamus " (Poenit. II. vi. 8, in Wasserschl. p. 208). The well-known cases of the Abbesses Hilda and Aelbfled of Whitby and of Aebba of Co.dingham are instances of the latter arrangement (Baed. H. E. iv. 23, 24, 25, 26) ; and the last of them also of its mischievous- ness (Id. ib. 25). Tynemouth and Wimbourne are other instances. But the practice was a Celtic one (e. g. St. Brigid ; see Todd, St. Patrick, pp. 11, 12), not simply Anglo-Saxon; and with Celtic monastic missions, penetrated also into the Continent (e. g. at Remiremont and Poictiers), and even into Spain and into Rome itself (soMontalem- bert, 3Ion/iS of West, vol. v. p. 297, Engl. Tr.). It is, however, remarkable, that while instances of abbesses ruling monks abounded, abbats ruling nuns rest for us upon the general assertion of Theodore. And the practice, while it died out on the Continent, was not restored in England after the Danish invasion. In the East there was a rigorous separation between monks and nuns. And where two such communities were in any way connected, a special enactment prohibited all but the two superiors from communication with one another, and placed all possible restrictions upon even their necessary interviews (Reg. S. Basil, in Holsten. p. 158). St. Pachomius esta- blished the double order, but put the Nile be- tween his monkn and his nuns (Pallad., IJist. Laus., cc. 30-42). Interference by abbats with the ministrations of parochial clergy could scarcely exist until ab- bats were presbyters themselves, nor did it ever (as was naturally the case) reach the extent to which it was carried by the friars. We find, however, an enactment of Theodore (Poenit. II. vi. 16, in Wasserschl. p. 209), prohibiting a monas- tery from imposing penances on the laity, " quia (haec libertas) proprie clericorum est." And a much later and more detailed canon, of the 4th Lateran Council (a.d. 1123), forbids abbats to impose penance, visit the sick, or administer unction. They were authorized in the East, it presbyters, and with the bishop's leave, to confer the tonsure and the order of reader on their own monks (Cone. Nicaen. ii. a.d. 787, c. 14). And they could everywhere admit their own monks ("ordinatio monachi" — Theodor., Poenit. II. iii. 3, in Wasserschl. p. 204). But encroachments upon the episcopal office, as well as upon episcopal in- signia, gradually arose. Even in A.D. 448 abbats were forbidden to give airocToXia (Cone. Constati- tin., — corrected by Du Cange into iirKTrSKia^ commendatory letters for poor, and see Cone. Au- relian. ii. c. 13, and Turon. ii. c. 6). But by A.D. 1123 it had become necessary to prohibit gene- rally their thrusting themselves into episcopal offices (Cone. Lateran. iv. c. 17). And we find it actually asserted by Sever. Binius (in Canon. Apostol. ap. Labh. Cone. i. 54e, on the authority of Bellarmine, Le Eceles iv. 8), that two or more " abbates infulati " migtt by Papal dispensation be substituted for bisjiops in consecrating a bishop, provided one bisiop were there ; while Innocent IV. in 1489 empowered an abbat by ABBAT ABBESS 1 nimselfto confer not only the subdiaconate, but the diaconate. The spiritual abbat was supplanted in "Wales (Girald. Cambr., Itin. Camb., and repeatedly) and in Scotland (Robertson, Farly Scotl. i. 329,339), by the end of the 8th and so on to the 12th cen- tury, by the Advocatus Ecclesiae (confused sometimes with the Oeconomus, who in Welsh and Irish monasteries was a different officer, and managed the internal secular affairs, as the other did the external), called in Scotland Herenach, in Ireland Airchinneach, who was originally the lay, and gradually became also the hereditary, lessee of the Termon (or abbey) lands, being commonly the founder or his descendant, or one of the neighbour- ing lords ; and who held those lands, receiving a third part of their value in the first instance, but who is found as an hereditary married lay abbat during the period named ; e. g. Crinan, the Abbat of Dunkeld, who was grandfather of Shakspeare's Duncan, and one Dunchad, also Abbat of Dunkeld, who died in battle a.d. 961. The case was the same at Abernethy and at Applecross. The spi- ritual duties devolved upon the bishop and a prior. See also Du Cange (voc. Advocatus), for a similar process although to a less degree on the Continent. In Ireland, the Comarh, or similar hereditary abbat (or bishop), retained his spiritual character (Todd, St. Patrick, pp. 155 sq.). The lay abbats in Northumbria, denounced by Baeda (^Epist. ad Egbert.), were simply fraudulent imi- tations of abbats in the proper sense of the word. An entirely like result, however, and to as wide an extent during Carlovingian times as in Scot- land, ensued abroad from a different cause, viz., from the system of commendation [Com- mend a]; which began in the time of Charles Martel (a.d. 717-741, being approved by Cone. Leptin. A.D. 743 ; Cone. Suession., A.D. 744 ; and see Baron, in an. 889, n. 31), with the plausible object of temporarily employing monastic re- venues for the pressing needs of warfare w^ith Saracens, Saxons, or other heathens, care being taken to reserve enough to keep up the monas- tery proper. The nobleman, or the king himself, who led the troops thus raised, became titular abbat. And in Carlovingian times, accordingly, most of the great Frank and Burgundian nobles and kings, and sometimes even bishops (e. g. Hatto of Mainz, a.d. 891-912, who enjoyed the reputation of holding twelve abbeys at once), were titular abbats of some great monastery, as of St. Denys or St. Martin, held for life or even hj inheritance ; the revenues of which were soon diverted to purposes less patriotic than that of supplying the king with soldiers (see a short list by way of specimen in Gieseler, ii. p. 411, note 1, Eng. Tr.). In the East a like system ap- pears to have grown up, although hardly from the same origin, some centuries later ; John, Pa- triarch of Antioch, at the beginning of the 12th <;entury, informing us that most monasteries in his time were handed over to laymen (x°-P'-^'^°^- Kapioi = beneficiarii), for life or for two or thref descents, by gift of the emperors ; while Balsamon (ad Cone. Nicaen. c. 13) actually condemns him for condemning the practice. Later abuses of the kind in the West, as in the time of Francis I. of France or of Louis XIV., need here be only alluded to. (Bingham ; Bulteau, Hist. Mon. d'Orient ; Du Cange; Ant. Dadini, Ascetic, seu Origg. Rei Monas- tic. ; Ferraris ; Helyot, Hist, des Ordr. Mon. ; Her- zog ; Hospinian, De Monaeh. ; Macri FF., Hiero- lexic. ; Martene, De Antiq. Monaeh. Ritibus ; Mar- tigny ; Montalembert, Monks of the West ; Tho- massin, De Benefic. ; Van Espen.) [A. W. II.] ABBATISSA. [Abbess.] ABBESS. (Abbatissa found in inscript. of a.d. 569, in Murator. 429. 3, also called Atiti- stita and Majorissa, the female superior of a body of nuns ; among the Greeks, 'Hyovix^vf], 'Apx'- fxavBpiTiSy Archimandritissa, Justinian, Novell.^ 'AfxfjLas or mother, Pallad., Hist. Laus., c. 42, in the time of Pachomius, Mater monasterii or moni- alium, see St. Greg. M., Dial. IV. 13 [where " Mater " stands simply for a nun] ; Cone. Mogunt. A.D. 813; Aquisgr., A.D. 816, lib. ii.). In most points subject to the same laws as ab- bats, mutatis mutandis ; — elective, and for life (triennial abbesses belonging to years so late as A.D. 1565, 1583) ; and solemnly admitted by the bishop — Benedictio Abbatissae (that for an abbess monasticam regulam profitentem, capit. ex Canone Theodori Anglorum Episcopi, is in the Or do Ro- manus, p. 164, Hittorp.); and in France re- stricted to one monastery apiece (Cone. Vern. a.d. 755); and with. Fraepositae, and like subordinates, to assist them (Cone. Aquisgr., a.d. 816, lib. ii. cc. 24-26) ; and bound to obey the bishop in all things, whether abbesses of Monachae or of Cano- nicae (Cone. Cabillon. ii. a.d. 813, c. 65) ; and sub- ject to be deprived for misconduct, but in this case upon report of the bishop to the king (Cone. Franco/. A.D. 794) ; bound also to give account of monastic property to both king and bishop (Cone. Vern., A.D. 755) ; entitled to absolute obedience and possessed of ample powers of discipline, even to expulsion, subject however to the bishop (Cone. Aquisgr. A.D. 816, lib. ii.); and save only that while an abbat could, an abbess could not, excorx • municate (Honorius III., cap. Dilecta, tit. de Ma- jor, et Obedientia) ; neither could she give tlhe veil or (as some in France appear to have tried to do) ordain (Capitul. Car. M. an. 789, c. 74, Anseg. 71); pi'esent even at Councils in England (see Abbat, and compare Lingard, Antiq. 1. 139 ; Kemble, Antiq. ii. 198 ; quoted by Mont- alembert, Monks of West, v. 230, Engl. Tr.). While, however, a bishop was necessary to admit and bless an abbat, Theodore ruled in England, although the rule did not become permanent, that a presbyter was sufficient in like case for an abbess (Poenit. II. iii. 4, in Wasserschl., p. 203), The limitation to forty years old at elec- tion is as late as the Council of Trent ; Gregory the Great speaks of sixty (Epist. iv. 11). Ar abbess also was not to leave her monastery, in France, save once a year if summoned by the king with the bishop's consent to the king's presence upon monastic business (Cone. Vern. A.D. 755 ; Cabillon. ii. a.d. 813, c. 57). Neither was she even to speak to any man save upon necessary business, and then before witnesses and between the first hour of the day and evening (Cone. Cabillon. ii. a.d. 813, cc. 55, 56). For the exceptional cases of Anglo-Saxon, Irish, or Continental Irish, abbesses ruling over mixed houses of monks and nuns, see Abbat. It was noted also as a specially Western custom, that widows as well as virgins were made abbesses (Theod., Poenit. II. iii. 7, in Wasserschl. p. 204). [A. W. H,] 8 ABBEY ABJURATION ABBEY. [Monastery.] ABBUNA, the common appellation of the Bishop, Metran, or Metropolitan, of Axum, or Abyssinia, or Ethiopia, not a patriarch, but, on the contrary, appointed and consecrated always by the patriarch of Alexandria, and specially forbidden to have more than seven suffragan bishops under him, lest he should make himself so, twelve bishops being held to be the lowest canonical number for the consecration of a patri- arch. In a Council, if held in Greece, he occu- pied the seventh place, immediately after the prelate of Seleucia. (Ludolf, Hist. FAhiop. iii. 7.) [A. W. H.] ABDELLA, martyr in Persia under Sapor, commemor ated Apr. 21 {Martyr. Rom. Vet.). [C] ABDIANUS, of Africa, commemorated June 3 {Mart. Hieron.). [C] ABDON, Abdo or Abdus, and SENNEN, Sennes, or Sennis, Persian princes, martyred at Rome under Decius, a.d. 250, are commemorated July 30 {Marty rologium Rom. Vet., Bedae, Adonis). Proper office in Gregorian Sacramentary, p. 116; and Antiphon in the Lib. Antiphon. p. 704. It is related (Adonis Martyrol. iii. Kal. Aug.) that their relics were translated in the time of Constantine to the cemetery of Pontianus. There Bosio discovered a remarkable fresco, represent- ing the Lord, seen from the waist upward emerg- ing from a cloud, placing wreaths on the heads of SS. Abdon and Sennen (see woodcut). This is Abcion and Sennen. (From the cemetery of Pontianus.) in front of the vault enclosing the supposed remains of the martyrs, which bears the inscrip- tion [depositi]ONIS die. The painting is, in Martigny's opinion, not earlier than the seventh century. It is remarkable that the painter has evidently made an attempt to represent the Per- sian dress. The saints wear pointed caps or hoods, similar to those in which the Magi are sometimes represented; cloaks fastened Avith a fibula on the breast ; and tunics of skin entirely unlike the Eoman tunic, and resembling that given to St. John Baptist in a fresco of the Lord's Baptism in the same cemetery of Ponti- anus (Bottari, ScuUure e Pitture, tav. xliv.). Some account of the peculiar dress of Abdon and Sennen may be found in Lami's treatise De Eru- ditione Apostolorum, pp. 121-166. The gesture of the Lord, crowning the martyrs for their constancy, is found also on the bottoms of early Christian cups [Glass, Christian], where He crowns SS. Peter and Paul, and other saints (Buonarruoti, Vast Antichi, tav. XV. fig. 1, and elsewhere) ; and on coins of the Lower Empire the Lord is not unfrequently seen crowning two emperors. (Martigny, Diet, des Antiq. chretiennes.'] [C] ABECEDARIAN. The term " Hymnus " or " Paean Abecedarius " is applied specially to the hymn of Sedulius, "A solis ortus cardine." [Acrostic] [C] ABERCIUS of Jerusalem, tVaTrcJcrToAos Qavixarovpyhs, commemorated Oct. 22 {Cal. Byzant.). [C] ABGARUS, King, commemorated Dec. 21 {Cal. Armcn.). [C] ABIBAS, martyr of Edessa, commemorated Nov. 15 {Cal. Byzant.). [C] ABIBON, invention of his relics at Jerusa- lem, Aug. 3 {Martyrol. Rom. Vet.). [C] ABILIUS, bishop of Alexandria (a.d. 86-96), commemorated Feb. 22 {Martyrol. Rom. Vet.)\ Maskarram 1 = Aug. 29 {Cal. Ethiop.). [C] ABJURATION -denial, disavowal, or re- nunciation upon oath. Abjuration, in common ecclesiastical language, is restricted to the renun- ciation of heresy made by the penitent heretic on the occasion of his reconciliation to the Church. In some cases the abjuration was the only cere- mony required ; but in others it was followed up by the imposition of hands and by unction. Tlie practice of the ancient Church is described by St. Gregory the Great in a letter to Quiricus and the bishops of Iberia on the reconciliation of the Nestorians. According to this, in cases in which the heretical baptism was imperfect, the rule was that the penitent should be baptized ; but when it was complete, as in the case of the Arians, the custom of the Eastern Church was to reconcile by the Chrism ; that of the Western, by the imposition of hands. As, however, the mystery of the Chrism was but the Oriental rite of Confirmation, the practice was substantially identical. (On the question of Re-baptism, see Re-Baptism, Baptism.) Converts from the Monophysites were received after simple confes- sion, and the previous baptism was supposed to take effect " for the remission of sins," at the moment at which the Spirit was imparted by the imposition of hands ; or the convert was re- united to the Church by his profession of faith (St. Greg. Ep. 9, 61). A similar rule is laid down by the Quiuisext Council, canon 95, which classes with the Arians, the Macedonians, Nova- tians and others, to be received with the Chrism. The Paulianists, Montanists, Eunomians, and others, are to be re-baptized ; to be received as Christians, on their profession, the first day, as Catechumens the second, and after they have been allowed a place in the Church as hearers for some time, to be baptized. In all cases, the profession of faith must be made by the pre- sentation of a libellus, or form of abjuration, in which the convert renounced and anathematized his former tenets. After declaring his abjura- tion not to be made on compulsion, from fear or any other unworthy motive, he proceeded to anathematize the sect renounced, by all its ABLUTION ABSTINENCE 9 names ; the heresiarchs, and their successors, past, present, and future ; he then enumerated the tenets received by them, and, having repudiated Jiem singly and generally, he ended with making profession of the true faith. (Bandinius, Monu- menta ii. 109-111. But for the whole subject see Martene and Durand, De Antiquis Ecclesiae Biti- bus II. liber iii. ch. 6 ; Abj, de levi et de vchementi, later date. See Landon's Uccl. Die.) [D. B.] ABLUTION. A term under which various kinds of ceremonial washing are included. The principal are the following : the washing of the head, as a preparation for unction in baptism, and the washing of the feet, which in some places formed part of the baptismal ceremony [Baptism] ; the washing of the feet of the poor by exalted persons, which forms part of the cere- mony of Maundy Thursday [Feet, washing of]; the lustral ceremony which preceded entrance to a church [Cantharus; Holy Water]; and the washing of the priest's hands at certain points in the celebration of the liturgy [Aquamanile ; Hands, washing of]. [C] ABORTION. The crime of procuring abor- tion is little, if at all, noticed in the earliest laws. It is a crime of civilization : the repre- sentative of the principle which in a barbarous state of society is infanticide. The oration of Lysias which was pronounced on occasion of a suit on this subject is lost, so that it cannot be decided whether the act was regarded by the Athenians as an offence against society, or merely as a private wrong. It is in the latter aspect that it is chiefly regarded in the civil law. The child unborn represents certain interests, and his life or death may be beneficial or injurious to individuals : thus, it may have been, that a father, by his wife's crime, might lose the jus trium Uherorum. The case quoted from Cicero pro Cluentio (Dig. xlviii. 19, 39), in which a woman was condemned to death for having pro- cured abortion, having been bribed by the second heir, is clearly exceptional. The only passage in the civil law in which the cx'ime is mentioned without such connexion, is a sentence of Ulpian, in the Pandects (Dig. xlviii. 8, 8, ad legem Cor- neliam de Sicariis), where the punishment is declared to be banishment. The horrible preva- lence of the practice among the Romans of the Empire may be learned from Juvenal. It was early made a ground of accusation by the Christians against the heathen. Tertullian denounces the practice as homicidal. " Pre- vention of birth is a precipitation of murder," Apol. ix. Minucius Felix declares it to be par- ricide. The Council of Ancyra (a.d. 314) having men- tioned that the ancient punishment was penance for life, proceeds to limit it to ten years ; and the same space of time is given by St, Basil, who condemns the practice in two canons, ii. and viii., alleging the character of the crime as committed against both the mother and the offspring ; and declining to accept the distinctions drawn by the lawyers between the degrees of criminality varying with the time of the gestation. The Council of Lerida (324) classes the crime with infanticide, but allows the mother to be received to Communion after seven years' penance even when her sin is complicated with adultery. The Coimcil m Trullo condemns it to the penauca of homicide. Pope Gregory III. in the next century reverts to the ten years' penance, al- though he differs from St. Basil in modifying the sentence to a single year in cases where the child has not been formed in the womb ; this is based on Exod. xxi., and is countenanced by St. Augustine, in Quaestiones Uxodi, in a passage in- corporated by Gratian. There is thus abundant evidence that the crime was held in extreme abhorrence, and punished with great severity, as pertaining to wilful murder, by the canons of the Church. By the Visigothic law (lib. VI. tit. iii. c. 1), the person who administered a draught for the purpose was punished with death. [D. B.] ABRAHAM. (1) the patriarch, comme- morated Oct. 9 (Martyrol. Rom. Vet.). Also on the 23rd of the month Nahasse, equivalent to August 16. (Cal. Ethiop. ; Neale, Eastern Church, Introd. pp. 805, 815.) (2) Patriarch and martyr, commemorated Taksas 6 = Dec. 2 {Cal. Ethiop.). [C] ABRAHAM, ISAAC, AND JACOB are commemorated by the Ethiopic Church on the 28th of every month of their Calendar. [C] ABRAXAS GEMS. [See Abrasax in Dict. of Christ. Biogr.] ABREHA, first Christian king of Ethio- pia, commemorated Tekemt 4 = Oct. 1 {Cal, Ethiop.). [0.] ABRENUNTIATIO. [Baptism.] ABSOLUTION (Lat. Ahsolutio). (For Sacra- mental Absolution, see Exomologesis.) 1. A short deprecation which follows the Psalms of each Nocturn in the ordinary offices for the Hours. In this usage, the word " ahso- lutio " perhaps denotes simply " ending " or " com- pletion," because the monks, when the Nocturns were said at the proper hours of the night, broke off the chant at this point and went to rest (Maori Hierolexicon s. v.). In fact, of the " Ab- solutiones " in the present Roman Breviary, only one (that " in Tertio Noctux-no, et pro feria iv. et Sabbato ") contains a prayer for absolution, in the sense of a setting free from sin. 2. For the Absolution which follows the intro- ductory Confession in most Liturgies and Offices^ see Confession. 3. The prayer for Absolution at the beginning of the office is, in Oriental Liturgies, addressed to the Son : but many of these liturgies contain a second " Oratio Absolutionis," at some pomt between Consecration and Communion, which is addressed to the Father. For example, that in the Greek St. Basil (Renaudot, Lit. Orient, i. 81), addressing God, the Father Almighty {6 0e^s, 6 U.ar7)p 6 UavroicpaTcup), and reciting the pro- mise of the Keys, prays Him to dismiss, remit and pardon our sins {&ves, &(pes, (rvyx'ou T]IJuv). Compare the Coptic St. Basil (To. i. 22). 4. The word " Ahsolutio " is also applied to those prayers said over a corpse or a tomb in which remission of the sins of the departed is entreated from the Almighty. (Maori HierO' lexicon, s. v.) [C] ABSTINENCE. Days of abstinence, as they are called, on which persons may take their meals at the ordinary hour, and eat and drink what they please, in any quantity so that tbov 10 ABUNA ACCENTUS ECJCLESIASTICUS abstain from meat alone, belong to modern times. Anciently, fasting and abstinence went together, us a general rule, formed parts of the same idea, and could not be dissevered. There may have been some few, possibly, who ate and drank in- discriminately, when they broke their fast, as Socrates (v. 22, 10) seems to imply ; but in general, bayond doubt, abstinence from certain kinds of food was observed on fasting days when the fast was over, " abstinentes ab iis, quae non rejicimus, sed differimus," as Tertullian says (^De Jejun. 15). Thus it will be more properly considered under the head of fasting, to which it subserved. [E. S. F.] ABUNA. [Abbuna.] ABUNDANTIUS, of Alexandria, commemo- rated Feb. 26 (Mart. Hicron.). [C] ABUNDIUS. (1) Martyr at Rome under Decius, commemorated Aug. 26 (Mart. Rom. Vet. et Bedae); Aug. 23 (Mart. Hieronym.). (2) The deacon, martyr at Spoleto under Dio- cletian, Dec. 10 (Marty roL Rom. Vet.). [C] ACACIUS, martyr, commemorated May 7 (Cal. Byzant.). [C] ACATHISTUS (Gr. aKidicxTos). A hymn of the Greek Church, sung on the eve of the fifth Sunday in Lent, in honour of the Blessed Virgin, to whose intercession the deliverance of Constan- tinople from the barbarians on three several oc- casions was attributed. Meursius assigns its origin more especially to the deliverance of the city from Chosroes, king of the Persians, in the reign of the Emperor Heraclius (626). It is called aKadicTTos, because during the singing of it the whole congregation stood, while during the singing of other hymns of the same kind they occasionally sat. (Suicer's Thesaurus, s. v. ; Neale's Eastern Ch. Introd. 74:7 ; Daniel's Codex Liturg. iv. 223.) Francis Junius wrongly supposed this use of the Acathistus to commemorate the journey of Mary and Joseph to Bethlehem. (Maori Hkro- lexicon, s. v.) The word Acathistus is also used to designate the day on which the hymn was used. (Sabae Typicum, in Suicer, s. v.) [C] ACCENTUS ECCLESIASTICUS. One of the two principal kinds (accentus and concentus) of ecclesiastical music. 1. The considei-ation of this subject is encum- bered by an especial difficulty — the popular, and now all but exclusive application of the word *' accent " to emphasis, stress, or ictus. Accent, however, claims and admits of a much wider application. Ben Jonson speaks of accent as being "with the ancients, a tuning of the voice, in lifting it up, or letting it down," — a defini- tion not only clear and concise, but thoroughly accordant with the derivation of the word " accent," from accino, i. e. ad cano, to sing to. We are ail conscious of and affected by the varieties of accent'' (in this, its etymological and primitive acceptation) in foreign languages spoken by those to whom they are native, as well as in our native language spoken by fo- reigners, or (perhaps still more) by residents of a English Grammar, 1640, chap. viii. '» " Est In dicendo etiam quidam cantus obscurior."— Cicero, Orat. 18, 57, parts of Great Bntam other than our own. Tlie Scottish, Irish, and various provincial accents, are not so much the result of different vocaliza- tion (i.e. utterance of vowel sounds) as of the different gradations in which the Scotch, Irish, and others, " tune their voices." 2. The Accentus Ecclesiasticus, called also /no- dus choraliter legendi, is the result of successive attempts to ensure in Public Worship uniformity of delivery consistent with uniformity of matter delivered ; so as, if not to obliterate, at least to hide individual peculiarities under the veil of a catholic " use." It presents a sort of mean be- tween speech and song, continually inclining to- wards the latter, never altogether leaving its hold on the former ; it is speech, though always attuned speech, in passages of average interest and importance ; it is song, though always dis- tinct and articulate song, in passages demanding more fervid utterance. Though actually musical only in concluding or culminating phrases, the Accentus Ecclesiasticus is always sufficiently iso- chronous to admit of its being expressed in musi- cal characters, a process to which no attempt (and such attempts have been repeatedly made) lias ever succeeded in subjecting pure speech. 3. Accentus is probably the oldest, as it is cer- tainly the simplest, form of Cantus Ecclesiasticus. Like most art-forms and modes of operation which have subsequently commended themselves on their own accoant to our sense of beauty, it grew in all likelihood out of a physical difficulty. The limited capacit) of the so-called " natural " or speaking voice must have been ascertained at a very early period ; indeed its recognition is confirmed by the well-known practice whether of the ancient temple, theatre, or forum. The old rhetoricians, says Forkel, are, without exception, of the same way of thinking ; and we may, from their extant works, confidently conclude, that neither among the Greeks nor the Romans was poetry ever recited but in a tone analogous to that since known as the accentus ecclesiasticus. The Abbe du Bos*^ too has demonstrated that not only v/as the theatrical recitation of the ancients actually musical — " un veritable chant," susceptible of musical notation, and even of in- strumental accompaniment — but that all their public discourses, and even their familiar lan- guage, though of course in a lesser degree, par- took of this character. 4. The advantages resulting from the employ- ment of isochronous sounds (sounds which ai-e the result of equal-timed vibrations) would be- come apparent on the earliest occasion, when a single orator was called upon to fill a large auditorium, and to make himself intelligible, or even audible, to a large assembly. So, too, for simultaneous expression on the part of large num- bers, these advantages would at once make them- selves felt. In congregational worship a uniform (technically, a " unisonous ") utterance might seem as essential, as conducive to the decency and order with which we are enjoined to do " all c " Die alien Sprach- und Declamations-Lehrer sind sammtlich eben derselbcn Meinung, und wir kiSnnen aus ihren hinterlassenen Werken mit dem hochsten Grad von Wahrscheinlichkeit schliessen, dass sowohl bei den Grle- chen als Romern die meisten Gedichte mit keiner andem als mit dieser Art von Gesang gesungen werden sein."— Forkel, Allgem. GescJdchte der Musilc, ii, 153. d Reflexions sur la Poesie, &c ACCENTUS ECCLESIASTICUS ACCENTTTS ECCLESIASTICUS 1 1 things," as is that still more essential uniformity expressed in the term Common Prayer, without which, indeed, congregational worship would seem to be impossible. " Accent," says Ornithoparcus, " hath great affinity with Concent, for they be Brothers : because Sonus, or Sound (the King of Ecclesiastical Harmony), is Father to them both, and begat one upon Grammar, the other upon Musick," &c. (He) " so divided his kingdome, that Concentus might be chief Ruler over all things that are to be sung, as Hymnes, Sequences, Antiphones, Responsories, Introitus, Tropes, and the like : and Accentus over all things which are read ; as Gospels, Lectures, Epistles, Orations, Prophecies : For the functions of the Papale Kingdome are not duely performed without Con- cent," &ic. " Hence it was that I, marking how many of those Priests (which by the leave of the learned I will saye) doe reade those things they have to reade so wildly, so monstrously, so faultily (that they doe not onely hinder the de- votion of the faithful, but also even provoke them to laughter and scorning, with their ill reading), resolved after the doctrine of Concent to explain the rules of Accent ; in as much as it belongs to a Musitian, that together with Con- cent, Accent might also as true heire in this Ecclesiasticall Kingdome be established : Desiring that the praise of the highest King, to whom all honour and reverence is due, might duely be performed." ^ 5. The Accentus Ecclesiasticus, or modus cho- raliter legendi, must have been perpetuated by tradition only, for many ages. That the rules for its application have been reduced to writing only in comparatively modern times does not in the least invalidate its claim to a high antiquity. Ou the contrary, it tends to confirm it. That which is extensively known and universally ad- mitted has no need of verification. It is only when traditions are dying out that they begin to be put on record. So long as this kind of reci- tation was perfectly familiar to the Greeks and Romans there could be no necessity for " noting " it ; not till it began to be less so were " accents " (the characters so called) invented for its pre- servation, — just as the " vowel-points " were introduced into Hebrew writing subsequently to the dispersion of the Jews. The force and accu- racy of tradition, among those unaccustomed to the use of written characters, have been well ascertained and must be unhesitatingly admitted ; their operation has certainly been as valuable in music as in poetry and history. Strains incom- parably longer and more intricate than those now accepted as the ecclesiastical accents have been passed on from voice to voice, with probably but trifling alteration, for centuries, among peoples who had no other method of preserving and V transmitting them. 6. The authorities for the application of the Cantus Ecclesiasticus are, as we have said, com- paratively modern. Lucas Lossius,* a writer frequently quoted by Walther, Kock, and other more recent musical theorists, gives six forms of cadence or close, i.e., modes of bringing to an end a phrase the earlier portion of which had been recited in monotone. Accoi'ding to Lossius, « Andreas Ornithoparcus, His Micrdogus. Translated by John Dowland. 1609. P. 69. f Erotemata Musicae Practicae, 1590. accent is (1) immutdbilis when a phrase is con- cluded without any change of pitch, i.e., when it is monotonous throughout ; (2) it is medius when on the last syllable the voice falls from the reciting note (technically the dominant) a third ; (3) gravis, when on the last syllable it falls a fifth ; (4) acutus, when the " dominant," after the interposition of a few notes at a l6wer pitch, is resumed; (5) moderatus, when the monotone is interrupted by an ascent, on the penultimate, of a second; (6) interrogativus, when the voice, after a slight descent, rises scale-wise on the last syllable. To these six forms other writers add one more, probably of more recent adoption ; (7) the finalis, when the voice, after rising a second above the dominant, falls scale-wise to the fourth below it, on which the last syllable is sounded. The choice of these accents or cadences is regulated by the punctuation (possible, if not always actual) of the passage recited ; each par- ticular stop had its particular cadence or cadences. Thus the comma (distinctio) was indicated and accompanied by the accentus immutahilis, acutus, or moderatus ; the colon (duo puncta) by the medius; and the full stop (punctum quadratum ante syllabam capitaleni) by the gravis. 7. The following table, from Lossius, exhibits the several accents, in musical notation : — (1) Immutabius. Leo - ti - o E - pis - to - lae sane- ti Pau - 11. (2) Medius. et o - pe - ra - tur vir - tu - tes in vo - bis : (3) Gkavis. Be - ne - di- cen - tur in te om-nes gen-tes. (4) AcuTus. (5) Moderatus. Cum spi - ri - tu coe - pe - ri - tis nunc, Cum fi-de - 11, (6) Inteeeogativus. ex op-e-ri-bus le-gis an exau-di-tu fi-de - i? (7) Finalis. a - ni - ma me - a ad te De - us. The examples given by Ornithoparcus are similar to the above, with two exceptions — (5), the Mode- ratus, which in ' His Micrologus ' appears thus : II - lu - mi - ua - re Je - ru - sa - lem. And the Interrogativus, of which he says : " A speech with an interrogation, whether it have in the end a word of one sillable, or of two sillables, or more, the accent still falls upon the last sil- lable, and must be acuated. Now the signs of such a speech are, who, which, v)hat, and those which are thus derived, why, wherefore, when, how, in what sort, whether, and such like." 12 ACCESS ACLEENSE CONCILIUM * 0 « ♦ Un - de es tu ? Quid est ho - mo? i Quantas ha- be - o in -i -qui- ta-tes et pec - ca - ta ? " To these are joyned verbes of asking ; as, laske, I seeke, I require, I searche, I hear e, I see, and the like." Some variations too from the above, in the present Roman use, are noticed by Mendelssohn :ff e. g. in the Gravis, where there the voice rises a tone above the dominant, on the penultimate, before falling : — ■ i changing the cadence from a fifth (compare 5) to a sixth ; and in the Inter rogativus, where the voice falls from the dominant (also on the penul- timate) a third : — To the accentus belong the following forms, or portions of offices of the Latin Church : (1) Ihiius CoUectaruin seu Orationum. (2) Tonus Epistolaruin et Evangelii, including the melodies to which the Passion is sung in Passion Week. (3) Tonus Lectionum solemnis et litgubris; Pro- phetiarum et Martyrologii. (4) Various forms of Intonation, Benediction, and Absolution used in the Liturgy. (5) Single verses. (6) The Exclamations and Admonitions of the assistants at the altar. (7) The Prefaces •, the Pater Noster, with its Prefaces ; the Benediction, Pax Domini sit semper vohiscum. [J. H.] ACCESS. 1. The approach of the priest to the altar for the celebration of the Eucharist. Hence the expression " prayer of access " is used as equivalent to the Evx^ Tr)s irapaa-Toio-ecos, or prayer of the priest's presenting himself at the altar, in the Greek Liturgy of St. James (Neale's Eastern Church, Introduction, i. 360). 2. But the expression " prayer of access," or " prayer of humble access," is more commonly used by English liturgical writers to designate a confession of unworthiness in the sight of God, occurring at a later point of the service ; gene- rally between consecration and communion. So that the " prayer of humble access " corresponds to the " Prayer of Inclination " or " of bowing the neck " in the Greek Liturgies. Though words more expressive of " humble access " occur in other places ; for instance, in the Greek St. James, where the priest declares : l5ov irpos- ijXQov Tw Oelu) rovTif Kal ^irovpavLcp yLva-Ttiplw oux i'S &^ios virdpx^^ (Daniel's Codex Lit., iv. 88); in the Mozarabic, "Accedam ad Te in humilitate spiritus mei " (lb. i. 71) ; or in the " Domine et Deus noster, ne aspicias ad multitu- dinem peccatorum nostrorum" in the Liturgy of Adaeus and Maris (76. i. 176). Compare Con- fession. [C] ACCLAMATION. 1. A term applied by cpigraphists to certain short inscriptions, ex- pressed in the second person, and containing a s Rei&ebriefe aus den Jahren 1830 bis 1832, p. 167, h Rhau, Enchiridion, 1538 ; quoted by AiTey von Dommer; Koch's 3'^usikalischcs Lcxikon. wish or injunction ; as, VIVAS IN DEO (Mura- tori, Thesaurus Vet. Inscrip. 1954, no. 4). By far the greater part of these acclamations are sepulchral [Epitaph], but similar sentences are also seen on amulets, on the bottoms of cups [Glass, Christian] found in the Catacombs, an(? on gems. (See the Articles.) 2. The term acclamation is also sometimes applied to the responsive cry or chant of the congregation in antiphonal singing. Compare Acrostic (§ 5) ; Antiphon. [C] ACCUSERS, FALSE ; HOW PUNISHED. — Those who made false accusations against any person were visited with severe punishments under the canons of several councils. In Spaiti. The Council of lUiberis (a.D. 305 or 306) refused communion even at the hour of death (" in fine," al. " in finem ") to any person who should falsely accuse any bishop, priest, or deacon (can. 75). In France. By the 14th canon of the 1st Council of Aries (a.D. 314) those who fiilsely accuse their brethren were excommunicated for life (" usque ad exitum "). This canon was re- enacted at the 2nd Council held at the same city (a.D. 443), but permission was given for the restoration of those who should do penance and give satisfaction commensurate with their offence (can. 24). See also Calumny. [I. B.] ACEPSIMAS, commemorated Nov. 3 (Cal. Byzaiit.) ; Nov. 5 {Cal. Armcn.) ; April 22 (Mart. Pom.). [C] ACERRA or ACERNA. (The latter is possibly the original form, from Acer, maple.) Acerra designated, in classical times, either the incense-box used in sacrifices ; or a small altar, or incense-burner, placed before the dead. (Smith's Diet, of Greek and Poman Antiquities, s. v.) And in ecclesiastical latinity also it designates either an incense-box or an incense-burner ; " Area thuris, vel thuribulum, vel thurarium." (Papias in Ducange's Glossary s. v. ' Acerna.') It is used in the rubrics of the Gregorian sa- cramentary (Corbey MS.) in the office for the consecration of a church (p. 428) ; and in the office for the baptism of a bell (p. 438) ; in the latter in the form Acerna : " tunc pones in- censum in acerna." In both cases it designates an incense-burner or Thurible (q. v.). [C] ACHAICUM CONCILIUM.— Two synods of Achaia, in Greece, are recorded : one, A.D. 250, against the Valesians, who, like Origen, inter- preted St. Matth. xix. 12, literally; the other, in 359, against the followers of Aetius. [A. W. H.] ACHILLEAS (or Achillas), bishop of Alex- andria, commemorated Nov. 7 (Martyrol. Pom. Vet.). [C] ACHILLEUS, the eunuch, martyr at Rome, May 12, A.D. 96. (Martyrol. Rom. Vet., liter, Bedae). [C] ACINDYNUS kKiv^vvos) and companions, martyrs, A.D. 346, commemorated Nov. 2 {Cal. Byz.). [C] ACEPHALI [Vagi Clerici ; Autoce- PHALl]. ACLEENSE CONCILIUM (of Aclea = "Field of the Oak," supposed to be AyclifFe, in Durham ; Raine's Priory of Hexham, i. 38, note), (i.) A.D. 781 (Flor. Wig. in M. H. B. 545), but ACOEMETAE ACOLYTES 13 782 (Angl-Sax. Chr. and H. Hunt., ih. 336, 731). (ii.) A.D, 787 (Kemble, C. D., No. 151). (iii.) A.D. 788, Sept. 29, in the year and month of the murder ofElfwald of Northumbria, Sept. 21, 788 (Wilk. i. 153 ; Mansi, xiii. 825, 826). (iv.) A.D. 789 (Angl.-Sax. Chr., M. H. B. 337 "a great synod"), in the 6th year of Brihtric, King of Wessex (H. Hunt., ih. 732). (v.) A.D. 804 (Kemble, C. D., No. 186). (vi.) A.D. 805, Aug. 6 (id. ih., Nos. 190, 191). (vii.) a.d. 810 {id. ih., No. 256). Nos, ii., v., and vi. probably, and No. vii. cer- tainly, were at Ockley, in Surrey; or, at any rate, not in the Northumbrian Aclea. Nothing more is known of any of these synods, or rather Witenagemots, beyond the deeds (gx'ants of lands) above referred to, in Kemble. [A. W. H.] ACOEMETAE, lit. the "sleepless" or "un- resting " (for the theological or moral import of the term v. Suicer, Thesaur. Eccl. s.v.), a so-called order of monks established in the East about the middle, rather than the commencement, of the 5th century, being altogether unnoticed by Socrates and Sozomen, the latter a zealous chro- nicler of monks and monasteries, who bring their histories down to A.D. 440 ; yet mentioned by Evagrius (iii. 19) as a regularly established order in 483. Later authorities make their founder to have been a certain officer of the impei'ial house- hold at Constantinople named Alexander, who quitted his post to turn monk, and after having had to shift his quarters in Syria several times, at length returned to Constantinople, to give permanence to the system which he had already commenced on the Euphrates. The first monas- tery which he founded there was situated near the church of St. Mennas. It was composed of 300 monks of different nations, whom he divided into six choirs, and arranged so that one of them should be always employed in the work of prayer and praise day and night without intermission all the year round. This was their peculiar cha- racteristic — and it has been copied m various ways elsewhere since then — that some part of " the house," as Wordsworth (Excurs. viii. 185) expresses it, " was evermore watching to God." Alexander having been calumniated for this practice as heretical, he was imprisoned, but regained his liberty, and died, say his biographers, about A.D. 430 — it might be nearer the mark to say 450 — in a new convent of his own founding on the Dardanelles. Marcellus, the next head of the order but one, brought all the zeal and energy to it of a second founder ; and he doubt- less found a powerful supporter in Gennadius, patriarch of Constantinople, A.D. 458-71, a great restorer of discipline and promoter of learning amongst the clergy. Then it was that Studius, a noble Eoman, and in process of time consul, emigrated to Constantinople, and converted one of the churches there, dedicated to St. John the Baptist, into the celebrated monastery bearing his name, but which he peopled with the Acoe- metae. There was another monastery founded by St. Dius, in the reign of Theodosius the Great, that also became theirs sooner or later, to which Valesius (Ad. Evag. iii. 19 and 31) adds a third founded by St. Bassianus. It may have been owing to their connexion with Studius that they A^ere led to correspond with the West. At all events, on the acceptance by Acacius, the patri- arch succeeding Gennadius, of the Henoticon of the emperor Zeno, and communion with the schis- matic patriarch of Alexandria, theii ' hegumen," or president, Cyril lost no time in despatching complaints of him to Rome ; nor were their emissaries slow to accuse the legates of the Pope themselves of having, during their stay at Con- stantinople, held communion with heretics. The ultimate result was, that the two legates, Vitalis and Misenus, were deprived of their sees, and Acacius himself excommunicated by the Popes Simplicius and Felix. Meanwhile one who had been expelled from their order, but had learnt his trade in their monasteries, Peter the Fuller, had become schismatic patriarch of Antioch, and he, of course, made common cause with their op- ponents. Nor was it long before they laid them- selves open to retaliation. For, under Justinian, their ardour impelled them to deny the cele- brated proposition, advocated so warmly by the Scythian monks, hesitated about so long at Rome, that one of the Trinity had suffered in the flesh. Their denial of this proposition threw them into the arms of the Nestorians, who were much in- terested in having it decided in this way. For, if it could be denied that one of the Trinity had suffered, it could not be maintained, obviously, that one of the Trinity had become incarnate. Hence, on the monks sending two of their body, Cyrus and Eulogius, to Rome to defend their views, the emperor immediately despatched two bishops thither, Hypatius and Demetrius, to denounce them to the Pope (Pagi ad Baron., A.D. 533, n. 2). In short, in a letter, of which they were the bearers, to John II., afterwards inserted by him in Lib. I. Tit. " De summa Trini- tate " of his Code, he himself accused them of favouring Judaism and the Nestorian heresy. The Pope in his reply seems to admit their hete- rodoxy, but he entreats the emperor to forgive them at his instance, should they be willing to abjure their errors and return to the unity of the Church. With what success he interceded for them we are not told. During the iconoclastic controversy they seem to have shared exile with the rest of the monks ejected from their monas- teries by Constantine Copronymus (Pagi ad Baron. A.D. 798, n. 2) ; but under the empress Irene the Studium, at all events, was repeopled with its for- mer alumni by the most celebrated of them all, Theodore, in whose surname. "Studites." it has perhaps achieved a wider celebrity than it evei would otherwise have possessed. In the West a branch of the order long held the abbey of St. Maurice of Agaune in Valais, where they were established by Sigismund, king of Burgundy, and had their institute confirmed by a Council held there A.D. 523. For fuller de- tails see Bonanni's ffist. du Clerg. sec. et reg. vol. ii. p. 153 et seq. (Amsterdam, 1716) ; Bulteau's Eist. Monast. d' Orient, iii. 33 (Paris, 1680); Hospin, De Orig. Monach. iii. 8 ; Du Fresne, Gloss. Lat. s. V. ; and Constant. Christian, iv. 8 2 ; Bingham's Antiq. vii. 11, 10. [E. S. F.] ACOLYTES— ACOLYTHS—ACOLYTH- ISTS (^KkoXovBoi). One of the minor orders peculiar to the Western Church, although the name is Greek. In the Apostolic age, the only order which existed, in addition to those of bishops, priests, and deacons, was that of dea- conesses — widows usually at first, who were em- ployed in such ministrations towards their own sex as were considered unsuitable for men, espe- cially in the East. But about the end of the 2ni3 14 ACOLYTES ACROSTIC or eany m Cne 3rd century, other new officers below the order of the deacons were introduced, and amongst them this of Acolytes, though only in the Latin Church as a distinct order. In the rituals of the Greek Church the word occurs only as another name for the order of sub-deacon. The institution of the minor orders took its origin in the greater Churches, such as Rome and Carthage, and was owing partly to the sup- posed expediency of limiting the number of dea- cons to seven, as first appointed by the apostles, and partly to the need which was felt of assist- ance to the deacons in performing the lower por- tions of their office ; of which functions, indeed, they appear in many cases to have been impa- tient, regarding them as unworthy of their im- portant position in the Church. Tertullian is the earliest writer by whom any of the inferior orders is mentioned. He speaks of Readers, Be Fraescr, c. 41. It is in the epistles of Cyprian that the fuller organization of these orders comes before us (^Epp, xxix., xxxviii., Ixxv., &c.). It is also stated by his contemporary Cornelius, Bishop of Rome, that the Church of Rome at that time numbered forty-six presbyters, seven deacons, seven sub-deacons, forty-two acolyths, and fifty- two exorcists, i-eaders, and doorkeepers (Ostiarii), None of these inferior orders, according to St. Basil, were ordained with imposition of hands, but they were simply appointed by the bishop with some appropriate ceremony, to certain sub- ordinate functions of the ministry such as any Christian layman might be commissioned by episcopal authority to perform. The form of ordination employed in the case of Acolytes is thus prescribed by a canon of the 4th Council of Carthage. " When any Acolythist is ordained, the bishop shall inform him how he is to behave him- self in his office ; and he shall receive a candlestick with a taper in it, from the archdeacon, that he may understand that he is appointed to light the candles of the church. He shall also receive an empty pitcher to furnish wine for the Eucharist of the blood of Christ." Hence it appears that the Acolyte's office at that period consisted chiefly in two things, viz., lighting the candles of the church and attending the officiating priest with wine for the Eucharist. The Acolyte of the ancient Western Church is represented in the later Roman communion by the Ceroferarius or taper-bearer, whose office con- sists in walking before the deacons or priests with a lighted taper in his hand. Both in the East and West the minor orders of ancient times were afterwards conferred as merely introductory to the sacred orders of deacon and presbyter, while the duties which had formerly belonged to them were performed by laymen. In the 7th century the readers and singers in the Armenian Church were laymen — in the 8th cen- tury the readers, and in the 12th the ostiarii and exorcists were laymen in the Greek Church. Before the year 130C the four orders of acolyte, exorcist, reader, and ostiarius began to be con- ferred at the same t.me in the Western Churches. Not long afterwards it became customary to re- lease the clerks thus ordained from discharging the duties of their orders, which were entrusted to lay clerks. The Councils of Cologne and Trent vainly endeavoured to alter this custom ; and *aymen continue generally to perform the offices of the ancient orders in the Roman churches to ohe present day. In England the same custom has prevailed ; and the minor orders having for some centuries become merely titular, were disused in the Reformation of our Churches. Fuller information on the subject of the minor orders may be found in Field's Book of the Church, b. v. c. 25 ; Bingham's Antiquities, b. iii. ; Thomassin, Vet. et Nov. Eccl. pars I. lib. ii. See also Robertson's History of the Church and Palmer's Treatise on the Church of Christ. [D.B.] ACONTIUS, of Rome, commemorated July 25 {Mart. Hieron.). [C] ACROSTIC. ('A/cpoo-Tixi's, cLKpSarixop, Acrostichis.) A composition in which the first letters of the several lines form the name of a person or thing. The invention is attributed to Epicharmus. We find several applications of the Acrostic principle in Christian antiquity. 1. The word Acrostic is applied to the well- known formula IxOvs. [See IX0TC.] 2. Verses in honour of the Saviour were fre- quently written in the acrostic form ; Pope Da- masus, for instance, has left two acrostics on the name Jesus {Carm. iv. and v.), the former which runs as follows : " In rebus tantis Trina conjunctio mundi Erigit humanum sensum laudare venuste : Sola salus nobis, et numdi summa potestas Venit peccati iiodum dissolvere fructu. Summa salus cunctis nituit per saecula terris." The same pope, to whom so many of the in- scriptions in the Catacombs are due, composed an acrostic inscription in honour of Constantia, the daughter of Constantine. This was origin- ally placed in the apse of the basilica of St. Agnes in the Via Xomentana, and may be seen in Bosio, lioma Sotterama, p. 118. And inscrip- tions of this kind are frequent. Lest the reader should miss the names indicated, an explanation of the acrostic principle is sometimes added to the inscription itself. For instance, to the epi- taph of Licinia, Leontia, Ampelia, and Flavia (j\Iuratori, Thesaurus Noms, p. 1903, no. 5) are added these verses, which give the key : " Nomina sanctarum, lector, si forte requiris. Ex omni versu te litera prima docebit." So the epitaph of a Christian named Agatim (Marini, Fratelli Arvali, p. 828), ends with the words, " ejus autem nomen capita ver[suum] and another, given by the same authority, ends with the words, " Is cujus per capita versorum nomen declaratur." Fabretti {Inscript. Antiq. iv. 150) gives a similar one, " Revertere per capita versorum et invenies pium nomen," Gazzera {Iscrizione del Piemonte, p. 91) gives the epitaph of Eusebius of Vercelli, in which the first letters of the lines form the words EVSEBIVS EPIS- COPVS ET MARTYR; and another acrostic epitaph (p. 114), where the initial letters form the words CELSVS EPISCOPVS (Martigny, Diet, des Antiq. Chre't. 11). We also find acrostic hymns in Greek. Several of the hymns of Cosmas of Jerusalem, are of this kind ; the first, for instance (Gallandi, Bi- hliotheca Pat. xiii. 234), is an acrostic forming the words, Xpio-Tos /SpoTwdei? V o'^^P liivr). 3, Those poems, in which the lines or stanzas commence with the letters of the alphabet taken ACROTELEUTIC AC5T0RS AND ACTRESSES 15 in order, form another class of acrostics. Such is the well-known hymn of Sedulius, " A solis ortus cai-dine," a portion of which is inti'oduced in the Roman offices for the Nativity and the Cir- cumcision of the Lord ; and that of Venantius Fortunatus {Carm. xvi.), which begins with the words " Agnoscat omne saeculum." St. Augustine composed an Abecedarian Psalm against the Do- natis^s, in imitation of the 119th, with the con- stant response, "Omnes qui gaudetis de pace, modo verum judicate." 4. A peculiar use of the acrostic is found in the Office-books of the Greek Church. Each Canon, or series of Troparia, has its own aci-ostic, which is a metrical line formed of the initial letters of the Troparia which compose the Canon. To take the instance given by Dr. Neale {Eastern Churchy Introd. p. 832) ; the acrostic for the Festival of SS. Proclus and Hilarius is, SeTTTOt? aQknTol^ treTrrbv €ts(^>epw jiAeAos. The meaning of this is, that the first Troparion of the Canon begins with 2, the second with E, and so on. These lines are generally Iambic, as in the instance above ; but occasionally Hex- ameter, as, Thv NiKTjc^dpoi' ws viKr]6pov a.(Tfia but the first of these (now lost) was formed towards the end of the 4th century. See Dion. Exig. ap. Justell. I. 101, ana Bevereg., Fand. Can Proleg. vii. The passages already cited show the strength of Christian recoil from heathen sensuality. In his instructive reply to Cclsus (iii. 51) Origen com- C 18 ADULTERY ADULTERY pares the attitude of the Church towards back- sliders, especially towards the incontinent, with that feeling which prompted the Pythagoreans to erect a cenotaph for each disciple who left their school. They esteemed him dead, and, in pre- cisely the same way. Christians bewail as lost to God, and already dead, those who are overcome with unclean desire or the like. Should such regain their senses, the Church receives them at length, as men alive from death, but to a longer probation than the one converts underwent at first, and as no more capable of honour and dignity amongst their fellows. Yet Origen goes on to state (59-64) the remedial power of Chris- tianity. Taken together these sections paint a lively picture of the treatment of gross trans- gressors within and without the Christian fold. On the passage in his De Oratione, which sounds like an echo of Tertullian, see foot-note in Dela- rue's ed., vol. i. 256. Christians might well shrink from what they saw around them. Licentious impurities, count- less in number and in kind, were the burning reproaches, the pollution, and the curse of heathendom. It is impossible to quote much on these topics, but a carefully drawn sketch of them will be found in two short essays by Pro- fessor Jowett appended to the first chapter of his Commentary on the Romans. They demon- strate how utterly unfounded is the vulgar notion that Councils and Fathers meddled un- necesjiarily with gross and disgusting offences. With these essays may be compared Martial and the Satirists, or a single writer such as Seneca — unus instar omnium — e. g. " Hinc de- centissimum sponsaliorum genus, adulterium," &c., i. 9 ; or again, iii. 16, " Nunquid jam ulla repudio erubescit postquam illustres quaedam ac nobiles foeminae, non consulum numero, sed maritorum, annos suos computant ? et exeunt matrimonii causa, nubunt repudii ? . . . Nunquid jam ullus adulterii pudor est, postquam eo ventum est, ut nulla virum habeat, nisi ut adulterum irritet? Argumentum est deformi- tatis, pudicitia. Quam invenies tam miseram, tam sordidam, ut illi satis sit unum adulterorum par?" &c. In Valerius Maximus we hear a sigh for departed morals — in Christian writers, from the Apologists to Salvian, a recital of the truth, always reproachful, and sometimes half triumphant. Moreover, as usual, sin became the punishment of sin — Justin Martyr, in his first Apology (c. 27 seq.), points out the horrible con- sequences which ensued from a heathen prac- tice following upon the licenca just mentioned. The custom of exposing new-born babes pervaded all ranks of society, and was authorized even by the philosophers. Almost all those exposed, says Justin, both boys and girls, were taken, reared, and fed like brute beasts for the vilest purposes of sensuality ; so that a man might commit the grossest crime unawares with one of his own children, and from these wretched beings the State derived a shameful impost. Compare Ter- tull. Apologet. 9, sub fin. Happy in comparison those infants who underwent the prae or post natal fate, described by Minucius Felix c. 30. To Lactantius (we may remark) are attributed the laws of Constantine intended to mitigate the allied evils of that later age, cf. Milman {Hist. Christ, ii. 394). "We," continues Justin (c. 29), " expose not our offspring, lest one of them should perish and we be murderers; nay, the bringing up of children is the very object of ou^ marriages." There are passages to the same effect in the Ep. ad Diognet. c. 5, and Athenag. Legat. pro Christian, (c. 33 al. 28), and thus these early apologists adduce a principle laid down amongst the ends of matrimony in the Anglican marriage - service. They no doubt utter the thought of their fellow Christians in opposing to the licence of the age the purest parental instincts, and these are perhaps in every age the most stringtnt restraints upon adultery. The standard of contemporary Jewish pi*actice may be divined from the Dial, cum Tryphon, cc. 134 and 141. The Rabbis taught the law- fulness of marrying four or five wives, — if any man were moved by the sight of beauty Jacob's example excused him, — if he sinned, the prece- dent of David assured his forgiveness. Surrounding evils naturally deepened the im- pression upon Christians that they were stran- gers and pilgrims in the world, that their aim must be to keep themselves from being partakers in other men's sins ; to suffer not as evil doers, but as Christians, and to use the Roman law as St. Paul used it, for an appeal on occasion — a possible protection, but not a social rule. Hence the danger was Quietism ; and they were in fact accused of forsaking the duties of citizens and soldiers — accusations which the Apologists, par- ticularly Tertullian and Origen, answered, though with many reserves. The faithful thought that their prayers and examples were the best of services ; they shunned sitting in judgment on cases involving life and death, im- prisonment or torture, and (what is more to our purpose) questions de pudore. On the admission of Christians to magistracy as early as the An- tonines, cf. Dig. 50, tit. 2, s. 3, sub fin., with Gotho- fred's notes. Traces of their aversion from such business appear in some few Councils ; e. g. Elib. 56, excludes Duumvirs from public worship during their year of ofiice. Tarracon. 4, forbids bishops to decide criminal causes — a rule which has left its mark on modern legislation. Natu- rally resulting from these influences, was a higher and diffused tone of purity. Obeying human laws, believers transcended them, Ep. ad Diognet. 5, and compare Just. Apol. I. 17, seq. with 15. He speaks emphatically of the in- numerable multitude who turned from license to Christian self-control. The causeless divorce allowed by law led to what Christ forbade as digamy and adultery, while the latter sin was by Him extended to the eye and the heart. In like manner, Athenagoras {Leg. pro Christ. 2) asserts that it was impossible to find a Christian who had been criminally convicted— and that no Christian is an evil-doer except he be a hypocrite — 32, 33, al. 27, 28, that impurity of heart is essentially adultery, and that even a slightly unchaste thought may exclude from everlasting life. He says, as Justin, that numbers in the Church were altogether continent ; numbers, too, lived according to the strictest marriage rule. Athenagoras goes so far (33 al. 28) as to pro- nounce against all second marriages, because he who deprives himself of even a deceased wife by taking another is an adulterer. Clement of Alexandria {Paedag. ii. 6) quaintly observes that " Non Moechaberis " is cut up by the roots ADULTERY ADULTERY 19 through "non concupisces," and in the same spirit Commodian (Jnstruct. 48) writes " Escam muscipuli ubi mors est longe vitate : Multa sunt Martyria, quae fiunt sine sanguine fuso, Alienum non cupere," &c. Compare other passages on adultery of the heart, Lactant. Instit. vi. 23, and Epit. 8 ; Greg, Nazianz., Horn. 37 al. 31 ; and later on, Photius, Ep. 139 — a remarkable composition. Another safeguard from, licentiousness was the high valuation now set upon the true dignity of woman not only as the help-meet of man but as a partaker in the Divine Image, sharing the same hope, and a fit partner of that moral union in which our Lord placed the intention and essence of the marx*ied state. Clement of Alexandria draws a picture of the Christian wife and mother {Paedag. iii. 11, p. 250 Sylb. and Potter's Gr. marg.); of the husband and father, (Strom, vii. p. 741). Tertullian before him, in the last cap. ad Uxorem describes a truly Christian marriage — the oneness of hope, prayer, practice, and pious service ; no need of conceal- ment, mutual avoidance, nor mutual vexation ; distrust banished, a freeborn confidence, sym- pathy, and comfort in each other, presiding over every part of their public and private existence. This language derives additional strength from Tertullian's treatment of mixed marriages. Those contracted before conversion fall under 1 Cor. vii. 10-17 (cf. ad Uxor. ii. 2), yet their consequences were most mischievous. He tells us (ad Scapulam 3) how Claudius Herminianus, whose wife became a convert, revenged himself by barbarous usage of the Cappadocian Chris- tians. A mixed marriage after conversion is a very great sin, forbidden by 1 Cor. vii. 39 and 2 Cor. vi. 14-16, and Tertullian ad Uxor. ii. 3 condemns those who contract it as " stupri reos " — transgressors of the 7th Commandment. Addressing his own wife, he proceeds to describe its serious evils to a woman. When she wishes to attend worship her husband makes an appoint- ment for the baths. Instead of hymns she hears songs, and his songs are from the theatre, the tavern, and the night cellar. Her fasts are hindered by his feasts. He is sure to object against nocturnal services, prison visits the kiss of peace, and other customs. She will have a difficulty in persuading him that such private observances as crossing and exsufflation, are not magical rites. To these and other remarks, Tertullian adds the sensible arguments, that none but the wox'st heathens would marry Chi'istian women, and how then could believing wives feel secure in such hands ? Their hus- bands kept the secret of their religion as a means of enforcing subjection ; or, if dissatisfied, nursed it for the day of persecution and legal- ized murder. Their own motives were of the baser kind — they married for a handsome litter, mules, and tall attendants from some foi*eign country ; — luxuries which a faithful man, even if wealthy, might not think proper to allow them. This being the early experience of the Church, we are not surprised to find mixed marriages forbidden in after times sub poena adulterii. We cannot here pass over a history told by Justin Martyr in his Apol. ii. 2, and repeated by Eusebius iv. 17, respecting which the learned Bingham has been led into a remarkable mis- take, copied and added to by Whiston in a note on Antiq. xv. 7, 10. A woman married to a very wicked husband, herself as drunken and dissolute as the man, became a convert to the faith. Thoroughly reformed, she tried to per- suade him by the precepts of the Gospel and the terrors of eternal fire. Failing in her at- tempts, and revolted by the loathsome and un- natural compulsion to which her husband sub- jected her, she thought repudiation would be preferable to a life of impious compliances. Her friends prevailed upon her to wait and hope for the best, but a journey to Alexandria made her husband worse than befoi'e, and, driven to des- pair, she sent him a divorce. Immediately he informed against her as a Christian ; a blow which she parried by presenting a petition for delay to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, who granted her request. Upon this her husband, thirsting for revenge, accused her teacher in religious truth, and had the satisfaction of seeing three lives sacrificed in succession to his ven- g,eance. Bingham (xvi. 11, 6) cites the nari'ative as an instance of a wife's being allowed by the Church to divorce a husband on the ground of adultery. But the valuable writer, led perhaps by Gotho- fred (Cod. Theod. vol. i. p. 312) has here erred in a matter of fact, for Justin takes some pains to show that the woman's grievance was not adul- tery at all. Fleury (iii. 49) has apprehended the truth with correctness and expressed it with delicacy. The like case is discussed by an author long called Ambrose in his comment on 1 Cor. vii. 11 (Amhros. op. ed. Benedict., tom. ii. appendix p. 133 E-F), and he determines that, under the given circumstances, a woman must separate from her husband, but she must not marry again. The Imperial law also provided a remedy, God. Theod. 9, tit. 7, s. 3. It is certainly noteworthy that, in telling this brief tragedy, neither Justin nor Eusebius says a word against the wife's seek- ing relief from the heathen custom of divorce. Yet its license was condemned on all sides. The founder of the Empire strove to check it ; and, had the aggrieved woman lived under the first Christian emperor, that resource would have been denied her. Clearly, circumstances justi- fied the wife, but it would seem natural to have mentioned the danger of doing wrong, while pleading her justification. We, in modern times, should say that such cases are exceptional, and the inference from silence is that similar wicked- ness was not exceptional in those days, and was treated by the Church as a ground of divorce ; a mournful conclusion, but one that many facts render probable, e.g. the Imperial law above cited. From these antecedents our step is brief to laws for the repression of incontinency. The natural beginning was for each community to follow simply the example of St. Paul (1 Cor V. and 2 Cor. ii.), but, as converts multiplied, became necessary to prescribe definite tests o repentance which formed also the terms of re conciliation. Such rules had for one object the good of the community, and in this light every offence was a public wrong, and is so looked upon by canon law at this day. But penitence had a second object — the soul's health of the offender — and thus viewed, the same transgres- sion was treated as a moral stain, and censured C 2 20 ADULTERY ADULTERY according to its intrinsic heinousness, or, in few words, the crime became a sin. This idea, no doubt, entered into the severe laws of Christian princes against adultery, and is an indication of ecclesiastical influence upon them. Framers of canons had in turn their judgment acted upon by the great divines, who were apt to regulate public opinion, and to enforce as maxims of life their own interpretations of Scripture. Some- times the two characters met in the same per- son, as in the eminent Gregories, Basil, and others ; but where this was not the case, theo- logians commonly overlooked many points which canonists were bound to consider. Church lawgivers must indeed always have regard to existing social facts and the ordinary moi'al tone of their own age and nation. They must likewise keep State law steadily in mind when they deal with offences punishable in civil courts. That they did so in reality, we learn from the Greek Scholia ; and hence, when divorce is connected with adultery (particularly as its cause), the Scholiasts trace most canonical changes to foregoing alterations in the laws of the Empire. The reader should reproduce in his mind these two classes of data if he wishes to form a judgment on subjects like the present. We have called attention to the license which tainted prae-Christian Rome. Of the Christian world, homilists are the most powerful illustra- tors, but the light thrown upon it by canons is quite unmistakable. The spirit prevalent at the opening of the 4th century may be discerned from its Councils, e.g. Gangra ; one object of which (can. 4) was to defend married presbyters against the attacks made upon them ; cf. Elib. 33, and Stanley's account of the later 1 Nic. 3 (^Eastern Ch. 196-9). Gangra, 14, forbids wives to desert their husbands from abhorrence of married life ; 9 and 10 combat a like disgust and contempt of matrimony displayed by consecrated virgins, and 16 is aimed against sons who desert their parents under pretext of piety, i.e. to become celibates, something after the feshion of " Cor- ban." An age, where the springs of home life are poisoned, is already passing into a morbid condition, and legislative chirurgeons may be excused if they commit some errors of severity in dealing with its evils. But what can be said of the frightful pictures of Roman life drawn, some- what later, by Ammian. Marcell. xiv. 6 ; xxvii. 3 ; and xxviii. 4 ; or the reduced copies of them in Gibbon, chaps. 25 and 31, to which may be added the fiery Epistles of Jerome (j)assim\ and the calm retrospect of Milman {Hist, of Christ, iii. 230, seq.) ? Can any one who reads help reflect- ing with what intensified irony this decrepit age might repeat the old line of Ennius — Mulierem : quid potius dicani aut verius quam mulierem ? Or can we feel surprised with violent efforts at coercing those demoralized men and women ? Gibbon, in giving an account of the jurispru- dence of Justinian, saw that it could not be understood, particularly on the topic of our article, without some acquaintance with the laws and customs of the earliest periods. To his sketch we must refer the reader, adding only the following remarks : — 1. His opinion upon the barbarity of marital rule has found an echo in Hegel (see Werke, Bd. :x. p. 348, seq.). F. von Schlegel, though in his Concordia highly praising the conjugal purity of ancient Rome, had already (Werke, xiii. 261, 2) blamed that rigid adherence to letter and for- mula which pervades the system. To such cen- sures Mommsen is thoroughly opposed. In book i. chap. 5, he views the stern simplicity of idea on which all household right was founded as true to nature and to the requirements of social im- provement. In chap. 12 he points out how the old Roman religion supplemented law by its code of moral maxims. The member of a family might commit grievous wrong untouched by civil sentence, but the curse of the gods lay henceforth heavy on that sacrilegious head. Mommseu's remarks on religious terrors agree well with the very singular restraints on divorce attributed by Plutarch to Romulus. The im- pression of ethical hardness is in fact mainly due to the iron logic of Roman lawyers. Father, husband, matron, daughter, are treated as real- istic universals, and their specific definitions worked out into axioms of legal right. Yet in application (a fact overlooked by Schlegel) the summumjus is often tempered by equitable allow- ances, e.g. a wife accused of adultery had the power of recrimination. Dig. 48, tit. 5, s. 13, § 5 ; and cf. August. De Conjug. Adulterin. ii. 7 (viii.) for a longer extract, and a comment on the re- script. Such facts go far to explain the course pursued by Christian lawgivers. 2. On the vast changes which took place after the 2nd Punic war Gibbon should be com- pared with Mommsen, b. iii. cap. 13, pp. 884-5. But neither of these writers, in dwelling on the immoral atmosphere which infected married life, point out any specially sufficient cause wliy Roman matrons showed such irrepressible avi- dity for divorce with all its strainings of law, its dissolution of sacred maxims, its connection with celibacy in males, and a frightful train of unbridled sensualities. Perhaps the only true light is to be gained from a comparison with ecclesiastical history. We shall see that in later ages of the Church there came about an entire reversal of earlier opinions on the crimi- nal essence and the very definition of adultery, and that the ground of complaint at both periods (Pagan and Christian) was one and the same ; the cause, therefore, may not improbably be one also, viz., the inadequate remedy afforded to women for wifely wrongs. Some particulars will be found in our second division, but the question opens a wide field for speculation, out- lying our limits, and belonging to the philoso- phy of history. 3. The parallel between Church and State ought to be carried further. Imperial Rome, looking back upon the Republic, felt the de- cadence of her own conjugal and family ties, and wrote her displeasure in the laws of the first Caesars. So, too, when the nobleness ot apostolic life ceased to be a substitute for legis- lation, it shai-pened the edge of canonical cen- sure by regretful memories of the better time. The same history of morals led to a sameness in the history of law, the State repeated itself in the Church. 4. Gibbon has a sneer against Justinian for giving permanence to Pagan constitutions. But those laws had always been presupposed by Christian government, both civil and spiritual. The emperors amended or supplemented them^ ADULTERY ADULTERY 21 and where bishops felt a need, they petitioned for an Imperial edict — e.g. the canons of three African councils relating to our subject, and noted hereafter, in which the synods decide on such a petition. Then, too, the opposite experi- ment had been tried. The Codex Theodosianus began with the laws of Constantine (cf. art. Theodosius in Diet. Biograph.); but when Jus- tinian strove to give scientific form to his juris- prudence he found that completeness could no way be attained except by connecting it with the old framework ; and, as we have seen, Gibbon himself felt a similar necessity for the minor purpose of explanation. Our plan here will therefore be to use the great work of Justinian as our skeleton, and clothe it with the bands and sinews of the Church. We gain two advantages: his incom- parable method ; and a stand-point at an era of systematic endeavour to unify Church and State. For this endeavour see Novell. 131, c. 1, held by canonists to accept ail received by Chalcedon, can. 1 (comprehending much on our subject), and Novell. 83, extending the powers of bishops on ecclesiastical offences. His example was after- wards followed by the acceptance of Trull, can. 2, adding largely to the list of constitutions upon adultery ; cf. Photii Nomocanon, tit. i. cap. 2, with Scholia, and for the difficulties Bev. Pand. Can. Proleg. viii., ix. For harmonies of spiritual and civil law as respects breaches of the 7th Commandment see Antiocheni Nomoc, tits. xli. and xlii., and Photii Nomoc. tit. ix. 29, and tit. xiii. 5 and 6. Both are in Justellus, vol. ii. After A.D. 305 the Church was so frequently engaged in devising means for upholding the sanctity of the marriage tie that every step in the reception of canons concerning it forms a landmark of moral change. Such an era was the reign of Justinian ; it was an age of great code makers — of Dionysius Exiguus and Joannes Antiochenus. Numbers of local constitutions became transformed into world-wide laws ; the fact, therefore, never to be overlooked respecting canons on adultery, is the extent of their final acceptance. We now come to Division II., and must con- sider at some length the definition of adultery strictly so called. On this point a revolution took place of no slight significance in the great antithesis between East and West. Details are thei-efore necessary. II. Nature and Classification of the Crime. — Neglecting an occasional employment of the woi'ds promiscue (on which see first of following refer- ences), we find (Dig. 48, tit. 5, s .6, § 1, Papinian), "Adulterium in nupta committitur stuprum vero in virginem viduamve." Cf. same tit., 34, Modestinus, and Dig. 1, tit. 12, s. 1, § 5, Ulpian ; see Diet. Antiq., and Brissonius de Verb. Signif. 1, s. V. for distinctions and Greek equivalents. The offending wife is thus regarded as the real criminal ; and her paramour, whether married or unmarried, as the mere accomplice of her crime. She is essentially the adultera, and he, because of his complicity with a married woman, becomes an adulter. If the woman is unmarried, the condition of the man makes no dilTerence — the offence is not adulterium. This was also the position of the Mosaic code ' — see Lev. xx. 10, compared with Deut. xxii. 22. [t is not easy to perceive how the law could stand otherwise when polygamy was permitted ; cf. Diet, of Bible, in verbo. Espousal by both codes (Roman and Jewish) is protected as quasi wedlock (Dig. 48, tit. 5, s. 13, § 3, Deut. xxii. 23, 24). So likewise by Christian canons, e.g. Trull. 98. " He who marries a woman betrothed to a man still living is an adulter." Cf. Basil, can. 37. Both in Scripture language and in ordinary Roman life the legal acceptation of the crime is the current meaning of the word. Hosea (iv. 13, 14) distinguishes between the sins of Jewish daughters and wives ; and the distinction is kept in the LXX and Vulgate versions. A like dis- tinction forms the point of Horace's " Matronam nullam ego tango ; " cf. Sueton. Oct. 67 " adul- terare matronas." Instances are sufficiently com- mon, but, since (for reasons which will soon appear) it is necessary to have an absolutely clear understanding of the sense attached to the word adulterium ( = /xo£xei'o) during the early Christian period, we note a few decisive re- ferences from common usage. Val. Max. (under Tiberius) explains (ii. 1, 3) adulteri as " sub- sessores alieni matrimonii." Quintilian (under Domitian) defines, Instit. Orat. vii. 3, "Adulte- rium est cum aliena uxore domi coire." Juvenal may be consulted through the index. Appuleius (under the Antonines), in the well known story Metamorph. ix., describes the deed, and refers to the law de Adulteriis. Christian winters seldom explain words un- less used out of their current sense, and when they do so, the explanation is of course inci- dental. We find an early example in Athena- goras, De Resur. Mort. 23. al. 17, where in treating of bodily appetites occurs a designed antithesis. On the one side "legitimus coitus quod est matrimonium" — on the other, "incon- cessus alienae uxoris appetitus et cum ea consue- tudo — rovTo yap eVri fxoix^ia." Another early instance is in the Shepherd of Hermas, Mandat. iv., which thus begins: "Mando, ait, tibi, ut castitatem custodias, et nou ascendat tibi cogi- tatio cordis de alieno matrimonio, aut de forni- catione." We have here a twofold division like Papinian's above quoted, but instead of opposing stuprum to adulterium (implied in alieno Matri- monio), he employs " fornicatio," an ecclesiasti- cal expression when it has this special meaning. Origen (Levit. xx., Homil. xi,), in contrasting the punishment of adulterers under the Mosaic and Christian dispensations, assumes the same act to be intended by the laws of both. This passage has often been ascribed to Cyril of Alex- andria, but Delarue (ii. 179, 180) is clear for Origen. Arnobius (under Diocletian) writes, lib. iv. (p. 142, Varior. ed.), " Adulteria legibus vin- dicaut, et capitalibus afficiunt eos poenis, quos in aliena comprehenderint foedera genialis se lectuli expugnatione jecisse. Subsessoris et adulteri persona," &c. The canonists, Greek and Latin, use criminal terms like ordinary authors without explanation, and obviously for the same reason. But on our subject the meaning is generally made certain by (1) an opposition of words resembling the examples before quoted ; (2) by the case of un- married women being treated in separate canons ; or else (3) by a gradation of penalties imposed on the several kinds of sin. In the latter half of the 4th century we have again exact ecclesiastical definitions. They are 22 ADULTERY ADULTERY very valuable, because given by two of the greatest canonists the Church ever produced, and also because they were accepted by can. ii. Trull. Gi-egory of Nyssa thus distinguishes (ad Letoium, resp. 4), " Fornicatio quidem dicatur cupiditatis cujuspiam expletio quae sine alterius fit injuria. Adultei'ium vero, insidiae et injuria quae alteri aflfertur." This antithesis is substan- tially the same with that in the Digest, but Gregory so states it because (as his canon tells us) he is replying to certain somewhat subtle reasoners who ai'gued that these acts of inconti- neiice are in essence identical — a theory which would equalize the offences, and, by consequence, their punishments. The arguments are such as we should call verbal, e.g. what the law does not permit, it forbids — the non propriitm must be alienum. He answers by giving the specific di- vision made by the Fathers (as above), and main- tains (1) its adaptation to human infirmity, (2) the double sin of adultery, and (3) the propriety of a double penitence. With Gregory, therefore, the canonist prevails over the theologian — he refuses to treat the crime merely as a sin. In Basil's canon ad AmpMoch. 18 — which is concerned with lapsed virgins — who had been ti*eated as digamists, and whom Basil would punish as adulterous, we find an incidental defi- nition : " eum, qui cum aliena muliere cohabitat, adulterum nominamus." Basil's important 21st canon is summed by Aristenus : " Virum, qui fornicatus est, uxor pro- pria recipiet. Inquiuatam vero adulterio uxorcm vir dimittet. Fornicator, enim, non adulter est, qui uxori junctus cum soluta " (an unmarried woman) "rem habuerit." Here, again, is the old opposition (as in stuprum and adulterium) the logical essence of the crime turning upon the state of the woman, whether married or sole. But a clause of great value to us is omitted by Aristenus. Basil considers the fornicatio of a married man heinous and aggravated ; he says, " eum poenis amplius gravamus." yet adds ex- pressly, " Canonem tameu non habcnius qui eum adulterii crimini subjiciat si in solutam a Matri- monio peccatum commissum sit." This clear assertion from a canonist so learned and vera- cious as Basil must be allowed to settle the matter of fact, that up to his time Church law defined adultery exactly in the same manner as the civil law. It is to be remarked, too, that Basil's answer addresses itself to another kind of difficulty from Gregory's, that, namely, of injustice in the different treatment of unchaste men and women. No objection was of older standing. We almost start to hear Jerome (^Epitaph. Fabiolae) echoing, as it were, the verses of Plautus ; cf. the passage Qlercator, iv. 5) — " Ecastor lege dura vivont mulieres, Multoque iniquiore miserao, quam viri .... .... Utinam lex esset eadem, quae uxori est viro." Yet no writer tells more pointedly than Plautus the remedy which Roman matrons had adopted (^Amphitr. iii. 2) — " Valeas : tibl habeas res tuas, reddas meas." As to the legal process by which women com- passed this object, it was probably similar to their way of enlarging their powers respecting property and other such matters, on which see Mommsen, book iii. 13. We now note among divines a desire to im- press upon the public mind the other, i.e. the purely theological idea that all incontinent persons stand equally condemned. They appear to reason under a mixture of influences — 1. A feeling of the absolute unity of a married couple, a healthy bequest from the first age ; 2. Indig- nation at marital license ; 3. Desire to find a remedy for woman's wrong ; 4. The wish to recommend celibacy by contrast with the " ser- vitude " of marriage. Lactantius (as might be expected from his date) fixes upon points 1 and 2. He finds tault with the Imperial law in two respects — that adultery could not be committed with any but a free woman, and that by its inequality it tended to excuse the severance of the one married body. Instit. vi. 23. "Non enim, sicut juris publici ratio est ; sola mulier adultera est, quae habet alium ; maritus autera, etiamsi plures habeat, a crimine adulterii solutus est. Sed divina lex ita duos in matrimonium, quod est in corpus unum, pari jure conjungit, ut adulter habeatur, quis- quis compagem corporis in diversa distraxerit." Cf. next page — " Dissociari enim corpus, et dis- trahi Deus noluit." It would seem therefore that this Father would really alter the ordinary meaning of the word aduiterium, and explain the otience differently from its civil-law definition. He would extend it to every incontinent act of every married person, on the ground that by such an act the marriage unity enforced by our Lord is broken. It is true that another view may be taken of the words of Lactantius. They may be considered as rhetoric rather than logic, both here and in Epitome 8, where the same line of thought is repeated ; but this is a ques- tion of constant recurrence in the Fathers, and reminds us of Selden's celebrated saying. The student will in each case form his own judg- ment ; in this instance he may probably think the statement too precise to be otherwise than literal. The same must be said of Ambrose, whose dictum has been made classical by Gratian. Yet it should be observed that he is not always con- sistent with himself, e.g. (Rexaem. v. 7) he lays it down that the married are both in spirit and in body one, hence adultery is contrary to nature. We expect the same prefitory explanation as from Lactantius, but find the old view : " Nolite quaerere, viri, alienum thorum, nolite insidiari alienae copulae. Grave est adulterium et natui'ae injuria." So again, m Luc. lib. 2, sub init., he attaches this term to the transgression of an espoused woman. The celebrated passage, one chief support of a distinction which has affected the law and lan- guage of modern Europe (quoted by Gratian, Decret. ii. c. 32, q. 4), occurs in Ambrose's Defence of Abraham {De Mr. Fair. i. 4). We give it as in Gratian for the sake of a gloss : " Nemo sibi blandiatur de legibus hominum " (gloss — quae dicunt quod adulterium non committitur cum soluta sed cum nupta) " Omne stuprum adulte- rium est : nec viro licet quod mulieri non licet. Eadem a viro, quae ab uxore debetur castimonia. Quicquid in ea quae non sit legitima uxor, com- missum fuerit, adulterii crimine damnatur." This extract sounds in itself distinct and con- secutive. But when the Apology is read as a whole, exactness seems to vanish. It is divided ADULTEBY ADULTEKY 23 into three main heads or defensiones : 1st, Abra- ham lived before the law which forbade adultery, therefore he could not have committed it. " Deus in Paradiso licet conjugium laudaverit, non adul- terium damnaverat." It is hard to understand how such a sentence "could have been written in the faoe of Matt. xix. 4-9, or how so great an authority could forget that the very idea of con- jugium implied the wrong of adulterium. 2ndly, Abraham was actuated by the mere desire of offspring ; and Sarah herself gave him her hand- maiden. Her example (with Leah's and Rachel's) is turned into a moral lesson against female jealousy, and then men are admonished — " Nemo sibi blandiatur," &c., as above quoted. 3rdly. Galat. iv. 21-4, is referred to, and the conclusion drawn, " Quod ergo putas esse peccatum, adver- tis esse mysterium ; " and again " haec quae in figuram contingebant, illis crimini non erant." We have sketched this chapter of Ambrose be- cause of the great place assigned him in the controversy of Western against Eastern Church law. Another passage referred to in this Q, " Dicat aliquis," is the 9th section of a sermon on John the Baptist, formerly numbered 65, now 52 (Ed. Bened. App. p. 462), and the work of an Am- brosiaster. But here the adulterium (filii testes adulterii) is the act of an unmarried man with his ancilla (distinguished from a concubina, De- cret: I. Dist. 34, " Concubina autem" seq.), i.e. a sort of Contubernium is called by a word which brings it within the letter of the 7th Commandment. Perhaps Ambrose and his pseudonym, like many othei's, saw no very great difference be- tween the prohibition of sins secundum literam and secundum analogiam — as, for example, idola- tiy is adultery. It seems clear that he did not with Lactantius form an ideal of marriage and then condemn whatever contradicted it. His language on wedlock in Paradise forbids this explanation. Looking eastwards, there is a famous sermon (37, al. 31) preached by Gregory Nazianzen, in which he blends together the points we have numbered 2, 3, and 4. He starts (vi.) from the inequality of laws. Why should the woman be restrained, the man left free to sin ? The Latin version is incorrect ; it so renders KarairopyeveLV as to introduce the later notion of adulterium. Gregory thinks (more Aesopi) that the inequality came to pass because men were the law-makers ; further, that it is contrary to (a) the 5th Com- mandment, which honours the mother as well as the father ; (6) the equal creation, resurrection, and redemption of both sexes ; and (c) the mys- tical representation of Christ and His Church. A healthy tone is felt in much of what Gre- gory says, but (ix.) the good of marriage is de- scribed by a definition far infei'ior in life and spirituality to that of the pagan Modestinus, and (in x.) naturally follows a preference for the far higher good of celibacy. The age was not to be trusted on this topic which formed an under- lying motive with most of the great divines. Chrysostom notices the chief texts in his Expository Homilies. For these we cannot afford space, and they are easily found. We are more concerned with his sermon on the Bill of Divorce (ed. Bened. iii. 198-209). " It is commonly called adultery," he says in substance, " when a man wrongs a married woman. I, however, affirm it of a married man who sins with the unmai*ried. For the essence of the crime depends on the con- dition of the injurers as well as the injured. Tell me not of outward laws. I will declare to thee the law of God." Yet we encounter a qualification : the offence of a husband with the unmarried is (p. 207) fioix^las erepov elSos. We also find the preacher dwelling with great force upon the lifelong servitude (SouAem) of marriage, and we perceive from comparing other passages that there is an intentional contrast with the noble freedom of celibacy. Asterius of Amaseia has a forcible discourse (printed by Combefis, and particularly Avorth reading) on the question : " An liceat homini dimittere uxorem suam, quacunque ex causa ? " The chief part of it belongs to our next division, but towards the end, after disposing of insuffi- cient causes, he enters on the nature of adul- tery. Here (as he says) the preacher stands by the husband. " Nam cum duplici fine matrimo- nia contrahuntur, benevolentiae ac quaerendorum liberorum, neutrum in adulterio continetur. Nee enim affectui locus, ubi in alterum animus inclinat ; ac sobolis omne decus et gratia perit, quando liberi confunduntur." Our strong Teu- tonic instincts feel the truth of these words. Asterius then insists on mutual good faith, and passes to the point that the laws of this world are lenient to the sins of husbands who excuse their own license by the plea of privileged harmlessness. He replies that all women are the daughters or wives of men. Some man must feel each woman's degradation. He then refers to Scripture, and concludes with precepts on domestic virtue and example. The sermoit of Asterius shows how kindred sms may be thoroughly condemned without abolishing esta- blished distinctions. But it also shows a gene- ral impression that the distinctions of the Forum were pressed by apologists of sin into their own baser service. Jerome's celebrated case of Fabiola claims a few lines. It was not really a divorce propter adulterium, but parallel to the history told by Justin Martyr. The points for us are the antithesis between Paulus noster and Papini- anus (with Paulus Papiniani understood) and the assertion that the Roman law turned upon dignity — i.e. the matrona as distinguished from the ancillula. Jerome feels most strongly the unity of marriage, and joins with it the proposition that the word Man contains Woman. He therefore says that 1 Cor. vi. 16, applies equally to both sexes. Moreover, the same tendency appears, as in Chrysostom, to de- press wedlock in favour of celibacy. Marriage is servituda.^ and the yoke must be equal, " Eadem servitus pari conditione censetur." But the word adulterium is employed correctly ; and in another place (on Hosea, ii, 2) he expressly draws the old distinction — " Fornicaria est, quae cum pluribus copulatur. Adultera, quae unum virum deserens alteri jungitur." ^ Augustine, like Lactantius, posits an idea of marriage (De Genesi, ix. 12 [vii.]). It possesses a Good, consisting of three things— j^c^es, proles^ a The innupta who offends cum viro conjugato Is not here made an adulteress ; Jerome's remedy might have been a specific constitution. 24 ADULTERY ADULTERY sacramentum. " In fide attenditur ne praeter vin- culum conjugale, cum altera vel altero concum- batur." But (Quaest. in Exod. 71) he feels a difficulty about words — " Item quaeri solet utrum moechiae nomine etiam fornicatio teneatur. Hoc juim Graecum verbum est, quo jam Scriptura utitur pro Latino. Moechos tamen Graeci nonnisi adulteros dicunt. Sad utique ista Lex non soils viris in populo, verum etiam feminis data est " (Jerome, supra, thought of this point) ; how much more by " non moechaberis, uterque sexus astringitur, .... Ac per hoc si femma moecha est, habens virum, concumbendo cum eo qui vir ejus non est, etiamsi ille non habeat uxorem ; profecto moechus est et vir habens uxorem, concumbendo cum ea quae uxor ejus uon est, etiamsi ilia non habeat virum." He goes on to quote Matt. v. 32, and infers " omnis ergo moechia etiam fornicatio in Scripturis dicitur — sed utrum etiam omnis fornicatio moechia dici possit, in eisdem Scripturis non mihi interim occurrit locutionis exemplum." His final conclusion is that the greater sin im- plies the less — a part the whole. Augustine's sermon (ix. al. 96) De decern Chordis is an expansion of the above topics. lu 3 (iii.) occurs the clause quoted Decrct. ii. 32, q. 6. (a quaestio wholly from Augustine) — "Non moechaberis : id est, non ibis ad aliquam aliam praeter uxorem tuam." He adds some particulars reminding us of Asterius. On the 7th Com- mandment, which Augustine calls his 5th string, he says, 11 (ix.), " In ilia video jacere totum pene genus humanum ; " and mentions that false witness and fraud were held in horror, but (12) "si quis volutatur cum ancillis suis, amatur, blande accipitur; con\ertuutur vulnera in joca." We cannot pass by two popes cited by Gra- tian. One is Innocent I., whose 4th canon Ad Exup. stands at the end of same c. 32, q. 5. " Et illud desideratum est sciri, cur communicantes viri cum adulteris uxoribus non couveniaut : cum contra uxores in consortio adulterorum virorum manere videantur." The gloss explains " communicantes " of husbands who commit a like sin with their wives. But this may or may not mean that they sinned cum conjugatis, and the words " pari ratione," which follow, to be- come decisive mtxst be read with special emphasis. The other is the great Gregory, quoted earlier in same q. 5. The passage is from Greg. Mag. Moralium, lib. 21, in cap. Jobi xxxi. 9; and as it is truncated in quotation, we give the main line of thought, omitting parentheses : " Quam- vis nonnuuquam a reatu adulterii nequa^uam discrepet culpa fornicationis (Matt. v. 28, quoted and expounded). Tamen plerumque ex loco vel ordine concupiscentis discernitur (instance). In personis tamen non dissimilibus idem luxuriae distinguitur reatus in quibus fornicationis culpa, quia ab adulterii reatu discernitur, praedicatoris egregii lingua testatur (1 Cor. vi. 9)." The dif- ference between the two sins is next confirmed from Job. It is easy to see that the old juridical sense of adulterimn is not taken away by these expository distinctions. We now come to the event which gives signi- ficance and living interest to our recital of opinions. The canon law of Rome took ground which allied it on this as on other questions with what appeared to be the rights of women, [ts treatment of cases arising out of the 7th Commandment widened the separation of East and West, and left a mark on those barbarian nations which owed their civilization or their faith to pontifical Rome. Our business here is only with a definition, but canonists followed civilians in working their doctrine out to its more remote consequences, and some of these would form a curious chapter in history. The essence of the pontifical definition is not that a wife is the adultera, and her paramour the adulter, but that the offence be committed " cum persona conjugata," whether male or female. Hence it comprehends two distinct degrees of criminality. It is called simplex in two cases, " cum solutus concumbit cum conju- gata, vel conjugatus cum soluta." It is called duplex " cum conjugatus concumbit cum conju- gata." These distinctions are taken from F. L. Ferraris, Frompta Bibliotheca (ed, 1781), in verbo. They rest upon the Dccretum as referred to by Ferraris, part 2, cause 32, quaest. 4. But the extracts we gave from qs. 5 and G should not bo. neglected. The Dccretum, according to C. Butler {Horae Juridicae Subsecivae, p. 168), is made up from (1) decrees of councils, (2) letters of pontiffs, (3) writings of doctors. But on our subject the last-named is the real source — e.g. q. 4 is from tlie moral and doctrinal writings of Augustine, Ambrose, Jerome, and Gregory I. ; q. 6 wholly from Augustine. This is a very noteworthy fact, since it tends to confirm a conclusion that canonists had previously agreed with the civil law so far as concerns its definition of the crime. Gratinn would never have contented himself with quoting theologians if he could liave found councils, or canonical writings acce])ted by coun- cils, to support his own decisions. Such, then, is one not unimportant antithesis in the wide divergence between East and West. It would form an interesting line of inquiry (but beyond our province) to use this antithesis as a clue in those mixed or doubtful cases of descent where the main life of national codes and cus- toms is by some held homesprung, by others given to old Rome, and by a third party derived from Latin Christianity. Through all inquiry on this subject the stu- dent must bear in mind that a confusion of thought has followed the change in law; e.g. Ducange, Glossar., s. v., commences his article with a short quotation from Gregory of Nyssa's 4th can. ad Let. (explained above), but the sen- tence cited contains the opinion, not of the saint, but of the objector whom he is answering. Ducange proceeds to trace the same idea through various codes without a suspicion that he has begun by applying to one age the tenets of an- other. The difficulty of avoiding similar mis- takes is greater than at first sight might have been anticipated. In the Dictionnaires of Tre- voux, Furetiere, Richelet, and Danet, avoutrie or adultere is explained from papal law or Thom. Aquiu., while the citations mostly give the older sense. In Chaucer's Fersone's Tale we find the same word (avoutrie) defined after the civilians, but soon after he mentions " mo spices " (more species) taken from the other acceptation. John- son gives to adultery the papal meaning, but his sole example is from pagan Rome, and most modern Ejiglish dictionary makers are glad to copy Johnson. A still more striking instance ADULTERY ADULTERY 25 of confounded explanations occurs in a remark- able dialogue between the doctor and his friend, vol. iii. 46, of Croker's Boswell. The natural inference is that the above-men- tioned authors were not conversant with the great change of definition undergone by the word adultery and its equivalents. But when those who write on the specialties of church history and antiquities quote Fathers, councils, jurists, and decretals, they ought in reason to note how far the common terms which their catenae link together are or are not used in the same sense throughout. This precaution has been generally neglected as regards the subject of this article, — hence endless confusion. Immediately upon the nature of the crime (as legally defined) followed its Classification. By Lex Julia., 48 Dig., i. 1, it was placed among public Avi'ongs. But a public wrong does not necessarily infer a public right of prosecution ; see Gothofred's note on Cod. Theod. 9, tit. 7, s. 2. — "Aliud est publicum crimen; aliud publica accusatio." For Publica Judicia, cf. Dig. as above and Institut. Justin. 4, 18, sub init. Under Augustus the husband was preferred as prosecutoi", next the wife's father. The hus- band was in danger of incurring the guilt of procuration (lenocinium') if he failed to prose- cute (48, Dig. V. 2, § 2, and 29, suh init. ; also 9, Cod. Just. 9, 2). He must open proceedings by sending a divorce to his wife (48, Dig. v. 2, § 2 ; 11, § 10; and 29, init.). Thus divorce was made an essential penalty, though far from being the whole punishment. By JSovell. 117, c. 8, pro- ceedings might commence before the divorce. Such prosecution had 60 days allowed for it, and these must be dies utiles. The husband's choice of days was large, as his lihellus might be presented "de piano," i.e., the judge not sit- ting "pro tribunali " (48, Dig. v. 11, § 6; and 14, § 2). The husband might also accuse for 4 months further, but not "jure mariti," only "ut quivis extraneus" (Goth, on 11, § 6). For ex- ample, see Ticit. Ann. ii. 85 ; Labeo called to account by the praetor (cf. Orell. note), for not having accused his wife, pleads that his 60 days had not elapsed. After this time an extraneus might intervene for 4 months of avail- able days (tit. of Dig. last quoted, 4, § 1). If the divorced wife married before accusation, it was necessary to begin with the adulterer (2, init. ; 39, § 3). The wife might then escape through fixilure of the plaint against him (17, § 6). He was liable for five continuous years even though she were dead (11, § 4; 39, § 2), and his death did not shield her (19, init.), but that period barred all accusation against both offenders (29, § 5 ; and 31 ; also 9, Cod. J. 9, 5). Under Constantine, A.D. 326 (9, Cod. Tlieod. 7, 2, and 9, Cod. J. 9, 30), the right of public prose- cution was taken away. The prosecutors Avere thus arranged : husband ; wife's relations, i.e. father, brother, father's brother, mother's brother. This order remained unaltered (see Balsam. Schol. in Bevereg. Pandect, i. 408, and Blastaris Syn- tagma, p. 185). The Mosaic law, like the Roman, made this offence a public wrong, and apparently also a matter for public prosecution ; compare Deut. xxii. 22, with John viii. 3 and 10. As long as the penalty of death was enforced, the husband couiu not condone. But in later times he might content himself with acting under Deut. xxiv. 1 - 4. See Matt, i., 19. [Espousals count as matri- mony under Jewish law even more strongly than under Roman ; compare Deut. xxii. 23, seq., with 48, Dig. V, 13, § 3]. See also Hosea, ii. 2, iii. 1, and parallel passages. By canon law all known sins are scandals, and as such public wrongs ; cf. Gothofr. marg. annot. on Dig. 48, tit. 1, s. 1 ; Grat. Decret. ii. c. 6, 9, 1 ; J. Clarus, Sent. Rec. v. 1,6; and on Adultery, Blackstone, iii. 8, 1, and iv. 4, 11. This offence became known to Church authorities in various ways ; see Basil 34 ; Innocent ad Exup. 4 ; and Elib. 76, 78, Greg. Nyss. 4, where confession mitigates punishment. A similar allowance for self-accusation is found in regard of other crimes, e.g. Greg. Thaum. cans. 8 and 9. The Church agreed with the State in not allowing a husband to condone (Basil, 9 and 21), and on clerks especially (Neocaesarea, 8). Divines who were not canonists differed consi- derably. Hermas's Pastor (Mandat. iv.) allowed and urged one reconciliation to a penitent wife. Augustine changed his mind ; compare De Adul- terin. Conjug. lib. ii. 8 (ix.) with Eetractat. lib. i. xix. 6. In the first of these places he hesitates between condonation and divorce ; opposes for- giveness " per claves regni caelorum " to the pro- hibitions of law " secundum terrenae civitatis modum," and concludes by advising continence, which no law forbids. In the latter passage he speaks of divorce as not only allowed but com- manded. " Et ubi dixi hoc permissum esse, non jussum ; non attendi aliam Scripturam dicentem ; Qui tenet adulteram stultus et impius est " (Prov. xviii. 22 ; Ixx.). A public wrong implied civil rights ; therefore this offence was the crime of free persons (Dig. 48, tit. 5, s. 6 init.). " Inter liberas tantum per- sonas adulterium stuprumve passas Lex Julia locum habet." Cf. Cod. J. 9, tit. 9, s. 23 init. A slave was capable only of Contubernium (see Ser- vus and Matrimonium in Diet. Antiq.). Servitude annulled marriage (Dig. 24, tit. 2, s. 1), or rather made it null from the first (^Novell. Just. 22. 8, 9, 10). "Ancillam a toro abjicere" is laudable ac- cording to Pope Leo I. {Ad Eustic. 6). That Christian princes attempted to benefit slaves rather by manumission than by ameliorating the servile condition, we see from the above-quoted Novell, and from Harmenop. Proch. i. 14 ; the slave (sec. 1) is competent to no civil relations, and (sec. 6) his state is a quasi-death. Concubinage was not adultery (Dig. 25, tit. 7, s. 3, § 1); but a concubine might become an adult- eress, because, though not an uxor, she ought to be a incd7-ona, and could therefore, if unfaithful, be accused, not jure mariti, but jure extranei. For legal conditions, see Cod. J. 5, tit. 26 and 27, Just. Novell. 18, c. 5 ; also 74 and 89. Leo {Nov. 91) abolished concubinage on Christian grounds. For the way in which the Church regarded it, cf. Bals., on Basil, 26, and Cone. Tolet. i. 17 ; also August. Quaest. in Genesim, 90, De Fid. et Op. 35 (xix.), and Serm. 392, 2. Pope Leo I. {Ad Rustic. 4, cf. 6, as given by Mansi) seems to make the legal concubine a mere ancilla ; cf. Grat. Decret. I. Dist. 34 (ut supra) and Diet. Antiq. s. v. We now come to much the gravest conse- quence of a classification under public wrongs — its effect on woman's remedy. By Lex Julia, the wife has no power of piai.^ir agamst the husband 26 ADULTERY ADULTERY for adultery as a public wrong (Cod. J. 9. tit. 9, s. 1.). This evidently flows from the de- finition of the crime, but the glossators' reasons are curious. She cannot complain jure mariti because she is not a husband, nor jure extranet because she is a woman. The magistrate was bound by law to inquire into the morals of any husband accusing his wife (Dig. 48, tit. 5, s. 13 § 5). This section is from an Antonine rescript quoted at greater length from the Cod. Gregorian, by Augustine, De Conjug. Adulterin. lib. ii. 7 (viii.). The husband's guilt did not act as a compensatio criminis. In Eng- land the contrary holds, and a guilty accuser shall not prevail in his suit (see Burns, Eccl. Law, art. "Marriage."). But the wife's real remedy lay in the use of divorce which during the two last centuries of the Republic became the common resource of women under grievances real or fancied, and for purposes of the worst kind. There is a graphic picture of this side of Roman life in Boissier's Ciceron et ses Amis ; and for the literature and laws, see " Divor- tium " in Smith's Diet, of Antiquities. Bris- souius de Formulis gives a collection of the phrases used in divorcing. Constantine allowed only three causes on either side — on the Avoman's these were her husband's being a homicide, poisoner, or violator of sepulchres ((7oc?. T/ieod. 3, tit. 16, s. 1 ; cf. Edict. Theodor. 54). This law was too strict to be maintained ; the variations of Christian princes may be seen in Cod. J. 5. tit. 17. Theodos. and Valentin. 1. 8, added to other causes the hus- band's aggravated incontinency. Anastasius, 1. 9, permitted divorce by common consent ; this again " nisi castitatis concupiscentia " was taken away by Justinian in his Novell. 117, which (cap. 9) allowed amongst other causes the husband's gross unchastity. Justin restored divorce by common consent. The Chui'ch viewed the general liberty to re- pudiate under the civil law, with jealousy ; cf. Greg. Naziauz. Epp. 144, 5 (al. 176, 181), and Victor Antiochen. on Mark x. 4-12. But it was felt that women must have some remedy for extreme and continued wrongs, and this lay in their using their legal powers, and submitting the reasonableness of their motives to the judg- ment of the Church. Basil's Can. 35 recognizes such a process ; see under our Div. III. Sjnritual Penalties, No. 2. Still from what has been said, it is plain that divorce might become a frequent occasion of adultery, since the Church held that a married person separated from insufficient causes really continued in wedlock. Re-marriage was therefore always a serious, sometimes a cri- minal step. [Divorce.] Marriage after a wife's death was also viewed with suspicion. Old Rome highly valued conti- nence under such circumstances ; Val. Max. ii. 1, § 3, gives the fact ; the feeling pervades those tender lines which contrast so strongly with Catullus V. ad Lesbiam — " Occidit mea Lux, meumque Sidus; Sed caram sequar ; arboresque ut alta Sub tellure suos agunt amores, El radicibus implicantur imis : Sic nos consociabimur sepulti, Et vivis erimus beatiores." Similar to Val. Max. is Herm. Mandat. iv. 4. Gregory Nazianz. (^Ilom. 37, al. 31) says that marriage represents Christ and the Church, and there are not two Christs ; the first mar- riage is law, a second an indulgence, a third swinish. Against marriages beyond two, see Neocaes. 3, Basil, 4, and Leo. Novell. 90. Curi- ously enough, Leo (cf. Diet. Biog.) was him- self excommunicated by the patriarch for marry- ing a fourth wife. [Digamy.] III. Penalties. — We are here at once met by a very singular circumstance. Tribonian attri- butes to Constantine and to Augustus two suspi- ciously corresponding enactments, both making death the penalty of this crime, and both inflict- ing that death by the sword. The founder of the Empire and the first of Christian emperors are thus brought into a closeness of juxtaposi- tion which might induce the idea that lawyers, like mythical poets, cannot dispense with Epo- nyms. The Lex Julia furnishes a title to Cod. Theod. 9, tit. 7 ; Dig. 48, tit. ; and Cod. J. 9, tit. 9 ; but in none of these places is the text preserved, and we only know it from small excerpts. The law of Constantino in Cod. Tlicod. 9, tit. 7, s. 2, contains no capital penalty, but in Cod. J. 9, tit. 9, s. 30, after fifteen lines upon accusation, six words are added — " Sacrileges autem nuptiarum gladio puniri oportet." The word " sacrileges " used substantively out of its exact meaning is very rare (see Facciolati). For the capital clause, ascribed to the Lex Julia, see Instit. iv. 18, 4 •, but this clause has been since the time of Cujacius rejected by most critical jurists and historians, of whom some maintain the law of Constantine, others suppose a confusion between the great em- peror and his sons. Those who charge Tribonian with cmblemata generally believe him to have acted the harmonizer by authority of Justinian. On these two laws there is a summary of the case in Selden, Uxor. Ehr. iii. 12, with foot references. Another is the comment in Gothofred's ed. of Cod. Theod. vol. iv. 296, 7. Heineccius is not to be blindly trusted, but in Op. vol. III. his Syll. xi. De Secta Triboniano-mastigum contains curious mat- ter, and misled Gibbon into the idea of a regular school of lawyers answering this description. The passages in Cujacius may be traced through each volume by its index. See also Hoffmann, Ad Leg. Jid. (being Tract iv. in Fellenberg's Jurisprudentia Antiqua) ; Lipsii Excurs. in Tacit, Ann. iv. ; Orelli, on Tacit. Ann. ii. 50 ; Ortolan, Explication des Instituts, iii. p. 791; Sandars, On the Institutes, p. 605 ; Diet. Antiq., " Adult- erium"; and Diet. Biog., " Justinianus." The fact most essential to us is that prae- Christian emperors generally substituted their own edicts for the provisions of the Lex Julia, and that the successors of Constantine were equally diligent in altering his laws. Histo- rians have frequently assumed the contrary ; Valesius' note on Socrates, v. 18, may serve by way of example. The Church could not avoid adapting her canons to the varied states of civil legislation ; cf. Scholia on Can. Apost. 5, and Trull. 87, besides xoany other places. The true state of the case will become plainer if we briefly mention the different ways in which adultery might be legally punished. 1. The Jus Decidendi, most ancient in its ori- gin ; moderated under the Empire ; but not taken away by Christian princes. Compare Dig. 48, tit. 5, s. 20 to 24, 32 and 38, with same 48, tit. 8, ADULTERY ADULTERY 2V 1. 1, § 5 ; Cod. J. 9, tit. 9, s. 4; and Paul! Recept, Sentent. ii. 26. This right is common to most nations, but the remarkable point is that Roman law gave a greater prerogative of homicide to the woman's father than to her husband. For a similar custom and feeling, see Lane's Modern Egyptians i. 297. The Jus Occidendi under the Old Testament is treated by Selden, De Jure Nat. et Gent, juxta Discip. Ehraeor. iv. 3 ; in old and modern France, by Ducange and Ragueau; in England, by Blackstone and Wharton. There is a provision in Basil's Can. 34 directing that if a woman's adultery becomes known to the Church authorities either by her own confession or other- wise, she shall be subjected to penitence, but not placed among the public penitents, lest her hus- band, seeing her should surmise what has occurred and slay her on the spot (cf. Blastaris Syntagma, letter M, cap. 14). This kind of summary venge- ance has often been confounded with the penalty inflicted by courts of law, e.g. its celebrated as- sertion by Cato in A. Gell. x. 23, though his words " sine judicio " ought to have prevented the mis- take. Examples of it will be found Val. Max. vi. 1, 13 ; the chastisement of the historian Sal- lust is described A. Gell. xvii. 18 ; many illustra- tions are scattered through the satirists, and one, M. Ann. Senec, Controv. i. 4, is particularly curious. 2. The Household Tribunal, an institution better known because of the details in Dion. Hal. ii. 25. The remarks of Mommsen (i. 5 and 12), should be compared with Mr. Hallam's phi- losophical maxim (Suppt. to Middle Ages, art. 54) that the written laws of free and barbarous nations are generally made for the purpose of preventing the infliction of arbitrary punish- ments. See for the usage Val. Max. ii. 9, 2, and A. Gell. X. 23, in which latter place the husband is spoken of ns the wife's censor, a thought which pervades Origen's remarkable exposition of Matt. XIX. 8, 9, compared with v. 32 (tomus xiv. 24). The idea itself was likely to be less alien from the mind of the Church because of the patri- archal power which sentenced Tamar to the flames, and the apostolic pi'inciple that " the Head of the Woman is the Man." It is plain, however, that all private administration of jus- tice is opposed to the whole tenour of Church legislation. But perhaps the most pleasant ex- ample of the Roman Household Court best shows the strength and extent of its jurisdiction. Pom- ponia Graecina (Tacit. Ann. xiii. 32) was so tried on the capital charge of foreign superstition, and the noble matron, an early convert, as is sometimes supposed, to Christianity, owed her life to the acquittal of her husband and his fiimily assessors. 3. A far more singular penalty on adultery is mentioned. Tacit. Ann. ii. 85, Sueton, Tib. 35, and Merivale, v. 197. It consisted in permitting a matron to degrade herself by tendering her name to the Aediles for insertion in the register of pub- lic women. Tacitus speaks of it as " more inter veteres recepto," and looks back with evident regret upon the ages when such shame was felt to be an ample chastisement. His feeling is shared by Val. Max. ii. 1. A like custom sub- sisted before 1833 among the modern Egyptians, (see Lane, i. 176-7), differing only in the fact that the degradation was compulsory, a custom curi- ously parallel to a narrative of Socrates, v. 18, (copied by Nicephorus, xii. 22), who says that there remained at Rome, till abolished by the Christian Emperor Theodosius I., places of con- finement called Sistra, where women who had been caught in breaking the 7th Commandment were compelled to acts of incontinency, during which the attention of the passers-by was at- tracted by the ringing of little bells in order that their ignominy might be known to every one. Valesius has a dubious note founded chiefly on a mistake, already observed, as to the constancy of Roman punishments. They really were most variable, and here again Egypt offers a parallel, cf. Lane, i. 462-3. Niebuhr {Lectures on Roman Hist. i. 270) thinks the unfixed nature of penal- ties for numerous offences in Greece and Rome a better practice than the positive enactments of modern times. We now pass to 4. Judicial Punishments. — Augustine (Civ. Dei, iii. 5) says that the ancient Romans did not in- flict death upon adulteresses (cf. Liv. i. 28, x. 2, XXV. 2, and xxxix. 18 ;) those who read Plautus will find divorce described as their usual chas- tisement. The critics of Tribonian generally be- lieve that Paulus (Sentent. ii. 26, 14) gives the text of the Lex Julia. It commences with the punishment of the woman, and proceeds to that of her paramour on the principle before noticed of the adultera being the true criminal, and the adulter her accomplice. After Constantino, though the civil law maintains this ancient position, there is an apparent inclination to punish the man as a seducer — a clearly vital alteration, and due probably to Christian influences. Augustine places the lenity of old Rome to- wards adulterous women in contrast with the severities exercised on Vestal virgins. His state- ment is not necessarily impugned by those who rank adultery among capital crimes (e. g. Cod. J. 9, tit. 9, s. 9), since by some kinds of banishment "eximitur caput de civitate," and hence the phrase " civil death " (see Dig. 48, tit. 1, s. 2 ; tit. 19, s. 2 ; tit. 22, s. 3-7). Emperors varied from each other, and from themselves. Augustus exceeded his own laws (Tacit. Ann. iii. 24). Ti- berius was perverse (ibid. iv. 42). Appuleius, under the Antonines, represents the legal penalty as actual death, and seems to imply that burn- ing the adulteress alive was not an unknown thing (^Met. ix. ut supra). Of Macrinus it is ex- pressly stated (Jul. Capit. 12), "Aduiterii reos semper vivos simul incendit, junctis corporibus.''' Alexander Severus held to a capital penalty (Cod. J. 9, tit. 9), as above. Paulus was of his councii (cf. Ael. Lamprid. 25), a fact favouring the sup- position that the section (Recept. Sent. ii. 26, 14) which mentions a punishment not capital must represent an earlier law. Arnobius, undei Dio- cletian (see Diet. Biog.), speaks of adultery as capital (iv. p. 142, ed. Var,). With the above precedents before him, the reader may feel in- clined to distrust the charge of new and Mosaic severity brought against Constantine and his successors in chap. 44 of Gibbon, vol. v. p. 322, ed. Milman and Smith. Whether the disputed penal clause of Con- stantine be genuine or not, by another law of his (Cod. J. 9, tit. 11) a woman offending with a slave was capitally punished, and the slave burned. Constantius and Constans (Cod. Theod. 11, tit. 36, s. 4) enacted " pari stmilique ratione sacrilegoa nuptiarum, tanquam manifestos parricidas, in- 28 ADULTERY ADULTERY suere culeo vivos, vel exurere, judicautem opor- teat.'* Compare Did Antiq. art. Leges Corneliae, " Lex Pompeia de Parricidiis," and for burning, Pauli Sentent. Recept. v. 24. Baronius (sub fin. Ann. 339) has a note on " Sacrilegos," — a word which placed the male oflfenderin a deeply criminal light. The execution of the sentence was en- forced by clear cases of adultery being excepted from appeal {Sent. Recept. ii. 26, 17), and after- wards \Cod. Theod. 9, tit. 38, s. 3-8), from the Easter indulgence, when, in Imperial phrase, the Resurrection Morning brought light to the dark- ness of the prison, and broke the bonds of the transgressor. Yet we may ask, Was the Con- stantian law really maintained? Just thirty years later, Ammianus (xxviii. 1) gives an ac- count of the decapitation of Cethegus, a senator of Rome ; but though the sword was substituted for fire, he reckons this act among the outrages of Maximin, prefect of the city; and how easily a magistrate might indulge in reckless barbarity may be seen by the horrible trial for adultery described by Jerome {Ad Innocent.), in which both the accused underwent extreme tortures. Again, though the Theodosian code (in force from a.d. 439) gave apparent life to the Constantinn law, yet by a rescript of Majorian (a.d. 459) it is ordered that the adulterer shall be punished "as under former emperors," by banishment from Italy, with permission to any one, if he return, to kill him on the spot {Novell. Major. 9). That death in various times and places was the penalty, seems clear from Jerome on Nah. i. 9 ; the Vandal customs in Salvian, 7; and Can. Wallici, 27. Fines appear in later Welsh, as in Salic and A. S. codes. For these and other punishments among Christianized barbarians, see Ancient Laws of Wales ; Lindenbrogii Cod Zcv/., Wilkins, vol. i., Olaus Mag. de Gent. iScptent. XIV. ; and Ducange s. V. and under Trotari. For Justinian's legislation see his 134th Novell. Cap. 10 renews the Constantian law against the male offender, extends it to all abettors, and in- flicts on the female bodily chastisement, with other penalties short of death. Cap. 12 contem- plates a possible evasion of justice, and further offences, to which are attached further severities. Caps. 9 and 13 contain two merciful provisions. Leo, in his 32nd Novell, (cited by Harmenop. as 19th), compares adultery with homicide, and punishes both man and woman by the loss of their noses and other inflictions. For a final summary, cf. Harmenop. Proch. vi. 2, and on the punishment of incontinent married men, vi. 3. Spiritual penalties may be thus arranged — 1. Against adultery strictly so called (Can. Apost. 61 al. 60). A convicted adulter cannot receive orders. — Ancyra, 20. Adultera and adulter (so Schol., husband with guilty knowledge, Routh and Fleury), 7 years' penitence. — Neocaesarea, 1. Presbyter so offending to be fully excommunicated and brought to penitence. — Neocaesarea, 8. The layman whose wife is a convicted adultera can- not receive orders. If the husband be already ordained, he must put her away under penalty of deprivation. — Basil, can. 9. An unchaste wife must be divorced. An unchaste husband not so, even if adulterous ; this is the rule of Church custom. [N.B. — We place Basil here because ac- cepted by Trull. 2.]— Basil, 58. The adulter 15 years' penitence ; cf. 59, which gives 7 years to simple incontinence, and compare with both can. 7 and Scholia. — Gregor. Nyss., can. 4, prescribes 18 years (9 only for simple incontinence). — Basil, 27, and Trull. 26, forbid a presbyter who has ignorantly contracted an unlawful marriage be- fore orders to discharge his functions, but do not degrade him. — Basil, 39. An adultera living with her paramour is guilty of continued crime. This forbids her marriage with him, as does also the civil law. Cf. on these marriages Triburiense, 40, 49, and 51. — On intended and incipient sin, com- pare Neocaesarea, 4, with Basil, 70 (also Scholia) and Blastaris Syntagma, cap. xvi. — The synod of Eliberis, though held A.D. 305, was not accepted by any Universal Council, but it represents an important part of the Western Church, and its canons on discipline are strict. The following arrangement will be found useful. Eliberis, 19. Sin of Clerisy. (Cf. Tarracon. 9.)— 31. Of young men. — 7. Sin, if repeated. — 69. Of married men and women. — i7. If habitual and with relapse after penitence. — 64. Of women continuing with their accomplices ; cf. 69. — 65. Wives of clerks. — 70. Husbands' connivance (F. Mendoza remarks on the antiquity of this sin in Spain). — 78. Of married men with Jewesses or Pagans. 2. Against Adultery as under Sjnritual hut not Civil Law. — Both canonists and divines joined with our Saviour's precepts, Prov. xviii. 23; Jer. iii. 1 (both LXX) ; 1 Cor. vi. 16, and vii. 11-16 and 39. They drew two conclusions : (1) Divorce, except for adultery, is adultery. Under this fell the questions of enforced continence, and of marriage after divorce. (2) To retain an adulterous wife is also adultery — a point disputed by divines, e.g. Augustine, who yielded to the text in Proverbs {Retract, i. xix. 6). These divisions should be remembered though the points are often blended in the canons. Can. Apost. 5. No one in higher orders to cast out his wife on plea of religion. This is altered as regards bishops by Trull. 12, but the change (opposed to African feeling) was not enough to satisfy Rome. It must be remem- bered that, though divorce was restrained by Constantine, whose own mother had thus suf- fered (see Eutrop. ix. 22), his law was relaxed by Theod. and Valentin, and their successors, and it was common for a clerk, forced into conti- nence, to repudiate his wife. Trull. 13, opposes the then Roman practice as concerns priests and deacons, and so far maintains, as it says. Can. Apost. 5. — The Scholia on these three canons should be read. For the Roman view of them compare Binius and other commentators with Fleury, Hist. Eccl. xl. 50. Cf. Siricius, Ad Himer. 7; Innocent I. Ad Exup. 1, and Ad Max. et Sev. ; Leo I. Ad Rustic. 3, and Ad Anastas. 4. See also ]\Iilman, Lat. Christ, i. 97-100. The feeling of Innocent appears most extreme if Jerome's asser- tion {Ad Demetriad.) of this pope's being his predecessor's son is literally meant, as Milman and others believe. — Can. Apost. 18, al. 17. On marriage with a cast-out wife; cf. Levit. xxi. 7. — 48, al. 47. Against casting out and marrying again, or marrying a dismissed woman. "Casting out" and "dismissed" are explained by the Scholiasts in the sense of unlawful repu- diations. Sanchez {De Mat)-im. lib. x. de Divort. Disp. ii. 2) quotes this canon in the opposite sense, and brings no other authority to forbid divorce before Innocent I. ; indeed in Disp. i. 12, he says, " Posterior (excusatio) est, indissolubilitatem ma- ADULTERY ADULTERY 29 trimomi non ita arete In pi-imitiva Ecclesia in- tellectam esse, quin liceret ex legitima causa, apud Episcopos provinciales probata, libellum i-epudii dare." F. Mendoza makes a like reserve on Eliberis, 8. It is to be observed that Latin renderings of Greek law terms are apt to be am- biguous ; e.g. " Soluta " is sometimes used of a dismissed wife, sometimes of an unmarried woman. — Basil, Ad Amphiloch. can 9. The dictum of our Lord applies naturally to both sexes, but it is otherwise ruled by custom [i.e. of the Church, see a few lines further, with Scholia; and on unwritten Church custom having the force of law cf. Photii Nomoc. i. 3, and refer- ences]. In the case of wives that dictum is stringently observed according to 1 Cor. vi. 16 ; Jer. iii. 1, and Prov. xviii., latter half of 23 (both in LXX and Vulgate). — If, however, a di- vorced husband marries again, the second wife is not an adultera, but the first ; cf. Scholia. [Here the Latin translator has mistaken the Gi'eek ; he renders ovk olSa et Suvarai by " nescio an possit," instead of " nescio an non " — so as to give the con- trary of Basil's real meaning.] A woman must not leave her husband for blows, waste of dower, incontinence, nor even disbelief (cf. 1 Cor. vii. 16), under penalty of adultery. Lastly, Basil forbids second marriage to a husband putting away his wife, i.e. unlawfully according to Aristenus, Selden, Ux. Mr. iii. 31, and Scholia on Trull. 87. On like Scripture grounds Can. 26 of 2nd Synod attributed to St. Patrick, commands divorce of adulteresses, and permits husband to remarry. — Basil, 21, assigns exti-a penitence to what would now be called simple adultery (then denied by Church custom to be adultery), i.e. the incon- tinency of a married man. Divorce is next treated as a penalty — an offending wife is an adulteress and must be divorced — not so the hus- band ; cf. can. 9. Basil, unlike Gregory of Nyssa, does not justify in reason the established custom. — 35. Alludes to a judgment of the sort men- tioned by Sanchez and Mendoza, and referred to above. — Can. 48. Separated wife had better not re-marry. Carthage, 105 ap. Bev. (in Cod. Eccl. Afric. 102). — Divorced persons (i.e. either rightly or wrongly repudiating) to remain unmarried or be reconciled, and an alteration of Imperial law in this sense to be petitioned for. This breathes a Latin rather than an Eastern spirit, and is the same with 2 Milevis (Mileum), 17 (repeated Cone. Afric. 69), cf. 1 Aries, 10, and Innocent L, Ad Exup. 6. The case is differently determined under differing conditions by Aug. de Fid. et Oper. 2 (i.) compared with 35 (xix.). The Scholiasts hold that the Carthaginian canon was occasioned by facility of civil divorce, but superseded by Trull. 87. Innocent III., with a politic regard for useful foi*geries, ordained that earlier should prevail over later canons (cf. Justell. i. 311), but the Greek canonists (as here) maintain the reverse, which is likewise ably up- held and explained by Augustine, De Bapt. II. 4, (iii.), and 14 (ix.). Trull. 87, is made up of Basil's 9, 21, 35, and 48. The Scholia should be read — but they do not notice that, when it was framed, divorce by consent had been restored by Justin, Nopell. 2 (authent. 140), They are silent because neither this Novell, nor all Justinian's 117 were inserted in the Basilica then used ; his 134 alone repre- sented the law (see Photii Nomoc. XIII. 4, Sch. 3). — Trull. 87, is so worded as to express desertion, and therefore implies a judicial process, without which re-marriage must be held mere adultery (see on this point, Blastaris Syntagm. : Gamma^ 13). The " divine " Basil, here highly magnified, is elevated still higher in Blastaris, Caus. Matrim. ap. Leunclavii Jus Graeco-Roman. p. 514. This canon closes the circle of Oecumenical law upon adultery, and on divorce, treated partly as its penalty and partly as its cause. The points of agreement with State law are plain ; the divergence is an effect of Church restraint upon divorce, which, if uncanonical, easily led to digamy, and formed per se a species of adultery. According to canonists (Photii Nomoc. I, 2, Schol. 2), Church law, having a twofold sanction, could not be resisted by Imperial constitutions. As the ancient mode of thinking on adultery is alien from our own, it seems right to I'efer the reader to the vindication of its morality by Gregory Nyss. (Ad Let. 4). — Gregory is by no means lenient to the incontinency of married or unmarx'ied men with single women; 9 years of penitence with all its attendanL infamy made up no trifling chastisement. But he held that the offence of a married woman and her paramour involves three additional elements of immorality — the treacherous, the specially unjust, and the unnatural ; or, to put the case another way, he estimated the sin by the strength of the barriers overleaped by passion, and by the amount of selfishness involved in its gratification. So, in modern days, we often speak of an adulteress as an unnatural mother, and visit her seducer with proportionate indignation. Thus viewed, spuri- ousness of progeny is not a censure by rule of expediency, but a legal test of underlying de- pravity. This section may usefully close with examples showing how the ancient position has been ovei'- looked as well as resisted. We saw that Car- thage, 105, and its parallels forbade marriage after divorce, whether just or unjust, and that the view of its being adultery had gained ground in the West. Now, three earlier Eliberitan canons uphold the other principle. Can. 8. Against re- marriage of a woman causelessly repudiating. 9. Against re-marriage of a woman leaving an adulterous husband. 10. Against marriage with a man guilty of causeless dismissal. From this last canon, compared with 8 and 9, it appears that the husband divorcing an adulteress may marry again, which by 9 an aggrieved wife can- not do ; cf. the parallel, Basil, 9, supra. Cote- lerius, note 16, 3, to Herm. Past. Mand. iv., quotes cans., 9 and 10 as a support to the pseudo- Ambrose on 1 Cor. vii. 10, 11, and construes both to mean that the man is favoured above the woman under like conditions. He is fol- lowed by Bingham, xvi. 11, 6, as far as the so- called Ambrose is concerned. But we have suf- ciently proved that Church custom did not per- mit incontinency to be held a like condition in husband and in wife. The pseudo-Ambrose himself misleads his readers — his law agrees with the Basilean canon, but not content with laying down the law, he goes on to reason out the topic — the man's being the head of the woman, &c. The Western Canon ascribed to St. Patrick (supra) seems a remarkable contrast to the Latin rule. The fact is equally remarkable 30 ADULTERY ADVENT that at no further distance from Eliberis than Aries, and as early as A.D. 314, it was enacted ])y Can. 10 that young men detecting their wives m adultery should be counselled against marry- ing others during the lifetime of the adulteresses (cf. Nantes 12). Most curious to us are the de- crees of Pope Leo I., Ad Nicet. 1, 2, 3, 4, which allow the wives of prisoners of war to marry others, but compel them to return to their husbands under pain of excommunication should the captives be released and desire their society. Such instances as these and some before cited illustrate the various modes of affirming an iron bond in marriage, and of resisting the law on adultery, and on divorce as the penalty of adul- tery (afterwards received in Trullo), ere yet the opposition formed an article in the divergence of Greek and Latin Christendom. With them should be compai-ed the extracts from divines given under Division IL supra, which display in its best colours the spirit of the revolution. For other particulars, see DivORCE. 3. Constructive Adultery. — The following are treated as guilty of the actual crime : — Trull. 98. A man marrying a betrothed maiden ; cf. Basil, 37, with SchoL, and Dig. 48, tit. 5, s. 13, § 3 ; also Siricius, Ad Him. 4. — Elib. 14. Girls seduced marrying other men than their seducers. — Basil, 18. Consecrated virgins who sin and their para- mours ; cf. his 60. These supersede Ancyra, 19, by which the offence was punished as digamy. See on same. Trull. 4 ; Elib. 13 ; Siric. Ad Him. 6, Innocent, Ad Victr. 12 and 13. Cyprian, Ad Pom- pon., pronounced it better they should marry — the offender is " Christi Adultera." Jerome, Ad Demetriad. sub fin., perplexes the case for irre- vocable vows by declaring, " Quibus aperte dicen- dum est, ut aut nubant, si se non possunt conti- nere, aut coatineant, si nolunt nubere." — Laod. 10 and 31, accepted by Chalced. i. and Trull. 2, fox-bid giving sons and daughters in marriage to heretics. Eliberis, 15, 16, 17, enact severe penal- ties against parents who marry girls to Jews, heretics, and unbelievers, above all to heathen priests, 1, Aries, 11, has same prohibition, so too Agde, 67. By Cod. Theod. 16, tit. 8, s. 6 (a.d. 339), Jews must not take Christian women ; by Cod. Theod. 3, tit. 7, s. 2 (a.d. 388), all marriage between Jew and Christian is to lae treated as adultery, a law preserved by Justinian {Cod. J. 1, tit. 9, s. 6). Some suppose this phrase simply means treated as a capital offence, but Elib. 15, mentions the risk of adulterium animae. The pas- sage in TertuUian, Ad Ux. ii. 3, "fideles gentilium matrimonia subeuntes stupri reos esse constat," &c. (cf. Division L supra) shows how early this thought took hold of the Church. Idolatry from Old Testament times downward was adul- tery ; and divines used the principle 1 Cor. vi. 15, 16, and parallel texts, to prove that mari'iage with an unclean transgressor involved wife or husband in the sinner's guilt. Compare Justin Martyr in the history cited Division I., Cyprian, Testimon. iii. 62, and Jerome, Epitaph. Fabiolae. It would appear therefore that law was thus worded to move conscience, and how hard the task of law became may be gathered from Chal- cedon, 14. This canon (on which see Schol. and Eouth's note, Opusc. ii. 107) concerns the lower clerisy ; but the acceptance of Laodicea by Can. 1 had already met the case of lay people. See further under Marriage. The Church was strict against incitements and scandals. Professed virgins must not live with clerks as sisters. See Sub-introductae. On promiscuous bathing. Trull. 77, Laod. 30 ; the custom was strange to early Rome, but practice varied at different times (see Diet. Antiq. Bal- neae). On female adornment. Trull. 96, and com- pare Commodian's address to matroHs, Inst. 59, 60. — Elib. 35, forbids women's night watching in cemeteries, because sin was committed under pretext of prayer. Against theatricals, loose reading, some kinds of revels, dances, and other prohibited things, see Bingham, xvi. 11, 10-17, with the references, amongst which those to Cyprian deserve particular attention. For the general literature on Canox Law see that article. Upon civil law there are excellent references under Justinianus, Diet. Biogr., with additional matter in the notes to Gibbon, chap. 44, ed. Smith and Milman, and a, summary re- specting the Basilica, vol. vii. pp. 44, 45. ' We may here add that Mommsen is editing a text of the CorpMs Juris Civilis ; and the whole Russian code is now being translated for English publica- tion. There is a series of manuals by Ortolan deserving attention : Histoire de la Legislation romaine, 1842 ; Cours de Legislation penale com- paree, 1839-41 ; Explication des Instituts, 1863. Gothofredi Manuale Juris, and Windscheid's Lehrhuch d. Pandektenrechts (2nd ed.) may be useful. An ample collection of Councils and Ec- clesiastical documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland is being published at Oxford. Re- ferences on special topics have been fully given above, and will serve to indicate the readiest sources for further information. Curious readers will find interesting matter in Saint Edme, Dic- tionnaire de la Penalite ; Taylor, On Civil Law; and Duni, Origine e Progressi del Cittadino e del Governo civile di Roma, 1763-1764. [W. J.] ADVENT (^Adventus, NTjcrreia rSiv Xpicrrov- y^vviav), is the season of preparation for the Feast of the Nativity, to which it holds the like relation as does Lent to Easter. As no trace of an established celebration of the birth of our Lord is met with before the 4th century [Na- tivity], no earlier origin can be assigned to the ecclesiastical institution of Advent ; the state- ment of Durand {Rationale divin. off.vi. 21), which makes this an appointment of St. Peter (unless, like other statements of the same kind, it means only that this was an ordinance of the see of St. Peter), may rest, perhaps, on an ancient tradition, making Christmas an apostolic institution, but is contrary to all historical testimony, and devoid of pi'obability. Expressions which have been alleged on that behalf fromTertullian, St. Cyprian, and other early writers, are evidently meant, not of "Advent" as a Church season, but of the coming of the Lord in the fulness of time. A passage of St. Chrysostom (Horn. iii. ad Eph. t. xi. 22 B), in which naiphs rris irpoaoSov is mentioned in connection with ra 'E-rrKpavia (i. e. the ancient Feast of Nativity and Baptism) and with the Lenten Quadragesima, speaks, as the context manifestly shows, not of the season of Advent, but of the fit time (or rather fitness in general) for coming to Holy Communion (comp. Menard on Libr. Sacram. S. Gregorii ; 0pp. t. iii. col. 446). Setting aside these supposed testi- monies, and that of the Sermons de Adventu^ ADVENT ADVENT 31 alleged as St. Augustine's, but certainly not his, we have two homilies In (or De) Adventu Domini., de eo quod dictum est, sicut fulgur coruscans, &c., et de dudbus in lecto uno, by St. Maximus, Bishop of Turin, ob. 466. In neither of these sermons is there any indication of Advent as a season, any allusion to Lessons, Gospels, &c., appro- priated to such a season, or to the Feast of Nativity as then approaching. And, indeed, the fact that the " Sundays in Advent " are unknown to the Sacramentary of Pope Leo of the same age sufficiently shows that this season was not yet established in the time of Maximus. Among the Homilies (doubtfully) ascribed to this bishop, edited by Mabillon (ifws. Ital. t. i. pt. 2), one, hom. vii., preached on the Sunday before Chx'istmas, simply exhorts to a due observance of the feast, and contains no indication of any ecclesiastical rule. Even in the Sermons de ^dventu, formerly ascribed to St. Augustine, now generally acknowledged to have been written by Caesarius, Bishop of Aries, ob. 542 (S. Augustini 0pp. t. v. 210, Ben. Append, n. 115, 116), there is no distinct recognition of Advent as an established observance. In these, the faithful are exhorted to prepare themselves, several days (ante plures dies), foi the due celebration of the Nativity, especially of the Christmas Communion, by good works, by guarding against anger and hatred, by modest hospitality to the poor, by strict continence, &c. Still there is no indi- cation of the length of time so to be set apart, nor any reference to Lessons, Gospels, or other mattei-s of Church usage. The preacher urges such preparation, not on the ground of Church observance, but as matter of natural fitness : " Even as ye would prepare for celebrating the birth-day of a great lord by putting your houses in order," &c. " Ideo ab omni inquinamento ante ejus Natalem multis diebus abstinere de- betis. Quotiescumque aut Natalem Domini aut reliqms soUemnitates celebrare disponitis, ebrieta- tem ante omnia fugite," &c. And so in the second sermon : " Et ideo quotiescumque aut dies Natalis Domini, aut reliquae festivitates adveniunt, sicut frequenter admonui, ante plures dies non solum ab infelici concubinarum consortio, sed etiam a propi'iis uxoribus abstinete : ab omni ira- cundia," &c. There is indeed a canon cited by Gratian (Decretal, xxxiii. qu. 4) as of the Council of Lerida, A.D. 523, prohibiting all marriage /rom Advent to Epiphany. But this canon is known to be spurious, and does not appear in the authentic copies (see Brun's Concilia, t. ii. 20). A similar canon of the Council of Macon, (a.d. 581, ibid. 242) is undisputed. This (can. ix.) enjoins that from the Feast of St. Martin (Nov. 11) to the Nativity there be fasting on Monday, Wednesday, and Friday of each week, and that the canons be then read ; also that the sacrifices be offered in the quadragesimal order. (Subsequent councils, after our period, enjoin the observance of this Quadragesima S. Martini as the preparation for Christmas, corre- sponding to the Lenten Quadragesima before Easter.) It does not appear what were the canons appointed to be read, relating, of course, to the observance of these forty days before Christmas; only, it may be inferred that such canons were, or were supposed to be, in exist- ence, of earlier date than that of Macon (in the preface to which council it is said these enact- ments are not new : " non tam nova quam prisca patrum statuta sancientes " &c.). In the second Council of Tours (a.d. 567), the fast of three days in the week is ordered (can. xvii.) for the months of September, October, and November, and from (1) December to the Nativity, omni die. But this is for monks only. St. Gregory, Bishop of Tours, in De Vitis Patrum, written between 590 and 595, alleges that Perpetuus, Bishop of Tours (461-490), ordered "a deposi- tione B. Martini usque ad Nat. Dom. terna in septimana jejunia." This may have been one of the prisca statuta appealed to ; but no trace is extant of any such canon, either in the First Council of Tours, A.D. 460, or in any other Latin council before that of Macon. It seems, fi-om all that is certainly known, that Advent took its place among Church seasons only in the latter part of the 6th century. When the Nativity had become established as one of the greao festivals, it was felt that its dignity demanded a season of preparation. The number of days or weeks to be so set apart was at first left to the discretion of the faithful : " ante plures dies, multis diebus," ' as in the above-cited exhortation of Caesarius. Later, this was defined by rule, and first, it seems, in the Churches of Gaul. Yet not every- where the same rule : thus the oldest Galilean Sacramentary shows three Sundays in Advent, the Gothic-Gallican only two (Mabillon, Mus. Ital. t. i. pp. 284-288 ; and de Liturg. Gallicana, p. 98, sqq.). But the rule that the term of pre- paration should be a quadrageslma (correspond- ing with that which was already established for Easter), to commence after the Feast of St. Martin, which rule, as has been seen, was not enacted, but reinforced by the canon of MI,con, 581, implies six Sundays ; and that this rule ob- tained in other Churches appeai-s from the fact that the Ambrosian (or Milan) and Mozarablc (or Spanish) Ordo show six missae, implying that number of Sundays ; and the same rule was ob- served (as Martene has shown) in some of the Galilean Churches. The Epistola ad Bibianum falsely alleged to be St. Augustine's account of "the offices of divine worship throughout the year " in his diocese of Hippo (see Bened. Ad- monitio at end of 0pp. S. Augustini, t. ii.), also attests this for Churches of Gaul, if, as Martene surmises, this was the work of some Galilean writer. It should be remarked that this writer himself makes the ordo adventus Domini begin much earlier, at the autumnal equinox, Sept. 25, as being the day of the conception of St. John the Baptist, and so the beginning of the times of the Gospel. " Sed quia sunt nonnulli qui adventum Domini a festi- vitate B. Martini Turonensls urbls episcopi videntur insipienter excolere, nos eos non repre- hendamus " &c. This Quadragesima S. Martini seems to have originated in Gaul, in the diocese of Tours, to which it was specially recommended by the devotion paid to its great saint ; an additional distinction was conferred upon his festival in that it marked the beginning of the solemn preparation for the Nativity. So far, we may accept Binterlm's conclusion (Denkwilrdig- keiten der christ.-kathol. Kirche, vol. v., pt. i., p. 166) : the rule — not, as he says, of Advent, but — of this Quadragesima is first met with in the diocese of Tours. If, indeed, the Tractatus de Sanctis tribus Quadragesimis, " unde eas observari ac- 32 ADVENT ADVENT cepimus, quodque qui eas transgrediuntur legem violent " (ap. Coteler, Monum. Eccl. Gr. iii. 425), be, as Cave (^Hist. Lit.') represents, the work of that Anastasius Sinaita who was patriarch of Autioch, 561, oh. 599 ; this Quadragesima, under another name (" Q. S. Philippi," or " Fast of the Nativity"), was already observed in the East. But the contents make it plain enough that its author was another and much later Anastasius Sinaita, who wrote after A.D. 787. The ob- servance of the " Quadragesima Apostolorum," and "Quadragesima S. Philippi" (the Feast of St. Philip in the Greek Calendar is November 14) is enjoined upon monks by Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, 806. This fast of 40 days before Christmas seems to have been kept up chiefly by the monastic orders in Gaul, Spain, Italy, (Martene De Bit. Ant. Eccl, iii. p. 27); it was observed also in England in the time of Bede {Hist. iii. 27; iv. 30), and much later. It was not until the close of the 6th century that the Church of Rome under St. Gregory received the season of preparation as an ecclesiastical rule, restricted, in its proper sense, to the four Sundays before the Nativity (Amalarius De Eccl. Off. iii. 40, A.D. 812, and Abbot Berno, De quibusdam rebus ad Missam pertinentibus, c. iv. 1014) ; and this became the general rule for the Western Church throughout the 8th century, and later. And, in fact, four is the number of Sundays in Advent in the Sacra- mentary of Gregory {Liber Sacrament, de circulo anni, ed. Pamelius ; and in the Lectionarium Ro- manum, ed. Thomasius). But other and older copies of the Gregorian Sacramentary (ed. Menard, 1642, reprinted with his notes in the Benedic- tine 0pp. S. Gregorii, t. iii.); the Comes, ascribed to St. Jerome; the Sacramentary of Gelasius, oh. 496 (a very ancient document, but largely in- terpolated with later additions); the Antiquum Kalend. Sacrae Romanae Eccl. ap. Martene. Thes. Anecdot. t. v. (in a portion added by a later hand) ; the Pontifical of Egbert, Archbishop of York, ob. 767 ; a Lectionary written for Charlemagne by Paul the Deacon (ap. Mabillon) ; and other MSS. cited by Martene (m. s. iv. 80, ff.), all give five Sundays. Hence, some writers have been led to represent that the practice varied in different Churches, some reckoning four, others five Sundays in Advent — an erroneous inference, unless it could be shown that the first of the five Sundays was designated " Dominica Prima Adventus Domini." The seeming discrepancy is easily explained. The usual ancient names of the four Sundays, counted backwards from the Nativity, are : Do- minica i., ante Nat. Domini (our 4th Advent), Dom. ii., Dom. iii., Dom. iv. ante Nat. Domini. To these the next preceding Sunday was prefixed under the style Dom. v. ante Nat. Dom., not as itself a Sunday in Advent, but as the preparation for Advent. So Amalarius and Berno, u. s., and Durandus : "In quinta igitur hebdomada ante Nat. D. inchoatur praeparatio adventus . . . nam ab ilia dominica sunt quinque ofiicia domi- nicalia, quinque epistolae et quinque evangelia quae adventum Domini aperte praedicant." The intention is evident in the Epistle and Gospel for this Sunday, which in the Sarum Missal is designated " dominica proxima ante Adventum," with the rule (retained by our own order from that of Sai'um), that these shall always be used for the last Sunday before Advent begins. After the pattern of the Lenten fast, Advent was marked as a season of mourning in the pub- lic services of the Chm'ch. The custom of omitting the Gloria in Excelsis (replaced by the Benedicamus Domino), and also the Te Deum and Ite missa est, and of laying aside the dalmatic and subdeacon's vestment (which in the 11th and 12th century appears to have been the established rule, Micrologus De Eccl. Obs. c. 46 ; Rupert Abbas Tuit. de Div. Off. iii. c. 2), was coming into use during the eighth century. In the Mozarabic Missal, a rubric, dating probably from the end of the 6th century (i.e. from the refashionment of this ritual by Leander or Isidore of Seville), appoints : " In Adventu non dicitur Gloria in Excelsis dominicis diebus et feriis, sed tantum diebus festis." And Amalarius, ob. 812 (De Offic. Sacr. iii. c. 40), testifies to this custom for times within our period : " Vidi tempore prisco Gloria in Excelsis praetermitti in diebus adventus Domini, et in aliquibus locis dalmaticas": and iv. c. 30 : " Aliqua de nostro officio reser- A^amus usque ad praesentiam nativitatis Domini, h. e. Gloria in Excelsis Deo, et clarum vesti- mentum dalmaticam ; si forte nunc ita agitur ut vidi actitari in aliquibus locis." The Bene- dictine monks retained the Te Deum in Advent as in Lent, alleging the rule of their founder. The Alleluia also, and the Sequences, as also the hymns, were omitted, but not in all Churches. In the Gregorian Antiphonary, the Alleluia is marked for 1 and 3 Advent and elsewhere. In some Churches, the Miserere (Ps. li.) and other mournful Psalms were added to or substituted for the ordinary Psalms. For lessons, Isaiah was read all through, beginning on Advent Sunday ; when that was finished, the Twelve Minor Prophets, or readings from the Fathers, especially the Epistles of Pope Leo on the Incar- I nation, and Sermons of St. Augustine, succeeded. The lesson from " the Prophet " ended with the form, " Haec dicit Dominus Deus, Convertimini ad me, et salvi eritis." In the Greek Church, the observance of a season of preparation for the Nativity is of late intro- duction. No notice of it occurs in the liturgical works of Theodorus Studites, ob. 826, though, as was mentioned above, the 40-days' fast of St. Philip was enjoined (to monks) by Nicephorus, A.D. 806. This r^(T or presbyter of the Church pronounced the blessing {evKoyid). Then they ate and drank. Originally, at some time before or after'' the rest of the meal, one loaf was specially blessed and broken, one cup passed round specially as " the cup of blessing." When the meal was over, water was brought and they washed their hands. Then, if not before, according to the season of the year, lamps were placed (as in the upper room at Troas, Acts xx. 8) on their stands, and the more devotional part of the evening began. Those who had special gifts were called on to expound Scripture, or to speak a word of exhortation, or to sing a hymn to God, or to " Christ as to a God" (Plin. 1. c). It was the natural time for intel- ligence to be communicated from other Churches, for epistles from them or their bishops to be read, for strangers who had come with iiriarSkaL avaraTiKol to be received. Collections were made for the relief of distressed churches at a distance, or for the poor of the district (1 Cor. xvi. 1 ; Justin. M. Apol. ii. ; Tertullian. Apol. c. 39). Then came the salutation, the kiss of love (1 Pet. V. 14), the " holy kiss" " (Rom. xvi. 16), which told of brotherhood, the final prayer, the quiet and orderly dispersion. In the ideal Agapae, the eating and drinking never passed beyond the bounds of temperance. In practice, as at Corinth, the boundary line may sometimes have been transgressed, but the testimony of Pliny in his letter to Trajan (1. c), as well as the state- ments of the Apologists, must be allowed as proving that their general character at first was that of a pui*e simplicity. The monstrous slanders of " Thyestean banquets " and " shame- less impurity" were but the prurient inventions of depraved minds, who inferred that all secret meetings must be like those of the Bacchanalian orgies which had at venous periods alarmed the Roman Senate with their infinite debasement (Liv. xxxix. 13, 14). At Alexandria, indeed, as was natnral in a wealthy and luxurious city, there seems to have been a tendency to make the Agape too much of a sumptuous feast, like the entertainments of the rich, and to give the name to banquets to which only the rich were invited. Clement protests with a natural indignation against such a misapplication of it by those who sought to " purchase the promise of God with such feasts" (Paedag. ii. 1, § 4, p. 61). It seems probable from his protest against the use of flutes at Christian feasts (Paedag. ii. 4, p. 71) that instrumental music of a secular and meretricious character had come to be used instead of the " psalms and hymns and spiritual songs" (Eph. V. 19, Col. iii. 16) which had been in use, without accompaniment, at the original Agapae. Clement, however, permits the employment of the harp or lyre. At first the practice would naturally serve as a b Chrysostom (Bom. 27 and 54, on 1 Cor. xi.), followed by Theodoret and Theophylact in loc, and most liturgical writers, say " before," but obviously under the influence of later practice, and the belief that the Eucharist could not have been received otherwise than fasting in the time of the Apostles. We may probably think of some order like that which attends the use of a " grace-cup " in college or civic feast ; each man 4tissed by his neighbour on one side, and kissing in turn him who sat on the other. AGAPAE AGAPE 41 witness and bond of the brotherhood of Christians. Rich and poor, even master and slave, met together on the same footing. What took place but once a year in the Roman saturnalia was repeated in the Christian society once a week. But in pro- portion as the society became larger, and the sense of brotherhood less living, the old social distinctions would tend to reassert themselves. The Agapae would become either mere social entertainments for the wealthy, as at Alexan- dria, or a mere dole of food for the poor, as in Western Africa (Augustin. c. Faustum XX. 20), and in either case would lose their original significance. Other causes tended also to throw them into the back-ground. When Christians came to have special buildings set apart for worship, and to look on them with something of the same local reverence that the Jews had had for the Temple, they shrank from sitting down in them to a common meal as an act of profanation. The Agapae, therefore, were gradually forbidden to be held in churches, as by the Council of Laodicea (c. 27), and that of 3rd Carthage a.d. 391 (c. 30), and that in Trullo much later ^ (a.d. 692). This, of course, to- gether with the rule of the 3rd Council of Carthage (c. 29), that the Eucharist should be received fasting, and the probable transfer, in consequence of that rule, of the time of its "celebration" from the evening to the morning, left the " feast of love " without the higher companionship with which it had been at first associated, and left it to take more and more the character of a pauper meal. Even the growing tendency to asceticism led men who aimed at a devout life to turn aside fastidiously from sitting down with men and women of all classes, as a religious act. So Tertullian, who in his Apology had given so beautiful a description of them, after he became a Montanist, reproaches the Church at large with the luxury of its Agapae, and is not ashamed tc repeat the heathen slander as to the preva- lence in them even of incestuous licence (Be Jejun. c. xvii.). One effort was made, as by the Council of Gangra, to restore them to their old position. Those who despised and refused to come to them were solemnly anathematised (c. 11). But the current set in strongly, and the practice gradually died out. Their close con- nexion with the aiioual commemoration of the deaths of martyrs, and the choice of the graves of martyrs as the place near which to hold them, was, perhaps, an attempt to raise them out of the disrepute into which they had fallen. And for a time the attempt succeeded. Augustine describes his mother Monica as having been in the habit of going with a basket full of provi- sions to these Agapae, which she just tasted her- self, and then distributed (Confess, vi. 2). And this shows the prevalence of the practice in Western Africa. In Northern Italy, however, Ambrose had suppressed them on account of the disorders which were inseparable, and their re- semblance to the old heathen Parentalia, and Augustine, when he returned to Africa, urged Aurelius, Bishop of Carthage, to follow the example (Epist. xxii.). The name, indeed, still lingered as given to the annual dedication feasts ^ubt. torn. ii. p. 329); and again those worn under a planeta by Pope Cornelius of Rome and St. Cyprian of Carthage in frescoes of (probably) the 8th century (De Rossi, Roma Sott. vol. i. pp. 298-304) all agree in this respect. In these last, particularly, the albs (possibly dalmatics, q. V.) worn under the planeta, have sleeves as large as those of a modern surplice. But while this was, no doubt, the prevailing form, we have pictorial evidence to show, that, in the ninth century certainly, and in all proba- bility at a considerably earlier time, a different form of alb was in use side by side with the first. Considerations of practical convenience deter- mined this, as had been the case, we may well believe, in the case of the Levitical priests. If these latter, in the discharge of their sacrificial duties, would have been not only incommoded but endangered by wearing full and flowing linen garments, so were there occasions, particularly tlie administration of baptism, when large and full sleeves, like those of the ordinary alb or dalmatic, would have been inconvenient in the highest degree to those engaged in offices of Christian ministry. We find accordingly, in an illumination dating from the 9th century (see woodcut in the article baptism), that the priest in baptizing Avore a closely fitted alb, girded. This is, we have reason to believe, the earliest example in Christian art of an alb so shaped ; but in later centuries, as the " sacred vest- ments " continually increased in number, the alb, which was worn underneath the rest, was gradually more and more contracted in form ; and at the present time the alb, technically so called, is a closely-fitting vestment, girded, nearly resembling that of the priest in the plate just referred to. § 4. Decoration of the alb. — Like other vest- ments which, in primitive times, were of white linen only, the alb was often enriched in later times in respect of ornament, material, and colour. Details as to this are given by Bock (LiturgiscJie Gevmnder, ii. 33) and by Dr. Rock {Church of our Fathers, vol. i. p. 424 sqq.). The most common ornaments of the kind were known as parurae (a shorter form of paraturae), which were oblong patches, richly coloured and orna- mented, attached to the tunic. Hence a distinc- tion between cUba parata, an alb with " ap- parels " (technically so called), and alba pura, this last being the "white alb plain" spoken of in the first Prayer-book of Edward VI. These albae paratcw date, according to Professor Weiss, from the close of the 10th century (Kostum-^ kunde^ u. s. w,, p. 667). But this is true only of ecclesiastical use. Ornaments like in kind to these apparels had long been in use for the richer albs worn by persons of high secular rank. They were called Paragaudae, from a Syriac word of similar import. See Casaubon's note on the pas- sage of Trebellius referred to in § 1. [W.B.M.] ALBANUS (1) (St. Alban) or Albinuu {Mart. Hieron.^ and his companions, martyrs in Britain, commemorated June 22 {Mart. Rom. Vet., Hieron., et Bedae). (2) Saint, commemorated December 1 {M. Bedae). [C] ALBINUS. (1) Bishop and confessor, com- memorated March 1 {Mart. Hieron., Bedae). (2) Martyr, June 21 {M. Bedae). [C] ALCESTER, Council of (Alnense Con- cilium), A.D. 709 ; an imaginary council, resting solely on the legendary life of Ecgwin, Bishop of Worcester, and founder of Evesham Abbey, by Brihtwald of Worcester (or Glastonbury); said to have been held to confirm the grants made to Evesham (Wilk. i. 72, 73; Mansi, xii. 182- 189). Wilfrid of York, said to have been at the council, died June 23, 709. [A. W. H.] ALDEGUNDIS, virgin, deposition Jan. 30 {Mart. Bedae). [C] ALDERMANN. [Ealdorman.] ALEXANDER, (1) martyr under Decius, coniniemorated Jan. 30 {Mart. Rom. Vet.). (2) Commemorated Feb. 9 {Mart. Bedae). (3) Son of Claudius, martvr at Ostia, Feb. 18 (^6.). (4) Bishop of Alexandria, Feb. 26 (76.) ; April 10 {M. Hieron.). (5) Of Thessalonica, Feb. 27 {M. Hieron.). (6) Of Africa, March 5 {M. Hieron.). (7) Of Nicomedia, March 6 {M. Hieron.). (8) With Gains, March 10 {Mart. Bedae). (9) Bishop of Jerusalem, martyr, March 18 {Mart. Rom. Vet., Bedae). (10) Martyr at Caesarea in Palestine, March 28 {Mart. Rom. Vet.) ; Mar. 27 {M. Bedae). (11) Saint, April 24 {Mart. Bedae) ; April 21 {Hieron.). (12) The Pope, martyr at Rome under Trajan, May 3 {Mart. Rom. Vet., Bedae). Named in the Gregorian Canon, Antiphon in Lib. Antiph. p. 693. (13) Martyr at Bergamo, Aug. 26 {Mart. Rom. Vet.). (14) Bishop and confessor, Aug. 28 {lb.). (15) " In Sabinis," Sept. 9 {lb. et Hieron.). (16) Commemorated Sept. 10 {M. Hieron.). (17) In Capua, Oct. 15 {M. Hieron.). (18) Patriarch, Nov. 7 {Cal. Armen.) ; Miaziah 22 = April 17, and Nahasse 18 = Aug. 11 {Cal. Ethiop.). (19) Bishop and martyr, Nov. 26 {M. R. V.). (20) Martyr at Alexandria, translated Dec. 12 {lb.). [C] ALEXANDRIA, CATECHETICAL SCHOOL OF. The school thus described occu- pies an exceptional position in the history of the Christian Church. Everywhere, of course, there was instruction {kuttixWis) of some kind for con- ' verts [Catechumens] ; everywhere, before long, there must have been some provision made for the education of Christian children. That at Alex- andria was the only one which acquired a specia'. ■ reputation, and had a succession of illustrious ALEXANDEIA ALEXANDKIA 47 teachers, and affected, directly and indirectly, the theology of the Church at large. The lives of those teachers, and the special characteristics of their theological speculations will be treated of elsewhere. Here it is proposed to consider (1) the outward history of tlie school ; (2) its actual mode of working, and general influence on the religious life of the Alexandrian Church. (1.) The origin of the Alexandrian school » is buried in obscurity. Eusebius {H. E., v. 10) speaks of it as of long standing (e| apxa'ou iQovs), but the earliest teacher whom he names is Pantaenus, circ. a.d. 180. If we were to accept the authority of Philip of Sida (Fragm. in Dod- well's Dissert, in Iren. Oxf pp. 488-497), the honour of being its founder might be conceded to Athenagoras, the writer of the Apologia ; and this would carry us a few years further. But the authority of Philip is but slight. His list is manifestly inaccurate, the name of Clement com- ing after Origen, and even after Dionysius, and the silence of Eusebius and Jerome must be held to outweigh his assertion. Conjecture may look to St. Mark (Hieron., Cat. 36), with more proba- bility, perhaps, to Apollos, as having been the first consj)icuous teacher at Alexandria. Pantaenus, however, is the first historical name. He taught both orally and by his writings, and, though his ■work was interrupted by a mission to India, ha seems to have returned to Alexandria, and to have continued teaching there till his deat'n. First working with him, and then succeeding him, we have the name of Clement, and find him occupying the post of teacher till the persecution of Severus, a.d. 202, when he with others fled for safety. The vacant place was filled by Origen (Euseb. H. E. vi. 3), then only eighteen years of age, but already well known as a teacher of grammar and rhetoric, and as having studied profoundly in the interpretation of the Scriptures. It is prtbable, but not certain, that he himself had attended Clement's classes. As it was, seekers after truth came to him in such numbers that he renounced his work as an instructor in other subjects, and devoted himself to that of the school which was thus reopened. Clement may possibly have returned to Alexandria, and worked with him till his death, circ, A.D. 220. Oi'igen himself left soon afterwards, and founded, in some sense, a rival school at Caesarea. Of the teachers that followed we know little more than the names. Philip of Sida Q, c.) gives them as Heracias, Dionysius, Pierius, Theognostus, Serapion, Peter, Macarius, Didymus, Rhodon. Eusebius (^H. E. vii. ^2) names Pierius as a man of philosophical attainments at Alexandria, and mentions Achillas more distinctly as having been entrusted with the SiBaa-KuXeiuv there under the episcopate of Theonas. He further speaks of the s-ihool as existing in his own time (circ. A.D. 330). Theo- doret (i. 1) names Arius as having at one time been the chief teacher there, and Sozomen {H.E. iii, 15) and Rufinus {H. E. ii. 7) name Didymus, a teacher who became blind, as having held that post for a long period of years (circ. a.d. 340-395). During the later years of his life he was assisted by Rhodon as a coadjutor, who, on his death, re- " It may be worth while to note the names by which it is described : — (1) to t^? KaTr;;^^o-6a)?, or to Ttav iepwv Xoywv fiiSao-/caA.etov, Euseb., H. E. v. 10, vi. 3, 26 : (2) to lepbi/ hi^avKakeiov twv lepiav fj-aO-qfj-aTtov, Sozom. iii. 15 : (3) Ecclesiastica ScMu, Hiercii., Cat. c. 38. moved to Sida, where he numbered among his pupils the Philip from whom we get the list of the succession. This seems to have broken up the school, and we are unable to trace it further. (2.) The pattern upon which the work at Alex andria was based may be found in St. Paul's labours at Ephesus. After he ceased to address the Jews through his discourses in the synagogue he turned to the " school " ((txoAr;) of Tyrannus (Acts, xix. 9). That " school " was probably a lecture-hall (so the word is used by Plutarch, Vit. Arati, c. 29), which had been used by some teacher of philosophy or rhetoric, and in which the apostle now appeared as the instructor of all who came to inquire what the " new doctrine " meant. Some- thing of the same kind must have been soon found necessary at a place like Alexandria. With teachers of philosophy of all schools lecturing round them, the Christian Society could not but feel the need of lecturers of its own. Elsewhere, among slaves and artisans it might be enough to hand down the simple tradition of the faith, to de- velope that teaching as we find it in the Catecheses of Cyril of Jerusalem, The age of apologists, ap- pealing, as they did, to an educated and reading class, must have made the demand for such teachers more urgent, and the appearance of Pantaenus as the first certainly known teacher, indicates that he was summonea oy the Church to supply it. In a room in his own house, or one hired for the purpose, the teacher received the inquirers who came to him. It was not a school for boys, but for adults. Men and women alike had free access to him. The school was open from morning to evening. As of old, in the schools of the Rabbis, as in those of the better sophists and philosophers of Greece, there was no charge for admission. If any payment was made it came, in the strictest sense of the word, as an honorarium from grateful pupils (Euseb. JI. E. vi. 4). After a time he naturally divided his hearers into classes. Those who were on the threshold were, it is natural to think, called on, as in the Cohortatio ad Graecos of Clement, to turn from the obscenities and frivolities of Paganism to the living and true God. Then came, as in his Faeda- gogus, the " milk " of Catechesis, teaching them to follow the Divine Instructor by doing all things, whether they ate or drank, in obedience to His will. Then the more advanced were led on to the " strong meat " of ri eTroTrrtKTj 6ecopla (Clem. Alex., Strom, v. p. 686, Pott.). At times he would speak, as in a continuous lecture, and then would pause, that men might ask the questions which were in their hearts (Origen, in Matt. Tr. xiv. 16). The treatises which remain *.o us of Clement's, by his own account of them, embody his reminiscences of such instruc- tion partly as given by others, partly doubtless as given by himself. We may fairly look on Origen's treatises and expositions as having had a like parentage. (Comp. Guerike, Be Schold Alex. ; Hasselbach, Be Schola Alex. ; Redepen- ning's Origenes, i. 57, ii. 10 ; and Art. Alex- andrinisches Catecheten Schule, in Herzog's JReal. Encyclopddie ; Neander's Church History [Engl. Translation], ii. 260, et seq.) [E. H, P.] ALEXANDRIA, COUNCILS OF. There were no councils of Alexandria proportionate to its situation as the marine gate of the East, or to the fame of its catechetical and eclectic schools, 48 ALEXANDRIA ALEXANDRIA or to its ecclesiastical position, as having been the second see of the world. And the first of them was held A.D. 230, under Demetrius, in a hasty moment, to pass judgment upon one of the most distinguished Alexandrians that ever lived, Origen : his chief fault being that he had been ordained priest in Palestine, out of the diocese. His works were condemned in this, and he himself excommunicated and deposed in a subsequent council ; but both sentences were disregarded by the bishops of Palestine, under v/hose patronage he continued to teach and to Dreach as before. A.D. 235 — There was a synod under Heraclas, who is said to have appointed 20 bishops ; one of whom, Ammonius, having betrayed the faith, was reclaimed at this synod. A.D. 263 — This was a synod, under Dionysius, against the errors of Sabellius ; in another, Nepotianus, a bishop of Egypt, and Ce- rinthus fell under censure for their views on the Millennium. A.D. 306 — under Peter ; against Meletius, a bishop of Lycopolis, who had sacrificed to idols, and was therefore deposed. A.D. 321 — Against Arius, who was deposed in two synods this year under Alexander. A.D. 324— Against Arius once more ; but this time under Hosius, Bishop of Cordova, who had been despatched to Alexandria to make enquiries, by Constantine. A.D. 328 — When St. Athanasius was conse- crated bishop. (On the date, see Mansi, ii. 1086.) A.D. 340 — In favour of St. Athanasius. De- puties were sent from the council to Rome and Tyre in that sense. Its synodical letter is given by St. Athanasius in his 2nd Apology. A.D. 352 — Called "Egyptian;" in favour of St. Athanasius again. A.D. 362 — under St. Athanasius, on his return from exile, concerning those who had Arianised. It published a synodical letter. On its wise and temperate decisions, see Newman's Avians, v. 1. A.D. 363 — under St. Athanasius on the death of Julian ; published a synodical letter to the new emperor Jovian. A.D. 371 — Of 90 bishops, under St. Athanasius : to protest against Auxentius continuing in the see of Milan. This is one of those called " Egyptian." A.D. 371 — under St. Athanasius the same year; to receive a profession of faith from Marcellus, Bishop of Ancyra, which turned out orthodox. A.D. 399 — Against the followers of Origen, who were condemned. Part of its synodical letter is preserved in that of the emperor Justinian to Mennas on the same subject long afterwards. A.D. 430 — under St. Cyril against Nestorius ; where St. Cyril indited his celebrated epistle with the twelve anathemas. A.D. 457 — under Timothy, surnamed Aelurus, or the Cat, at which the Council of Chal- cedon was condemned. This was repeated, A.D. 477. A.D. 482 — At which John Tabenniosites was con- secrated bishop ; he was ejected at once by the emperor Zeno, when Peter Moggus re- turned, and in a subsequent synod the same year condemned the 4th* council, having first caused a schism amongst his own followers by subscribing to the He- noticon (Evag. iii. 12-16). A.D. 485 — under Quintian, to pronounce Peter the Fuller deposed from Antioch. A.D. 578— The last of those called Egyptian ; it was composed of Jacobites, to consider the case of the Jacobite patriarch of Antioch, Paul. A.D. 589 — under Eulogius ; against the Sa maritans. A.D. 633 — under Cyrus, the Monothelite pa- triarch : the acts and synodical letter of which are preserved in the 13th action of the 6th general council. This is the last on record. The interests of the Church History of Alex- andria are so great, that a few words may be added respecting its patriarchate. The patriarchate of Alexandria grew out of the see founded there by St. Mark, " according to the constant and unvarying tradition both of the East and West " (Neale's Patriarch of Alex. 1. i.) ; to which jurisdiction was assigned, as of ancient custom appertaining, by the 6th Nicene canon, over " Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis." This was, in effect, what was already known as the Egyp- tian diocese, being one of five placed under the jurisdiction of the praefect of the East, and com- prehending itself six provinces. Of these, Au- gustanica was subdivided into Augustanica prima, and secunda : the first stretching upon the coast from Rhinocorura on the borders of Palestine to Diospolis on the east of the Mendesian mouth of the Nile, with the second immediately under it inland ; Egypt proper was likewise subdivided into prima and secunda, of which secunda stretched westwards of the same mouth of the Nile along the coast, with prima lying imme- diately under it inland. Then Arcadia at Hep- tanomis, forming the 3rd province, lay under Augustanica secunda and Aegyptus prima on "both sides of the Nile ; and soutli of this Thebais, or the 4th province, whose subdivisions, prima comprehended all the rest of the country lying north, and secunda all the country lying south of Thebes, included in Egypt. Returning to- wards the coast, westwards of Aegyptus secunda, the 5th province, Libya inferior or secunda, was also called Marmarica ; and to the west of it was the 6th province, Libya Pentapolis, also called Cyrenaica. The ecclesiastical arrange- ments in each of these provinces have yet to be given. For this purpose the " Notitia " pub- lished by Beveridge (Synod, ii. 143-4) might have been ti-anscribed at length ; but as the sites of so many of the sees are unknown, their mere names, which are often uncouth and of doubtful spelling, would be devoid of interest. It ma* suffice to enumerate them, with their metropolis in each case. Thus Augustanica prima con- tained 14 episcopal sees, of which Pelusium was the metropolis ; Augustanica secunda 6, at the head of which was Leonto ; Aegyptus prima 20, at the head of which was Alexandria ; Aegyptus secunda 12, at the head of which was Cnbasa The province of Arcadia contained 6, under the metropolitan of Oxyrinchus ; but 7 are given subsequently, corresponding to the 7 mouths of the Nile, of which Alexandria is placed first. ALEXANDRIA ALEXANDRIA 49 There were 8 sees in Thebais prima, under the metropolitan of Antino ; and twice that number in Thebais secunda, under the metropolitan of Ptolemais. Libya secunda, or Marmarica, con- tained 8, under the metropolitan of Dranicon; and Libya Pentapolis 6, at the head of which was Sozuza. Tripoli was a later acquisition, in- cluding 3 sees only. They may have been placed under Alexandria subsequently to the time of the 4th Council, when all to the west of them lay in confusion under the Vandals ; and possibly may have been intended to compensate for those two sees of Berytus and Rabba bordermg on Palestine, of which Alexandria was then robbed to swell the patriarchate of Jerusalem on the south-west (Cave, Ch. Govt. iv. 11). The list of sees in Le Quien (Oriens Christianus, vol. ii. p. 330-640), illustrated by a map of the patriarch- ate from D'Anville, agrees with the above in most respects, only that it is shorter. Alexandria had been synonymous with ortho- doxy while St. Athanasius lived ; shortly after his death, hgwever, the next place after Rome, which it had ever enjoyed from Apostolic times, was given by the 2nd General Council to Con- stantinople. For this it seemed to have re- ceived-ample compensation in the humiliation of the Constantinopolitan patriarch Nestorius, at the 3rd Council under St. Cyril ; when the want of tact and perverseness of his successor Dioscorus enabled the more orthodox patriarchs of Jerusalem and Constantinople to help them- selves at its expense, and obtain sanction for their proceedings at the 4th Council. For a time, it is true, Rome peremptorily refused as- senting to them ; and charged their authors with having infringed the Nicene canons. But Alex- andria falling into the hands of those by whom the doctrinal decisions of the 4th Council were called in question and even condemned, Rome naturally ceased taking any further steps in its favour ; and under Jacobite patriarchs princi- pally, and sometimes exclusively, Alexandria gradually came to exercise no palpable influence whatever, even as 3rd see of the world, on the rest of the Church. Le Quien reckons 48 patri- archs in all, down to Eustathius, who was con- secrated A.D, 801, but several of them were heretical ; and there were numerous anti-patri- archs, both heretical and schismatical, from time to time disputing their claims. The ' Art de verifier les Dates ' makes this Eustathius the 66th patriarch. Dr. Neale makes him the 40th, and contemporary with Mark II., the 49th Jaco- bite patriarch. There were several peculiarities connected with the see of Alexandria, which have been variously explained. One rests upon the autho' rity of Eutychius, patriarch of Alexandria in the 10th century, and of St. Jerome. The words of Eutychius are as follows : " St. Mark along with Ananias ordained 12 presbyters to remain with the patriarch ; so that when the chair should become vacant, they might elect one out of the 12 on whose head the other 11 should lay their hands, give him benediction, and constitute him patriarch ; and should after this choose some othe?- man to supply the place of the promoted presbyter, in such sort that the presbyteiy should always consist of 12. This custom con- tinued at Alexandria till th« time of the patri arch Alexander, one of tne 318 (Fathers of CHRIST. ANT. Nicaea) who forbade the presbyters in future tr ordain their patriarch ; but decreed that on a vacancy of the see, the neighbouring bishops should convene for the purpose of filling it with a proper patriarch, whether elected from those 12 presbyters or from any others." Eutychius adds, "that during the time of the firit lO'patri- archs, there were no bishops in Egjpt; Deme- trius the 11th having been the first U consecrate them." (Taken from Neale, p. 9.) This per- haps may serve to explain the extreme offence taken by Demetrius at the ordination of Origen to the priesthood out of the diocese, if a priest in Alexandria was so much more to the bishop than a priest elsewhere. It may also serve to explain the haste with which Alexander insti- tuted proceedings against Arius. The passage of St. Jerome seems conclusive as to the inter- pretation to be given to that of Eutychius. This Father in an epistle to Evagrius, while dwelling on the dignity of the priesthood, thus expresses himself : " At Alexandria, from the time of St. Mark the Evangelist to that of the bishops Heraclas and Dionysius (in the middle of the 3rd century), it was the custom of the presbyters to nominate one, elected from among themselves, to the higher dignity of the bishopric ; just as the army makes an emperor, or the dea- cons nominate as archdeacon any man whom they know to be of active habits in their own body." (^Ibid.'). St. Jerome would be talking nonsense, if the 12 of whom he is speaking had been bishops themselves; that is, of the same rank as their nominee was to be. Hence the theory of an episcopal college, to which Dr. Neale seems to incline, falls to the ground at once. On the other hand, it seems unquestionable that St. Jerome must have meant election, not ordina- tion, from the marked emphasis with which he lays down elsewhere that presbyters cannot or- dain. Otherwise, from the age in which Euty- chius lived, and still more the language m which he wrote, it would hardly be possible to prove that he meant election only, when he certainly seems to be describing consecration. But again, if there were " no bishops in Egypt during the time of the first ten patriarchs," how could epis- copal consecration be had, when once the patri- arch had ceased to live ? To this no satisfactory answer has ever been returned. Eutychius, though he lived in the 10th century, may be supposed to have known more about the ancient customs of his see, in a land like Egypt, than those who have decried him. And certainly, though we know there were bishops in Egypt under Demetrius, for two synods of bishops (Phot. Bibl. s. 118 and Huet. Origen. i. 12), we are told, met under him to condemn Origen ; it would be difficult to produce any conclusive testimony to the fact that there were any epis- copal sees there, besides that of Alexandria, be- fore then. The vague statement of the Emperor Adrian, Illi qui Serapim colunt Christiani sunt ; et devoti sunt Serapi, qui se Christi episcopos dicunt," speaking of Egypt, clearly warrants no such inference, standing alone ; nor does it ap- jiear to have ever been suggested that each of the first ten patriarchs consecx-ated his suc- cessor during his own life-time. Yet there wa« a strange haste in electing a new patriarch of Alexandria, that seems to require some expla- nation. The new patriarch, we leai n from Lib©- 50 ALKXIUS ALIENATION ratus, always interred his predecessor ; and be- j fore doing so, placed his dead hand on his own : head. Can it have been in this way, during j that early period, extraordinary as it may seem, that episcopal consecration was supposed to be obtained, as it were, in one continuous chain from St. Mark himself? The position of the patriarch after consecration was so exceptional, that it would be no wonder at all if his consecra- tion differed materially from all others. In civil matters his authority was very great ; in ecclesiastical matters it was quite despotic. All bishops in Egypt were ordained by him as their sole metropolitan. If any other bishop ever per- formed metropolitan functions, it was as his dele- gate. The Egyptian bishops themselves, in the 4th action of the Council of Chalcedon, professed loudly tnat they were impotent to act but at his bidding ; and hence they excused themselves from even subscribing to the letter of St. Leo while they were without a patriarch, after Dios- corus had been deposed ; and that so obstinately, that their subscription was allowed to stand over, till the new patriarch had been consecrated. The patriarch could moreover ordain presbyters and deacons throughout Egypt in any number, where he would; and it is thought probable that the presbyters, his assessors, had power given them by him to confirm. All the episcopal sees in Egypt seem to have originated with him alone. As early as the 3rd century we find him called " papa," archbishop in the next, and patriarch in the 5th century, but not till after St. Cyril. In later times, "judge of the whole world " was a title given him, on account of his having for- merly fixed Easter. On the liturgies in use in the Egyptian diocese. Dr. Neale says {General Tntrod. i. 323-4), " The Alexandrine family con- tains 4 liturgies : St. Mark, which is the normal form, St. Basil, St. Cyril, and St. Gregory. . . . St. Mark's was the rite of the orthodox Church of Alexandria. . . . The other three are used by the Mouophysites. St. Basil (i. e. the Copto- Jacobite) is the normal and usual form ;" St. Gregory is employed in Lent ; St. Cyril on festi- vals. . . . Why the first of these liturgies bears the name of Basil " is uncertain. " It is not possible now to discover its origin, though it would appear to have been originally Catholic ; to have been translated from the Greek into Coptic, and thence after many ages into Arabic. The liturgy of St. Cyril is to all intents and purposes the same as that of St. Mark .... and in both that, and in the office of St. Gregory, the first part is taken from the normal liturgy of St. Basil." Both the proanaphoral and ana- phoral parts of the Copto-Jacobite liturgy of St. Basil, together with the anaphoral part of that of St. Mark are given in parallel columns further on in the same work. And the Copto-Jacobite patriarchal church at Alexandria, said to be the burial-place of the head of St. Mark, and of 72 of the patriarchs, is described there likewise, p. 277. Between the two works of Dr. Neale already cited, and the Oriens Christianus of Le Quien, everything further that has yet been discovered on the subject of this patriarchate may be ootained. [E. S. F.] ALEXIUS, o &v6p(»Ttos rod &eov, comme- morated March 17 (Cal. Byzant.') ; July 17 {Mart. Rom.). [C] ALIENATION OF CHURCH PRO- PERTY. — In treating of a subject like that of the alienation of Church property, the canons and other authorities cited as evidence of the law concerning it might either be arranged ac- cording to the various descriptions of property to which they refer, or else the entire legislation of each church and nation might be exhibited in chronological order apart from the rest. The latter plan has been here adopted, both as being more suitable to a general article, and also because in matters of church order and disci- pline the canons of councils were not in force beyond the limits of the churches in which they were authoritatively promulgated. The alienation — by which is to be understood the transference by gift, sale, exchange, or per- petual emphyteusis" — of Church property [see Property of the Church] was from early times restrained by special enactments. It is a much debated question amongst Ca- nonists whether or not alienation, except in ex- traordinary cases, was absolutely prohibited in the first ages of the Church, by reason of the sacred character impressed upon property given for ecclesiastical purposes, and by that act dedi- cated to God (see Balsamon in can. 12, Cone. VIL ap. Beveridge Fand. Can. 1. 303). As, howevei, the property of the Church must in those times have consisted only of the offerings and oblations of the faithful, which were placed in the hands of the bishops,"* it would appear most probable that they were free to make such use of it as they might think would be productive of the greatest benefit to their several dioceses. The general law of the Church has been well epitomised in the Commentary of Balsamon (ap. Beveridge Pand. Can. ii. 177). " Unusquisque nostrorum Episcoporum rationem administra- tionis rerum suae Ecclesiae Deo reddet. Vasa enim pretiosa Ecclesiarum, seu sacra, et reliqua Deo consecrata, et possessiones irnmobiles, non sunt alienabilia, et Ecclesiae servantur. Eccle- siasticorum autem redituum administratio secure credi audacterque committi debere illis, qui statis temporibus sunt Episcopi." Its history, as it is found in the councils of different churches, ha* now to be traced. In the East. — The earliest canon which refei's to the subject is the 15th canon of the Council of Ancyra (a.d. 314), which provides that the Church (on the expression rb KvpiaKbv see Beve- ridge, Adnott. in loc.) may resume possession of whatever property the presbyters of a diocese may have sold during the vacancy of the see ; but this canon does not limit any power which the bishop himself may previously have possessed, and is simply an application of the well-known rule " sede vacante nihil innovetur." The Council of Antioch (a.d. 341) has two canons, the 24th and 25th, bearing upon this a On the nature of this tenure see Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, sub voce, 'Emphy- teusis,' It may be described in brief as the right fo use another person's land as one's own, on condition of culti- vating it, and paying a fixed rent at fixed times. b The oath now taken by bishops consecrated accord- ing to the Roman ordinal, contains a clause relating to the alienation of Church property. In what words and at what time a clause of this nature was first introduced into the ordinal is a question which has given rise tc much controversy. ALIENATION OF CHUECH PEOPEETY 61 question, which are eithei- imitated from the 39th and 40th Apostolic Canons, or have been imitated by the authors of that collection [Apos- tolic Canons], The 24th directs that Church property, which ought to be administered subject to the judgment and authority of the bishop, should be distinguished in such a way that the presbyters and deacons may know of what it consists, so that at the bishop's death it may not be embezzled, or lost, or mixed up with his private property. That part of this canon in which reference is made to the duties imposed on pres- byters and deacons is not contained in the Apos- tolic canon. This omission would seem to point to the conclusion that this council is later in date than the 39th Apostolic canon ; and Beve- ridge (Cod. Can. i. 43) draws the same inference as to the date of the 40th Apostolic canon from its not making mention of oi rwv aypwv KapTrol, words which are to be found in the 25th Canon of Antioch. By the 25th canon it is provided that the Provincial Synod should have jurisdiction in cases where the bishop is accused of converting Church property to his own use, which was also forbidden by the 37th Apostolic canon, or managing it without the consent (/xtj fxera yvdifj.Tfsy of the presbyters and deacons, and also in cases where the bishop or the presbyters who are associated with him are accused of any mis- appropriation for their own benefit. Here again it will be noted that the effect of this canon is to make provision for the better and more care- ful management of Church property, and that it does not abridge any right of alienation which the bishop may have before possessed. It must, however, be observed that the power of the bishop to manage (xeipt'C'^ Church property (an expression which would doubtless include the act of alienation) is qualified by the proviso that it must be exercised with the consent of his presbyters and deacons. The 7th and 8th canons of the Council of Gangra (the date of this council is uncertain, some writers placing it as early as a.d. 324, and others as late as A.D. 371 : see Van Espen, Dissertatio in Synodum Gangrensem, Op. iii. 120, ed. Lovan. 1753, and Beveridge, Adnott. in id. Cone, who inclines to the opinion that it was held a short time before the Council of Antioch, A.D. 341), prohibit under pain of anathema all persons from alienating (di^dvai e^co ttjs iKK\r]- fflas) pi'oduce belonging to the Church, except they first obtain the consent of the bishop or his oeconomjis, or officer entrusted with the care of Church property. The enactments contained in the second Coun- cil of Nicaea (or as it is generally styled the 7th Oecumenical Council) A.D. 787, will be more con- veniently considered below. The African Church seems to have found it necessary to place special restrictions upon the power of alienating Church property possessed by bishops under the general law. By the 31st I canon of the code known as the Statuta Ecclesiae \ Antiqua, promulgated (according to Bruns, Ca- nones, i. 140) at the 4th Council of Carthage (a.d. 398), the bishop is enjoined to use the pos- sessions of the Church as trustee, and not as if Ithey were his own property ; and by the next c^^non all gifts, sales, or exchanges of Church property made by bishops without the consent in iwriting (" absque conniventia et subscriptione ") of their clergy are pronounced invalid. In the 31st canon there are further provisions against the unauthorized alienation of Church pi-operty by the inferior clergy. If convicted in the synod of this offence they are to make restitu- tion out of their own property. Again by the 26th (ap. Bev. 29th) canon of the Codex Ecclesiae Africanae promulgated A.D. 419, which repeats the 4th canon of the 5th Council of Carthage ( A.D. 401 ), it is ordained that no one sell the real property be- longing to the Church ; but if some very urgent reason for doing so should arise, it is to be com- municated to the Primate of the Province, who is to determine in council with the proper number of bishops (i.e. twelve) whether a sale is to be made or not ; but if the necessity for action is so great that the bishop cannot wait to consult the synod, then he is to summon as witnesses the neigh- bouring bishops at least, and to be careful after- wards to report the matter to the synod. The penalty of disobedience to this canon was de- position. By the 33rd canon (ap. Bev. 36th) presbyters are forbidden to sell any Church pro- perty without the consent of their bishops ; and in like manner the bishops are forbidden to sell any Church lands (praedia) without the privity of their Synod or presbyters, (See on these canons Van Espen, Op. iii, 299, &c. ; and the Scholion of Balsamon ap. Bev. Band. Can. i, 551.) Passing from Asia Minor and Africa to Italy, the earliest provisions with reference to alienation to be found in the councils are in the council held at Rome by Pope Symmachus in a.d. 502. The circumstances under which the canons of this council were passed (and which relate solely to the question of alienation) are thus described by Dean Milman : " On the vacancy of the see [by the death of Pope Simplicius, A.D. 483] occurred a singular scene. The clergy were assembled in St. Peter's. In the midst of them stood up Basilius, the Patrician and Prefect of Rome, acting as Vice- gerent of Odoacer the barbarian King. He ap- peared by the command of his master, and by the admonition of the deceased Simplicius, to take care that the peace of the city was not disturbed by any sedition or tumult during the election. ... He proceeded, as the protector of the Church from loss and injury by church- men, to proclaim the following edict : * That no one under the penalty of anathema should alie- nate any farm, buildings, or ornaments of the churches ; that such alienation by any bishop present or future was null and void.' So im- portant did this precedent appear, so dangerous in the hands of these schismatics who would even in those days lim4t the sacerdotal power, that nearly twenty years after, a fortunate occa- sion was seized by the Pope Symmachus to annul this decree. In a Synod of bishops at Rome the edict was rehearsed, interrupted by protests of the bishops at this presumptuous intei'fereuce of the laity with affairs of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The authenticity of the decree was not called in question ; it was declared invalid as being contrary to the usages of the Fathers enacted on lay authority, and as not being ratified by the signature of any Bishop at Rome. The same council, however, acknowledged its wisdom by re-enacting its ordinances against the aliena- tion of Church property" (^History of Latin Christianity, vol. i., p. 221, 2nd ed.). On this 62 ALIENATIOJ^ OF CHUECH PROPEETY Council Boehmer notes that it has not more authority than belongs to it as a Council of the Italian Church, and that therefore its decrees (which go far beyond any yet promulgated else- where) were not binding upon other Churches. Previously, however, to this date Pope Leo the Great (a.d. 447) had written to the bishops of Sicily and forbidden the alienation of Church property by the bishops except for the benefit of the Church, and with the consent of the whole clergy {Ep. 17). Pope Gelasius also (a.d. 492- 496), writing to Justinus and Faustus (who were acting in the place of their bishop), directed the restitution of all property belonging to the Church of Volterra which had been alienated up to that time ; and in another letter he forbad the appropriation of Church lands for the pay- ment of any particular stipend (Fragg. 23 and 24, ap. Thiel). In the history of the GaUican Church the earliest reference to alienation is to be found in a letter from Pope Hilarus (a.d. 462) to the bishops of the provinces of Vienne, Lyons, Nar- bonne, and the Maritime Alps, in which he pro- hibits the alienation of such Church lands as are neither waste nor unproductive (" nec deserta nec damnosa") except with the consent of a council {Ep. 8 sec. ult.). The Council of Agde (a.d. 506) contains seve- ral canons on alienation. The 22nd canon, while declaring that it is superfluous to define any- thing afresh concerning a matter so well known, and a practice foi'bidden by so many ancient canons, prohibits the clergy from selling or giving away any Church property under pain of being excommunicated and having to indemnify the Church out of their private resources for any loss, the transaction being at the same time declared void. The 26th canon inflicts the like punishment on those who suppress or conceal or give to the unlawful possessor any document by which the title of the Church to any property is secured. The 48th canon reserves to the Church any property left on the death of a bishop, which he had received from ecclesiastical sources. The 49th canon repeats almost in the same words the above cited 31st canon of the Statuta Ecclesiae Antiqua ; the 53rd canon pro- hibits, and pronounces void, any alienation by parish priests ; while by the 56th canon abbots are forbidden to sell Church property without the bishop's consent, or to manumit slaves, "as it would be unjust for monks to be engaged in their daily labours in the field while their slaves were enjoying the ease of liberty." The 1st Council of Orleans (a.d. 511) places all the immoveable property of the Church in the power of the bishop " that the decrees of the ancient canons may be observed" (canons 14 and 15). Pope Symmachus, A.D. 513 (who died A.D. 514), in answering certain questions put to him by Caesarius, Bishop of Aries, forbids Church pro- perty to be alienated under any pretence, but he permits a life rent to be enjoyed by clerks worthy of reward {Ep. 15). By the 5th canon of the 1st Council of Cler- mont (a.d. 535) all persons are excommunicated who obtain any Church property from kings. In the same year Pope Agapetus writing to Caesanus, Bishop of Arles^ says, that he is un- willingly obliged to refuse the bishop permission to alienate some Church lands, revocant nos veneranda Patrum manifestissima constituta, quibus specialiter prohibemur praedia juris ec- clesiae quolibet titulo ad aliena jura transferre " {Cone. Gall. i. 240). The 12th canon of the 3rd Council of Orleans (a.d. 538) allows the recovery of Church pro- perty within 30 years, and ordains that if the possessor should refuse to obey the judgment of the Council ordering him to surrender, he is excommunicated. The 23rd canon renews the prohibition against the alienation of Church property by abbots or other clergy without the written consent of the bishop ; and by the 9th canon of the 4th Council held at the same city (a.d. 541) it is provided that Church property which has been alienated or encumbered by the bishop contrary to the canons shall, if he has left nothing to the Church, be returned to it ; but slaves whom he may have manumitted shall retain their freedom, though they must remain in the service of the Church. The 11th, 18th, 30th, and 34th canons contain further provisions on the subject. The 1st canon of the 3rd Council of Paris (a.d. 557) is directed against the alienation of Church property, but this canon, as well as those next mentioned, would appear to refer to seizure by force rather than to possession by any quasi- legal process. Alienation is forbidden by the 2nd canon of the 2nd Council of Lyons (a.d. 567). In the 2nd Council of Tours (a.d. 567) there are two canons — the 24th and 25th — relating to the recovery of Church property from the hands of unlawful possessors. In Spain the Council held a.d. 589 at Nar- bonne, which in its ecclesiastical relations must be considered in Spain (Wiltsch. Geog. of the Church, i. 100), prohibits the alienation of Church property by the inferior clergy, without the con- sent of the bishop, under pain of suspension for two years and perpetual inability to serve in the church in which the offence was committed (can. 8). By the 3rd Council of Toledo (held in the same year), can. 3, bishops are forbidden to alienate Church property, but gifts which, in the judg- ment of the monks of the diocese, are not detri- mental to the interests of the Church cannot be disturbed ; by the next canon bishops may assign Church property for the support of a monastery established with the consent of his Synod. By the 37th canon of the 4th Council of Toledo (a.d. 633) the bishop is permitted (sub- ject to the confirmation of a Provincial Council) to redeem any promise of reward made for ser- vices to the Church. The 9th Council of Toledo (a.d. 655) contains provisions very similar to the above cited canons of the 3rd Council held at the same place. In England, Archbishop Theodore of Canter- bury (a.d. 668-690) forbids abbots to make ex- changes without the consent of the bishop and their brethren {Poenitentiale — De Ahhatibus). The Excerption£S ascribed erroneously to Arch- bishop Egbert of York (who held that metropo- litical see from a.d. 732 to 766) declare that gifts, sales, or exchanges of Church property by bishops without the consent and written per- mission of the clergy shall be void (cap. 144). The Pvenitentiale, also attributed wrongly to the ALIENATION OF CHUECH PROPERTY 53 same prelate, permits exchanges between mo- nasteries with the consent of both communities (addit. 25). The last Council which passed canons on the subject of alienation during the period covered by this article, is the 2nd Council of Nicaea (the "Seventh Oecumenical Council") held A.D. 787. The 12th canon making mention of the 39th Apostolic Canon forbids the alienation or transfer of Church lands by bishops and abbots in favour of princes or other secular potentates ; and it also, like many of the canons hereinbefore cited, pro- hibits bishops from appropriating any ecclesias- tical property to their own use or to that of their relatives. Even when the retention of any Church lands is unprofitable they may not be sold to magistrates or princes, but to the clergy or to farmers ; and these again may not sell them to magistrates, and so contravene the spirit of the canon. Such deceitful transactions are invalid, and the bishop or abbot who is guilty of taking part in them is to be deposed. — See the elaborate Scholion of Balsamon on this canon, ap. Bev. Pand. Can. i. 303. Having now gone through the principal canons passed by the ecclesiastical assemblies of the first eight centuries, there remain to be consi- dered the laws by which the Christian emperors limited the power of the Church as regards the alienation of its property. Constantine the Great had in a decree of the year A.D. 323 (sees. 16, 18) assured to the Church the safe enjoyment of its property, and had commanded the restitution as well by the State as by private individuals of all such pro- perty as they might have got possession of ; but it does not appear that there was any imperial legislation concerning the alienation of Church property until after the promulgation of the Codex Theodosianus in A.D. 438. The Codex Repetitae Praelectionis promulgated by Justinian in December A.D. 534 contains in the 2nd title of the 1st Book various provisions, made by his predecessors and re-enacted by him, on the subject of alienation. In the 14th section there is a constitution of the Emperor Leo (a.d. 470) which prohibits the Archbishop of Constantinople, or any of his stewards (oeconomi) from alienating in any way the land or other immoveable property or the coloni or slaves or state allowances (civiles annonae) belonging to his Church, not even if all the clergy agreed with the Archbishop and his steward as to the propriety of the transaction. The reason given for this stringent law is that as the Church which is the mother of Religion and Faith, is changeless, her pi'operty ought to be preserved also without change. Any trans- actions completed in defiance of this constitution were void, and all profits resulting therefrom were given to the Church. The stewards who were parties to the act were to be dismissed, and their property made liable for any damage which might arise from this infringement of the law. The notaries employed were to be sent into per- petual exile, and the judge who ratified the pro- ceeding was punished by the loss of his office and the confiscation of his property. There was, however, an exception made to this rule in the case of a usufruct, the creation of which was permitted for a term of years or for the life of the usufructuary. (The editions of the Corpus Juris Civilis generally contain after th's section a series of extracts from the Novells on the same subject.) The 17th section contains a constitution of the Emperor Anastasius to which no precise date is affixed by the commentators, but which must have been promulgated between the years A.D. 491 and 517 (Haenel, Indices ad Corpus Legum ah Imp, Rom, ante Just, latarum, p. 82, Lipsiae 1857). This constitution, like the last cited, applies solely to the Church of Constantinople, and relates to monasteries, orphanages and other eleemosynary institutions whose property might in cases of necessity be sold, exchanged, mortgaged, or leased in perpetual emphyteusis ; provided that the transaction be effected in the manner therei i prescribed and in the presence of the civil authorities and the representatives of the particular body whose property is about to be dealt with. It is, however, decreed that if there be moveable property (the sacred vessels excepted) sufficient to meet the sum required, the immoveable property shall not be touched. In the 21st section is given a constitution of Justinian himself (a.d. 529) in which he forbids any sale or other alienation of sacred vessels or vestments except only with the object of re- deeming captives (and, according to some edi- tions, relieving famine) ; " quoniam non absur- dum est animas hominum quibuscunque vasis vel vestimentis praeferri." The rule which permitted the sale or melting down of Church plate for the redemption of captives is one of great antiquity. Its propriety is nowhere more eloquently defended than in the following passage from the 2nd Book of St. Ambrose De Officiis Ministrorum (cir. A.D. 391) " Quid enim diceres ? Timui ne temple Dei ornatus deesset ? Responderet : Aurum Sa- cramenta non quaerunt ; neque auro placent, quae auro non emuntur. Ornatus sacramento- rum redemptio captivorum est. Yere ilia sunt vasa pretiosa, quae redimunt animas a morte. Ille verus thesaurus est Domini qui operatur quod sanguis Ejus operatus est. . . . Opus est ut quis fide sincera et perspicaci providentia munus hoc impleat. Sane si in sua aliquis deri- vat emolumenta, crimen est ; sin vero pauperibus erogat, captivum redimit, misericordia est." He concludes by directing that vessels which are not consecrated should be taken in preference to those which have been consecrated ; and that both must be broken up and melted Avithin the precinct of the Church (cap. 28). The supreme claims of charity over all other considerations are insisted upon in the same strain by St. Jerome {Ep. ad Nepotianum, A.D, 394) and St. Chrysostom (Hom. 52 in St. xMatthaeum), while at the same time the proper respect due to the sacred vessels is always emphatically enjoined, as, for example, by St. Optatus, De Schismate Donatistarum vi. 2. An example of the precautions taken against the abuse of this privilege is to be found in one of the letters of Gregory the Great (vii. 13) in which writing (a.d. 597) to Fortunatus, Bishop of Fano, he gives permission for the sale of Church plate in order to redeem captives, but directs, with the view of avoiding all suspicion, that the sale and the payment over of the money received therefrom should be made in the presence of the "defensor." Passing to the Novells of Justinian — the 7th 64 ALIENATION OF CHUKCH PROPEETY Novell (a.d. 535) relates to the question of alienation of Church property, and professes to amend and consolidate the then existing laws, and to extend their operation to the whole of the empire. In the first chapter the alienation, either by sale, gift, exchange, or lease on per- petual emphyteusis, of immoveables or quasi- immoveables belonging to churches or eleemo- synary institutions, was forbidden under the penalties prescribed by the above-cited consti- tution of Leo. Under the 2nd chapter alienation is permitted in favour of the emperor wlien the proper forms ai-e observed and ample compensation made, and when the transaction is for the public benefit. The reason given for this exception is not with- out significance. In the Latin version it is as follows : " Nec multum differant ab alterutro sacerdotium et imperium, et res sacrae a com- munibus et publicis ; quando omnis sanctissimis ccclesiis abundantia et status ex imperialibus munificentiis perpetuo praebeatur." The third and four succeeding chapters con- tain regulations for the lease of Church estates by emphyteusis. Their provisions are too ela- borate to be set out at length, but may be briefly stated thus : " The usual conditions of these emphyteuses are for three lives — that of the original emphyteuta and of two of his or her heirs, being children or grandchildren, or the husband or wife of the emphyteuta if there be a special clause to that effect (though about this power there is some doubt) in suc- cession. Thus the duration of the lease is in- determinate and contingent. The contract was invalidated by default in payment of tlie quit rent (canon) for two instead of for three years as was the case with lay emphyteuses " (Colqu- houn, Roman Civil Law, § 1709). The 8th chapter renews the prohibition against the sale, pledge, or melting down of Church plate, except with the object of redeeming cap- tives. The 12th chapter sanctions tlie abandonment of all contracts made on behalf of the Church for the acquisition by gift or purchase of un- profitable land. The 40th Novell (promulgated the following year, A.D. 536) gives to the " Church of the Holy Resurrection" at Jerusalem the privilege of alienating buildings belonging to it, notwith- standing the general prohibition contained in the 7th Novell. The 46th Novell (a.d. 536 or 537) relaxed the law against the alienation of immoveable Church property when there was not sufficient moveable property to pay debts owing to the State or to private creditors. But this step could not be taken except after investigation by the clergy, the bishop, and the metropolitan, and under a decree of the "judex provinciae." The 2nd chapter of the 54th Novell (a.d. 537) permits exchanges between ecclesiastical and eleemosynary corporations, but the Church of St. Sophia at Constantinople is excepted from the operation of this law as it is also from that of the 46th Novell. The 55th Novell (a.d. 537) forbids alienation made ostensibly in favour of the emperor, but really for the benefit of private individuals. It also permits churches and other religious bodies (with the exception of the Church of St. Sophia) to lease their lands to one another in perpetual emphyteusis. The 65th Novell has reference to the alienation of property belonging to the Chuich of Mysia, but being only of local importance it need not be further considered. In the 67th Novell (a.d. 538) the number of persons appointed under the 46th Novell to enquire into the propriety of xcy alienation is increased by the addition of two bishops chosen by the metropolitan from his Synod. The 10th chapter of the 119th Novell (a.d. 544) permits the alienation by the emperor of Church property which had been transferred to him. The last of the numerous edicts promulgated by Justinian on the alienation of Church pro- perty is contained in the 120th Novell (a.d. 544) in which he again undertakes the task of consolidating the law on this subject. The first four chapters concern only the Church of Constantinople. The alienation of immoveables is forbidden, except in favour of the emperor. The 5th chapter relates to the property of other Churches. The provisions therein con- tained, and those contained in the previous chapters on emphyteusis are thus briefly sum- marized by Colquhoun {Boman Civil Law, § 1709):— "The 120th Novell was promulgated by Justinian in order to modify the rigour of the prohibition against creating perpetual em- phyteuses on ecclesiastical property by restrict- ing it to the estates of the Church of Constanti- nople, leaving the property of other Churches to be regulated by the common law. It is, how- ever, very doubtful whether or not the emphy- teusis on Church property can be perpetual without the express stipulation for a term. Nor does the prohibition appear to be absolute even as regards the Church of Constantinople, which had permission to grant perpetual emphyteuses in cases where it owned ruined edifices without the means of restoring them. The Novell fixes the amount at a third of the revenue which such edifices produced before their then ruined state, payable from the date of the emphyteu- tical title, or at a half of the revenue which the buildings actually produced after their restora- tion. What is doubtful with respect to the lay is clear with regard to ecclesiastical emphyteuses, viz., that they must be reduced to writing. As before, the contract was invalidated by default to pay the quit rent for two instead of three years, as was the case with lay emphyteuses. The point open to discussion, in respect to lay emphy- teuses, of whether the rent in arrear may be recovered and the expulsion of the tenant also insisted on, is clear in the case of ecclesiastical emphyteuses in the affirmative. Lastly, the Churches enjoyed a right of resumption entirely exceptional to the common law when the estate accrued 'aut in imperialem domum, aut in sac- rum nostrum aerarium, aut in civitatem aliquam, aut in curiam, aut in aliquam venerabilem ali- am domum.' This right of resumption applied equally in the case of all transmission of the right, whether inter vivos or mortis causa, with- out reference to the title of acquisition, and the time for its exercise was two years instead of two months as in lay cases." The remaining chapters of this Novell relate ALIENATION ALLELUIA 55 t o the exchange of ecclesiastical property and ' the sale of immoveables and Church plate for | the redemption of captives. The provisions ' therein contained do not differ in any important j particular from the previous laws above cited on ' the same subject, and they need not be repeated. \ The provisions of the Civil Law (which have now been examined) have been usefully arranged by the glossator on the Corpus Juris Civilis, Nov. 7 and Nov. 120 (ed. Lugd. 1627). Im- moveable property belonging to the Church can- not be alienated under any circumstances if it fall within the following classes — 1. If it had been given by the emperor (Nov. 120, 7). 2. If the thing to be alienated is the church or mo- nastery itself (ib.). 3. When the proposed trans- feree is the oeconomus or other church officer (ib.). 4. When the property was given to the Church subject to a condition that it should not be alienated (Nov. 120, 9). 5. If the pro- posed transferee be a heretic (131, 14). But subject to the above restrictions, immoveable property may be alienated under the following circumstances,- viz. : — 1. For debt (Nov. 46). 2. By way of emphyteusis for a term (var.). 3. In exchange with another church (Nov. 54, 2). 4. If the transferee be the emperor (Nov. 7, 2). 5. For the redemption of captives (Nov. 120, 9). On the other hand moveable property can be freely alienated if it be for the advantage of the Church that such a step should be taken. The exception to this rule is in the case of Church plate, which cannot be alienated except for the redemption of captives (Nov. 7, 8 and Nov. 120, 10), and for the payment of debt when it is not necessary for the proper performance of Divine Service (Nov. 120, 10). The Barbarian Codes contain, as might be expected, many laws directed against the forci- ble seizure of Church property, but such acts can hardly be considered to fall under the head of alienation. Thei'e are, however, a few pro- visions on the subject anterior in date to the death of Charlemagne. By the 3rd chapter of the 5th Book of the Leges Visigothoy^um (cir. a.d. 700 : see Davoud Oghlou, Histoire de la Legislation des Anciens Germains, i. 2) if any bishop or clerk alienate by sale or gift any Church property without the consent of the rest of the clergy, such sale or gift is vdd, unless it be made according to the ancient canons. Again in the 20th chapter of the Lex Alam- manorum (which in its present shape was pro- bably compiled about the beginning of the 8th century — see Davoud Oghlou, op. cit. i. 304) the inferior clergy are forbidden to sell Church lands or slaves except by way of exchange. In the collection entitled Capitularia Begum Francorum there is a Capitulary of the date A.D. 814, forbidding all persons whatsoever to ask for or receive any Church property under paia of excommunication (6, 135). There are also two Capitularies which are probably not later in date than the one last cited. By the first of these presbyters are for- Didden to sell Church property without the con- Bent of the bishop (7, 27) ; to which in the second is added the consent of other priests of good reputation (7, 214). (The following authorities may be consulted : —Da Rousseaud de la Combe, Recucil de Juris- prudence Canonique [Paris 1755], sub voce Alio' nation ; Boehmer, Jus Ecclesiasticum Frotestan" tium[Ea\a.e Magd. 1738, &c.] in Decretal. III. 13 ; Ferraris, Bibliotheca Canonica [ed. Migne], sub voce Alienatio ; Sylvester Mazzolini da Prierio [Lugd. 1533] sub voce Alienatio; Redoanus, Be Rebus Ecclesiae non alienandis [printed in the 2nd part of the 15th volume of the Tractatus Uni- versi JuriSy Venice, 1584]; and the Commenta- tors on the above-cited passages from the Corpus Juris Civilis, and on the following passages from the Corpus Juris Canonici, Decreti Secunda Pars, Causa xii. Quaestio 2 ; and Decretal, lib. III. 13). [I. B.] ALLELUIA (Greek 'A\\rj\oi5m). The litur- gical form of the Hebrew rl''"1^^n, " Sing ye praises to Jehovah ;" a formula found in Psalm 117, and in the headings of several Psalms, espe- cially Psalms 113-118, which formed the "Hal- lel," or Alleluia Magnum, sung at all the greater Jewish feasts. Alleluia and Amen, says the Pseudo-Augustine (Ep. 178, ii. 1160, Migne), neither Latin nor barbarian has ventured to translate from the sacred tongue into his own ; in all lands the mystic sound of the Hebrew is heard. 1. It is thought by some that the early Church transferred to the Christian Paschal feast the custom of singing Psalms with Alleluia at the Paschal sacrifice ; and this conjecture derives some probability from the fact, that in the most ancient sacramentaries the Alleluia precedes and follows a verse, as in the Jewish usage it precedes and follows a Psalm. Yet we can hardly doubt that the use of the Alleluia in the Church was confirmed, if not originated, by St. John's vision (Apoc. 19, 6) of the heavenly choir, who sang Alleluia to the Lord God Omnipotent. By the 4th century it seems to have been well known as the Christian shout of joy or victory ; for Sozo- men (H. E. vii, 15, p. 298) tells of a voice heard (an. 389) in the temple of Serapis at Alexandx'ia chanting Alleluia, which was taken for a sign of its coming destruction by the Chris- tians. The victory which the Christian Britons, under the guidance of Germanus of Auxerre, with their loud shout of Alleluia, gained over the pagan Picts and Scots (an. 429) is another instance of the use of Alleluia for encouragement and triumph (Beda, Historia Ecclesiastica, i. c. 20, p. 49) ; and Sidonius Apollinaris (lib. ii. Ep. 10, p. 53) speaks as if he had heard the long lines of haulers by the river side, as they towed the boats, chanting Alleluia as a "celeusma," to make them pull together. These instances are of course not altogether free from suspicion ; but they serve to show that in early times the Alleluia was regarded as a natural expression of Christian exultation or encouragement. 2. A special use of the Alleluia is found in the liturgies both of East and West. In most Eastern liturgies, it follows immediately upon the Che- rubic Hymn, which precedes the greater En- trance; as, for instance, in those of St. James, St. Mark, and St. Chrysostom (Neale's Tetralogia^ pp. 54, 55). In the Mozarabic, which has many Oriental characteristics, it is sung after the Gospel, while the priest is making the oblation : " Interim quod chorus dicit Alleluia, offerat sacer- dos hostiam cum calice " (Neale's Tetralogia, p. 60). In the West, it follows the Gradual, 56 ALr^ELXJIA ALL SAINTS and so immediately precedes the reading of t\\$ Gospel. In early times it seems to have been p.imply intoned by the cantor who had sung the Gradual, standing on the steps of the Ambo, and repeated by the choir ; but before the 8th cen- tury the custom arose of prolonging the last syl- lable of the Alleluia, and singing it to musical notes (Ordo Romanus II., in Mabillon's Museum Italicum, vol. ii. p. 44). This was called jubila- tio. The jubilant sound of the Alleluia, however, was felt to be fitting only for seasons of joy ; hence its use was in many churches limited to the interval between Easter and Whitsunday. Sozomen, indeed {H. E. vii. 19, p. 307) seems to say that in the Roman Church it was used only on Easter-day ; but we cannot help suspecting that he must have misunderstood his informant, who may have used the word " Pascha " to de- note the whole of the seven weeks following Eastei'-day; for St. Augustine distinctly says (^Ep. ad Janarium; Ep. 119 [al. 55] p. 220 Migne) that the custom of singing Alleluia dur- ing those fifty days was universal, though in several churches it was used on other days also. In the Rule of St. Benedict (c. 15, p. 297) the use of Alleluia in the responsories of the mass seems to be limited to the season from Easter to Whitsunday ; but soon after Benedict's time it was probably more common in the West to inter- mit its use only from Septuagesima to Easter. For at the end of the 6th century, Gregory the Great writes to John of Syracuse (Epist. ix. 12, p. 940) that some murmured because he (Gregory) was overmuch given to following the customs of the Greek Church, and in particular because he hod ordered the Alleluia to be said at mass beyond the Pentecostal season (extra tempora Pentecostes) ; so far, he continues, is this from being the case, that whereas the Church of Rome in the time of Pope Damasus had adopted, through Jerome's influence, from the Church of Jerusalem the limitation of the Alleluia to the season before Pentecost, he had actually inno- vated on this Greek custom in oi-dering the Alleluia to be said at other seasons also. This seems the most probable sense of this much-con- troverted passage, as to the reading and interpre- tation of which there is much difference of opinion. (See Baronius, Ann. 384, n. 27, vol. v., p. 578; and Mabillon, Museum Italicum, ii. xcvii.). The 4th Council of Toledo (canon 11) orders that (in accordance with the universal custom of Christendom) the Alleluia should not be said in the Spanish and Gaulish churches during Lent — an injunction which seems to imply that its use was permitted during the rest of the year. The same canon (in some MSS.) also forbids the Alle- luia on the Kalends of January, " quae propter errorem gentilium aguntur," but on which Chris- tians ought to fast. The intermission of Alleluia during a particular season is expressed by the phrase " Alleluia clau- sum " (Du Cange, s. v.). 3. We have already seen that St. Benedict prescribed the use of the Alleluia in the respon- sories of the Mass from Pasch to Pentecost. He prescribed it also in tlie ordinary offices (Hegula, c. 12, p. 286). From Pentecost to Ash-Wednes- day, however, it was to be said in the nocturnal office only with the six last Psalms: "A Pen- tecoste autem ad caput quadragesimae omnibus Eoctibus cam sex posterioribus Psalmis tan- turn ad nocturnas dicatur" {Regula, c. 15, p, 297). In the Roman arrangement of the ordinary offices, the Alleluia follows the " Invocation " in all the hours ; but from Septuagesima to the Thursday in Holy Week the verse, " Laus tibi Domine ; Rex aeternae gloriae," is substituted. 4. We learn from Jerome (Ep. 27 [108], § 19, p. 712, ad Eustochium ; cf. 23 [38], § 4, p. 175) that the sound of the Alleluia summoned monks to say their offices : " Post Alleluia cantatum, quo signo vocabantur ad collectam, nuUi residere licitum erat." 5. It was chanted at funerals ; as, for instance, at that of Fabiola (Jerome, Ep. ad Oceanum, 30 [77], p. 466) ; at that of Pope Agapetus in Con- stantinople (Baronius, ann. 536, § 64, vol. ix., p. 544). This usage is found in the Mozarabic rite, and perhaps once existed in the ancient Gallican (Ba- ronius, ann. 590, § 39, vol. x. p. 485). (Bona, De Divina Fsalmodia, c. xvi. § 7 ; Z>g Bebus Liturgicis, lib. ii., c. 6, § 5 ; Krazer, De Liturgiis, p. 419.) [C] ALL SAINTS, Festival op (Omnium Sanc- torum Natalis, Festivitas, Solemnitas). — In the Eastern Church a particular Sunday, the first after Pentecost, was appropriated in ancient times to the commemoration of all martyrs. Chrysostom, in the 'EyKdo/tiioi/ els rovs ay'iovs irduras rovs iv '6\w rai kS^/xw ixaprvprjcrauTas, says that on the Octave of Pentecost they find themselves in the niidst of the band of martyrs ; TrapeAajSev 'r)fj.as fiapTvpav X(^pos (0pp. ii. 711): and there is a similar allusion in Orat. contra Judaeos, vi. (0pp. ii. p. 650). This Festival of All Martyrs became in later times a Festival of All Saints, and the Sunday next after Pentecost appears in the Calendar of the Greek Menologion as KvpiaK^ rcov 'Ay'icov -rcavrajv. The intention in so placing this commemoration probably was to crown the ecclesiastical year with a solemnity dedicated to the whole glorious band uf saints and martyrs. In the West, the institution of this festival is intimately connected with the dedication to Christian purposes of the Pantheon or Rotunda at Rome. This temple, built in honour of the victory of Augustus at Actium, Avas dedicated by M. Agrippa to Jupiter Vindex, and was called the Pantheon, probably from the number of statues of the gods which it contained, though other reasons are assigned for the name. Up to the time of St. Gregory the Great, idol- temples were generally thrown down, or, if they were suffered to remain, were thought unworthy to be used in the service of God. Gregory himself at first maintained this principle, but in the latter part of his life, thought it would con- duce more to the conversion of the heathen if they were allowed to worship in the accustomed spot with new rites (see his well-known letter to Mellitus, in Bede, Hist. Eccl. ii. 30 ; 0pp. vi. p. 79) ; and from this time, the principle of con- verting heathen fanes to Christian uses seems to have become familiar. In the beginning of the 7th century, the Pantheon remained almost the solitary monument of the old heathen worship in Rome. In the year 607 Boniface III. obtained from the Emperor Phocas the important re- cognition of the supremacy of Rome over al] ALL SAINTS ALL SOULS 57 other churches ; and in the same year his suc- cessor, Boniface IV., having cleansed and restored the Pantheon, obtained the emperor's permission to dedicate it to the service of God, in the name " S. Mai'iae semper Virginis et omnium Mar- tyrum :" (Liber Pontif. in Muratori, Ber. Ital. Scriptores, iii. 1, 135). This dedication is com- memorated, and is believed to have taken place, on May 13. On this day we find in the old Ro- man Martyrology edited by Rosweyd, " S. Mariae ad Martyres dedicationis dies agitur a Bonifacio Papa statutus." Baronius tells us, that he found it recorded in an ancient MS. belonging to the Church itself, that it was first dedicated " In honorem S. Mariae, Dei Genetricis, et omnium SS. Martyrum et Confessorum ; " and that at the time of dedication the bones of martyrs from the various cemeteries of the city were borne in a procession of twenty-eight carriages to the church. (Martyrol. Rom. p. 204.) The technical use of the word " confessor " seems, however, to indicate a somewhat later date than that of the dedication ; and Paulus Diaconus {Hist. Longo- hard. iv. 37, p. 570) tells us simply that Phocas granted Bonitace permission, " Ecclesiam beatae semper Virginis Mariae et omnium Martyrum fieri, ut ubi quondam omnium non deorum sed daemonum cultus erat, ibi deinceps omnium fieret memoria sanctorum," and the church bears to this day the name of "S. Maria dei Martiri." This festival of the 13th May was not wholly confined to the city of Rome, yet it seems to have been little more than a dedication-festival of the Rotunda, corresponding to the dedication-festivals of other churches, but of higher celebrity, as the commemoration of the final victory of Christianity over Paganism. The history of the establishment of the festival of All Saints on Nov. 1 is somewhat obscure. The Martyrologium Rom. Vet., al- ready quoted, gives under " Kal. Novembr." a " Festivitas Sanctorum, quae Celebris et geae- ralis agitur Romae." The very terms here used show that this " Festivitas Sanctorum " was a specially Roman festival, and it was probably simply the dedication-feast of an oratory dedi- cated by Gregory III. " In honorem Omnium Sanctorum." But in the 8th century, the ob- servance of the festival was by no means con- fined to Rome. Beda's Metrical Martyrology has " Multiplici rutilat gemma ceu in fronte November, Cunctorum fulget Sanctorum laude decoris." In the ancient Hieronymian calendar in D'Achery (Spicileg. torn, ii.), it appears under Kal. Novemb., but only in the third place ; " Natalis St. Caesarii ; St. Andomari Episcopi ; sive Omnium Sanctorum." The list of festivals in the Penitential of Boniface gives " In solemni- tate Omnium Sanctorum ; " but the feast is not found in the list given by Chrodogang (an. 762), or in Charlemagne's Capitulary (0pp. Caroli Magni, i. 326) on the subject of festivals. It appears then to have been observed by some churches in Germany, France, and England in the middle of the 8th century, but not univer- sally. It was perhaps this diversity of practice which induced Gregory IV., in the year 835, to suggest to the Emperor Lewis the Pious, a ge- neral ordinance on the subject. Sigebert, in his Chronicon (in Pistorcus, Script. Germ. torn, i.), tells us, uade that year, "Tunc monente Gre- gorio Papa, et omnibus episcopis assentientibus, Ludovicus Imperator statuit, ut in Gallia et Germania Festivitas Omnium Sanctoi'um in Kal. Novemb. celebraretur, quam Romani ex institute Bonifacii Papae celebrant." (Compare Adonis Marty rol. ed. Rosweyd, p. 180.) It would seem from this, that the festivals of May 13 and Nov. 1 had already coalesced on the latter day, and that the one festival then observed was referred to Boniface IV., who, in fact, instituted that of May 13. The time was perhaps chosen as being, in a large part of Lewis's dominions, the time of leisure after harvest, when men's hearts are disposed to thankfulness to the Giver of all good. From this time. All Saints' day be- came one of the great festivals of the Church, and its observance general throughout Europe. It probably had a Vigil from the first, as be- fore the time of its general observance a Vigil and Fast preceded the great festivals of the Church. It may, perhaps, have had an octave from its first institution in Rome itself ; but this was not the case in other churches, for an octave of All Saints does not seem to be found in any calendar earlier than the 13th century. Proper collects, preface, and benediction for the " Natalis Omnium Sanctorum " are found in some, but not the most ancient, MSS. of the Gregorian Sacra- mentary (p. 138). (Baronius in Martyrologio Romano, May 13 and Nov. 1 ; Binterim's DenkwUrdigkeiten, vol. V. pt. 1, p. 487 fF. ; Alt in Herzog's Real-Ency- clopddie, i. 247.) [C] ALL SOULS, Festival of (^Omnium fide- Hum defunctorum memoria or commemoratio). Very ancient traces of the observance of a day for the commemoration of "the souls of all those who have died in the communion of the body and blood of our Lord " (according to Cyprian) appear in the Fathers of the Church. Tertullian (J)e Corona Militis, c. 3) says, " Oblationes pro defunctis annua die facimus." And to the same effect he speaks (Z)(? Exhort. Castitatis, c. 11, and De Monogam. c. 10) of annual offerings (oblationes) for the souls of the departed. These were probably made on the an- niversary of the death, and were especially the business of surviving relatives. So Chrysostom (Horn. 29 in Acta Apost.), speaks of those who made commemoration of a mother, a wife or a child. Similarly Augustine (De Curd pro Mor- tuis, ch. 4). It appears from an allusion in Amalarius of Metz (before 837) that in his time a day was specially dedicated to the commemoration of all souls of the departed, and it seems probable that this was the day following All Saints' Day. Amalarius says expressly (I)e Eccl. Officiis, lib. iii. c. 44) " Anniversaria dies ideo repetitur pro defunctis, quoniam nescimus qualiter eorum causa habeatur in altera vita." And in c. 65, he says "Post officiura Sanctorum inserui of- ficium pro mortuis ; multi enim transierunt de praesenti saeculo qui non illico Sanctis conjun- guntur, pro quibus solito more officium agitur." The festival of All Souls is here regarded as a kind of supplement to that of All Saints, and may very probably have taken place on the morrow of that day. But the earliest definite injunction for the observance of a commemoration of aii souls of tho departed on Nov 2 appears to 68 ALMACHIUS ALMS be that of Odilo, Abbot of Clugny, in the 10th century. A pilgrim returning from Jerusalem, says Peter Damiani (^Vita Odilonis, 0pp. ii. 410), reported to Odilo a woful vision which he had had on his journey of the suffering of souls in purgatorial fire ; Odilo thereupon instituted in the churches under his control a general com- memoration of the souls of the faithful departed on the day following All Saints' Day : " per omnia monasteria sua constituit generale de- cretum, ut sicut primo die Mensis Novembris juxta universalis Ecclesiae regulam omnium Sanctorum solemnitas agitur ; ita sequenti die in psalmis, eleemosynis et praecipue Missarum solemniis, omnium in Christo quiescentium memoria celebraretur." This order was soon adopted, not only by other monastic congrega- tions, but by bishops for their dioceses; for instance, by the contemporary Bishop Notger of Liege (Ghronicon Belgicum, in Pistorius's Scrijj- tores German, iii. 92). The observance appears, in fact, in a short time to have become general, without any ordinance of the Church at large on the subject. But even after the observance of a commemo- ration of All Souls on Nov. 2 became common, we find {Statutes of Cahors, in Martene, The- saurus A^iecdot. iv. 766) that in some places the morrow of St. Hilary's Day (Jan. 14), and in | others the morrows of the Octaves of Easter and Pentecost were appropriated to the special commemoration of the souls of the departed (Binterim's Benkwiirdigkeiten, vol. v. pt. 1, p. 492 ff.). [C] ALMACHIUS, martyr at Rome, commemo- rated Jan. 1 (Mart. Eom. Vet., Bedae). [C] ALMS CEXerj iLLoarvvr], non-classical in this sense, either word or thing ; although for the thing, see Seneca, De Benefic. vi. 3, and Martial, Epigr. v. 42 ; and for the word also, Diog. Laert. V. 17 : first found in the special meaning of aims in LXX., Dan. iv. 24 [27 Heb.], where the original reads " righteousness ; " so also Tobit xii. 9, xiv. 11 [and elsewhere], Ecclus. iii. 30, iv. 2, vii. 10, xxix. 15, 16, XXXV. 2). Alms recognized as a duty throughout the 0. T., but brought into promi- nence in the later Jewish period (cf. Buxtorf, Floril. Hehr. p. 88; Lightfoot, Hor. Hehr. in Matt. vi. 2, Luc. ii. 8), when they were formally and regularly given in the synagogues (Vitring. J)e Syn. Vet.) to be distributed by appointed officers, as also by putting them into certain trumpet-shaped alms-boxes in the temple, called yaCo^vXcLKia (Le Moyne, Not. in Var. Sac. ii. 75 ; Deyling, Observ. Sac. iii. 175 ; distinct from the ya^ov\a.Kiov, corhdna, see St. Cypr., De Op. et Eleemos., and St. Hieron., Epist. 27, c. 14), placed in the church for casual alms, to be taken out nonthly (Tertull. Apol. 39). And Paulinus (Epist. 32) speaks of a table (mensa) for re- ceiving the offerings. Collections for the poor in church both on Sundays and on week days are mentioned by St. Leo the Great {Serm. de Col- lectis). The poor also habitually sat at the church door, at least in the East, to receive alms (St. Chrys., Jlom. xxvi. Be Verb. Apost., Horn. i. in 2 Tim., Horn. iii. Be Foenit.). III. An institution having a formal list of re- cipients, mainly widows and orphans (St. Ignat., ad Polycarp. iv. ; Constit. Apost. iv. 4, &c.) ; or, upon occasion, martyrs in prison or in the mines, or other prisoners, or shipwrecked persons (Dion. Corinth, ap. Euseb. H. E. iv. 23 ; Tertull,, Be Jejun. 13 ; Lucian, Be Morte Peregrin. § 11, Op. viii. 279, Bipont. ; Liban., A.D. 387, Orat. xvi. in Tisamcn., Orat. de Vinctis, ii. 258, 445, ed. Reiske) : and special officers, as for other directly ecclesiastical functions, so also for managing the Church alms, viz. deacons (Const. Apost. ii. 31, 32, iii. 19 ; Dionys. Alex. ap. Euseb. If. E. vii. 11; St. Cypr., Epist. xli., and xlix. al. Iii., Fell. ; St. Hieron., Ad Nepot. Epist. xxxiv.) ; and among women, deaconesses, commonly widows of ad- vanced age (^Constit. Apost. iii. 15 ; St. Hieron., Ad Nepot. Epist. xxxiv. ; and Lucian and Libanius as above). See also Tertullian (^Ad Uxor. ii. 4 and 8) for the charitable works of married Christian matrons. IV. These arrangements were supplemented when necessary by special collections appointed by the bishop (Tertull., Be Jejun. 13), after the pattern of St. Paul, for extraordinary emer- gencies, whether at home or among brethren or others elsewhere ; e. g. St. Cyprian's collection of " sestertia centum millia nummorum " for the redemption of Numidian captives from the barbarians (St. Cypr., Epist. Ix.) ; mostly accom- panied by fast days (Tertull. ih. — and so, long after, Theodulph, A.D. 787 {Capit. 38], enjoins almsgiving continually, but specially on fast days), but sometimes at the ordinary Church service (St. Leo M., Be CoUectis) : a practice which grew sometimes into the abuse which was remedied by the Council of Tours (ii. A.D. 567, c. 5), enact- ing that each city should provide for its own poor, and by Gregory the Great, desiring the Bishop of Milan to protect a poor man at Genoa from being compelled to contribute to such a collection (St. Greg., Epist. ix. 126). See also St. Hieron., Adv. Vigilantium. The aydivai also may be mentioned in this connection (1 Cor. xi. 20, Jude 12 ; Tertull., Apol. 39 ; Constit. Apost. ii. 28 ; prohibited Cone. Laod., A.D. 364, c. 5, and see Cone. Quini- sext. A.D. 762, c. 74; and under Agapae). Also the lej/wi/es or lei/oSoxem (St. Chrys., J^om. xlv. in Act. Apostol. ; St. Aug., Tract, xcvii. in Joh. § 4) ; the 7rTcoxorpo(pe7a, managed by the " kAtj- piKol or a(l>r]yoviJ.€Uoi rwv irrwyyioiv " (^Conc. Chalced. a.d. 451, c. 8 ; and Pallad., Hist. Lav.s. v.); the yr)poKOfx.^7a, the yoo-oKy^eta (Pallad., V. Chrys, p. 19), the op(pavoTpoost. Const, viii. 13, p. 215, Dltzen). (Bona, he Ilebus Liturgicis, 1. ii. cc. 5, 12, 17.) [C] AMENESIUS, deacon, commemorated Xov. 10 (Mart. Bedae). [C] AMICE (Amictus, Huinerale, Superlmmerale or Epiwd, Annboladium, Anaholagium, Anagolai- uiit). § 1. The word Amictus is employed in clas- sical writers as a general tei-ni I'nr any outer garment. Thus Virgil eni]ilnys it (J a. iii. 4n.")) in speaking of the to^M. (.rnainciitf.l with purjile, tlie end of which ^s•a^ lliiMwn alMnit the head l>y ])riests and other ollicial jjcr^^ns; when engaged m acts of sacrifice. (See for exami)le "the Kin)ier not use the word " amictus," though he seems cvidontiv to refer to the vestment elsewhere ."io called. Amalarius of Metz, writing about the same time (circ. 825 A.D.), speaks of the "amic- tus" as being the first in order of the vestments of the Chui ch, " primum vestimentuni nostrum quo oolluni undique cingimus." Hence its syni- boli-ui in lii^ eves as implying "castigatio vocis," t!u' duo roslraint of the voice, whose organs are iu the tiiroat {Pe EccL 0]f. ii. 17.). Walafrid Straho writing some few years later (he was a pupil of i;alianus). enumerates the eight ve.st- uu^ut- ot' til.' C'liuroli, but without including in tiioni the ainir,. (/v L'cb. EccL c. 24.). But iu all till' l iter litur^i< al writers the vestment is named under some one or other of the various designa- ti.ai- cniinuTated at the head of this article. A> to it-^ uv,' in tiii.- o.'untry there is no evidence till neavlv the clu.ve uf the Saxon period. It is not mentioned in the Pontifical of Egbert. In a later AnL;lo-Saxon Pontifical (of the 10th ceu- turv. Dr. Rock says,) among the vestments enumerated occurs mention of the " super- humoi- -11 1 - !erem," an expression wliiLvii has l)con - jioiut to tlie ainiei\ tiiuu-ii the uj;e oi ■ I - 1 as an alternative uauiL-. M.-euis to make tills somewhat duulitful. ^Quoted by Dr. Rock, Church of our Fathers, vol. i. p. 465; from the Archaeologi t, vol. xxv. p. 28.) § 2. Shcqx of the Aiiiii C, its Mat r rial, and orna- mentation. The amice wa> original! v.-. square oi oblong piece of linen, somewiiat .-.ueli as that which forms the background in tlie aeeouquuiv- ing woodcut, and was probably worn nearly as shown in Fig. 1, so as to cover the neck and shoulders. Karly in liic Idth cent ury (.v.n. 02."«) we hear, for the lirst time, ol" ornaments of goM on the amice, ('fcstainoituin Ju-ailfi Ejn'scopi iu Migne's I\ttrolore- cious stones. These ornaments were attached to a jMirtion only of the amice, a comparatively small patch, kni>wn a.s a }'higF.TS. Tlio earliest writer in whon^ tiic w^'i'l ii,iir> i- IMiiiy ( //. X. .\.\ix.4, 10; xxx, 15, ',7. ' t il.). .iii'l i> iiNi'i! liiin in the sense of a "(■Ilimii "" .^-Mii'-I p. lis, Ills witchcraft, and the like \ niclH iHruin auiulria "). A Latin deriva- tion has been suggested for it as being that, "(juod malum amolitur." Modern etymologists, however, connect both the word as well as the thing with the East, and derive it from the Arabic hammalct {= a thing suspended). The practice which the word iniplii- Ii.kI l.tru in the Christian Church, if not In.ni tlir lir.t. yet as soon as the Paganism and Judai.-ni out ol'\\hi
  • t, us sometimes ujjon symbolic forms or solemn words that have once .served as representatives of higher thoughts, sometimes upon associations which seem alto- gether arbitrary. When the Israelites left Egypt, they came from a people who had car- ried this idea to an almost uu'- |U I' 'd extent. The scarabaeus, the hawk, tie !|Hni, the uraeus, or hooded snake, an oj.en out jiiead wings, with or without foimuiae of juayei-, deprecixting or invoking, are iwund in count le..s variety in all our museums, and seem to have been borne, some on the breast, some suspended by a chain round the neck. The law of Moses, bv ordering the Zi-dth, or blue fringe on the gar- ments which men wore, or the papyrus scrolls with texts (Exod. xiii. 2-10, 11-17 ; Deut. vi, 4—9, 13-22), whicli were to be as frontlets on their Iji-ows, and bound upon tlieii- aians. known by later Jews as the Tepiidilm^ or w Ik.-ii nailed on their door posts or the walls of their liouses as the Mesusa, sought, as by a wise " economy," to raise men who had been accustomed to such usages to higher thoughts, and to turn what had been a superstition into a witness for the truth. The old tendency, however, crept in, and it seems clear that some at least of the ornaments named by Isaiah (iii. 23), especially the were of the nature amulet?, {Bih. Diet. Amulkts). And the later (pvXaKrripLa of the N. T., though an .xU tempt has been made by some archaeologists to explain the name as though they remin id AMULETS AKAGNOSTES 79 men (pvXda-aeiv rhu vojxov (Sch(5ttgen) were, there can be little doubt, so called as " pre- servatives " against demons, magic, and the evil eye.» Through the whole history of Rabbinism, the tendency was on the increase, and few Jews believed themselves free from evil spirits, unless *he bed on which they slept was guarded by the Mesusa. Mystic figures — the sacred tetragram- matcn, the shield of David, the seal of Solomon — with cabalistic words, AGLA (an acrostic formed from the initial letters of the Hebrew words for " Thou art mighty for everlasting, 0 Lord "), Abracalan, and the like, shot up as a rank after- growth. Greek, Latin, Eastern Heathenism, in like manner, supplied various forms of the same usage. Everywhere men lived in the dread of the fascination of the " evil eye." Sometimes in- dividual men, sometimes whole races (e.g. the Thibii of Pontus) were thought to possess the power of smiting youth and health, and causing them to waste away (Plutarch, Sympos. v. 7). And against this, men used remedies of various kinds, the 'Ecpea-ia ypajj-ixaTa, the phallus or fascinum. The latter was believed to operate as diverting the gaze which would otherwise be fixed on that which kept it spell-bound (Plu- tarch, I. c. ; Varr. de Liiuj. Lat. vi. 5), but was pro- bably connected also with its use as the symbol of life as against the evil power that was working to destroy life. It is obvious that superstitions of this kind would be foreign to Christian life in its first purity. The " bonfire " at Ephesus was a protest against them and all like usages (Acts xix. 19). They crept in, however, probably in the first instance through the infiuence of Juda- izing or Orientalizing Gnostics. The followers of Basilides had their mystical Abraxas and Jal- dabaoth, which they wrote on parchment and used as a charm [Chr. Biogr. art. Basilides]. Scarabaei have been found, with insci'iptions (Jao, Sabaoth, the names of angels, Bellerman, Uher die Scamhacen, i. 10), indicating Christian associations of this nature.*' The catacombs of Kome have yielded small ob jects of various kinds tii;it were used apparently for the same purpose, a bronze fish (connected, of course, with the mystic anagram of IX0T2), with the word 2h2Al2 on it, a hand holding a tablet with ZHCE2, medals with the monogram which had figured on the labarum of Constantino (Aringhi, Roma Sabtcrranea, vi. 23 ; Costadoni, Bel Fesce, pi. ii., iii., 19 ; Martigny, s. v. Foisson). In the East we find the practice of carrying the Gospels (fii^\'ia or €va'yyeKia fxiKpa) round the neck as (pvXaKTTjpia (Chrysost. Horn. Ixxiii. in Matt.) ; and Jerome (in Matt. iv. 24) confesses that he had himself done so to guard against disease. When the passion for relics set in they too were employed, and even Gregory the Great sent to Theodelinda two of these (pvAaKT-fjpia, one a cross containing a fragment of the true cross, the other a box containing a copy of the Gospels, each with Greek invocations, as a charm against the evil spirits or lamiae that beset children (Epp. xii. 7). In all these cases we trace some Christian asso- " This is distinctly stated in the Jerusalem Gemara ( Berach. fol. 2, 4). Comp. the exhaustive article by Leyrcz on ' Pbylakterien ' in Herzog. ^ The mention of " the horns of the Scarabaeus " as an amulet by Pliny (K N. xxviii. 4) shews how widely the old Egyptian feeling about it had sprea'.l hi the first century of the Christian era. ciations. Symbo'ism passes into superstition. In other instances the old heathen leaven was more conspicuous. Strange words, ireplspyoi xapaKTripes (Basil, in Ps. xlv., p. 229 A), names of rivers, and the .ike (Chrysost. Horn. Ixxiii. in Matt.), " ligaturae " of all kinds (August. Tract vii. in Joann.), are spoken of as frequent. Even a child's caul (it is curious to note at once the antiquity and the persistency of the superstition), and the iyK6XirLov evSvjua became an kyKoXiriov in another sense, and was used by midwives to counteract the " evil eye " and the words of evil omen of which men were still afraid (Balsamon, in Cone. TrulL, c. 61). Even the strange prohibi- tion by the Council just referred to of the practice of " leading about she bears and other like beasts to the delusion (irphs ivaiyviov) and injury of the simple," has been referred by the same writer {ibid.), not to their being a show as in later times, but to the fact that those who did so car- ried on a trade in the ^vXaKTTjpia, which they made from their hair, and which were in request as a cure for sore eyes. Christian legislation and teaching had to carry on a perpetual warfare against these abuses. Constantine indeed, in the transition stage which he represented, had allowed " remedia humanis quaesita corporibus " (Cod. Theodos. ix. tit. 16, s. 3), as well as incantations for rain, but the Council of Laodicea (c. 36) forbade the clergy to make (pvXaKr-fjpia, whiih were in reality "Serr- fiorripia for their own souls." Chrysostom fre- quently denounces them in all their forms, and lays bare the plea that the old women who sold them were devout Christians, and that the prac- tice therefore could not be so very wrong (Ilom. viii. in Coloss, p. 1374 ; Horn., vi. c. Jud. ; Rom. Ixii. p. 536, in Matt. p. 722). Basil (I. c.) speaks in the same tone. Augustine (/. c. and Serin, ccxv. Be Temp.) warns men against all such " diabolica phylacteria." Other names by which such amulets were known were irepiairra, Trepid/j./xaTa. We may infer from the silence of Clement of Alex- andria and Tertullian that the earlier days of the Church were comparatively free from these super- stitions, and from the tone of the writers just re- ferred to that the canon of the Council of Laodicea had been so fixr effectual that the clergy were no longer ministering to them. [E. H. P.] ANACHOEETAE. [Hermit.] ANACLETUS, the pope, martyr at Eome, commemorated April 26 (Mart. Rom. Vet.). [C] ANACTOKON Qkv6,KTopov from avaKTcop), the dwelling of a king or ruler. In classical authors, generally a house of a god, especially a temple of the Eleusinian Demeter or of the Dioscuri ; also, the innermost recess of a temple, in which oracles were given (Lobeck's Aglaopha- mus, i. pp. 59, 62). Eusebius (Fanegyr. c. 9) applies the word to the church built by Constan- tine at Antioch, whether as equivalent to fiaai- XiKY], or with reference to the unusual size and splendour of the church, or with a reminiscence of the classical use of the word, is difficult to say. (Bingham's Antiquities, viii. 1. § 5.) [C.J ANAGNOSTES— LEOTOR-READEK.— Tertullian is the earliest writer who mentions this office as a distinct order ir the Church (Be Praescr. c. 41). It would seeir that, at first, the public reading of the Scriptures was performed 80 ANANIAS ANASTASIS indifferently by presbyters and deacons, and pos- sibly at times by a layman specially appointed by the bishop. From Tertullian's time, how- ever, it was included among the minor orders, and as such is frequently referred to by Cyprian {Epp. 29, 38, &c.). It is also one of the three minor orders mentioned in the so-called Apos- tolical Canons, the other two being the v-irodtd- Kovos and the i|/aA.T7js. The Scriptures were read by the Anagnostes, from the pulpitum or tribunal ecclesiae. If any portion of the sacred writings was read from the altar, or more pro- perly from the bema or tribunal of the sanc- tuary, this was done by one of the higher clergy. By one of Justinian's Novels it was directed that no one should be ordained reader before the age of eighteen ; but previously young boys were admitted to the office, at the instance of their parents, as introductory to the higher functions of the sacred ministry (Bingham, Thorndike). [D. B.] ANANIAS. (1) Of Damascus (Acts ix. 10), commemorated Jan. 25 {Mart. Rom. Vet.) ; Oct. 1 {Cal Byzant); Oct. 15 (C. Armen.). (2) Martyr in Persia, April 21 (Mart. Rom. Vet.). (3) Martyr, with Azarias and Misael, Dec. 16 (/&.); April 23 {Mart. Bedae) ; Dec. 17 (Cal. Byzant.). [C] ANAPHORA. (^Ava(popA. The word ava- (pepnu acquired in later Greek the sense of " liftuig up " or " offering : as auacp^peiv 6v- a-'ias, Heb. vii. 27 ; 1 Pet. ii. 5 ; avacpepeiu ei';- XOLpicTTiav, ^vfprifxiav, do^oXo-yiav, Chrysostom in Suicer, s. v. 'Aua(j)opd was also used in a cor- responding sense ; in Ps. 1. 21, [LXX], it is the equivalent of the Hebrew vh)}, " that which goeth up on the altar.") 1. In the sense of "lifting up" Anaphora en me to be applied to the celebration of the Holy Eucharist ; Avhether from the " lifting up " of the heart which is required in that service, or from the " oblation " which takes place in it; probably the latter. In the liturgical diction of the Copts, which has borrowed much from the Greeks, the word Anaphora is used, instead of liturgy, to designate the whole of the Eucharistic service, and the book which contains it ; but more commonly its use is restricted to that more solemn part of the Eucharistic office which includes the Consecration, Oblation, Communion, and Thanksgiving. It be- gins with the " Sursum Corda," or rather with the benediction which pi-ecedes it, and extends to the end of the office, thus corresponding with \ the Preface and Canon of Western rituals. j The general structure of the Anaphorae of Oriental liturgies is thus exhibited by Dr. Neale {^Eastern Church, Introduction, i. 463). Tlie Great Eucharistic Prayer — 1. The Preface. [Sursum Corda.] 2. Tlie Prayer of the Triumphal Hymn. [Preface.] 3. The Triumphal Hymn. [Sanotus.] 4. Commemoration of our Lord's Life. 5. Commemoration of Institution. The Covsecratim — 6. Words of Institution of the Bread. 1. AVords of Institution of the Wine. 8. Oblation of the Body and Blood. 9. Introductory Prayer for the Descent of the Holy Ghost. 10. Prayer for tlie Change of Elements. [ The Great Intt 'cessory Prayer— 11. General Intercession for Quick and Dead. 12. Prayer before the Lvov(TL t^s avo) Trpb? rov Uarepa oSov y\Lx6fJ.evaL re Kat ei^Uyavai. And very beautifully elsewhere he speaks of the angels as going up and down between heaven and earth, and conveying (StavveA- ANGELS AND AECHANGELS ANGELS AND ARCHANGELS 87 authority,'^ been represented in all ages of the church as furnished with wings. We may add that this mode of expressing the idea of ubiquity and power, as superhuman attributes, iiad pre- vailed in heathen art from the earliest times, and that in East and West alike. Examples of this in Assyrian art are now familiar to us. Similar figures are found in Egypt. They were less common in classical art. Yet Mercury, as the messenger of the gods, had wings upon his feet ; and little winged genii were commonly repi*e- sented in decorative work, and thence were trans- ferred (probably as mere decorations) into eai'ly Christian" works of art. As to the number of these wings, two only are to be found in all the earlier representations. We do not know of any example of four, or of six wings, earlier than the 9th century, though the descriptions given in Holy Scripture of the "Living Creatures" with six wings, and the four-winged deities of primitive Eastern art, might naturally have suggested such representations. As to later representations of cherubim and seraphim, and the like, see below, section 14. 3. Vesture. The vesture assign.,:!d to angels, in various ages of the Church, has ever been such as was associated in men's minds with the ideas of religious solemnity, and in the later centuries, of sacerdotal ministry. In Holy Scripture the vesture of angels is described as white (Matt, xxviii. 3 ; John xx. 12 ; Rev. iv. 4; XV. 6),y and in mosaics of the 5th and 6th «;entu]-ies, at Rome and Ravenna (where first we ean determine questions of colour with any accuracy), we find white vestments generally assigned to them (long tunic and pallium), ex- actly resembling those of apostles. But in mosaics, believed to be of the 7th century (St. Sophia at Thessalonica)'' angels have coloured himatia (outer robes) over the long white tunic, and their wings, too, are coloured, red and blue being the prevailing tints. And these two colours had, long ere that time, been recognised as invested with a special significance, red as the colour of flame, and symbolical of holy love (caritas), blue as significant of heaven, and of htavenly contemplation or divine knowledge. And in the later traditions of Christian art (from the 9th century onwards)* these two colours were as a general rule assigned, red more espe- cially to the seraphim as the spirits of love, and blue to the cherubim as spirits of knowledge or of contemplation ; Avhile the two colours com- bined, as they often are found, are regarded as Aovtrai) the biddings of the Father to His children, and the wants of the children to their Father. » See the passages in Exodus, Isaiah, and Ezekiel already referred to ; and compare the expression in Rev. xiv. 6, of an angel Jlying (TreTOju.ei'os) there. " For examples see Aringhi, Eoina Suhterranea, tom. i. pp. 323, 615 ; tom. ii. p. 167. Compare p. 29, where similar figures, without wings, are introduced in an ornamental design. y See Ciampmi, V. M. ii. pp. 58 and 64. He speaks of " tuiiicae " and " pallia " as being white ; and of " stoles " (really stripes on the tunic), and wings of violet. ^ Texier and PiiUan, Byzantine Architecture, pi. xl. Compare the curious picture of the Holy Family, a bishop (or other ecclesiastic), and two angels, from Urgub, figured in plate v., where the robes of the angels are white, their wings blue and reddish yellow. * " The distinction of hue in the red and blue angels we find wholly omitted towards the end of the 15th century " (Mrs. Jameson, Sacred and Legendary Art). suggesting the uijion of the. two qualities of love and knowledge, the perfection of the angelic nature. It should be added that the vestments of angels have not unfrequently such ornament appended to them as was of ordinary usage from time to time in ecclesiastical dress, viz., coloured stripes on the tunic, in the earlier centuries, afterwards oraria or stoles, and even " omophoria," the distinctive insignia of episcopal office in the East. 4. The Nimbus. In the early Greek MS. already noticed, § 6, and in one or two early representations in the catacombs at Rome, angels are represented without the Nimbus. But from the middle of the 5th century onward, this orna- ment is almost invariably assigned to them. [Nimbus.] 5. The Wand of Power. Only in exceptional instances during the first eight cen- turies, are angels represented as bearing anything in the hand. Three examples may be cited, in mosaics,^ of the 6th century, at Ravenna, in which angels attendant on our Lord (see § 3) hold wands *^ in their hands, which may either represent the rod of divine power, oi*, as some have thought, the " golden reed " — the " mea- suring reed," assigned to the angel in Rev. xxi. 15, as in Ezek. xl. 3. The representations of archangels, particularly of Michael, as warriors with swoi'd, or spear, and girdle, are of later date. 6. Instruments of Music. One early example has been already referred to (§ 4) of a Ravenna mosaic, in which the " Seven Angels " are repre- sented holding trumpets in their hands. In the later traditions of Christian art, representations of angels as the "Choristers of Heaven" have been far more common, various instruments of music being assigned to them. § 10. Michael. — The archangel Michael is first designated by name in mosaics of the 5th cen- tury, at Ravenna (Ciampini, vol. ii. pi. xvii. and xxiv.). And in other cases where we see two angels specially marked out as in attendance on our Lord, we may infer that Michael and Gabriel are designated. For the names of these two alone are prominent in Holy Scripture. And according to a very ancient tradition, traced back to Rabbinical belief, perpetuated as many such traditions were in the East, and thence handed on to Western Christendom, these two arch- angels personified respectively*^ the judgment ^ Ciampini, V. M. ii. tab. xvii., xix., and xxiv. Com- pare in his plate xlvi. of vol. i. the mosaic at S. Agatha, which we believe to be of nearly the same date. c In the church dedicated in the name of the archangel Michael at Ravenna, in the year 545, an indication of special honour is given to him by the small cross upon his wand, which is wanting in that of Gabriel (Ciamp. F. M. ii. tab. xvii.). d In yet other traditions the mercy of God, and more particularly His healing grace, is ministered by Raphael. There is great variety in the older Jewish traditions. According to one (Joma, p. 37, quoted by Bohmer in Herzog's Encycl.), when the three angels appeared to Abraham, Michael, as first in rank, occupied the central place, having Gabriel, as second, on his right hand, and Raphael, as third in rank, on his left. This place on the right hand of God is elsewhere assigned to Gabriel, as being the angel of his power (corop. Origen, Trepl apxoiv, i. 8), and to Raphael that on the left (near the heart), as bemg the angel of His mercy. And again in Philo {Quaest. in Gen. iii. 24), the two cherubim on either side of the mercy-seat represent respectively the messengers of the Wrath, and of the Mercy, of tJie Lord (comp. Rvod. xxxiv 5-7). 88 ANGELS ANi> ARCHANGELS ANGELS AND ARCHANGELS and the mercy of God, and were therefore fitly placed, Michael, as the angel of power, on the right hand, Gabriel, nearer to the heart, on the left hand. For the special traditions concerning " St. Michael," his appearances in vision at Mount Galgano in Apulia, to St. Gregory the Great on the mole of Hadrian, now the castle of St. Angela, and to Aubert, Bishop of Avranches in 706, A.D., at "Mount St. Michel" in Nor- mandy (to this our own St. Michael's Mount owes its designation), see Jameson's Sacred and Legendary Art, pp. 94 sqq. The oldest ex- ample in sculpture of St. Michael treading under foot the dragon (see Rev. xii. 7, 8), is on the porch of the Cathedral of Catana, believed to be St. Michael. tf the 7th century. [Figured above.] Later pictures often represent St. Michael as the angel of judgment, holding scales in his hand, in which Bouls are weighed. § 11. Gabriel (Heb. " Man of God,") as the messenger more especially of comfort and of good tidings, occupies a prominent place in the New Testament, as announcing the birth both of John the Baptist to Zacharias and of our Lord to the Viigin Mary. (In apocryphal legend he is repre- sented as foretelling to Joachim the birth of the Virgin Mary.) In the language of Tasso he is " I'Angelo Annunziatore." Though only twice (as far as I have observed) designated by name in early Christian Art (Ciampini, V. M. ii.. Tab. xvii. and xxiv.), yet in the various pictures of the Annunciation, which are many, it is he, of course, who is to be understood. By a singular fate, having been regarded by Mahomet as his immediate inspirer, he is looked upon in many parts of the East as the great protecting angel of Islamism, and, as such, in direct opposition to Michael the protector of Jews and Christians. § 12. Raphael (Heb. the Healer who is from God, or "Divine Healer") is mentioned in the book of Tobit as " one of the seven holy angels which go in and out before the glory of the Holy One," cap. xii. 15. Through the influence of this beautiful Hebrew story of Tobias and Raphael, his name became associated in early times with the idea of the guardian angel. As such he is twice figured in the Roman catacombs, and allusions to the same story ai*e frequent in the Vetri Antichi. [Glass, Christian.] In mediaeval Greek art the three archangels already named are sometimes represented together, de- signated by their initial lettei's M, T, and P, Michael as a wari'ior, Gabriel as a prince, and Raphael as a priest — the three supporting be- tween them a youthful figure of our Loi'd, him- self represented with wings as the "angelus" or messenger of the will of God. (Figured iu Jameson's S. L. A., p. 93.) § 13. Uriel. (The Fire of God.) The fourth archangel, named Uriel in Esdras ii. 4, has been much less prominent in legend and in art than the three already named.*^ He is regarded as charged more particularly with the interpreta- tion of God's will, of judgments and prophecies (with reference, doubtless, to Esdras ii.). These "archangels" of Christian tradition are to the Jews the first four of those "Seven Angels" who see the glory of God (Tobias xxii. 15) ; the other three being Chamuel (he who sees God), Jophiel (the beauty of God), and Zadkiel (the righteous- ness of God). But these last three names have never been generally recognised either in East or West. And in the first example of the repre^ sentation of these Seven Angels in Christian art they are distinguished from the two archangels Michael and Gabriel, who hold wands, while to the seven, as already noticed, § 4, trumpets are assigned. (Ciampini, V. M., ii., pi. xvii.) § 14. Seraphim and Cherubim. These two names appear, the first in Isaiah vi. 2 (there only), and the latter in Exodus xxv. 18, where tiro are spoken of, and in Ezekiel i. 4—14, who speaks of four (compare the four " living creatures " of Rev. iv. 6). They have been perpetuated iu Seraphim and Cherubim Christian usage, and the descriptions given of them in Holy Scripture have been embodied (those of the cherubim or four " living creatures, ' first, and somewhat later those of the seraphim) in Christian art from the 5th century onwards. They were regarded (see above § 9) as the spirits of love and of knowledge respectively. For fuller details concerning the two in Holy Scripture see e From the name of Uriel being little known, the fourth archangel is designated in some mediaeval moimmeuts (Jameson, S. and L. Art, p. 92) as " St. Cho uUn." ANGELS OF CHURCHES ANGELS OF CHURCHES 89 •Dictionary of the Bible.' In art they do not appear as Angel forms, with any special modi- fication of the ordinary type, as far as we have observed, in any earlier representation than that of the Syriac MS. already described and figured. Later modifications of this oldest type may be seen in Jameson, S. and L. Art^ p. 42 sqq., from which the cut given above is taken; D'Agincourt, Sculpture, pi. xii. 16 (the diptych of Rambona, 9th century), Peinture, pi. 1. 3 (Greek MS. of 12th century). Cherubic repre- sentations of the four " Living Creatures" will bs separately treated under Evangelists. § 15. The Illustrations to this Article. Great interest attaches to the mosaic of Xystus IIL, which forms the first of the illustrations to this article, from its bearing upon the history of doctrine, and especially of the cultus of the Virgin Mary, and as restorations made in the time of Benedict XIV. (1740-1758) have pro- duced considerable changes in the mosaic here figured, it will be well to state the authority for the present representation. The only pub- lished picture of the mosaic in its older state (that here reproduced), is a very rude engraving in Ciampini, Vetera Monumenta, 1. p. 200, Tab. xlix. In some important particulars of archaeo- logical detail his engraving varies from the care- fully drawn and coloured pictures, from which the illustration above given has been taken. But in the general arrangement and outline of the figures the two are in accord. The coloured drawings of which we speak, form part of a col- lection (in two large folio volumes) which was made by Pope Clement XI. when Cardinal Albano. These, with a number of other volumes containing classical antiquities of various kinds, were purchased at Rome by an agent of George III., and are now in the Royal Library at Windsor. The second of the illustrations (from a Syriac MS.) is from a photolithograph, reproducing the outline given by Seroux d'Agincourt, Feinture, pi. xxvii. That author speaks of it as " caique sur I'original," and from a comparison with an exact copy made from the original by Professor West- wood, we are able to vouch for the perfect accu- racy of the present illustration. [W. B. M,] ANGELS OF CHURCHES— Bishops. It does not appear that the bishops of the Primitive Church were commonly spoken of under this title, nor indeed did it become in later times the ordinary designation of the episcopal oflSce. In- stances, however, of this application of it occur in the earlier Church historians, as, e. g., in So- crates, who so styles Serapion Bishop of Thomais (Lib. iv. c. 23). The word Bydel also, which is Saxon for angel or messenger, is found to have been similarly employed (see Hammond on Rev. i. 20). But though no such instances were forthcoming, it would prove nothing against the received interpretation, as it may be considered, of the memorable vision of St. John, recorded in the first three chapters of the Apocalypse, in which he is charged to convey the heavenly message to each of the seven churches through its "Angel." It should be remembered that the language of this vision, as of the whole book to which it belongs, is eminently mystical and symbolical ; the word " Angel," therefore, as being transferred from an heavenly to an earthly ministry, though it would very signifi- cantly as well as honourably characterize the oflice so designated, could yet scarcely be ex- pected to pass into general use as a title of individual ministers. By the same Divine voice from which the Apostle receives his commission the "mystery" of the vision is interpreted. "The seven stars," it is declared, "are the angels of the seven churches ; and the seven candlesticks which thou sawest, are the seven churches." Tiie symbol of a star is repeatedly employed in Scripture to denote lordship and pre-eminence (e.g. Num. xxiv. 17). "There shall come a star out of Jacob," where it symbolises the highest dominion of all. Again, the actual birth of Him who is thus foretold by Balaam is announced by a star (Matt. ii. 2 ; cf. Is. xiv. 12). Faithful teachers are " stars that shall shine for ever " (Dan. xii. 3) ; false teachers are " wander- ing stars " (Jude 13), or " stars which fall from heaven " (Rev. vi. 13, viii. 10, xii. 4). Hence it is naturally inferred from the use of this symbol in the present instance that the "angels" of the seven churches were placed in authority over these churches. Moreover, the angel in each church is one, and the responsibilities ascribed to him correspond remarkably with those which are enforced on Timothy and Titus by St. Paul in the Pastoral Epistles. Again, this same title is given to the chief priest in the Old Testament, particularly in Malachi (ii. 7), — where he is stylea the angel or messenger of the Lord of Hosts, whose lips therefore were to keep knowledge, and from his mouth, as from the oracle, the people were to " seek the law," to receive know- ledge and direction for their duty. To the chief minister, therefore, of the New Testament, it may be fairly argued, the title is no less fitly applied. By some, however, both among ancient and modern writers, the word " angel " has been understood in its higher sense as denoting God's heavenly messengers ; and they have been supposed to be the guardian angels of the several churches — their angels — to whom these epistles were ad- dressed. It is contended that wherever the word angel occurs in this book, it is employed unquestionably in this sense ; and that if such guardianship is exercised over individuals, much more the same might be predicated of churches (Dan. xii. 1). Among earlier writers this inter- pretation is maintained by Origen (Horn. xiii. in Luc. and Hom. xx. in Num.) and by Jerome (in Mich. vi. 1, 2). Of later commentators, one of its most recent and ablest defenders is Dean Alford. But besides the obvious difficulty of giving a satisfactory explanation to the word " write " as enjoined on these supposed heavenly watchers, there remains an objection, not easily to be surmounted, in the language of reproof and the imputation of unfaithfulness, which on this hypothesis would be addressed to holy and sm- less beings, — those angels of His who delight to " do His pleasure." So is it observed by Au- gustine (Ep. 43, § 22) : " * Sed habeo adversura te, quod caritatem primam reliquisti.' Hoc de superioribus angelis dici non potest, qui per- petuam retinent caritatem, unde qui defecerunt et lapsi sunt, diabolus est et angeli ejus." By presbyterian writers the angel of the vision has been variously interpreted : — 1. Of the collective presbytery ; 2. Of the presiding pres- byter, which office, however, it is contended was soon to be discontinued in the Church, because 90 ANGERS ANNE of its foreseen corruption. 3. Of the messengers sent from the several churches to St. John. It hardly falls within the scope of this article to discuss these interpretations. To unprejudiced readers it will probably be enough to state them, to make their weakness manifest. It is difficult to account for them, except as the suggestions of a foregone conclusion. On the other hand, as St. John is believed on other grounds to have been pre-eminently the organiser of Episcopacy throughout the Church, so here in this wonderful vision the holy Apostle comes before us, it would seem, very remarkably in this special character ; and in the message which he delivers, under divine direction, to each of the seven churches through its angel, we recognize a most important confirmation of the evidence on which we claim for episcopal govern- ment, the precedent, sanction, and authority of the apostolic age. (Bingham, Thorndike, Archbishop Trench on Epp. to Seven Churches.') [D. B.] ANGERS, COUNCIL OF (Andegavense Concilium), a.d. 453, Oct. 4; wherein, after consecrating Talasius, Bishop of Angers, there were passed 12 canons respecting submission of presbyters to bishops, the inability of " digami " to be ordained, &c. (Mansi, vii. 899- 902). [A. W. H.] ANGLICAN COUNCILS (Concilm Angli- canci) ; a designation given to English general councils, of which the precise locality is un- known ; e. g. a.d. 756, one of bishops, presbyters, and abbats, held by Archbishop Cuthbert to appoint June 5 to be kept in memory of the martyrdom of St. Boniface and his companions (Cuthb. ad Lullum, iutr. Epist. S. Bonif. 70 ; Wilk. i. 144; Mansi, xii. 585-590); A.D. 797 (Alford), 798 (Spelman), held by Ethelheard preparatory to his journey to Rome to oppose the archbishopric of Lichfield (W. Malm. G. P. A. lib. i. ; Pagi ad an. 796, n. 27 ; Mansi, xiii. 991, 992). [A. W. H.] ANIANUS. (1) Patriarch, commemorated Hedar 20 = Nov. 16 ((7a/. Ethiop.). (2) Bishop ; translation, June 14 {Mart. Bedae, Hieron.) ; deposition at Orleans, Nov. 17 {M. Hieron.). [C] ANICETUS, martyr, commemoj-ated Aug. 12 {Cal. Byzant.). [C] ANNA, the prophetess, commemorated Sept. 1 (Ado, De Festiv., Martyrol.) ; Jakatit 8 = Feb. 2 {Gal. Ethiop.). [C] ANNATES ; lit. the revenues or profits of one year, and therefore synonymous with first- fruits so fixr ; but being, in their strict anc technical sense, a development of the Middle Ages, the only explanation that can be given of them here is how they arose. Anciently, the entire revenues of each diocese were placed in the hands of its bishop, as Bingham shews (v. 6. 1-3), who with the advice and consent of his senate of presbyters distributed, and in the Western Church usually divided them into 4 parts. One part went to himself ; a 2nd to his clergy ; a 3rd to the poor ; a 4th to the mainte- nance of the fabric and requirements of the diocesan churches. Of these the 3rd and 4th were claimants, so to speak, that never died ; but in the case of the two former, when offices bscame vacant by death or rcmoA'al, Vvhat was to be done with the stipend attaching to them, till they were filled up ? Naturally, when en- dowments became fixed and considerable, and promotions, from not having been allowed at all, the rule, large sums constantly fell to the dis- posal of some one in this way ; of the bishop, when any of his clergy died or were removed ; and of whom, when the bishop died or was re- moved, by deposition or by translation, as time went on, but of the metropolitan or primate at last, though, perhaps, at first of the presbytery ? And then came the temptation to keep bishop- rics vacant, and appropriate " the annates," or else require them from the bishop elect in return for consecrating him. It was but a step further in the same direction for Rome to lay claim to what primates and archbishops had enjoyed so long, when the appointment of both, so far as the Church was concerned, became vested in Rome. But, on the other hand, it is equally certain, that had the primitive rule, founded as it was in strict justice, been maintained intact, each parish, or at least each diocese, would have preserved its own emoluments, or, which comes to the same thing, would have seen them applied to its own spiritual exigencies in all cases. The 34th Apostolical canon, the 15th of Ancyra, and the 25th of Antioch, alike testify to the old rule of the Church, and to what abuses it succumbed. Still, De Marca seems hardly justified in ascrib- ing the origin of annates to direct simony {De Concord. Sac. et Imp. vi. 10). [E. S". F.] ANNE ("Awo, r\in). Mother of the Virgin Mary. July 25 is observed by the Orthodox Greek Church as the commemoration of the " Dormitio S. Annae," a Festival with abstinence from labour {dpyia). The same day is said to have been anciently dedicated to S. Anne in the West also, and the feast was probably transferred in the Roman Calendar to the 26th (the day on which it is at present held) from a desire to give greater prominence to S. Anne than was possible on S. James's Day. In the Greek Calendar, also, Joachim and Anna, " ©eoiraT Jpes," have a festival on Sep. 9, the day following the Nativity of the Virgin Mary. Both the Armenian and the Greek Calendars have on Dec. 9a" Festival of the Con- ception of the Virgin Mary," or (as it is called in the latter) 'H avKX-q^is ttjs ay'ias Koi d^oirpo- fxriTopos "Awns, i. e. S. Anne's Conception of the Virgin, Ka\ yap ahr^ aTre/cuTjo-e ti)V virhp \6yov Thv hoyov Kv-fjcracrav. In the Ethiopic, " Joachim, avus Christi," has April 7 ; and on July 20 is commemorated the " Ingressus Annae Matris Mariae in Templum " or " Purificatio Annae." (Daniel's Codex Litut^gicus, torn. iv. ; Alt's Kirchenjahr.) There is no evidence of any public recognition of S. Anne as a patron saint until about the beginning of the 6th century, when Justinian 1. had a temple built in her honour, which is described by Procopius {De Aedific. Justin, ch. iii.) as Upoirpeiris re Kol ayaarhv oAws e'Sos "Aupy ayia, " whom," he adds, " some believe to be /xTjTepa QeoTOKOv and grandmother of Christ ; " and we are informed by Codinus that Justinian II. founded another in 705. Her body was brought from Palestine to Con- stantinople in 740, and her "Inventio Corporis'* was celebrated with all the honour due to a saint. L^O ANNOTINUM PASCHA ANTIMENSIUM 91 ANNOTINUM PASCHA. In the Grego- ' rian Liber Besponsalis, and in some MSS. of the Sacramentary, following the Dominica in Alhis (First after Easter), we find an office in Pas- tha Annotina. That it was not, however, in- variably on the day following the Ocitave of Easter is shown by Martene (quoted by Binterim, V. i. 246), who found it placed on the Thursday before Ascension Day in an ancient ritual of j Vienne. And it is mentioned in later autho- \ rities as having been celebi*ated on various days, as on the Sabbatum tn Albis, the Saturday after Easter-Day. As to the meaning of the expression there are various opinions. Natalis Alexander (Hist. Eccl. Diss. ii. quaest. 2), with several of the older au- thorities, supposed it to be the anniversary of the Easter of the preceding year. If this anni- versary was specially observed, when it fell in the Lent of the actual year it would naturally be omitted, or transferred to a period when the Fast was over ; for the services of the Pascha annotinum were of a Paschal character, and con- sequently unsuited for a season of mourning. Probably, however, the nature of the Pascha annotinum is correctly stated by the Micrologus (c. 56) ; Annotine Pascha is a term equivalent to anniversary Pascha ; and it is so called because in olden time at Eome those who had been bap- tized at Easter celebrated the anniversary of their baptism in the next year by solemn ser- vices. Honorius of Autun, Durand, and Beleth, give the same explanation, which is adopted by Thomasius, Martene, and Mabillon. To this call- ing to mind of baptismal vows the collects of the Gregorian Sacramentary (p. 82) refer. The words of the Micrologus, that this was observed in olden time (antiquitus) seem to imply that even at the time when that treatise was written (about 1100), it had become obsolete (Gregorian Sacram. Ed. Menard, p. 399 ; Binterim's Denk- wiirdigkeiten, v. i. 245 ft".). [C] ANNUNCIATION. [Mary the Virgin, Festivals of.] ANOINTING. [Unction.] ANOVIUS, of Alexandria, commemorated July 7 {Mart. Hieron.). ANSENTIUS. Commemorated August 7 {Mart. Hieron.). [C] ANTEMPNUS, bishop, commemorated April 27 {Mart. Hieron.). [C] ANTEPENDIUM (or Antipendium), a veil or hanging in front of an altar. The use of such a piece of drapery no doubt began at a period when altars, as that at S. Alessandro on the Via Nomentana near Rome [Altar], began to be constructed with cancellated fronts: the veil hanging in front would protect the interior from dust and from profane or irreverent curio- sity. Ciampiui {Vet. Man. t. ii. p. 57) says that in a crypt below the church of SS. Cosmo e Damiano at Kome there was in his time an ancient altar " cum duabus columnis ac epistilio et corona ; nec non sub ipso epistilio anuli sunt ferrei e quibus vela pendebant." (Compare t. i. p. 64.) In the 7th and 8th centuries veils of rich and costly stuffs are often mentioned in the Lib. Pontif. as suspended "ante altare," as m the calse where Pope Leo III. gave to the chu.-ch of St. Paul at Rome " velum rubeum quod pendet ante altare habens in medio crucem de chrysoclavo et periclysin de chrysoclavo," a red veil which hangs before the altar, having in the middle a cross of gold embroidery and a border of the same. It is possible, however, that in this and like cases the veil was not attached to the altar, but hung before it from the ciboriura or from arches or railings raised upon the altar enclosure. [A. N.] ANTEEOS, the pope, martyr at Eome, commemorated Jan. 3 {Mart. Rom. Vet., Bedae). [C] ANTHEM. [Antiphon.] ANTHEMIUS, commemorated Sept. 26 {Cal. Armen.). [C] ANTHIA, mother of Eleutherius, comme- morated April 18 {Mart. Bom. Vet.). [C] ANTHIMUS. (1) Bishop, martyr at Nico- media, commemorated April 27 {Mart. Bom. Vet.). (2) Presbyter, martyr at Rome, May 11 {lb. et Bedae). (3) Martyr at Aegaea, Sept. 27 {Mart. B. v.). [C] ANTHOLOGIUM {'AuOoXSyiou), a compi- lation from the Paracletice, Menaea, and Horo- logium, of such portions of the service as are most frequently required by ordinary worshippers. It generally contains the offices for the Festivals of the Lord, of the Virgin Mary, and of the prin- cipal saints who have festivals {rwv eopraCo- (xhuiv ayiuv) ; and those ordinary offices which most constantly recur. (Neale, Eastern Church, Introd. 890.) This book, which was intended to be a convenient manual, has been so swollen by the zeal of successive editors, that it has become, says Leo Allatius, a very monster of a book. {De Libris Ecclesiasticis Graecorum, p. 89.) [C] ANTIGONUS, of Alexandria, commemorated Feb. 26 {Mart. Hieron.). [C] ANTIMENSIUM, a consecrated altar-cloth, " cujus nominis ratio haec est, quod ea adhibeant loco mensae sive altaris " (Bona, De Bebus Lit. I. XX. § 2). This seems the natural derivation, especially if, as Suidas says (in Suicer's Thesaurus s. V.) the word was a Latin one, meaning a table placed before a tribunal (Trp*^ SiKao-rripiov /cei- /jLevr}). Nevertheless, the Greeks always write the Avord avTLixivaiov, and derive it fi'om jxivcros, a canister (Neale, Eastern Church, Introd. p. 186). These Antimensia were, and are, consecrated only at the consecration of a church (Gear's Eu- chologion, p. 648), when a piece of cloth large enough to form several antimensia was placed on the altar, consecrated, and afterwards divided and distributed as occasion required. ^' Relics being pounded up with fragrant gum, oil is poured over them by the bishop, and, distilling on to the corporals, is supposed to convey to them the mysterious virtues of the relics themselves. The Holy Eucharist must then be celebrated on them for seven days, after which they are sent forth as they may be wanted " (Neale, u. s. p. 187). As to the antiquity of these ceremonies it is difficult to speak with certainty. Theodore Balsamon (in Suicer, s. v.) say? that these Antimensia were for use on the Tables of 92 ANTI0CH ANTIOCH Oratories (twv ivKTrjpiwv), which were probably for the most part unconsecrated ; and Manuel Charitopulus (in Bona, u. s.) says that they were for use in cases where it was doubtful whether the altar was consecrated or not. They were required to be sufficiently large to cover the spot occupied by the paten and chalice at the time of conse- cration. The Syrians do not use these cloth antimensia, but in their stead consecrate slabs of wood, which appear to be used even on altars which ai-e con- secrated (compare the Ethiopic Area [Arca]). The Syriac Nomocanon quoted by Renaudot (Lit. Orient, i. 182) in the absence of an Antimensium of any kind permits consecration of the Eucharist on a leaf of the Gospels, or, in the desert and in case of urgent necessity, on the hands of the deacons. [C.] ANTIOCH, COUNCILS OF. Cave reckons ©nly 13 Councils of Antioch between A.D. 252 and 800, at which date the first vol. of his Hist. Literaria stops : Sir H. Nicolas as many as 33, and Mansi nearly the same number. Numbering them, however, is unnecessary, as there are no first, second, and third Councils of Antioch as of Carthage and elsewhere. They may be set down briefly in chronological order, only three of them requiring any special notice. A.D. 252 — under Fabian, agamst the followers of Novatus (Euseb. vi. 46). — 264, 269 — On their dates see Mansi i. 1089-91 : both against Paul of Samosata, who was also Bishop of Antioch after De- metrian (Euseb. vii. 27-9). For details, see below. — 331 — Of Arians, to depose Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch, for alleged Sabellianism (Soc. i. 24). — 339 — Of Arians, to appoint Pistus to the see of Alexandria, to which St. Athanasius had just been restored by Constantine the younger (^Life of St. Athanasius by his Benedictine editors). — 341 — known as the Council of the Dedi- cation : the bishops having met ostensibly to consecrate the great church of the metropolis of Syria, called the " Dominicura Aureum," the only council of Antioch whose canons have been preserved (Soc. ii. 8). For details, see below. — 345 — Of Arians : when the creed called the " Macrostiche," from its length, was put forth (Soc. ii. 18). — 348 — Of Arians : at which, however, Stephen, Bishop of Antioch, himself an Arian, was deposed by order of Constantius for the monstrous plot organised by him against the deputies from Sardica (New- man's Arians, iv. 3, 4). — 354 — Of Arians : against St. Athanasius. — 358 — under Eudoxius : rejected the words Homoousion and Homoiousion equally : but "without venturing on the distinct Anomoean doctrine " (Newman's Arians, iv. 4). — 361 — ^To authorise the translation of St. Meletius from Sebaste to Antioch. A second was held shortly afterwards, by the same party, to expel him for having made proof of his orthodoxy. 3g3 — Of semi- Arians : addressed a sy- nodical letter to the new emperor Jovian, as had been done by tfie orthodox at Alex- andria. St. Meletius presided, and signed first (Soc. iii. 25). A.D. 367 — Creed of the Council of the Dedica- tion confirmed. — 379 — under St. Meletius: condemned Mar- cellus, Photinus, and Apollinaris. Ad- dressed a dogmatic letter to St. Damasus and the bishops of the West, who had sent a similar one to St. Paulinus. — 380 — For healing the schism there : when it was agreed that whichever survived — St. Meletius or St. Paulinus — should be ac- cepted by all. Here the tS/jlos or synodical letter of the Westerns was received (at least so says De Marca, Explic. Can. V. Concil. Const. A.D. 381, among his Dis- sertations). St. Meletius signed first of 146 others. St. Paulinus, apparently, was not present at all. A meeting of Arians took place there the same year on the death of their bishop Euzoius, when Dorotheus was elected to succeed him (Soc. iv. 35, and V. 3 and 5). — 389 — To prevent the sons of Marcellus, Bishop of Apamea, from avenging his murder by the barbarians. — 391 — Against the Messalians. — 424 — or, as Mansi thinks (iv. 475) in 418 : at which Pelagius was condemned. — 431 — under John of Antioch, condemning and deposing St. Cyril and five others (Mansi, 5, 1147). — 432 — under John also ; for making peace with St. Cyril : after which he in this, or another synod of the same year, condemned Nestorius and his opinions. — 435 — Ptespecting the works of Theodorus of Mopsuestia and Diodorus of Tarsus lately translated into Armenian. — 440 — On the same subject : occasioned by a letter of Proclus, patriarch of Constanti- nople. — 445 — under Domnus : in which a Syrian bishop named Athanasius was condemned. — 448 — under Domnus also : when Ibas, Bishop of Edessa, was accused ; but his accusers were excommunicated. — 471 — At which Peter the Fuller was de- posed, and Julian consecrated in his room ; then Peter, having been restored by the usurper Basilicus in 476, was again ejected by a synod in 478 on the restoration of Zeno. — 482 — At which the appointment of Ca- lendio to that see was confirmed ; but he in turn was ejected by the emperor Zeno in 485, and Peter the Fuller restored, who thereupon held a synod there the same year, and condemned the 4th Council. — 512 — at which Severus was appointed patriarch. — 542 — ^Against Origen. — 560 — under Anastasius : condemning those who opposed the 4th Council. — 781 — under Theodoric : condemning the Iconoclasts. Of these, the two synods A.D. 264 and 269 against Paul of Samosata were conspicuous both from the fact that the accused was bishop of the city in which they were held, and from the novel ANTIOCH ANTIPHON 93 character of their proceedings. They came to the stern resolution of deposing him, yet had to apply to a pagan emperor to enforce their sen- tence, who, strange to say, did as they requested. No such case had occurred before : it was the gravity of their deliberations and the justice of their decisions tliat caused them to be respected. With the first of them, as we learn from Eu- sebius, there were some celebrated names as- sociated. Firmilian, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappa- docia, the well-known advocate for re-baptising he- retics with St. Cyprian, St. Gregory the wonder- worker, and Athenodorus his brother, the bishops of Tarsus and Jerusalem, and others. Dionysius of Alexandria was invited, but sent excuses on account of his age ; declaring his sentiments on the question in a letter addressed to the whole diocese, without so much as naming the accused, its bishop. Those who were present exposed his errors ; but Paul, promising amendment, man- aged to cajole Firmilian, and the bishops sepa- rated without passing sentence. At the second council, having been convicted by a presbyter named Malchion, occupying the highest position in the schools of Antioch as a sophist, he was cut off from the communion of the Church ; and a synodical letter was addressed in the name of those present, headed by the bishops of Tarsus and Jerusalem — Firmilian had died on his road to the council — and of the neighbouring churches, to the bishops of Rome and Alexandria, and the whole Church generally, setting forth all that had been done in both synods, as well as all the false teaching and all the strange practices — so much in harmony with what is attributed to the sophists of Athens in Plato — for which Paul had been deposed, also that Domnus, son of Demetrian, his predecessor in the see, had been elected in his place. Still, condemned as he had been, Paul held his ground till the emperor Aurelian, having been besought to interfere, com- manded that "the house in which the bishop lived should be given up to those with whom the bishops of Italy and of the city of Rome com- municated as regards dogma." This settled his fate once for all. The remaining council of Antioch to be spe- cially noticed is that of the Dedicatio a.d. 341. It was attended by 90 bishops, says St. Atha- nasius, or by 97 as St. Hilary. Of these but 36 are said to have been Arian : yet they carried their point through Constantius so far as to substitute Eusebius of Hems for St. Athanasius, and, on his hesitating, to get George or Gregory of Cappadocia sent out to be put in possession of the see of Alexandria without delay. Not content with this, they got their 12th canon levelled against those who, having been deposed in a synod, presume to submit their case to the emperor instead of a larger synod, averring that they deserved no pardon, and ought not ever to be restored again. In this way the restoration of St. Athanasius to Alex- andria by Constantine the younger was virtually declared uncanonical and his see vacant. To this canon St. Chrysostom afterwards objected, when it was adduced against him, that it was framed by the Arians. Lastly, they managed to promulgate four different creeds, all intended to undermine that of Nicaea. Yet, strange to say, the 25 canons passed by this council came to be among the most respected of any, and at length admitted into the code of the Universal Church, They are termed by Pope Zacharias " the canons of the blessed Fathers;" by Nicholas I, "the venerable and holy canons of Antioch;" and by the Council of Chalcedon " the just rules of the Fathers." Hence some have supposed two councils : one of 50 orthodox bishops, or more, who made the canons ; another of 30 or 40 Arians, who superseded St. Athanasius (Mansi, ii. 1305, note). But canon 12 plainly was as much directed against St. Athanasius as anything else that was done there. On the other hand, it laid down a true principle no less than the rest ; and this doubtless has been the ground on which they have been so widely esteemed. Among them there are five which cannot be pas^sed over, for another reason. The 9th, for distinctly proving the high antiquity of one at least of the Apostolical canons, by referring to it as "the antient canon which was in force in the age of our fathers," in connexion with the special honour now claimed for metropolitans — on which see Bever., Synod, ii. ad loc. — canons 4 and 5, for having been cited in the 4th action of the Council of Chalcedon, or rather read out there by Aetius, Archdeacon of Constantinople, from a book as "canons 83 and 84 of the holy Fathers ;" and likewise canons 16 and 17, for having been read out in the 11th action of the same council by Leontius, Bishop of Magnesia, from a book as " canons 95 and 96 ; " being in each case the identical numbers assigned to them in the code of the Universal Church, thus proving this code to have been in existence and appealed to then, and therefore making it extremely probable, to say the least, that when the Chalcedonian bishops in their first canon " pronounced it to be fit and just that the canons of the holy Fathers made in every synod to this present time be in full force," they gave their authoritative sanction to this very collection. Hence a permanent and in- trinsic interest has been imparted to this council irrespectively of the merits of its own canons in themselves, though there are few councils whose enactments are marked throughout by so much good sense. [E. S. F.] ANTIPAS, Bishop of Pergamus, tradition- ally the " angel " of that church addressed in the Apocalypse, commemorated April 11 {Cal. Byzant). [C] ANTIPHON— (Gr. 'Avrlcpuvou: Lat. Anti- phona : Old English, Antefn, Antem [Chaucer] : Modern English, Anthem. For the change of Antefn into Antem, compare 0. E. Stefn [prow] with modern Stem. French, Antienne.) "An- tiphona ex Graeco interpretatur vox reciproca ; duobus scilicet choris alternatim psallentibus ordine commutato." (Isidore, Origines vi. 18.) There are two kinds of responsive singing used in the Church ; the Responsorial, when one singer or reader begins, and the whole choir answers in the alternate verses ; the present Anglican prac- tice when the Psalms are not chanted ; and the Antiphonal (described in Isidore's definition) when the choir is divided into two parts or sides, and each part or side sings alternate verses. Of these forms of ecclesiastical chant we are now concerned only with the second, the Antipho7iaL We shall endeavour, as briefly as may be, to men- tion (1) Its origin. (2) The different usages of the term " Antiphon." (3) Its application in the 94 ANTIPHON ANTIPHON Missal, and in the Breviary; pointing out as they occur any peculiarity or dilference of usage between the Eastern and the Western Churches. 1. Its origin may be found in the Jewish Church. For we read (1 Chron. vi. 31 &c.), that David divided the Levites into three bands, and " set them over the service of song in the house of the Lord, after that the ark had rest. And they ministered before the dwelling-place of the tabernacle of the congregation with singing, until Solomon had built the house of the Lord in Jerusalem ; and then they waited on their office accoi'ding to their order." It appears further that the sons of the Kohathites, under " Heman a singer" (v. 33), stood in the centre while the Gershomites, led by Asaph, stood on the right hand, and the Merarites, led by Ethan (or Jedu- thun), on the left. These arrangements, and ths further details given in 1 Chron, xxv. clearly point to some definite assignment of the musical parts of the tabernacle and temple worship. Some of the psalms, moreover, as the xxiv. and the cxxxiv. appear to be composed for antiphonal singing by two choirs. It appeai-s on the evidence of Philo, that this mode of singing was practised by the Essenes, Speaking of them he says: "In the first place two choirs are constituted ; one of men, the other of women. They then sing hymns to the praise of God, composed in different kinds of metre and ■verse — now with one mouth, now with anti- phonal hymns and harmonies, leading, and direct- ing, and ruling the choir with modulations of the hands and gestures of the body ; at one time in motion, at another stationary ; turning in one direction, and in the reverse, as the case requires. Then, when each choir by itself has satisfied itself with these delights, they all, as though inebriated with divine love, combine from both choirs into one." Pliny appears to allude to antiphonal chanting when, in a well-known passage (Epist. x. 97), he says that the Christians sing a hymn to Christ as God, "by turns among themselves" (secuin invicem). The introduction of antiphonal singing among the Greeks is ascribed by an ancient tradition to Ignatius of Antioch (Socrates, Eccl. Hist. vi. 8), who saw a vision of antiphonal chanting in heaven. And this tradition probably represents the fact, that this manner of singing was early introduced into Antioch, and spread thence over the Eastern Church. We learn from S. Basil that it was general in his time. He says (^Ep. ccvii. ad Cleric. Neo- caesm:) prefacing that what he is going to speak of are the received institutions in all the churches (ra vvu KeKpaTr)K6Ta eOrj irdcraLS Ta7s tov Qeov iKKXrjariais (xvuoidd icrri koL (Tvfj.(f)uva)^ " that the people, resorting by night to the house of prayer at length, rising from prayer, betake themselves to psalmody. And now, divided into two parts, they sing alternately to each other {5iXV ^lave/XTjOevTes, auTi\pd\\ov(rLv aWiiXois . .). Afterwards they commit the leading of the melody to one, and the rest follow him." Theodoret (ffist. Eccles. ii. 19) ascribes the introduction of antiphonal singing to Flavian and Diodorus, who, while still laymen, he says, were the first to divide the choirs of singers into two parts, and teach them to sing the songs of David alternately (ourot irpMroi, Sixj? SteAoi/res rovs Tuiv ypaWSuTcov xopoi/s, e/c diadoxvs aSeit r))v AaviSLKTju iSida^ot/ /jLeAcvSiay), and then he adds that this custom, which thus took its rise at Antioch, spread thence in every direction. In the Western Church the introduction of Antiphonal singing after the manner of the Ori- entals (secundum morem Orientalium), is attri- buted to S. Ambrose, as S. Augustine says (Confess, ix. c. 7, § 15), and he gives as a reason, that the people should not become weary. A passage, indeed, is adduced from Tertullian (ad Uxor, ii.), from which it is argued that the pi-actice of alternate singing was in vogue before the time of S. Ambrose. It has also been con- tended that Pope Damasus, or again Caelestine, was its originator in the Western Church. As these opinions do not seem to be generally adopted, and as the arguments by which they are sup- ported may easily admit of another interpreta- tion, it does not aj pear to be necessary to occupy space by discussing them here. II. The Avord Antiphon, however, has been used in several different senses. 1. Sometimes it appears to denote the psalms or hymns themselves, which were sung anti- phonally. Thus Socrates (Hist. Eccl. vi. 8) calls certain hymns which were thus sung "Anti- phonas." When the word is used in this sense there is generally a contrast expressed or implied with a " psalmus directus," or " directaneus." "Psallere cum antiphona" is a phrase much used in this connexion, to which " psallere in directum" is opposed. Thus S. Aurelian in the order for psalmody of his rule, " Dicite Matu- tinarios, id est primo canticum in autiphon;i : delude directaneum, Judica me Deus. ... in antiphona dicite hymnum. Splendor paternae gloriae." It is not quite certain what is meant by these two expressions; t'ne general opinion is that " psallere cum (or in) antii)houa," means to sing alternately with the two sides of the choir ; and "psallere directaneum" to sing either with the whole choir united, or else for one chanter to sing while the rest listened in silence (this latter mode of singing, however, is what is usually denoted by " tractus ;") while some think that " psallere in " or " cum antiphona" means to sing with modulation of the voice ; and that " psallere directaneum" denotes plain recitation without musical intonation. Thus Cassian (De Instit. Coenob. ii. 2), speaking of psalms to be sung in the night office, says, " et hos ipsos antiphonarum protelatos melodiis, et adjunctione quarumdam modulationum ;" and S. Benedict directs that some psalms should be said " in directum," but many more " modulatis vocibus." A third opinion is that "psallere cum antiphona" means to sing psalms with certain sentences inserted between the verses, which sentences were called antiphons, from their being sung alternately with the verses of the psalm itself. Of this method of singing we shall speak more fully presently. In opposition to this sense, " psallere directiim" would mean to sing a psalm straight \ through without any antiphon ; and it may be remarked that the " psalmus directus," said daily at Lauds, in the Ambrosian office, has no Anti- phon. The expression " oratio recta" seems also to be used in much the same sense. 2. The word Antiphona^ is also used to denote » " A distinction is made by liturgical writers betw^en ANTIPHON ANTIPHON 95 a sacred composition, or compilation of verses from the Psalms, or sometimes from ether parts of Scripture, or several consecutive verses of the same psalm appropriate to a special subject or festival. This was sung by one choir, and after each verse an unvarying response was made by the opposite choir ; whence the name. Compilations of this nature are to be found in the old office books, e.g., in the Mozarabic office for the dead, where, however, they are called " a Psalm of David," as being said in the place of psalms in the Nocturns ; and they have this pecu- liarity, that each verse (with very few excep- tions) begins with the same word. Thus the verses of one such "psalm" all begin with "Ad te ;" those of another with " Miserere ;" of another with " Libera of another Avith " Tu Domine," and so on. They are also found in the Ambrosian burial offices, where they are called Antiphonae, each verse being considered as a sepai-ate Antiphon, and are headed Antiph. i. Antiph. ii. and so on. The Canticles, which were appointed to be said instead of the " Venite" in the English state services, there called " hymns," and directed to be said or sung " one verse by the Priest, and another by the Clerk and people" (i. e. antiphonally), are of this nature. 3. The word " Antiphona" denotes (and this is the sense in which we are most familiar with its use), a sentence usually, but by no means invariably, taken from the psalm itself, and ori- ginally intercalated between each verse of a psalm, but which, in process of time, came to be sung, wholly or in part, at the beginning and end only. We shall speak more at length on this head pre- sently. 4. The word "Antiphona" came to denote such a sentence taken by itself, and sung alone without connexion with any psalm. These Anti- phons were frequently original compositions. (We thus arrive at our common use of the word anthem as part of an Anglican choral service.) Antiphons of this description are of common occurrence in the Greek offices. As an example take the following from the office for the taking the greater monastic habit (jov fxeyaXov (Tx^f^aros). In the Liturgy, after the entrance of the Gospels, the following Anti- phons QAvTL^wva) are said : — Ant. 1. "Would that I could wipe out with tears the handwriting of my oifences, 0 Lord : and please Thee by- repentance for the remainder of my life : but the enemy deceives me, and wars against my soul. 0 Lord, before 1 finally perish, save me. " Who that is tossed by storms, and makes for it, does not find safety in this port ? Or who that is tormented with pain and falls down before it, does not find a cure in this place of healing? 0 thou Creator of all men, and physician of the sick, 0 Lord, before 1 finally perish, save me. " I am a sheep of Thy rational flock ; and I flee to Thee, the good Shepherd ; save me the wanderer from Thy fold, 0 God. and have mercy on me." _ Then follows " Gloria Patri " and a " Tlieoto- kion," which is a short Antiphon or invocation addressed to the B.V.M. as " Theotokos." Then Antiphon ii., after ths model of the first, but in antiphona, and antiphonum, the neuter form denoting antiphons of the nature here described ; and the feminine a sentence or modulation sung as a prefix or adjunct to a given psalm ' quasi ex opposite respondens,' "— Goar, Euch. p. 123. two clauses only. So after another " Gloria '* and " Theotokion," Antiphon iii. in one clause. III. We shall now refer to the principal uses of Antiphons in the services of the Church. 1st. In the Liturgy, or office of the Mass. We will take the Greek offices first. In these (and we will confine ourselves to the two Litur- gies of SS. Basil and Chrysostom) before the lesser entrance (i.e. that of the Gospels) 3 psalms, or parts of psalms are sung with a constant re- sponse after each verse. These are called re- spectively the 1st, 2ud, and 3i*d Antiphon, and each is preceded by a prayer, which is called the prayer of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Antiphon respec- tively. The Greek liturgical Antiphons consist each of four versicles with its response, though occasion- ally, as on Christmas Day, the third Antiphon has but three ; that " Gloria Patri " is said after the first and second Antiphons, but not after the third. (This is doubtless because the office passes on immediately after the third Antiphon to other singing with which we are not now concerned.) In the first Antiphon the antiphonal response is always the same, and is that given in the cases quoted ; in the second it varies with the day to the solemnity of which it has reference ; it always begins with the words " Save us," and ends with " Who sing to Thee, Alleluia " (awcrou rjiu-as . . . ypaXXovrds croi 'AAA-TjAouta) ; in the third it varies likewise with the day, but is not of so uniform a type. It is, as a rule, the same as the " Apolyticon," an Anthem which is sung near the end of the preceding vespers. That after the " Gloria " in the second Antiphon, in- stead of repeating the proper response of the Antiphon " 0 only begotten Son and Word of God," &c., is sung as a response. (This invoca- tion occurs in the office of the " Typics.") Other compositions, which are virtually Anti- phons, are found in Greek offices, and will be spoken of under their proper heads ; see Conta- KiON, Theotokion. We turn now to the Liturgies of the Western Church. The three Antiphons of the Greek Liturgies correspond both in structure and position with the single Antiphon of the Western Church. The chant which the Church uses at the begin- ning of the Mass is commonly called " Introitus," or " Antiphona ad Introitum," from its being sung Antiphonally when the priest enters upon the service, or mounts to the altar ; for both ex- planations are given [Introit]. It still retains its name of " Introitus " in the Roman missal ; and the word " Introit " is frequently used among ourselves at the present day with a similar mean- ing. In the Ambrosian Liturgy the corresponding Antiphon was called " Ingressa " for the same reason ; while in the Mozarabic and Sarum Litur- gies it was called " Officium." In the Galilean rite it was called " Antiphona " or " Antiphona ad praelegendum," or " de praelegere." The institution of the Antiphon at the Introit is almost universally ascribed to S. Caelestine, who was Pope a.d. 422, and who is said to have borrowed this kind of singing from S, Ambrose, and to have appointed that the cl. psalms of David should be sung antiphonally before the Sacrifice, which was not done previously, but only the Epistles of S. Paul and tlie Gospel 96 ANTIPHON ANTIPHON were read, and thus the Mass was conducted.'' In the account given by S. Augustine (die Civ. Dei, xxii. 8 sub fin.) of a Mass which he cele- brated, A.D. 425, there is no mention of such an Introit. After speaking of certain preliminary- thanksgivings (as we should say occasional) for a recent miracle, he says, " I saluted the people " . . . when silence was at length established, the appointed lections of Holy Scripture were read as though that was the beginning of the Mass. It seems, however, doubtful what we are to understand by the singing of Psalms thus insti- tuted by Caelestine— whether an entire Psalm, varying with the office, was sung, or only cer- tain verses taken from the Psalms, and used as an Antiphon. The former opinion is held by Honorius (Gemma animae, 87), who says that " Caelestiue appointed Psalms to be sung at the Introit of the Mass, from which (de quibus) Gregory the Pope afterwards composed Anti- phons for the Introit of the Mass with musical notations (modulando composuit.)" Also by Priscus in his " Acts of the Popes," and by Cardi- nal Bona. The latter opinion is held by Micrologus (cap. i.), and by Araalarius (De Eccl. Off, iii. 5), who, in explaining this addition of Caeles- tine's, says, " Which we understand to mean that he selected Antiphons out of all the Psalms, to be sung in the office of the Mass. For previ- ously the Mass began with a lection, which cus- tom is still retained in the vigils of Easter and Pentecost." It has again been argued with much force that it was customary to sing Antiphons taken from the Psalms at the Mass before the time of Caeles- tine.<^ S. Ambrose (de Myst. cap. 8) and the writer de Sacr. (iv. 2) speak as though the use of the verse " Introibo," &c., at the Introit were familiar. So, too, Gregory Nazian. says. When he (the priest) is vested, he comes to the altar saying the Antiphon " I will go unto the altar of God " (Introibo ad altare Dei). It is also noticeable that some of the verses said to have been used as Antiphons in early times differ somewhat from Jerome's version. This is strong evidence that the use of Antiphons at the Introit was anterior to the time of Caelestine. However this may be, Caelestine may well have so organized or altered, or developed the custom, as to be called its inventor. And on the whole the more pro- bable opinion seems to be that he appointed en- tire Psalms to be sung before the Mass and that afterwards Gregory the Great selected from them verses as an Antiphon for the " Introit," and others for the " Responsory," " Offertory," and " Communion," which he collected into the book which he called his Antiphonary. In support of this view it may be observed that the Respon- sory &c. (which are really Antiphons, though the Introit soon monopolized that name) are often taken from the same Psalm as the Introit. The form of the Antiphon at the Introit was as follows. After the Introit, properly so called, a psalm was sung, originally entire, but after- fa Tdher pcmtijicalis in vita S. Caclestini. See also the Catalogue of the Roman Pontiffs, April, vol. 1. (Henscheii and I'apebroch). c Vide Radulph. Tungrens. De Can. Oiserv. prop. 23 Cassian, Tnstit. iii. 11. d Afterwards known as the " Gradual." lu the Anti- phonary it is called •' Kesponsoriuni gradale." wards a single verse with " Gloria Patri." The Introit was then repeated, and some churches used to sing it three times on the more solemn days. The Inti-oit in the Antiphonary of S. Gregory is taken from the Psalms, with a few exceptions, which Durandus (Eat. iv. 5) calls "Irregular Introits." These Introits, taken from other parts of Scripture, are in all cases followed by their appointed " Psalmus." There are also a few In- troits which are not taken from any pai't of Scripture. Such is that for Trinity Sunday in the Roman and Sarum missals. " Blessed be the Holy Trinity, and the undivided Unity; we will give thanks to It, for It has dealt merci- fully with us." And that for All-Saints Day in the same Missal. " Let us all rejoice celebrating the festival in honour of all the Saints, over whose solemnity the angels rejoice, and join in praising the Son of God." These non-scriptural Introits, however, are mostly, as will be observed, for festivals of later date, and are not found in Gregory's Antiphonary. A metrical Introit is sometimes found. Thus in the Roman Missal in Masses, " in Commemora- tione B.V.M., a purif. usque ad pasch." the Introit is : — Salve, sancta Parens, enixa puerpera Regem, Qui coelura terramque regit in secula seculorum.c Psalmus. — Virgo Dei genetrix, quem totus non capit orbia In tua se clausit viscera factus homo. Gloria Patri. Here the " Psalmus " is not from the Psalms, which is very unusual, though this is not a soli- tary case. That of Trinity Sunday is another. The lines are the beginning of an old hymn to the Virgin, which is used in her office in various Breviaries. The different Sundays were often popularly distinguished by the first word of their " Officium," or " Introitus." Thus, the first four Sundays in Lent were severally known as, " Invocavit," " Reminiscere," " Oculi," " Laetare." Low Sun- day as " Quasimodo," and so in other cases. So too we find week days designated, i.e. Wednes- day in the third week in Lent called in Missals, " Feria quarta post Oculi." In rubrical direc- tions this nomenclature is very frequent. The Ambrosian " Ingressa " consists of one un- broken sentence, usually but by no means always, taken from Scripture, and not followed by a "Psalmus," or the "Gloria Patri." It is often the same as the Roman "Officium." It is never repeated except in Masses of the Dead, when its form approaches very nearly to that of the Ro- man " Introitus." The form of the Mozarabic " Officium " though closely approaching that of the Roman " In- troitus " differs somewhat from it. The Anti- phon is followed by a " versus," corresponding to the Roman " Psalmus," with the " Gloria Patri," before and after which the second clause alone of the Antiphon is repeated.^ Durandus (Bat. lib. iv. cap. 5) and Beleth (De Div. Off. cap. 35) state that in their time a TROrus was sung, in some churches, on the more solemn days before the Antiphon. e The line is thus given in the Roman and Sarum Missals. It was probably read " in secla seclorum." f This is the Roman manner of repeating the "Re- sponsories ' at Matins. ANTIPHON We now come to that use of Antiphons with which we are probably most familiar— as sung i!s an accompaniment to Psalms and CanticUs. In general terms an Antiphon in this sense is a sentence which precedes a Psalm or Canticle to the musical tone of which the whole Psalm or Canticle is sung, in alternate verses by the oppo- site sides of the choir which at the end unite in repeating the Antiphon. This sentence is usually, but by no means universally, taken from the Psalm itself, and it varies with the day and occasion. Originally the Psalm was said by one choir, and the Antiphon was intercalated between each verse by the opposite choir: whence the name. Ps. 136 (Confitemini) and the Canticle "Beuedicite" are obvious examples of this method of singing. Indeed in Ps. 135 (v. 10-12) we have very nearly the same words, without what we may call the Antiphon ("for His mercy endureth for ever/'), which occur in Ps. 136 with that Antiphon inserted after each clause, and the " Benedicite " is often recited without the repetition of its Antiphon after every verse.^ Pss. 42 and 43 (Quemadmodum and Judica), 80 (Qui regis Israel), and 107 {Confitemini) will at j once suggest themselves as containing an Anti- I phonal verse which is repeated at intervals. There are many examples of this earlier use of Antiphons in the Greek Services. For instance • j at Vespers on the " Great Sabbath " {i. e. Easter i Eve), Ps. 82 {Deus stetit) is said with the last I verse " Arise, 0 God, and judge Thou the earth, ! tor Thou Shalt take all heathen to Thine inheri- i tance," repeated with beautiful application, as an Antiphon between each verse. : Again, in the Office for the Burial of a Priest i; '^l , CDominus regit me), 24 (Domini est \terra), 84 (Qwrn dilecta), are said with "Alleluia lAlleluia,"^ repeated as an Antiphon between pach verse. Here the three Psalms are called ;i-espectively the first, second, and third Anti- phons. I It appears that in the Roman Church the same pustom of repeating the Antiphon after each l/erse of the Psalm originally prevailed. In an )ld mass, edited by Menard, in the Appendix to ;:he Sacramentary of S. Gregory, we read, " An- liuente Episcopo, incipiatur psalmus a Cantore mm Introitu reciprocante." » Amalarius, too (Be Ordine Antiphonarii, cap 11.), speaking of the Nocturns of weekdays, has he words, " Ex senis Antiphonis quas vicissim hon per smgulos versus repetunt." We have yidence that this custom was not obsolete (in ;laces at least) as late as the 10th century, in the ife of Odo, Abbot of Cluny, where we are told hat the monks of that house, wishing to pro- mg the office of the Vigils of S. Martin (Nov. i), wh«n the Antiphons of the office are short k ANTIPHON 97 and the nights long, till daybreak, used to repeat ■ every Antiphon after each verse of the Psalms. We find also, in a letter by an anonymous author to Batheric, who was appointed Bishop of Ratisbon, A.p. 814 (quoted by Thomasius), the wrfter complaining that he has in the course of his travels found some who, with a view to set through the office as rapidly as possible, that they may the quicker return to their woridlv business, recite it " without Antiphons, in 'a perfunctory manner and with all haste " (« sine Antiphonis, cursim, et cum omni velocitate"^ Theodoret also relates (Hist. Eccl. iii. 10) that Christians, in detestation of the impiety of Julian, when singing the hymns of David, added to each verse the clause, " Confounded be all they that worship carved images." A familiar instance of this older use of an Antiphon IS found in the "Reproaches" ("versi- cuh improperii" or " improperia ") of the Roman Missal for Good Friday. These are Gregorian : the introductory rubric as It stands in the Roman Missal is cited, as it is so precise as to the manner of singing them It runs thus : " Versiculi sequentes improperii a binis alternatim cantantur, utrosque choro simul repetente post quemlibet versum Papule &c " «» Sometimes metrical hymns were sung anti- phonally after this manner. Thus at the " Salu- tation of the Cross" the verse of the hymn Fange lingua,'' which begins " Crux Udelis," is sung m the Sarum rite at the beginning, and after every verse of the hymn, the rubric being— "Chorus idem repetat post unumquemque versum. " Crux fidelis inter omnes." &c. s E.g. in the Lauds of the Ambrosian Breviary, and in . still more compressed form in the Mozarablc Lauds : here the word "Benedicite" is omitted from the begin- I ng of each verse after the first.. The use of "Alleluia" on this and on similar occa- Z^oTZT^ f ™S Lent) is different from the 'age ot the Western Church. wTT"""^ ^ P"^* ""^"^ ^ode of singing the troit than Psalms in the daily office en'^s^rJ'Tr'**'''' f^'*!"^"* rev^mon has alsifS'^ ""J'^'"" "^^y the Antiphons to the wLt f / ^ ^ ^« shorter an that at the Introit of the Mass ICHiilST. ANT. (. . . Sacerdotes cantent hunc versum sequentem ) Pange Imgua gloriosi proelium certaminis," &c Chorus—" Crux fidelis," &c. And so on. So also before the Benediction of the Paschal Candles on Easter Eve, according to the Sarum rite, the hymn " Inventor rutili - IS sung m the same manner, with the first stanz? repeated antiphonally after each stanza. A variation of this form of antiphonal inter- polation IS when the interpolated clause itself vanes. The following is a striking example :— On the morning of Easter Eve in the Greek office, the following Antiphons (rpoTrdpia) are said with Ps. 119, "saying" (as'^ the rubric directs) "one verse (crrixo,^) from the Psalm after each troparium." These are known as "Blessed art Thou, 0 Lord, 0 teach me Thy statutes Blessed are those that are undefiled in the way, and walk m the law of the Lord." "Thou, 0 Christ, the Life, wast laid low in the grave, and the angelic hosts were amazed, glorifyins Thy condescension." "Blessed are they that keep His testimonies, and seek Him with their whole heart." J'^J"^^^' ^* ^^^^ ^^0" ^ost die.? How is it that Thou dost dwell in the grave? Thou payest the- tribute of death, and raisest the dead out of Hades." "For they who do no wickedness walk in His ways " "We magnify Thee, 0 Jesu the King, and honour Thy burial, and Thy passion, by w.hich Thou hast saved lis from destruction." And so on throughout the whole Psalm. In the same manner at the burial of monks, the blessings at the beginning of the Sermon on " The rubrical directions with respect to the "Impro- peria " in the Mozarabic Missal are very fuU. H 98 ANTIPHON ANTIPHON the Mount (of fxaKapKTjjioi) are recited with a varying antiphonal clause after each, beginning from the fifth. As an example from the Western Church, we may refer to the following, which belongs to Vespers on Easter Eve. It is given in S. Gre- gory's Antiphonary, with the heading Antiph. and Ps. to the alternate verses. Antiph. " In the end of the Sabbath, as it began to dawn towards the first day of the week, came Mary Magdalene, and the other Mary to see the sepulchre." Alleluia. Ps. " My soul doth magnify the Lord." Antiph. " And behold, there was a great earthq-uake, for the angel of the Lord descended from heaven." Alleluia. I's. " And my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour." A-ud so the Magnificat is sung with the suc- cessive clauses of the Gospel for the day used as Antiphons after each of its verses. The missal Litanies which are said in the Am- brosian Mass on Sundays in Lent, and the very beautiful Freces with which the Mozarabic Missal and Breviary abounds, are so for anti- phonal that each petition is followed by an un- varying response. Their consideration, however interesting, scarcely belongs to our present subject. The repetition of the Antiphon after each verse was called " Antiphonare." In the old Antiphonaries we frequently find such directions as' " Hoc die Antiphonamus ad Benedictus" or simply "Hoc die antiphonamus." The word *' antiphonare " is explained to mean to repeat the Antiphon after each verse of the Canticle. The " Greater Antiphons " (i. e. " 0 Sapieutia," are directed to be sung at the Benedictus,^ with the rubric, "Quas antiphonamus ab In Sanc- titate ;" which means that the repetition of the Antiphon begins from the verse of which those are the first words." At a later period the custom of repeating the Antiphon after each verse of the Psalm dropped, and its use was gradually limited to the beginning and end of the Psalm. A relic of the old usage still survives in the manner of singing the " Venite " at Nocturns, in which Psalm the Antiphon is repeated, either wholly or in part, several times during the course of the Psalm. It remained a frequent custom, and more par- ticularly in the monastic usages, at Lauds and Vespers on the greater feasts to sing the Anti- phon three times at the end of Benedictus and of Magnificat, once before Gloria Patri, once before Sicut erat, and once again at the conclu- sion of the whole. This seems to have been the general use of the Church of Tours ; and the Church of Rome retained the practice in the 12 th century, at least in certain otfices of the festivals of the Nativity, the Epiphany, and S. Peter. It was called " Antiphonam trimnpliare^'' which is explained by Martene (Be Ant. Eccl. Rit. iv. 4) as " ter fari." Antiphonam levcure,^ or imponere, means to begin the Antiphon. Other variations in the manner of singing the Antiphon are mentioned by other writers. Thus n This differs from the later (and the present) practice, according to which these Antiphons are said to the Mag- nificat at Vespers. o This is the manner in which the " ixaKapiafxaL" men- tioned above are recited. The first four are followed by no antiphonal sentence. p Compare our English use of the word to raise. we are told i that sometimes the Antiphon was said twice before the Psalm ; or at least, if only said once, the first half of it would be sung by one choir, and the second half by the othei-. This was called " respondere ad Antiphonam." ^ It appears that this method of singing the Antiphon was confined to the beginning and end of the Psalm or Canticle. When repeated during the Psalm, the Antiphon was always sung by one choir, the other taking the verse. The repetition of the Antiphons was in later times still further curtailed, and the opening words only sung at the beginning of the Psalm or Canticle, the entire Antiphon being recited at the close. Still later, two or more Psalms were said under the same Antiphon, itself abbreviated as just stated. This is the present custom of the Roman Breviary. When the Antiphon was taken from the beginning of the Psalm or Canticle, after the Antiphon the beginning of the Psalm or Canticle was not repeated, but the recitation was taken up from the place where the Antiphon ceases. For instance, the opening verses of the 92nd Psalm are said at Vespers on Saturday in the Ambrosian rite in this manner : — Ant. " Boimm est." Ps. " Et psallere nomini Tuo Altissime," &c. "Gloria Patri," &c. Ant. " Bonum est confiteri Domino Deo nostro." Where the recitation of the Psalm begins with the verse following the Antiphon, though the opening words only of the Antiphon are said at the beginning. On the more important festivals the Anti- phons at Vespers, Matins, and Lauds (but not at the other hours), were said entire before as well as after the Psalms and Canticles. These feasts were hence called " double ;" those in which the Antiphons were not thus repeated, " simple." There are a few peculiarities in the use of Antiphons to the Psalms and Canticles in the Ambrosian and Mozarabic rites which may be mentioned. 1. The Ambrosian Antiphons are divided into simple and double. The simple Antiphons are said in the same manner as the Roman Antiphons on days which are not "double." They are always so said whatever be the nature of the feast. In Eastertide the Antiphon is said entire before the Psalm, and instead of its repetition at the end, "Alleluia, Alleluia," is said. The double Antiphons consist of two clauses, the second being distinguished by a V. (i. e. versus), and is said entire both before and after the Psalm. The following is a specimen which is said to be one of the Psalms on Good Friday : — Ant. duplex. " Simon, sleepest thou? Couldest not thou watch with me one hour ?" V. " Or do ye see Judas, how he sleeps not, but hastens ' to deliver Me to the Jews ?" These double Antiphons occur occasionally and irregularly on days which have proper Psalms. q By Amalarius, De Eccl. Off. iv. 1. r In the Vatican Antiphonary we find the following direction on the Epiphany :— " Hodie ad omnes Antiphonas respondemus," and so in other instances. In a MS. of the church of Rouen the antiphon before and after the " Mag- nificat " at first Vespers of the Assumption is divided into four alternate parts between the two sides of the choir, and after the "Gloria Patri" is again sung by both sides together. ANTIPHON ANTIPHON 99 Thus on Wednesday before Easter, out of hine Psalms, one was a double Antiphon ; on Thurs- day, out of ten, none, and on Good Friday, out of eighteen, one ; on Christmas Day, out of twenty- one, four ; and on the Epiphany, out of twenty- one, six. Festivals are not divided into " double " and " simple " as distinguished by the Anti- phons. 2. The Mozarabic Antiphons are said entire before as well as after their Psalm or Canticle. Occasionally two Antiphons are given for the same Canticle.^ They are often divided into two clauses, distinguished' by the letter P,* in which case at the end of the Psalm the " Gloria " is in- tercalated between the two clauses. Of the nature of the sentence adopted as an Antiphon little is to be said. It is, for the most part, a verse, or part of a verse, from the Psalm it accompanies, varying with the day and the occasion, and often with extreme beauty of ap- plication. Sometimes it is a slight variation of the verse ; or it is taken from other parts of Scripture ; sometimes it is an original composi- tion, occasionally even in verse. E. g. in the 3rd Nocturn on Sundays between Trinity and Advent in the Sarum Breviary : 2b Ps. 19 {Coeli enarrant), *' Sponsus ut e thalamo processit Christus in orbem : Descendens coelo jure salutifero." The Antiphons for the Venite are technically called the Invitatoria.'i The corresponding Antiphons of the Eastern Church need not detain us, as they are less pro- mment and important, and present no special features. They are always taken from the Psalm itself, and are said after the Psalm only, and are prefaced by the words koI irdXiv (and again), and are introduced before the " Gloria Patri." Thus Ps. 104 (^Benedic anima mea) is said daily at Vespers. It is called the prooemiac Psalm ; and the Antiphon at the end is — And again. "The sun knoweth his going down. Thou malsest darkness that it may be night. " 0 Lord, how manifold are Thy works. In wisdom hast Thou made them all." " Glory be," &c. " As it was," &c. AntipTiona Post Evangelium. — An Antiphon said, as its name indicates, after the Gospel, in the Ambrosian rite. It consists of a simple un- broken clause, and is sometimes taken from the Psalms or other parts of Scripture ; sometimes it IS composed with reference to the day. One example will show its form, that for the Christo- phory or return of Christ out of Egypt (Jan. 7). Praise the Lord, all ye angels of His ; praise Him all His host. Pi-aise Him sun and moon : praise Him all ye stars an as. Peter and Paul. 102 ANTIPHONARIUM ANTIPHONARIUM Dominica prima post St. Laurentii,^ and so on ibr six Sundays more, when we come to Dominica prima post 8. Angeli,^ of which last set of Sun- days seven are provided. Trinity Sunday does not appear, but the last Sunday before Advent is called " de SS. Trinitate, [al.'] Dom. xxiv. post Octav.-Pentec. ; and the Antiphons are those now used in the Roman Church on Trinity Sunday, i.e., the Octave of Pentecost. The Festival oi'the Circumcision does not appear, the day being called Oct. Domini. There is also a second office pro- vided for the same day, according to an old prac- tice, called variously In Natal. Sanctae Mariae or De Sancta Maria in Octava -D"*, or Ad hono- rem Sanctae Mariat.'^ The offices for Good Friday " ad crucem ado- randam" and the Reproaches (called here simply Ad crucem Antiphona) and that for baptism on Easter Eve, as also various Litanies and other occasional additions to the usual office, are found in their proper places. The second part is headed " De natalitiis Sanctorum" and corresponds with the Sanctorale of later books. It begins with the festival of St, Lucy [Dec. 13], and ends with that of St. Andrew [Nov. 30]. This is followed in the St. Gall MS. by offices for St, Nicholas, the Octave of St. Andrew, St. Damasus [Dec. 11], and the Vigil of St. Thomas, and one for the Festival of St. Thomas, which differs from tliat previously given. There are also a variety of occasional and votive offices. The Festival of All Saints is found in some MSS. There is one Festival of the Chair of St. Peter in one of the St. Gall copies on Jan. 18,1^ and one in three MSS. on Feb. 22." There is no addition in either case of the words Romae or Antiochiae, and both are not, it seems, found in the same MS. As a specimen of the arrangement, take the first Mass for Christmas Day, that in media node or in gain cantu. " VIII. Kalendas Januarii Nativitas Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Ad Sauctam Mariam. Antiphona ad Introitum. Dominus dixit ad me, Filius mens es tu, Ego hodie genui te. [Dominus dixit.] Ton. ii. oia, euonae. Ps.2. Quare fremuerunt gentes? et populi meditati Bunt inania ? [Dominus dixit.] [Gloria. Dominus dixit.] Fo ad repetendum. Postula a me, et dabo tibi gentes haereditatem tuam, et possessionem tuam terminos terrae. [^Dominus dixit.] " Then follow successively the Eesponsorium gradale, the Antiphona ad offerenda, and the Antiphona ad Communionem, each with its versus, and the last with its psalm and versus ad repetendum. All these Antiphons are repeated in the manner which has been explained in the article on Antiphons ; and as they are of the i i.e. Aug. 10. t i.e. Michaelmas, as we should say. m This has been put forward as an argument for the Gregorian authorship of this Antiphonary, as it is said that St. Gregory was in the habit of celebrating two masses on this day, the second of which was " de Sancta Maria." » This corresponds with the present festival of the Chair of St. Peter at Borne. ° This corresponds with the present festival of the Chair of St. Peter a,t Antioch. ordinary form, it does not seem necessary to set them out at length here. (2.) As an example of an Antiphonary for the canonical hours, we will take the Antiphonary of the Vatican Basilica. It is a MS. with musical notation differing from that adopted later. It represents the use of the Roman Church in the 12th century, and may be considered as embody- ing the substance of the Gregorian Antiphonary, together with some later additions. It is headed — " In nomine Domini Jesu Christi inoipit Re- sponsoriale et Antiphonarium Romanae Ecclesiae de circulo anni juxtaveterem usum Canonicorum Sasilicae Vaticanae St. Petri." It begins with a calendar, with the usual couplets of hexameters at the head of each month, and then, without any further title, proceeds with the Antiphons at the first Vespers of the first Sunday in Ad- vent, and thence onwards throughout the course of the year, giving the Antiphons at Nocturns and all the hours ; and the Responsories after the lessons at Nocturns. These Antiphons and Responsories are so nearly the same as those in the present Roman Breviary that it is unneces- sary to quote more than the following specimel: of the manner in which they are set out : — "Dominica i. de Adventu Domini. Statio ad Sanctam Mariam Majorem ad Praesepe. Istud Invitatorium cantamus eo die ad Matutinum usque in Vigil. Natal. Domini, exceptis Festivitatibus Sanctorum. Regem Tenturum Dominum, venite adoremus. Venite. In i. Nocturno. Ant. Missus est Gabriel Angelus ad Mariam Virginem desponsatam Joseph. Fsal. Beatus vir. Quare fremu- erunt. Domine quid. Domine ne in. Ant. Ave Maria, gratia plena, benedicta tu inter muli- eres. Fsal. Domine Deus meus. Domine Dominus noster. Confitebor. In Domino confido. A7it. Ne timeas Maria, invenisti gratiam apud Domi- num ; ecce concipies et paries Filium. AUeluja. Psal. Salvum me fac. Usquequo. Dixit insipiens. Domiu') quis. V. Ostende nobis Domine misericordiam Tuam. E. Et salutare Tuum da nobis." Then follows a long rubric, directing how the Responsories should be sung, and then the three well-known Responsories : — (1) Aspiciens a longe, &c. (2) Aspiciebam in visu noctis, &c. (3) Missus est Gabriel, &c. The lessons are not indicated ; but the Re- sponsories are usually taken from the book which is being read in its course. Thus, on the Oc?tave of Pentecost the Books of the Kings p were begun ; and we have the rubric, " Historia Regum cantatur usque ad Kalendas Augusti," followed by a series of Responsories taken or adapted from those books for use during that time.vrwv eavTOVS iKTeixveLU ciprjTai' ovroos ei rives virh fiap^dpoov r) Seairoruiu euj'OuxtO'Orjfrai/, GvpiffKOLvro 5e 'd\Xcas d^LOL. rovs TOLovTOvs ets KKripov irpocrieTai 6 Kavcav. Reference alleged to Can. Apost. 21 and 22. Again Can. 2 says, that things had lately been done irapa tov KavSva rhv eKKX-qcriaaTLKhu, to correct which it enacts that no neophyte is to be made a presbyter. The reference is alleged to be to Apost. Can. Ixxx. Can. 5 says : — KpaTcirw t] yywij.7] Kara rhu KauSva rhu Siayopevovra rovs vcp' erepwu airo- fi}\i-]QevTas, ixp' erepwv fir) irpocriecrOai. Comp. Can. Apost. 13 (xii. and xiii.) and 33 (xxxii.) Again, Can. 9, concerning the ordination of known sinners, treats it as Trapa Kai/ova, and says, Tovrovs o Kauo^v ov irpoaieTai. See Can. Apost. Ixi. Can. 10, concerning such as are ordained in ignorance of th^ir having lapsed, says : — tovto ov irpoKpiuei Kavovi tS iKKX7](TLa(TTiK^' yvuicr- Oevres yap KaOaipovurai. Bev. thinks the re- ference is to Can. Apost. Ixii., and that the Council of Nice found it needful to extend the rule to those who had lapsed before ordination. Can. 15 and 16 restrain the clergy from moving from city to city, a practice which it calls (TwriOeia Trapa tov Kavoua, and speaks of such persons as fjLTjTe rhu iKKKr\]cr6Tat, 'Iva fiTj rirroues rpilav Twu bpicQivTUiv els xetpoTo^'taj/ 'ETrtcr/co- iroov apK€(T(0(rLV. Comp. Can. Apost. i. t Daille.and his ally, " Observator" (who seems to have been Mact. de la Roque) contend that the context shews that Basil cannot have meant to allude to the Apostolical Canons. Beveridge replies at length (Cod. Can. 38, 39). Bicicell takes the same vif^w as Daille (Geixh. des Kirchen- rechts, I 83, note), but witliout noticing the arguments of The Council of Ephesus, 431 A.D., sent three times to summon the accused bishop, Nestorius, to appear, saying, that it did so in obedience KavovL, and afterwards informed the Emperor of the course taken, — rSsv Kapoucnv irapaKeXevo- jjAvojv rrj TpiTT) KXi](Tei TtapaKaXeiffOai rhv airei- Qovwa. And in like manner at Chalcedon, 451 A.D., upon the third summons sent to Dioscorus, the bishops who were the bearers of it say that the Council sent them to him : — TpiTrju ^877 KXTjaiv ravT^u Tvoiovjjiivr] Kara ry^u clkoXov- Qiav TCtiv ayiojv KavSvcou. Compare Can. Apost. a Ixxiv. ^ At Ephesus a complaint was made against the Bishop of Antioch for trying to subject to him- self the island of Cyprus: — "Contrary to the Apostolic canons and the decrees of the most holy Nicene Synod." Comp. Can. Apost. 36 (xxxv.) We may now perhaps pause in our extracts from Councils and Synods, as we are approaching a period about which there is less dispute : but we must go back to the Nicene times in order to cite one or two individual testimonies. Alex- ander, bishop of Alexandria, writes that Arius, though excommunicated there, was received by other bishops, which he blames, — rcfi ^Tjre tov ' A-!ro(TToXiKdv Kavova tovto (Tvyx^^fi^LV (apud Tlieodoret, Hist. Eccl. i. c. iv.). See Can. Apost. 13. About the same time Eusebius, declining to be translated from Caesarea to Antioch, Constantine the Great writes to praise him for observing ras re ivroXas tov &eod Kai rhv ^ AiroaToXiKdv KavSva, Kal TTjs eKKXriffias (Euseb. Vita Const, iii. 61). The reference is alleged to be to Can. Apost. 14, while eKKX7](Tias is said to allude to the 15th Canon of Nice. Again, during the reign of Constantine, Pope Julius, writing of the deposition of Athanasius and the intrusion of Gregory into his see, declares it to have been done in violation of the Canons of the Apostles. See 2nd Apol. of Athanasius. The reference is asserted to be to Can. 36 (xxxv.) and Ixxiv. (Gregory being an untried lay- man.)" Orice more, in a provincial synod at Con- stantinople, 394 A.D., it was determined that the deposition of a bishop must not be merely by two or three bishops, — aAA.a irXe'iovos (XvvSSov ^rjcpo}, Ka\ Twv TTjs iirapx^as, KaOihs Kol oi " PlttocttoXikoX KavSves SLwplaavro. The allusion is said to be to Can. Apost. Ixxiv. Of late years not much has been done by English scholars in the way of original investiga- tion into the subject, but German writers have given a good deal of attention to it during the present century, and have arrived at results widely different from those we have just been considering. Among these Von Drey and Bickell stand conspicuous. The former seems to con- sider that the first 50 canons were collected in the early part of the 5th century, partly out of decrees of post-Nicene Councils, partly out of the so-called apostolical constitutions ; and that the other 35 were added subsequently, probably 1 If this conid be considered to be proved, it would settle the point that the Canons were known at Rome, and referred to by popes before Dionysius's version of them. And if the LXXIVth be really intended, it would show that more than 50 were then recognised. A.POSTOLICAL CANONS APOSTOLICAL CANONS 115 ftt the beginning of the 6th century, when the whole 85 were appended to the constitutions.^ Bickell while adopting a similar theory does not press it so far. He believes the collection to have been made out of like materials to those specified by Drey, but to be not later than the end of the 4th century ; and holds that the apos- tolical canons were quoted at Chalcedon (instead of being in part derived from the decrees of that Coun- cil as Drey would maintain), and possibly also at Ephesus and Constantinople, 448 {Gesch. des Kir- chenrechts, vol. i. p. 83 ; see also Hefele Conci- Uengesch., vol. i. p. 771). Both Von Drey and Bickell agree in denying the position of Beve- ridge that the collection was made not later than the 3rd century, and was composed out of bond fide previous canons then existing. And they meet his citations by denying that kuvoov, eeoTfj-os and such like words always imply what we call a canon, and by alleging that they are used in early times of any generally received rule in the Church. Thus Kavcbv airoa-roXiKhs might either refer to some direction of the Apos- tles contained in the New Testament, or to some ecclesiastical practice supposed to have been originated by them, and to have their authority. Thus Clem. Rom. speaks of rov ^piafxhov ttjs Xeirovpyias avrov Kavova (Ep. i. 41), and it is not to be supposed that he can here allude to any synodical decree. Comp. Iren. Ad. Haer. i. 9 ; Polycrates, apud Euseb. Hist. Eccl. v. 24 ; Clem. Al. Strom, i. 350, vi. 676, vii. 753, 756, 764 (see also the instances in De Lagarde Eel. Jur. Eccl. Ant. pref. p. vi.). Accordingly Bickell would thus interpret (as Daille' had done before him) the use of the words Kavihv and KavoviKos vS/j-os, in canon 15 of Neocaesarea, and in canons 13, 15, 18, of Nice.y So also Cornelius Ad Fabium ^ The following table gives what he supposes to be the original of the various Canons : — 1., II., VI., VII., XVII., XVIII., XX., XXVI., XXXIII., XLVI., XL VII., XLIX., LI., LII., LIIL, LX., LXIV., are all taken from the Apostolical Constitutions ; the first six books of which he considers as of latter half of 3rd century, LXXIX. is from the 8th book, which is later, but before the year 325. XXI.- XXIV., and LXXX., are taken from the Nicene Decrees. VIII.-XVI., and XXVIII., and XXXL-XLL, from those of Antioch. XLV.. LXX., LXXI., from those of Laodicea. LXXV, from those of Constantinople, a.d. 381, XXVII, from those of Constantinople, a.d. 394, XXIX., LXVII., LXXIV., LXXXI., LXXXIIL, from those of Chalcedon, XIX. from Neocaesarea, XXV. from a canonical letter of Basil. LXIX. and LXX., out of the supposed Epistle of Ignatius, Ad Philadelph. About a third of the Canons Drey treats as of unknown origin. The subject matter of many of them he considers may be more ancient, but not in the form of canons. As to the distinction said to be apparent between the first 50 Canons and the residue, see Bickell, i. 86 and 236. y For an examination of these instances from a con- trary point of view, see Beveridge (Cod. Can. lib. i. cap. xi.). But the reader should notice that in Nic. Can. 18, he inexactly translates wanep ovre 6 navhv ovre rj avv- >j0eia trapeSooKe by " nec canonem nec consuetudinem esse," and neglects the words napa Kavova /cat Trapa ra^iv at the end of the Canon. He understands the Canon of Nsocaesarea, that there must be seven deacons, Kara rov narovoL, to allude to Acts vi, (the written law of Scrip- (Euseb. vi, 43) Kara rov rrjs iKKKjiffias Kavova, and Firmilian Ad Cyprian. (eT^. 75) and Cone. Are- lat. canon 13, " ecclesiastica regula," and comp. Euseb. vi. 24. Bickell also thus interprets the letter of Alexander to Meletius, and that of Constantine, which as we have seen (ante, p. 114) Beveridge takes as allusions to the apostolical canons. In short Von Drey and Bickell maintain that the in:stances brought forward by Beveridge are not really proofs that the set of canons called apostolical are there quoted or referred to, but rather that allusion is made to broad and gene- rally acknowledged principles of ecclesiastical action and practice, whether written or un- written (see Bickell, i. p. 2, and p. 81, 82, and the notes).^ But they go further and proceed to adduce on their side what they consider to be a positive and decisive argument. Many canons of the Council of Antioch, a.d. 341, correspond not only in subject but to a very remarkable degree in actual phraseology with the apostolical canons. Yet they never quote them, at least eo nomine. The following table gives the parallel cases : — Antioch I, compa II. in, IV, V. VI. VII., VIII. IX. xin. XVII. , 7 XVIII. 5 XX. XXL XXII, XXIII. XXIV, XXV, ed with Can. Apost. VII, (VIIL, IX X., XL, XIL, XIIL XV., XVL XX VIIL XXXI. XXXIL XIL, XXXIII XXXIV. XXXV. XXXVL XXXVII. XIV, XXXV. LXXVl. XL, XLK On this state of facts Von Drey and Bickell maintain that the apostolical canons are ob- viously borrowed from those of Antioch, while Beveridge argues that the converse is the case. The argum.ent turns too much on a close com- parison of phrases, and of the respective omis- sions, additions, and modifications, to admit of being presented in an abridged form. It will be found on one side to some extent in Bickell, vol. i. p. 79, et seq., and p. 230, et seq. (who gives ture). Some might possibly contend that the words of the Epistle of Alexander (supra, p. 114) refer to 2nd Epist, John 10. He also deals with a Canon of Ancyra (Can, 21), which mentions that 6 irporepos opos refused com- munion, except on the death-bed, to unchaste women guilty of abortion. This Beveridge argues does not mean a " Canon " at all, but rather a decision of Church discipline. Hefele, on the other hand, thinks it alludes to a Canon of Elvira, refusing the sacrament to such even at death (Concilienge.%ch. i. 208). z To a certain extent, Beveridge discusses this theory when put forward by " Observator " (see Cod. Can. lib. i. c, 11, p. 44), and appears to contend that Kaviov is not used for unwritten law, at all events by Councils in their de- crees. There certainly seems some apparent distinction drawn in Nic. Can. 18, cure 6 Kavitv ovre rj (TvvTqBeia napiSuiKe. a It will be observed that all the Apostolical Canong except one, for which parallels are here found in the Antioch decrees, fall within the first 50 : and the parallel to the LXXVIth Canon is very far-fetched. i 2 116 APOSTOLICAL CANONS APOSTOLICAL CANONS the references to the corresponding parts of Von Drey's work) ; and on tJie other, in Beveridge's Codex Canonum, lib. i. cap. iv. and cap. xi., and elsewhere in that treatise. •» As a general rule the apostolical canons are shorter, the AntiOch canons fuller and more ex- press : a circumstance which leads Bickell to see in the former a compendium or abridgment of the latter, but which, according to Beveridge, proves the former to be the brief originals, of which the latter are the subsequent expansion. Beveridge observes with some force that though the apostolical canons are not quoted by- name, the canons of Antioch repeatedly profess to be in accordance with previous ecclesiastical rules, whereas the apostolical canons never men- tion any rules previously existing.<= Still the same question must arise here as in relation to the canons of Nice, viz., whether the allusion really is to pre-existing canons of councils, or whether the terms used are to be otherwise ex- plained. And as regards the silence of the apos- tolical canons as to anything older than them- selves, it must be recollected that any other course would have been self-contradictory. They could not pretend to be apostolic and yet rely on older authorities. Hence even had such refer- ences been found in the materials of which they were composed, these must have been struck out when they were put together in their present shape. The synod of Antioch lying under the I'e- proach of Arianism, it may seem improbable that any decrees should have been borrowed from it. To meet this objection Bickell urges that though the Antioch clergy were Arian, the Bishop Me- letius was not un-orthodox, and was much re- spected by the Catholics. And he throws out the theory that the apostolical canons, which shew traces of Syrian phraseology, may be a sort of corpus canonum made at that period in Syria, and drawn up in part from the Antioch decrees, in part from the apostolical constitutions (which shew like marks of Syrian origin), and in part from other sources.'* This work, it is conjectured, Meletius brought with him when he came to the Council of Constantinople (where he died) in 381 A.D., and introduced it to the favourable notice of the clergy : a hypothesis which is thought to account for the apostolical canons being cited (as Bickell thinks for the first time) at the Provincial Synod of Constantinople, A.D. 394-. The opinion of Hefele may be worth stating. He thinks that though there is a good deal to be said for the theory that many of the apostolical canons were borrowed from those of Antioch, b The suggestion is there made that the Council stu- diously re-enacted certain orthodox canons, in order to gain a good reputation, while they thrust in here and there a canon of their own so framed as to tell against Athauasius and the Catholics. See Cod. Can. lib. 1. cap. iv. ad Jin. c However, it is to be observed that the 37-39 Canons of Laodicea, which closely resemble the LXX. and LXXI. Apostolical Canons, do not in any way refer to them, though on Beveridge's theory the A post. Canons must have been in the hands of the Fathers of Laodicea. In Can. XXXVII. the Syro- Macedonian name of a mouth, Hyperberetaeus, occurs in connexion with the time for the autumnal synod. Similar names of months occur in Ap. Const, v. 17, 20, and at viii. 10. Evadius, Biahop of Antioch, is prayed for as " our bishop." the converse is quite possible, and the ;^^oint by no means settled. In regard to the Council ol Nice, it would appear, he thinks, that it refers to older canons on the like subjects with those which it was enacting. And it is by no means impossible that the allusion may be to those which arc now found among the apostolic canons, and which might have existed in the Church before they were incorporated in that collection. This view he thinks is supported by a letter from certain Egyptian bishops to Meletius at the com- mencement of the 4th century ,e in which they complain of his having ordained beyond the limits of his diocese, which they allege is con- trary to " mos divinus " and to " regula eccle- siastica ; " and remind him that it is the " lex patrum et propatrum. ... in alienis paroeciis non licere alicui episcoporum ordinationes cele- brare." The inference, Hefele thinks, is almost irresistible that this refers to what is now the o6th (xxxv.) Apostolical Canon. And at all events he appears to hold with Bickell that the apostolical canons are referred to at Ephesus, Constantinople (a.d. 448), and Chalcedon. But such a view falls short of that of Beveridge. Coming to the internal evidence, we find great stress to have been laid by Daille', Von Drey, Bickell, and others on the contents of the canons, as distinctly marking their late date. Thus the 8th (vii.) (as to Easter) is in harmony with the pre- sent interpolated text of the apostolical consti- tutions, but is at variance with what Epiphanius read there, and with the Syriac didascalia (see infra, pp. 122, 123). It relates to the settlement of a particular phase of the Easter controversy which did not, according to Hefele, spring up until the 3rd century (Conciliengesch. i. 303 and 776).' Moreover, if known and recognized previous to the Council of Nice, it seems extraordinary that this canon should not have been mentioned in Constantino's famous letter to the Nicene Fathers on the Easter Controversy (Euseb. Vita Const, iii. 18-20). Canon 27 (xxvi.) hardly savours of a very early time. On this canon Beveridge (^Annot. in Can. Apost., sub Canone xxvi.) cites the Council of Chalcedon (a.d. 451), as saying that in many provinces it was permitted to readers and singers to marry ; and understands it of those provinces in which the apostolical canons had been put in force, they having been, he says, originally passed in different localities by provincial synods. (See also his Jud. de Can. Apost. § xii. inCotel. vol. i. p. 436.) This seems to derogate somewhat from the general reception which he elsewhere appears disposed to claim for them. So limited an opera- tion even in the 5th century is scarcely what was to be expected if the whole collection had been made, and promulgated a century and a half be- fore. The 31st (xxx.), the Ixxxi., and Ixxxiii., all appear to speak of a time when the empire was Christian (see Hefele, vol. i. p. 783, 789 ; Bic^ kell, i. 80.).K e Given in Routh, Eel. Sacr. vol. iii. pp. 381, 382. f If Hefele's view on this subject be accepted, Beveridge must be held to have confused the special point here ruled with other questions in dispute in the Easter controversy {Cod. Can. lib. 2, c. iii.). e Von Drey, however, points out that it is difficult to suppose a council under the emjnre would set itself so openly against the emperor's interference. If so, seme APOSTOLICAL CANONS APOSTOLICAL CANONS 117 The 35th (xxxiv.), recognizing a kind of metro- politan authority, has also been much insisted on by Von Drey and Bickell, as well as by Daille, in proof of an origin not earlier than the 4th century (see contra, Bev. Cod. Can. lib. 2, cap. v.).h The 46th suggests the remark that if it were in existence at the time of Cyprian, it would surely have been cited in the controversy as to heretical baptism. It agrees with the doctrine of the apos- tolical constitutions vi. 15, and according to some has probably been taken thence. Beveridge indeed observes that Cyprian (Fpist. to Jubajanus) does rely on the decree of a synod held under the presidency of Agrippinus (see Jud. de Can. Ap. § xi. and Cod. Can. lib. 3, cap. xii.). This de- cree he seems to think may be the original of canon 46. If so, however, it would seem to shew the local and partial character of the apostolical canons, for we know that the Roman Church held at this very time a contrary view (Comp. the admissions of Bev. in Jicd. de Can. § xii.). Again, other orders besides bishop, priest, and deacon appear in the clerical body. We have sub- deacons, readers, and singers (canon 43).* Though the second of these is found in Tertullian, the first and last are not to be traced further back than the middle of the third century. Not to mention other instances, it may in con- clusion be observed that much contest has taken place over the list of canonical books in the last canon, and as to the reference therein to the con- stitutions. Beveridge thinks that the variation iu that list from the canon of Scripture as eventu- ally settled, is a proof that it was drawn up at an early date and before the final settlement was made. But at the same time he (somewhat inconsistently) is inclined to take refuge in the theory that this last canon has been interpolated. Here again it would be vain to attempt an abridgement of the argument (see Cod. Canon. lib, 2, c. ix. and Jtid. de Can. Aj ost. § xvi. et seq.) Before concluding, the opinions of one or two other writers must be mentioned. Krabbe thinks that at the end of the 4th or early in the 5tii century, a writer of Arian or Macedonian ten- dencies drew up both the 8th book of the consti- tutions and the collection of canons, the former being composed out of precepts then in circulation under the Apostles' names, with many additions of his own, the latter out of canons made in different placer, during the 2nd and 3rd centuries, with snj^port might be hence gained for the theory that these canons (in the present form, at all events) did not really emanate from- any council. ii, Beveridge observes that the Apostolical Canon merely speaks of tov irptarov eniaKonov, whereas the corre- sponding Canon of Antioch has rov iv tjj ju,T)Tpo7r6A.€c npoea-TuiTo. eTrtV/coTToi/ ; the latter being in conformity vFith the name metropolitan. This name did not arise till the 4th century ; and he therefore thinks the Apostolical Canon is proved to be the older of the two, and to be before that era. Moreover the Canon of Antioch pro- fesses its enactment to be Kara, tov apxaiorepoi/ Kpa- TTfcravra. eK riav nareptuv i7.uaiv Kavova. It may be worth observing that there is no trace of a primacy among bishops in the Apostolical Constitutions, even in their present state. i Sometimes we find only a general expression, as in Can. 9 (.viii.), which runs el ti? e7rto-/co7ros v Trpeer/BuTepo? >/ Sia/covos r] eK tov /caraAoyou tov lepaTiKov ; the latter words comprehending the other orders, and being appa- rently strictly equivalent to the phrase 17 oAws tov Kara- \6yov TMv KKr]piKoiv iu Can. 15. the mterpolation of the 7th and 85th canona forged by himself (see Ultzen, p. xvi. pref.). Bunscn attaches much importance to the apos- tolical canons. He regards them as belonging to a class of ordinances which were " the local coutumes of the apostolical Church," i. e. if not of the Johannean age, at all events of that imme- diately succeeding. Yet such "never formed any real code of law, much less were they the decrees of synods or councils. Their collections nowhere had the force of law. Every ancient and great church presented modifications of the outlines and traditions here put together ; but the constitutions and practices of all churches were built upon this groundwork " {Christ, and Mankind, vol. ii. 421). Our apostolical canons served this purpose in the Greek Church. The fiction which attributes them to the Apostles is probably ante-Nicene (vol. vii. p. 373) ; but they are now in an interpolated state. Internal evidence shews, he thinks, that the original collection consisted of three chapters : — I. On ordination. II. On the oblation and communion. III. On acts which deprive of official rights or ofiSces. These comprise, with some exceptions, rather more than a third of the whole. To these, he says, were appended, but at an early date — IV. On the rights and duties of the bishop ; and subsequently when the collection thus ex- tended had been formed — V. Other grounds of deprivation. Canons 6 (v.), 27 (xxvi.), he considers from internal evidence to be interpolations. Relying on the fact that the Coptic version (to which he attaches much weight, calling it " The Apos- tolical Constitutions of Alexandria ") omits canons xlvii., xlviii., xlix., 1., he treats these also as of later date. Canon 35 (xxxiv.) he appears to consider as a genuine early form of what subsequently became the system of metro- politan authority. Coming then to what he styles " The Second Collection, which is not recognized by the Roman Church," i. e. to the canons not translated by Dionysius, he says they "bear a moi'e decided character of a law book for the internal dis- cipline of the clergy, with penal enactments." Canon Ixxxi. is a repetition and confii'mation of one in the first collection, viz., xx. compared with 31 (xxx.). This and canons Ixxxiii., Ixxxiv., are post-Nicene. The canon of Scripture also is spurious, as contradicting in many points the authentic traditions and assumptions of the early Church. It is wanting in the oldest MS., the Codex Barberinus (^Christicunity and Mankind, vol. ii. p. 227). Ultzen, though modestly declining to express a positive judgment, evidently leans to the view of Bickell that the Antiochene decrees were the foundation of many of the canons, and re- grets that Bunsen should have brought up again the theory of Beveridge, which, he considers, " recentiores oranes hujus rei judices refuta- verant " (Pref. p. xvi. note, and p. xxi.). There are Oriental versions of the apostolical canons. As Bunsen has observed, the Coptic and Aethiopic (the former being a very late but faithful translation from an old Sahidic version, see Tattam's Edition, 1848) omit certain of the canons relating to heretical baptism. Except in 118 APOSTOLICAL CANONS APOSTOLICAL CANONS this and in Can. Ixxxv. they do not differ in any important degree ^ Some account of these ver- sions, and also of the Syriac, may he seen in Bickell, vol. i. append, iv. He considers even the last- named to be later than our Greek text, and that little assistance is to be derived from them (see p. 215); others, however, as Bunsen, rate them highly. The subject deserves further inquiry. To attempt to decide, or even to sum up so large a controversy, and one on which scholars have differed so widely, would savour of pre- sumption. It must suffice to indicate a few pomts on which the decision seems principally to turn. The first question is, Can we come to Beveridge's conclusion that a corpus canonum corresponding to our present collection, and pos- sessing a generally recognized authority, really existed in the 3rd century ? If so, much weight would deservedly belong to it. But if an impartial view of Beveridge's argu- ments should be thought to lead merely to the conclusion, that a number of canons substanti- ally agreeing with certain of those now in our collection, are quoted in the 4th century, and presumably existed some considerable time pre- viously, we find ourselves in a different position. In this case the contents of our present col- lection may possibly be nothing more than de- crees of synods held at different and unknown times,! and in different and uncertain places, not necessarily agreeing with each other, and not necessarily acknowledged by the Church at large, at all events till a later period."* Again, if our present collection as a whole be not shewn to be of the 3rd century, the question at once arises when and how it was made, and whether any modification or interpolation took place in the component materials when they were so collected together." If it be to be looked upon as a digest of pre- existing canons brought together from various sources, it is necessary to consider how far the fact that any particular canon is authenticated k In Can. LXXXV. tlie Coptic omits Esther from the 0. T. and puts Judith and Tobit in place of Maccabees, and after mentioning the 16 Prophets, it goes on : " These also let your young persons learn. And out of the Wis- dom of Solomon and Esther, the three Books of Maccabees, and the Wisdom of the Son of Sirach, there is much in- struction." In N. T. it adds the Apocalypse, between Jude and the Epistles of Clement, and says nothivg ivhat- ever about the eight books of regulations. "The Acts" are merely mentioned by that name, and follow the Gospels in the list. 1 Some may, no doubt, be of an early date : thus Von Drey admits the probable antiquity of Can. 1, Can. 10 (ix.), Can. 11 (x.), and others. See notes to the Canons in Hefele's Conciliengeschichte, vol. i. Append. ; and comp. Bickell, vol. i. pp. 80, 81. ™ Beveridge speaks of the Apostolical Canons as the •work " not of one but of many synods, and those held in divers places" (Cod. Can. lib. 1, cap. ii.). He thinks that the name of the month Hyperberetaeus in Can. XXXVII. shews that Canon to be of Eastern origin ; •while he argues that the rule as to Easter in Can. VII. proves that Canon to belong to the Western Church, inasmuch as the rule in question does not agree with the Oriental practice (Jud. de Can. s. 12; and see s. 27). n As to admissions of interpolations, see Be v. Jud. de Can. ad finem, and Cod. Can. in Cotel. vol. ii. Append, pp. 10, 73, ] 14, Nor can it be forgotten that, in the only shapes in which ice know of their having been collected, fchey are introduced by the untrue pretext of being the ^ords of the Apostles dictated to Clement. by being cited at Nice or elsewhere, in any degree authenticates any other canon not su cited. For unless some bond of connexion can be shewn, two canons standing in juxtaposition, may be of quite different age and origin. These considerations have been principally framed with reference to the arguments of Beve- ridge. Of course if the views of Von Drey be adopted, any importance to be attached to the canons is materially diminished. Up to a certain point Beveridge certainly argues not only with ingenuity but force, and his reasoning does not seem to have received its fair share of attention from Von Drey and Bickell.** Still, after allow-f ing all just weight to what he advances, a careful consideration of the points just suggested, may perhaps tend to shew that it is not difficult to see why controversialists of modern times have not ventured to lay much stress on the apos- tolical canons. But there is another reason for this. No Western church can consistently proclaim their authority as they now stand. Protestant churches will hardly agree, for instance, to the rule that one who was ordained unmarried, may not after- wards marry, nor will they recognize the Mac- cabees as a canonical book ; while the canons which require a trine immersion in baptism, and the repetition of baptism when performed by heretics, will not be accepted by either Protest- ant or Roman Catholic.P It may be proper to add that the canons here discussed are not the only series extant which claim apostolical authority. Thus, for instance, besides the Aiara^eis twv ayiwv airoaTSAwu irepl xeipoTot'twi', Sia 'Itt- TToXvTov and At Ziarayai at 5ia Khrj/jievros Kal Kuvoves kKKKriffLa(TrLKo\ rccu ayloov airo(TT6\o)v (both of which will be treated of in connexion with the Apost. Constitutions), we have certain pretended canons of an apostolic council at An- tioch (the title being rov ayiov lepo/jidpTvpos TlaiJ.(f)i\ov eK rrjs ev 'Avtiox^'i-^ '^^v aivo(TT6\o3V avvoSov, tovt' kffTiv %k twv avvoSiKciv aiiroyv Kavovwv fi^pos ruv vir' avrov exip^Q^vroiv els t^p "D-piyivovs ^i^\iodi]Kir]v). They are in Bickell, i. 138, and Lagarde, Relig. JwHs Ecdes. p. 18. We also find another set of apostolic canons (ppos KavoviKbs TWV ayiwv airoaTSXcov^ also published by Bickell, i. 133, and Lagarde, p. 36 (and of which the latter critic says that it is " nondum theologis satis consideratum ") ; and yet again a curious series of alleged apostolic ordinances (many of which resemble parts of the apostolical constitutions), in three ancient Syriac MSS., one translated into Greek by Lagarde (Bel. Jur. Eccl. p. 89), and two into English, with notes, by Cureton, in ' Ancient Syriac Documents, ° Yet it is certainly remarkable that, when we first hear of these Canons, the question seems to be whether they are apostolic or apocryphal. The view that they are an authentic collection of post-apostolic synodical decrees does not seem to have then suggested itself. p Refined distinctions have indeed been drawn to qua- lify the apparent sense of some of these Canons (see Bev. Cod. Can. in Cotel. vol. ii. Append, p. ICQ, and p. 130); but the difficulty attending them has probal)ly had its share in preventing their full recognition. Hefele speaks of the Canon on Heretical Baptism as contrary to the Roman rule. Can. LXVl. is also contrary to the disci- pline of Rome ; but not being in the first 50, it is h«l An account of the MSS. is given in Ultzen's edition, and by Lagarda in Bunsen'e Christ, and Man., vol. vi. p. 35. Carolus Capellus, a Venetian, printed an epitome of them in Latin translated from a MS. found in Crete, Bishop Jewell spoke of it as a work " in these countries never heard of nor seen before." (Park. Soc, Jew., i. 111.) In 1563 Bovius pub- lished a complete Latin version, and in the same year Turrianus edited the Greek text. It is not expedient here to pursue at any length the question of subsequent editions, but it may be as well to mention the standard one of Cote- lerius in the Patres Apostolici and the useful and portable modern one of Ultzen (Suerin, 1853). There is also one by Lagarde, Lipsiae, 1862. The constitutions profess on the face of them to be the words of the Apostles themselves written down by the hand of Clement of Romi;. Book 1 prescribes in great detail the mannv.n-s and habits of the faithful laity. Book 2 is concerned chiefly with the duties ol the episcopal office, and with assemblies for divine worship. Book 3 relates partly to widows, partly to tht clergy, and to the administration of baptism. Book 4 treats of sustentation of the poor, oi domestic life, and of virgins. Book 5 has mainly to do with the subjects of martyrs and martyrdom, and with the rules for feasts and fasts. Book 6 speaks of schismatics and heretics, and enters upon the question of the Jewish law, and of the apostolic discipline substituted for it, and refers incidentally to certain customs and tradi- tions both Jewish and Gentile. Book 7 describes the two paths, the one of life, the other of spiritual death, and follows out this idea into several points of daily Christian life. Then follow rules for the teaching and baptism of catechumens, and liturgical pre- cedents of prayer and praise, together with a list of bishops said to have been appointed by the Apostles themselves. Book 8 discusses the diversity of spiritua* gifts, and gives the forms of public prayer and administration of the communion, the election and ordinations of bishops, and other orders in the Church, and adds various ecclesiastical regu- lations. This enumeration of the contents of the books is by no means exhaustive — the style being diffuse, and many other matters being incident- ally touched upon — but is merely intended to give the reader some general notion of the nature of the work. From the time when they were brought again to light down to the present moment, great differences of opinion have existed as to the date and authorship of the constitutions. Turrianus and Bovius held them to be a genuine apostolical work, and were followed in this opinion by some subsequent theologians, and notably by the learned and eccentric Whiston, who maintained that (with the exception of a few gross interpolations) they were a record of what our Saviour himself delivered to his Apostles in the forty days after his resurrection, and that they were committed to writing and were sent to the churches by two apostolic councils held at Jerusalem, A.D. 64 and a.d. 67, and by a third held soon after the destruction of the city. On the other hand Baronius, Bellarmine and Petavius declined to attach weight to the Coo- 120 APOSTOLICAL CONSTITUTIONS stitutions, while Daille and Blondel fiercely at- tacked their genuineness and authority. Whiston's main argument was that the early Fathers constantly speak of SiSaaKaXia airo- (TToXiKT], Siard^eLS, SiaTayai, SiardyfiaTa rwv airoaroXcou, ko.vwv t^s K^iTOvpyias, Kavuiv ttjs aXfiO^ias, and so forth, which is true but he has not proved that these expressions are neces- sarily uied of a definite book or books, and far less, that they relate to what we now have as the so-called Apostolical Constitutions. It will be well to look at some of the chief of these passages from the Fathers. We may begin with the words of Irenaeus in the fragment first printed by Pfaff in 1715. ot TOAS Ssvr^paLS roov a-KoaToKwv SiaTa|e(ri Traprj- icoXovGrfKores icTaai tov Kvpiov viav irooacpopav iv T7J naivrj dia6r]Kr) KaOeaT7}K€i/ai Kara rd ViaKaxiov K. r. A. Professor Lightfoot is disposed to see here a reference to the apostolical constitutions, but does not recognise the Pfaflian fragments as genuine.'^ (Lightfoot On Epist. to Fhilippians, London, 1868, pp. 201, 202.) But if the genu- ineness be admitted, the reference is surely in the highest degree vague and uncertain. There is nc evidence that the ordinances spoken of (whatever they were) were to be found in any one particular book — still less is there anything to identify what is spoken of with the apostolical constitutions either as we now have them, or under any earlier and simpler form. Moreover, it appears singular that if the Constitutions were really what the writer was relying on, he should not quote some passage from them. Instead of this, he goes on to cite the Revelation, the Epistle to the Romans, and the Epistle to the Hebrews, almost as if these contained the Siard^eis in question. What is meant by the word Seurepai it seems very difficult to say with certainty. Origen speaking of fasting (in his 10th Homily on Leviticus) says, " Sed est et alia adhuc re- ligiosa [jejunandi ratio], cujus laus quorundam. apostolorum Uteris praedicatur. Invenimus enim iu quodam libello ab apostolis dictum, Beatus est qui etiam jejunat prae eo ut alat pauperem. Hujus jejunium valde acceptum est apud Deum et reveva digne satis : imitatur enim Ilium qui animam suam posuit pro fratribus suis." The terms in which Origen introduces this citation do not seem very appropriate to such a work as the Constitutions, nor in point of fact do the words (which seem meant as an exact quotation) occur in it. There is indeed (Book V. 1) a general exhortation to fast in order to give the food to the saints, but the passage has a primary reference (at all events) to saints im- prisoned on account of the faith. There is, there- fore, a considerable divergence between the words in Origen and those in the Constitutions; and we are hardly justified in seeing any reference to the latter in the former.'^ = Hilgenfeld appears to take a like view, both as to the Apostolical Constitutions being intended, and as to the passage not being genuine. {Nov. Test, extra Canon, recept. Fascic. iv. pp. 83, 84.) Bunsen thinks the Fragment ge- nuine, and that it refers to some early " Ordinances," not necessarily the same as we now have : Christ, and Man., vol. 11. p. 398, et seq. Prima facie, too, '• literae quorundam, apostolormn" is not an apt designation of a work professing to represent Ua^ joint decrees of all. A later treatise entitled ' De Aleatoribus,' of unknown date and authorship, erroneously as-, cribed to Cyprian, refers to a passage " in doc- trinis apostolorum," relating to Church discipline upon offenders. Here again no effort has suc- ceeded in tracing the words of the citation either in the constitutions or in any known work. There is, indeed, a passage of a similar effect (Book ii. c. 39), but the actual language is not the same ; and a similarity of general tenor is not much to be relied upon, inasmuch as the subject in hand is a very common one. We come now to Eusebius. In his list of books, after naming those generally allowed, and those which are avriXeyofx^voi, he goes on, — " We must rank as spurious (v66oi) the account of the ' Acts of Paul,' the book called ' The Shepherd,' and the ' Revelation of Peter,' and besides these, the epistle circulated under the name of ' Bar- nabas,' and what are called the ' Teachings of the Apostles ' (Twv airoarSXcou at Keyofxevai 8i- SayaC), and moreover, as I said, the ' Apocalypse of John,' if such an opinion seem correct, which some as I said reject, while others reckon it among the books generally received. We may add that some have reckoned in this division the Gospel according to the Hebrews, to which those Hebrews who have received [Jesus as] the Christ are especially attached. All these then will be- long to the class of controverted books." (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. iii. 25.) The place here given to the SiSaxat (even supposing them to be the constitutions) is in- consistent with their being held a genuine work of the Apostles, It speaks of them, however, as forming a well-known book, and from the con- text of the passage, they seem to be recognised as orthodox ; but there is nothing to identify them directly with our present collection. Athanasius, among books not canonical, but iirected to be read by proselytes for instruction in godliness, enumerates the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom of Sirach, Esther, Judith, Tobias, and what he styles StSaxv KaXovixipf] tu>u airo- (TToXwv. The same remarks obviously apply to this Father as to Eusebius (Op. S. Athan. i. 963, Ed. Bened.). The language of neither of them indicates that the work in question was looked upon as an au- thoritative collection of Church laws. Lagarde denies that either of them is to be considered as quoting any book of our constitutions, laying much stress on the distinction between SiSoxai and Siora^eis or ZiarayaX aiTocrroXcav. (Bunsen, Christ, and Man., vol. vi. p. 41.^) Bunsen, how- evei-, himself is inclined to see here a real refer- ence to a primitive form of the constitutions. (^Tbid. vol. ii. p. 405.) We now come to Epiphanius, who, writing at the close of the 4th century, has numerous explicit references to the ^idrak,LS of the Apostles, meaning thereby apparently some book of a similar kind to that which we now have. His view of its character and authority is to be found in the following passage : — " For this purpose the Audiani themselves [a body of heretics] allege the Constitution of the Apostles, a work disputed indeed with the e In this work T;agarde writes under the name of Boetticher, which ne has since changed for family reasons to Lagarde. APOSTOLICAL CONSTITUTIONS 121 majority [of Christians] yet not worthy of re- jection/ For all canonical order is contained therein, and no point of the faith is falsified, nor yet of the confession, nor yet of the adminis- trative system and rule and faith of the Church." (JIaer. 70, No. 10 ; comp. also Ibid. No. 11, 12 ; 75, No. 6 ; 80, No. 7.) But when we examine his citations, we find that none of them agree exactly with our present text, while some of them vary from it so widely, that they can be connected with it only by the supposition that they were meant to be made ad seusum not ad literam. Even this resource fails ui a famous passage, immediately following that just cited, where Epiphanius quotes the consti- tutions as directing Easter to be observed ac- cording to the Jewish reckoning,s whereas in our present copies they expressly enjoin the other system. (See Book v. 17.) In a work known as the ' opus imperfectum in Matthaeum,' once ascribed to Chrysostom, but now considered to have been the production of an unknown writer in the 5th century, there is ja distinct reference to "the 8th book of the I apostolic canons." And words to the effect of I those quoted are found in the second chapter. I Another citation, however, in the same writer i cannot be verified at all. It is not necessary to pursue the list further. I From this time forwards references are found which can be verified with more or less exactness, ■and in the year 692 the council of Constantinople, known as Quinisextum, or the Trullan council, i had the work under their consideration, but came to a formal decision, refusing to acknowledge it as authoritative on account of the extent to which it had been interpolated by the heterodox. It appears then that we must conclude that there is no sufficient evidence that the Church generally received as of undoubted authority any icollection of constitutions professing to have come from the Apostles themselves, or at least i lto be a trustworthy primitive record of their (decisions. Even Epiphanius bases his approbation of the work of which he speaks on subjective ■ grounds. He refers to it, because he thinks it ,arthodox, but admits that it was not received as binding authority. Yet had such a work existed, it should seem that from its practical character it must have been widely known, pei'- [letually cited, and generally acted upon. Indeed that the so-called apostolic constitu- tions, as they now stand, are not the production >f the Apostles or of apostolical men, will be I'lear to most readers from their scheme and con- tents. " Apostles," says the author of an article f)n the subject in the ' Christian Remembrancer ' 11 1854, "are brought together who never could uive been together in this life : St. James, the j;reater (after he was beheaded), is made to sit |n council with St. Paul (Lib. vi. c. 14), though psewhere he is spoken of as dead (Lib. v. c. 7). jl'hus assembled, they condemn heresies and leretics by name who did not arise till after ^ Trji/ Tutv 6.t:o Comp. Usher, in Co tel. Fatr. Apost. vol. ii. p. 220, edit. 1'724. » Yind. Ignat. Part i. c. 4 prope On. And see the opinion of Beveridge, Cod. Can. lib. 2, cap. ix. j Cotel. Fatr. Ap. vol. ii. Append, p. 223, Bickcil has collected some instances of correspondence in phraseology between the Ignatian Epistles and the Constitutions as they stand, which the reader may refer to in order to examine the probability of the latter theory {Gesch ttef 122 APOSTOLICAL CONSTITUTIONS According to Pearson, we should probably attribute the work in its existing form to about the middle of the 5th century, while Usher re- fuses to place it higher than the 6th century. If, on the other hand, we could suppose that Epipha- nius quoted loosely, and that the book which he had may, with occasional exceptions, have re- sembled in substance what we now have, ^ we should be able to put its antiquity somewhat higher. But whatever conclusion may be come to on this point, there is no satisfactory evidence to warrant its being assigned to any period suffi- ciently early to make it, as it stands, an authority as to apostolic usage. But the question still remains. Can we trace its composition, and in any degree identify the materials out of which it has been put together ? That the work was a pure and simple forgery is improbable. Such was not the course which matters took in early days ; nor would the mea- sure of acceptance which it obtained be easily ac- counted for on this theory. Moreover it contains passages which seem manifestly to belong to an early age. Thus in case of quarrels the Christian is recommended to seek reconciliation even at a loss to himself, Koi fi.)] ^px^o-Qw eVi KpiT7}piov iOviKou (book ii. c. 45) — words which at all events savour of a time before the empire was Christian. So again, the secular judges are said to be iOviKol Kal oh yivuxTicovr^s 0e<^T7jTa. So also martyrdom and persecution on account of Christianity are spoken of as by no means exclusively belonging to the past (see Lib, 5, init. et alibi). And to mention bat one more point, the charge of Arianism, which was at one time freely brought against the constitutions, and used to prove that they had been corrupted, if not forged, by here- tics,l has in later days been sometimes made the ground of an opposite inference. It is thought by some modern writers merely to show that the phrases excepted against date from a time before the controversy arose, and when therefore men spoke with less of dogmatic exactness. ™ Perhaps it is possible to go even a step further, at all events, by way of not unreasonable conjec- ture. We have seen that Whiston relied on a number of places in which the early Fathers speak of SiSaxai, SiSatrwaAtai, Staraleis twv avro- (TToXwv, and some years before Whiston wrote. Bishop Pearson (in his Vindicuie Tgnatianae) had suggested the idea that, so far as such ex- pressions really referred to any specific works at all, they were to be understood of smaller, more ancient, and more fragmentary treatises, of a kind not rare in the Primitive Church, professing to contain the words of the apostles or of aposto- lical men on matters of doctrine and Church order. Some of these were the production of here- tics, some were of an orthodox character. Those which related to doctrine were called didascaliae, Kirchenrechts, vol. i. p. 58, note). Pearson takes a some- what different view, Vind. Ignat. nbi supra. k Comp. Bickell, i. pp. 57, 58, note. Epiplianius, how- ever, never quotes from the 7th or 8th books, which on any theory are doubtless of later date. 1 See for instance Le Clerc, in Cotel. Patr. Apnst. vol. ii. App. p. 492, et seq. ; and Bruno, ibid. p. 177, et seq. Indeed Photius and the Trullan Council had insinuated the same accusation (Biblioth. Can. 112, 113). "1 See Bickell, p. 58, note, p. 61, and p. 69, note. Comp. Bull, Def. Fid. Mc. lib. 2, c. 3, § 6, those which gave rules of ritual or discipline, Siard^eis or Constitutiones. These works, written at different times and in different parts of the Church, furnished (as Pearson supposes) the mate- rials to the compiler, who, with many alterations and interpolations formed out of them our present constitutions ( Vindic. Ignat., Part i. c. 4). Other critics have spoken in terms which seem rather to point to a gradual accretion, added to from time to time to express the Church system as developed, and modified at the periods when such additions were respectively made. Thus Lagarde says, " Communis virorum doctorum fere omnium nunc invaluit opinio, eas [Constitutiones] saeculo tertio clain succrev'sse et quum sex ali- quando libris absolutae fuissent, septimo et octavo auctas esse postea " {Reliq. Juris Eccles. Antiq.. 1856). That the work as we have it is a composite one is indeed manifest enough " from the general want of internal unity, method, or connexion ; the difference of style in the various portions, and sometimes statements almost contradictory ; the same topics being treated over and over again in different places ; besides a formal conclusion of the end of the sixth book, and other indications of their being distinct works joined together " (^Christ. Bememhr. ubi supra). In the Paris Library is a Syriac MS. called the Didascalia or Catholic doctrine of the 12 Apos- tles and holy disciples of our Saviour. It con- tains in a shorter form much of the substance of the first six books of the constitutions, but with very great omissions, and with some variations and transpositions. Its contents Avere printed in Syriac by De La- garde (without his name) in 1854; and the same critic, in the 6th vol. of Bunsen's Christianity and Mankind, has published, 1st, our present text, with what he states to be the variations of the Syriac ; and 2nd, a shorter Greek text or ' Didas- calia Purior,' founded on the Syriac. Bickell, who, however, when he wrote had only seen extracts, thought this Syriac MS. a mere abridgement of the larger work, and there- fore posterior in date to it, and adding little to our knowledge. But Bunsen {^Christianity and Mankind, vol i, p. X,), Lagarde {Ilel. Jur. Eccl. Ayit. pref., p. iv.), and the author of the article in the Christian Remem- hrancer 1854, all agree that we have hei'e an older and more primitive, if not the original work. Hilgenfeld says, " Equidem et ipse Syria- cam Didascaliam ad hujus operis primitivam formam propius accedere existimo, sed eandem nunquam mutatam continere valde dubito." ° He concludes, on the whole, " tertio demum saeculo didascalia apostolica in earn fere formam redacta esse videtur, quam Eusebius et Athanasius nove- rant, quam recensionem a nostris constitutionibus apostolicis valde diversam fuisse antiquissima docent testimonia, praecipue Epiphanii. Ea autem ° It does not seem, however, that this literally repre- sents the Syriac. For one of the passages given by Hil- genfeld (see infra), which undoubtedly exists in the Syriac, is not to be found in the • Didascalia Purior.' It is much to be regretted that neither Lagarde nor any other Oriental scholar has published a literal translation of the Syriac text. o His own view is that the Apostolical Constitutions sprang from an Ebionite source, allied to that which pro» duced the Clementine Recognitions. APOSTOLICAL CONSTITUTIONS 123 tiaia a Syriaca didascalia quamvis cognata aepius discedunt." He thinks that the Syriac ppears not to be very consistent on the subject f the calculation of Easter. It seems, however from the translations which he gives), that it ontains a passage agreeing in substance with what .piphanius quotes as to keeping Easter by the ewish method (ante p. 121): "Ihr sollt aber begin- len dann, wenn cure Briider aus dem Volk [Israel] ias Pascha halten, weil, als unser Herr und Lehrer 'lit uns das Pascha ass, er nach dieser Stunde von udas verrathen wurde. Und urn dieselbe Zeit aben wir angefangen, bedriickt zu werden, weil • von uns genommen war. Nach der Zahl des [ondes, wie wir zahlen nach der Zahl der glau- igen Hebraer, am zehnten im Monat, am Montag aben sich die Priester und Aeltesten des Volks 3r&ammelt " u. s. w., and subsequently — " Wie so der vierzehnte des Pascha fallt, so sollt ihr m halten. Denn nicht stimrat der Monat, und ach nicht der Tag in jedem Jahre mit dieser ,3it, sondern er ist verschieden." p j This is worthy of serious attention, as an argu- jient for the antiquity of this Syriac work. I It would seem that it must at all events be ad- j itted that the original work from which the jyriac was taken consisted of six books only, he 7th and 8th books, as they now stand, formed 1 3 part of it. : The same is the case with an Aethiopic version ranslated by Mr. Piatt. This also, though said I be very loose and of little value as a guide to le original text, is a witness to the fact that here were but six books when it was made. The he is true of the Arabic versions, of which some bcount was first given by Grabe, and of which Ivo MSS. are in the Bodleian. i ' Not only do these facts tend to isolate the first X books from the 7th and 8th ; but the formal )nclusion which occurs at the end of the 6th ^en in our present Greek, and the style of the )ntents itself, furnish internal evidence in the ,me direction. It has therefore been contended that the n'nel out of which, to a great extent, the first x books sprang was a shorter book called .Za(TKaKia tS>v airocrrS^av, of which the Syriac ; irsion furnishes a fair idea, if not a really pure Ixt. I And as none of Epiphanius's citations are made * om the two last books, it is suggested that we lay have here something like a key to the work I it was in his time, the 7th and 8th books hav- g been added since. Coming to the 7th book, we must notice that s first thirteen chapters or thereabouts exhibit great similarity, both in matter and expression, I the first part of an ancient tract printed by jickell from a Vienna MS., and entitled At Sm- kyai at 5ia K\r]fj,4vT0S Kal Kavoves i/cKXTfjo'iacrri- ;p See Hilgenfeld, Novum Test, extra Can. recept. Fasci- lup iv, p. 79, et seq. (Lipsiae, 1866.) T There are in the Arabic five chapters not in the 'eek. I"- The fact that there is no Oriental version of the eight reek books as a u hole, has been relied on to shew that jey had not been united together in one work up to |e year 451, when the Egyptian, Aethiopic, and Syriac lurches were severed from the communion of the Greeks [id Latins (Christ. Remembr., 1854, p. 278). The same i.thority is inclined to date the Didascaly in the latter .rt of the 3rd century. Kol Tcov ayivov airocrrSXcov. * This tract professes to contain short and weighty utterances by the apostles (who are introduced as speaking success- ively) on Christian morals, and on the ministers of the Church.* An Aethiopic version (for it is extant in Coptic, Aethiopic, and Arabic) calls it "canons of the apostles which they have made for the ordering of the Christian Church." « It is the piece which Bickell and others after him have called " Apostolische Kii-chenordnung," It is assigned by him to the beginning of the 3rd century.^ The same date is given in the article on the subject in Herzog's Encyclopddie, where it is treated as a document independent of the constitutions. Bunsen, removing the dra- matic foi'm and presenting only the substance of the piece, considers it to be in fact a collection of rules of the Alexandrian Church. This view, however, is warmly disputed by the writer in the Christian Remembrancer (1854, p. 293), who contends that its whole garb, style, and lan- guage show that it was not an authoritative work, but was the production of a pious writer, who arrayed in a somewhat fictitious dress what he sought to inculcate. It is more remarkable for piety than knowledge ; for though the number ot twelve apostles is made out, it is by introducing Cephas as a distinct person from Peter, and by making him and Nathanael occupy the places of James the Less and of Matthias. St. Paul does not appear at all — a fact, perhaps, not without its bearing on conjectures as to its origin. It should be observed that the language of the first part of this tract, and of the 7th Book of the Constitutions, coincides to a great extent with the latter part of the Epistle of Barnabas, leaving it doubtful whether it was taken thence or whether the transcribers of that epistle subsequently in- corporated therewith a portion of this treatise. Borrowing and interpolation must, it would seem, have taken place on one hand or on the other, and, as in other cases, it is difficult to de- cide the question of originality. Upon this state of facts the writer in the Christ. Rem. argues that this tract furnished materials for the first part of the 7th Book of the Constitutions. He also thinks that it is it- self the work referred to by Eusebius and Atha- nasius under the name of 5i5ax^ toov airo- (xroKcav. We have seen already that the title in the Greek varies from that in the Aethiopic, and it is urged that (considering the subject) there seems no reason why it may not also be suitably designated ' Teaching of the Apostles.' Now in an old stichometry appended to Niceph- orus' chronography,y but perhaps of earlier date than that work, the number of lines contained in certain works is given, and from this it would appear that the 'Doctinna Apostolorum' was s Bickell, vol. i. App. I. It will also be found la Lagarde's Rel. Juris Eccl. Ant., p. 74. * It is the former of these points alone in which the likeness appears between this work and the 7th Book of the Constitutions. " See Bickell ubi supra; and i. p. 88. » It mentions only " Readers '" in addition to the three orders of the ministry ; and as Tertullian does the same (Z>e Praescr. Haer., c. 41), this is thought a ground for attributing it to his epoch (Bickell, vol. i. p. 92). See also Hilgenfeld, Nov. Test, extra Can. rec. Fasciculus iv pp. 93, 94. y A production of the 9th century. 124 - APOSTOLICAL C short(;r than the Book of Canticles, and that a book called the 'Teaching of Clement,' was as long as the Gospel of Luke. Hence, if the ' Doc- triua ' of this list be the same as that of Euse- 6ius, it must have been a book very much shorter than our present constitutions, and one not far differing in length from the tract of which we have been speaking; while the 'Teach- ing of Clement ' (a larger work) may be a desig- nation of the earlier form of our present first six books — in short, of the Didascalia. Kuffinus, in a list otherwise very similar to those of Eusebius and Athanasius, omits the 'Teaching of the Apostles,' and inserts instead 'The two v/ays, or the Judgment of Peter.' Assuming tlKit the ' Doctrina ' is the tract we have been discussing, reasons are urged for supposing that it reappears here under a different title. We have already seen that the Greek and Aethiopic give it two different names, and its contents might perhaps render the designation in Ruf- finus not less appropriate. For St. John, who speaks first, is introduced as beginning his ad- dress with the words, "There arc two ways, one of life and one of death ;" and St. Peter in- tervenes repeatedly in the course of it, and at the close sums up the whole by an earnest ex- nortation to the brethren to keep the foregoing injunctions. Such is the hypothesis of the learned writer in the Christ. Rem. Hilgenfeld, it may be mentioned, has independ- ently arrived at a conclusion in part accordant with the above. He argues strongly that the treatise published by Bickell is that spoken of by Kuffinus under the name of ' Duae viae vel Judi- cium Petri,' but does not apparently identify it with the ' Doctrina Apostolorum ' of Athanasius. He thinks the book was known in some form to Clemens Alexandrinus, and agrees that great part of it passed into the 7th Book of the Constitu- tions (see Hilgenfeld's Novum Test, extra Canonem Eeceptum, Lipsiae 1866 ; Fasciculus iv. p. 93). We now come to the 8th Book. Extant in several Greek MSS. (one being at Oxford) are large portions of the matter of the earlier part of this book, not however connected together throughout, but appearing in two distinct and apparently separate pieces. The first of them is entitled ' Teaching of the Holy Apostles con- cerning gifts ' (j(^api(T(x6.TU}v), the second ' Regu- lations (5taTd|6is) of the same Holy Apostles concerning ordination [given] through Hippo- lytus ' (Trepl x^'-P^'''^^'-^^ 'l7r7roA.uTou). The two together, as just observed, comprise a very large proportion of the 8th Book, but are not without some omissions and several variations from it. In that book as we have it, the two portions represented respectively by these sepa- rate treatises stand connected by a short chapter, containing nothing of impoj'tance, and seeming to serve only as a link. Hence it has been suggested that we have in the treatises in question an older and purer form of the 8th Book, or rather the materials used in its composition. The ' Regulations ' are also in existence in Coptic (indeed there are two Coptic forms differing from each other and from the Greek by additions and omissions and probably in age), in Syriac, Arabic, and Aethiopic, the text being in many cases a good deal modified.^ ' « Tlie Syriac and Coptic form part of the collections mSTITUTKNS I Bunsen treated these as a collection of Alex- andrian Church rules, and \mwed the por- tions common to them and to the 8th Book of the Constitutions as in a great degree derived from a lost work of Hippolytus irepi x^P'^jWa- Twi/^ (Christ, and Man., vol. ii., p. 412). On the other hand Bickell argues that the tracts in question are nothing more than ex- tracts from the constitutions, more or less abridged and modified. He relies, for example, on the fact that in one of these treatises no less than in the text of our 8th Book, St. Paul (who is introduced as a speaker) is made to command Christian masters to be kind to their servants, " as we have also ordained in u-hat has preceded, and have taught in our epistles." This he con- siders to be a clear reference to Avhat has been before said in the constitutions on the same suIk ject (Book vii. c. 13). Lagarde expresses a similar view, and draws mentioned inrra,p. 125. See also Christ. Remembr.,i>. 280, as to another Syriac MS., and comp. p. 283. " Tlie inscription on the statue of Hippolytus at Rome mentions among his works Trepi x^P'-o'/^aTwi' anov kirapxi-^v 7u^j/a^6(r0a£ (in Mansi, ^7>.). But even in the Western Church at the same period the Roman claim was admitted with diffi- culty, and only gradually and by continual strug- gles. Innocent I. indeed declared that, " si majores causae in medium fuerint devolutae, ad sedem Apostolicam, sicut synodus statuit" (meaning, of course, but exaggerating, the Sardican canons) " et vetus sive inveterata consuetudo exigit, post judicium episccpale referantur " (Ejnst. 2 ad Victric). But in actual fact, 1. in Africa, A.u. 417-425, the appeal to Pope Zosimus of the pres- byter Apiarius, condemned by his own Bishop, Urbanus of Sicca, whom the Pope summoned to Rome to be judged, and on refusal sent legates to successive Carthaginian Councils to enforce his claims, was in the first instance provisionally com- promised, by a temporary admission of the Papal authority (Epist. Cone. Afric. ad Bonifac. Papam A.D. 419, in Mansi, iv. 51 i), on the ground of the canons of Sardica, alleged by the Popes (Zosimus, Boniface, Celestine) to be Nicene; but on the production of the genuine canons of Nicaea from Constantinople and Alexandria, was absolutely rejected {Epist. Cone. Afric. ad Caelestinum A.D. 425, in Mansi, iv. 515): whilst the canon (22) of Mileum, a.d. 416, which is repeated byCarth- APPEAL iginian Councils down to a.d. 525 (Mansi, viii. 344), assigns presbyters and all below them to ippeal, " non ad transmarina judicia sed ad H'imates suarum provinciarum ; ad transmarina lutem qui putaverit appellandum, a nullo intra Vfricam ad communionem suscipiatur ;" and the lod. Can. Afric. 18 Gr. 31 (a.d. 419), adds to this -"sicut et de Episcopis saepe constitutum est," he genuineness of which last clause is supported y Tillemont, De Marca, and Beveridge, although enied by Baronius. It seems certainly to have een inserted in the canon by some African coun- jil of this period. At the same time, while the loss of Gratian on the word " transmarina " nisi ^ forte ad Romanam sedem appellaverit " s plainly of the kind that as exactly as possible lontradicts its text; it is evident by St. Augustin's ;tter to Pope Celestine in 424 {Eirist. 209), that pplications from Africa in a friendly spirit to tome in disputes respecting bishops, both to idge and to confirm others' judgments , and this ot only during the provisional admission of the apal claim (as in the case of the Bishop of ussala), but before it, had been frequent. It is ard to believe, in the face of the precisely con imporary and unmistakeable language of the i;sembled African bishops at the close of the )ntroversy respecting Apiarius, that such ap- lications could have been in the nature of formal )peals ; although the case of Pope Leo I. and Lu- cinus, A.D. 446, shows the Papal claim to have ;en still kept up (St. Leo, Epist. xii. al. i. § 12). Jn Illyria,— whereas, in 421, the Emperor heodosius had decreed that doubtful cases should ! determined by a council, "non absque scientia the Bishop of Constantinople {Cod. Theod ^1. tit. 2. s. 45),— in 444, Pope Leo I., insisting >on the canons apparently of Sardica, and as irt of the Papal measures for securing the hole of Illyria to the Roman Patriarchate, mmanded appeals ("caussae graviores vel appel- tiones ") from Illyria to be brought to Rome t. Leo, Epist. V. § 6). And 3. in Gaul, in 445. e same Pope, overthrowing the decree of Pope 'Simus in 418, which had constituted Aries e metropolitan see of the province, insisted on :hednng at Rome in a synod the causes of shop Projectus and of Celidonius Bishop either Vesontio or of Vienne, whom Hilary of Aries d deposed, and carried the point, although with rong opposition from Hilary (St. Leo^ Epist. ). Pope Hilary, however, 461-462, Ejyist. xi. spectmg the Metropolitan of Vienne and Aries .fers his authority as Bishop of Rome to the iecreta principum." And undoubtedly a decree I the Emperor Valentinian III., in the year 445 jfinitely assigned to the Pope, not simply an ap- lllate jurisdiction, but the right of evoking causes ixome suo motu, by enacting that " omnibus pro ?e sit quidquid sanxit vel sanxerit Apostolicae hs auctoritas, ita ut quisquis Episcoporum ad .ilicium Romani antistitis evocatus venire neg- I'ent, per moderatorem ejusdem provinciae jpsse cogatur" (Cod. Theod. Novell, tit. xxiv., >\ppl. p. 12). An ultimate appellate jurisdiction [ s also given at the same period, but by Church Jjthority, VIZ., by the general council of Chalce- < a m 451, to the Bishop of Constantinople : the f Agde, in Gaul, which enacts that " Clerici qui liomam nutriunt ab archidiacono etiamsi nolu- rint inviti detondeantur" (Cone. Agath. can. xx. ; lansi, viii. 328). This ordinary jurisdiction of n archdeacon over the inferior clergy must be istinguished from the delegated jurisdiction 'khich he possessed in later times. The canon i't the Council of Toledo which is cited in the decretals as giving him an ordinary jurisdiction >ver presbyters is confessedly spurious (Mansi, 11. 1008). ^ ' (4) This power of exercising discipline was ombmed with the duty of instructing the in- enor clergy in the duties of their office. The ARCHDEACON 13: 4th Council of Carthage enacts that the ostia- rius before ordination is to be instructed by the archdeacon. Gregory of Tours identifies the archdeacon with the "praeceptor" (IT. F. lib. vi. c. 36), and speaks of himself as living at the head of the community of deacons {Vit. Patr. c. 9). The house of this community appears to have been called the " diaconium " (" lector in diaconio Caeciliani ''—Optat. lib. i. c. 21), and is probably referred to by Paulinus when he says that he lived " sub cura " of the deacon Castus (Paulin. Yit. Ambros. c. 42). (5) As a corollary from these relations of an archdeacon to the inferior clergy, it was his office to enquire into their character before ordination, and sometimes to take part in the ceremony itself. Even in the East it is possible that he had some kind of control over ordinations, for Ibas is said to have been prevented by his arch- deacon from ordaining an unworthy person as bishop (/fwAv0els irapa rod rrjviKavTa apxtSia- k6vov avTov—Conc. Chalc. act x., as quoted by Labbe, iv. 647, e., but Mansi substitutes Trpeo"- ^vr4po y— vii. 224). In the African Church the archdeacon was directed to take part in the ordination of the subdeacons, acolytus, and ostiarius (IV. Cone. Carthag.; Mansi, iii. 951). Throughout the West his testimony to charac- ter appears to have been required. At Rome this was the case even at the ordination of pres- byters ; but Jerome speaks of it as "unius urbis consuetudinem " (S. Hieron. Ep. ci. al. Ixxxv. ad Evang.). In later times the archdeacon enquired into the literary as well as into the moral quali- fications of candidates for ordination ; but there is no distinct authority for supposing this to have been the case during the first nine cen- turies ; the earliest is that of Hincmar of Rheims, in 874, who directed his archdeacon-presbyters to enquire diligently into both the "vita et scientia " of those whom they presented for ordi- nation (Mansi, xv. 497). In one other point the}' appear in some places to have conformed to later practice, for Isidore of Pelusium {Ep. i. 29) re- proves his archdeacon for making money from ordination fees {airh ti/xtjs x^'-P^'^ovlwv). ^ 2. The second class of an archdeacon's func- tions were those which grew out of his close connection with the bishop. The closeness of this connection is shown as early as the 4th century by St. Jerome, who says of the " primus ministeriorum," i.e. the archdeacon, that ho never leaves the bishop's side ("a pontificis latere non recedit " — Hieron. in Ezech. c. xlviii.). This expression has, without any corroborative evidence except the indefinite phrase of the Apostolical Constitutions (quoted above), been in- terpreted exclusively of his attendance upon the bishop at the altar. It is probable that this is included in the expression, but it is improbable that nothing else is meant by :it. The mass of evidence goes to show that while the arch-pres- byter was the bishop's assistant chiefly in spi- ritual matters, the archdeacon was his assistant chiefly in secular matters. (1) He was attached to the bishop, probably in the capacity of a modern chaplain or secre- tary. He transacted the greater part of the business of the diocese; for example, St. Leo speaks of the office as involving "dispensationem totius causae et curae ecclesiasticae " {Ep. Ixxxiv. a^. Ivii.). He conveyed the bishop's orders to the 138 ARCHDEACON ARCHIMANDRITE clergy; for example, wheu John of Jerusalem prohibited Epiphanius from preaching, he did so "per archidiaconum" (S. Hievoii. Ep. xxxviii. al. \xL). He acted as the bishop's substitute at synods ; for example, Photinus at the Council of Chalcedon (Mansi, vi. 567). Compare the canon of the Council of Trullo, in 692 (Mansi, xi. 943), which forbids a deacon from having precedence over a presbyter, except when acting as substi- tute for a bishop, and the canon of the Council of Merida, in 666 (Mansi, xi. 79), which expressly disapproves of the practice. Ordinary deacons were sometimes called the " bishop's eyes," whence Isidore of Pelusium, writing to his arch- deacon, says that he ought to be " all eye " (3A.0S 6((>6a\/j.hs 6(pe'i\eLS vizapx^i-v — Isid. Pel. Ep. i. 29). (2) In somewhat later times he was dele- gated by the bishop to Aasit parishes, and to exercise jurisdiction over all orders of the clergy. There is no trace of this in the East. It grew up in the West with the growth of large dio- ceses, with the prevalence of the practice of ap- pointing bishops for other than ecclesiastical merits, and with the rise of the principle of the immunity of ecclesiastical persons and things from the jurisdiction of the secular power. But it is difficult to determine the date at which such delegations became common. The earliest evidence upon which reliance can be placed is that of the Council of Auxerre in 578, which enacted that, in certain cases, a parish priest who was detained by infirmity should send " ad archidiaconum suum" implying a certain official relation between them. More definite testimony is afforded by the Council of Chalons in 650, which expressly recognises his right of visiting private chapels (" oratoria per villas potentum " — Cone. Cabill. can. 14 ; Mansi, x. 1192). A simi- lar enactment was made at the second Council of Chalons, in 813, which, however, censures the exacting of fees for visitations (" ne census exi- gant " — //. Cone. Cabill. c. 15). In later times this " delegatio " became a " delegatio perpetua," not revocable at the pleasure of the bishop who had conferred it ; but that such was not the case during the first nine centuries is clear from the letter of Hincmar to his archdeacons (quoted above), and also from the fact that Isidore of Seville, whose authority, or quasi-authority, was so frequently quoted to confirm the later pretensions of the archdeacons, only speaks of their visiting parishes " cum jussione episcopi." The rise of the separate jurisdiction of the archdeacon is still more obscure. In the 6th century we find him named as the bishop's as- sessor in certain cases (1. Ccnc. Matisc. can. 8, Mansi, ix. 933; II. Cone. Matisc. can. 12; Mansi, ix. 954) ; but there is no trustworthy evidence in fixvour of the existence of an "archdeacon's court " within the pei'iod of which the present work takes cognizance, (3) In the East, during the vacancy of a see, the archdeacon appears to have been its guax*dian or co-guardian. Chrysostom writes to Innocent of Kome, complaining that Theophilus of Alex- andria had written to his archdeacon " as though the church were already widowed, and had no bishop 'Xuairep i]Sr] xvpovcrris ttjs €KKXr](Tias Ka) oiiK exovcrvs irricTKOTrov — Mansi, iii. 1085) ; and in the letter which the Council of Chalcedon wrote to the clergy of Alexandria to inform them of the deposition of tiieir bishop Dioscorus, the arch- deacon and the oeconomus are specially named. In the West it is not clear that this was the case ; but sometimes the archdeacon was regarded as having a right of succession. Eulogius (^ap. Phot. BibL 182) says that it was a law at Rome for the archdeacon to succeed ; but the instance which he gives, that of Cornelius making his arch- deacon a presbyter, to cut off his right of suc- cession, is very questionable, the date being earlier than the existence of the office. No doubt, many archdeacons were chosen to succeed, but the most striking instances which are some- times quoted to confirm the statement of Eulogius, those of St. Leo and St. Gregory, were probably both exceptional. (An amusing blunder identified the archdeacon, who was sometimes called not only " oculus epis- copi," but cor episcopi," with the chorepiscopus or suffragan bishop; the bluudei*, which has been not unfrequently repeated, seems to be traceable in the first instance to Joannes Abbas de trans- latione reliquiarum S. Glodesindis, quoted in H. Vales. Adnot. ad Theodoret, i. 26.) [E. H.] ARCHELAUS, or ARCHILLAUS, com- memorated Aug. 23 {MaH. Rom. Vet.). [C] ARCHIMANDRITE (apx^^ rrjs ixdvZpas, praefectus coenobii), lit. ruler of " the fold " — the spiritual fold that is — a favourite me- taphor for designating monasteries in the East, and very soon applied. As early as A.D. 376 we find St. Epiphanius commencing his work against heresies in consequence of a letter ad- dressed to him by Acacius and Paul, styling themselves " presbyters and archimandrites," that is, fathers of the monasteries in the parts of Carchedon and Beroea in Coele-Syria. Possibly St. Epiphanius omits to style them " archiman- drites " in his reply, because the term was not yet in general use. " But at the time of the Council of Ephesus the Emperors Theodosius and Valentinian received a petition from " a deacon and archimandrite," named Basil (Mansi, torn. iv. p. 1101). At the Council of Constantinople, A.D. 448, under Flavian, 23 archimandrites affixed their signatures to the condemnation of Eutyches, himself an archimandrite. Sometimes the same person was styled archimandrite and hegumen indifferently ; but, in general, the archimandrite presided over several monasteries, and the hegu- men over but one. The latter was therefore sub- ject to the former, as a bishop to a metropolitan or archbishop. Again, there was an exarch, or visitor of monasteries, by some thought to have been inferior to the archimandrite, by some supe- rior, and by some different only from him in name. But if it is a fact that archimandrites were admitted to their office by the patriarch alone, though he, of course may have sometimes admitted the others as well, it would seem to suggest that they occupied the highest rank in the monastic hierarchy, analogous to that of pa- triarch amongst bishops. According to Goar (Euchol. p. 240) archimandrites had the privilege of ordaining readers, which the ordinary hegumen had not ; but he has omitted to point out where this privilege is conferred in the form of admis- sion given by him further on (p. 492). King (p. 367), in his history of the Greek Church, re- " Both letters are prefixed to his work- AECHINIMUS AKCOSOLIUM 139 jjards archimandrite as the equivalent for abbot, jmd hegumen for pi-ior, in "the Western monas- teries ; but he can only mean that the offices in jjach case were analogous. Rarely, but occasion- lilly, bishops and archbishops themselves were ilesignated archimandrites in the West and East, ^'or fuller details, see Suicer, Thesaur. Eccl. s. v. ; )u Fresne, Gloss. Graec. s. v., ^xdv^pa ; Habert's Pontifical. Eccl. Graec. p. 570, et seq. [E. S. F.] AECHINIMUS, confessor, commemorated vlarch 29 (Mart. Horn. Vet.). [C] ARCHIPAEAPHONISTA C ApxnTapa(l)a>- ■iaTr}s), a principal officer of the Roman ■ Schola Cantorum," [Cantor] called also j' Quartus Scholae." It belonged to his office to Itame the chanters who were to sing the several iiarts of the service in a Pontifical Mass {Ordo '"iomanus, I. c. 7 ; III. c. 7) ; to go before the pope, nd place for him a prayer-desk before the altar 0. R. I. c. 8) ; and to bring to the sub-deacon he water for use in the celebration of mass a i?. I. c. 14). [C] ARCIIIPPUS, the fellow-labourer of St. Paul iommemorated March 20 (Mart. Horn. Vet.)', as • Apostle," Feb. 19 (Cal. Byzant.). [C] ; ARGHISUBDIACONUS.— This is a word yhich occurs in the canons of the synod of Aux- rre (Synod. Autissiodor. can. 6 ; Mansi, ix. 912), lut apparently not elsewhere. If the reading be |;enuine, it would appear that in some dioceses he subdeacons as well as the deacons had their " irimate ; but it is probable that the reading ihould be suharchidiaconum, which may have een another name for the officer known to the Greeks as o Seurepewajj/, and to some Western ioceses as secundarius. [E. H.] ARCHPRESBYTER. (apxnrpealSiTepos, 'Ozom. //. E. viii. 12 ; but the ordinary Greek erm was TrpcoroTrpeff^vTepos, which is found ap- lied to the same person in the corresponding 'lassage of Socrates, If. E. vi. 9; cf. also Phot. r the performance of sacra, which were often jumerously attended (Northcote and Brownlow's •'oma Sotterranea, pp. 47 f.). On a monument or a boundary stone of the ■ea was engraved a formula indicating that this lot was not to pass to the heirs of him who set apart for sepulture. This was generally •M-H-IST-S. i.e., "Hoc monumentum haeredes non I'quitur " (Orelli's Inscriptiones, No. 4379). The ;>rrespondiug ^Greek form was, "to?s KXrjpouo- oii aov ovK eTTaKoKovQiiffei rovro rh jxvq^^^ov " iockh's Corpus Inscriptionum, No. 3270). In the Roman catacombs care has evidently pen taken lest the subterranean excavations iiould transgress the limits of the area on the i irface (Northcote, u.s. 48). ARLES 141 This reverence of the Roman law for burial- places enabled the early Christians, except in times of persecution or popular tumult, to preserve their sepulchres inviolate. The areas about the tombs of martyrs were especially so preserved, where meetings for worship were held, and churches frequently built. TertuUian {Ad Scapul. 3) tells us that when Hilarianus, a perse- cutor, had issued an edict against the formation of such areae, the result was that the areae (thresh- ing-floors) of the heathen lacked corn the follow- ing year. So the Acta Proconsularia of the trial of Felix (in Baronius, ann. 314 §24) speak of the areae, " where you Christians make praye.-s" (ubi orationes facitis). These areae were frequently named from some well-known person buried there; thus St. Cyprian is said to have been buried "in area Candidi Procuratoris " {Acta Mart. S. Cypriani in Ducange's Glossary s. v.). In the Gesta Furgationis Caeciliani {Ibid.), certain citizens are said to have been shut up " in area martyrum," where, perhaps, a church is intended. Compare Cemetery, Martyrium. II. The court in front of a church [Atrium.] (Bingham's Antiquities, viii. 3 § 5.) [C] ARELATENSE CONCILIUM. [Arles.] ARETHAS and companions, martyrs, com- memorated Oct. 24 {Cal. Byzant.). [C] ARGEUS, martvr, commemorated Jan. 2 {Mart. Rom. Vet.). ' [C.] ARICION", of Nicomedia, commemorated June 23 {Mart. Hieron.). [C] ARIMINENSE CONCILIUM. [Rimini.] ARISTARCHUS, disciple of Apostles, com- memorated Aug. 4 {Mart. Rom. Vet.); "Apostle," April 15 [14, Neale], {Cal. Byzant.). [C] ARISTIDES, of Athens, commemorated Auo-. 31 {Mart. Rom. Vet.). [C.] ARISTION, one of the Seventy Disciples of Christ, commemorated Oct. 17 {Mart. Rom. ^^^•)- [C] ARISTOBULUS, "Apostle , commemorated Oct. 31 {Cal. Byzant.). [C] ARISTON, and others, martyrs, comme- morated July 2 {Mart. Rom. Vet.). [C] ARISTONICUS, martyr, commemorated April 19 {Mart. Rom. Vet.). [C] ARISTONIPPUS, commemorated Sept. 3 {Mart. Hiero7i.). [-^j^j ARISTUS, commemorated Sept. 3 {Mart. Bedae). -j ARLES, COUNCILS OF (Arelatensia Concilia). — I. a.d. 314, summoned by the Emperor Constantine to try afresh the cause of the Donatists against Caecilian, Bishop of Carthage, — a cause " de Sancti Coelestisque Numinis cultu et fide Catholica ;" because the former complained that the judgment given at Rome in 313 by the Pope and certain Gallic bishops (whom Constantine had appointed to try the case there), was an unfair one. The emperor accordingly summoned other bishops, from Sicily, Italy (not the Bishop of Rome, he having been one of the former judges), the Gauls (which include Britain), and Africa itself, to the number of 200 according to St. Augustin, to come to Aries by Augupt 1 to retry the case. Tho sum- 142 ARLES ARRHAE mons to Chrestus of Syracuse (Mansi, ii. 466, 467, from Euseb. x.) desires him to bring two presbyters and thi-ee servants with him at the public expense. And the letter of Coustantine to the Vicarius Africae (ib. 463-465) claims it as the emperor's duty to see that such conten- tions are put an end to. The sentence of the Council, adverse to the Donatists, is likewise to be enforced by the civil power (Eescrqot. Co7istant. post Sxjnodum, ib. 477, 478). But Cou- stantine in the same letter expressly disclaims all appeal to himself from the " judicium sacerdotum" (ib. 478). The Synod also announces its judg- ment and its canons to Pope Sylvester, in order that " per te potissimum omnibus insinuari," re- gretting also the absence of their " frater dilectis- simus," who probably would have passed a severer sentence. The canons begin with one enacting that the observance of Easter shall be " uno die et tempore," the Bishop of Rome " juxta cousuetudinem " to make the day known. They include also among other regulations a prohibi- tion of the rebaptizing of heretics if they had been baptized in the name of the Holy Trinity ; an exhortation (" consilium ") to those whose wives had been guilty of adultery, not to marry another " vivcntibus uxoribus;" a requirement to the consecration of a bishop of eight bishops, if possible, but of three at the least ; and a con- demnation of those " sacerdotes et Levitae," who do not abstain from their wives. The Council was purely a Western one, and of the emperor's selection, although St. Augustine {De Bapt. cont. Donat., ii. 9, and elsewhere) calls it " universal." Among the signatures to it, according to the most authentic list, are the well-known ones of, *' Eborius Episcopus de civitate Eboracensi pro- vincia Britannia ; Restitutus Episcopus de civi- tate Londinensi pi-ovincia suprascripta ; Adelfius Episcopus de civitate Colonia Londiuensium " (i. e. probably. Col. Legionensium i.e. Caerleon on Usk); " exinde Sacerdos presbyter, Arminius diaconus " (Mansi, ib. 476, 477). There were present, ac- cording to this list, 33 bishops, 13 presbyters, 23 deacons, 2 readers, 7 exorcists, besides 2 presby- ters and 2 deacons to represent Pope Sylvester. II. A.D. 353, of the Gallic bishops, summoned by the Emperor Constans to condemn the person of St. Athanasius (but without discussing doc- trine) under penalty of exile if they refused, Paulinus, Bishop of Treves, being actually exiled for refusing (Sulp. Sever., ii. ; Hilar., Libell. ad Constant. ; and Mansi, iii. 231, 232). III. A.D. 452, called the second, which com- piled and reissued 56 canons of other recent Gallic Councils respecting discipline (Mansi, vii. 875). Possibly there had been another in 451 (Id. ib. 873). IV. A.D. 455, commonly called the third, pro- vincial, determined the dispute between Bishop Theodorus and Faustus abbat of Lerins, by de- creeing that the right of ordination, and of giving the chrism, &c., pertain to the bishop, but the jurisdiction over laymen in the monas- tery to the abbat (Mansi, vii. 907). V. A.D. 463, provincial, convened by Leontius, Archbishop of Aries, to oppose Mamertinus, Archbishop of Vienne, who had encroached upon the province of Aries (Mansi, vii. 951, from St. Hilary's Epist.). VI. " A.D. 475, provincial, under the same Leon- tius, to condemn the error of "predestination." The books of Faustus, Be Gratia Bel, &c., were written to express the sense of the Council, and the Augustinians condemned it as semi-Pelagian (Mansi, vii. 1007). VII. A.D. 524, commonly called the fourth, provincial, among other canons on discipline, ap- pointed 25 as the age for deacons' orders, and 30 for priests' (Mansi, A^ii. 625). VIII. A.D. 554, commonly called the fifth, pro- vincial, chiefly to reduce monasteries to obedience to their bishop (Mansi, ix. 702). IX. A.D. 813, under Charlemagne, enacted 26 canons respecting discipline, and among others, that the Bishop " circumeat parochiam suam semel in anno" (c. 17), and that "Comites, judices, sen reliquus populus, obedientes sint Episcopo, et invicem consentiant ad justitias faciendas " (c. 13 ; Mansi, xiv. 55). [A. W. H.] ARMARIUS, in monastic establishments, the precentor and keeper of the church books. Ar- marius is continually used by Bernard (in Ordine Cluniacensi, &c.) for Cantor and Magister Cere- moniarum.^ [J. H.] ARMENIA, COUNCIL OF.— A council was held in Armenia, simultaneously with an- other at Antioch, A.D. 435, condemning the works of Theodorus of Mopsuestia, and Diodorus of Tarsus, lately translated into the language of Armenia and circulated there (Mansi, v. 1179). [E. S. F.] ARMOGASTES, confessor, commemorated March 29 {Mart. Rom. Vet.). [C] ARMORICA, COUNCIL IN, a.d. 555, to excommunicate Maclou, Bishop of Vannes, who had renounced tonsure and celibacy on the death of his brother Chanao, Count of Brittany (Greg. Tur., Hist. iv. 4 ; Mansi, ix. 742). [A. W. H.] ARNULPHUS, confessor, Aug. 16 {Mart. Bedae); July 18 {M. Bieron.). [C] ARONTIUS, commemorated Aug. 27 {Mart. Hieron.). [C] ARRIANUS, martyr, commemorated Dec. 14 {Cal. Byzant.). [C] ARRHAE, OR ARRAE SPONSALITIAE, also Arrhabo, Arrabo, earnest money on be- trothal. The practice of giving earnest money on betrothal, of which traces are to be found in all parts of the world, has its root evidently in the view, common yet to many savage races, of marriage as the mere sale of a wife, to which betrothal stands in the relation of contract to delivery. Among the Jews, as will be seen from Selden's treatise. Be Uxore llebraicd (Book ii, cc. 1, 2, 3, 4), betrothal was strictly a contract of pur- chase for money or money's worth (although two other forms were also admitted) ; the coin used being, however, the smallest that could be had. The earnest was given either to the wife herself, or to her parents. It could not be of forbidden things or things consecrated to priestly use, or things unlawfully owned, unless such as might have been taken from the woman herself; but a lawfully given earnest was sufficient to constitute betrothal without words spoken. In a Praecentor et Armarius : Armarii nomen obtinuit, eo quod in ejus manu solet esse Bibliotheca, quae et in alio nomine Armarium appellatur.— Z^ttconae. AKRHAE strict consistency with the view of marriage as a purchase by the man, it was held that the giving of earnest by the woman was void. And when, at a later period, the use of the ring as a symbol of the earnest crept into Jewish betrothals from Gentile practice, so carefully was the old view preserved that a previous formal inquiry had to be made of two witnesses, whether the ring offered was of equal value with a coin. The first legal reference among the Romans to the arrha on betrothal, and the only one in the Digest^ belongs to the 3rd century, — i.e. to a period when the Roman world was already to a great extent permeated by foreign influences, — at this time chiefly Oriental. It occurs in a passage from Paul us, who flourished under Alexander Severus, 223-235 (J)ig. 23. tit. 2. s. 38), The jurist lays it down that a public functionary in a province cannot marry a woman from that province, but may become betrothed to her ; and that if, after he has given up his office, the woman refuses to marry him, she is only bound to repay any earnest-money she has [received, — a text which, it will be observed, 1 applies in strictness only to provincial function- ,aries, and may thus merely indicate the ex- jistence of the practice among subject nations. ^Certain it is that the chapter of the Digest on Ibetrothals (J)e S'ponsalibus, 23, tit. 1) says not a I word of the arrha ; Ulpian in it expressly states :|that "bare consent suffices to constitute be- jtrothal," a legal position on which the stage ibetrothals in Plautus supply an admirable com- iment. I About eighty years later, however— at a time when the northern barbarians had already given pmperors to Rome — the arrha appears in full jievelopment. Julius Capitolinus— who wrote !lander Constantine — in his life of Maximinus bhe younger (killed 313), says that he had ibeen betrothed to Junia Fadella, who was afterwards married to Toxotius, "but there i-emained with her royal arrhae, which were hese, as Junius Cordus relates from the testi- nony of those who are said to have examined nto these things, a necklace of nine pearls, a net |l)f eleven emeralds, a bracelet with a clasp of bur jacinths, besides golden and all regal vest- l|nents, and other insignia of betrothal." a Am- l»rose indeed (346-397) speaks only of the ymbolical ring in relating the story of St. Agnes, yhom he represents as replying to the Governor f Rome, who wished to marry her to his sou, hat she stands engaged to another lover, who as off"ered her far better adornments, and given j.er for earnest the ring of his affiance (et jUnulo fidei suae subarrhavit me, Ep. 34). To contemporary of Ambrose, Pope Julius I. (336- b'l) is ascribed a decree that if any shall have spoused a wife or given her earnest (si quis jesponsaverit uxorem vel subarrhaverit) his jrother or other near kinsman may not marry jer (Labbe and Mansi, Concil. ii. 1266). About I century later, the word arrha is used figura- vely in reference to the Annunciation, considered i a betrothal, by Peter Chrysologus, Archbishop Ravenna in 433, as quoted by Du Cange, in ^rbo. In the days of Justinian, we see from the Code » A few words of the above passage have greatly exer- sed commentalors. AERHAE 143 that the earnest-money was a regular element in Byzantine betrothal. It was given to the in- tended bride or those who acted for her, and was to be repaid in the event of the death of either party (Cod. 5. tit. 1. s. 3, Law of Gra- tian, Valentinian, and Theodosius, a.d. 380), or of breach of promise by the woman ; in the latter case, indeed, the woman sui juris, or the father, mother, grandfather or great-grand- father of one under age having to pay an equal additional sum by way of penalty ; though a woman under age was only bound to simple re- payment, as was also the case in the event of any unlawful marriage, or of the occurrence of some cause unknown at the time of betrothal which might dispense the woman from fulfilling her promise. The fourfold penalty of the earlier law was still, by the one now quoted, made exigible by special contract (Ibid. 5, Law of Leo and Anthemius, a.d. 469). Simple restitution was sufficient in case, after betrothal, either party chose to embrace a religious life (1. tit. 3. s. 56 ; Nov. 123, c. xxxix.) ; or in case of diversity of religious faith between the betrothed, if dis- covered or occurring after betrothal, but not otherwise (Code, 1. tit. 4. s. 16, law of Leo and Anthemius, a.d. 469). It is difficult not to seek for the reason of this development of the arrha within the Roman or Byzantine world of the 6th century in some foreign influence. Accordingly, if we turn to the barbarian races which overran the empire from the end of the 4th century, we find almost everywhere the prevalence of that idea of wife- buying, which is the foundation of the betrothal earnest ; see for instance in Canciani, Zeges Bar- barorum Antiquae, vol. ii. 85, the (reputed) older text of the Salic law, tit. 47, as to the purchase of a widow for three solidi and a denarius, vol. iii. 17, 18, 22 ; the Burgundian Law, titles xii, 1 and 3, xiv. 3, and xxxiv. 2 ; vol. v. 49, 50 • the Saxon Law, titles vi. 1, 2, 3, xii. xviii. 1, 2, &c., or (in the volume of the Record Commission) our own Laws of Ethelbert, 77, 83 ; Ine, 31. And in the regions overspread by the Prankish tribes in particular, the arrha, as a money payment, is visible as a legal element in be- trothal. Gregory of Tours (544-595) repeatedly refers to it (i. 42 ; iv. 47 ; x. 16). In the earlier writers there is nothing to connect the betrothal earnest with a religious ceremony. Nor need we be surprised at this, when we recollect that, in the early ages of Christianity, marriage itself was held by the Roman world as a purely civil contract ; so that Tertullian, enumerating those ceremonies of heathen society which a Christian might inno- cently attend, writes that "neither the virile robe, nor the ring, nor the marriage-bond (neque annulus, aut conjunctio maritalis) flows from any honour done to an idol " (De idoloL, c. 16). And indeed the opinion has been strongly held, as Augusti points out, whilst disclaiming it, that church betrothals did not obtain before the 9th century. The earliest mention of a priestly benediction upon the sponsi appears to occur in the 10th canon of the Synod of Reggio, a.d. 850 (see Labbe and Mansi, Concil. xiv. p° 934) ; and it is not impossible that that confusion between the sponsus and maritus, the sponsa and uxor^ was then already creeping into middle age Latin, which has absolutely prevailed in French, where 144 AKRHAE AB3ENIUS €poux, spouse, are synonymous with mari and femnie in the sense of uxor. In a contemporary document, the reply of Pope Nicolas I. (858 ■ 867) to the consultation of the Bulgarians, the question whether betrothal was a civil or reli- gious ceremony remains undecided ; but as he professes to exhibit to them " a custom which the holy Roman Church has received of old, and still holds in such unions," his testimony, though half a century later than the death of Charle- magne, deserves to be here recorded, bearing wit- ness as it does expressly to the betrothal earnest. " After betrothal," he says, " which is the promised bond of future marriage, and which is celebi'ated by the consent of those who enter into this, and of those in whose authority they are, and after the betrother hath betrothed to himself the betrothed with earnest by marking her finger with the ring of affiance, and the be- trother hath handed over to her a dower satisfac- tory to both, with a writing containing such con- tract, before persons invited by both parties, either at once or at a fitting time (to wit, in order that nothing of the kind be done before the time prescribed by law) both proceed to enter into the marriage bond. And first, indeed, they are placed in the Church of the Lord with the oblations which they ought to offer to God by the hand of the priest, and thus finally they receive the benediction and the heavenly garment." It will be seen from the above passage that whilst Pope Nicolas recognises distinctly the practice of betrothal by arrha, symbolized through the ring, yet the only benediction which he expressly mentions is the nuptial, not the spousal one. It has been doubted in like manner whether church betrothals were practised at this period in the Greek Church, and whether the form of betrothal in the Greek Euchologium is not of late insertion. That at the date of the last quoted authority, or say in the middle of the 9th cen- tury, the Greek ceremonies appertaining to mar- riage differed already from the Roman appears from the text of Pope Nicolas himself; his very object being to set forth the custom of the Roman Church in contrast to that of the Greek (consue- tudinem quam Graecos in nuptialibus contuberniis habere dicitis). Now the striking fact in refer- ence to the form of the Euchologium is that in it the earnest or appafiwv is not a mere element in betrothal, but, as with the Jews, actually consti- tutes it — a practice so characteristic that it can hardly be supposed to flow otherwise than from ancient usage. Here, in fact, the words a^pafioov, appa^covi^eadai, can only be translated " be- trothal," " betrothing." The formula, repeated alternately by the man and the woman, runs : " So and so, the servant of God, betroths to him- self (a/JpajScoj^tC^Tat) this handmaid of God in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, now and ever, and world without end. Amen." The prayer is in like manner : " Look upon this Thy servant and this thine handmaid, and confirm their betrothal (ar-npl^ov rhv appa^wva avrcov) in faith and concord, and truth, and love. For thou. Lord, didst show us to give the earnest and thereby to confirm all things." And the heading — which may indeed well be more modern — is " service for betrothal, otherwise of the earnest." The most therefore that can be concluded on this still doubtful subject seems to be this — 1st. That the earnest-money on betrothal, sym- bolizing as it clearly does the barbarous custom of wife-buying, must essentially have been everv- where in the first instance a civil, not a religious act. 2. That the practice was unknown to an- cient Greek and Roman civilization, and was especially foreign to the spirit of the older Roman law. 3. That it was nevertheless firmly I'ooted in Jewish custom, and may not impro- bably have passed from thence into the ritual of the Eastern Church, where, as with the Jews, the giving of earnest constitutes the betrothal. 4. That it was very generally prevalent among the barbarian tribes which overran the Roman empire, and seems from them to have passed into its customs and its laws, making its appearance in the course of the 3rd century, and becoming prominent by the 6th century in Justinian's Code, at the same time when we also find its prevalence most distinctly marked in Gaul, and as a Prankish usage. 5. That no distinct trace of it in the ceremonies of the Church can how- ever be pointed out till the later middle age, although it may very likely have prevailed in the Eastern Church from a much earlier period. It follows, however, from what has been "said above that whatever may have lingered in later times of the betrothal arrha must be ascribed to very ancient usage ; as in the formula quoted by Selden from the Parochial of Ernest, Arch- bishop of Cologne and Bishop of Liege, which includes the use, not only of the ring, but also, if possible, of red purses with three pieces ot silver, " loco arrhae sponso dandae." Our own Sarum ordinal says in reference to betrothal : " men call arrae the rings or money or other things to be given to the betrothed by the be- trother, which gift is called suharratio, particu- larly however when it is made by gift of a ring." And the two forms of Sarum and York respec- tively run as follows : (Sarum) " With this ring I thee wed, and this gold and silver I thee give ;" (York) " With this ring I wed thee, and with this gold and silver I honour thee, and with this gift I honour thee." The latter formula indeed recalls a direction given in one of the two oldest rituals relating to marriage given by Mar- tene, De Antiquis Ecclesiae Jxitihus, vol. ii. p. 127 (extracted from a Rennes missal, to whicli he ascribes about 700 years of antiquity, or say, of the 11th century), entitled, " Ordo ad sponsum et sponsam benedicendam," which says that " after the blessing of the ring in the name of the Holy Trinity .... the betrother shall hon- our her (the betrothed) with gold or silver ac- cording to his means " (honorare auro vel argento prout poterit sponsus). As respects the use of the ring in betrothal, see further under Ring, and also Betrothal. (Augusti, Denkwiirdigkeiten, vol. ix. 295, and foil, may be consulted, but is far from satis- factory. Bingham, Antiquities, book xxii. ch. iii., confounds together everything that can be confounded. Selden, Uxor Hehraica, book ii., remains by far the best single source of re- ference.) [J. M. L.] AESENIUS. (1) 6 ixiyas, May 8 {Cal By- zant.). (2) Confessor, July 19 {Mart. Bedae). (3) Martyr, commemorated Dec. 14 {Mart Rom. VeL). [CJ AETEMIUS ASCENSION DAY 145 AETEMIUS. (1) Husband of Candida, aiartyr, at Rome, commemorated June 6 (Mart. Uom. Vet.). (2) MeyaXo/xaprvp of Antioch, Oct. 20 (CaL Byzant.). [C] AETEMON, commemorated Oct. 24 {Cal. irmen.). [C] AEVEENENSE CONCILIUM. [Galli- ;an Councils.] ^ ASCENSION DAY : (Ascensto and Ascensa Domini ; dies festus Ascensionis : kopr^ tt)s '.vaXy^rpeoos ; 7] avaKrii^is and r]ix4pa avaX-firpi/xos). 'his festival, assigned, in virtue of Acts i. 3, to the jortieth day after Easter-day, is not one of those !/hich from the earliest times were generally ob- jprved. No mention of it occurs before the 4th entury, unless an earlier date can be made good )V the " Apostolic Constitutions," or for the pas- tges in which mention is made of this festival — ib. V. 19 : " From the first day (Easter-day) num- ye forty days to the fifth day (Thursday), and ^lebrate the Feast of the audk7i\pLS rov Kvpiov, aO' TrXiipaxras iraaav oiKovojxiau koI didra^iv , u^xee, K. T. A." : viii. 33, " On what days serv- ats are to rest from work : ttju avdXrjxl/iv apyei- taaav 5ia rh irepas ttjs Kara Xpiffrhv oIkovo- ias." Origen (c. Cels. viii. 362), names as holy- xys generally observed, besides the Lord's Day, ily Parasceue (Good Friday), Pascha (Easter- ly), and Pentecost. No others than these are I mentioned by Tertullian. Of sermons preached 1 this festival, the oldest seems to be one extant ily in a Latin version, ap. Sirmondi 0pp. Varia, i. p. 39, which he and Valesius, on insuflScient •ounds, assign to Eusebius the Church historian; ive, and later writers, to Eusebius of Emesa. s title is de Resurrcctione et Ascensione Domini, d the preacher dwells chiefly on the Eesurrec- )n ; but the opening words show that it was eached on Ascension Day : " Laetantur quidem ell de festivitate praesenti, in qua Dominum scepere victorem." Next, perhaps, in point of tiqaity, is one by Epiphanius (t. ii. 285, ed. itav.). In the opening, he complains that the eatness of this festival is not duly appreciated, ough it is, to the others, what the head is to the dy, the crown and completion. First, he says, the Feast of Incarnation ; second, the Theopha- i ; third, the Passion and Resurrection. " But 2n this festival brought not the fulness of jov, jause it still left the risen Lord fettered to this •th. The Pentecost, also, on which the Holy est was communicated, contains a great, un- iakable joy. But to-day, the day of the cension, all is filled with joy supreme. Christ, <,Bniug highest heavens, &c." It is, of course, < ly with a rhetorical purpose that Pentecost is i -e named before Ascension. There were in- (!d heretics, Valentinians and Ophites (Iren. i , 5, and 34 ad fin.), and other Gnostics (repre- i ted by the Ascensio Esaiae, Aethiop.), who signed a period of eighteen months to our l -d's sojourn on earth after the Resurrection; «|l besides, there are traces of a belief among tb orthodox that the bodily presence of the i m Lord with his disciples, from time to time, ^3 continued during three years and six ilnths (Eus. Dem. Ev. viii. 400 B. ; Browne's (Sh Saeclorum, p. 82 f ) ; but certainly the day on V ich the Ascension was celebrated was, in all t churches, the fortieth after Easter-day. Of . ,;hsist. ant. , about the same time, is a sermon by St. Gregory of Nyssa, remarkable for its title: Eis r^p X^yoixivriv imxoop'icp ruu KairiraBSKwv e0et, 'ETnac>}CofievT]v, nfiris iffriv 7} avdK7]\pis rod K. rif^(^v 'I. X. Bingham, Augusti, Rheinwald, Alt, and others, explain this as loprr/ ttJs i-rriffaCo- fih-ns (pvaetas avdpwnrivqs (or cttI erw^o^ueVp rijs irSXecas : this, which was the established rule for Good Friday {Serm. de Coemet. et de Cruce, t. ii. 397), was here done on a special occasion, in honour of the martyrs whose remains the bishop Flavian had rescued from impure contact, and translated to the martyrium called Romanesia outside the walls. It does not follow that an extramural celebration or procession was the established practice at Antioch on Ascension-day, as some writers have inferred from this passage. In the sermon de b. Philogonio, preached 20th Dec. 386, St. Chrysostom (t. i., 497 C), extolling the dignity of the approaching Feast of Nativity (then of recent introduction), says: "From this the Theophania and the sacred Pascha, and the Ascension, and the Pentecost have their origin. For had not Christ been born after the flesh. He had not been baptised, which is the Theophania; not crucified, which is the Pascha; had not sent the Spirit, which is the Pentecost." Here the words Ka\ t] avdXri^pis are clearly an interpolation. The three ancient festivals, he would say, are Theophania, Pas- cha, Pentcjost: they require Nativity as their L 146 ASCENSION DAY ASCENSION DAY ground. So in Serm. 1 de Pentecoste (t. i. 458) — also of unknown date — he enumerates as the three leading festivals, Epiphany, Pascha, Pen- tecost, with no mention of Nativity or of Ascension, although p. 461 he refers to the As- cension as an event : " for, ten days since, our nature ascended to the royal throne," &c. But in another, the second de Pentecoste (ih. 469), he says : " Not long since we celebrated the Cross and Passion, the Resurrection, after this, the Ascension into heaven of our Lord Jesus Christ." On the whole, it would seem that, so far as our sources of information go, the institution of this festival, in the East, dates at earliest from the middle of the 4th century. Nor do we find it earlier in the Western Church : there is no mention of it in Tertullian, SS. Cyprian, Ambrose, Hilary, or in the canons of the early councils. In St. Augustine's time, indeed, the usage was so well-established that he speaks of it as universal, therefore of Apostolic institution. In the Epistle to Januarius, liv. [al. csviii.] (t. ii. 123, sqq. Ben.), he ranks it with Pascha and Pentecost. "Ilia autem quae non scripta sed tradita custodimus, quae quidem toto terrarum orbe servantur, datur intelligi vel ab ipsis Apostolis vel plenariis conciliis. . . com- mendata atque statuta retineri, sicuti quod Domini passio et resurrectio et ascensio in caelum, et adventus de caelo Sp. sancti, anniversaria solemnitate celebrantur," &c. (He does not name the Nativity, this was well understood to be of recent institution.) Beverege, Cod. Can. Vindic. c. ix. puts the argument thus : — " What- ever is universal in the Church must be either Apostolic or ordained by general councils ; but no general council did ordain these festivals, therefore they come to us from the Apostles themselves." On the authority of this passage of St. Augustine, liturgical writers, Martene and others, have not hesitated to conclude that the Feast of Ascension is as old as Pascha and Pente- cost. In the silence of the first three centuries, we can, at most, accept the passage as testimony to matter of fact, that at the end of the 4th century Ascension-day was generally kept ; as in the second of his five Ascension-sermons (261- 265, t. V. 1065 sqq. Ben.), St. Augustine says, § 3, *' Ecce celebratur hodiernus dies toto orbe ter- rarum." From this time, certainly, the observ- ance of the day was general in East and West. But it does not appear to have ranked with the highest festivals, which were Nativity, Easter, and Pentecost (Concil. Agathense, a. 506. can. 63, and Aurelianense 1, a. 511, can. 25). As a feast of secondary order, it ranked, in the Latin Church with Epiphany and St. John Baptist's-day (comp, Concil. Agath. can. 21). In the Eastern Church it was celebrated with solemn extra-mural pro- cessions — possibly as early as St. Chrysostom's time at Antloch, though, as before observed, this is not necessarily implied in the passage cited ; in Jerusalem, to the Mount Olivet, on which the Empress Helena had erected a church. Bede says that the celebration there was almost as solemn as that of Easter; it began at mid- night, and with the multitude of tapers and torches the mountain and the subjacent land- scape were all ablaze (de loc. sacr. c. 7). Else- where, the procession was to the nearest hill or rising ground, from which at the same time a benediction was pronounced on the fields and fruits of the earth. In the Western Church this procession and benediction were transferred to the Rogation-days ; and when Gregory of Tours, ob. 595 {Hist. Franc, v. 11), speaks of the solemn processions with which Ascension-day was everywhere celebrated, pei'haps he means only processions into the churches. Martene describes one such as held at Vienne, in France. The archbishop, with deacon and subdeacon, headed it : on their return to the church, they are received by all standing in the nave ; two canons advance towards the cantors: Cant. Quern qme- ritis'? Canon. Jesum qui resurrexit. Cant. Jam ascendit, sicut dixit. Canon. Alleluia. Then all proceed into the choir, and mass is cele- brated. There was also, on this day, in some churches (in others reserved for Pentecost) a service of benediction over loaves provided for the poor, and also over the new fruits of the earth. The vigil of Ascension was kept by some as a fast, as an exception to the ancient rule, rigidly maintained by the Greeks, and long contended for by many of the Latins. "Hoc [paschali] tempore nullius festi vigiliam jejunare vel observare jubemur, nisi Ascensionis et Pente- costes." (Micrologus, de Eccl. Observat. c. 55.) Isidore of Seville (610) (de Eccles. Off. c. 37) acknowledges no fast whatever between Easter and Ascension-day : he holds that all fifty days to Pentecost are days of rejoicing only ; but some, he says, on the ground of our Lord's words, St. Matt. ix. 15, "Can the children of the bride- chamber mourn," &c., kept fast on the eight days from Ascensit-n to Pentecost. The extended fast of three days before Ascension, which Amalarius (de Eccl. Off. iv. 37) calls triduanum vigiliae A scens. jejunium (apologising, as do other early liturgical writers, for that institution as an innovation upon the known ancient rule of East and West) came but slowly into general observance in the Western Church. Especially was this the case in Spain. " Hispani, propter hoe quod scriptum est," says Walafrid Strabo (823) (de rebus Eccl. c. 28), " ' Non possunt filii sponsi lugere quamdiu cum illis est sponsus,' infra quinquagesimam Paschae recusantes jejunare, litanias suas post Pentecosten posuerunt, quinta, sexta et septima feriis ejusdem hebdomadis eaS facientes." Accordingly, in the Spanish collection of the Canons, the wording of those relating to the Rogation fast is altered. In Cone. Aurelian. i. can. 27, the title, " De Litaniis ante asc. Domini cele- brandis," is made, " Ut Litaniae post Dom. asc. celebrentur ; " and in the body of the Canon, for " Rogationes, i.e., Litanias ante asc. Dom. ab omnibus ecclesiis placuit celebrari ita ut prae- missum triduanum jejunium in Dom. ascensionis festivitate solvatur," the Spanish codex has, " Rog,, i.e., lit. post Asc. Dom. placuit celebrari, ita ut praem, trid. jej. post Dom. asc. solemni- tatem solvatur ;" and the next canon which pronounces censure " de clericis qui ad litanias venire contempserint," is made to affect only clerics who refuse to come ad officium, ad opus sacrum generally. The Mosarabic Order does not even recognise a vigil of Ascension, thoiigh it has one for Pentecost. There was no octave of Ascension; the fol- lowing Sunday is simply Dominica post Ascen* sionem. ASCENSION DAY (Binterim, Die vorzuglichsten Denkw. der Christ- Kathol. Kirche, B. v. Th. i. 253-256. Augusti, Denkw. der Christl. ArcMologie, B. ii. 351 sqq. Rheinwald, Die Kirchliche Archdologie, 204 sq. Horn, Ueher das Alter des Himmelfahrtsfestes, in Liturg. Journal, v. J. H. Wagnitz, 1806.) [H. B.] ASCETICISM. The difficulty of tracing the history of asceticism in the early ages of Christi- anity arises in part from scantiness of materials, but chiefly from the circumstance that this and the cognate terms have been used in two senses, one general, one more specific. These two signi- jfications, and this enhances the difficulty, cannot I be strictly assigned to different periods, being {not infrequently synchronous ; nor is it always easy to distinguish one from the other merely by the context. The neglect of this important dis- tinction and the vehemence of partisanship have I complicated the controversy on the origin and growth of asceticism ; some writers contending that Ascetics as an order are coeval with iChristianity, some denying their existence alto- gether till the 4th century. Neither statement i3an be accepted without some qualification. The jfollowing attempt at an historical sketch of lisceticism among Christians, in its earlier phases, 's based on a collation of the principal passages n early Christian writers bearing on the subject. The principle of asceticism, and this is allowed m all sides, was in force before Christianity. The Essenes, for instance, among the Jews, owed heir existence as a sect to this principle. It was I'ominant in the oriental systems of antagonism letween mind and matter. It asserted itself ven among the more sensuous philosophers of h-eece with their larger sympathy for the plea- urable development of man's physical energies, iut the fuller and more systematic development f the ascetic life among Christians is contem- oraneous with Christianity coming into con- act with the Alexandrine school of thought, nd exhibits itself first in a country subject the combined influences of Judaism and of Platonic philosophy. Indeed, the great and damental principle on which asceticism, in its rrower meaning rests, of a two-fold morality, le expressed in " Precepts " of universal obliga- on for the multitude, and one expressed in Counsels of Perfection " intended only for those ore advanced in holiness, with its doctrine that »e passions are to be extirpated rather than •ntrolled (Orig. Ep. ad Rom. Lib. iii. ; Tertull. ^ Pallia, 7, 8 ; Clem. Alex. Strom, iv. 529, vi. 1^5) is very closely akin to the Platonic or Py- jiagorean distinction between the life according )' nature and the life above nature, as well as to jieir doctrine of the supremacy of the contem- jative above the practical life, and is more liturally deducible from this source than from jiy other (Porphyr. de Abstinent.; Eus. II. K j 17). In fact the ascetics of the 3rd and 4th jnturies loved the designation of philosophers r.osw. Vitae Pair. pass. ; cf. Greg. Nyss. Orat. ftech. 18 ; Soz. H. E. i. 13). At the same time I must be noted that the Church uttered its otests from time to time against the idea of jere being anything essentially unholy in matter, jd Its cautions against excessive abstinence, lus Ongen insists that the Christian reason for i^mence is not that of Pythagoras (c. Celsum 254); and the so called "Apostolic Canons" jl, 53) while approving asceticism as a useful ASCETICISM 147 discipline condemn the abhorrence of things in themselves innocent as if they involved any contamination (cf. Eus. //. E. v. 3). During the 1st century and a half of Chris- tianity there are no indications of ascetics as a distinct class. While the first fervour of conver- sions lasted, and while the Church, as a small and compact community, was struggling for existence against opposing forces on every side, the pro- fession of Christianity was itself a profession of the ascetic spirit ; in other words, of endurance, of hardihood, of constant self-denial (cf. Acts ii. 44; iv. 34, 35). Thus, even at a rather later date, Clemens of Alexandria represents Chris- tianity as an ^crK-nais (Strom, iv. 22 ; cf. Minuc Fel. Oct. cc. 12, 31, 36). Similarly the term is applied to any conspicuous example of fortitude or patience. Eusebius so designates certain martyrs in Palestine (de Mart. Pal. 10), a region mto which monks, strictly so called, were not introduced till the middle of the 4th century (Hieron. Vit. Hilar. 14), and Clemens of Alex- andria, calls the patriarch Jacob an dtr/cT/r^/s (Paedagog. i. 7). This more vague and more general use of the word appears again and again even after the formal institution of monachism. Athanasius, or whoever is the author, speaking of the sufferings of the martyr Lucian, in prison, calls him " a great ascetic " (Synops. Scr. Sacr.\ Cyril, of Jerusalem, calls those who, like Anna the prophetess, are frequent and earnest in prayer " ascetics " (Catech. i. 19). Jerome ap- plies the word to Picrius for his self-chosen poverty, and to Serapion, Bishop of Antioch (Scr. Ecc. 76. 41) ; and Epiphanius to Marcion because, prior to his lapse into heresy, he had ab- stained, though without any vow, from marriage ' (Ilaer. xlii.). Cyril of Alexandria uses &(rKve rovs aOeovs. Dion Cassius (Ixvii. 14) relates ;hat Flavius Clemens, the uncle of Domitian, ivhom some writers have identified with Clemens flomanus, and who was no doubt a Christian, A^as put to death for atheism. Lucian (^Alexand. Pseud, c. ^5, cf. c. 38) says that Pontus was full iOectiv Koi XpiariavcSu- Even so late as the 4th entury we find Licinius accusing Constantine of laving embraced r^v &d€ov 56^au (Euseb. Vit. yonst. c. 15); and Julian summed up his objec- is to Christianity when he described it as tflet^TTjTa (Julian, Ep. ad Arsac. ap Sozom. H. E. . 16). But by that time the Christian fathers ad already begun to turn the tables upon their idversaries and atheism became a reproach, not )f Paganism against Christianity, but of Chris- ianity against Paganism (see Clem. Alex. Fro- \rept. p. 11). [E. H.] I ATHENAGORAS, with ten disciples and live priests, commemorated July 23 (Cal. \irmen.). [C] i ATHENOGENES, martyr, and ten disciples, iiommemorated July 16 (Cal. Byzant.). [C] i ATRIUM, the court attached to churches in the earlier centuries. It was usually placed before the front of the church, and surrounded j)y porticoes. In the centre of the open area jvas a fountain, or at least a cantharus [Can- I'HARUS], a large vessel containing water for ab- lution. This fountain was sometimes covered vith a roof and surrounded by railings. The i trium was in the earlier ages considered an im- bortant, almost indispensable adjunct to at any jate the larger churches. Eusebius describes [Ecdes. Hist. x. 4, § 39) the atrium with its our porticoes in his account of the church built !>y St. Paulinus at Tyre; and atria dating from he 5th century existed at St. Peter's and S. Paolo f. 1. M. at Kome. Examples, though not j ating from the period with which this work 3 concerned, may be seen in several churches It Rome, as S. Clemente, S. Cecilia, and others, jnd indeed elsewhere. In the ruins of the basi- lica of S. Stefano, in Via Latina, the atrium, in- itead of occupying its normal place, is placed by jhe side of the apse, the reason probably being jhat the Via Latina ran past the apse, and that jhose who wished to enter the church from that jTeat thoroughfare would thus pass through the jtrium. Where, however, no important street r public building prevented the architect from jully developing his plans, the atrium, it should jeem, during the whole period treated of in this Vork (and indeed until a later period), in Italy |t least, and probably elsewhere, formed a part If every important church. [A. N.] I ATTIGNY, COUNCILS OF (Attiniacen- !IA CONSILIA), held at Attigny (Attiniacum), a own of France, on the river Aisne, N.E. of iheims. — I. A.D. 765, provincial, under Pipin iMansi, xii. 674). i II. A.D. 822, at which the Emperor Louis did i)ublic penance, " de omnibus quae publice perpe- am gessit," and especially for his cruelty to [lis nephew Bernard (Mansi, xiv. 403). III. A.D. 834, November, under Ludovicus .I'ius, a synod of "the whole empire,' some canons on behalf of the Church, and re- ferred a criminal cause, brought before them by the emperor, to the state tribunal 'Mansi, xiv. 655). [A. W. H.] ATTINIACENSE CONCILIUM. [At- tigny.] AUBERTUS or AUTBERTUS, bishop and confessor, commemorated Dec. 13 (Jdart. Bedae). [C] AUCTOR, bishop, commemorated Aug. 9 {Mart. Bedae). [C] AUDACTES, martyr, commemorated Oct. 24 {Mart. Rom. Vet.). [C] AUDACTUS. [Adauctus.] AUDAX, martyr, commemorated July 9 {Mart. Horn. Vet.). [C] AUDIENTES CAKpoc&fX€voi). Two stages have to He noted in the history and significance of this word. Down to the time of Novatus and the consequent development of the penitential system of the Church, it is used as equivalent to catechumen. The Audientes are those who are present in the Church, but are not yet bap- tized, and who therefore, in the nature of the case, were not present during the passages of the Fideles, or the yet more sacred service which followed. They heard the psalms, the lessons, the sermon, and then left (Tertull. de Foenit. c. vi., vii. ; Cypr. Ep. 13). At Carthage they were placed under the special care of a catechist or Audientium Doctor (Cypr. Ep. 31). The trea- tise of Augustine, de catechizandis rudibus, was written for such a catechist, and shews fully what was the nature of the instruction given. The word seems to be used with somewhat of the same vagueness by Augustine {Serm. 132). There is no trace at this period, if indeed at any time in the West, of a distinct position for them in the place where Christians met for worship. In the East, however, we find from the time of Gregory Thaumaturgus onwards a more syste- matic classification, and that one made subser- vient to an elaborate penitential system. The Audientes are the second in a graduated series of those who, as catechumens or members of the Church, have fallen, and need to be restored. Outside the Church stood the Flentes {KXaiS/xcvoi) mourning over their guilt, catching only the indistinct sounds of what was passing within, exposed to sun or rain. Then within the narthex, the portico in one sense outside the church, but communicating with it by open doors, were the Audientes (Greg. Thaum. Can. xL). They might stay there and listen, like those who bore the same name in the older system, till the sermon was over. Then the deacon bade them depart along with the unbelievers (Const. Apost. viii. 5), and they had not the privilege of joining in any prayers. After a year thus passed they came within the church, as Flectentes {yovvKXivovTes), joining in the prayers up to the commencement of the proper Eucharistic service, but kneeling in their contrition. Lastly, they became Consistentes {(Twiaraixevoi), stand- ing with those in full communion with the Church, but not yet admitted themselves to that privilege. Such was the ideal system laid down by the Council of Nicaea (c. xi.), elaborated by Basil {Can. xxii., Ixxv.), and more or less acted 152 AUDIENTIA AUGUSTINUS on throughout the churches of the East. It brought with it, in the risk of degradation from a higher order to one of shame and dishonour, from the position of full membership to any one of them, a system of secondary punishments the actual effect of which it is not easy to estimate. [Catechumens ; Penitents.] [E. H. P.] AUDIENTIA EPISCOPALIS. This forms one of the heads or titles in the first book of Justinian's Codex, and is there used in rela- tion to an authority, not only in spiritual but also in certain secular matters, conferred upon the bishops of the Church. In conjunction with the temporal magistrates, they were empowered to take part in managing the revenues of cities, the guardianship of young persons, and various other matters of a civil nature (see Guizot, Hist, of Civilisation in Europe, Lecture IL, as to the influence which the Church thus exercised in society). But the phrase more especially de- notes the power given to the bishops of hearing and deciding disputes as to temporal rights in certain cases. Thus we find {Cod. i. tit. 4. s. 8) " si qui ex consensu apud sacrae legis antistitem litigare voluerint, non vetabuntur. Sed expe- rientur illius in civili duntaxat negotio, more arbitri sponte residentis, judicium ; " and {Ibid. s. 9) " Episcopale judicium ratum sit omnibus, qui se audiri a sacerdotibus elegerint ; eamque eorum judicationi adhibendain esse reverentiam jubemus, quam vestris deferri necesse est potesta- tibus, a quibus non licet provocare, &c." Two limitations appear on the face of these passages : — 1. That the matter in controversy must be of a civil character, no criminal cases being to be thus decided. 2. That both parties to the dis- pute must voluntarily agree to have their cause thus tried. The result therefore is to make the bishop an authoritative arbitrator, whenever the parties submitted themselves to his decision. This repeats what had been previously autho- rized by Arcadius and Honorius (see Theod. Codex, De Jurisdict. ii. 1), and by Valentinian III. ; and, indeed, was perhaps little more than an acceptance and recognition on the part of the state of a custom which had long prevailed in Christian communities, of bringing their disputes before their Christian superiors instead of before heathen judges, in accordance with the words of St. Paul (1 Cor. vi.). At one period, however, there is some ground to believe that the secular power of Rome was inclined to go much further. According to Eusebius {^Vit. Const, iv. 27) and Sozomen (i. 9), Constantine ordained that either party in a dispute of a civil nature might select the bishop as his judge, even against the will of the other party ; and that the episcopal decision should be conclusive, and should be executed by the temporal authorities. This compulsory set- ting aside of the ordinary tribunals of the Roman Empire at the pleasure of either litigant, did not long endure, and seems to have been superseded by the more moderate principle adopted by Arca- dius and Honorius. Indeed the learned commen- tator Gothofred, who is followed by Bingham {Antiq. ii. 7, 3), doubts whether Constantine ever really made any such decree. Later writers, however, have not shared these doubts (see Ilerzog, Real. Encycl. sub voce, " audientia Epis- copi."). This alleged decree was in later ages revived in the west, being then attributed to Theodosius. In that form it was accepted by Charlemagne (Capit. vi. 366), passed into the collections of laws, and linally found its way into the Decretum of Gratian (Part II. causa xi. quaest. i. 35). Innocent III. lays stress upon it (Decretal. Greg. i. lib. 2, tit. i. 13), and indeed in this shape it was well calculated to minister to the Papal pretensions. [B. S.] AUDIFAX, martyr, commemorated Jan. 20 {Mart. Rom. Vet., Hieron.). [C] AUDOENUS or AUDOINUS (St. Ouen), bishop of Rouen, commemorated Aug. 24 {Mart. Hieron.'). [C] AUFINUS. Natalis in Africa, Oct. 16 {M. Hieron.). [C.] AUGENTIUS. In Africa, Jan. 4 {Mart. Hieron.). [C] AUGULUS, bishop and martyr, comme- morated Feb. 7 {Mart. Bedae, Hieron.). [C] AUGURIES. [Divinations.] AUGUSTA, virgin, commemorated July 28 {Mart. Bedae). [C] AUGUSTALIS, commemorated at Aries, Sept. 7 {Mart. Hieron.). [C] AUGUSTINE'S OAK, Conferences at, be- tween Augustine of Canterbury and the British bishops : — I. In a.d. 602 or 603, and probably at Aust on the Severn, or some spot near to it, with a view to induce the British bishops to give up their Easter Rule, and to co-operate with Augustine in preaching to the Saxons. The first conference (Baed. ii. 2) was only preliminary (Augustine, however, working a miracle at it, acc. to Bede), and led to — II. A more formal conference shortly after, in the same year, at the same place, at which seven British bishops were present, with "many learned men," especially from Bangor monastery (near Chester), then under Dinoth as its abbat. On this occasion Augustine limited his demands to three, con- formity in keeping Easter, and in the baptismal rite, and co-operation in preaching to the Saxons : suppressing, if Bede's account is complete, all claim of the jurisdiction which Gregory the Great had bestowed upon him over the British bishops, and saying nothing of the tonsure ; but disgust- ing the Britons by refusing to stand up at their approach — a token, according to the words of a certain anchorite whom they had consulted, that he was not a man of God, and therefore was not to be followed. The conference accordingly broke up without any other result than that of drawing from Augustine some angry woi is, which unfortunately came true a dozen years afterwards, when he was dead, in the slaughter of the Bangor monks at Chester (Baed. ib.). The baptismal differences have been conjectured by Kiinstmann to relate to trine immersion, by Dr. Rock (upon the better evidence of the Stowe Missal) to have referred to the washing of the feet which the Britons are supposed to have attached to baptism ; but both are con- jectures only. For the date, locality, and his- tory of these conferences, see Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, iii. 40, 41. And for the well-known " Answer of Dinoth," which is plainly the work of some mediaeval Welsh antiquary, see ib. i. 122. [A. W. H.] AUGUSTINUS. (1) Martyr at Nicomedia, commemorated May 7 {Mart. Rom. Vet.j Hieron.). AUGUSTODUNENSE AUTOCEPHALI 153 (2) Bishop and confessor, Apostle of England, May 26 (Martyrol Bedae, Adonis). (3) Commemorated at Eome Aug. 22 (M. Hieron.). (4) Bishop of Hippo, confessor, Aug. 28 (Mart. Rom. Vet, Hieron., et Bedae). In Mart. Hieron., mder May 26, " in Africa Agustini Episcopi mder Aug. 28, " Ipono regio Depositio Agustini Episcopi;" so that May 26 seems to have been riven to St. Augustine of Canterbury at a date ater than that of Mart. Hieron. His name is •ecited in the Gregorian Canon. (5) Presbyter, Oct. 7 (M. Bedae). (6) " In Cappadocia Agustini Episcopi," Nov. L7 (M. Hieron.). [C] AUGUSTODUNENSE CONCILIUM. AuTUN, Council of.] AUGUSTUS. (1) Of Alexandria, Jan. 11 M. Hieron.). (2) Martyr, commemorated May 7 (Mart. Rom. Vet.). (3) Confessor, commemorated at Bourges, Oct. r (M. Hieron.). [C] AUKELIANENSE CONCILIUM. Okleans, Council of.] AUEEOLA. [Nimbus.] I AUEELIUS, commemorated April 26 (Mart. Hieron.). [C] I AUSTEKIUS, commemorated Oct. 19 (Mart. Hieron.). [C] AUSTEEBEKTANA, abbess, commemo- •ated Feb. 10 (Mart. Hieron.). [C] AUTHENTIC. The sounds connecting the inal (in Gregorian music) with its octave, or a inelody in which they only are employed, were 'sailed Authentic, in contradistinction to those con- liecting the 4th below the final with its 8ve, the )th above it, which were called Plagal (v. Plagal). jn Ambrosian music authentic scales only were jimployed, and of these only four ; the Phrygian ID— d), Dorian (E— e), Hypolydian (F— f), and jlypophrygian (G — g) of the Greek system. The 'leolian (A — a) and the Ionian (C — c), subse- i[uently added to the number of the church Icales (tones or modes), were subjected to the ame classification. Authentic scales are cha- acterised by the harmonic division (6:4:3) if their octaves ; e. g. C — g — c ; the plagal by the i rithmetical division (4:3:2); e. g. G — C — g. Iiuthentic melodies are thought to have gene- ally greater dignity and strength than plagal. ^ good modern example of the former is the s^ell-known German chorale Hin' feste Burg ist \mser Gott, and of the latter our Evening Hymn, {.ttributed to Tallis ; and it would be difficult io find in pure melodic music better examples if the sublime and the beautiful. But the tune ;:nov/n in England as the Old Hundredth (essen- jially plagal) certainly contravenes this theory n a very striking instance and manner. The relations of subject and answer in the nodern tonal fugue (as when C — g are " an- jwered" not by g — d but by g — C) obviously i;rew out of the division of scales into authentic 'nd plagal. [J. H.] AUTISSIODOEENSE CONCILIUM. AuxERRE, Council of.] AUTOCEPHALI (AhroKccpaKoi, from aiirhs nd Ke(pa\rj), a name given by canonists and in the Notitiae — 1. To Metropolitans who remained independent of Patriarchs after Patriarchs were established, i. e., who then continued still to be what all Metropolitans originally were. So the Cyprian archbishop (Cone. Ephes. A.D. 431, act. vii. ; and again, as late as Gone. Trull. A.D. 691, can. 39, at a time when the Cypriots had fled from Cyprus itself, and had taken refuge in the 'ETrapx''* 'EAATjcTTrJvTtos) : to whom Balsamon joins the archbishops of Bulgaria and of Iberia (Georgia). The privilege had been given to the former of these two by Justinian. (See, how- ever, Le Quien, Oriens Christ., vol. i. 96.) The latter would seem to have been at first reckoned as subject to the Patriarchate of Antioch, and then to Constantinople ; but from a.d. 450 he styled himself avTOK€v a4>46r](Tav, /c.t.A., Prae- fat.) § 23. Other Eastern rites. In Egypt. The order of baptism which we have traced above as observed at Jerusalem in the year 347 A.D., bears a close resemblance in all its more important de- tails to those of which we find record elsewhere. The limits of this article do not admit of our quoting these in full. For the order followed in the Egyptian Church, see the Constitutiones Eccle- siae Aegyptiacae, § 46 seqq., published by Lagarde (al. Botticher) in his Peliquiae Juris Ecclesiastici antiquissimae. It will be found also in Bunsen's Christianity and Mankind, vol. vi. p. 465, seqq., in a Greek translation by Lagarde from the Coptic original. With this, which may probably date from the 4th or 5th century (not as a MS. but as a rite), may be compared the Ordo Bap- tismi of Severus, Patriarch of Alexandria in the 7th century (Biblioth. Max. Patrum, Paris, fol. 1654, tom. vi. col. 25), and, for a much later time, see Vansleb, Histoire de V^glise d'Alex- andrie, Paris, 1677, cap. 21, p. 80. § 24. In Aethiopia. The Ethiopic rite must originally have resembled that of Alexandria. Our first detailed accounts of it come to us from the Jesuit missionaries (Bibl. Max. Pair, as above, tom. vi. col, 57, seqq.). With their state- 158 BAPTISM BAPTISM ments, which coining from various quarters appear at times somewhat inconsistent with each other, may be compared the account given by Ludolf in his Historia Aethiopica, lib. iii. cap. vi. § 25. The Descriptions of the Rite given by Dionysius, the so-called Areopagite (Ecc. Hier. lib. ii.), and in the Apostolical Constitutions, cannot be assigned with certainty to any par- ticular date or locality ; but they afford interest- ing points of comparison with the ritual de- scribed elsewhere. § 26. Western Rites. The only complete Ordines Baptismi of any early Western churches are the Eoman and the Gallican. The Roman may be traced with slight variations in the sacramentary attributed to Gelasius (Migne, Patrol, tom. 74, p. 1105, and Muratori, Liturg. Roman. Vet.\ and that of Gregory the Great (ed. H. Menard). Many variations of the Gallican Ordo Baptismi are given by Martene (^De Ant. Ecc. Rit. tom. i. Part 1), and of these we select one example as being of exceptional interest. § 27. The Gotho-Gallican Rite. The earliest of the Gallican Ordines Baptismi is probably that sometimes described as the Gothic, as having been in use in the Visigothic Church. The order commences with a prefatory address, remarkable for the figurative language employed, which is utterly unlike that to be met with In any other known ritual, and in which we may probably see traces of the peculiar circumstances under which Christianity was first introduced into Gaul. " Standing, dearest brethren, on the bank of this crystal-clear fount, bring ye from the land to the shore new-comers to ply the traffic whereof they have need (mercaturos sua com- mercia). Let all who embark on this voyage make their way over this new sea, not with a rod [' virga,' probably with reference to Moses and the Red Sea], but with the cross; not with bodily touch, but with spiritual appre- hension ; not with traveller's staff, but in sacra- mental mystery (non virga, sed cruce, non tactu sed sensu, non baculo sed Sacramento). The place is small but full of grace. Happy hath been the pilotage of the Holy Spirit. Therefore let us pray the Lord our God, that He will sanc- tify this fount, and make it a laver of most blessed regeneration in remission of all sins ; through the Lord." § 28. The Collect then follows, being a prayer for the benediction of the font. " God who didst sanctify the fount of Jordan for the salvation of souls, let the angel of thy blessing descend upon these waters, that thy servants being bathed (perfusi) there- with may receive remission of sins, and being born again of water and the Holy Spirit, may devoutly serve thee for ever ; thi'ough the Lord." § 29. The Contestatio. " It is meet and right, Holy Lord, Almighty Father, Initiator of the Saints, Father of all Unction, and author of a new sacrament through thine only Son our Lord God ; Who, through the ministry of water be- stowest in place of the riches of the world (' ante divitias mundi,' evidently from the Greek avri Tov TtKovTov Tov Kofffj-ov) thiuc Holy Spirit ; Thou that providest the waters of Bethesda through the healing operation of the Angel ; Who didst sanctify the channel of Jordan by the worthiness of Christ thy Son ; have regard, O Lord, to these waters prepared for the doing away of the sins of men ; grant that the Angel of thy fatherly love (pietatis tuae) may be pre- sent to this holy fount ; may he wash off the stains of the former life, and sanctify a shrine wherein Thou mayest dwell, causing them that herein shall be regenerated to grow and be strengthened evermore in the inner man (procu- rans ut regenerandorum viscera aeterna florescant, probably tVo ddkkr) ets rhv aluua ra (nrXdyx^a Tcav avay^vvwfiivuv), and bestowing that true renewal which is of baptism. Bless, Lord God, this water that Thou didst create, and let Thy healing power (virtus tua) descend upon it. Pour down from above Thy Holy Spirit, the Paraclete, the messenger [angel] of truth. Sanc- tify, O Lord, these waters as thou didst the streams of Jordan ; that they who go down into this fount, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, may be found worthy to obtain both pardon of sins and the on-pouring of the Holy Spirit, through our Lord Jesus Christ, Who with (apud) Thee and the ' Holy Ghost is blessed for evermore." § 30. ' Consecration with Chrism. " Then thou makest \ a cross with chrism, and sayest : I exorcise ' thee, thou water of God's creation ; I exorcise F thee, the whole army of the devil, the whole ' power of the adversary, and all darkness of evil spirits ; I exorcise thee in the name of our Lord F' Jesus Christ of Nazareth, to whom the Father hath subjected all things in heaven and in earth. Fear and tremble. Thou and all the malice that is thine : give place to the Holy Spirit, that all i who descend into this font may have the laver of the baptism of regeneration, unto remission of - all sins, through Our Lord Jesus Christ, whoi i will come unto the judgment seat of the Majesty | of His Father with the holy angels, to judge! thee thou enemy, and the world, through fire, for evermore." ^ Zi. Insufflation. "Then thou: shalt breathe (see § 42) three times upon the water, and put chrism therein in the form of a cross, and say : ' the on-pouring of the salutary ' chrism of Our Lord Jesus Christ, that this may be made a fountain of water springing up uatoj life eternal.' Amen." § 32. The interrogations and the baptism. " While baptizing thou shalt make the interrogations (dum baptizas inter-' tt' rogas : see below, § 43) and say : ' I baptize thee \\ (naming him) in the name of the Fathei*, and of iife the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, unto remission of Ii sins, that thou mayest have eternal life. Amen."*j Ifl § 33. Unction. " " While touching him withi i* chrism thou shalt say : ' I anoint thee with the^ (chrism) unction of holiness, the clothing of im-: Ii mortality, which our Lord Jesus Christ first; Uiil received, bestowed by the Father, that thou i'lt mayest presect it entire and undiminished before: I! the'judgment seat of Christ, and mayest live fori ^ ever and ever." § 34. The washing of feet,' K "While washing his feet, thou shalt say: 'I », wash thy feet, as our Lord Jesus Christ did ' unto his disciples. Do thou the like to strangers ji and pilgrims, that thou mayest have eternal k life.'" %d5. T/ie clothing. " While putting the k. garment upon him thou shalt say : ' Rec-tive this h\ white garment, which thou mayest keep and! hi present (quam perferas) before the judgment seat of our Lord Jesus Christ.' " § 36. Thi k collect. " Let us pray, most dear brethren, oui; llti Lord God, for these his neophytes, now baptizedj lijj that when the Saviour shall come in His m&mik BAPTISM BAPTISM 159 'esty, He will cause them whom He hath regenerated of water and the Holy Spirit to be clothed for ever with the garment of salva- tion ; through the Lord." § 37. Another collect. ' For these who are now baptized, and crowned ^see § 65) in Christ, on whom our Lord hath ieigned to bestow regeneration, we pray thee, A.1 mighty God, that they may preserve undefiled into the end the baptism which they have •eceived ; through Our Lord." § 38. Peculiarities of this Rite. — There is strong nternal evidence that this rite in its present hape is a translation into debased Latin of an ilder Greek original. There are many parts if it of which the sense can only be guessed by ii'st translating it back into Greek, word for sroxdi, taking Latin, such as that of the translator if Irenaeus, as a guide in so doing. And this act, coupled with that of the metaphors in the pening address being taken wholly from the lan- uage of trade and of navigation, bears out in remarkable manner the conclusion to which ther independent evidence points, viz., that !hristianity was introduced into Gaul through h-eek missionaries, and in connection with the reat line of commercial traffic of which Mar- eilles was the chief western entrepot, and the ities of Cyzicus, Phocaea, and Alexandria the rincipal eastern ports. It has another point f interest for English readers, viz., that there re strong grounds for believing that the primi- ive British and Irish rites were based on the Id Galilean use, of which that just quoted [resents, probably, the oldest example now re- gaining. I § 39. British and Irish Rites. — No complete \rdo Baptismi appears to have been preserved rhich will illustrate the primitive usage of the ritish and Irish Churches. Incidental notices f the latter in ancient documents serve to de- 'rmine many points of detail which will be 3ticed in their place. The fullest of these, and le which is of great interest on many grounds, the story told by Tirechan (6th century) in the ook of Armagh, concerning St. Patrick's bap- sing the two daughters of King Laoghaire at le pool of Clebach in Connaught. For this, see Ddd's Life of St. Patrick, p. 452. § 40. Spanish Rite. — Such details as can now ii determined concerning the primitive baptismal te in Spain are contained in a treatise of St. dephonsus of Seville (7th century), Be Cogni- one Baptismi. Further particulars may be ferred from Isidore of Seville Be off. Eccl. b. ii. cap. 24 ; and from the Mozarabic Liturgy, tributed by some to him. That Spanish usage the 4th century differed in some respects from iat of Rome, is indicated by the letter of ricius of Rome to Himerius Tarraconensis. See ilow, § 73. III. Betails of the Ritual of Baptism. § 41. Theodulf, bishop of Orleans, just at the pse of the 8th century, wrote a treatise Be rdine Baptismi (Migne's Patrol, cv. 223). which he describes the complicated Ritual actised in Western Churches in his own time, jiking his description as a basis, but omitting re the notice of such points as will come ifler separate discussion in other articles, we xy proceed now to describe separately the main itures of the order of baptism as they had been developed in the 8th century, viz., the Conse- cration of the Water, the Renunciations, the Profession of Faith, the Immersion with accom- panying Interrogations, and the subsequent ceremonial. § 42. Consecration of the Water of Baptism. — This consecration is first mentioned by Tertullian (de Bapt. c. iv.) as brought about by invocation of God. St. Cyprian {Epist. Ixx. ad Januar.), speaks of the water " being cleansed beforehand and sanctified by the bishop (a sacerdote) and a Council held at Carthage under him, speaks of this sanctification being brought about (prece sacerdotis) by the bishop's prayer. St. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech. iii., speaks of the water re- ceiving power and being sanctified upon invo- cation of the Holy Spirit and of Christ. St. Basil the Great (de Sp. Sancto, cap. 27) reckons the blessing of the baptismal water among the traditional customs derived from the Apostles. From St. Augustine, however (de Bapt. lib. vi. c. 25) we learn that the " Invocations " were not regarded as essential to the validity of the sacra- ment. In St. Augustine first (in Joann. Evang. Tract. 118 ad fin.) we hear of the sign of the cross being made at this Invocation. Oil also, poured crosswise, was used, at least in some churches, in the consecration of the water. (Dio- nys. Areop. Be Hier. Eccl. cap. 11 ; Severus Patriarch. Alexandr. Be Ordine Baptismi, Bibl. Patt. Max. t. vi. p. 25.) To the same effect the Sacramentary of St. Gregory the Great and the early Galilean Rite already quoted in § 30. This ceremony, and the baptism of an infant by immersion, are represented in the engraving below, which is from a Pontifical of the 9th cen- tury. A further ceremony, used as time went on, was Exorcism accompanied by InsufHation, or breathing upon the waters. See § 31 above, and Martene, Be A. E. R. torn. i. pp. 63, 64. Consecration of Water, and Baptism. ITie Interrogations and Responses. § 43. Renunciation and Profession. — The two portions of the Order of Baptism next to be con- sidered, viz.. Renunciation followed by Profession of Faith, are often classed together in early writers under the designation of the Inter ro- gationes et Responsa, i7rcp(aT7)(T€is koI atroKpicnis, in reference to the formulae of question and an- SAver by which both one and the other were ex- pressed. These phrases had their ultimate origin probably in an exceptional word (iirepaiTrjiuLa, an answer formally made to a question formally put) used by St. Peter (1 Pet. iii. 21) in speaking of baptism. This was a word of technical legal use, having reference especially to foi-ms cf co- venant stipulation. And this, with very slight modification only, appears as a received technical IGO BAPTISM term of the baptismal ceremonial in the middle of the 3rd century. At that time there were forms of interrogation and response recognised as oi" " legitimate ecclesiastical rule " in Africa (Tertullian, above, § 10; Cyprian. Epist. Ixx. ad Januar.), in Egypt (Dionysius apud Euseb. II. E. lib. vii. c. 9), in Cappadocia (Firmilianus apud Cyprian. 0pp. Baluz. Ep. Ixxv.), and at Rome (ih.\ § 44. Ihe ceremonial of Renunciation. — The Catechetics of St. Cyril of Jerusalem, when com- bined with allusions incidentally made by Dio- nysius, St. Basil, and others, put before us very vividly the ceremonial with which these renun- ciations were made. St. Cyril (^Cat. Myst. i.) addressing the neophytes, says, " Ye entered in first into the outer chamber of the baptistery, and standing with your faces to the west ye heard how ye were bidden to stretch forth the hand with a gesture of repulsion (a-Kwdovvra ra^ XeTpas, Dionys. Areop. Ecc. Hier.), and ye re- nounced Satan, as though there present before you . . . saying, ' I renounce thee, Satan ' . . . Then, with a second word thou art taught to say, ' and thy works ' . . . and then again thou sayest, ' and [his] thy pomp.' And afterward thou sayest, ' and all thy worship ' (Aarpeiav) . . . When thou hadst thus renounced Satan, breaking altogether all covenants with him, then . . . turning from the west toward the sunrising, the place of light, thou wast told to say, ' I believe in the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost, and in one baptism of repentance.' " From Dio- nysius we learn further that before making this renunciation the catechumen Avas divested of his upper garment, and standing barefoot, and in his chiton (shirt) only, made three separate renunciations in answer to questions put to him [this is implied, but not so distinctly stated by St. Cyril], and then being turned toward the east was bidden to look up to heaven, and with uplifted hands (ras x^^P^^ dz/areiVai/Ta) to de- clare his allegiance unto Christ {cruuTa^aaOaL Tw XpiCTToS), and after so doing he again, in answer to questions put to him, thrice made confession of his faith. § 45. Words used in Renunciation. — These are given with more or less of detail, according to the use of various churches, by the following writers after Tertullian and Cyprian already quoted :— St. Cyril, Gatech. Myst. i. ; St. Basil, De Sp. S. capp. xi. and xxvii. ; St. Chrysostom, Horn. xxi. ad Pop. Antiochenum ; Liber Sacram. Gelasii apud Martene, De A. E. R. i. p. 65 ; Isidore Hispal. De Eccl. Off. lib. ii. cap. 20 ; and St. Ildephonsus, DeCognit. Bapt. cap. iii. ; Ephraem Syrus, De Abrenuntiatione, &c. {0pp. ed. Voss, 27ol. Romae 1589, t. i. p. 199). For the Galilean usage, see Martene, as above, tom. i. p. 64. The mode of making the Renunciations, and the words employed, are very fully described in the treatise De Sacramentis, attributed to St. Am- brose, but of uncertain date and of doubtful authenticity. In the Baptism of Infants the Renuntiations and the Profession of Faith were made by the Sponsor. The Profession of Faith. § 46. Baptism " in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost," involves in its very nature a profession of Faith. And of the formal Declaration of Faith made in Baptism, we may see the first trace, probably, in Acts I BAPTISM viii. 37 (si sana est lectio). Fuller details will be found in Tertullian, De Bapt. c. vi. and Be Corona Mil. c. iii. ; in St. Cyprian, Ep. Ixx. and the letter of Firmilian published with St. Cyprian's works (Ep. Ixxv.). A comparison of the many ,j passages in later writers referring to these In- I terrogations and Responses, leads to the con- clusion, that this profession was originally a re- citation of the Creed, assented to with a " Credo " by the Catechumen, much as in our own bap- j tismal service now. The form, however, varied i according to the gradual enlargement of the original Creed, and special questions were some- times added having reference to prevailing here- sies or schisms in particular Churches. Ex- amples will be found in the Missale Gallicanum quoted by Martene {De Ant. Ecc. Rit. t. i. p. 65) i and in the Ordo iii. ibid. p. 64. TJie Preparatory Unction. § 47. Without entering at length upon the subject of " Unction," which will be treated in a separate article, it may be well to note here that in many documents dating from after the close of the 3rd century, we find allusions to an Unction preceding Baptism, in addition to that which was given (see § 58) after Baptism. Nei- ther Justin'^Martyr, nor Tertullian, nor St. Cy- prian, say anything of such a preparatory Unction. But this is spoken of in the Apostolical Consti- tutions (lib. iii. c. 15), even in the earliest form in which they have been preserved to us, and by St. Cyril of Jerusalem (Catech. Myst. ii.). This last gives us as a fixed date the year 347 A.D. The use may of course have been even earlier than this at Jerusalem and elsewhere. But in Africa we may infer that it had not been intro- duced even at the close of the 4th century, as St. Augustine nowhere alludes to any such rite; and, what is more, in one passage {Sermo ccxxvii. in die Paschae ; al. De Diversis, 83) he dwells with much emphasis on the fact (necessary to : the argument he is pursuing) that the Unction of Christians follows after their baptism. Among books of doubtful date, which contain allusions to this particular rite are the " Recognitions/' ascribed, though falsely, to St. Clement of Rome (lib. iii. c. Ixvii.) ; the Responsiones ad Ortho- doxos (Quaest. 137, ed. Ben. p. 501, E. 7) falsely attributed to Justin Martyr ; the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy of Dionysius, the so-called Areopagite (see § 39, above) ; and the Constitutions of the Egyptian Church already referred to. The Unclothing of the Catechumens. § 48. A comparison of all the evidence leads ^ to the conclusion that the catechumens entered the font in a state of absolute nakedness. See particularly St. Cyril, Hieros. Myst. Catech. ii. ad j ini-t. ; St. Ambrose, Serm. xx. (0pp. t. v. p. 153, Paris, 1642), and Enarrat. in Ps. Ixi. 32 (BB. | t. i. p. 966) ; St. Chrysostom, ad Blum. Cat. i. (Migne, tom. ii. p. 268). Possibly a cincture of some kind (quo pudori consuleretur) may have been worn, as indicated in some mediaeval works i of art. But in any case, the question arises, considering the great numbers, of both sexes and of all ages, baptised at one time, how could the solemn celebrations at Epiphany, Easter, or Pen- tecost have been conducted with decency and order ? The explanation of this difficulty seems to lie in the construction of the ancient bap- BAPTISM tisteries, in which the actual Ko\v/j.fir)9pa, or pool, occupied the centre of a much larger chamber, from which it was in a measure sepa- rated by rows of suiTounding columns. If we suppose the intervals of these columns to have been occupied at the time of baptism by cur- tains, it is easy to imagine how the necessary arrangements could be made without difficulty, the more so, as the custom was for the baptism of men to take place first, that of women after- wards. And that curtains were so used we may nfer with some certainty from the following acts. St. Gregory of Tours, in his well-known lesoription of the baptism of Clovis and his fol- owers, speaks thus of the preparations made at he baptistery for the occasion (Hist. Franc, lib. i. c. xxxi.). " The open spaces of the church re shaded (or are darkened, adumhrantur) by oloured hangings, and fitted up with white cur- ains ; the baptistery is duly arranged, balsams ilfuse their scent, burning lights are gleaming, nd the whole enclosure of the baptistery is be- ewed with a divine fragrance," &c. Similar rrangements to these we find extemporised some mturies later by St. Otto in Pomerania. He imself baptised boys in one place, while the rown men and the women respectively were iptised in separate places by others. Large jssels were let down deep into the ground, le edge reaching upwards, above ground, to le height of the knee, or somewhat less. These ere filled with water. And round these cur- ins were hung on " columellae," probably stout and attached to a rope. A further ar- ngement is described in the following terms : Ante sacerdotem vero et comministros, qui ex la parte adstantes sacramenti opus explere ha- bant, linteum fune trajecto pependit quatenus recundiae undique provisum foret." {8. Ottonis ta, lib. ii. c. 15, apud Surium, 2 Julii.) BAPTISM 161 The Immersion. § 49. Triple Lnmersion, that is thrice dipping 5 head (KaOdirep rivi Tdcpcp vdari Kara- I ivTwu riixwv TOLs K€cpaKas, St.Chrysost. in Joan. 1 5, Horn. XXV.) while standing in the water, s the all but universal rule of the Church in « ly times. Of this we find proof in Africa ( irtulhan c. Praxeam, cap. xxvi.), in Palestine (. Cyril Hiero. Catech. Myst. ii.), in Egypt ( mstitt. Eccl. Acgypt. see above, § 23), at Anti- c and Constantinople (St. Chrysostom, Horn. ] o 'J' P- ^55), in Cappadocia (St. Basil ^_ bp.Scto, c. xxvii. and St. Gregor. Nyssen. De J ot. vSuTi eavTovs eyKpvirTofxev . . . koI rplrov T TO iroi-fjaavTes). For the Roman usage Ter- t lau mdirectly witnesses in the second cen- ^ Y] St. Jerome (adv. Lucifer, cap. iv. t. iv P 94) in the fourth ; Leo the Great (Upist. iv. «' '-^ptsc. Sicul. c. iii.) in the fifth ; and Pope Pela- g i (li^pist. ad Gaudent. apud Gratian. Distinct. Hcap._ Ixxxii.), and St. Gregory the Great ' e A f ^'^ Leandrum) in the sixth. Theo- ot Orleans witnesses for the general practice IS time, the close of the eighth century (De ne Baptismi, cap. xi. sub trina mersione in . . . descendimus). Lastly, the Aposto- Canons, so called, alike in the Greek, the ic, and the Latin versions (Can. 42 al 50), I special injunctions as to this observance, a g that any bishop or presbyter should be lejised who violated this rule. RIST. ANT. § 50. Single Immersion.— While trine immer- sion was thus an all but universal practice, Euno- mius (circ. 360) appears to have been the first to introduce simple immersion " unto the death of Christ" (Sozomen. H. E. lib. vi. c. 26; and Theodoret. Haeret. Fah. iv. § 3 ; Schultze, t. iv. p. 356). This practice was condemned, on pain of degradation, by the Canon. Apost. 46 [al. 50]. But it comes before us again about a century later in Spain ; but then, curiously enough, we find it regarded as a badge of orthodoxy in oppo- sition to the practice of the Arians. These last kept to the use of trine immersion, but in such a way as to set forth their own doctrine of a gradation in the three Persons. Hence arose, and long continued, a diversity of practice in the orthodox Churches, some following one rite and some another. Gregory the Great (Epist. i. 41) when his advice upon the subject was asked by Leander bishop of Hispala, replied that either simple or trine immersion are allowable, the one setting forth the Unity of Godhead, the other the Trinity of Persons. But under the special circumstances of the Spanish Churches, and in view of the fact that trine immersion was there specially the usage of heretics, he thought they would do well to hold to simple immersion. But the matter was still unsettled some twenty or thirty years later. At the Council of Toledo (the 4th, held A.D. 633) the practice suggested by St. Gregory was laid down as the rule of the Spanish Churches, and from that time onward, though triple immersion has been the prevailing practice, yet both canons of councils and writers on ritual questions have maintained the legiti- macy of simple immersion. (See Martene, De A. E. R. lib. i. cap. i. art. xiv. § viii.) The Baptismal Formula. §51. Not less necessary to a valid baptism than the use of water was the pronouncing of the Avords prescribed by implication by "Our Lord, in Matt, xxviii. 19, "I baptize thee in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." With the slight exceptions noticed below there has been at all times, and in all Christian Bodies, a practically universal assent as to the use of these " Evangelical Words," as they are called by St. Augustine. In this we find complete assent between the Churches of the East and of the West. Tertullian, in reference to this, appeals, not to any ecclesiastical tradi- tion, but to the direct command of Our Lord, ^' Lex tinguendi imposita, et forma praescripta : *Ite, inquit, docete nationes, tingentes eos in Nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti ' " (X>e Bapt. c. 13. Compare his treatise Adv. Praxeam c. 26, quoted in § 11). St. Cyprian, fifty years later, uses similar language in his Epist. Ixxiii ad lubai. p. 200. And St. Augustine (de Bapt. lib. vi. cap. 25) asserts that it was easier to find heretics who rejected baptism altogether than to find any who, giving baptism, used any other than the generally received for- mula. The use of this form was no less care- fylly maintained in the East. The 41st of the " Canons of the Apostles " orders the degradation of any bishop or Presbyter who baptized other- wise than according to the commandment of the Lord eis Uarepa koI Tiby Kal "A.yiov Uuev/xa. Didymus of Alexandria (ed. Vallars. 1735, vol. ii, p. 130), St. Basil (De Sp. Seta, cap. 12, M 162 BAPTISM torn. iii. p. 23), and others, speak of Baptism as invalid if not given with these words. § 52. Apparent exceptions. In the language of Holy Scripture itself authority seems, at first sight, to be found for a certain variety of ex- pression in giving effect to the command of Our Lord. Thus, in the Book of the Acts of the Apostles we find expressions such as baptizing "in the name of Jesus Christ," Acts ii. 38 ; " in the name of the Lord Jesus," ihid. viii. 16 ; or simply " in the name of the Lord," ihid. x. 48. But in all probability these are only to be re- garded as compendious expressions, equivalent m meaning to a statement that the persons m question received "Christian Baptism." And the apparent exception afforded by the laugm^ge of Justin Martyr, quoted above in § 7, is proba- bly apparent only, and not real. Addressmg himself as he there does to persons unacquainted with Christian Doctrine, he somewhat amplifies the actual formula, which would otherwise have been unintelligible to a heathen, and speaks of Christians being baptized " in the name of God the Father and Lord of the Universe, and of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Spirit." § 53. Eeal Exceptions. On the other hand we find evidence, even as early as St. Cyprian's {Epist. Ixiii.) time, that there were some who maintained that it was sufficient to administer " in the name of Jesus Christ." St. Ambrose favours this opinion, if the treatise De Spiritu Sancto (lib. i. cap. Ill) be really his. In later times this same opinion was formally maintamed by more than one authority. The Council of Frejus, a. 792, and Pope Nicholas I. in his Besponsa ad Bulgaros, all maintain more or less emphatically the validity of such a formula. Directly contrary to this is the decree of the Synodus Loudinensis, held in the year 605, by Augustine of Canterbury, Laurentius, Justus, and°Mellitus. There, as we learn from a letter of Pope Zacharias to St. Boniface, it was decreed, that anyone who had been " washed " without invocation of the Trinity had not the Sacrament of Regeneration. The omission of the name of any one person of the Trinity was held to be fatal to the validity of the rite (Wilkins, Concilia, p 29). St. Ildephonsus of Toledo {De Cognit. Baptismi, lib. i. c. 112), circ. a. 663, uses similar language. " Quod si omissa qualibet Trinitatis persona baptismum conferatur, omnino nihil egisse baptismi solemnitas deputetur nisi tota Trinitas veraciter invocetur." For the opinions of the Schoolmen on this question see Marteue De A. E. E., lib. i. cap. i. Art. xiv. 20. And for those of various theologians at the time of the Reformation, and subsequently, see Augusti Denhciirdigkeiten, vol. vii. p. 239. § 54. Slight variations. The passages above quoted shew that all the earlier Church au- thorities, almost without exception, speak of the use of the words " In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost," as absolutely required. Yet it is worth noting that it was an essential not a literal identity of ex- pression that was required. The main point of faith in the three Persons of the Blessed Trinity beino- secured, slight verbal variations in the formula were not regarded as of vital importance. Indeed the usage of various churches was not absolutely identical. Thus while in most cases the identical words of Our Lord ils bvofia rov BAPTISM Tlarphs koL rov TloD koI rov aylov Uuevfiaros^ were exactly reproduced (in Latin Ritual "In Nomine Patr.s et Filii et Spiritus Sancli "), the words els rh uvofxa, " in nomine," were in some churches omitted. The formula, as given by Ter- tullian (§ 11) and in the Apostolical Constitutions (lib. iii. c. 14), serves to exemplify this omission. Elsewhere additions were made to the formula, as thus ; " In nomine Patris, Amen ; et Filii, Amen; et Spiritus Sancti, Amen." The cor- responding Greek words are the formula of the Greek Church to this day. In the Gothic missal already quoted in § 32, we find "In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti in remissionem peccatorum, ut habeas vitam aeternam." In an ancient Galilean Missal, there is still greater variation, " Baptizo te credentem in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti ut habeas vitam aeternam in saecula saeculorum," or again, "Baptizo te in nomine Patris etc., . . . unam habentium substantiam, ut habeas vitam aeternam et partem cum Sanctis." Again Martene {De A. E. E. torn. i. p. 31, § xix.) quotes the for- mula once in use at Cambray, in which the words " Ego te baptizo" were altogether omitted, and the ministrant said only, " In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti. Amen." Hugo de St. Victor, Peter Lombard, and others, held this to constitute a valid baptism; Pope Alexander IIL decided in a contrary sense. This was in the year 1175 A.D. About 400 years earlier, Za- charias (Martene § xix.), then Roman Pope, had formally to decide whether Baptism given by an ignorant Priest "In nomine Patria Filia et S°piritua Sanctua " was valid or no. St. Boni- face had decided that such baptism was in- valid, and was for rebaptizing a child who had so received it. But he was opposed by two, other bishops (Virgilius and Sidonius) whose opinion was endorsed by the bishop of Rome on appeal made to him. " If" (so he wrote) "he who so ministered baptism did so not by Avay of introducing error or heresy, but only through, ignorance of our Roman speech spoke with a broken utterance, we cannot consent to any re- petition of the baptism so conferred." § 55. Eastern and Western Forms. One dif- ference there is between the mode of employing the " Evangelical words," which is characteristic of Eastern and of Western Churches respectively. In the West, with very rare exceptions only, the personal ofiice of the ministrant has been made , somewhat prominent by the formula I baptise thee (Ego baptizo te) in the name " etc. But in the Eastern use this is not the case, J:he third, person being employed, iSaTTTi'CeTai o SeTi/a (some-j| times 6 ZodKos rod 0eou, adding the name) hs Ti» , '6uoiJia. K. T. A. " Such an one " (naming him), or i; " The servant of God, N. or M. is baptized in tiie|| name," &c. The exceptions among Eastern ! Churches are very few. The Coptic Formula (Abudacni Historia Jacobitarum sen Coptorum, Oxon. 1675. J. E. Gerhardi, Exercit. de ecdem Coptica, 1666) is in the first person, " I baptize thee in the name of the Father, Amen ; I baptizt thee in the name of the Son, Amen ; I baptize the( in the name of the Holy Ghost, Amen." And tm Nestorians (Badger's Nestorians and their Eituais, of Syria, though their own older formula agreec with that of other Eastern Churches, adoptee also that prescribed by the Roman Church, ex prei-,ed in the first person. A more remark BAPTISM able exception to the usual Eastern practice is that of the Aethiopian Church, if it really were as described. Alvarez, one of the Jesuit Mis- sionaries, states in one place that the form they employ is " I baptize thee in the name of the "ather, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." And Ludolf (who has no sympathy with these Roman authorities when he' thinks them moved ? P^^'idioe) states that in the ritual books of :he Ethiopians he had never been able to find my other formula. On the other hand there yere others of the same Jesuit Mission who spoke BAPTISM 163 «v.>.^xu j..jLjoi3iuu wxiu spuKt; the great variety of forms which they found ,n _ use obliging them to rebaptize. See Ludolf, iist. Aethiop. lib. iii. cap. vi. Subsequent Ceremonial. § 56 The ceremonies subsequent upon the ctual baptism are commonly (as by Bellarmine e Sapthh. 1. cap. 27) reckoned as five in num- er, the Kiss, the Unction of the Head (distinct ■om the Unction in Confirmation), the lighted aper, the white Robe, the Tasting of Milk and oney. lo these may be added th? Washing of eet, and the Chaplet on the head, which found ^It ^^^^^^ "^^•^^^ ^^^-^y Churches. § 57. The Kiss. We first hear of this as a istomary practice in Africa in St. Cyprian's pist. XIV. ial. liv.) adFidum. St. Augustine lotes the passage (contra duas epist. Pelaq lib cap. viii. §§ 23 24) in a way which 4ews' at the usage had been maintained to his own ne It is expressly prescribed (to be given by thf^?r- t ^^\^^^^^^^ by the assembled thful) m the ritual of the Egyptian Church 0 (See above § 23 of this Article), and in St. i^sostom (&mo 50 do util. leg. 'Lript. torn. W^'J^h} "It ^""^ P^-«of of a similar usage, be fm • f N« tmce is ^ utffn ^^'^'''^ «f than e Unction after baptism, viz., that given in irfCd'bv'g ''^ -trodLtion Ts hon nf 'r ^ Roman tradition, to St. Sylvester, i i? ^''"Ix' ^^'^^ to 335 a'd. See ^ ther under Unction. ^litLT^ff''..?-^^^^^'- ^^^^ ^^'■'^'^J toe r^''' ^g^^' baptism was ninis eied after dark (generally late on Easter nevl. !'f f '^''''y ^ther cases, what > peipetuated in late Christian usage for tiinal or symbolical reasons took its rise in ^iderations of practical convenience or neces- . References made to the use of Lights by Cyril Hieros have already been Alleged e of det.i^-'^t with e ot detail, is the language of St Greo-orv V f W WT' ^ foreshadowing of the relish t \ li'T ^^"^^^ ' P-l«^ody lemth thou Shalt be received is a prelude th Jh-t thence shall sound ; the lamps th thou Shalt kindle set forth in mystery that V f Zlf ''^"^'^ wherewith i^^h't and ha'.. Z 1 ? ^'''^^ ™^^t their Lord, W| these '^P^ ^^''^ ^''S^' burning." '-I vZ sar^Tt^"\. '"^P"^'^ Ambrosius, ''de n T ^aronmm ad ann. 401 ; Gregor ^. Ihst. Franc, lib. v c 11 • freat, Lib. Sacram Z lli v ' Cregory ' *^«craw. de sabbato sancto ; Al- cumus, de Div. off. de sabbato sancto; Amala- rius, de eccl. off lib. i. c. 18 ; Rabanusi de lntt Usm^ xviii. in Martene, de Ant. Eccl. Bit. tom i p. /o. § 60. The wearing of white garments (Aev,op.7u in Greek writers) by bothin W^.^^^r^ universal custom both in West and East, and this was continued throughout the week to the Lord's Day immediately following, thence called the "Do minica in albis depositis," the KvpcuK^ rrjs ^laKaiv-naifxav (Goar, Euchol. Graec. p. 373) of the Greeks By their colour these garments were significant both of innocence and oTfoy (Marriott, Vesttarium Christianum, p. 182 n 19), and by their material, which was generally men, they were associated with the idea of de- liverance from death (Philo de Somniis, p. 597 Pans, fol. 1640, and Jerome, Fpist. ad^Fabioi 0pp. torn u p. 574. Paris, fol. 1693). The allusions to this practice in early writers are in- numerable. It will suffice here to state a few particulars as to the various vestments of which we find mention. § 61. The Alb. The outer garment, vestis ea9r,s, or ejMcpcrtou, was probably not unlike that worn m early times as a vestment of holy mmistry. In some instances we hear of thi's being kept as a memorial of baptism, to serve as a covenng for the body after death (A^tonin' Ma rt Itznerarzum: "mduti sindones . . . quas sibi ad sepulturam servant.") So Constantine the Great, dying shortly after his baptism, was buried uer' j;rr/?J ^^^^^'^^''^^^^ the garments which nl \ G«^-«^^nus Patriarch. l^e Sanctis Synodis etc. apud Spicil. Rom. A Mai, tom yii § 14) And so Probus Aniciustn his epitaph (Bosio, Rom. Snbt. p. 47) is described as one, Qui nova decedens muneris aetherii vestimenta tulit." At other times these white garments were presented to the Churcli This IS implied in the story of Elpidophorus ind the Persec. Vandal, lib. v. Bibl. Patr. Max torn vni. p. 699). For the use of the po^rlhey were lhJtLFl^'"'''lk ConstLtine the Great (Sum Vit. Sanctorum, in S Svl vestro, die 31 Dec), and by Gregory the Great (Epist. iv. 16 ; and vii. 24). ^ ^ § 62. The Sabanum. This word (in Greek cra^avov-) ^^ originally used meant either a lar^re wrapper for covering the body immediately after bathing, or a towel used for drying it The same word_ is occasionally used (as by Victor Utzcensis) m speaking of baptismal vestments, and t IS used m the Greek Church to this day A letter is extant from Pope Paul I. in which he thanks King Pepin for having sent him the Sabanum ' used at the baptism of the kind's daughter Gislana. It is not clear whether ?his IS identical with the " alba " or no wl.l!^i- S^P'"^^^'- This was a piece of white linen tied round the head, and intended to retain the chrism upon the head throughout the week " in albis." ^ § 64. The twisted thread. In the Armenian rite as still celebrated, there is a curious relic ot the primitive customs in regard of baptismal dress. We here read [Translation, unpublished M 2 164 BAPTISM BAPTISM hj the Rev, S, C. Malan] of the priest " twist- ing the thread." And the Catholicos (bishop) Joseph, in his Russian translation of this order of baptism, enlarges this rubric as follows: " While the choir sings, the priest takes two threads, one white and the other red, in remem- brance of the water and the blood that flowed from the side of the Saviour of the world. He lifts them up under the holy cross, and lays them at last upon the catechumen or child to be bap- tized." There can be little doubt that this is a last trace of former white baptismal robes with red embroidery. This hypothesis is confirmed by some references in ancient authors. A MS. at Turin, of unknown authorship and date [from internal evidence it appears to the writer to be of the 11th century], thus describes the " ehris- male." " Induitur deinde chrismali neophytus, scilicet alba veste quae mstar cap))ae lineae capu- tium habet, quo caput quasi quadam miti-a ope- ritur, et filo rubeo supersuitur." Durandus too (-Rationale Div. Off. lib. vi. c. 82), mentions a custom still existing in his time (13th century) in Narbonne, that the white garment of the bap- tized had sewn upon it a red band like a ' co- rona.' And the same combination of colours was still preserved in the usage of the Ethiopia Ohurch two centuries ago (Ludolf, Hist. Aethiop. lib. iii. cap. 6), and may be traced back in Africa to the 6th century of our era. Victor of Utica (de Pers. Vand. lib. ii.) speaks of the white robe as " purpura sanguinis Christi decoratam." § 65. The Chaplet (corona or (rT4(pavo<>). The earliest certain reference to this as worn by Neophytes is in the ritual of Alexandria de- scribed by Patriarch Severus in the 7th century. " Then (i. e. after baptism and unction) he takes the baptized to the altar, and gives them the sacrament of the Eucharist, and the priest crowns them with garlands " (Bihl. Max. Pair. Paris 1(554, torn. vi. p. 25). This usage was still main- tained at Alexandria 200 years ago. Vansleb, describing their baptismal ritual, writes as fol- lows. The piiest, " trempe dans I'eau du bap- teme la couronne et la ceinture de I'enfant qui a ete baptise, et lui met cette couronne sur la tete, et il lui ceint les reins de cette ceinture," &c. (Hist, de VEglise d' Alexandrie, Paris 1677, 1 2), Allusions to a similar rite, on very slight grounds however of what is probably merely metaphorical language, have been imagined in the Gotho-Gallican Missal (baptizati et in Christo coronati), in St. Chrysostom, Catech. I. ad lilu- minandos (orau Siddr}/na [not a chaplet, but a royal crown], auaBrjaT^aOe twu 7]KiaKwv aKrivuv (paiSpoTepas ^x^^ Travraxodeu eKirrfduxras Xa/x- TTTjSoVas), and Catech. II. rhv (XTi(pavov ttjs SiKaio(Tvi/r]s, a quotation from Scripture.) A passage of Gregory Nazianz. (Oratio xxiii. ad init.), quoted by Augusti for this usage, has certainly nothing whatever to do with bap- tism, as an examination of the entire context will conclusively shew. The " crowns " there spoken of are the words of public encomium Avherewith St. Gregory welcomes Heron, a con- fessor of the faith, comparing him to one who has conquered in the arena. § 66. Tasting of milk and honey. This sym- bolical usage, like many others, originated in a prevailing metaphor. " Quid ergo lac et mel ? " asks Barnabas. " Quia nimirum infans lacte et melle vivificatur, sic et nos fide promissiouis et verbo nutrimur." Tertullian in more than onf passage (see § 12 above, and adv. Marc. lib. i. c. 14) ; Clement of Alexandria (Paedag. lib. i. cap. vi.) ; the Third Council of Carthage, can. 24 ; the Constitutions of the Egyptian Church, § 51 ; St. Jerome (adv. Lucifer. 0pp. torn. ii. p. 180, and in Esaiam. cap. Iv.) ; and the Leonine Sacramentary (Muratori, Liturg. Pom. Vet. torn, i.), all allude to the tasting of mingled milk ami honey after baptism. The rite is again men- tioned by Macarius Bishop of Memphis, circ. a. 756, and was still preserved both in Alexandria and in the Ethiopi: Church two hundred years ago (Vansleb and Ludolf, referred to above). § 67. Pedilavium. The washing of feet. A peculiar custom prevailed in the early Gallican ritual, of a symbolical washing of the feet of the newly baptized, having reference to the action of our Lord recorded in the Gospel of St. John (xiii. 1-16). The so-called Gothic missal, and another early Gallican missal (Martene, De A. E. P. tom. i. pp. 63, 64), both contain refe- rences to this as a recognized part of the bap- tismal ritual. In the first, see above § 34, im- mediately after the application of the chrism, we read, " Dum pedes ejus lavas, dicis, * Ego tibi lavo pedes. Sicut Dominus noster Jesus Christus fecit discipulis suis, tu facias hospi- tibus et peregrinis ut habeas vitam aeternam :"' (then follows the impositio vestimenti). In the second of the two documents, a collect is given " ad pedes lavandos," w^hich follows, as before, immediately upon the "Infusio Chrismae." "Dominus et Salvator noster Jesus Christus apostolis suis pedes lavit : Ego tibi pedes lavo, ut et tu facias hospitibus et peregrinis, qui ad te venerint. Hoc si feceris habebis vitam aeter- nam in saecula saeculorum. Amen.'' In yet a ' third Gallican sacramentary (Mabillon, Mus. ltd. tom. i. and Martene, De A. E. P. tom. i. p. 64) the same rite is noticed, but is placed after the clothing with the " Vestis Candida," instead of immediately before as in the two earlier MSS. and there is a slight variation in the terms of the collect prescribed. From two treatises of doubtful authenticity attributed to St. Ambrose (De Sacram. lib. iii. c. 1 and De Alyster. c. 6), it has been inferred that the rite was in use at Milan. In the first of the two passages the writer, whoever he was, mentions that the rite in question was not of Roman usage. No traces of it are now to be found in the Ambrosian ; ritual. Allusions to a similar rite after baptism, occurring in the works of St. Augustine, are not, as might be thought, a proof of a similar usage in the African Church. They occur in a sermon (De tempore 160) which on other grounds had been judged not to be St. Augustine's, but to have been composed by Caesarius Archbp. ot Aries (t540). He quotes the words of a Gal- lican missal still extant (Martene, De A. E. B. p. 64) : " Secundum quod ipsis in baptismo die- , tum est, Hospitum pedes lavent," &c. The 48th canon of the Council of Illiberis, forbidding the practice (neque pedes eorum [qui bapti- zantur] lavandi sunt a sacerdotibus vel clericis), marks probably a previous attempt to introduce the observance in some parts of Spain, in imita- tion of the usage elsewhere existing. No traces; of the rite are now anywhere to be found in con'| nection with the administration of Vaptism. But a ceremonial, similar in its origin in which the BAPTISM Pope takes part, forms one of the observances of the Holy Week at Rome to this day. IV. At what times Baptism was administered. § 68. In the Apostolic Age no special times were appointed for the administration of bap- tism, this being determined by the vary- ing circumstances consequent, in the nature of things, on the first establishment of the faith. The first administration of Christian baptism, properly so called, was on the first Christian Pentecost (Acts ii.), when some 3000 persons gladly receiving the words of Peter were at once baptized on the same day (vcr. 41). The Ethiopian eunuch (Acts viii.), when Philip, taking occasion from the prophecy of Isaiah (cap. liii.), had taught him the glad tidings of Jesus, was straightway baptized in water by the way side. The jailor at Philippi (Acts xvi.), when the word of the Lord had been spoken unto him (ver. 32) by Paul and Silas, was baptized with all his household while it was night (ver. 33 compared with ver. 25). And neither in Scripture nor in any of the ear- lier Christian writers before Tertullian, is any trace to be found of the setting apart of any special season as more suited than others for the idministration. This greater liberty of the ipostolic times is often alluded to by early 'athers, when dissuading men from the indefinite leferring of baptism under pretext of observing he fixed times appointed by the Church for its nore solemn administration. 69. Special ^ seasons spoken of by Tertullian. first mention of any particular season as 'eing set apart for solemn administration of bap- ism, is found in Tertullian {de Bapt. c. xix.) mting about the close of the 2nd century. Pascha" (i.e. Easter), he says, "offers a more Dlemn season for baptism, for then was fulfilled he Passion of the Lord into which we are bap- zed .... And afterward Pentecost " (z. e. the 'hole period from Easter to the day of Pente- 5st) " is a lengthened time for the preparation f the waters (ordinandis aquis). Therein was le Resurrection of the Lord celebrated amono- le disciples, and the grace of the Holy Spirit Jstowed, and the hope of the advent of the ard suggested." But in mentioning these as mes when baptism was administered with more lan usual solemnity, he is careful to add, that every day is the Lord's .... no hour, no me, unsuitable for baptism ; the solemnity may less, but in the grace given there is no diver- y. ' Other references to these two periods, one of them, as specially observed for the lemn administration of baptism, will be found St. Jerome, St. Gregory Nazianz., St. Chry- 5tom, and other writers both in East and West. § 70. Baptism at Epiphany. Beside the two isons of Easter and Pentecost, there were not tew churches in which the Epiphany festival IS observed in the same way. Towards the «e of the 4th century, Siricius Bishop of me stated {Epist. ad Himerium, Labbe, Concil. 11. p. 1018), that all Churches agreed with jit of Rome in an exclusive observance of ^.ter and Pentecost. But in this he was mis- BAPTISM 165 vi^ikj xj.v^ »V CIO XiJlO- w Eastern Churches, and not a few the West, which by origin or bv subsequent erccurse came under Eastern influence, ob- 6!ved Epiphany (traditionally the time of our Lord s baptism in Jordan) as a season for soleroi admmistration of baptism. We find evidences ot this m the churches of Cappadocia (St. Greg. Nazianz. Orat. xl. ^eVw ra (pa,ra), at Antioch, but before St. Chrysostom's time (this by in- ference from a comparison of St. Chrysostom's tatechesis I. ad Iliuminandos ; Migne, t. ii. p 268; Be Baptismo Christi, ibid, pf 433 seoq • and Bom. III. in Ephes. i. ibid. t. xi. p. 25)- at Jerusalem (Typicwn S. Sabae, quoted by Valesius on Theodoret. Hist. Eccl. lib. ii. c. 27 ; and the Itinerarium, Antonini Martyris) ; in Africa (Victor Uticensis, De Persec. Vandal, lib. ii. in- ferred from his mention of baptism when " appro- pinquabat jam futurus dies .... Kalendarum ^ ebruanum ") ; in Spain and Sicily (Siricius ad Hvnerium, already referred to, and Leo, ad Epis- copos Siciliae, Labbe, Concil. t. iii. p. 1297)- in Gaul (see Martene, de A. E. E. lib. i. cap. i! p. 2) ; m Ireland (St. Patricii .... Sijnodi Ga- vones, &c., ed. T. P. Villanuova, Dublini 1835 • Wilkms, Concilia, p. 26, can. xix. These canons are of late date in their present form, but pre- serve some genuine traditions). § 71. Other days were observed in some churches. Thus we hear of " Natalitia Christi," or Christmas, in Spain and in Gaul (see Martene as above), and of Festivals of Apostles and Martyrs, in Spain (Siricius ad Ilimerium), in Campania, Samnium, and Picenum (Leo M Epist. 136), and of the Festival of St. John Baptist (Gregor. Turon. Bist. Franc, cap. 9) All days were allowable for the more private administration in cases of pressing necessity from sickness or other causes. § 72. Boman usage, however, was much more strict in this particular than that of other Western Churches. And with the zeal for ritual uniformity which has ever been characteristic of that Church (Gregory the Great a notable ex- ception), her bishops, and a series of councils more or less under Roman influence, made re- peated efforts to confine the solemn administration to the two seasons of Easter and Pentecost. § 73. Bapal decrees to this effect, directed to churches of the Roman obedience, are those of Siricius (385-398), in his epistle (Labbe, Concil. ii. p. 1018) to Himerius, Bishop of Tarraco in Spain; of Leo the Great (440-461), writing to the bishops of Sicily (Labbe, Concil. iii. p 1297)- of Gelasius (492-496), to the bishops of Lucania;' Gregory II. (715-731) to the clergy and people of Thuringia, and Nicolas I. in his L'esponsa ad Bulgaros, cap. 69. It is curious to find the same Roman tradition seeking to assert itself in Encrjand many centuries later, in the face of a superstitious belief on the part of some that it was perilous to have children baptised at those times. So we learn from the language of Otto, Cardinal Legate at the Council of London, a. 1237 ("Nonnulli in Anglia periculum suspicantur si praefatis di-bus pueri baptizentur." Wilkins, Concil. p. 650). § 74. Councils. Identical in effect with the decrees last quoted are the canons of a series of provincial councils, extending from the 0th to the 13th century. The earliest of these is the Council of Gerunda, in Hispania Tarraconensir,, a. 517. With this agree the Councils of Autis- siodurum (Auxerre), a. 578 ; of Moguntia (Mav- ence), a. 813, can. 4, and again, a. 847, can. 3; of Paris (Parisiense vi. a. 829, part 1. can. 7) of Meaux (Meldense, a. 845); of Worms (Worma- 166 BAPTISM BAPTISM tiense, a. 868, can. 1) ; of Tribur, or Teuver, near Mayence (Triburiense, a. 895, can. 12); of Kouen ( Kothomagense, a. 1072, can. 23); of Winchester (Wintoniense, a. 1074, can. 7); of London (Londinense, a. 1237). § 75. Imperial and other authorities were not wanting from time to time to enforce a practice which popes and provincial councils were thus continually enacting. The capitularies of Charle- magne, a. 804, direct "ut nullus baptizare prae- sumat nisi iu Pascha et Pentecosten, excepto infirmo." To the same effect are the capitularia collected by Benodictus Levita (lib. 1, n. 171). " Ut baptismus non fiat nisi statutis temporibus id est Pascha et Pentecosten, nisi infirmitas inter- cesserit." And lib. ii. n. 171 : " Ut nullus bapti- zare praesumat nisi per duo tempora, id est vigilia Paschae et vigilia Pentecostes, praeter mortis periculum." Bishops sometimes made this ob- servance matter of special injunction to the clergy at their ordination (St. Hildephonsus IJe Cogn. Bajotismi, lib. i. c. 108; Rodulti Archiepisc. Bitu- ricensis Capitular, n. 20 ; Ratherii Veronensis Episcopi Synodica, apud Martene, Spicilegium, tom. ii.), or desired parish priests to enforce this duty upon their people from the pulpit (Otto, Cardinalis, apud Wilkins, Concilia, p. 650). § 76. Later usage. — The limitation of baptism to one or two special periods in the year was of advantage in the first four centuries, or there- abouts, when the baptism of adults, requiring previous instruction and preparation, was still of prevailing usage. But this limitation no longer served any important end, when under the changed circumstances of the church the baptism of adults was rare and exceptional. And accordingly these restrictions have long ceased to be observed in churches both of the East and of the West. Places of administering Baptism. § 77. Originally no limitation of place was observed. Water by the roadside (Acts viii. 36- 38), private houses (Acts ix. 18), or a prison (Acts xvi. 29, 30), were all made use of for the purpose. And in sub-apostolic times we find proof of the same freedom from all limitation. See Justin Martyr, quoted above, § 7 ; Clementis Becog. lib. iv. c. 32, and lib. vi. c. 15; Tertullian de Bapt. c. 4. To the same effect are the tradi- tionary stories, in early Hagiologies, of baptisms performed in private houses, in prisons, in the public road. See the lives of St. Laurentius (Surii Vit. Sanct. die 23 Julii), of St. Apollinaris (ibid, die 10 August), and of the Deacon Cyriacus (ibid, die 16 Jan.). It is not till the close of the ord century that we meet with any mention of baptisteries properly so called, and under the name " baptisterium " (See the story of St. Cyri- acus apud Surium, die 16 Jan.). [Baptistery.] Baptism, by whom, administered. § 78. In the first five centuries, or there- abouts, the rule and the practice of the Church was, that the solemn celebration of baptism, whether at Epiphany, Easter, or Pentecost, should be presided over by the bishop. The earliest authorities bearing upon this subject are, St. Ignatius, ad Smyrn. cap. 8 ; Tertullian de Bapt. c. 17 ; Constit. Apost. lib. iii. cap. xi. (bishops and presbyters to baptize, deacons being in at- tendance upon them) ; St. Gregor. Nyssen. Orat. xl. (Paris, Morell, fol. 1630, tom. i. p. 656) where bapt'sm by bishops and presbyters is spoken of Council of Illiberis, a. 313, can. 77, decreeing that if a deacon baptise any one, without either bishop or pi'esbyter, the sacrament must be "com- pleted " afterwards by the benediction of the bishop ; St. Jerome, adv. Lucifer, c. 4 (saying that neither Presbyter nor deacon have the right of baptising without direction from the bishop, though even laymen are frequently allowed to baptise if necessity so require). In the 5th and 6th centuries we find at one time (Gelasii Papae Epist. ad univ. episc. and Isidor. Hispal. Off. EccL lib. ii. c. 24), a declaration that bishops and pres- byters are the only proper administrators (cases of necessity excepted); at another (Concil. Hispal. ii. a. 619, can. 7), the vindication of the supreme right of bishops in this matter, in depreciation of that of presbyters. Of the practice of the Eastern Churches at this time Ave find an indi- cation in a letter written by the people of Edessa at the time of the Council of Chalcedon, a. 451, and inserted among its Acta. In it they beg that Abas, their bishop, will return to them as soon as possible, on account of the approaching Easter Festival, his presence being required for the instruction of the catechumens, and for those who are found worthy to receive holy baptism. More remarkable is a somewhat similar letter (quoted by Martene L>e A. E. R. tom. i. p. 7), in which certain of the clergy in Italy write to Constanti- nople, begging that the emperor will allow Dacius, bishop of Milan, to return to his diocese after an absence of fifteen or sixteen years, giving as a reason that almost all the bishops custom- arily ordained by the Bishop of Milan were now- dead, and an immense multitude of people died witnout baptism (quia cum pene omnes episcopi, . quos ordinare solet, .... mortui sint, im- mensa populi multitudo sine baptismo moritur). It is worthy of note in connection with this that from the time of St. Ambrose to that of Cardinal Borromeo, if not later, the traditions of the Church of Milan have maintained in a variety of ways the special office of the bishop in the admi- nistration of baptism. Paulinus, writing (circ. : 420) the life of St. Ambrose, says that St. ' Ambrose had with his own hands baptised more persons than five succeeding bishops. And in the Caeremoniale Ambrosia7ium, published by Cardinal Borromeo (Martene, p. 7), it is stated that the archbishop administered baptism solemnly twice in the year, at Easter and at Pentecost, and also at other times thi'oughout the year in the event of any adults, converted from unbelief, being presented for baptism. § 79. In later centuries. The provision last mentioned will of itself serve to suggest why it was that as time went on the personal action ot the bishop, as the recognised administrator of i baptism, became gradually less and less ; while j that of presbyters, deacons, and even of clergy of the minor orders, was continually increasing, il From the time when the baptism of adults be- came the exception rather than the prevailing rule, and when, from the wider extent of the Church, the number of the children brought to baptism was continually increasmg, the older practice of the Church gradually changed. It was revived at a later time by missionary bishops, such as our own countryman St. Bonifoce ie Germany, or St. Otto of Bamberg in Pomerania (Hist. 3. Bonifacii and Hist. S. Ottonis, lib. ii' BAPTISM 19, quoted by Martene Be Ant. Eccl. Bit. lib. i. jiap. i. art. iii.). But with exceptions such as ohese last, exceptions which prove the rule, bhe tendency in most Churches, from about :he close of the 5th century, was to make he administration of baptism of less prominent mportance; and the part taken by the bishop imself became gradually less and less. In the iregorian Sacramentary, not the bishop, but )resbyters, are spoken of as being in a special .ense the ministers of baptism (ministri baptismi). Ind even at the more solemn ceremonies of the faster Baptism at Rome and elsewhere, the dshop merely inaugurated the ceremony by )aptising a few himself, leaving the rest to )resbyters, to deacons, or if need were to acolytes. Ordo Bomanus apud Mabillon Mus. Ital. t. ii., ud Martene De A. E. B. t. i. p. 8, col. 2.) § 80. Lay Baptism. Tertullian {de hapi. cap. 7) and St. Jerome {adv. Lucif. cap. 4 ; see above, 78) say, in effect, that for a layman to baptise not contrary to essential Christian principles, hough contrary to ecclesiastical order. And uch practically has been the judgment of the 'hurch in all later times, forbidding lay baptism rule, but recognising it in cases of necessity, oe as to this the Council of llliberis, a. 313, m. 38. In late mediaeval times the practice of 'y baptism became very common. See, as illus- ■ating English usage in this matter, the Council f Durham (between the years 1217 and 1222; ; Wilkins, ConcU. p. 575) and the Council of vford, a. 1222 {ibid. p. 594). § 81. Baptism by Woinen. The question hcther women may lawfully baptise is first verted to by Tertullian. Nothing can well bp runger than his language, diluted though it be - some later writers into the assertion that |Omen may not "publicly baptise in the church tter saying {de bapt. cap. 17) that in cases of jirilous necessity laymen should not hesitate to ve baptism, he goes on to say that women, ough they took upon themselves to teach, 3uld scarcely, with all their presumption, tempt to create a right to administer baptism, iless indeed some strange beast arose like to e that formerly had been. That former one aght to do away with baptism ; some successor ight perhaps seek to confer baptism herself 'mpare De Virgin, veland. cap. 9, and De •aescript. cap. 41 . The Apostolical Constitutions, 111. cap. 9 ; Epiphanius, Baeres. 70 ; and the urth Council of Carthage, a. 398, canon 20 Muher, quamvis docta et sancta, viros in con- atu docere, vel aliquos baptizare, non prae- mt '), are all to the same effect. Isidore of jspalais referred to (by Augusti, Denkw. p. 115) saymg that persons baptised by women are not be rebaptised. And Joannes Moschus {Bratum irituale, cap. 3) says that it is contrary to the ions for women to baptise, yet makes an ex- ^tion for cases of the last extremity. Even as e as the 12th century we find Hugo de S. ctore speaks of it as still with some a disputed 'iestion whether baptism by women was valid. |J 82 Baptism by Heretics. The question of \t validity or otherwise of baptism by heretics ' one which was forced on the attention of the urch in the 3rd century by the Donatist Schism. ; e dissension thence arising between St. Cyprian s pported by all the African bishops and by i eral of the Eastern Churches) and Stephen BAPTISM 167 Bishop of Rome, is on many grounds of great importance to early Church history. But this lies beyond the scope of the present article. The final settlement of the question was based upon the principle that the unworthiness of the minis- trant cannot mar the act of God, or as was said, that the wickedness of the sower affects not the vitality of the seed. Hence the question of re- baptising or otherwise was for the most part determined simply by the question whether the essential elements of baptism were wautinome churches certainly, so we find clearly stated, during the final Interrogations. And vvhere this was the case we may infer that the ' AfFusio " or " Perfusio," the pouring on of vater by the Ministrant, took place during the ironunciation of the formula. This hypothesis i.f a double use explains some difficulties in lucient authors, more particularly in the Trea- ise De Sacramentis attributed to St. Ambrose, md in the Egyptian Eitual already referred to. \nd it? probability is confirmed by the fact that n the Armenian Order of Baptism even to this 'ay the double usage of Immersion and Affusion 5 maintained. There the actual administration s described as follows : The priest asks the child's liame, and on hearing it, lets the child down Into the water, saying, " This N. servant of God, |vho is come from the state of childhood (or rom the state of a Catechumen) to Baptism, is laptized in the Name of the Father and of the )on, and of the Holy Ghost." .... While say- ng this the priest buries the child, (or Catechu- aen) three times in the water, as a figure of Christ's three days' burial. Then taking the hild out of the water he thrice pours a handful / water on his head, saying, " As many of you s have been baptized into Christ have put on >hrist. Hallelujah. As many of you as have een enlightened by the Father, the Holy Spirit 5 put into you. Hallelujah." (From an unpub- ished translation by the Eev. S. C. Malan.) § 94. Affusion and Aspersion in clinic Baptism. n one case of very common occurrence in early imes, viz., that of the Baptism of the sick under ear of approaching death, the administration ras necessai'ily by Affusion or by Aspersion. And 1 the middle of the third century we find the uestion formally raised, by one of the Afric£.n ishops, whether persons so baptized (clinici, or 3 they were also called grahatarii, baptized on a ck-bed) could be regarded as " legitimi Chris- ani," could be supposed, in other words, to have pceived baptism in a legitimate and regular lanner. The manner in which Cyprian replies > the enquiry (Cypriani Epist. Ixxvi. al. Ixix. d Magnum) shows that no formal decision had, ) his knowledge, ever been given previously on le question. He judges of the question sub- i itted to him to the best of his own ability jiuantum concipit mediocritas nostra), and ex- presses an opinion that the mode in which the water was applied was a matter of minor im- portance, provided that Faith was not wanting on the part both of Ministrant and Eecipient. In the ninth century Walafrid Strabo speaks of Baptism by Affusion, " desuper fundendo," as ex- ceptional only {De Reb. Eccl. cap. 26). Not till the 13th century (Augusti Denkwiirdig. cap. ix. § 11) do we find proof that Affusion or Aspersion had become the rule of the Western Church. The older practice is maintained in the East to this day. Age at which Baptism was conferred. (Inftmt and Adult Baptism.) § 95. Infant Baptism. St. Irenaeus. Direct evidence of the practice of Infant Baptism first occurs in St. Irenaeus, who was born, probably, in the year 97 A. D., and who had sat at the feet of Polycarp, the disciple of St. John. In his book against Heresies (lib. ii. cap. 39 al. 22) he says that our Lord came (into the world) in order that through Himself He might save all men, infants, and little ones, and children and youths and elders, even all who through Him are horn again unto God. No unprejudiced interpreter^ acquainted with the forms of speech habitually employed by Irenaeus himself, and by the early fathers generally, will doubt that when Irenaeus thus speaks of infants and little ones, as well as others of more mature age, being " born again unto God," he refers to the fact of their being baptized. (For Irenaeus' own usage see particu- larly adv. Haer. lib. i. c. 18 els i^dpvrjaiu rod PairricrfiaTos rrjs els Behv avayevv^creoos, and cap. xix., where authority to baptise is described as " potestas regenerationis in Deum.") § 96. Tertullian was of full age before the death of Irenaeus, and in knowledge of antiquity, and of the usages of the Church, was second to none then living. And he gives absolutely con- clusive proof that Baptism of Infants was a com- mon practice of the Church in his own time, towards the close of the second century. With characteristic freedom he expresses his owti opinion that the practice might wisely be altered, stating reasons for his opinion (de Bapt. c. 18). But he nowhere says one word to im- ply that the practice of his own contemporaries was an innovation upon the earlier usage of the Church. § 97. Origen. We have testimony no less decisive from Origen as to what was the tradi- tionary practice of the more Eastern Churches. He was born probably in the year 186 A. D. and was a disciple of Clemens Alex, and an inheritor of his great learning. His language in several passages shows not only that Infant Baptism was a recognised practice of the Church in his own day, but that in his belief (and no man knew more of antiquity) had been equally so from the time of the Apostles. See his Hom. viii. on Le- viticus (Oberthur t. vi. p. 137) and Hom. xiv. on St. Luke (t. xiii. p. 335), where he argues that infants must have original sin, "else why are they baptized ? " — and his comment in Ep. ad Eom. lib. v. c. vi. (ecclesia ab apostolis tradi- tionem accepit etiam parvulis baptismum dare). § 98. Other early evidence, but indirect and inferential only, has by some been cited (Bing- ham C. A. book xi. ch. iv. §§. vi. vii.) from Cle- ment of Rome, and from Justin Martyr. More 170 BAPTISM BAPTISM conclusive than these is an expression of Clemens Alex, in the second century, when {Paedag. lib. iii. c. 11) he speaks of rwv v^drav avaairccfxe- vwv Traidicap, the children that are drawn up from cut of the water, in a context which shows clearly that it is of Baptism that he speaks. § 99. Jewish Proselyte Baptism. — In order to complete the subject of the evidence for Infant Baptism, it may be well to refer to the argu- ments based on the analogy of Christian Baptism both to the Proselyte Baptism of the Jews, which was given to infants as well as to adults, and to the rite of circumcision, administered on the 8th day after birth, and only in exceptional cases to adults. For the first of these, the Bap- tism of Proselytes, the argument from analogy is exceedingly strong, on the assumption that the practice in question really existed before the Apostolic age. Lightfoot (on Matt. iii. and John iii.) and many other Hebraists assume the pre- existence of the Jewish rite without doubt. To the present writer there appear to be the strongest grounds for this opinion. But among Continental scholars at the present time the prevailing opinion appears to be opposed to that of Lightfoot. A summary of the arguments on either side, and full references to the best authorities, will be found in Carpzovius Anno- tationes in T. Goodicini Mosen et Aaronem. Fran- cofurti, 4, 1748. See particularly the Notes on Lib. i. cap. iii. § vii. For additional authori- ties see the Bibliographia Antiquaria of T. A. Fabricius, p. 385. § 100. The Analogy of Circumcision (adminis- tered as this was in infancy) with Christian Baptism, is recognised both in Scripture (Col. 2. ii.) and in early Christian writers, as Justin Martyr, Dial, cum Tryp. lud. ; St. Ireuaeus adv. Haer. lib. iv. c. xxx. (this, however, open to dis- pute). In St. Cyprian's time so close was this analogy considered by some as to cause doubt whether in view of " eighth day circumcision " any day earlier than the eighth were allowable for Christian Baptism (Cypriani Epist. lix.). St. Gregory Nazianz. expressly appeals to this as analogous to the practice of Infant Baptism {Orat. xl. de Bapt. p. 658). § 101. Adult Baptism. The general conclu- sion, resulting from an impartial investigation of all the evidence now available, appears to the present writer to be, that in the first four cen- turies of Christian History adult baptism was, from a variety of concurrent causes, the pre- vailing practice. Yet that during the same period infants were always baptised without delay if in apparent danger of death. But in the absence of such danger their baptism was deferred to the time of solemn baptism held at Epiphany, Easter, or Pentecost. And it is pro- bable that in many cases Christian parents may have shared, and have acted on, the opinion ex- pressed by Tertullian in the second century, and by Gregory Nazianz. in the fourth, and thought it well to defer the baptism of children, cases of grave sickness excepted, till they were able to make answer on their own behalf to the inter- rogations of the baptismal rite (see Gregor. Naz., Orat. xl. He urges the baptism of infants in case of danger, and yet shortly after advises the deferring their baptism in other cases till they ■ were three yeai's old). In the year 450 or there- abouts, we find evidence that in Syria, if not elsewhere, the baptism of infants was regardel as not allowable only but matter of absolute duty. (St. Isaac the Great in Assemani Bibl. Oriental, t. i. 221. " Let the lambs of our flock be sealed from the first, that the Piobber may see the mark impressed (§ 4) upon their bodies and tremble. Let not a child that is without the seal (§ 4) suck the milk of a mother that hath been baptized .... Let the children of the kingdom be carried, from the womb, to baptism,") V. Baptism as represented in Ancient Art. § 102. Direct Representations. Of two modes in which we find baptism represented in ancient art, the first, that of direct representation, is confined to a very limited number of examples. The earliest, probably, is one of those engraved for this article (see § 93) from the cemetery of St. Calixtus at Rome, and believed by De Rossi to be of the second century. It serves to illus- trate what has been said above of what appears to have been one customary mode of administer- ing the rite, viz., by pouring water from the hand, or from a small vessel held in the hand, upon a person standing in shallow water. Two Mosaics, at Ravenna and at Rome, in which the baptism of our Lord is represented, have been already described (see § 93). Another similar representation is painted in fresco on the walls of a chamber in the cemetery of Pontianus, oi-iginally used as a baptistery ; and yet another in the church of S. Maria in Cosmedin, at Ravenna (the Mosaic said to be of the 6th cen- tury), figured in Ciampini, Vet. Monum. i. p. 78. Millin (^Midi de la France) has engraved (Atlas, PI. Ixv. 11) a peculiar representation of this sub- ject from a sarcophagus. With this may be compared that on the diptych of Milan, figured and described by Bugati (Memorie di S. Celso, p. 282), and reproduced in facsimile by the Arundel Society. No other such representations are known to the present writer, dating certainly from any period antecedent to 800 a.d. But two very curious I'epresentations were engraved by Ciam- pinus in his Monumenta Vetera (torn. i. p. 16) of Sarcophagi, to which he attributed a very great antiquity. In the first is represented the baptism of a king and queen (their rank being indicated by a Royal crown on the head of each), and these he supposes to represent Agilulfus and his wife Theodelinda, queen of the Lombards, baptized, as he thinks, in the year 590. On the other sarcophagus a somewhat similar scene ii represented. A man somewhat advanced iu years kneels to receive baptism, which is admi- nistered by affusion only, water being poured upon his head from a small vessel, which has been filled evidently from one of larger size (not unlike the upper part of a modern English font) which stands near. Ciampinus supposes (but on very slight grounds) that the event represented is the baptism of Arrichius, second Duke of Beneveutum, a contemporary of Gregory the Great, circ. 591 A.D. It is remarkable that in both these scenes the ministrant of the baptism has the distinctive dress of a layman, while all the other men represented are designated by an ecclesiastical or a monastic dress. The real date of these sarcophagi must, however, be regarded as extremely uncertain. To the 12th century belongs a fresco m the chui'ch of St. Lorenzo, BAPTISM BAPTISM 171 at Rome (ibid. torn. i. Tab. vi,), representmg the baptism of St. Eomanus, by St. Laurentius. This embodies the tradition alluded to by Walafrid Strabo in the 9th century. "Notandum non solum mergendo verum etiam desuper fandendo multos baptizatos fuisse, et adhuc posse ita baptizari si necessitas sit, sicuti in passione B. Laurentii quendam urceo allato legimus bap- tizatum. Hoc etiam solet evenire cum provec- tiorum granditas corporum in minoribus vasis hominem tingi non patitur." The baptism of two adults by St. Paul, represented in the same plate (from a chapel in the church of S. Puden- tiana) is probably of the same date. To ■ the same period is to be assigned the representation of the imaginary baptism of Constantine by St. Silvester, formerly on the fa5ade of St. John Lateran, at Rome (Ciampini de Sac. Aedif. tab. ii. fig. 4). The picture engraved below is from a Pontifical of the 9th century, now in the S. iMinerva Library at Rome. It represents the baptism of an infant and of an adult, and it is remarkable that the latter is represented as wearing a tunic in the font. This is in oppo- sition to the conclusions drawn from literary . evidence, noticed above in § 48. The en- | graving in § 43 is from the same MS., or % rather from an exact copy in the collection of Pope Clement XL, now in the Royal Library at Windsor. § 103. Symbolical Representation. From la very early period indeed, the practice ob- tained of representing baptism symbolically under a figure due, probably, in the first instance, to an expression recorded in Mark i. 17 (" I will make you fishers of men "), land to the parable wherein our Lord com- jpares the heavenly kingdom to a net en- jclosing fish both bad and good. A well- jknown passage of Tertullian will suffice for lillustration of this symbolical meaning. ['Nos pisciculi secundum piscem nostrum in aquis nascimur, nec nisi in aquis per- manendo salvi sumus." We smaller fishes, Ijifter the example of our Ichthus, are born in water, and only by continuing in the ivater do we remain safe {de Bapt. c. 1). We find the same figure in a passage of St. Hilary {In Matthaeum, ed Ben. tom. iii. p. 679), in which he says that in the words recorded in Matt. iv. 19, " The future ivork of the Apostles is set forth, in draw- ng forth men, like fish from out of the sea, into the light of the heavenly habitation." And to come somewhat nearer home we find St. Patrick and his nephew Secundinus fre- quently employing the same language in re- ference to the missionary work in which they were engaged. The former says in his "Con- fession," " Valde debitor sum Deo qui mihi tantam gratiam dedit ut populi multi per me in Deum renascerentur et postmodum consum- marentur .... Idcirco oportet quidem bene et diligenter piscari, sicut Dominus praemonet dicens, venite post me, faciam vos fieri piscatores hominum." And Secundinus, speaking of St. Patrick : — " Dominus ilium elegit ut doceret barbaras Nationes, et piscaretur per doctrinae retia, Ut de saeculo credentes traheret ad gratiam, Domlnumque sequerentursedem ad aetheream." This symbol of the fish is of frequent occurrence in the Roman catacombs, and in various parts of France. The writer has observed in manuscripts, and in ecclesiastical monuments of various kinds at Autun, Clermont Ferrand, and at Paris, a peculiar application of this symbol, which has not hitherto, to his know- ledge, been either described or explained. Two fishes are represented in close proxi- mity, attached the one to the other by a string which issues from the mouth of one, and attaches to the head of the other. This is in all probability a Christian adaptation of an old Celtic symbol familiar to the Gauls in Pagan times. Their God of Elo- quence was represented with a golden cord issuing fi-om his mouth, and entering the ear of one to whom he is supposed to speak. And so in the Christian symbolism of Gaul at a later period. He who spake as never man spake, is represented under the well-known figure of an IX0TC or Fish, drawing to Him by the power of His Word one who is himself (in the language of the Autun inscription) IX0YOC OTPANIOY TENOC, the offspring of that hea- Capitai from the Church of St. Gennaiu des Pr& >it T-xiU 172 BAPTISM BAPTISM venly Fish. This representation may be seen ' over the western doors of the cathedral at Autun, | in a MS. Bible (11th century probably) in the public library at Clermont Ferrand, and on the capital of a column in the baptistery of the church of St. Germain des Pres at Paris. There also appears a modification of the fish symbol, which is probably unique in its kind. Figures are represented which are half-man and half-fish, with their hands clasped upon a fish, which is rising upwards through the water, as shown in the accompanying woodcut. The church in which this capital is still to be seen is, even in its pre- sent state, the oldest in Paris. When it was built in the 11th or 12th century in place of a church, originally built six centuries before, the capitals of many of the older columns were pre- served, and employed in the construction of the present building. And on these, as on other grounds which cannot now be stated in detail, there can be little doubt that this representation dates, in origin at least, from the very earliest period of the Galilean Church. (See Marriott's Testimony of the Catacombs, ^ c., P- 142, sq,) VL Literature. § 104. — It only remains to mention briefly the chief sources of information upon the various matters treated in this article. Details as to the primitive ritual of baptism are to be sought in the various authors and treatises already quoted or referred to. See particularly §§ 27 to 40. Among modern authors, who have treated of the Piitual of Baptism, may be mentioned Hugo Me'nardus, whose notes on the sacramentary of St. Gregory the Great abound with instruction upon this as upon other matters of which he treats. The treatise of Edmond Martene, Dc Antiquis Ecdesiae liitibus, part i., is full of infor- mation as to Western usages, and gives, what is of especial value, a large collection of the earliest "Ordines Baptismi." But he shows little ac- quaintance with Greek authors, and his references to them, and occasionally to Latin writers, are not always exact. Goar, in his Euchologion Graecorum, gives full details of the later Greek rites, and his notes upon these, illustrating modern usage from the older writers, are valuable. Bingham (Antiquities, book xi.) does not appear to have investigated the early ritual of baptism very thoroughly, but the later editions of his treatise are of use as containing in the notes full citations from the original text of the various authors whom he quotes. The Treatise of Augusti, Archdologie der Taufe, form- ing vol. vii. of his Denkwiirdigkeiten aus der Christlicher Archdologie, contains more, and more exact information, than any of the older writers on the subject. And it is also valuable as giving lists of writers who have treated either of bap- tism generally, or of special questions in con- nection with it. Binterim has given (Die Vor- ziiglichsten Denkwiirdigkeiten der Christ-Catho- lischen Kirche, vol. i. pt. 1) a fair account of the ceremonies of Baptism, with abundant citations ; and an essay on Baptism in Wine, Milk, and Sand (Denkw. ii. pt. i., pp. 2-34). [W. B. M. BAPTISM, Angel of. Tertullian in his treatise de Baptismo, cc. 5 and 6, speaks of an angel who is present at baptism (baptismi arbiter), and who prepa'-'is the waters of the font (aquis in salutem hominis temperandis adest ■ — aquis mtervenit), and under whose auspices men are prepared, by the cleansing of the font, for the following gift of the Holy Spirit (in aqua emundati sub angelo Spiritui Sancto praejjara- mur). His language is not inconsistent with a belief that this may have been a mere ir lividual speculation of his own, rather than a ioctrine generally accepted in his time. No pa-allel to this language has hitherto, as far as tht writer knows, been alleged from any other early writers'. But in more than one of the early " Ordines Baptismi " there will be found expressions, de- rived, in all probability, from this very passage of Tertullian. See the Article Baptism, § 29, where there is the same allusion as in Tertullian to the angel at Bethesda (angelum aquis inter- venire si novum videtur, exemplum futiiri prae- cucurrit. Piscinam Bethesdam angelus inter- veniens commovebat de Bapt. c. 5). With this compare the " Collectio " of the Gotho-Gal- lican Missal. " Descendat super has aquas angelus benedictionis tuae," and again " qui Bethesdae aquas angelo medicante procuras ange- lum pietatis tuae his sacris fontibus adesse dig- nare." So too in the Liber Sacramentorum of Gelasius Papa (Martene, De Ant. Eccl. Bit. torn, i. p. 66), " Super has aquas angelum sanctitatis emittas." [W. B. M.] BAPTISM, Iteration of. AvaBairriCHv. Denuo haptizare ; haptismum iterare.) It has always been held, as matter of theory, tha; baptism once really conferred can never be really repeated. And yet, from the 2nd century to the present time, questions concerning the repetition of baptism have continually arisen, and have been determined upon other considerations than that of the abstract principle just stated. Yet the principle itself was always maintained. Those who rebaptized heretics did so, as St. Cyril Hieros. sajs (Catech. i. oi alpeTiKol auafiaiTT'i^ovrai iireidrj rh irpoTepou ovk ?iv jSaTrr/cr^a), on the ground that the former (reputed) baptism was not really baptism. And baptism administered in cases where the fact of previous baptism was open to doubt, was defended in terms which imply that any conscious or intended repetition of baptism would be matter for grave condemnation. (Non potest in iterationis crimen devenire, quod factum esse omnino nescitur. Leo M. Epist. xxxvii. ad Leon. Bavenn. Labbe t. iii. p. 1326). But the abstract principle was wholly inadequate to the solution of the more difficult question, " what constitutes valid baptism ? " § 2. Baptism by Heretics. — Among the ques- tions thus left open the most important was whether baptism given by heretics and schis- matics was to be regarded as valid or no. Th'fi question came prominently before the Church ii. connection with the Donatist controversy in the 3rd century. St. Cyprian, supported by many bishops in the East, maintained that baptism given " outside the Church " (extra ecclesiam), i.e. by schismatics or by excommunicated here- tics, was not to be accounted valid, and was therefore to be repeated (in theory, given for the first time), in the case of penitents seeking reconciliation with the Church. Similar ques- tions had to be determined in respect of the Marcionites, Paulinianists, Arians, Eunomians. and others. § 3. Ultimate decision. — The ultimate result of BAPTISM BAPTISTEKY 173 he controversy concerning rebaptization was the looeptance, in the West absolutely, but with nore of reserve in the East, of the principle that he validity of the Sacrament depended upon ad- ninistration in accordance with Christ's Instita- ioa (^. e. with water and the " Evangelic words ") vithout regai-d to the orthodoxy or otherwise of ,he administrator. This doctrine finds decisive 'xpression in the language of St. Augustine contra Petil. de unico baptismOj c. 3). " Si de psa Trinitatis unitate dissentientem haereticum nvenio, et tamen evangelica et ecclesiastica regula )aptizatum, intellectum hominis corrigo non )ei violo sacramentum." And again in speak- ng of baptism given by Marcion, " Si evangelicis verbis in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti jviarcion baptismum consecrabat, integrum erat acramentum, quamvis ejus fides sub eisdem ver- )is aliud opinantis quam catholica Veritas docet ion esset Integra, sed fabulosis falsitatibus in- juinata." The Council of Aries (a. 448) for the easons stated by St. Augustine, allowed the >aptism of the Bonosiani as valid, but rejected I hat of the Photinians. And the precedents thus stablished have been followed in the West, ever ince, with scarcely any exceptions. See Baptism § 82 to 89. But in the Eastern Churches the ifference of tendency indicated in what has been Iready said may clearly be traced in other cases, ■t. Cyril Hieros., as we have already seen, says imply that " Heretics are rebaptized," as their aptism is not really such. And with this ac- ards the language of the Apostolic Canon, quoted y Photius (^Syntagma Canonum : Spicil. Rom. A. lai, tom. vii.). " If a bishop or presbyter re- laptize one who has true baptism (rhv Kara \\-f}6siau exoura ^aTrTi(rjj.a), or if he refuse to ^baptize one who has been defiled " (i. e. by { pretended baptism — compare St. Athanasius ,uoted below) " by the ungodly, let him be re- arded as making mockery of the Cross and of 16 Death of Christ, and not distinguishing riests (/epeas) from pretended priests." With iiis St. Athanasius agrees both in doctrine and in Impression. The Arians, he says (^Orat. ii. cont. \.rian. BB. tom. i. p. 510) are in peril as to the Illness of the Sacrament itself. " The baptism |ioy bestow must be (aAAo av etr] — falling short ' absolute assertion) alien from the truth, even lough out of regard to what is written " [in oly Scripture] " they make pretence of naming le Father and the Son." And again to the tme effect (ibid. § 43) speaking of other heretical )dies which do but utter the divine names (in le Formula of Baptism), but without a right tention, and without salutary faith, the water lat they bestow is, he says, " without profit iXua-ireAe's), being destitute of true godliness, so lat he who is sprinkled (pavTiC6iJL€uov) by them rather defiled in ungodliness than redeemed ith the ransom of Christ." This a\v(TiT€\es, without profit," reminds us of the recurrent rmula of St. Augustine, in speaking of heretical iptism, when followed by repentance and re- iption into the Church. In heresy men may ive baptism, though they have not (per quod ;ile est) its beneficial effect. On repentance and •nversion, " prodesse incipit ad salutem," that jiptism " begins to avail unto salvation," which fore availed only to condemnation (De Baptismo JJonat. lib. i. cap. xii., lib. iv. capp. iv. and :v., lib. V. capp. v. and viii., and xviii. &c.). A tone like that of Athanasius may be traced in the decisions of various Eastern Councils quoted by Photius. After the " Canon of the Apostles " already quoted, there follows Canon 29 of the Council of Nicaea, which orders the rebaptizing of the followers of Paulinus. It has been conjec- tured (by St. Augustine first, De Haeres. c. 44) that this was because of some defect in the formula which they employed. This is very pro- bable, but there is nothing in the language of the canon to imply this. Forty years later, at the Council of Laodicea, a distinction was made. Canon 78 directs that Novatians or Photinians and Quartodecimans are to be received back on conversion, with chrism and imposition of hands, and then adds, "Moreover we i-ebaptize, as heathens ('EAA^ras) Manichaeans, Valentinians, and Marcionists." See further Canons on the same subject in the Syntagma Canonum of Photius. § 4. Rebaptizing in case of doubt.—'Yh.Q second class of cases involving the question of iteration of baptism was that of children whose baptism was matter of doubt. This question was formally brought before a Synod at Carthage (the Fifth, a. 425) in reference to children redeemed from slavery, and who could neither themselves recol- lect, nor had witnesses to testify, whether or no they had been baptized. It was determined "absque uUo scrupulo eos esse baptizandos ne ista trepidatio eos faciat sacramentorum purga- tione privari." This canon was re-enacted by Cone. Carthag. vi. a. 525 : and in the East, in almost identical terms, by the Quinisext Council (Constantinople a. 691). It appears again in col- lections of mediaeval canons, and amongst others in those of Theodore, Archbp. of Canterbury, in the Excerpta of Egbert of York, and the Syntagma Canonum of Photius. The hypothetical form of baptism, "i/thou art not already baptized," &c., was apparently unknown till the 8th century. The earliest example of it is found in the Statuta of St. Boniface, Archbp. of Mayence (Martene De Rit. Antiq. Eccl. t. i. p. 59). "Si de aliquibus dubium sit utrum sint baptizati absque ullo scrupulo baptizentur : his tamen verbis praemissis: non te rebaptizo, sed si nondum es baptizatus ego te baptize in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti." Cases of doubt arising from other causes have been noticed under Baptism, §§ 80 to 89. [W. B. M.l BAPTIST, NATIVITY OF. [St. John Baptist, Festivals of.] BAPTISTEEY (Lat. Baptisterium, Greek BaTnLCTTrjpiov, also Domus illuminationis, ^wti- (rrripLov), the building or chamber set apart for the celebration of the sacrament of baptism. The receptacle for the water was called in Latin " piscina," in Greek " KoKvix^-iidpa" and more rarely by some other names, as virovofios, lava- crum, natatoria. Besides the receptacle for the water a baptistery was furnished with an altar, for the practice existed from a very early period until the 10th century, and perhaps even later (v. Martene, De Antiq. Eccl. Rit. t. i. p. 153), of allowing the newly baptized, even if infants, to partake of the Eucharist. In the earliest ages the administration of baptism was confined to the principal church of the diocese ; and this practice still exists at Florence, Pisa, and else- where in Italy. Pope Marcellus (a.d. 304-309) 174 BAPTISTERY BAPTISTERY is said, in the Lib. Fontif., to have appointed twenty-five "tituli" in Rome "as though (quasi) dioceses, on account of the baptism and penance of many." Many passages in the Lib. Fontif, shew that baptisteries existed attached to many of the minor churches down to the 9th century, and it is probable that every parish church in Rome had its baptistery. The existence of many baptisteries in one city was, it would seem, al- most or quite peculiar to Rome. As, during the earlier centuries, immersion, either alone or accompanied by aspersion, and not merely sprinkling, was deemed to be the pro- per mode of administering the rite (v. Martene, Be Antiq. Eccl. Fit. t. i. p. 135), a large recep- tacle for water was required; and as Easter, Pentecost and the Epiphany were seasons specially appointed for baptisms, and large crowds of people were therefore attendant at those feasts, it became necessary to provide a spacious apart- ment in which the sacrament might be adminis- tered. When on Holy Saturday St. John Chry- sostom was attacked, three thousand men had been baptized, and many more, both men and women, fled, who were still waiting to undergo baptism (Chrysostom, Epist. ad Innocent. ; 0pp. iii. 518, ed. Montfaucon ; Palladius, Vita Chry- sost. c. 9). The presence of the " piscina," or re- ceptacle for water would have been inconvenient in a church, and all the space of even a very large edifice would be required, at the great festivals above mentioned, by those attending the solemn services of those occasions. From these circum- stances the practice of constructing a building distinct from the church or basilica very natu- rally arose, and though we have no existing baptistery which can be referred to any period earlier than the 4th century, nor indeed any dis- tinct account of the building of one before the time of Constantiue the Great, it seems highly probable that where in Asia or elsewhere churches had been built at earlier periods they were ac- companied by baptisteries. In the earliest ages a river or a pool may have served as a place of baptism, and indeed the spot in the Jordan where our Saviour was baptized by St, John is said to have been lined with marble and resorted to by crowds on the eve of the Epiphany (v. Martigny, Diet, des Antiq. Chret., art. Baptistere). That Easter was still in the 8th century chosen as a peculiar season for baptism at Rome is shewn by a passage in the Bib. Fontif. in the life of Hadrian I. (772-795). This Pope, we are told, repaired the Claudian Aqueduct, which supplied the baths of the Lateran palace and the baptistery of the church, and from which, it is added, many churches were supplied on the holy day of Easter. Charles the Great, by a capitu- lary of A.D. 804, ordered that baptisms should take place only at Easter and Pentecost. Passages in the writings of Tertullian (De Coron. Mil. c. 3) and of Justin Martyr (ApoL i. c. 61) shew that baptism was not administered in the church, but that the place of baptism was without it. Such places of baptism are believed to have existed in the catacombs at Rome ; in one of these, in a cemetery known as the Ostri- anum, not far from the church of St. Agnes on the Via Nomentana, St. Peter is traditionally said to have baptized. The spot was known as " ad Nymphas S. Petri," or " fons S. Petri " (v. De Rossi, Foma Sott. Crist., t. i. p. 189), Boldetti believed that he had discovered more than one of these baptisteries ; but Padre Marchi says expressly (Mon. dkjle Arti Grist. Frim., &c,, p, 222) that the only " battisterio cimiteriale " known at the time that he wrote (1844) was that in the cemetery of St, Pontianus. This (engraved in PI. xlii. of Marchi's work) consists of a small cistern or " piscina " supplied by a current of water. The piscina would appear to be between 3 and 4 feet deep and about 6 feet across ; it is approached by a flight of steps, between the base of which and the water is a level space about 5 feet wide, on which the priest or bishop may have stood while performing the rite. There seems to be no trace of an altar, nor, indeed, any fit place for one. Above the water is a painting representing the baptism of Our Lord, and on another side, and partly hidden by the water, a painting of a cross adorned with gem3 and throwing out leaves and flowers from its stem. Two lighted candelabra rest upon the arms of the cross, and an alpha and an cmega hang suspended from them by chains. [See A and w, p. 1.] The lighted candelabra are no doubt in allusion to the divine illumination of the soul attendant on baptism, whence baptisteries were often called (pooTiarrjpLa, as has been remarked above. This baptistery has been noticed at some length, as although the date of the pamtings which decorate it cannot be fixed with any cer- tainty, it is perhaps one of the earliest examples now remaining of a chamber set apart for the performance of this rite. Of the construction of baptisteries in the time of Constantine the Great we have abundant proof. The anonymous pilgrim of Bordeaux, who visited Jerusalem c. A.D. 334 when speaking of the basilica which Constantine had just built at the Sepulchre of our Lord says, that by its side were reservoirs for water, and behind it a bath where children were " washed " (balneum a tergo ubi infantes lavantur), that is, no doubt, baptized. Eusebius evidently includes a baptistery among the Exedrae of the church of Paulinus at Tyre, and Pauliuus of Nola (Bjx 12, ad Severum) says that Severus built a baptistery between two basilicas, Cyril of Jerusalem speaks of the baptistery as having a porch or anteroom, irpoavXios olKes, where the catechumens made their renunciation of Satan and Confession of Faith, and an eVwrepos ol/cos, the inner room where the ceremony of baptism was performed, TIms shows that a well-con- sidered plan for such buildings then existed. Constantine is usually said to have built the baptistery of the Lateran, and the Bib. Fontif. contains a long detail of the magnificence wit/J which he decorated it. Niebuhr understands by the account, which is not without obscurity, that the walls of the baptistery were covered with pori)hyry and that the piscina was of silver, five feet in height; the water is said to have flowed into this receptacle from seven stags of silver and a lamb of gold. On the right hand of the lamb stood an image of the Saviour, of silver, five feet high, and on the left one of St. John the Baptist, of the same size and of the same metal. In the middle stood columns of porphyry bearing a " phiala " of gold, weighing 52 lbs., in which the Paschal candle was placed. As, however, the expression which Niebuhr interprets to mean the building or baptistery, is "fons sanctus," ar<' BAPTISTEKY BAPTTSTEEY 175 he expression " fons baptisterii " occurs imme- liately afterwards, it may be doubtful whether he meaning of the passage is not that the build- ag (i.e. the baptistery) was constructed of or overed with porphyry, but that the piscina which t contained was of porphyry covered with silver, ^iebuhr and several other writers have ques- ioned whether this part of the Lib. Pontif. can e relied on as historical ; the erection of images f the Saviour and of St. John the Baptist is cer- ainly not in accordance with the practice of the /hurch at that period, and, in conjunction with ther statements of a doubtful nature, must throw onsiderable doubt upon the trustworthiness of he account of the buildings and donations of !onstantine which the book contains. There is, owever, no doubt but that Constantine erected basilica within the Lateran palace, or at least onverted some hall of the palace into a church, nd a baptistery in all probability formed a part f the group of ecclesiastical buildings. It is enerally believed that the existing baptistery wes its form (though it has undergone many Iterations and been much added to), to Pope ixtus III. (A.D. 432-440). He is said by the Dmpiler of the Lib. Pontif. to have added, as a ecoration to the " fons," the porphyry columns ^hich Constantine had collected, and marble epistylia ;" by which we should under- hand not only the capitals but the archi- i-aves, as those now there are no doubt atique, and have inscribed upon them six- icu verses referring to baptism (printed ii the Besch. v. Rom., bd. iii. abt. 1.), hich are doubtless those which the Lib. 'ontif. alludes to, though by a corruption f the text they are said to have been laced not on the architraves but on the )lumns. The building as it now exists is an octa- on about 62 feet in diameter, in the centre ' which are eight columns of porphyry jirrying antique capitals and architraves; sser columns are placed on the archi- •aves, and support the roof. This octa- )n is entered from a large portico with osidal ends which may answer to the poavXios oIkos mentioned by Cyril of jrusalem. Hiibsch (Alt, Christ. Kirchen) asserts lat the walling as well of the octagon as the portico to a height of about 50 feet bears le stamp of the Constantinian period. Another very remarkable building at Rome is ) doubt of the period of Constantine, but it is ticertain whether it is to be regarded as a bap- stery or as a sepulchral church. This is the rcular church close to St. Agnes, on the Via omentana, known as Sta. Costanza. The Lib. 'ontif. (in vita 8. Silvestri) says that Constantine ailt " basilicam Sanctae Martyris Agnetis " and baptisterium in eodem loco ;" and, as no trace :' any other baptistery has been found near the iace, this church has been usually taken to be le baptistery mentioned in the above-quoted ook. No trace of a " piscina " has however, it ould seem, been noticed ; the building was -rtainly the place of sepulture of one or more lembers of the Imperial family ; and it appears oubtful whether at that period it would have 3en deemed right to bury in a basilica or a xptistery any person, of rank however exalted. A building very similar to this, the circular church at Nocera dei Pagani, known as Sta. Maria Maggiore, was no doubt constructed for a bap- tistery, as it possesses a large and apparently original piscina. It is a circle about 80 feet in diameter, with an apse of about three-fourths of a circle in plan, projecting from one side. Thirty columns arranged, as at Sta. Costanza, in pairs, support arches on which rests a dome, and the aisle has barrel vaults. The piscina in the cent:-e is circular and about 20 feet in diameter and nearly 5 feet deep ; within are two steps or benches running round the whole circumference, and there is a raised wall or parapet round it, octagonal on the exterior. This parapet was decorated on the outside with slabs of marble bearing incised patterns, and upon it stood eight columns, which perhaps once supported a canopy ; three only of these columns now remain (v. Hiibsch, Alt. Christ. Kirchen, PI. xvii. xviii.). The date of this building is not known from any his- torical data, but it may perhaps be attributed with probability to the 5th century. Another baptistery, which, though probably considerably older than that at Nocera, has the piscina arranged in a very similar manner, is that at Aquileia. It is now in ruins, but the annexed woodcut copied from the engraving in ry at Aquileia. the Mittelalterliche Kunstdenkmale des (Esterret- chischen Kaiser staates, by Heider and Eitelberger (bd. i. s. 119), will give a good idea of the manner in which a baptistery at the period was arranged. The piscina is hexagonal, and would seem to have one step and a low parapet wall on the outside, and two steps in the inside. The authors of the above-quoted work, however, state that the number of steps is five, meaning probably that any one ascending from the floor and descending to the bottom of the piscina would mount two steps and descend three. In the eastern angle of the octagon is a small apse. This baptistery is entered by a vaulted passage- like building in three compartments, which bears the name of " Chiesa dei Pagani," and probably served as a place of assemblage and instruction for the catechumens before they were admitted to baptism. It appears to have had an rpper story, which may have been set apart for womec, as there is ground for believing that suoh a I7G BAPTISTERY BAPTISTERY separation of the sexes was practised in the bap- tisteries or the apartments connected with them. No one of the baptisteries of this period has come down to the present time in a more un- altered condition than that of the Cathedral of Kavenna, known, like many other baptisteries in Italy, as S. Giovanni in Fonte. It was, if not built, at least renovated and decorated by Neon, archbishop from A.D. 425 to 430, as an inscription (v. Ciampini, Vet. Mon. t. i. cap. XXV.) formerly existing within it testi- fied, lliibsch (^Alt. Christ. Kirchen) expresses an opinion that the decorations now existing may be considered as for the most part, if not entirely, Lower Story. Baptistery at Ravenna measures about 40 feet in diameter. Recent excavations have shewn that there were origin- ally four apses. In the centre is the piscina, Baptistery at Ravenna (Elevation). which, according to Hiibsch, is probably original. The semi-circular indentation in one side, in which the priest stood while baptizing, is remarkable. I the work of Neon. The occurrence of a mono- gram, which may be read Maximianus (Arch- bishop of Ravenna in the time of Justinian), of an inscription in the mosaics, which appears to refer to Theodoric the Great (Webb, Contin. Eccles. p. 428), and very close similarity in the patterns of the marble inlay on the walls to those in St. Sophia's at Constantinople, and in the Duomo at Parenzo, in Istria, lead to the con- f elusion that the work of decoration was only i gradually executed and not completed until the I middle of the 6th century. I As will be seen by the plan annexed, the build- I ing is an octagon, with two niches or apsos ; it I Upper Story. (horizontal sections), This baptistery affords one of the best examples of the interna] decoration of the period, carried through the whole of a building, now existing in Baptistery at Eavenna (Vertical Section). Europe; the architectural arrangement will bu understood from the elevation and the section. The columns and arcias are of marble, and the BAPTISTERY BAPTISTERY 177 wer part of the walls is lined with the same aterial in long slabs ; above this are panels of opus sectile," marqueterie in porphyry, ser- jntine, marbles of various colours, and brick, eneath the arches carried by the upper range columns are figures of saints (?) executed in acco in low relief, as to the age of which there some difference of opinion. The dome is vered with mosaic ; in the centre the baptism our Lord is represented, round this the twelve Dostles, and below them a range of eight com- rtments, in each of these are alternately two fchedrae placed under canopies with an altar tween them, and two tombs of an altar form nding under canopies, between which is what ms to represent a slab or low tombstone lying the ground, over which hangs a mass of drapery sported on ornamental posts. The meaning these representations has not been clearly jlained ; the cathedrae and altars have been jposed to symbolize a council, but this leaves xplained the signification of the tombs ; the ar-tombs appear to stand for tombs of confes- 5 or martyrs, as wreaths appear to crown them [ lilies or palm branches to spring from them ; tombs over which the draperies hang are ught by Ciampini (t. i. p. 178) to represent the lbs of bishops. The intention may have been t|symbolize the whole Church, the cathedrae s iding for living bishops, the tombs for saints bishops deceased. he church now called S. Maria in Cosmedin, iavenna, was also once a baptistery, having 1 built (it is believed) in the time of Theo- c for the use of the Arians ; it is circular in- ally, octagonal externally, with a small round eiiid apse projecting from one of the sides and a jggia of three arches from another. It is co- vjid by a dome, on which are mosaics represent- in' the baptism of our Lord and the twelve A sties. These are believed to be of later date ti]! the original building, he baptistery of St. Sophia's, Constantinople, 3h no doubt is that erected by Justinian, has )rtico or narthex, and is rectangular exter- with a rectangular projection containing pse ; internally it is octangular, with on the nd-plan four niches (besides the apse) on of the sides ; the upper story is octangular, a large window in each side. It is placed the south-west angle of the cathedral, facing wards (Salzenberg, Baudenlimale v. Constan- ce!, pi, vi.). At Parenzo, in Istria, the bap- •cj stands in front of the duomo, and con- nejid with it by a square atrium, which last ion was one frequently adopted, e preceding examples will give a sufficient bu of the form, arrangements, and decorations iptisteries down to the 6th century. One us example, which pernaps should be attri- thi fro lin. fiv< wa teri bee; fcha Hae ( nf i dec( to the 7 th, is the baptistery at Poitiers : s in plan an oblong, with an apse projecting one of the longer sides ; this apse is straight but not rectangular on the outside and ided within. Two large arches in the end make it probable that niches existed en- by them. A building of later date has added on the side opposite to the apse, so he form of the original entrance cannot now ermined. The piscina, nearly in the centre oblong, is octagonal. The architectural ;.tion is partly original and partly made up Ci,IST. ANT from old materials ; what is original is rude, but has something of a classical character (v. Gail- habaud, Mon. Anc. et Mod., t. li.). The baptistery at Albenga, between Nice and Genoa, is octangular externally, but within semi- circular; three rectangular niches are formed in the thickness of the wall, and on the eighth side was the entrance. It is roofed by a dome, in the drum below which were eight windows, which were filled with slabs of marble pierced in patterns of circles and crosses. The vault of the niche opposite the entrance and the wall at its back have been covered with mosaic ; the labarum, doves, and a lamb can be distinguished. No re- mains of the piscina are now to be traced, but a perfectly plain cylindrical font stands in one of the niches. Those architectural details which are original, e.g. the slabs in the windows, are very rudely executed, and the building is per- haps not earlier than the 7th or even the 8th century. About A.D. 750, Cuthbert, archbishop of Can- terbury, erected a church to the east of his cathedral, and almost touching it, to serve as a baptistery, and for other purposes (Edmer, Vita S. Bregwini, Aug. Sac. t. ii. p. 186). It was dedicated in honour of St. John the Baptist. During the 8th and 9th centuries baptisteries continued to be in full use in Italy, as we may learn from the Lib. Pontif., where mention is made of the building or rebuilding of five bap- tisteries attached to churches in Eome, between A.D. 772 and A.D. 816. In one of these cases, that of S. Andrea Apostolo, rebuilt by Pope Leo III. (795-816), we are told expressly that the place was too small for the people who came to baptism, and that the Pope therefore built a circular baptistery " ampla largitate," that he also enlarged the " fons " and decorated it with porphyry columns round about. Martigny (Diet, des Antiq. Caret.) expresses an opinion that in France the practice of placing the baptistery first in the portico and then in the interior of the church, began in the 6th century ; but the passage in the Hist. Franc, of St. Gregory of Tours (1. ii. chap, xxi.), to which he refers, seems hardly sufficient to prove this statement. St. Gregory himself states that he constructed a baptistery " ad basilicam " (apparently of St. Per- petuus, at Tours), and the baptistery at Poitiers was evidently a separate building. The baptistery at Frejus, which according to Texier and Pullan (Byz. Arch.) was built in 810, is also a detached structure. In Germany and Italy baptisteries were built as detached structures down to a much later date; but this was not an invariable practice, for in the plan for the church of St. Gall [Church], prepared in the beginning of the 9th century, there is no detached baptistery, but a circular " fons," about six feet in diameter, in the middle of the nave towards the west end of the church, surrounded by a screen. It has been seen that the earlier baptisteries were, if not circular, octagonal ; it is uncertain whether these forms were adopted merely from reasons of convenience, or as symbolical. The circular form was that almost invariably adopted for a sepulchral chapel or memorial church, and the immersions, with which the rite of baptism was in the earlier centuries invariably performed, were considered as typical of dying to the worlds 178 BARBARA The octagonal form is said to have been adopted as typical of perfection. The piscina was usually octagonal, but some- times hexagonal, and sometimes circular. In Lusitania, we are told by Gregory of Tours (^JJe Gloria Martyrum, 1. i. c. 23), it was customarily constructed of variegated marble in the form ot a cross. , , Of baptisteries in Asia or Africa we have but little information. Texier and Pullan {Byz. Arch. p U) however state that small baptisteries are frequently found adjoining ancient churches m the East ; and Count de la Vogiie has given a drawing and plan of one at Deer-Seta, in Central Syria {Arch. Civ. et Eelig. en Syne, &c. pi. 117), of an hexagonal form, which would appear to be of the 6th century. It has the peculiarity of three doors, one in each of three contiguous sides ; in the centre was an hexagonal piscina, with a column at each angle. Mr Curzon {Monast. of the Levant, cap. 1^1) describes as entered from the vestibule of the church of the White Monastery (or Derr Abou Shenood) in Egypt, a small chapel or baptistery, 25 feet long, arched with stone, with three niches on each side, and a semicircular upper end, the whole hic^hly decorated with sculptured ornament of very good style. This, as well as the adjacent church, are said to have been built by order of the Empress Helena. , . ^ . Besides being used for baptisms, baptisteries were used as places for assemblies. Cuthbert archbishop of Canterbury, is stated to have built the baptistery mentioned above, in order that it mio-ht serve for " baptisteria, exammationes iudiciorum," and also that the bodies ot the archbishops might be there buried {Angha Sacra, ii. 186). . ^, , This practice of burying in baptisteries, though prohibited at an earlier period (as by the 14th Canon of the Council of Auxerre m 578), was common before burial in the church was allowed. Many of the archbishops of Canterbury were buried in the baptistery from the time of Cuth- bert, who built it, until A.D. 1067, when it was burnt. In the original entrance to the baptistery at Albenga are two tombs in the fashion of the arcosolia " of the Roman catacombs, as early as the 8th or 9th centuries. Baptisteries appear to have been in the earlier acres (at least in the West), almost always dedi- cated under the invocation of St. John the Baptist. L^- BARBARA, virgin, martyr in Tuscany, circ. 200 : commemorated Dec. 16 (Mart. Bom. Vet.)-, Dec. 4 (If. Eieron., Gal. Byzant.); Oct. 8 {Cal. Armen.y L BARBARIANS, BISHOPS FOR. In ordi- nary cases the election of a bishop required the consent or suffrage, not only of the clergy of the diocese over which he was to preside, but of the faithful laity also. This rule, however, could obviously be applied only to countries already Christian. When a bishop was to be sent out to a distant or barbarous nation, it was required by the Council of Chalcedon, Can. xxviii., that he should be ordained at Constantinople, ^■0 which city, as the New Rome, equal privi- leges with " the Elder royal Rome," were now to be assigned. The Bishop of Tomi in bcythia, is au instance of a missionary bishop thus or- BARNABAS dained, and commissioned by the Patriarch of Constantinople— the consent of the people to whom he was sent to minister being, of necessity, dispensed with. In the previous century it is re- corded by the Church historians that Athanasias ordained Frumentius at Alexandria to be Bishop of the Ethiopians, when, as Bingham remarks, *'No one can imagine that he had the formal consent, thouo-h he might have the presumptive approba- tion of all his people." \P- B.] BARCELONA, COUNCIL OF (Barci- NONENSE Concilium), provincial. (1) a.d. o40, of Sergius the metropolitan and six suffragans, passed ten canons upon discipline (Labb. v. 378, 379)._(2) A.D. 599, Nov. 1, in the 14th year ol King Recared, under Asiaticus, metropolitan ol Tarragona, and eleven suffragans, against simony, probably in compliance with the representations of Greo-ory the Great (Baron, in an. 599, § 23, from Gregory's letters). It also forbad ordina- tions per mltum ; and ordered, in the election of a bishop, a choice by lot from two or three candi dates, to be nominated by the » clerus et plebs of the diocese, and presented to the metropolitaE and bishops (Labb. v. 1605, 1606). [A. W. H.] BARCINONENSE CONCILIUM. [Bab- CELONA, Council of.] BARDINIANUS, martyr in Asia ; comme- mor ated Sept. 25 {Mart. Hieron.). [O.J BARNABAS, ST., Legend and Festivai; OF There is a tradition that he became fi ' believer after witnessing the miracle wrought bv our Lord at the pool of Bethesda, and thai he was one of the seventy disciples. (Eusebius Hist. Eccl. i. 12, and ii. 1.) It is also said thai he was the first preacher of Christianity al Rome, that he converted Clemens Romanus t( the faith and that he founded the churches o: Milan and Brescia. But these and other state, ments about him may certainly be regarded ai unworthy of credit. There is however a genera agreement of testimony about the time, plac and cause of his death. From very early times in the Western as well as in the Eastern church he has had the credit of martyrdom. It i: believed that he was stoned to death by th Jews of Salamis in Cyprus about the yeai 6 A D Tradition says that his death took place oi the'llth of June and that he was buned at^ short distance from the town of Salamis. JN thins however seems to have been heard of m tomb until about the year 478 A.D. The discovery of his body is fully related , the Eulogy of St. Barnabas, written by Alexande, a monk of Cyprus, about the begmmng of sixth century. After giving ^^^^^.^^ "^ite martyrdom and burial of Barnabas, this wi asserts that in consequence of the ™^ culous cures that had bourhood of the tomb the spot had been cau the "place of healing " (tc^ttos ^y^''^'J- % the cause of these miracles was unknown to Cypriotes until the discovery was made in following way. Peter the Fuller, P'-^tnaich Antioch,\ man who had been very succe sfub creating dissensions, was endeavouring to W Cyprus under his episcopal '^^^ tlLt the Word of God in the fi^'^V^^^^^^^^^^^^ ! carried from Antioch to Cyprus, ^he Cypi : resisted this claim on the f'^^^^ that * church bad from the time of its foundeis BARTHOLOMEW adependent of the see of Antiooh. Anthemius, he Bishop of Cyprus, a timid and retiring pre- ite, was scarcely a match for an opponent so ble and experienced as Peter. But he was ncouraged by Barnabas himself who appeared 3 him several times in a vision. At the saint's idding he searched a cave in the neighbourhood f the rSiros vyieias, and found a coffin con- lining the body of Barnabas and a copy of St. [atthew's Gospel. He proceeded to "Constan- nople, where the dispute was heard before the mperor Zeno, and in support of his claim to imain independent he announced that the body Barnabas had lately been discovered in his ocese. On hearing this the emperor gave his icision in favour of Anthemius, bade him send once to Cyprus for the copy of St. Matthew's Dspel, and as soon as it arrived had it adorned ith gold^ and placed in the imperial palace. :ter conferring great honours on Anthemius, e emperor sent him back to Cyprus with jtructions to build a magnificent church in nour of Barnabas near the spot where the dy was found. This oraer was strictly carried t, the body was placed at the right hand of altar and the 11th of June consecrated to 3 memory of the saint. (Acta Sanctorum: nii xi.) However ready we may be to reject this !ount of the finding of the body of Barnabas, )re is every reason to believe that in the stern Church these events were the origin of ! festival. No church however was built to ! saint's memory at Constantinople. It is also ijiarkable that from early times the day was )t in the Eastern Church in honour of Bar- lomew as well as of Barnabas. When the Dnd saint's name was added is quite uncertain, there are good grounds for believing that day was originally sacred to Barnabas only, the Menologium Basilianum, edited by com- id of the Emperor Basil in the year 886 A.D., t i day is the joint festival of the two saints. ^ ivhat time it was first observed in the Western C irch is very doubtful. Papebrochius asserts 1. 1 the festival was not kept in Eastern earlier ta m Western Christendom, but he has not ppd^this statement. The day occurs as the ^jst of Barnabas in the calendar of the Venerable B e, so that unless this be one of the additions K e after the author's death, we may conclude tj; the day was observed in the Western ^ rch m the 8th century. It does not how- ev occur in all the old service-books. In the ^\tyrologium Romanum it appears as the Fes- ti |l of Barnabas only. I^e principal account of the traditions con- ceimg Barnabas is the work above referred toAlexandri Monachi Laudatio in Apost, ^'^fam; in Migne's Patrol., Series Graeca, « _87, col. 4087; Surius, Vitae Sanctorum, [W.J.J.]' A.RTHOLOMEW, bishop; commemorated lachomius, Taksas 11 =■ Dec. 7 (CaL EUp.) ^^-^ TTu ^T., Legend and Fes- Ht f\^.^\ Testament tells us but ij , Apostle, and there is an equal -ojce of any great amount of early trust- w^opy tradition He is by some, with a great of probability, identified with Nathanael, BARTHOLOMEW 179 for the arguments as to which derived from scripture, see DiCT. Bibl., under BARTHOLOMEW, Nathanael. It may be further remarked in favour of the identification that in such a matter Eastern tradition is more to the point than Western (considering, that is, the scene of this Apostle's labours and martyrdom), and that the former uniformly identifies Nathanael with Bar- tholomew. For example, from the Armenian and Chaldaean writers cited by Assemani {Bibl. Or. vol. iii. part 2, p. 4), e.g. Elias, bishop of Damascus, and Ebedjesu Sobensis, we may infer that Nathanael was in those churches included among the Apostles, and viewed as one with Bar- tholomew ; in fact, Assemani remarks, " Bartho- lomaeum cum Nathanaele confundunt Chaldaei " {ibid. p. 5). Moreover in martyrologies and calendars, both of Eastern and Western Churches, the name of Bartholomew is of constant occur- rence, while that of Nathanael is ordinarily absent, which would be strange on the hypo- thesis of a difference between the two. It must be allowed, however, that the Egyptian and Ethiopian Churches seem to identify Nathanael with Simon the Canaanite, for in their Meno- logies and Calendars, edited by Job Ludolf (Frankfort, 1691), there is no mention of Simon the Canaanite, but on July 10 is " Nathanael the Canaanite " (p. 33). In Greek Menologies also, under the days April 22, May 10 is a similar identification, as also in the Russian Calendar for the latter day. The general account given by tradition of the labours of this Apostle is to the effect that ho preached the gospel, using especially that by St. Matthew, in India, where he suffered martyr- dom by beheading, having been, according to some writers, previously flayed (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. v. 10; Jerome, Be viris lllustr. 36, vol. ii. 651, ed. Migne. Cf. also Ado's Libellus de festiv. SS. Apostolorum in Migne's Patrol. Lat. cxxiii. 185). In the appendix Be vitis Apostolorum to Sophro- nius's Greek version of the Be viris Ilhistribus allusion is made to the Apostle's mission 'Ivdoh ro7s KaXovfievois ^v^alfxoinv, which might pos- sibly refei to Arabia Felix, and it is added that he suffered in Albanopolis, a city of Armenia Major (Jerome, vol. ii. 722). The latter state- ment IS also found in several other writers {e.g. Theodorus Studita and Nicetas Paphlago, vide infra: and the Martyrologies of Florus and Rabanus), generally in the form that the Apostle suffered through the machinations of the priests, who stirred up Astyages brother to the king Polymius whom Bartholomew had converted. See further the Pseudo-Abdias's Acta of this Apostle, published by Fabricius {Codex Pseude- pigraphus Novi Testamenti, vol. i. pp. 341 seqq.). The tenor of the tradition as to the disposi- tion of the relics of St. Bartholomew is on the whole consistent, though not altogether free from difficulties. Theodorus Lector, a writer of the sixth century, tells us {Collectan. 2. in Magn. Bibl. Pair. vol. vi. part 1, p. 505 ed. Col. Agr. 1618) that the Emperor Anastasius gave the body of St. Bartholomew to the City of Daras in Mesopotamia, which he had recentlv founded (circa 507 A.D.). We next find that before the end of the sixth century, a translation had been effected to the Lipari islands (cf. Greg. Turon. Be Gloria Martyrum, i. 33). Thence in 809 A.D. the relics were transferred to Beneventum, i«a BARTHOLOMEW BASIL and finally in 983 a.d. to Rome, where thev lie in a tomb beneath the high altar in the church of St. Bartholomew in the island in the Tiber (See Ciampini, De Sacris Aedificiis &c., vol. iii. pp. 58, 66, who refers to a temporary transference of the relics to the Vatican Basilica in con- sequence of an overflow of the Tiber during the Episcopate of Paul IV.). For these statements we may refer, in addition to the writers cited above, to a panegyric of Theodorus Studita (ob. 826 A.D.), translated into Latin by Anasta- sius Bibliothecarius, and published in D'Achery's Spicilegium (vol. iii. pp. 13 seqq.) ; to an oration of a certain Joseph, possibly Joseph Hymno- graphus, a contemporary of Theodorus Studita {Acta Sanctorum, August, vol. v. pp. 43 seqq.) ; and to a panegyric of Nicetas Paphlago (Com- bens, Auctar. Nov. Patruin, i. p. 392). It would seem that not before the eighth cen- tury did the previously existing festival com- memorating the collective body of the Apostles, held upon the day after the feast of St, Peter and St. Paul, develope itself into festivals of individual Apostles ; consequently it is in writers of the eighth and ninth centuries that notices are to be looked for of a festival of St. Bartholomew, which would appear to have originated with the Eastern Church (for the notices in Latin writers are later), probably with that of Constantinople. Of this, indeed, the encomiastic orations of Theo- dorus and Nicetas are evidence, and we further have a direct statement on the part of the latter (§ 2) to the etfect that the festival of this Apostle was then annually celebrated. It will of course follow from what has been said that in the more ancient Sacramentaries (e.g. those of Gelasius and Gregory) in then- original form there is no trace of a festival of this Apostle, nor indeed is there in any Latin writer for a considerable time after their date. As to the special day or days on which this festival was held, very great diversity exists in ancient Martyrologies and Calendars : — thus in the Calendar 'of the Byzantine Church, we find on June 11, " Bartholomew and Barnabas," while on August 25 is the " Translation of Barnabas the Apostle and Titus the Apostle : " the Arme- nians held the feast on February 25 and December 8, as may be seen in the two Calendars given by Assemani (Bibl. Or. vol. iii. part 2, p. 645). The Ethiopic or Abyssinian Church again com- memorates St. Bartholomew on November 19 and June 17 (Ludolf pp. 11, 31). In the Arabian Calendar the name occurs several times, some- times alone, sometimes with the added title martyr, and on November 15 and June 30, with the addition Apostle (Selden, De Synedriis Ve- terum Ebraeorum, bk. iii. c. 15, pp. 228, 243, ed. Amsterdam, 1679). It is explained in the Greek metrical Ephemerides that the one day (June 11) commemorates the martyrdom ei^Se/caT?? (rrav- paaav efxcppova BapOoXofjiaTou ; and the other (August 25), the finding of the relics, ahu veKvv e'lKadi ireixiTTr) Bap6o\oixa7€ €r a book (Petrie, p. 338). The earliest of these bells and the most highly ~ venerated is that known as the 'Clog-an-eadhachta Phatraic,' — the bell of the will of Patrick, — given to the church of Armagh by St. Columba ; this is of quadrangular form, of thick sheet iron, six inches high, five inches by four at the mouth and dimi- nishing upwards, with a loop at the top for the hand (v. woodcut). It is kept in a splendidly orna- ented case, made for it between A.D. 1091 and 05. Many other such bells are in existence, as the 11 of St. Gall, in the Treasury of the church St. Gall in Switzerland ; the bell of St. ogue (d. A.D. 624), in possession of the Primate Ireland, &c. In the 9th century, according to Dr. Petrie ^.ound Toicers of Ireland, p. 252), the quad- ngular form which is found in all the early lis began to give way to the circular. The rly bells are usually of iron, but one of bronze the collection of the Pioyal Irish Academy, lich has been ascribed to St. Patrick, in con- luence of its being inscribed with the name atrici," is of bronze, as arc some others. In the East, chui'ch-bells were of later intro- ction. No mention of them in the East ap- irs to occur until Orso, duke of Venice, towards i end of the 9th century, gave twelve large Is of brass to Michael (or Basil) the Greek peror, who added a bell-tower to the church St. Sophia at Constantinople for their re- <|)tion. (Baronius, in Augusti's JIandbuch, 1. 'p.) [A. N.] and [C] \We gather from the above examples that from i\ 6th century at least bells were used in the ^|:st, first in convents, afterwards in churches J lerally, to summon worshippers to the various s vices, and to give notice to the faithful of the I|smg away of one of the brotherhood. Details c :he manner of making and hanging these bells ai altogether wanting, iesides these uses, we find that bells were iently used by the Western Church in proces- is. For instance, the rubric of the Mozarabic •sal (p. 166, ed. Lesley) directs that a boy ^mg a hand-bell (esquillam) should precede t ; procession which bore the Eucharist to the S ulchre on Maundy Thursday. nother ecclesiastical use of small bells is the Dwing : — Benedict of Aniane (see his Life ^rdo, 0. 8, in Acta SS. Febr. tom. ii. p. 612) ired a squilla to be rung in the monk's dor- Dry before the signum of the church rang for nocturnal " Hours." ; is generally agreed, that there is no trace wjiin our period of the practice of ringing either a inall bell or the great bell of the church at tlj elevation of the Host. The ancient Irish hjjl-bells may probably have been used in pro- ce ons, or iji monasteries for such uses as those dcribed above. The belief that the ringing of bells, whether the great bells of a church or hand-bells, tended to dispel storms is of considerable antiquity. The origin of this belief is traced by hagiographers to St. Salaberga, who lived in the beginning of the 7th century. The story is, that a small bell attached to the neck of a stag, was brought from heaven to St. Salaberga, for the relief of her daughter Anstrudis, who was terrified at thunder. This belief is expressed in the lines " Relliquiae sanctae Salabergae et campana praesens Expellunt febres et ipsa tonitrua pellit." See Mabillon's Acta SS. Bened. saec. ii. p. 414 ; Bollandist Acta SS. Sept. tom. vi. p. 517. This supposed property of dispelling storms is alluded to in the services for the benediction or " baptism " of bells. III. Benediction of Bells. — It is probable that from the time that bells first became part of the furniture of a church, they were subjected, like other church-furniture and ornaments, to some kind of consecration. Forms for the benediction of a church-bell (^Ad signum ecclesiae benedicen- dum) are found in the Reims and the Corbej MSS. of the Gregorian Sacramentary (Sacram. Greg. ed. Menard, p. 438) to the following effect. After the benediction of the water to be used in the ceremony, Psalms 145-150 (Vulg.), were chanted ; meantime the bell was washed with the holy-water, and touched with oil and salt, by the officiating bishop, who said at the same time the prayer, beginning, "Deus, qui per Moysen legiferum tubas argenteas fieri praece- pisti ; " the bell was then wiped with a napkin, and the Antiphon followed, " Vox Domini super aquas " (Ps. xxix. 3, Vulg.) ; the bell was then touched with chrism seven times outside and four times inside, while the prayer was said, " Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, qui ante arcam Foedei-is, &c. ; " it was then fumigated with incense within and without, and " Viderunt te aquae " (Ps. Ixxvi. 16) was chanted; the service concluded with the collect " Omnipotens Domi- nator Christe, quo secundum assumptioneni carnis dormiente in navi," &c. Both the verses and the prayer allude to the supposed power of the bell to calm storms. The office Ad signum ecclesiae benedicendum given in Egbert's Pontifical (pp. 177 ff. ed. Sur- tees Society, 1853) differs in no essential point from the Gregorian. The custom of engraving a name upon a bell is said by Baronius (Annales, an. 961, c. 93) to have originated with Pope John XIIL, who con- secrated a bell and gave it the name John. This will probably be accepted as sufficient testimony to the fact, that the custom of engraving a name on a bell, in connexion with the ceremony of con- secration, did not arise in Italy before the 10th century. It is, of course, possible that in other countries, as in Ireland, it may be of earlier date ; or the names engraved on some ancient Irish bells may simply indicate ownership. In Charles the Great's capitulary of the year 789, 0. 18, the words occur, " Ut cloccae non baptizentur." As it is almost certain that some kind of dedication-rite for church-bells was practised continuously through the period, we must either conclude that some particular practice in the matter — it is impossible to de- termine what — is here condemned or that the 186 BEMA BENEBTCITE " cloccae " here intended were hand-bells for domestic use. The latter supposition is strength- ened by the fact that the direction immediately follows in the capitulary, that papers should not be hung on poles to avert hail ; clearly a domes- tic superstition. (Binterim, Denkwiirdigkeiten iv. 1, 294.) The connexion suggests, that these " cloccae " were house-bells to be used for avert- ing storms. See the legend of St. Salaberga, above. IV. Literature. N. Eggers, De Origine et Nomine Campanarum (Jena, 1684) ; De Cam- panarum Materia et Forma (lb. 1685). H. Wallerii Diss. De Campanis et praecipuis earum Usibus (Holm. 1694). P. C. Hilscher, De Cam- panis Templorum (Lipsiae, 1692). J. B. Thiers, Traite' des Cloches, &c. (Paris, 1719). J. Mon- tanus, Historische Nachricht von den Glocken, u. s. w. (Chemnitz, 1726). C. W. J. Chrysander, ffisf. Nachricht von Kir chen- Glocken (Rinteln, 1755). Canon Barraud in Didron's Annales Arche'oL, xvi. 325; xvii. 104, 278, 357; xviii. 57, 145. [C] BEMA, otherwise tribunal, sanctuarium (Gr. ^Tj/xa). The part of a church raised above the rest, shut off by railings or screens, and reserved for the higher clergy. The part so reserved, when the apse was large, was sometimes the apse alone, but often a space in front of the apse was included. When, as is the case in many churches of the basilican type at Rome and elsewhere, there was a transept at that end of the church, the bema often commenced at the so-called triumphal arch at the end of the nave. In the old church of St. Peter at Rome the bema appears to have comprised the apse alone, but at S. Paolo f. 1. M. the whole transept is slightly raised. Some- times where a transept exists, the bema does not extend into the arms of the transept, which are parted off by screens. The altar was usually placed within in the bema, often on the chord of the arc of the apse. Beneath the altar was usually a crypt or confession. Round the wall of the apse or " conchula bematis " ran a bench for the presbyters, which was interrupted in the centre by the cathedra or throne for the bishop. These seats are alluded to by St. Augustine when (Ep. 203) he speaks of " apsides gradatae " and " cathedrae velatae." Such an arrangement as this was probably in use as early as the time of Constantine ; for, from the description given us by Eusebius of the church built by Paulinus at Tyre (Eccles. Hist. x. 14), we find that the altar stood in the middle, and, together with the seats for the dignitaries, was surrounded by rail- ings of wood admirably worked. We should probably understand by middle, not absolutely the middle of the church, but the middle of the apse, for the description is given in a very in- exact and rhetorical style. At St. Sophia's, when rebuilt by Justinian, there was an enclosure (epKos) formed by a stylobate, on which were twelve columns surrounded by an architrave, which divided the bema from the solea. This enclosure had three gates, and was entirely of silver, very richly ornamented (Pauli Silentiarii Descrip. S. Sophiae). Such an enclosure is called by Sozomen SpvcpaKra, and by Constantine Por- phyrogenitus, KiyKXiSes. Such was the normal arrangement, but it was not invariable ; for the Li\ Fontif., in the life of Pope Hadrian I, (a.d. 772-795), narrates how at S. Maria ad Praesepe (now S. Maria Maggiore) the women who attended the service intervened between him and his attendant clergy, and in the life of Pope Gregory IV. (a.d. 827-844) that the altar at S. Maria in Trastevere stood in a low place, almost in the middle of the nave, so that the crowd surrounding it were mixed up with the clergy. The Pope therefore made for the clei'gy a hand- some " tribunal " in the circuit of the apse, rais- ing it considerably. This arrangement remained in use until perhaps the 11th or 12th century; it is clearly shown in the plan for the church of St. Gall drawn up in the beginning of the 9th cen- tury {Arch. Journal, vol. v., see Church), both apses being shut off and raised above the rest of the church. Probably no example now exists of a period as early as that treated of in this work, in which a " bema " remains in its ori- ginal state ; but the raised tribunal may be seen in many Italian churches in Rome, Ravenna, and elsewhere. In S. Apollinare in Classe, in the latter city, a part of the marble enclosure seems to remain. The bench of marble, with the ca- thedra in the middle, may also be seen in that and many other churches, a good example is af- forded by those at Parenzo in Istria which would seem to be of the same date as the church — the 6th century. In the church of S. Clemente at Rome marble screens of an early date (7th cent- ury?) part off the bema in the ancient flishion, but the church is not earlier than the 12th cent- ury. The word is little used by Latin writers, being in fact the Greek equivalent for what in the Lib. J-'ontif. is called " tribunal ; " " presby- te -lura " in the same work is perhaps sometimes used with the same meaning, though by this word the " chorus " or place for the singers and inferior clergy is generally meant [v. Chorus, Presbyterium]. The word " bema " is also found in use for a pulpit or ambo, as by Sozomen (1. ix. c. 2); but it is distinguished from the bema, or sanctuary, by being called firiixa twv avayvooarwv, the readers' bema. The same ex- pression is, however, applied by Symeon of Thes- salonica to the soleas, a platform in front of the bema (Neale, East. Church, v. i. p. 201). [A. N.] BENEDICAMUS DOMINO. This is a liturgical form of words, said by the priest at the end of all the canonical hours, with the exception of matins. The response to it is always Deo gratias. It is also said at the end of the mass in those masses in which Gloria in excelsis is not said, and which are not masses for the , dead, in which the corresponding form is Eequies- \ cat in pace. The custom of substituting Bene- ' dicamus for Lte missa est in these masses is derived from the old practice of the Church, according to which after masses for the dead, j or those for penitential days, the people were not I dismissed as at other times, but remained for the recitation of the psalms, which were said after the mass. Benedicamus Domino is sung on the same tone as Ite missa est, which varies accord- ing to the character of the day. [H. J. H.] BENEDICITE. This canticle, called also Canticum triwn puerorum, is part [v. 35 to the middle of v. 66] of the prayer of Azarias in the furnace, which occurs between the 23rd and 24th verses of Daniel iii. in the LXX., but is not in the Hebrew. It is used in the lauds of the ! Western Church, both in the Gregorian, mclu- BENEDICTINE EULE AND OEDER 187 ling the old English, and Monastic uses, among he psalms of lauds, on Sundays and festivals, mmediately before Pss. cxlviii., cxlix., cl. It isually has an antiphon of its own, though in ome uses the psalms at lauds are all said under fue antiphon. The antiphonal clause, " Lauaate t superexaltate eum in saecula," is only said fter the first and last verses. Gloria Patri is lot said after it, as after other canticles, but Q its place the verses — Benedicamus Patrem et Filium cum Spiritu Sancto : xudemus et superexaltemus eum in saecula. Benedictus es, Domine, In firmamento coeli : et lauda- ilis et gloriosus et supevexaltatus in saecula. In the Ambrosian lauds for Sundays and festi- als, Benedicite occurs with an antiphon varying nth. the day, and preceded by a collect [Oratio ecreta] which varies only on Chi-istmas Day nd the Epiphany. During the octave of Easter lallelujah^ is said after each verse. Benedicite also occurs in the private thanks- iving of the priest after mass ; in the Roman ffice in full ; in the Sarum the last few verses nly. In the Mozarabic breviary this canticle is Dund in the lauds for Sundays and festivals in somewhat different foi-m, with a special anti- hon, and is called Benedictus. It begins at v. 9 ; the antiphonal clause is omitted altogether ill the end ; and the opening words of the Bene- icite proper, " Benedicite omnia opera Domini •omino," are never repeated after their first ccurrence. In the offices of the Greek Church this canticle the eighth of the nine Odes " appointed at luds. The antiphonal clause is said after every Isrse, and a supplementary verse is added at le end, " evXaydlre 'AiroaToXoi, UpocpriTat, xl Maprupes Kvpiov, rhv Kvpiov k.t.X. This jmticle is sometimes called (e.g. by St. Benedict jid by St. Fructuosus Archb. of Bragas,t 665) rom the nature of its contents the Benedictio, i the same way as the last three psalms of the Salter are known as the Laudes. [H. J. H.] BENEDICTA, religious woman, martyr at ome under Julian, commemorated January 4 Mart. £om. Vet.). [C] BENEDICTINE EULE AND OEDEE, unded by St. Benedictus of Nursia, born A.D. BO, and died probably 542. [See Diet, of Chr. iogr. s. 1?.] Even before the institution of the enedictine Rule, monasticism was widely esta- ished in Southern and Western Europe, and as instrumental in spreading Christianity among e hordes which overran the prostrate Roman npire. But there was as yet neither uni- rmity nor permanency of rule (Mab. Act. 8. B. Praef.). In the words of Cassian, which em to apply to Occidental as well as Oriental |0nachism, there were as many rules as there pre monasteries (Instit. ii. 2). In Italy, always sily accessible to Greek influences, the Rule of isil, which had been translated into Latin by 'ifiinus (Praef. Beg. Bas.), was the favourite"; Southern Gaul, and in Spain, that of Cassian, rather of Macarius ; and as the Rule of Bene- ,ct worked its way into the North-west of irope, it was confronted by the rival system of j)lumbanus (Pellic. Foiit. Ecc. Chr. I. iii. 1, § 4 ; » So spelt in the Ambrosian books. Mab. Ann. Praef). Like Aaren's rod, in the quaint language of the Middle Ages, it soon swal- lowed up the other rules. But, in fact, there was often a great diversity of practice, even among those professing to follow the same Rule, often a medley of different rules within the same walls (Mab. Ann. Praef.), and a succession of new rules in successive years (Mab. Ann. i. 29). The Columbanists, for instance, were not, strictly speaking, a separate order (Mab. Ann. Praef.). The Benedictines may fairly be regarded as the first in order of time, as well as in importance, of the monastic orders. The Benedictine Rule gave stability to what had hitherto been fluctuating and incoherent (Mab. Ann. Praef,). The hermit-life had been essentially individualistic, and the monastic com- munities of Egypt and the East had been an aggre- gation, on however large a scale, of units, rather than a compact and living organization, as of " many members in one body." Benedict seems to have felt keenly the need of a firm hand to control and regulate the manifold impulses, of one sort and another, which moved men to retire from the world. Apparently there was a good deal of laxity and disorder among the monks of his day. He is very severe against the petty fraternities of the Sarabaitae, monks dwelling two or three together in a "cell," or small monastery, without any one at their head, and still more against the "Gyrovagi" monks, who led a desultory and unruly life, roving from one monastery to another. Unlike his Eastern pre- decessors, who looked up to utter solitude as the summit of earthly excellence, Benedict, as if in later life regretting the excessive austerities of his youth, makes no mention at all of either hermits or anchorites {Prol. Reg. 8. B.). Any- thing like anarchy offended his sense of order and congruity ; and, with his love of organizing, he was the man to supply what he felt to be wanting. Accordingly, in Benedict's system the vow of self-addiction to the monastery became more stringent, and its obligation more lasting. Hitherto, it had been rather the expression of a resolution or of a purpose, than a solemn vow of perpetual perseverance (Aug. Ep. ad Mon. 109, p. 587 ; Aug. Rett. c. Jovinian. ii. 22 ; Hieron. Ep. 48; Cass. Inst. x. 23). But by the Rule (c. 58) the vow was to be made with all possible solemnity, in the chapel, before the relics in the shrine, with the abbat and all the brethren stand- ing by ; and once made it was to be irrevocable— "Vestigia nulla retrorsum." The postulant for admission into the monastery had to deposit the memorial of his compact on the altar : and from that day to retrace his steps was morally impos- sible. The Rule contemplates indeed the possi- bility of a monk retrograding from his promise, and re-entering the world which he had re- nounced, but only as an act of apostasy, committed at the instigation of the devil (c. 58). Previously, if a monk married, he was censured and sentenced to a penance (Basil. Respons. 36 ; Leo, Ep. 90, ad Rustic, c. 12; Epiphan. Hier. Ixi. 7 ; Hieron. Ep. ad Bern. 97 (8) ; Aug. de Bon. Vid. c. 10 ; Gelas. Ep. 5, ad Episc. Lucan. ap. Grat. Gaus. xxvii. ; Quaest. i. c, 14 ; Cone. Aurel. I. c. 23) ; but the marriage was not annulled as invalid. After the promulgation of the Rule, far heavier penalties weie feuviL-ted. 188 BENEDICTINE RULE AND ORDER The monk, who had broken his vow by marrying, was to be excommunicated, was to be compelled to separate from his wife, and might be forcibly reclaimed by his monastery : if a priest, he was to be degraded (Greg. M. Ep. i. 33, 40, vii. 9, xii. 20, ap. Grat. xxvii. ; Qu. i. c, 15 ; Cone. Turon. II. c. 15). These severities were no part of Benedict's comparatively mild and lenient code ; but they testify to his having intro- duced a much stricter estimation of the monastic vow. At the same time, as with a view to guard against this danger of relapse, Benedict wisely surrounded admission into his order with diffi- culties. He provided a year's noviciate, which was prolonged to two years in the next cen- tury (Greg. M. Ep. x. 24) ; and thrice, at certain intervals, during this year of probation, the novice Avas to have the Rule read over to him, that he might weigh well what he was undertaking, and that his assent might be deli- berate and unwavering (c. 58). The written petition for admission was required invariably (c. 58). None were to be received from other monasteries, without letters commendatory from their abbat (c. 61); nor children without the consent of parents or guardians, nor unless for- mally disinherited (c. 59). Eighteen years of age was subsequently fixed as the earliest age for self-dedication. The gates of the monastery moved as slowly on their hinges at the knock of postulants for admission, as they were inexorably closed upon him when once within the walls (cf. Fleury, Hist. Ecc. xxxv. 19 — note by Bened. Editor ; Aug. Vindel. 1768). Benedict had evidently the same object before his eyes, the consolidation of the fabric which he was erecting, in the form of government which he devised for his order. This was a monarchy, and one nearer to despotism than to what is called a " constitutional monarchy." Poverty, humility, chastity, temperance, all these had been essential elements in the monastic life from the first. Benedict, although he did not introduce the principle of obedience, made it more precise and more implicit (cc. 2, 3, 27, 64 ; cf. Mab. Ann. iii. 8) ; stei-eotyped it by regulations extending even to the demeanour and deportment due from the younger to the elder (cc. 7, 63) ; and crowned the edifice with an abbat, irresponsible to his subjects. Strict obedience was exacted from the younger monks, towards all their superiors in the monastery (cc. 68-71); but the abbat was to be absolute over all (c. 3). He alone is called Dominus in the Rule ; though the word in its later form, Domnus, became common to all Bene- dictines (c. 63). The monks had the right of electing him, without regard to seniority. Sup- posing a flagrantly scandalous election to be made, the bishop of the diocese, or the neigh- bouring abbats, or even the "Christians of the neighbourhood," might interfere to have it can- celled ; but once duly elected his will was to be supreme (c. 64). He was indeed to convoke a council of the brethren, when neces- sary : on any important occasions, of them all ; otherwise, only of the seniors : but in every case the final and irrevocable decision, from which there was no appeal, rested with him (c. 3). He was to have the appointment of the prior, or provost (c. 65 ; cf. Greg. M. Ep. vii. 10), and of the decani or deans, as well as the power of deposing them (c. 21),a the prior after four, tho deans after three warnings (c. 65). Benedict was evidently distrustful of any collision ol authority, or want of perfect harmony, between the abbat and his prior ; and preferred deans, as more completely subordinate (c. 65) ; for, while the abbat held his office for life, the deans as well as aJl the other officers of the monastery, except the prior, held theirs for only a certain time (cc, 21, 31, 32). Even the cellerariu.s, or cellarius, the steward, who ranked next to the abbat in secular things, as the prior in things spiritual, was to be appointed for one, four, or ten years ; the tool-keepers, robe-keepers, &c., only for one. The abbat was armed with power to enforce his authority on the recalcitrant, after two admonitions in private and one in public, by the " lesser excommunication," or banishment from the common table and from officiating in the chapel ; by the " greater excommunication," or deprivation of the rites of the Church ; by flog- ging, by imprisonment, and other bodily penances (cc. 2, 23-29 ; cf. Mart, de Ant. Mon. 'Bit. ii. 11) in case of hardened offenders ; and, as an extreme penalty, by expulsion from the society. Bene- dict, however, with characteristic clemency, expressly cautions the abbat to deal tenderly with offenders (c. 27) ; allowing readmission for penitents into the monastery, even after relapses ; and, as though aware how much he is entrusting to the abbat's discretion, begins, and almost ends, his Rule with grave and earnest cautions against abusing his authority. Benedict's constitution was no mere democracy, under the abbat. All ranks and conditions of men were indeed freely admitted, from the highest to the lowest,'' and on equal terms (c. 51 ; cf. Aug. de Op). Mon. 22): within the monastery all the distinctions of their previous life vanished ; the serf and the noble stood there side by side (c, 2). Thus even a priest, whose claims to precedence, being of a spiritual nature, might have been supposed to stand on a dift'erent footing, had to take his place simply by order of seniority among the brethren (c. 60), though he might be allowed by the abbat to take a higher place in the chapel (c. 62), and might, as the lay-brothers, be pro- moted by him above seniors in standing (c. 63 : cf. Fleury, Hist. Ecc. xxxii. 15). Similarly, a monk from another monastery was to have no especial privileges (c. 61). But, with all this levelling of distinctions belonging to the world without, the gradations of rank for the monks as monks were clearly defined. Every brother had his place assigned him in the monastic hierarchy. Such otfices as those of the hebdo- madarius or weekly cook, of the lector or reader- aloud in the refectory, were to be held by each in turn, unless by special exemption (cc. 35, 38), and the younger monks were enjoined to address the elder as " nonni," or fathers, in token of affectionate reverence (c. 63). Benedict seems to have had an equal dread of tyranny and of insubordination. Indeed, the strict obedience exacted by the Rule is tempered throughout by an elasticity, and considerateness, which contrast strongly with the inflexible rigour of similar institutions. a V. Martene, note in Beg. Comm. ad loc. ; cf. Cowc. Mogunt. c. 11. >» The restrictions and limitations in Martene's Beg Comm. are not m the Rule. BENEDICTINE RULE AND ORDER 189 Like the Evangelic Sermon on the Mount, which le makes his model {Prol. Reg. ; cf. c. 4), Benedict )ften lays down a principle, without shaping it nto details. Thus he enjoins silence, as a whole- some discipline, without prescribing the times and )laces for it, beyond specifying the refectory rnd he dormitory (c. 6). Like Lycurgus, he wishes ,0 bequeath to his followers a law which shall lever be broken (c. 64) ; and yet, in the closing vords of his Rule, he reminds them that the ^ule, after all, is imperfect in itself (c. 73). yiore than once he seems to anticipate the day vhen his order shall have assumed larger dimen- ;ions, and provides for monasteries on a grander ;cale than existed when he was writing his Rule cc. 31, 32, 53). Thus, about dress, as if fore- eeing the varying requirements of various climes, le leaves a discretionary power to the abbat, iffirming merely the unvarying principle that t is to be cheap and homely (c. 55) ; and that .here are to be two dresses, the " scapulare," or ;ort of cape, for field-work, and the " cucullus," )r hood, for study and prayer (cf. Fleury, Hist. EcG. xxxii. 16). The colour of the tunic or toga, 3eing left undetermined by the founder, has m-ied at different times: ti]l the 8th century t was usually white (Mab. Ann. iii.). Nor is .here any Procrustean stiffness in the directions about diet. Temperance, in the strictest sense, is laid down as the principle : but the abbat may relax the ordinary rules of quantity and quality (c. 40) ; more food is ordered whenever :here is more work to be done (c. 39); baths md meat are not allowed merely, but enjoined ibr the sick (c. 36), for the young or aged ^c. 37), as well as for guests who may chance to je lodging in the monastery (c. 42) ; and even tvine, forbidden by Eastern Asiatics, is allowed, sparingly, by Benedict, as if in concession to the lational propensities imported into Italy by the barbarians, and to the colder climate of Northern Surope (c. 40), Even those minuter rules, in ivhich Benedict evinces his love of order, pro- portion, and clocklike regularity, and which ihow that Benedict, like Wesley, wished to Jirect everything, originate almost always in I wise and tender consideration for human -veaknesses. The day is mapped out in its round )f duties, so that no unoccupied moments may nvite temptation (c, 48), but the hours allotted or work, prayer, or rest, vary with the seasons, Benedict seems to take especial delight in irranging how the Psalter is to be read through, )rdering certain Psalms on certain holy days ; )ut he leaves it open to his followers to make a )etter distribution if they can (cc. 15, 18), The irst Psalm is to be recited slowly ; but this is to jive the brethren time to assemble in their )ratory. The monk who serves as cook is, luring his week of office, to take his meals before he rest (c. 35) ; the cellarer, or steward, is to lave fixed hours for attending to the wants of ■he brethren, that there may be no vexation or lisappointment (c. 31) ; a list is to be kept by he abbat of all the tools and dresses belonging 0 the monastery, lest there may be any con- usion (c. 32) ; the monks are to sleep only ten »r twelve in the same dormitory, with curtains )etween the beds, and under the charge of a loan, fo) the sake of order and propriety (c. 22) ; he Historical Books of the Old Testament were Mt tc be read the last thing before going to bed, as unedifying to weak brethren (c. 42) ; and, last and least, no monk is to take the knife, which was part of his monastic equipment, with him to bed, lest he should hurt himself in his sleep (c. 22). But it is, above all, in its treatment of weaker brethren (the " infirmi " or " pusil- lanimi "), that the Rule breathes a mildness, and what Aristotle would call " eVtei/ceto," rare indeed in those days. The abbat is to "love the offender, even while hating the offence he is to " beware lest he break the vessel in scouring it ;" he is to let " mercy prevail over justice " (c. 64). A whole chapter (c. 43) is devoted to meting out the degrees of correction for monks coming late to chapel or refectory ; and, in this unlike Wesley, Benedict expressly discourages the public confession of seci'et faults, a practice inevitably tending to unreality and irreverence (c. 46), as well as loud and demon- strative private prayer in the chapel (c. 52). There is something peculiarly characteristic of Benedict's gentle and courteous spirit in his oft- repeated cautions against murmuring on the one hand (cc. 31, 40, 41, 53), and, on the other, against anything like scurrility (cc. 43, 49, &c,). Compared with Eastern Rules, the Benedic- tine Rule is an easy yoke (Sev. Sulp. Vit. S. Martini, i. 7; Cass. Instit. i. 11); and this may be attributed partly to the more prac- tical temperament of the West, partly to the exigencies of European climates, partly, too, to the personal character of the lawgiver (cc. 39, 40, 46, &c.). Taking the passage in the Psalms, "Seven times a day will I praise Thee," and another, " At midnight I will rise to give thanks unto Thee," as his mottoes, he portioned out day and night into an almost unceasing round of prayer and praise (c. 16). But whereas his predecessors had ordered the whole of the Psalter to be recited daily, Benedict, thougn with a sigh of regret for the degeneracy of his age, was content that it should be gone through in the week (c. 18). There is a curious direc- tion, too (c. 20), against lengthy private devo- tions, especially in chapel after service. In harvest time, or if they were far from home, the monks were to say their devotions in the field, to save the time and trouble of returning to the monastery (c. 50 ; cf, Mab. Ann. iii. 8). What- ever ascetic austerities were introduced at a later date into some of the reformed Benedictine orders, we find no trace at all in the original Rule of those ingenious varieties of self-torture which had been so common in Egypt and Syria. Benedict shows no love of self-mortification for its own sake ; and, while prizing it in moderation as a discipline, makes it subservient to other practical purposes. Thus he orders some more suitable occupation to be allotted to such of the brethren as may be incapacitated in any way from hard work out of doors (c. 48). The diet allowed by the Benedictine Rule would have seemed luxurious to the monks of the East (c. 39, &c.). But the great distinction of Benedict's Rule was the substitution of study for the compara- tive uselessness of mere manual labour. Not that his monks were to be less laborious ; rather they were to spend more time in work ; but their work was to be less servile, of the head as well as of the hand, beneficial to future ages, not merely furnishing sustenance for the bodily wants of the 190 BENEDICTINE RULE AND ORDER community, or for almsgiving (cc. 38, 48 : cf. Cass. Instit. x. 23 ; Hier. Ep. ad Eustoch. 18, 22). As if conscious of his innovation Benedict seems to restrict the word " labor," as heretofore, to manual occupations ; to these he still devoted the larger part of the day : and his range of literature is a narrow one, specifying by name only the Holy Scriptures and the writings of the Fathers (cc. 9, 48). But, by reserving some portion for study, he implanted the princi- ple, which afterwards bore so glorious fruits in the history of his oi'der, that liberal arts and sciences were to be for them not permitted merely, but sanctioned and encouraged (c. 48). It is a question how far Benedict is indebted for this to Cassiodorus, his contemporary, wrong- fully claimed by some zealous Benedictines as one of their order (Mign. Patrol. Ixix. 483). But the " Vivarium " which Cassiodorus founded in Calabria seems to have been more like an university, or ev^en the intellectual and artistic Court over which Frederick II. presided in that part of Italy during the 13th century, more genial in its tone and wider in its range of studies (Cassiod. de Instit. Div. Litt. cc. 28, 30, 31). Probably Benedict and his more secular contemporary were both alike aftected by the same impulses^ inherited from the dying litera- ture of Imperial Rome. A monk's day, according to the Eule, was an alternation of work, manual or mental, and prayer, in the words of the Rule of the " opus Dei or divinum officium " and " labor et lectio," with the short intervals necessary for food and rest (cf. Mab. Ann. iii. 8; Fleury, Hist. Ecc. xxxii. 15 et seq.). In winter the middle of the day, and in summer the morning and evening, were for manual labour ; for study the heat of the day in summer, and the dusk and darkness of morning and evening in the short days of winter (cc. 8, 48). After the midday meal in summer, the monk might take his siesta, or a book (c. 48). The seven hours for divine service were those called " canonical and the services were — ma- tins (afterwards called lauds) at sunrise (in summer), prime^ tierce, sext, nones, vespers, compline, separated each from each by three hours, as well as a midnight service, which was to be held a little before the matins, called in the Rule " nocturnae vigiliae" (c. 16). On Sun- days the monk was to rise earlier and have longer "vigiliae" (c. 11), and was to substitute reading for manual work (c. 48). Each ser- vice was to include a certain number of Psalms, often selected with especial reference to the time of day, as the third for nocturns, of Can- ticles, and of lections, or readings from Holy Scripture or the Fathers (c. 8, &c.). On Sun- days and holy days all the brethren were to receive the Holy Communion (c. 25). The pre- cise times for the several avocations of the monastic day were to vary with the four seasons, both of the natural and of the Christian year (c. 8, &c.). The work or the book for the time was to be assigned to each at the discretion of the abbat (c. 48). The evening meal was to be taken all the year round before dark (c. 41). As the monk had to rise betimes, so his thought- ful legislator would have him retire early to rest. Chapters 1-7 in the Rule are on the monastic character generally — obedience, humility, &c. ; 8-20 on divine service; 21-30 oa deans and the correction of offenders ; 31-41 on the cellarer and his department, especially the refectory; 42- 52 are chiefly on points relating either to the oratoiy or to labour : the remaining twenty- one rules hardly admit of classification, being miscellaneous and supplementary to those pre- ceding. On the whole, the Benedictine Rule, as a Rule for Monks, must be pronounced, by all who view it dispassionately, well worthy of the high praise which it has received, not from monks only, but from statesmen and others. "First and fore- most in discretion, and clear in style," is the appropriate comment on it of Gregory the Great {Dial. ii. 36). In the 7th century the observance of it was enjoined on all monks, by the Council of Augustodunum (c. 15), and by Lewis the Pious {Exh. ad Eigil. Abb. Fuld. zc^. Migne, Praef. Reg.). It is commonly entitled in councils " the holy Rule " (Migne, Praef. Peg.) ; and by one held in the 9th century it is directly attributed to the inspiration of the Holy Spirit (Cone. Euziac. ii.). By one writer it is contrasted with previous rules as the teaching of Christ with that of Moses (Gaufr.-Abb. Vindocin. Sermo de S. B. ap. Migne, Praef. Reg.). It was a favourite alike with Thomas Aquinas, as a manual of morality, and with the politic Cosmo de' Medici, as a manual for rulers (Alb. Butler, Lives of the Saints, s. voce; cf. Gueranger, Enchirid. Bened. Praef.). Granted the very questionable position, that the life of a monk, with its abdication of social and domestic duties, is laudable, Benedict's conception of that life, in principle and in detail, is almost unexceptionable. His monks are indeed treated throughout as simply children of an older growth : they may not even walk abroad (c. 67); nor, if sent outside the precincts, may they stop any- where to eat, without the abbat's leave (c. 51); nor may they even receive letters from home (c. 51). The prescribed washing of strangers' feet (c. 53), and the very strict prohibition against a monk having anything, however trifling, of any sort to call his own, are all part of this extension into maturer years of a discipline proper for chil- dren. But, if treated as children, the followers of Benedict were at any rate under a wise and sympathising Master ; and the school where they were to be trained in humility and obedience was not one of needless and vexatious mortifications. Order, proportion, regularity, these are the characteristics of the Rule; with an especial tenderness for the " weaker brethren." As in all monastic institutions, self-love seems to force its way through all the barriers heaped around it ; tinging even the holiest actions with a mercenariness of intention (Prol. &c. &c.). Thus the motive proposed for waiting sedulously on the sick is the reward which may be won by so doing (c. 37). But the Rule appeals also, though less expressly, to higher motives than the fear of punishment or the hope of recompense- to the love of God and of man (e. g. Prol.). It cannot be said of Benedict's Rule, as of solitary asceticism, that self is the circumference as well as the centre of the circle. The relations of the brethren to their father, and to one another, tend, in the Rule, to check that isolation of the heart from human sympathies which is the bane of monasticism. If there is a disregard of the claims of the outer world, at all events some- BENEDICTINE EULE AND OKDER 191 thing like the ties of family is duly recognised y/ithin the ordei-, hallowing even the trivial de- tails of daily life. The monastery is the " House of God ;" and even its commonest utensils are "holy things "(c. 31). Benedict disclaims for man either any merit in keeping the divine law , or any power to do so without help from heaven {FroL). In style the Rule is clear and concise ; largely interspersed with apposite quotations from the Scriptures, especially the Psalms. But its La- tinity is very unclassical, not only in syntax, but in single words (e. g. odire for odisse, c. 4 ; solatium, for "helper," cc. 31, 35; typus for " arrogance " )r "circumlocution," c. 31). In this respect the Rule contrasts unfavourably with Cassian's com- paratively accurate and polished style. The text may have been corrupted ; but there seems to have been a serious deterioration in Latin literature during the 5th century. With the lapse of time, the right meaning of many passages in the Rule gave rise to violent controversies. Its very brevity and conciseness vvei-e themselves the occasion of an uncertainty, frequently enhanced by the changes of meaning which the same word often undergoes in succes- sive periods. Whether such phrases as "Com- Qiunio " and "Missa" are to be taken in their more technical and ritualistic sense, or merely for " charity " and the " termination of divine service ;" whether " excommunicatio " means the greater or the lesser sentence of deprivation (cc. 24, 25) ; whether " clerici " (c. 62) means dea- cons only, or priests as well ; all these have been :;[uestions with commentators and reformers. ■' Matutini " in the Rule is said to correspond with the service afterwards known as " Laudes ;" and "Laudes" in the Rule to mean the three last Psalms, all commencing " Laudate " (Fleuiy, Hist. Ecc. xxxii. 15). "Prior" seems in one place (c. 63), where the younger brethren are ordered to salute the " priores," to mean merely older, at least in precedence ; while in another place (c. 68), which treats of obedience, it seems to mean those in office. There is some ambi- guity about the several articles of dress pre- scribed (c. 55); and still more about the diet. " Mixtum " (c. 38) is supposed by some to mean "wine and water," by others "wine and bread;" and it is a vexed question, whether eggs and fish, birds and fowls, as well as " pulse," are included in the word " pulmentum " (Mart. Comm. in Reg. cc. 38, 55 ; Mab. Ann. i. 53, xiii. 2, xiv. 46). The enactment that " even a small part " of the bre- thren may elect the abbat is variously explained, as meaning either a minority, in certain cir- cumstances, or, moi'e probably, "a majority how- ever small" {Comm. in Beg. c. 64) ; and another provision in the next chapter, that "a council of the brethren " is to take part in electing the prior, is vague both as to the size of the council and the extent of its powers (c. 65). A distinction familiar to Roman Catholic casuists has been drawn by some commentators between the " pre- cepts " and " counsels " in the opening words of the Prologue to the Rule ; and, however that may be, the opinion has prevailed that the spirit rather than the letter of the Rule is to be ob- served, and that it is not strictly obligatory ia its lesser details (note by Ed. on Fleury, Hist. Ecc. I xxxii. 12, Aug. VindeL 1768 : cf. Bern, de Praec. \ et Bispens., Patrol, clxxii. ; Petr. Clun. Epp. i. 28, iv. 17, Patrol, clxxxix. ; Hospin. de Monachatu, pp. 132-134). But the hottest dispute has been on the permissibility of secular studies for the bre- thren. In the 17th century Mabillon and others argued against their Trappist opponents, that, though not mentioned expressly, these studies are implied and involved in the Rule ; that as the order in time came to consist more and more largely of students, and as Latin became to them a dead language, instead of being one with which they were habitually familiar, such pur suits became for them an absolute necessity (Mab. Breve Script, de Man. Stud. Pat. ; cf. Mait- land's Dark Ages, 158-171). The Rule of Benedict soon reigned alone in Europe, absorbing into itself the Rule of Colum- banus, which had been dominant in Western Europe Qlah. Ann. Praef. i. 13, v. 11). In Italy it was accepted generally, before the close of the century in which Benedict died (Joan. Diac. Vita Greg. M. iv. 80). It was probably intro- duced into Gaul during his lifetime by his disciple Maurus, from whom the famous monas- tery of St. Maur claims its name ; and there it soon made its way, its comparative elasticity pre- vailing over the rigidity of the rival system. Thus Faremoutier transferred itself from the Columban Rule to that of Benedict (A. Butler, Lives of the Saints s. S. Fara). The Council of Aachen in 788 a.d. ordered the Benedictine to be observed, and no other, in the Empire of Karl and his son {Cone. Aquisgran. ; cf. Cone. Augustod. c. 15). It won Germany early in the 9th century {Cone. Mogunt. c. 11 ; cf. Pertz Legg. I. 166, c. 11), and Spain in the next cen- tury (Mab. Ann. Praef. iv. saec). It is a question at what date it was introduced into England ; whether by Benedict Biscop, by Wilfrid (Ling. Ang.-Sax. Church, ch. 5), or, as Mabillon and other learned writers have asserted (see in A. Butler's Lives of the Saints, under Benedict), by Augustine, importing it from the monastery of S. Andrea on the Caelian hill, under the auspices of Gregory. A lax Rule probably prevailed till the time of Dunstan (see Marsham's Praef. to Dugd, Monastic. Anglic. ; cf. Cone. Clovesh. 747 A.D.). [v. Benedictds, in Diet. Chr. Biog.'] In the 10th century the Benedictine Rule held almost universal sway in Europe (Pellic. Polit. Ecc. Chr. 1. iii. 1, § 4), and wherever it pene- trated, it was the pioneer not of Christianity only, but of civilization and of all humanizing influences. For their laboui's in clearing forests and draining swamps, in setting an example of good husbandry generally, as well as for having fostered what little there was of learning and refinement in that troublous and dreary period, a debt of gratitude is due to them, which cannot easily be overrated. For more than three centuries after its insti- tution one Rule sufficed for the Benedictine order generally. Between the 9th and 15th centuries, as the order extended itself more widely, and as reformers, ardent against abuses, arose here and there in its ranks, various " con- stitutions " were engrafted on the original Rule. For so early as in the 8th centiiry there were symptoms of decay. The rich endowments granted by kings and nobles had brought with them, as was inevitable, the seeds of luxury and self-indulgence, and the very popularity of the " religious " life often gave occasion to unreality 192 BENEDICTINE RULE AND ORDER in professing it. Thus, as for instance in England, when it liad become the fashion for kings and queens to quit their palaces for a monastery, and to lavish their treasures on it (Bed. Ecc. Hist. iii. 19, 23, 24; Ling. A.-S. C. i. 211, 214), this fatal munificence served to attract, in the course of years, oppressive taxes, or spoliation of 1 more downright sort (Bonif. Ep. ad Cudbert. c. 11, ap. Bed. Hist. Ecc. p. 353, Hussey). Often too the immunity (Pertz, Legg. i. 223) and com- parative security of the monastic life tempted a noble to assume the name, without the reality, of abbat; in older to escape legal obligations he would get his " folkland " converted into *' bocland " on pretence of conveying it to the service of God, and there would live with his family and dependants, an abbat in name and in tonsure, but in nothing more (Bede, Ep. ad Egb. ap. Hist. Ecc. ; Ling. A.-S. C. i. 226-7, 230, 407, 413). The need of reformation soon called into existence reformers. Clugni, in the 10th century, was the first separate congregation, with a separate Rule of its own (Mab. Praef. Ann.; Thomass. Vet. et Nova Discipl. I. iii. 21, 25). The four centuries which followed witnessed the birth of more than twenty " Reformed Orders," all pro- fessing to hold the original Rule of Benedict in its pristine purity and integrity, but each super- adding its own special exposition of the Rule as binding on its members (Hospin. de Mon. p. 132). Monte Casino, the head-quarters at first, if not the birthplace, of the order, retained its supremacy, which, according to some authorities, the founder intended for it {v. note on Fleury, Hist. Ecc. xxxiii. 12), for some three centuries ; its primacy has never been denied. It was sacked by the Lombards in 591 A.D. (Clint. Fast. Rom.), or 580 A.D. (Fleury, Hist. Ecc. xxxiii. 10), and the fugitives who escaped founded the Lateran Monastery at Rome (Paul. D. Hist. Lomh. iv. 18 ; cf. Mab. Ann. vii.). In the beginning of the 8th century it rose again from its ruins, and received within its walls Carloman, weary of the cares of eiTipu-e. But Odo, the founder of Clugni, became " General " of his own " congregation," and his example has been followed by others (Mab. Ann. i. 19). Among the most famous Benedictine abbeys ^the term is a specialty of the order) were, besides those already mentioned, Bamberg, Font- evraud, Fulda, Sta. Giustina at Padua, including in its jurisdiction Sta. Scholastica (A. Butler, Lives of Saints ; see St. Bened.), Grotta Ferrata, Marmoutier, S. Paolo fuori near Rome, S. Seve- rino at Naples, &c., and in England, St. Albans, Glastonbury, Malmesbury, &c., with many of our Cathedrals. The preference of the old Benedic- tines for mountainous sites is proverbial : " Eernardus valles, colles Benedictus amabat." It would be endless to enumerate the dis- tinguished members of the order. The list of those belonging to Monte Casino alone, during its first six centuries, fills 25 folio pages of Fabricius' Bihliotheca Ecclesiastica, with a brief notice of each (Petr. Diac. De Vir. HI. Casin.). Trithemius, the learned abbat of Spanheim, counts on the roll of the order, in the beginning of the 16th century, 18 popes (Gue'ranger, A.D. 1862, says " 30," Enchirid. Bened. Praef.), more than 200 cardinals, 1600 archbishops, about 4000 bishops, and, almost incredible as it sounds 15,700 famous abbats, with au equal number of canonized saints ! (v. Fabric. Bibl. Ecc. s. v. : cf. Mab. AA. Praef. vi.; Ziegelbauer u. Legipoat; Hist. Lit. 0. S, B.). St. Paul is the Matron Saint of the Order. The original copy of the Rule is said to have been burnt at Teano, near Monte Casino, towards the close of the 9th century (Leo Marsic. ap. Mab. Ann. iii. 263). Sigebertus Gemblacensis, in the 12th century, states that it was first made public by Simplicius, third abbat of Monte Casino (Fabric. Bibl. Ecc. s. v. Bened.). Hospinian gives no authority for his counter-statement, that many attribute it to Gregory the Great {De Monach. p. 116). Mabillon assumes it to have been made by Benedict himself at Monte Casino about 528 A.D. {Ann. iii. 8 ; A. Butler, Lives of Saints, see St. Bened.). Wion speaks of more than a hundred editions of the Rule in 1554 A.D. {Lign. Vit. i. 7). It is said to have been trans- lated into English by Dunstan (Mign, Praef. Reg. S. Bened.). The best commentaries on it are those of Martene and Calmet. That of Mege is con- sidered lax by stricter Benedictines. The com- mentaries of Smaragdus, probably abbat of St, Michael's, not Smaragdus Ardo, and of Hilde- marus, a French Benedictine in the 8th cen- tury, are commended by Martene, in his pre- face to the Rule (Mign. Patrol. Ixvi.) ; also that of Bernardus, a monk of Lerins, afterwards abbat of Monte Casino in the 13th century, and one, incomplete, by Trithemius lately mentioned. But especially he praises those of Menard, a monk of St. Denys, who afterwards placed him- self under the stricter rule of St. Maur; and of Haeften, a Benedictine prior, the author of the prolix Disquisitiones Monasticae, in twelve books, epitomized by Stengel or Stengelius. Mabillon seems to have contemplated a Commentary on the Rule, but from want of time to have resigned the task to Martene (Praef. Reg. S. B. ap. Mign. Patrol. Ixvi. ; cf. Not. cc. 2, 9). The Rule was harmonized with other monastic rules by Bene- dictus Anianensis. [See Diet, of Chr. Biogr. s. v.] The following are important works on the Benedictine Rule and Order : Petr. Diac. Casin. de Vir. Tllustr. Casin. in Fabric. Bibl. Ecc. and de Ortu et Obit. Just. Casin. in Mail Scr. Vet. Nov. Coll. and Prolog. in Vit. S. Placidi, in Martene et Durand, Ampliss. Coll. ; Leonis Marsic. et Petr. Diac. Chronic. Casin. " ed. W. Wattenbach in Monum. German." (Mign. Patrol, s. V.) ; Reg. S. Bened. C. Comment. Joan, de Turre Cremata et Smaragdi Abb. ; item IV. Lihri de Vir. HI. 0. S. B. Joan. Trithemii, Col. Agr. 1575, fol. ; Arnold. Wion, Lignum Vitae, Venet. 1595; Mege, Commentaire sur la Regie de St. Benoit, Jos. Mege (de St. Maur) Paris, 1687, and Vie de St. Benoit avec une Histoire de son Ordre, Paris, 1690; Bulteau, Histoire de I'Ordre de St. Benoit, Paris, 1691 ; Menard, Martyrolog. O.S.B. Par. 1629. La Regie de St. Benoit expliquee par M. de Ranee, Abbe de la Trappe, Paris, 1690 ; Martene, de Ant. Monach. Rit. Lugd. 1690, and Comment, in Reg. S. B. Paris, 1690 ; Mabillonii Annates 0. S. B. Paris, 1703-39 ; Dacherii et Mabillonii AA. SS, 0. S. B. Paris, 1668-1701; Mabillonii Breve Scriptum de Monast. Stud. Ratione in Bibl. Ascet. Pezii ; Berthelet, Traite historique et morale sur r Abstinence, 1726, Paris, 1731 ; Calmet, Comment. Hist, ct Morale sur la Regie de S. B. Par. 1734 BENEDICTION BENEDICTION 193 olstenii Codex Regular. Monast. et Canonic, a P. Mariano Brockie illustratus, &c., Aug. indel. 1759; Hist. Lit. 0. S. B., Aug. Vind. '54; Ziegellauer u. Legipont. Martyrologium sBenedikt. Ordens, Kugshnvg, 1855; St. Benoit ses Ordres religieux, Lille, 1855 ; Gueranger, ■ichiridion Benedictinum, Andegav. 1862, [I. G. S.] BENEDICTION, the spousal or nuptial, nong the Jews special benedictions were in use th for betrothal and actual marriage, the latter astituted, as with the Romans, by a deductio or ocession accompanying the bride ; which bow- er with the Romans had for its goal the house the husband, with the Jews the nuptial bed elf. A passage in Tobit (vii. 13, 14) indicates e close connexion of the blessing with what we ould term the marriage settlement. Forms of th benedictions will be found in Selden's Uxor ^braica, bk. ii., cc. vii., xii. But Maimonides pressly observes (Uxor. Ebr. bk. ii. c. 13) that t the blessing of the betrothed makes mar- ge, but the leading of the bride to the nup- Ibed. Certain heathen marriages, e.g. the Roman afarreatio, being also accompanied with a lediction, it was but natural that the same ';tom should prevail in reference to Christian < 5s. A good deal, however, of confusion seems 1 have arisen on the subject, especially through ] : distinguishing the legal and spiritual aspects < the benediction. It cannot be too often re- ] ited that for many centuries both betrothal {I marriage were in the eyes of the Church jmarily civil contracts, valid although cele- 1 ited according to heathen rites, if in conformity i:h the civil law, subject only to certain peculiar < ristian restrictions. It is not meant, however, 1 these expressions that such contracts were 1 ked on as merely " secular," as many would 1 m them now, or . " profane," as the middle ■< :s termed them. For Our Lord and His Apos- 1|3, human society itself was a sacred thing : tj State, which embodied it for all purposes of i. il life, was sacred (Rom. xiii,, 1, 4, 6) ; mar- 1 ^e above all, the very keystone of all human s iety, had a primordial sacredness (Matt. xiv. 4), e irely transcending all enactments of municipal c ceremonial law. 5ut this view in nowise prevented the Church fai claiming spiritual control over such con- t cts as between the faithful, from recognizing a. sealing their unions by its benediction, or en from looking upon such unions with dis- f3ur when this was not solicited. Thus the 5 chapter of the Epistle of Ignatius to Poly- I p (admitted by Dr. Cureton "as genuine into a ' Corpus Ignatianum ') says : " It is meet c t men and women who are marrying should a te with the approval of the bishop, that the 3 Tiage be according to the law and not ac- 5 iing to lust." So Tertullian (writing about 5 . 200), in his work De Pudicitid, speaks of ^^ions, that is, not first declared before church " (non prius apud ecclesiam professae) I unning the risk of being deemed nigh to adul- ; ;< [ and fornication. Another passage of his, ■ -f Uxor. c. 8), is generally quoted as one of the i j: distmct authorities in favour of the eccle- , ijtical benediction on marriage. Accordino- to ^ i ordinary reading, it runs thus : " How sho'uld ! f be sufficient to set forth the bliss of that j t riage wnich the Church brings about Ccanci- , HRIST. ANT. I liat), and the oblation confirms, and the benedic- . tion seals, angels proclaim, the Father ratifies ? " . It must, however, be observed that, if the above I reading be correct, the substitution of the bene- f diction for the execution of the tabulae nuptiales, , which the words " et obsignat benedictio " im- I ply, f.ntedates by many centuries the rule of the , Church in the matter. It is remarkable, too, : as pointed out by Augusti, that one text, instead ■ of the words " et obsignat benedictio, angeli re- ' nuntiant," has simply " et obsignatum angeli , renuntiant," ' the angels proclaim when sealed,' —a reading which brings back the passage into accordance with the law and practice of the time, but at the expense of the decisive word " bene- dictio " itself.a That such benedictions were pronounced, however, there can be no reason to doubt. Thus Ambrose, writing against mixed marriages, says : " For since marriage itself should be sanctified by the priestly veil (velamine sacerdotali) and by benediction, how can that be called a marriage where there is no agreement of faith ? " (Bk. ix. Ep. 70). But, as Selden has observed, the like benedictions were often claimed on behalf of many other kinds of contract besides that of marriage,— a sale for instance. The total absence from the Apostolical Constitutions of any liturgical formulae relating to marriage, and of any notice of church usages in respect to it, seems a conclusive proof that nothing of the kind formed part of the ritual of the early church during the 3 or 4 centuries (or even more) over which the collection of the materials for the compilation in question probably extended. There is however extant, under dates ranging as far back as the former half of the 2nd cen- tury, a whole series of authorities enforcing the necessity of the ecclesiastical benediction, upon which the Church of Rome has unhesitatingly built its practice as to the ceremonial validity of the rite, and which have been quoted without comment by Bingham and other Protestant writers. But as these are, for the most part, spurious documents of the forged Decretal class' and are only so far important as they shew the points for which it was sought to claim the sanc- tion of an earlier period, and thus to establish the jurisdiction of the clergy in matters con- nected with marriage, they may be passed over. Turning to the Eastern Church, we find that Chrysostom in his voluminous works never indi- cates the existence of a marriage liturgy, or the indispensableness of sacerdotal benediction. Two letters of Gregory Nazianzen show clearly that such benediction was looked upon rather as a seemly accompaniment to Christian marriage than as a condition of it, since the writer, in that grace- ful tender style of which he is a master, professes to give his by letter. One is to Procopius {Ep. 57, otherwise 44), on the marriage of " his golden Olympias." " I join to each other," he writes, " the right hands of the young people, and both to that of God. For it is fitting that like many other good things, so should marriage take place in the best way in all respects, and according to our common prayers." However visible may be a It should not be overlooked that the same Tertullian, in his treatise on Idolatry (c. 16), expressly admits the purity of betrothal and marriage in themselves, even when celebrated amongst heathens, and therefore the lawfulness of a Christian's presence at both. See post, art. Betrothai.. o 194 BENEDICTION BENEDICTION here tlie habitual form of Christian marriage, nothing can be more obvious than that the inter- ference of the Church is not treated as indispens- able. Another letter to Eusebius(171) is still more conclusive, as shewing that whilst Gregory made it a rule, whenever present at a wedding, to inter- pose the prayers of the church, the actual rites of maj-riage he left to be performed by others, and considered that a sutficient consecration of them could be given from afar, since prayers " are not bounded by space." We must now however notice a singular docu- ment, which is included by Labbe and Mansi among those of the 4th century, and appended by them to the Acts of the Nicene Council, as being attributed to the Nicene Fathers by a Vatican codex. It is termed " Sanctiones et decreta alia ex quatuor regum " — quaere, regu- lorum ? — " ad Constantinum libris decerpta " (L. and M., Councils, vol. ii. p. 1029 and foil.), and is written in Latin, though evidently repre- senting the practice of the Greek Church. The 2nd chapter of these ' Sanctions and Decrees ' forbids marriage with a person's nuptial para- nymphs, with whom "the benediction of the crowns " is received. Benedictions are mentioned in like manner in c. 6 and 7, but it is clear that the ceremony of the Greek ritual known as the benediction of the crowns, and not the Latin bene- diction of the marriage itself, is what the above passages refer to. But when we attempt to fix a date for the work which contains them, we shall be compelled to carry this to the second half of the 6th century at earliest. For it is a re markable fact that Justinian's legislation, mi- nutely occupied as it is with Church matters, never once refers to the ecclesiastical benedic- tion of marriage : it requires a will to see it, as some have done, in the mere expression " vota nuptialia;" and this although it will be seen (Contract of marriage) that a kind of church-registration of marriages was pro- vided for. It is however by no means improbable that between the 6th and 7th centuries the regular practice of an ecclesiastical benediction upon marriage, and the Greek ritual of marriage itself, became established. And it is a well-known Greek name which now carries us back to the next Western authority on the subject, — that of the canons of a Council, held in England towards the end of the 7th century, under Archbishop Tlieodore, which enact that '•'in a first marriage the ])riebt should perform the mass and bless both " parties (c. 59) ; implying, it would seem, the practice set forth by the 'Sanctions and Decrees,' of confining the blessing to the as yet unmarried party only, where the other has been ii)U) rii;d already. In the Carlo vingian era, finally — to which be- long the head springs of the great stream of church forgeri(!s,— forgeries which, amongst other au- th(ji il ics, have so dealt with the Capitularies (licniM lv.'s fliat it is frequently impossible to (IctiTiiiiiu; tlie precise age of a given text — the priestly benediction entered into the civil law as an essential requisite of marriage ; and the various spurious authorities from the annals of the Western Cliurcli above commented on were apj>arently invented for the purpose of carrying b.ick to a remote period the ecclesiastical re- cognition of its necessity. And it may be ob- served that the mention of it almost invariablf occurs in connexion with the subject of consan- guinity, — another great source of clerical in- fluence and income in its relation to marriage, which has been even more prolific in suggestions of pious fraud. By the 35th article of the first Capitulary of 802, none are to be married before inquiry be made as to whether they are related ; " and then let them be united with a benedic- tion." (Comp. also vi. 130, vii. 179, viii. 408.) The 473rd article (vii. 473), "on lawful mar- riage " is almost exactly identical in its wording with the supposed letter of Pope Evaristus, and may, it is submitted, be fairly deemed its ori- ginal. We may briefly refer to certain canons of the patriarch Nicephorus, recorded by Cotelerius, and perhaps enacted at the Council of Constantinople in A.D. 814, which indicate that at this period at least the benediction was by the Church decreed to constitute the marriage. If any having a concubine would neither leave her nor allow her to receive the benediction, and have her with the sacramental rite, his offerings were not to be received (can. xxxiv.). And lastly, the well- known document known as the reply of Pope Nicolas to the Bulgarians, though belonging only to the latter half of the 9th century, pre- serves to us probably the practice of the Roman Church on this subject from an earlier period. It indicates evidently a diiferent ceremonial from that of the Greek Church, and although dwelling on the formalities of betrothal, speaks of no bless- ing but the nuptial one. To sum up the conclusions of this inquiry : 1st. There never was a period when the Christian Church did not rejoice to sanction the nuptial rite by its benedictions, and did not exhort the faithful to obtain them for their unions. 2nd. But having a profound faith in the primordial sanctity of marriage in itself, many centuries elapsed before the pronouncing of such a benedic- tion was held essential to the validity of marriage, when duly contracted according to the municipal law, and not contrary to the special ethical rules of the Church in reference to marriage. 3rd. Hence the total absence of marriage liturgies from the early Christian rituals, extending to about the beginning of the 7th century; the genuineness of the one in the Gelasian Missal (end of the 5th century) being confessedly im- pugned by the absence of any in the Gregorian, a century later. 4th. It may however be ad- mitted that by the end of the 7th century the priestly benediction of marriage had probably become the rule in both great branches (divisions not yet) of the Church ; and in the course of the 8th and 9th centuries it hardened into a legal institution within the domains of the great usurpers of the West, the Carlovingians, being now largely supported by supposititious church authorities, carried back as far as the beginning of the 2nd century. 5th. It is also possible that about this period a practice of sacerdotally blessing betrothals likewise grew up, and promis- ing to open a new source of income to the clergy and above all to the Roman pontiffs, was in like manner sought to be maintained by spurious authorities ; but the date of this cannot be fixed earlier than a.d. 860, since Pope Nicolas, in his reply to the Bulgarians, clearly, speaks only of the nuptial benediction. [J. M. L.] BENEDICTIONS BENEDICTIONS 195 BENEDICTIONS. {Benedictio, ehXoyla.) I. Definition, ^c. — Like many other points of ritual, the practice of benediction passed from the Jewish to the Christian Church. In the in- fancy of the former, under Aaron, we discover the existence of the blessing of the congregation by the priest after the morning and the evening sacrifice (Lev. ix. 22) ; and later notices may be seen in 1 Chron. xxiii. 13, Ecclus. xxxvi. 17, xlv. 15, 1. 20. The actual form is prescribed in Num. vi. 22 sqq. ; cf. Ps. Ixvii. 1. The benediction, ordinarily pronounced by priests (as e.g. in the case of Zacharias, for whose blessing the people waited, Luke i. 21), would on occasions of special solemnity be re- served for the high priest. Even the king, as the viceroy of the Most High, might give the blessing (cf. 2 Sam. vi. 18, 1 Kings viii. 55, 1 Chron. xvi. 2). It would appear that Levites had ordinarily, though not invariably, the power «f giving the blessing. Cf perh. 2 Chron. xxx. 27. I The actual formula referred to above does not occur in the New Testament, though our Lord is spoken of as blessing little children and His disciples (Mark x. 16, Luke xxiv. 50), besides the blessing on the occasion of the institution of the Eucharist (Matt. xxvi. 26). Still, the gene- ral tenor and form of the blessing, must have been similar, and the familiar "peace" of the benediction is probably a relic of the old Aaron- itic form. Before proceeding to consider the various oc- casions of benediction in the Christian Church, attention may be called to the strict definition of the term, in contradistinction from the allied expressions, consecration, dedication, although the distinction is not unfrequently lost sight of. Benediction, then, may be defined to be a certain holy action which, combined with prayer, seeks for God's grace for persons, and, in a lower de- gree, a blessing upon things, with a view whether to their efficiency or safety. We may add St. Ambrose's definition (/>v x^^P^^) is an inseparable adjunct of benedictions. It is constantly associated in the Bible with actions of a more solemn character, as oaths (e.g. Gen. xiv. 22 ; Rev. x. 5), or prayer (e.g. Psalm xxviii. 2 ; xliv. 21 [20, E.V.]; Ixiii. 5 [4, E.V.]; 1 Tim. ii. 8), or benediction (e.g. Lev. ix. 22 ; Luke xxiv. 50). An occasional addition is that of the laying on of hands : of this we find traces in Gen. xlviii. 14, 18; Matt. xix. 13, 15 ; Mark x. 16 : and we may again refer to the Apostolic Constitutions (viii. 9), where the benediction upon penitents is associated with the laying on of hands (x^tpo- e^a-'ia). The feeling of the greater worth and power of the right hand is shown in patriarchal times (Gen. I. c.) ; and in later times it is either taken for granted or is expressly commanded that the right hand should be used. (7) With this natural and almost universal gesture, the act of benediction is constantly re- presented in ancient art. Thus, the Lord extends His open hand over the demoniac, in the bas- reliefs of a sarcophagus at Verona (Maffei, Verona Illustrata, pars iii. p. 54) ; and also over a kneeling figure in an Arcosolium of the cemetery of St. Hermes (Bottari, Pitture e Scul ture, clxxxvii. No. 2). In process of time, as in the Jewish so in th* BENEDICTIONS BENEDICTIONS 199 Christian ritual, a particular disposition of the fingers in the act of blessing became usual. In the Greek church, and in Greek paintings for the most part, the hand outstretched in blessing has the thumb touching the tip of the a ring-finger, while the forefinger, the middle, and the little finger are erected. According to a view mentioned by Ciampini (J)e Sacris Aedif. Const, p. 42, from Theoph. Raynaud, De Attrihutis Christi, 4. 9. 733, who cites it from some fragments of a Greek writer of uncertain date, Nicolaus Malaxus), the erect forefinger with the curved middle finger make IC, i.e. 'Itjo-oCs, while the crossing of the thumb and ring-finger and the curving of the little finger make XC, i.e. XpiffrSs. One cannot but agree here with the remark m the Acta Sanctorum (June, vol. vii. p. 135) that this is rather an ingenious specula- tion of Malaxus than a received doctrine of the Greek church. According to Goar (^Euchologion, p. 923) the thumb and ring-finger crossed made a X, the other fingers erect with the fore and middle fingers slightly separated were supposed to represent I, the whole standing for 'ItjcoGs Xpi [A. W. H.] BERYTUS, COUNCIL OF, a.d. 448, as Mansi thinks (vi. 501-2), in September, to hear a charge preferred against Ibas, bishop of Edessa, by nine of his clergy, which was twofold : first, that he had said, " I envy not Christ being made God, having been made so myself as much as He," which he denied indignantly ; and next, that he had called St. Cyril a heretic, which he averred he never had after the reconciliation between John of Antioch, his own superior, and St. Cyril. To refute this, his celebrated letter to Maris, of subsequent date, was adduced in evidence, containing a narrative of the whole controversy between Nestorius and St. Cyril. Ke rejoined by producing a testimonial in his favour addressed to Eustathius, bishop of Bery- tus, and Photius, bishop of Tyre, two of his iudges, and signed by upwards of sixty presby- ters, deacons, and subdeacons of his diocese. His acquittal followed : which, having been reversed at Ephesus by Dioscorus of Alexandria the year following, was confirmed in the tenth session of the Council of Chalcedon, where the acts of this Council are preserved (Mansi vii. 211-72), His epistle to Maris, indeed, was afterwards con- demned at the fifth General Council. [E. S. Ff.] BETHESDA, Miracle of (in Art). Of I this miracle there is an ancient representa- tion on a sai'cophagus from the Vatican ceme- tery, engraved in Bottari (Sculture e Pitture, tav. xxxix. : see woodcut). The subject oc- cupies the centre of the tomb. A wavy line, representing water, divides the composition horizontally into two compartments : on the lower, the impotent man is seen lying on his couch, which is covered by a stragulum or coverlet ; on the upper, he is seen healed and carrying his couch, while the Lord stretches forth His hand towards him ; another figure raises his hand, the fingers arranged as in the Latin form of benediction. The background is formed by an arcade of three arches supported by columns, intended, no doubt, to represent one of the " five porches " (St. John v. 2) in which the impotent folk were laid (Martigny, Diet, des Antiq. Chret. p. 542). The same miracle is repre- sented, in a very different style, in the great Laurentian MS. See Assemanni, Bibliothecae Mediceae Catal. tab. xix., and Westwood's Palaeo- graphia Sacra. [C.] Miracle of Bethesda, from an cmcient SarcophagtJS. BETHLEHEM (architectural). In tha Ethiopic churches, a small building is thrown out from the east end of the sanctuary, where the bread for use in the eucharist is prepared by the Deacon alone, and baked in the oven with which the place is furnished. This building is called the Bethlehem, or " house of bread " (Neale, Eastern Church, Introd. 190). [C] BETHLEHEM (Symbol). In an ancient mosaic of the church of SS. Cosmas and Damian, in the Via Sacra at Rome (Ciampini, Vetera Monumenta, ii. tab. xvi. ; see woodcut) two flocks, each of six sheep, pass from cities labelled respectively Hierusalem and Bethlehem towards the figure of a lamb, representing the Lord, which stands on a mound in the centre. Similar representations are found in Buonarotti (Frammenti di Vasi, tav, vi. 1) and Perret (Catacombes de Pome, v, pi. iii.). The Abbe Martigny (Diet, des Antiq. Chret. p. 225) sup- poses Jerusalem and Bethlehem to symbolize respectively the Jewish and Gentile Churches ; but this scarcely seems a probable opinion. It aOSPESCERT ASALVT VITHONOR E L O C V S Bethlehem aud Jeruaaiem as Symcola 202 BETHPHANIA BETROTHAL is difficult to see how Bethlehem could represent the Gentile church, and the twelve sheep aro generally supposed to represent the Apostles, none of whom came forth from the Gentiles. On the whole, it seems more probable that the issuing forth of the flock of Christ from Jerusa- lem and Bethlehem symbolises the fact that the church is founded on the Nativity, the Passion, and the Resurrection of the Lord. Bethlehem was the scene of the former, Jerusalem of the two latter. See Ciampini ( Vet. Mm. \. 189). [C] BETHPHANIA. [Epiphany.] BETHURIUS, martyr at Carthage under Saturninus ; commemorated July 17 (Mart. Rom. Vet). [C] BETROTHAL. Under this head we shall consider only the ordinary contract of that name, reserving for the head of Espousals the specially religious applications of the idea. The two influences which must have chiefly built up the earliest practice of the Church must have been the Jewish and the Roman, as embodied in the civil law of the Empire. But as respects marriage, these influences were dif- ferent in character. The Jewish law of mar- riage embodied much of the old and to this day widely prevalent custom among uncivilized races, of treating it as the purchase of a wife ; with this remarkable feature indeed, that the woman was at a very early age (J,, e. within her 12th year, see Selden's Uxor Hebraica, bk. ii. c. iii.) held fit to dispose of herself. Under this sys- tem, betrothal, if not the actual marriage, which was held to consist in the leading of the bride to the nuptial bed, was yet really, for most pur- poses, the marriage contract, the violation of which by connexion with another was deemed adultery, and punishable as such, the dissolution of which could only take place by a " writing of divorcement " (Selden, quoting Maimonides, u. s., c. i.). The contract was made by persons held to be of full age (i. e. speaking generally, and neglecting some exceptional minutiae, males in the last day of their 13th year, women in the second half of their 12th) at their own will ; but girls under age might be betrothed by their fathers or guardians (though only by money or writing), with power, however, at 10 to repu- diate the engagement; it could also be entered into through go-betweens, — those proxenetici of the Greeks and Romans, — whose name has, in ordinary parlance, been shortened in form and widened in meaning into that of our " proxies," but who represent a still recognised function and calling in the Jewish communities of our day. Where the contract was in writing, with or without the giving of earnest money, it was to be written out by the man in the presence of witnesses, and handed over to the woman, who must know its purport, otherwise there was no contract. Selden gives the form of such a writing, specifying the man's pronouncing of the words of betrothal, the assent of the girl, and his promise of a jointure. The Roman looked upon the marriage contract with dillerent eyes from the Jew. At the time when the Christian Church grew up, the idea of it as the purchase of a wife had quite died out from men's minds. Mtirriage, and still more betrothal, was (with one exception) a purely civil contract, verbally concluded. Une divortiis Nuptiarum et discidio Sponsorum, t. vi.). The Wisigothic Code has been always held to have been drawn up under priestly influence. The Lombards were never looked on with favour by the Church. Yet between the two systems of legislation there is less difference on the head which occupies us than might be expected. The Lombard law, like the Wisigothic, adopts from Rome the two years' maximum for delay in carrying out a betrothal contract. (Laws of Notharis, A.D. 638 or 643, c. 178.) The laws of Luitprand (a.d. 717) are very severe against too early marriages of girls. If any betroth to himself or carry away [as his wife] a girl under 12, he is to compound as for rape. The forms of betrothal among the barbarian conquerors of the Roman Empire must have been infinitely varied. The Salic betrothal was by the offer of a solidus and denarius, and the con- tract could De made between absent parties ; as when Chlodowig (Clovis) espoused Chlotildi through his envoys (Nedegarius, Ejnt. c. 78). Canciani, from the Euphemian Codex of Verona, has published two formulae, one apparently of a Lombard, the other of a Salic betrothal (vol. ii. pp. 467, 476), which, although the text of them may be somewhat later than the period to which this work relates, no doubt, like most written formulae, exhibit with some faithfulness the usages of an earlier period. In both of them the betrothal has palpably become a judicial act. A sword and a glove are the main features of the former : " For this cometh M., for that he willeth to espouse D., daughter of P. Camest thou because of this ? " "I came." " Give pledge, that thou wilt make unto her a fourth part of whatever thou hast ; and by this sword and this glove I betroth to thee M., my daughter, and thou, receive her by title of betrothal." " Thou, father of the woman, give pledges to him that thou givest her to him to wife, and sendest her under his mundium. And thou, give [pledge] that thou receivest her ; and whoever shall with- draw, let him compound in a thousand solidi." The Salic formula is confined to the case of the second marriage of a " Salic widow ; " it belongs self-evidently to the Carlo vingian era, and in it the ideas of betrothal and of marriage seem to run into each other. We come now to the legislation of the Church itself on the subject of betrothal. Tertullian in his treatise on Idolatry (c. 16), seeking to determine what actions and matters a Chris- tian is not to meddle with on account of their idolatrous character, says : " But as concern- ing the offices of private and common solemni- ties, as these ... of betrothal or marriage, I think no danger is to be apprehended from any breath of idolatry which may intervene. For the objects must be considered for which the office is performed. I deem those pure in them- selves, for neither . . . the ring nor the mar- riage bond flows from the worship of any idol." It may be fairly concluded from this passage that towards the end of the 2nd or beginning of the 3rd century, betrothal was considered by the Church as being in itself a perfectly valid and lawful contract, and even when celebrated be- tween heathens, involving no contamination for the Christian who should take part in the pro- ceedings connected with it. It is unnecessary to notice the forgeries which support sacerdotal claims. The first unim- peachable authority on the subject is found in Basil's Canonical Epistle to Amphilochus, bishop of Iconium. It will be seen that he treats of betrothal in a quite incidental manner. In one passage (c. xxii.) he takes the case of men who have violently carried away the betrothed of another ; these are not to be received to commu- nion until they put their wives away, and sub- • mit to the will of those to whom these were at first betrothed. Yet he views betrothal as so far approximating to marriage that he allows (c. 69) a reader or subdeacon seducing his betrothed be- fore marriage to be admitted to communion after a year's penance, without loss of office, but so that he cannot be promoted ; but in case of his misconducting himself without betrothal with a woman he is to be deprived of his office itself. Of more interest, both in itself, and as being, probably, the first genuine utterance of a Pope which suffices to dispose of a whole mass of antedated forgeries;^ is a letter of Pope Bene- 204 BETliOTHAL BIGAMY diet 1. (a.d. 573-7) to the Patriarch of Gran. The Pope had been asked whether, where a girl had been betrothed by word of mouth only, and died before marriage, her sister could marry the same man. The Pope replied that it was connu- bial intercourse that made two one ; " how by bare words of beti-othal they can be made one we can in nowise see. Do not therefore deny that Avhich you can show no reason for denying." It is indeed evident, from the application itself, that the question whether the contract of be- trothal did not of itself create a consanguinity between the parties, sufficient to render the subsequent marriage of either with a kinsman or kinswoman of the other unlawful, was already a moot one. We might not be surprised if Gregory the Great (a.d. 690-603), in whose powerful mind a strong vein of ascetic feeling IS discoverable— should have taken the opposite side to Benedict. He remains indeed quite within the law in allowing a betrothed woman to dissolve her engagement in order to enter a convent ; writing (bk. vi. Ep. 20) to the bishop and defensor of Naples, where one Stephen, betrothed to a gix'l who had been converted " in one of the monasteries of the city, was alleged to detain her and her property, that after due examination he was to be exhorted to restore the girl herself and her things, and if he did not, then to be compelled to do so. The Council (3) of Constantinople in Trullo (A.D. 680-1) is the first oecumenical authority for assimilating betrothal to marriage, so far as to make it adultery to marry a betrothed woman in the life-time of her first betrothed. Now about this period indeed betrothal becomes a very frequent subject of church legislation or church jurisprudence. One of the canons (105) of a Council held in England, under Archbishop Theodore, towards the end of the 7th century, provides that if a man after betrothing to him- self a wife, will not live with her, he shall restore the money given to him and add a third to it. Another (129) forbids parents to give a betrothed girl to another " if she resist altogether," but they may send her to a convent (for this seems the cruel sense of the enactment). A collection of canons of the Irish Church, supposed to be also of the end of this century, enacts, somewhat singularly, that when betrothed girls have been dishonoured by other men, they are to be bought and given back to their first betrothed (bk. xli. c. 37). The "Excerpt" of Pope Gregory III. (a.d. 731-41) mentions five years, " or more humanely three," as the penance for attempting to seduce another's betrothed. In the case (which is that mentioned in the 25th canon of the Council of Ancyra) of a man seducing the sister of his betrothed, and of his victim killing herself, all who are implicated in the deed must do ten years' penance, or some say seven (c. 18). The first Council of Rome under Pope Zacharias, A.D. 743, anathematizes those who rashly presume to steal a maid or widow for their wife, unless betrothed to them (can. 7). The Carlovingian Capitularies enact that a betrothed girl ravished by another man is to be given back to her former betrothed, but that in case of his refusing to take her she may marry a stranger, but not her ravisher, under pain of anathema (c. 124), and follow generally in the tracts of the spuriou.s letters of Evaristus and Siricius Finally, the reply of Pope Nicolas to the Bulgarians in 860, shows that at the end of the 9th century the form of betrothal had become confined to the placing of the ring, by way of earnest, on the woman's finger, and her endow- ment by the man in the presence of invited witnesses, a greater or less interval separating betrothal from marriage. If we are not mistaken, the history of the 8 or 9 first centuries shows in the Church a gradual recession from the freedom both of the Jewish and of the Roman law upon the subject of be- trothal. Two causes seem to have operated to produce this result, — on the one hand, the in- fluence of the barbarian codes, which generally look upon the woman more or less as the property of her father, if not of her family generally, — on the other, that of the growing spirit of asceticism in reference to the relations between the sexes, leading to the encroachment of the Church upon the domain of the civil power as respects the whole subject of marriage, and thereby again fostering restrictive church legislation with all its attendant covetousnesses and corruptions. The Carlovingian era, with which we break olT, is that of the first establishment of this system. [J. M. L.] BEZIERS, COUNCIL OF (Bitereense Concilium), provincial, a.d. 356, summoned by command of the Emperor Constantius, under Saturninus, Bishop of Aries ; one of those minor Councils of the West, at which an attempt was made to condemn St. Athanasius. St. Hilary of Poitiers, who defended the orthodox cause, was shortly afterwards banished to Phrygia by the emperor through the false dealing of Saturninus (S. Hilar. Pictav., De Synod. § 2, Ad Constmit. § 2, Oi^p. ii. 460, 563 ; Hieron. De Scriptt. Ecd.c. ; Sulp. Sever. //. E. ii. ; Labb. v. 783). [A. W. H.] BIBIANA, martyr at Rome ; commemorated Dec. 2 {Mart, Rom. Vet.) ; as Viviana (Mart. Hieron.). [C] BIBLE, USE OF IN SERVICES. [Ca- nonical Books; Epistle; Gospel; Lectionary-; Prophecy.] BIBLIOTHECA. [Library.] BIDDING-PRAYER. This term is used by Bingham to designate a prayer of a particular form uttered by the Deacon in the Liturgy. As, however, the modern English Bidding-Prayer appears to be of mediaeval origin, it seems best to treat of the ancient prayer under its proper designation [Prosphonesis]. [C] BIGAMY. Under this head v/e shall desig- nate only, according to modern usage, the case of matrimonial union to two persons at the same time ; premising that until the beginning of the 17th century, at least, the term was applied to all cases of second marriage, whether during the existence of a prior union or after its dis- solution ; the word " polygamy " being applied to the former case. Thus Sir E. Coke in his 3rd Institute (p. 88) writes: "The difference be- tween bigamy or trigamy and polygamy, is quia bigamus seu trigamus, etc., est qui diversis tem- poribus et successive duas seu tres, etc., uxores habuit : polygamus qui duas vel plures simul duxit uxores the distinction being thus made entirely to turn on the simultaneous or successive nature of the marriage relations. [Digamy. BIGAMY BIGAMY 205 It is of course not from Jewish precedent that Christendom has borrowed its condemnation of bigamy. The foundation of the Church's law in this matter lies in the teaching of our Lord, Matt. xix. 4 and foil. ; Mark x. 5 and foil., and in the developments of that teaching by St. Paul. (Compare also, as an early and quite consonant authority, Hermas, Bk. ii. Mand. 4; likewise Apost. Const. Bk. vi. c. 14.) In church practice indeed it has been always contested whether the expressions in 1 Tim. iii. 2, 12 ; Tit. i. 6, which our version renders " husband " or " husbands of one wife," apply to simultaneous marriages only, or to successive marriages as well. The ordinary Protestant interpretation assigns to them the more restricted meaning ; but this conclusion will probably appear the more doubt- ful, the more Christian antiquity and the usages of the time are studied. Whatever might be Jewish theory on the subject, there is no hint whatever in the New Testament at either bigamy or polygamy as a Jewish practice, and neither was certainly legal in either Ephesus or in Crete, when the Epistles above referred to were written to the respective bishops of those churches. Mo- nogamy was the law both of Greece and of Rome. So long therefore as the Roman power subsisted, the monogamy inculcated by the Church was also enforced by the law. The influence upon this state of things of the barbarian invasions must have been very various. Tacitus notes of the ancient Germans that " almost alone among the barbarians they content themselves with one wife, except a very few, who not through lust but for honour's sake enter into several mar- riages " (Germ. 18). His words, however, appear to have applied more or less to all the Teutonic races. On the other hand, among the Celtic races, or those mixed with them, e.g. the Britons, Scots, and Hibernians of our own islands, — a com- munity of wives or something closely equivalent to it is testified to by Caesar, Jerome, and Strabo. Subjection to Rome, the preaching of Christianity, did not suffice to introduce monogamic habits, and we find Gildas lamenting that his country- men were not restrained by polygamy from fre- quenting harlots (quam plurimas uxores haben- tes, sed scortantes). Monogamy seems to have been equally unknown to the Slavonic races, as well as to the Tartar ; Attila's harem is well known. It is also to be presumed that the weakening of the Roman power in Asia allowed old polygamic practices, familiar to Orientals, to- revive. With these preliminary observations we shall endeavour to trace briefly the course of Church legislation on the subject. The first authority we find is a doubtful one — that of those Canons attributed to the Council of Nicaea (a.d. 325), which are only to be found in the Arabic version. The 24th of these (26th in the version of the Maronite Abraham Echellensis) bears that " none ought to marry two wives at once, nor to bring in to his wife another woman for pleasure and fleshly desire." If a priest, such person is to be forbidden to officiate and excluded from communion, until such time as he cast out the second, whilst he ought to retain the first ; and so of a layman. The 66th Canon (71st of the Echellensian version) enters in still more detail into the case of a priest or deacon taking another wife, whether free or slave, without having dismissed the first, the penalty being deposition; or for a layman in the same sin^ excommunication. The 67th Canon again (22nd Echellensian; enacts that whosoever shall have accepted two women at once in marriage shall himself be excommunicated with his second wife. It is difficult to attribute Nicene authority to these Canons, whiclj show so vividly the corrup- tions that grew up in the more distant Oriental churches. But whether illustrative of the dege- neracy of Arabian Christendom before the rise of Mohammedanism in the 7th century, or of the influence of Mohammedan polygamy itself upon it at a later period, they are not the less valuable. The tradition of a condemnation of bigamy by the Nicene fathers appears also from the sin- gular collection attributed to them, from a Vati- can Codex, intitled by Labbe and Mansi (see vol. ii. p. 1029 and foil.), " Sanctiones et decreta alia ex quatuor regum ad Constantinum libris de- cerpta." The 5th chapter of the 1st book bears that " to no Christian is it lawful to have two or more wives at once, after the manner of the Gentiles, who marry three or four at once ; but one is to be married after the other, that is, the contract is to be made with a second after the death of the first." If any dares to go counter to this prohibition, he is to be excommunicated. Reference is made to the holy fathers assem- bled in the Council, and the enactment is declared to be binding on all Christians, whether laymen or clerics, priests, deacons, princes, kings and emperors. The "Sanctions and Decrees," whatever be their authority, belong evidently to the Eastei*n Church. But from the canonical epistle of Basil to Bishop Amphilochius of Iconium, the spurious- ness both of the above quoted canons from the Arabic, and of the " Sanctions and Decrees," so far as they claim Nicene authority, may be in- ferred, since he says that the subject of polygamy has been pretermitted by the fathers, assigning a four years' penance for it before the oft'ender can be admitted to communion (C. Ixxx.). The practice of the West, except in far out- lying provinces, seems to have been generally more strict than in the East, and we have thus to infer the spirit of the Western Church towards bigamy chiefly from enactments against concu- binage. The first Council of Toledo (a.d. 400) excludes from communion a man having a feith- ful wife and a concubine, but not one who has a concubine and no wife, so long as he contents himself with one woman (c. 17). Passing over an alleged decree of Pope Celestin (a.d. 423-32), which declares that a second wife married against church forbiddance is not a wife, although the first should not have been betrothed (c. 4, Gratian); we should notice a letter (12) of Leo the Great (A.D. 440-61), addressed to the African bishops of the province of Mauritania Caesariensis, which speaks of an actual case of bigamy in the priesthood of that province. Neither apostolic nor legal authority, it says, allow the husband of a second wife to be raised to the pastoral office, much less him who, " as it has been re- lated to us, is the husband of two wives at once " (c. 5), Another letter of Leo's (dated 458 or 9), to Rusticus Bishop of Narbonne, is probably the first authority for the lower modern view of the concubinate. Not every woman united to a man is the man's wife, for neither is every sou his father's heir. . . , Therefore a wife is one 206 BIGAMY BIGAMY thing, a concubine another ; as a handmaid is one thing, a freewoman another. . . Wherefore if a clerk of any place give his daughter in marriage to a man having a concubine, it is not to be taken as if he gave her to a married man ; unless haply the woman appear to have been made free, and lawfully jointured and restored to honour by a public marriage (c. 4). Those who by their father's will are married to men are not in fault if the women which such men had were not had in marriage (c. 5). Since a wife is one thing, a concubine another, to cast from one's bed the bondmaid and to receive a wife of ascertained free birth is not a doubling of marriage, but a progress in honour- able conduct (c. 6). — The Council of Angers in 453 enacts excommunication against those who abuse the name of marriage with other men's wives in the lifetime of their husbands (c. 6). That of Vannes (a.d. 465) deals in the same way with those who having wives, except by reason of fornication, and without proof of adultery, marry others, — both enactments, however, pointing per- haps rather to marriage after separation. Towards the same period, however (latter half of the 5th century), we must notice a Nes- torian Synod held in Persia, under the presidency of Barsumas Archbishop of Nisibis, as aftording probably the first instance of what may be called the modern Protestant interpretation of the Pauline fxtas yvvaiKhs avhp. A priest, its canons declare, " should be one who has one wife, as it is said in the Apostle's Epistle to Timothy, ' Whoever marries, let him have one wife if he transgresses, he is to be separated from the Church and the priestly order. But if a priest not knowing marriage, or whose wife is dead, should wish for lawful marriage, let him not be forbidden by the bishop, whether he have wished to marry before or after his priesthood." Any one who contravenes these canons is anathe- matized, and if a priest, to be deposed (see Labbe and Mansi, Cone, vol. viii. pp. 143-4). It is clear that the Nestorians in this case interpreted St. Paul as speaking not of successive but of simultaneous marriage. That this was not how- ever the view of the Greek Church generally is evident from many authorities ; see, for instance, the Canons of the Council of Constantinople in Trullo, A.D. 691 and following years. If Burchard's collection is to be credited, a canon (16) was adopted by the 4th or 5th Council of Aries (A.D. 524 or 554) forbidding any man to liave two wives at once, or a concubine at any time (sed neque unquam concubinam). A col- lection of Irish Canons, supposed to belong to the close of the 7th century, shows that the Celtic kings of Ireland must, as in Britain in the days of Gildas, have had regular harems. The barbarous Latin title of one of its chapters (Ilk. xxiv., c. vii.) is, " De rege non habente uxorcs pluriinas," and the Synod is represented as enacting (if the term can be used) as follows : "According as is the dignity which the king receives, so great should be his fear; for many women deprave his soul, and his mind, divided by tlie multitude of his wives, falls greatly into sin," To the 8th century belongs one of the most curious incidents in tlie treatment of this question by tli(! Church. In a letter of Pope Gregory II. (A.D. 714-3U) to Boniface, the Apostle of Ger- many, written in answer to a series of questions put to him by the latter, we find the Pope treat- ing the case of a wife, who through bodily infir- mity becomes incapable of fulfilling the conjugal duty. Can the husband an such an event take a second wife ? The Pope replies, that it is good for him to remain united to her. " But he who cannot contain " (referring evidently to 1 Cor. vii. 9), "let him marry rather;" but without withdrawing maintenance "from her whom in- firmity hinders, but no detestable fault excludes " from his bed — a decision closely akin to that of Liither and the Protestant theologians in the case of the Landgrave of Hesse. Further on (c. 6) the Pope condemns bigamy generally, " since that is not rightly to be deemed marriage which exceeds the number of two, for the yoke is not borne except by two " (quia nisi in duobus non geritur jugum) — not a very complimentary argu- ment in favour of monogamy (8. Bonif. Epistt. ed, Wurdtwein, No. 24). We find the question of the lawfulness of a second marriage in case of a wife's bodily in- firmity recurring in a work not of much later date than Pope Gregory's letter to Boniface, Archbishop Egbert of York's Dialogue on Church Government (Diaiogus per interrogationes et responsiones de institutione ecclesiasticd). The archbishop is however more cautious than the Pope. He puts the case (c. 13) only in the shape of a dissolution of the marriage tie by agree- ment of both parties (ex convenientia ambo- rum), because of the infirmity of one of them ; can the healthy one marry again, the infirm one consenting, and promising continence ? The archbishop implies that he may : " By change of times necessity breaks the law ... in doubtful cases one should not judge (in ambiguis non est ferenda sententia)." Another example in the 8th century, though bearing rather on concubinage than on bigamy, is to be found in certain replies reported to have been given by Pope Stephen III., whilst he was in France, in the town of Kierzy, at the Breton monastery (in Carisiaco villa Brittannico monas- terio), to various questions addressed to him A.D. 754. He expressed his approval of Pope Leo's view as to the propriety of dismissing a bond- maid concubine and marrying a freewoman, and (c. 3) in further reply to a case put to him of a man marrying a bondmaid in a foreign country, then returning to his own and marrying a free- woman, then again going back to the former country and finding his bondmaid wife married to anothei-, gave it as his opinion that " such a one may take another bondmaid (is potest aliam accipere)," but not in the lifetime of the free wife. The relaxation of the sanctity of the marriage tie in the Carolingian era seems indeed to have become extreme. This may be inferred, for in- stance, from the frequency of enactments for- bidding married men to have concubines, for which see Ansegis, bk. vi. cc. 230, 433, and again bk. vii. c. 338, the last garnished with the some- what naif argument, " lest love of the concubine detach the man from his wife." A contemporary capitulary (A.D. 774) by Arechis Prince of Bcne- vento, forbids a man having a lawful wife to give aught by any device to his sons or daughters born during her life of another unlawful wife (c. 8), an enactment which seemingly points at BIOTHANATOS BIRD 207 practices avowedly bigamous. The dismissal of wives by the Carolingian sovereigns, in order to marry others, becomes likewise so common that it is almost impossible to distinguish between |)atent bigamy and bigamy veiled under the name of divorce. At the summit of the Carolingian world the great emperor, besides actual and divorced wives, sets the law at defiance by keep- ing concubines. The East was even below the i West in servility towards the vices of the sove- reign. In the year 809 a Council of Constan- tinople pronounced a second marriage of the reigning emperor Constantine, after sending his first wife to a convent, lawful, on the ground that " the Divine law can do nothing against kings." The reader is referred to the head Digamy for ihe further consideration of this subject ; in the i meanwhile we may conclude that, whilst the :! :hurch of the eight or nine first centuries never ' formally sanctioned simultaneous marriage rela- tions with two persons, it yet sometimes indi- rectly permitted them in outlying provinces in the case of a wife's infirmity, and certainly was not powerful enough to check them among the great of the ruder races, nor probably generally in the Carolingian era. [J. M. L.] BIOTHANATOS (fiioedvuTos), " Qui morte violent^ perit," says Saicer, sub v. : as if it had been contracted from " biaiothanatos," which is the definition of " ol fiioOauarovvTes" given by St. Chrysostora in disputing against the opinion that the souls of such after death become demons (De Lazaro Serm. ii. § 1 ; Op. vol. i. p. 727 ; Ed. Montf. Comp. Tertull. De Animd, c. 57). According to Baronius, A.D. 138, n. 4-5, it was one of the terms applied to Christians generally by way of reproach for preferring to lose their lives sooner than deny Christ : an application that would have been unmeaning had not the prominent notion attached to the word all along been that of people laying violent hands upon themselves ; and hence, according to the story told by Cassein {Collat, iii. 6 ; comp. Ins. viii. 14), a monk who had thrown himself into a well under temptation of the devil, and been drowned, was all but reckoned by his abbot among such, as being unworthy to be commemo- rated among those who had gone to their rest in peace. Pagan moralists, we are told by Ml'. Lecky (Europ. Mor. ii. 46, et seq.), con- demned suicide upon four grounds. " Christian theologians," he adds, " were the first to main- tain dogmatically that a man who destroys his own life has committed a crime similar both in kind and in magnitude to that of an ordinary murderer On the other hand, the high position assigned to resignation in the moral scale, . . . and, above all, the Christian doctrine of the remedial and providential character of suifering, have proved sufficient protection against despair. Enthusiasm, in early times, indeed, animated many to court martyrdom ; and Christian women were honoured, or at least excused, for committing suicide to guard their chastity. But this feeling died away with the occasions which evoked it, and even asceticism was gradually subjected to I'ule, when experience had shown the extreme limits to which it could be carried without injury to the constitution." The " Circumcelliones" a wild sect of the Dona- tists, ax-e frequently reproached for looking upon suicide in the light of a virtue by St. Augustine (Cont. Ep. Farm. iii. 6 ; Brev. Coll. cum Don. Die iii. c. 8, § 13, &c.). By the 16th canon of the first Council of Braga, a.d. 560 (Mansi ix. 774-84, and Pagi, ibid.), those who committed it in any way "w6re neither to be comme- morated at the oblation, nor to be carried to the grave with psalm-singing." Comp. Gratian, Decret. Part ii. cause 23, 9. 5 : where this canon and other passages in point are cited. [E. S. Ff.] BIRD (as symbol). The birds represented in the earliest Christian art are generally dis- tinguished by their species [see Dove, Eagle, Phoenix, &c.]. This is not only the case in the early sarcophaguses and frescoes of the catacombs, but it is specially remarkable in the first gothic works of the Lombard churches in the North of Italy. See Euskin {Stones of Venice, Appendix, vol, i., Byzantine and Lombard Carvings) where early Lombard work is contrasted with Byzan- tine. But in the very earliest tombs (see Aringhi, ii. 324, and De Rossi almost passim, Bottari t. 178 viii. tav. 174, &c.) birds assignable to no particular species are introduced, apparently with symbolic purpose. In De Kossi they occur so often on tombs, with or without the palm branch, that they may clearly be taken as images of the released soul seeking its home in heaven. Aringhi recognizes this in a passage of some beauty (ii. 324) ; he takes the lightness and aerial nature of the Bird as a symbol of the aspiration of faithful spirits " quorum jugis potissimum con- versatio, ut Apostolus ait, in coelis est " (see also Ps. cxxiii. 6 of the released soul). He refers to Bede who says "Volucres sunt qui sursum cor habent, et coelestia concupiscunt ; " and who looks on the bird also as a sign of the resurrec- tion. The faithful, like birds " obviam Xti in aere ex mortuis sunt ituri." [Note the curious analogy of the Psyche-butterfly, and compare with it Hadrian's " Animula vagula, blandula," &c., as if addressed to a thing of uncertain flight.] Caged birds are occasionally found in paintings or other representations (Boldetti, p. 154, tav. vi.). They are supposed to represent the human soul in the prison of the flesh, or they may be emblems of the imprisonment of a martyr. Martigny describes a mosaic in the tribune of Sta. Maria in Transtevere, in Rome, where one of these cages is placed near the prophet Jeremiah, with inscrip- tion "Christus Dominus captus est in peccatis nostris ; " and another by Isaiah, with the words " Ecce virgo concipiet et pariet filium " — referring thus to the Passion and the Incarnation of our Lord. The symbolism of the cross by a bird's out- spread wings is Tertullian's (Be Oratione, c. 29 [al. 24]): Herzog conjectures that the pictures or carvings of birds with flowers and fruits combined are symbolic of Paradise. In the illustrations to Le Blant's MSS. Chrdiiennes de la Gaule nondescript birds are found almost passim, generally in pairs on each side of the monogram of Christ, and almost always with the letters A u, which appear more frequently in the ancient documents of Christian France. Pairs of drinking birds, peacocks (see s. v.), and also of conventional shape, are still to be seen among the most ancient fragments of By- zantine domestic sculpture in Venice (Stones of Venice, ii. 138, plate xi.). They may be carried back to the 11th or 12th century, perhaps: at 208 BIEKUS BISHOP all events they are clearly decorative repetitious cf the bird-symbols in the catacombs and earlier monuments. [K. St. J. T.] BIRRUS, al. BYREHUS. (Bt>os, B-qpiov.) The word Birrus or Burrus was an old Latin word (Festus in voc.) equivalent to " rufus " or red, and identical probably with the Greek irvppos. So St. Isidore seems to have thought, though late copyists, ignorant as most of them were of Greek, have made nonsense of his text. " Birrus a Graeco vocabulum trahit : illi enim birrum bibrium (? irvpp6v or Bripiou) dicunt." (Oi'ig. lib. XX. cap. 24.) No traces of the word, as the name of a garment, are to be found before the Christian era. The earliest known instance of such an use IS in Artemidorus (early in 2nd century). Speak- ing of the significance of various articles of dress, when seen in dreams, he says that the Chlamys (a short military cloak), " which some call Mandyas, others Ephestris, others fi-qplov, portends trouble and difficulty, and to prisoners under trial portends condemnation, by reason that it compasses about and confines the body " (Oneirocritica, lib. ii. cap. 3). Other writers identify it with the " amphibalus " (q. v.). " Birrus : amphibalus villosus," says Papias. And the author of the life of St. Deicolus (Acta SS. Ord. Bened. saec. 2, p. 105), " Birrum .... quern Graeci amphibalum vocant." A fresco in the cemetery of Pontianus (Aringhi, Borna Sotterranea, torn. i. p. 383), in which are repre- sented three laymen, SS. Milix, Abdon, and Sennes, and one ecclesiastic, St. Vicentius, will probably give a good idea of the difference be- tween the Chlamys, the Birrus, and the Casula (or Planeta). St. Milix is represented wearing a Chlamys; Abdon and Sennes a heavy cloak reaching from the shoulders to the back of the knee, and in form diftering but little from the Chlamys (see woodcut, p. 8), But the Birrus (if such be the garment intended) is provided with a hood, or cowl, for wearing over the head, as were most such outer garments when intended, as was the Birrus, for out-door use. And this hood is here represented as worn on the head. Such a rough Birrus as this was allowed to be worn by slaves under the provisions of the Theodosian Code (Lex 1, de Habitu, speaking of them as viles hirri). And hence some have inferred, though wrongly, that the Birrus was at that time regarded as a gar- ment suitable only for persons of the lowest class. This was not so. There wei-e "viles birri," cheap cloaks, such as those here allowed as a privilege to slaves ; there wei'e " pretiosi birri," costly cloaks, such as those of which St. Augustine says that they might perhaps be fitting for a bishop, but not fitting for Augustine, " a poor man, as his parents had been poor before him " (Sermo de Diversis, 356, tom. v. p. 1579). From the 4th century onward the mention of the Bin-US is not unfrequent, as of an out-door dress used alike by laymen (St. Augustin. De Verbis Apost. Serm. xviii. cap. 10) and by ecclesiastics.'' And in these later notices it is almost always » More particularly we hear of bishops wearing them (as an out-door dress), St. Augustine, above cited, and De vita Cltricorum, Serm. ii. ; Palladius, Hist. Lausaic. c. 135 ; Gregor. Turon. Hist. Franc, lib. ii. c. 1. Many centuries later wc read of St. Thomas of Canterbury wearing a Rirrus (Anonymus de Miracalis S. Thomae Cantuarensis. bjiud Ducange). referred to as being either a somewhat expensive dress, or as having a certain secular character attaching to it as compared with the dress worn by monks. Thus Cassianus (circ. 418 A.D.'i describing the dress of monks, says (De Habitu Monach. lib. i. cap. 7) that they avoid the costli- ness and the pretence to dignity implied in the Planeta and the Birrus (Planeticarum simul atque birrorum pretia simul et ambitionem de- clinant). And St. Isidore in like manner couples together the Planeta and the Birrus as garments which are not allowable to monks (Linteo non licet Monachum indui. Orarium, birros, planetas, non est fas uti, Hegula, cap. 13). And this will account for the peculiar language of the 12th Canon of the Council of Gangra (a. 319), warn- ing men against attributing too much importance to the monastic dress for its own sake, and despising those who wore " birri " (rovs fi-fjpovs (popovvTUs). Towards the close of the 6th cen- tury we find St. Gregory the Great using the term " Birrus albus " in speaking of the white " Christening-Cloak " worn by the newly bap- tized (Lib. vii. Indict, i. IJpist. 5). And the word has many descendants in mediaeval Latin, such as Birettum, Birreta, Birrati (the Car- melite Monks, " Les Freres Barrez," were so called) ; and in old French, as " Bure " coarse cloth, Bureau (Fr. and Eng.), a table covered with coarse cloth, such as was used for official business (Menage). [W. B. M.] BIRTHDAYS OF SAINTS. [Festivals.] BISHOP. Names and titles. Origin of the office. I. Appointment. 1. Election. a. Who elected. /3. Who were eligible, y. Time, mode, and place of election. 2. Confirmation. 3. Ordination. a. Matter and form. /3. Ordainers. y. Place and time of ordination. 8. Register of ordi- nations. 4. Enthronization. 5. Oaths. a. Profession of obedience to metropolitan. ]3. Oath of allegiance to the emperor or king. y. Oath against simony. II. Removal. 1. By translation, 2. By resignation. a. Simply. ^. In favour of a successor, y. So far as to obtain a coadjutor. 3. By deposition, absolute or temporary. A. For what cause. a. Of irregularities which vitiated the con- secration ab initio. /3. Of such as en- . tailed deposition from the office already conferred, y. Of such as also entailed excommunication. 6. Of such as entailed only suspension. B. By what authority. III. Offices and Functions, in relation to the Church. 1. Spiritual, arising from his office as bishop. a. Singly, in respect to his own diocese. i. Ordination, ii. Confirmation, iii. Admi- nistration of sacraments, iv. Preaching, v. Discipline, vi. Creeds, liturgy, church worship, &c., and church affairs gene- rally, vii. Visitation of Diocese, viii. Was the representative of the diocese : 1. in issuing litterae formatae ; 2. in communicating with other dioceses, ix. Alms and church property, x. Patron- age of benefices in the diocese, xi. Ar- bitration of lawsuits, xii. How far allowed to act out of his own diocese, i xiii. A single bishop to each diocesei DISHOP BISHOP 209 and a single diocese to each bishop, xiv. Size of dioceses, their union, subdi' vision, &c. xv. Residence. p. Jointly, in synod, in respect to his province. ■y. Collectively, in general council, in respect to the Church at large. 2. Temporal, conferred by the state. I, Judicial authority in secular causes, il. Be- came a member of state councils, witena- gemots, &c. iii. Authority over subordinate civil magistrates, iv. Protection of minors, ■widows, prisoners, &c. v. Oflice of crowning emperor or king. vi. Not sworn in a court of justice, vii. Intercession for criminals, viii. Special legal protection of his life and property, ix. Exemption from jurisdiction of civil courts, x. Legal force of synodical decisions and canons, xi. But restricted also by law or canon in various ways : as, 1. in the disposing of his property by will ; 2. in the reading of heathen or of heretical boolss ; 3. in ways of living; 4. in the matter of fiscal burdens, military service, &c. xii. Of the education given in the bishop's house. 3. Social and honorary privileges. i. Of bowing the head, kissing the hands and the feet, &c. ii. Mitre, ring, pastoral staff, and other vestments and insignia, iii. Of sing- ing Hosannas before him. iv. Of the phrase « Corona tua." v. Of the bishop's throne, &c. vi. Bishops attended by two presbyters, &c. IV. Position, in relation to othei- bishops. 1. All in their inherent office equal— litterae commu- nicatoriae — order of precedence. 2. Archbishop, primate, metropolitan, exarch, pa- triarch, pope. (See under the several articles.) 3. Special cases, as in Africa and at Alexandria. 4. AvTOice0aA.ot. 5. Chorepiscopi. «. Suffragans. , (gee .mder the «; seizes and inter- f -veralarticles.) ven tores. 9. Commendatarii. V. Anomalous cases. 1. Episcopi vagantes, axo\d^ovTes, ambulantes, &c. 2. Monastic bishops. 3. Antistes palatii. 4. Episcopus cardinalis. 5. Episcopus regionarius. 6. Titular bishops, and in patiibus infidelium. 1. Episcopus ordinum. 8. Libra, as the collective name of the suffragans of the see of Rome. 9. Lay holders of bishoprics. 10, Episcopi Fatuorum — Innocentium — Puerorum. (Authorities.) Bishop ('EttiV/cottos, a term adopted by the Christian Church through the LXX. usage of it, and first by the Hellenic portion of the Church, iiriffKoiTT] [Acts i. 20] being formed from it to express the office) = in the Acts, in St. Paul's Epistles, and in the contemporary St. Clement of Rome (but wrongly so interpreted in the spurious Epist. of St. Ignatius to Hero, cc. iii. viii.), first an appellative (Acts xx. 28), and then an inter- changeable title, of the irpeffjivTepoi, who minis- tered to the several Churches under the Apostles : but from the earliest years of the 2nd century, and from St. Ignatius onwards, the distinctive name, adopted as such in every language used by Christians, Eastern (Syriac, jL^QJimZ)] • Arabic, cJOU*.! ; Ethiopic, A,^rt'P8rt I Coptic, rtieiTICKOTIOC) as well as Western (Scan- dinavian and Teutonic, as well as Latinized), of the single president of a diocese (irapoiKla, Slol- KTjaris), who came in the room of the Apostles, having presbyters, deacons, and laity under him, and possessing exclusive power of ordination, and primarily of confirmation, with primary authority in the administration of the sacraments and of CHRIS r. ANT. discipline (St. Ignat. ad Polycarp. init. and v. vi. viii. ; ad Ephes. i. ii. ; Martyr. S. Ignat. § iii. Martyr. 8. Polycarp. § xvi. ; Polycrates ap. Euseh H. E. V. 24 ; Hadrian. Imper. Epist. ap. Vopisc. in V, Satvrnin. ; Hermas Pastor, Vis. iii. 5 Murator. Canon, p. 20, ed. Tregelles [of Pius, bishop of Rome] ; Hegesipp. ap. Euseb. //. E. ii 23 [of St. James of Jerusalem], and iv. 22 [ot Symeon of Jerusalem, A.D. 69] ; Dion. Cor. ap. Euseb. II. E. iv. 23 [of Dionysius (appointed by St. Paul), Publius, Quadratus, of Athens]; St. Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. 13, and ap. Euseb. IT. E. ii, 1 ; &c. &c. &c.) : — "Episcopi " being thenceforth occasionally still called " presbyteri," but not vice versa [see, however, St. Clem. Alex. Quis Dives Salvetur, xlii. and Tertull. de Praescript. iii. ] ; see Pearson, Vindic. Ignat. ii. 13, pp. 547, sq. ed. Churton : — TJt€ yap re'ws iKoivdvovv ov6fxaTi' Xoiirhv Se rh l^ia^ov ^KaffTO) airoveve- IJLfirai ovofia, 'Einn le particular cases required it),— viz. Timothy at Ephesus, and Titus in Crete, certainly (and so the Fathers with one accord) ; and, not improb- ably, Epaphroditus at Philippi (Phil. ii. 25, and so Theodoret in 1 Tim. vi. 1), and Archippus at Colossae (Col. iv. 17, Philem. 2 ; and so Ambrose in Col. iv. 17) ; to whom the Fathers add a great many more (see a list in Apost. Constit. vii. 47, and among moderns in Andrewes, Epist. i. ad Pet. Molin., 0pp. Posth. pp. 185, 186) ;— 3. in the "A 7- 76Ao£ of Rev. i.-iii. [Angels of Churches], who were real individual persons, although symbol- ized as stars (Rev. i. 20), just as the Churches they governed were real Churches, which are symbolized likewise as candlesticks; and who are proved to have been bishops, (i.) by the analogy of Gal. i. 8, iv. 14 ; (ii.) by their stand- ing for and representing their several Churches ; (iii.) by the fact (see further on) that St. John is expressly and specially stated to have ap- pointed bishops from city to city in these very regions ; (iv.) by the current interpretation of the term from early times, as in St. Jerome, St. Ambrose, St. Aug., Oecumen. and Arethas in Apocalyps. &c. ; to which may be added the probable mention (the reading of Rev. ii. 20 being not altogether certain) of the wife of one of them. And these intimations find their counterpart and confirmation, (1) in express statements of early Fathers, as (i.) St. Clem. Rom. ad Cor. i. 44^ that the Apostles, having appointed presbyter- bishops and deacons in the several Churches in the first instance, proceeded, as a further and distinct step, in order to provide for the con- tinuance of the ministry without schisms or quarrels, to appoint some further institution, whereby the succession of such presbyters and deacons might be kept up, as first by the Apostles themselves, so after them by other chosen men ; i. e. in other words, instituted the order of bishops : KanarTjaav \_ol 'A7rJu, k.t.X. (ii.) The Muratorian Canon (p. 17, ed. Tregelles), " Quarti Evange- liorum Johannis ex decipolis" [John the Apostle as distinguished from John Baptist], " cohor- tantibus condiscipulis et episcopis suis;" — Ter- tullian (adv. Marc. iv. 5), " Ordo episcoporum ad originem recensus in Joannem stabit auc- torem ;" — St. Clement Alex. (Quis Dives Salvetur^ xlii. 0pp. p. 959, and in Euseb. If. E. iii. 23), 'A7r7?ei [sc. St. John when returned from Patmos to Ephesus] irapaKaXovixevos koX iirl ttAt/- xplanare : ubi autem omnia loca circumamplexa ■st Ecclesia, conventicula constituta sunt et rec- ■ores et cetera officia in Ecclesiis sunt ordinata, jit nullus de clero auderet, qui ordinatus non i^sset, praesumere officium quod sciret non sibi -reditum vel concessum." In other words, under pressure of necessity, before the Church could je fully organized, and before a longer duration lad stiffened it into orderly system and regular liaw, acts were allowed and held good to any one, \which were properly and primarily the office of particular officers, viz. of " Rectores," i. e. bishops, ,nd of an ordained clergy ; those acts being done Df course not against— but owing to circum stances, not by— the clergy. And those which are here specified, moreover, are such only as the Church has ever held to be capable of being discharged by any Christian man, so that they are done in unity with the Church. Even Ter- fcullian's well-known words do not make it plain, whether he meant to affirm that, in case of labsolute necessity, laymen might formally ad- minister the Eucharisr, or whether not rather that in such a case the will would be accepted for the deed. For this, however, and like ques- tions, see Baptism, Laity. 1. The first step towards making a bishop was his 1. Election. a. Who elected. — The election of bishops [xet- poTOvia sometimes, commonly e/cAoYr;] pertained from the beginning to the neighbouring bishops, and (except in the obviously special cases of a bishop sent to the heathen [as e. g. Frumentius by St. Athanasius to the Abyssinians, — Socrat. i. 19, Theodoret, i. 23, — or St. Augustine to the Saxons by St. Gregory], or of one sent to a I diocese overrun with heresy or schism), to the I clergy and laity of the particular Church. But the relative rights of each class of electors were apparently determined, not by express enactment, but by Apostolic practice, defended in the first instance by Jewish precedent — " Traditione Di- vina [Num. xx. 25, 26] et Apostolica observa- tione" [Acts i. 15, vi. 2] (St. Cypr. Ejnst. Ixvii. Fell), — and subsequently upon grounds of com- mon sense and equity, — as that, " Deligatur epi- copus praesente plebe, quae singulorum vitam BISHOP 213 naturally inclined to the bishops, so that for the first 500 years such elections were ordinarily ruled by them. The approval [^(Tvvev56Kr}(Tis, consensus] and the testimony to character \jiap' Tvpiov, testimonium] were the more proper office of the clergy and laity of the diocese itself. While the formal appointment [^Kardaracns, which included the ordination] belonged exclu- sively, as to the Apostles at first, so to the €X\6yLiJ.oi &v5pes (St. Clem. Rom. ad Corinth. 1. xliv.) who succeeded them, i. e. the bishops. But both classes of electors are found (so soon as we have any evidence to the point, i. e. from the middle of the 3rd century) taking the initiative in different cases. And the clergy, and the people, alike, possessed the right of giving a " suflragium de persona," as well as a "testimonium de vitd" (Andrewes, Resp. ad Bellarm. xiii.) ; a right, how- ever, alternating in point of fact between a choice and a veto, and fluctuating with circumstances. The germ of such a mode of election is found in the N. T. The Karaffraffis (Acts vi. 3, Tit. plenissime novit " (id. ib.) ; or that, " Nullus invitis detur episcopus " (Caelestin. Epist. ii. 5) ; or that, " Qui praefuturus est omnibus, ab omni- bus eligatur" (Leo M. Epist. Ixxxix); or again, Uapa TravTWV rcav /x^XXSvrwu Tvoi^aiv^aQaL t|/7j(/)i- {(i/xews (Cone. Chalc. A.D. 451 ; Act. xi. Labbe, iv. 698). The judgment [wrpio-is, judicium] 1. e. commonly the choice, and the ratification [/cDpos], i. 5, and compare Heb. v. 1, viii. 3, and St. Matt, xxiv. 45, &c,) was throughout reserved to the Apostles or their successors ; but the " choice " of the persons and the "testimony" to thur character pertained to the people in the .ease of the seven deacons (Acts vi. 2, 3) ; the former to St. Paul and the latter to " the l-ethren," in that of Timothy (Acts xvi. 2, 3) ; St. Paul alone (un- less so far as the " presbytery " joined in the act) both chose and sent Timothy and Titus respec- tively to Ephesus and to Crete (1 Tim. i. 3, 18 ; Tit. i. 5) ; the whole of the disciples appear to have chosen the two between whom lots were to be cast in the case of St. Matthias (Acts i. 23), which is however an exceptional case ; while the word xeipoTo;/ea> (Acts xiv. 23) leaves it unde- termined whether St. Paul and Barnabas only ordained, or did not also choose, the Pisidian presbyters. The earliest non-Scriptural witness, writing however before the N. T. canon was closed, St. Clement of Rome (as above), agrees precisely with the N. T., in terms as well as substance. He reserves the Kardcrraffis, as by express Apostolic appointment, to the Apostles and their successors, but (rvuevdoK'r}(rd(rr}s ttjs 'EKKXv(ria5 irdffvs : speaking, it is true, of the case of iTTiffKoiroi who were presbyters, but in language which must almost certainly apply also to that of bishops properly so called. In con- formity also with this, we find, after A.D. 69, and upon the martyrdom of St. James, the re- maining Apostles and personal disciples of Christ and His surviving relatives, meeting together and joining in the appointment of Symeon the son of Clopas to the bishopric of Jerusalem (Euseb. If. E. iii. 11). The theory, that at first the " senior presbyter" succeeded as of right to the epi- scopate, and that at some early time a change was effected, " prospiciente concilio," such that thenceforth " meritum, non ordo," should select the bishop, seems to be only a 4th century hypo- thesis, based upon what no doubt was a frequent practice, of Ambrosiaster, i.e. Hilary the Deacon, in Eph. iv, 12 ; who however is thinking of the election, not of the consecration, of a bishop, whose specific office also he distinctly recognizes in the passage itself. The natural course of things, and the in- creasingly fixed and detailed organization of the Church, gradually defined and modified the ori- 214 BISHOP BISHOP ghial practice thus inaugurated : 1. by intro- ducing the metropolitan (and, further on, the patriarch), as a power more and more prepon- derant in such elections ; and 2. by regulating the rights of the comprovincial bishops ; both points formalized into canons by the great iSTicene Council ; 3. by substituting for the unavoidable disorder and evil of a strictly popular suffrage (oxAois), an election by the chief only of the laity (a change begun by the Councils of Sardica, A..D. 347, and Laodicea, A.D. 365, and finally esta- blished by Justinian) ; still further restricted in practice in important cases to a nomination bj'- the emperor alone ; and changed from the middle of the 6th century into a general right of royal consent, converted commonly, and as circum- stances allowed, in the case of the European king- doms, and partially in that of the Eastern em- perors also, into a right of royal nomination, concurrent with, but gradually and in ordinary cases reducing to a mei-e form, the old canonical mode of election. The substitution, further, in the West, of the clergy of the cathedral as the electoral body, and in the East of the compro- vincial bishops solely, in place of the old " plebs et clerus " of the diocese, or at the least of the cathedral town, hardly dates before the 9th and 10th centuries. The classical passages for ante-Nicene times ai*e principally from St. Cyprian, and belong to Africa, A.D. 252-254. — " Diligenter de traditione Divina et Apostolica observatione servandum est et tenendum (quod apud nos quoque et fere per provincias totas tenetur), ut ad ordinationes rite celebrandas, ad earn plebem cui praepositus ordi- natur, episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant, et episcoptis deligatur plebe prae- sente, quae singulorum vitam plenissime novit, et uniuscujusque actum de ejus conversatione prospexit " (Epist. Ixyii. addressed to the Spa- nish Churches). — " Instruit et ostendit (Deus) ordinationes sacerdotales nonnisi sub populi as- sistentis conscientia fieri oportere " [scil. Num. XV. 25, 26; Acts i. 15, vi. 2); " ut plebe prae- sente vel detegantur malorum crimina vel bo- norum nierita praedicentur ; et sit ordinatio justa et legitima, quae omnium suffragio et judicio fuerit examinata " (^id. ib.). — " De uni- versae fraternitatis suffragio, de episcoporum qui in praesentia convenerant judicio {id. ib.). — " Episcopo semel facto, et collegarum et plebis testimonio et judicio comprobato " (id. Epist. xliv.). — " Cornelius factus est episcopus [Romae] de Dei et Christi Ejus judicio, de clericorum pene omnium testimonio, de plebis quae tunc afiuit suffragio, et de sacerdotum antiquorum et bo- norum virorum collegio" (id. Epist. Iv.). — " Post Divinum judicium, post populi suffragium, post co-episcoporum consensum " (id. Epist. lix.). — " Episcopo Cornelio in Catholica Ecclesia de Dei judicio, de cleri ac plebis suffragio, ordinato " (id. Epist. Ixviii.). — In which passages, stiffra- gium., judicium, testimonkcm, consensus, appear to be used without precise discrimination, either in regard to meaning, or to the several classes of electors and their respective functions, and to express little more than St. Clement of Home's vaguer term, (TvuevSoKifja-is. The same rule is testified in the East by the joint evidence of Origen, — " Requiritur in ordi- nando sacerdote praesentia populi, ut sciant omnes et certi sint, quia qui praestantior est ex omni populo, qui doctior, qui sanctior, qui in omni vir- tute eminentior, ille eligatur ad sacerdotium ; et hoc, adstante populo, ne qua postmodum retrac- ' tatio cuipiam, ne quis scrupulus resideret" {Horn. vi. in Levit., 0pp. ii. 216, ed. Delarue); — and of the cases mentioned by Eusebius ; as, e. g., A6^ap To7s Twv bjxopwv ^EkkXtjctlcov irpo^a-Twcnv, to elect Dius bishop of Jerusalem, c. A.D. 190 {H. E. vi. 10) ; — Alexander, ordained bishop of Jerusalem, A.D. 214, ixera Koivris rwv 'ETnaKSTrwv ol ras irepi^ SLfTirov 'EKK\r}(rias yvuixrjs (ib. 11): — Thv iravra Xabv . . ."A^iov eVijSoTjo-ai [cried out that Fabian was worthy to be bishop of Rome], twv adeXcpcov airavTcov x^'-P^'^^vias eVejcej/ rrjs tov jxiWovros Siadex^o-Gat ttju iTriaKOTTTju eVt ttjs *EKK\r](rias (rvyKeKpoTTiiJ.4v(av (ib. vi. 29, A.D. 236) : — and, similarly, the neighbouring " bishops, presbyters, deacons, and the Churches," assembled at Antioch A.D. 269 or 270, deposed Paul of Samosata, and appointed Domnus bishop of Antioch in his place. The Apostolic Canons (can. i.), and Apostolic Con- stitutions, viii. 27, require three or at least two bishops to the x^'po''"o^''«? which at least in- volves the election, of a bishop. The former (can. xxxiv.) take also the further step of re- quiring reciprocally the yvd/xri tov rrpcorov (the metropolitan), and the yvcafxn] iravroov, to all church acts. And the latter (viii. 4) enjoin that the people shall be thrice asked if the candidate is worthy. Apostolic Canon Ixxvi. further en- joins, that no bishop, in order to gratify a brother or any other relative, shall ejs rh a^ioofxa ttjs eVitTKoTrfys, t)u jSouAerai, xeiporor/etj/. And the Council of Ancyra (a.d. 314, can. xviii.) proves the power of the people, as the last quoted canon does that of the bishops, by providing for the case of one " constituted " (KaracTTadeh) a bishop, but rejected by the diocese (TvapoiKia) to which he had been consecrated, such rejection being apparently assumed to be conclusive as regarded the particular diocese ; although in Apost. Can. xxxvi. it is ordered, on the contrary, that the bishop in such a case shall " remain." The case of Alexandria in early times was confessedly ex- ceptional, and arose from the seditious character of the Alexandrians (Epiphan. Haer. Ixix. 11). The presbyters of that city by themselves chose one of their own number (acc. to the well-known words of St. Jerome), and that immediately, i. e., as it should seem, without waiting for the voice of the people, or for that of the bishops of the patriarchate (see also the strange story in Liber- atus, Breviar. xx.). The Christian (and Jewish) practice, " in praedicandis sacerdotibus qui ordi- nandi sunt," was also recognized, and copied, in the case of provincial governors, by the emperor Alexander Severus (Lamprid. in V. Alex. Severi). The Council of Nice (a.d. 325) recognized and established the power of the comprovincial bishops, and the authority of the metropolitan, by requiring (can. iv.), if it can be had [jpoa-nKei pLaXicTTa], the personal presence of " all the bishops of the province (eVapx'")/' order to the appointment (KadicTTacrdaL) of a bishop ; but if this cannot be had, then of at least three, a'viJ.^r](p(av yivofxevcav kou twp a,Tr6vToov km (Tvv- ride/j-eucov 5ta ypd/JLixaTa, the ratification (Kvpos) being reserved to the metropolitan ; and (can. vi.) by voiding elections made x't'Pis yvwfX7}s fiv^po- TToKirov. The Council of Antioch, A.D. 341, recognizes also both people, provincial bishops, and metropolitan, by voiding (can. xvi.) an eJec- BISHOP BISHOP 215 ion made Si'xa reKeias atria.rchate. And that of Chalcedon, A.D. 451 Act. xvi. Labbe, iv. 817), requires the consent of 11 or the major part of the bishops of the pro- ince, rh Kvpos exovros rod /i.?jTpo7roAtTOU ; and ffirms the authority of the metropolitan also in ^ct. xiii. (ib. 713), and in can. xxv. (ib. 768). iimilar testimony to the necessity of the metro- )olitan's consent is borne by Pope Innocent I., ■ Extra conscientiam metropolitani episcopi nul- us audeat ordinare episcopum " (Epist. i. c. 2, L.D. 402x417); by Boniface I. (Hpist. iii. A.D. :18x422); by Leo the Great (Upistt. Ixxxix. cii.) ; by Pope Hilary (Upist. ii. A.D. 461 x 468) : ly Cone. Taurin. can. i. A.D. 401 ; and by Cone, irelat. ii. can. v. A.D. 452. On the other hand, these enactments respect- ag the comprovincial bishops, and the growing tower of the metropolitans, did not extinguish he rights of the clergy and people ; who re- lained a real power for many centuries still, nd continued so in name (in the West) down to he 12th century. The Council of Nice itself, in ealing with the Meletian schism, required the hoice of the people (ei 6 Xahs alpo7To), as well s the sanction of the Alexandrian metropolitan iX6xpiO''ros, rp^-i, ireiOot fiiau ava/jLL^aures (St. Greg. Naz. Orat. xix., condemning also the carrying such elections Kara (pparpe'ias Kal avyyeueias) ; by that of Noc- tarius to the see of Constantinople, A.D. 381, Koiufj ^rii(T/j.aTi Koivcp dfiov irduTwv, KXripov re (p-q/xi Koi \aov (Socrat. vi. 2) ; to which may be added the recognition by Leo the emperor "(A.D. 457 x 474) of the KXrjpos koI Th Koivhu (Evagr. iii. 12); and abundant other evidence, of which some will occur further on. The Laodicene Council, however, A.D. 365 (as above quoted), took the first step towards the ultimate practical extinction of really popular elections ; although elections by acclamation, held to be not irregular as springing from a kind of supposed Divine inspiration, or again by cries of Dignus or *'A|£os, still occurred : as, e. g. in the cases mentioned by St. Ambrose, St. Augustin, Philostorgius, Photius, cited by Bingham, IV. ii. 6 ; in the case of St. Ambrose himseff (Paulin. in F. S. Amhros. ; Theodoret, iv. 7 ; Sozom. vi. 24) ; in that of Sisinnius at Constantinople, A.D. 426 (Socrat. vii. 26). But a general suffrage was from that time gradually superseded as the ordi- nary rule by the votes of the rich or high in station. And successive councils recognized the practice, up to the time when Justinian enacted it by express law. In the Council of Ephesus, A.D. 431, Memnon, bishop of Ephesus, complains that his opponent sought to be elected by the votes of (T^jxvov ^ovXivrripiov koX rovs A.a,u- irpoToirovs (^Epist. Cathol. in Cone. Ephes. Labbe iii. 764). Leo the Great and the Roman Council, on occasion of Flavian's condemnation by the Latrocinium Ephesinum, A.D. 442, write in his favour, "Clero, honoratis, et plebi, consistenti apud Constantinopolim" (^Conc. Chalced. A.D. 451, p. i. c. 22 ; Labbe, iv. 47). And the same Leo also mentions the " honorati " expressly, although not exclusively, Epist. Ixxxix. cvi. Stephen of Ephesus (^Conc. Chalced. Act. xi. ; Labbe, iv. 687) claims to have been appointed by forty bishops of Asia, \l/ri(p(j} Koi tmu KajxirporaTcov koX tS>v Xoya8(av koX tov evXafieardTov ttolutos KXripov Koi tS>v Xonroiu irduTwv Trjs Tr6Xe(as irdaTjs. And in Act. xvi. of the same council (Labbe, ib. 618), the right of election is said to belong to the clergy, the KXTjropes Koi XafXTrporaToi ai'Spes, and the bishops, " all or most," of the province. Again (ib. p. iii. c. 21, Labbe, ib. 890), the people of Alexandria and its " honorati et curiales et naucleri," are said to have demanded Timothy as their bishop ; while Liberatus (Breviar. xiv. xv.) affirms that Proterius, on the other hand, the bishop upon whom Timothy was intruded, was elected by the " nobiles civitatis," which he also expresses as " decreto populi." Finally, Justinian established by direct law that the KXripiKol Kal irpooToi TTjs ttSx^us should choose three persons, whenever a vacancy occurred, of whom the or- dainer [«. e. the metropolitan] should ordain the one who in his judgment was the best qualified {Novell, cxxiii. c. 1, cxxxvii. c. 2, and Cod. lib. i. tit. iii. De Episcopis, 1. 42). The 2nd Council of Aries, A.D. 452, had previously adopted a dif- ferent plan for attaining the same end ; viz. that the bishops should choose the three candidates, out of whom the " clerici vel cives " were to select one (can. liv.). And the Spanish Council of Barcelona subsequently, A.D. 599, so far varied the rule of Justinian as to enact (after the pat- tern of St. Matthias' election) that the decision should be made by lot, between two or three, elected by the " clerus et plebs," and presented to the metropolitan and bishops (can. iii.). The common phrase in St. Gregory the Great's Letters is " clerus, ordo, et plebs or, " clerus et nobiles, ordo et plebs." ' From the time of Justinian onwards, both in East and West, the chief power in the election of bishops, on the Church side, inclined to the metropolitan, but as choosing with the compro- vincial bishops from three candidates elected by the principal people, clergy and laity, of the see; the whole process, however, being summarily overruled upon occasion by the emperors ; as also in course of time, and much more continuously and absolutely, by the Prankish, Spanish, and Gothic kings. Before this time, indeed, both Theo- dosius the Great, and Theodosius the Younger, had interfered by an absolute nomination in three several appointments to the see of Constantinople (Socrat. vii. 8, 29, 40), for obvious political reasons. And Valentinian had interfered in a like manner to enforce the popular demand for the consecration of St. Ambrose to Milan (Theo- doret, iv. 6). But such interference was con- fessedly irregulai", had been expressly condemned by Can. Apostol. xxx., and was in earlier times pro- tested against, as, e. g. by St. Athanasius (Epist. ad Solit. V. Agentes, § 51, 0pp. i. 375, demanding, Tlo7os Kaviav airh iraXariov Trefnrecrdai rhv 'Etti'- (TKOTTov). But from the 6th century onwards, in the case of at least important sees, the emperors, although leaving the old forms of election intact, appear to have commonly interfered to make (or at the very least to sanction) nominations them- selves. St. Gregory the Great treats the sole imperatorial nomination in such cases as a mat- ter of course. Instances will also be found, both from him and from later times, down to Heraclius, Justinian II., Philippicus, Constantino Coprony- mus, A.D. 754, in Thomassin, II. ii. 17 ; while the 2nd Council of Nice, A.D, 787, protests against such lay interference uncompromisingly (can. iii. Hacrav \p7i({>ou irapa apx^vruv, 'Ettlo-kSttov, irp(:(Tl3vTepov, ^ SlukSvov, &Kvpov [xiveiv). Saracen conquerors, as might be expected, interfered in a like manner : as, e. g. in Syria, A.D. 736, in the case of the patriarch of Antioch (Thomassin, II. ii. 17, § 7). But it remained for Nicephorus II., A.D. 963 X 969, to enact as an universal law, that no bishop whatever should be elected or consecrated &vev ttjs avrov yj/cofxr]? (Cedren. p. 658, and so also Zonaras) ; a law however which did not last long. Finally, in the East, the custom settled down into an election by the clergy, and ultimately only by the comprovincial bishops, of three, of whom in such cases as the see of Constantinople the emperor, but ordinarily the metropolitan, selected one (Morinus, ii. 193). The ancient form of election however, as modified by Justinian, still held its ground for a considerable time. In the case, e. g., of Epi- phanius of Constantinople, A.D. 528, " the emperor (Justin) and empress, the magnates, the bishops, priests, monks, and the most faithful people, concurred (Epist. Epiphan. inter Epistt. Hormisd. Papae post Epist. Ixxi., Labbe iv. 1534). In that of Sophronius of Jerusalem, A. D. 634, " the clergy, monks, faithful laics, in a word all the citizens " (Sophron. Epist. ad Sergium Constan- tinop. ap. Cone. Constantin. A.D, 680, Act. xi. ; Labbe, vi. 854). In that of Stephen of Larissa, who was chosen out of three, elected by the "clerus' BISHOP BISHOP 217 id " populus," aj?d by those " quorum adsensus ■at actui necessariiis," A.D. 531, the " sancta •ovinciae synodus et totius civitatis possessores nneque corpus Ecclesiae and (he adds), " com- uui omnium testimonio ordinatus sum " (Hel- en. Collect. Eom. pp. 6, 7). While the council . Trullo, A.D. 691, speaks of an election by all le bishops of the province as the " ancient cus- im " (can. xxxix.) : and Joh. Antioch. (^Nomocan, t. vii. in Bihl. Jur. Can. p. 610) rules that a shop must be elected by the metropolitan, jid by all the bishops of the province, either |;esent or sending a written consent ; and that ich elections (iK\oyas) must not be entrusted > the multitude : and, lastly, Zonaras and Sal- mon, glossing the older canons by the custom ' their own time, exclude the " clerus et plebs " together, and refer the whole matter to the letropolitan and bishops, the former choosing le " dignissimus " out of three, elected by the ishops without the presence of the metropolitan iccording to Symeon of Thessalonica), and pre- inted by them to him (see the form at length I Sym. Thessal. ap. Morin. ii. 149, sq.). Pro- ibly the empei'or really determined the choice, herever his power enabled, and his policy in- ined, him to do so ; while as a rule he left L'dinary cases to the oi'dinary methods. See, owever, Le Quien, Oriens Christ, i. 136, 169. In the West, a like retention of the old form of iection ran parallel with a gradual increase (less, pparently, through circumstances, in France lan elsewhere) of the power of the metro- olitan, and with the practical assumption of a )le nomination, especially in France, by the ing. In France, the Councils of Orleans II., .D. 533, canons i. viii., of Clermont, A.D. 535, xn. ii., of Orleans III., A.D. 538, can. iii., specify lie " clerici, cives," bishops of the pi'ovince, and jietropolitan, but require the consent of all the lomprovincial bishops only in the election of the lietropolitan himself. But in the Council of Or- !ans v., A.D. 549, canons x. and xi., occurs first lie significant phrase, " cum voluntate regis ;" [though still " juxta electionem cleri ac plebis," nd with consecration by the metropolitan and omprovincial bishops, and with a special enact- lent that " nullus invitis detur episcopus, sed ec per oppressionem potentium personarum . . . ives aut clerici inclinentur ;" and although also hecked almost immediately by the Council of 'aris III., A.D. 557, can. ii., which voids the principis imperium," if against the will of letropolitan and bishops. Absolute nominations y the kings, however, occur earlier : e. g. under heodoric of Austrasia, A.D. 511 x 534 (Greg. Tur. e 8S. Patrum VV. c. iii.). And compare also tie appointment to the see of Leon, of Paulus reonensis, by Childebert ( V. 8. Paul. Leon.), , .D. 512. The issue between royal, and metro- lOiitan or ecclesiastical, nominations was directly aised A.D. 563, in the case of Emerius, bishop of aintes ; whom the king (Charibert) forced upon he see in defiance of the metropolitan, as being is pi'edecessor Lothaire's nominee (Greg. Tur. I. E. iv. 26). And Lothaire II., — in confirming re-enactment of can. ii. of the second Council of 'aris, made by the Council of Paris V. a.d. 615 can. i.), and again re-enacted at the Council of iheims, a.d. 625, can. xxv., and at the Council f Chalons, a.d. 649, can. x., — requires to such lections, made " a clero et populo," the sub- sequent " ordinatio principis," with no other qualification than that " certe si de palatio eli- gitur [episcopus], per meritum, &c., ordinetur" (Mansi, x. 543). Thenceforward, the action of the people of the diocese, under the Prankish kings, is commonly termed, not " electio," but "flagitatio" or " petitio," or is expressed at! " suppliciter postulamus," addressed to the king, Regular forms for the donation of a bishopric by the king, nominally "cum consilio episcoporum et procerum" — in Marculphus, and in Sirmond {Cone. Gallic, ii. Append. ; see also the " electio quo modo a clero et a populo eligitur episcopus in propria sede cum consensu regis archiprae- sulisque omniumque populo" [sic], in Morinus, de Ordin. ii. 304) — exhibit the choice, even when made by the clergy and people, and sanctioned by the metropolitan, as ultimately and in effect made by the king. And in point of fact, the bishops were so nominated. Carloman, however, and Pipin {Cone. Liptin. a.d. 743, and Cone. Suess. A.D. 744), professed to restore liberty of election to the Church. And a new set of " formulae " occurs accordingly (in Baluz. ii. 591, and in Sir- mond), as "usurpatae post restitutam electionum libertatem." And Charlemagne, upon the advice of Pope Adrian, that he should leave episcopal elections to the " clerus et plebs " according to the canons (Cone. Gallic, ii. 96), issued a capitu- lary, A.D. 803 (Cone. Aquisgran. c. ii., repeated by Louis, A.D. 816, Capit. Aquisgran. c. ii.), consent- ing " ut episcopi per electionem cleri et populi secundum statuta canonum de propria dioecesi eligantur;" but he did so as granting a grace, not as admitting a right. And as the bishops in point of fact continued to be appointed by the emperors (see e. g. Baluz. ad Cone. Gall. Narbon. p. 34, and ad Capit. ii. 1141), and no choice could be made save by the emperor's special pei*- mission (so Gieseler, and this as late as Cone. Va- lentin. A.D. 855, can, vii.), and special privileges of free election were given to particular churches (Baluz. ib.), which imply the universality of the opposite practice, — not to add also the much disputed but after all possibly genuine grant by Adrian to Charlemagne (in Gratian, Bist. 63, c. 22) of an absolute right to the appoint- ment and investiture of all bishops and arch- bishops in all provinces of his empire, — it is obvious that the change was more in name than in reality (as indeed the " formulae " themselves, as above in Sirmond, &c., shew), until at least the renewal of the contest after the middle of the 9th century in the time of Hincmar. On the other hand, the power of the metropolitan and the right of free election were continually re- asserted, although with little effect (see tlie councils above quoted, from that of Orleans in 533 to that of Rheims in 649); until under Charlemagne's immediate successors, whoso right to nominate is actually recognized at the Council of Paris VI. a.d. 829 (can. xxii.), and that of Thionville in 845 (Capit. Car. Calv. tit. ii. c. 2). &c. ; and this, although Carloman and Pipin haa both of them professedly restored the rights of the metropolitan as well as freedom of election (A.D. 742, Capit. c. i,, and A.D. 755, can. ii.). See the whole subject carefully treated in Henry C. Lea's Studies in Church History, pp. 81-90 (^Philad. U. S. 1869). In Saxon England, king, witan, and metro- politan appear to have predominated, although 218 BISHOP BISHOP the first gradually became as a rule the real nominator. At the same time, the canonical form of election was kept up ; and when the king was weak and the Church strong, it occasionally became a reality. The Kentish and Northumbrian kings agreed in choosing Wighard, but accepted Theodore, A.D. 668, as Archbishop of Canterbury, a t the hands of the pope, upon Wighard's unex- pected death at Rome (Baed. H. E. iii. 29, iv. 1). Northumbrian kings and witenagemots adjudi- cated the various disputes about Wilfrid's sees. And Theodore and a synod of bishops chose and consecrated Cuthbert to the see of Lindisfarne, A.D. 684, but " sub praesentia Regis Ecgfridi " {id. iv. 28). Wihtred's privilege, A.D. 696 x 716, in its genuine form refers to Kent and to abbats and presbyters, not to England at large, or to bishops (Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. iii. 238-247). And Agatho's privilegium to the " congregatio " of the monastery of St. Paul's, A.D. 673 x 681, to elect their own bishop, is a forgery (ib. 161). On the other hand (although no doubt contem- porary both with the Carlovingian nominal re- storation of liberty of election in France, and with the breaking up of the Northumbrian kingdom), Alcuin's letters, " ad Fratres Eboracenses," of Aug, 796, before the election of Eanbald to York, distinctly affirm, that " hucusque sancta Ebo- racensis Ecclesia in electione sua inviolata per- mansit," adding, " videte ne in diebus A'estris maculetur ;" — imply that Alcuin himself had a voice in the election ; — and urgently exhort the York clergy to elect a proper person, if he him- self cannot come in time for the election {Epistt. 54, 55, Migne ; 48, 49, Froben.). " Profes- siones," also, of a little later date, distinctly assert an election by the diocese : e. g. that of Beornmod of Rochester, A.D. 805, or a year or two earlier, — " electus ab Ethelardo archiepi- scopo et a servis Domini in Cantia constitutis" (in Wharton, A. S.), — and that of a bishop of Lichfield (probably Kynferth, A.D. 833x836), " quoniam me tota Ecclesia provinciae nostrae sibi in episcopatus officium elegerunt " (Cotton MSS. Cleop. E. 1),— and that of Helmstan of Win- chester, A.D. 838, " a sancte et Apostolice sedis dignitate et ab congregatione civitatis Wentanae necnon Ethel[wulfi3 regis et totius gentis occi- dentalium Saxonum ad episcopalis officii gradum electus " (ib.), — and that of Deorlaf of Hereford, A.D. 857 X 866, " quoniam me tota congregatio Herefordensis Ecclesiae sibi in officium episcopale elegerunt " (App. ad Text. Hoff.). In a little later times, we find Odo made archbishop, A.D. 942, by the " regia voluntas," followed by the " assensus episcoporum " (Will. Malm. G. F. A. 1.) ; Dunstan, A.D. 960, made so by Edgar (id. ib.), but with an election also by acclamation accord- ing to his Life ; and Living, A.D. 1013, " suifragio Regis Ethelredi " (W. Malm. ib.). And in the time of Eadward the Confessor, Aelfric is elected by the monks of Canterbury, but set aside by the king in favour of Robert, made archbishop regis munere" (V. Eadw. ed. Luard, pp. 399, 400). By that time the election by the " clerus et plebs" of the diocese, so far as it still sur- vived at all, had gradually shrivelled up into an election by the clergy, and by the clergy of the cathedral, — a process materially accelerated by the monastic character of the chapters, coupled with the monastic privilege of choosing their own abbats, — but which was also perpetually set aside by the necessity of the royal consent, running naturally into a right of royal nomination. See also the evidence collected by Freeman, Hist, of Norm. Conq. ii. 61, 117, and 571-577. The case of the see of Rochester was exceptional, the archbishop of Canterbury claiming, and fre- quently obtaining, the right of nomination to that see, as against the crown, until the days of King John. In Spain, the power of the bishops in the election of the kings preserved and extended also their own power, and among other things, in episcopal elections. The Council of Toledo X., A.D. 656, for instance, elected a metropolitan of Braga (the former bishop being deposed for in- continence) without consulting the diocese. See however Dunbar, Hist. of Spain and Portugal, bk. ii. c. ii., who rather leans towards the royal power in such elections. Ultimately the king and the metropolitan of Toledo seem to have acquired practically a joint power of nomination. Cone. Tolet. XII, , A.D. 681, empowers the archbishop of Toledo, as primate, to consecrate at Toledo, " quoscunque regalis potestas elegerit et jam dicti Toletani episcopi judicium dignos esse pro- baverit " (can. vi.). And see also the history of King Witiza, A.D. 701-710. Martin of Braga too, distinctly says that the people are not to elect bishops. In Italy, also, the royal power gradually overruled without superseding the older canoni- cal form of election. But that the latter con- tinued in all ordinary cases, save that the metro- politan's influence and veto had grown more powerful, is palpable by St. Gregory the Great's letters. On the other hand, Odoacer, A.D. 476- 483, with the " advice " of Pope Simplicius, for bade the election of a bishop of Rome without his (the king's) consent. And the interference of (the Arian) Theodoric in the disputed election of Pope Symmachus, A.D, 501, was both asked foi and submitted to ; although it called forth En- nodius' Apologetic Letter, and also a protest from the Cone. Palm. A.D. 502, which declared Odoacer'f law invalid. Yet the Gothic kings continued t( exercise such a power. Theodoric appointed suc- cessive popes during his reign, down to Felix III A.D. 526 (Greenwood, Gathed. Pet. iii. c. 4). Anc Athalaric issued regulations about papal eleo tions on occasion of the outrageous simony tha attended the accession of John II. A.t>. 53; (Cassiod. ix. 15). And not only so, but th Greek emperors, when they recovered Italy exercised it likewise ; so that, e. g. Gregory th Great, A.D. 590, after due election by the " cleruf senatores, populusque Romanus," still require' the "praeceptio" of the emperor Maurice t complete his election (Jo. Diac. in V. Greg. Jii lib. i. ep. 39, 40). And Pipin and Charlemagn fell heirs to the like " jus et potestatem el) gendi pontificem:" for all which see detaiJj under Pope. The election of the pope ii! deed remained like other elections of the kim until the decree of the Cone. Pom. of A.D. 105 under Nicholas II, (for which see Gieseler, ii. 36! Eng, transl,); which itself was a change am logons to the contemporary changes elsewhere. In brief, then, during this period, the o) canonical diocesan election continued throi-ghoi the Western Church as the right and proper mo( of election ; but (1) was in itself gradually a sorbed into a vote of the cathedral clergy (" elect BISHOP BISHOP 219 clericorum est, petitio plebis,*' is the utm.'»t allowed in Gratian, Deer. i. dist. 62), and (2) was overruled perpetually by the royal nomination, which itself was concurrent with but commonly superseded the consent of metropolitan and com- provincial bishops. For special conditions attending the election of metropolitans, and for the relation of the metropolitans to the patriarchs in the matter, see Metropolitan, Patriarch. At what times special questions arose respect- ing the qualifications which gave a right to vote in the election of a bishop — how such questions were determined — in what way votes were ac- tually taken — and other questiores of like detail — there remains no evidence to shew : except that we may infer from such acceunts as e. g. that in Synesius, Epist. 67, that where there was a popular assembly ordinarily acting in other and civil matters, such assembly acted also, at first, in the choice of a bishop. Synesius' description also illustrates forcibly the ox^oi of the Laodicene Council, the women being preeminently ndisy on the occasion, and even the children. jS. Wlio were eligible, — Such being the electors, it follows next to consider the qualifications of those who were to be elected. The general dis- I qualifications for the clerical office — such as, e. g. I (Ugamy, clinic baptism, heretical baptism, the j having been a demoniac, or done public penance, or lapsed, the occupations of pleader, soldier, play- actor, usurer, the being a slave, or illegitimate, I the having any of his own immediate family still unconverted heathens, &c. &c. — will be best i treated under the art. Orders, Holy, or the se- I veral subjects themselves. The special conditions j of eligibility for a bishopric were, (1) that the I candidate should be, acc. to J.J90s^. Constit. ii. 1, j fifty years of age ; but acc. to Cone. Neocaes. j A.D. 314 (requiring 30 for a presbyter, on the I ground of St. Luke iii. 23 — a canon adopted by j the Church universal), and acc. to similar later i canons {Arelat. IV. a.d. 475, can. i., Agath. A.D. 506, can. xvii., Aurelian. III. A.D. 533, can. vi., Tolet IV. A.D. 581, can. xx. ; and again, Justin. Novell, cxxxiii. 1 ; and again, Charlemagne at Aix, A.D. 789, Capit. i. 49, and at Frankfort, A.D. 794, can. xlix.), the age of 30 only was in- sisted on. And so also Balsamon. Photius in one place (ap. Suicer) says 35, which is likewise Justinian's rule in another Novel (cxxvii. 1). And Siricius and apparently Zosimus (Sir. ad Himer. Epist. 1 § 9, Zos. ad Hesych. Epist. 1, § 3, a de- tailed lex annalis in both cases) place the mini- 1 mum at 45. Special merits, however (St. Chrys. j jiom. in 1 Tim. x. xi.), and the precedent of luTQothy (1 Tim. iv. 12; and see St. Ignat. ^ieo-^eVo?, &c. (Sozom. vii. 8). And all these are cases of immediate consecration; the later practice of ordaining to each step on successive days, in order to keep the letter while breaking the spirit of the rule, dating no earlier than the case of Photius above mentioned (Bingh. II. X. 7). (5) Apost. Can. xxi. permits the consecra- tion of one made a eunuch by cruelty, or born so ; and {ih. Ixxvii.) of one maimed or diseased in eye or leg : but (ih. Ixxviii.) forbids it in the case of a deaf or dumb person. (6) Lastly, the bishop who was appointed Interventor to a see during the vacancy was pro hac vice ineligible to that see. [Interventores.] It remains to add (7) that the candidate's own consent was not at first held to be requisite, but that in many cases consecration was forced upon him &KovTa ; as in the instances in Bingh. IV. vii. 2 : to which may be added others, as, e.g. that of Eusebius of Caesarea in Pontus, A.D. 362 (Greg. Naz. Orat. xix.). And Apost. Can. xxxvi. orders the excom- munication of a bishop who refuses the charge of the people assigned to him. But first St. Basil (ad Amphiloch. x.) exempts those who in such a case had " sworn "—ofivvovres fih) KaraSex^creai T^u x^iporoviav. And afterwards the emperors Leo and Majorian forbade forced ordinations alto- o-ether {Novel, ii. in Append, ad Cod. Theodos. vi. 34). And similarly Pope Simplicius {Upist. ii.), and Cone. Aurelian. III. A.D. 538 (can. vii.). At the same time the law of Leo and Anthemius (Cod. Justin, lib. i. tit. iii. De Episcopis, 1. 31) describes the " nolo episcopari " temper proper to one to whom a bishopric is offered—" ut quaeratur cogendus, rogatus recedat, invitatus refugiat, sola illi suffragetur necessitas obsequendi ;'' and that " profecto indignus est sacerdotio, nisi fuerit or- dinatus invitus." And so the Fathers generally (Thomassin, II. ii. 65). y. Time, mode, and place of election. — t urther, (1) the election was ordered to be made, and the new bishop consecrated, evrhs Tpicou fi^vwv, un- less delay was unavoidable, by Cone. Chalced. A.D. 431, can. xxv. And the alleged practice at Alexandria (doubtless from the special character of the place already mentioned) was to elect im- mediately after the death of the last bishop, and before he was interred (Epiphan. Haer. Ixix. § 11, Liberat. Breviar. xx., and see Socrat. vii. 7) ; a practice followed in one instance, that of Proclus, A D. 434-447, at Constantinople also (Socrat. vii. 40)". The time allowed in Africa, however, was much longer, the episcopus interventor being only superseded if he allowed the election to be^de- laved beyond a vear {Cone. Carthag. V. A.D. 398, Jn iii.; Cod. Can. Eccl. Afrie. Ixxiv.). On the other hand, Gone. Bom. A.D. 606, to prevent BISHOP bishops nominating their own successors, for bids election until the third day after the last bishop's death. (2) Such election was not tc take place iirl irapovaia aKpowiJ.4uwv — "in th( presence of the hearers," i. e. the class of cate- chumens so called {Cone. Laodic. A.D. 365, can V.) ; probably because accusations might on sue! occasions be brought forward against clergy (3) Later canon law {Greg. IX. Decretal. 1. vi De Elect, et Electi Potest, c. 42) specifies thre modes of electing ; scil. by " compromissarii (delegates by whose act the body of elector bound themselves to abide), by scrutiny of vote- by "inspiration" (if the electors agree in a unanimous and unpremeditated choice). Of thes three, compromissarii are mentioned by Gregor the Great, although not under that name {Epis iii. 35). And election by acclamation was (as w have seen) not unknown. The other was of com- the ordinary way, viz. by some kind or other scrutiny of votes. (4) The election was proper] to take place in the diocese itself (whereas " con promissarii " might be sent elsewhere to perfor it), that the people might be able to give the testimony (St. Cypr. Epist. Ixvii.). Cone. Aur lian. IV. A.D. 541, can. v., &c. &c., refer to the pla of ordination, for which see below. So long as th also took place in the diocesan cathedral (see e. St. Aug. Epist. 261, and below), so long no dou the election took place there likewise. But ev when the ordination came to be transferred the metropolitan see, the election still remain j commonly as to be done on the spot itse [Interventores ; Visitatores.] 2. Confirmation.— bishop elect was ne^ to be confirmed, viz. by the metropolitan. A so far as such confirmation merely referred to t| metropolitan's share in the election, it woij certainly seem to follow from Cone. Nicaen. c,v vi. {Kpare'iTOi} 7} rwv TrKeidvtav y\/ripa-y\s), is mentioned by St. Chrys. (Horn. Iv. in Matth.), and by the Pseudo-Dionysius as above. In the later Greek ritual it occurred thrice (see Morinus, iii. 254). — (iv.) Delivery of pastoral staff and ring be- came also a part of the Western rite from about the latter part of the 6th century (Maskell, Mon. Bit. vol. iii. 273). It occurs in the Ponti- ficals of Gregory the Great and Egbert, but not in those of Gelasius or Leo. The staff indeed dates from the 4th century, as one of the insignia of a bishop, both in East and West. And the ring, which is unused in the East (except by the Ma- ronite Syrians, and by the Armenians, the latter of whom borrowed it from Rome — so Denzinger — and the a^payls, or sign of the cross, is avrl Sa- KTvXiov, acc. to Sym. Thessalon.), occurs in the West as early as Isid. Hispal. de Div. Off. ii. 5 ; but " is not in either Amalarius, Alcuin, or Rab. Maurus" (Maskell). Both staff and ring an in Cone. Tolet. IV. a.d. 633, can. xxviii. (men tioning " orarium, annulum, baculum ") ; and seemingly, in Cone. Franco/, a.d. 794, can. x (mentioning, however, only in general, "episco palia"). [Ring ; Crosier Staff.] But as par of the rite of ordination, they belong to the West and to the latter part of the 6th century [Investiture.] The staff, however, occurs i] a late Greek Pontifical in Morinus (de Sac Ord. ii. 124). — (v.) The w/jLocpopiou, or pallium (a linen vestment marked with crosses), als came to be given at episcopal ordination in th East. It is mentioned as an (Eastern) epi scopal vestment as early as Isidor. Pelus. in th beginning of the 5th century (lib. i. Ep. 136 and see Morinus, p. ii. pp. 220 sq., and Der zinger) ; and occurs in the Eastern rituals. In tb West, the delivery of a vestment also called b the name of pallium followed ordination, not of a bishops, but of archbishops, as a totally distinc ceremony, and with an entirely different meanic and purpose. And this began about A.D. 500 : s( Gieseler, ii. 133, Eng. ed., and under Pall.- (vi.) The delivery of the mitre at ordination i the West dates only after the close of the peric to which this article refers ; occurring first aboi the 10th century (see Maskell's Mo7i. Bit. iii. 275 It is in the Sarum, as in all later Pontifical As part of the episcopal dress during Divii service, in some shape or other, and undi various names, it occurs both in East and We; from apparently the 4th century. [Mitre.]- (vi.) The delivery of the paten " cum oblatis and of the chalice cum vino," which forms principal part of the later additions to the ord nation of a presbyter [Presbyter], is foui for the first time in the Sacram. of Gregory t]'\ Great (Morinus, ii. 277, iii. 134), and in the co secration of a bishop (in which however it do not occur again). Among the Syrians, howeve the consecrating bishop touched the consecrat', elements with his hands before laying hands up( the head of the bishop to be consecrated (De zinger) ; and in the Apost. Constit. viii. 5, one the consecrating bishops is ordered ai/acpepi Tr]V Ovcr'iav eVt t&Jj/ xetpcoi/ rov x^^poTOvrjOevri — (vii.) The audp^rjcris or proclamation (pre i dicatio, promulgatio, auaKrjpv^is, iiriKripv^is, U KT]pv^is e| ovSfxaros), and (viii.) the kiss of peaM are mentioned by Pseudo-Dion. Areop. as follo' I ing upon the consecration. The latter is meBi tioned also in Apost. Constit. viii. 5, but as ( I curring at the subsequent enthronization. A m it was repeated four times during the service * the East in the time of Sym. of Thessal. (; Morin. ii. 171). The former occurs in the tii of Symeon before the consecration, and was that position a public proclamation by name ' the appointment (ri Beia X"P'^ irpox^ip^C^'''! of the elect bishop, made Iv the consecratij: archbishop (among the Jacobites and Cop|. however, by the archdeacon — Denzinger). Th p were indeed two such fnjvvfiara : one, the ' ■ claration made to the bishops, intimating i> choice made by emperor, or by metropolit , among the three presentees ; the other, the p - clamation of the name to the people (Morm ,| iii. 254). In the older Latin Ordinals the sa?-' form occurs in substance in like place (id. • 27) ; viz. as a declaration by the consecral , that " cives nostri elegerunt sibi ilium pastor* i BISHOP BISHOP 223 oremus itaque pro hoc viro," &c. It is also in use among the Syrians (id. ih. 31). The Apost. Constit. do not mention it. But St. Greg. Naz. seems to allude to it under the term imtpififjii- (erai (Mor. ib. 30). ' Kvdpp'nffLs is also used in Synesius (Epist. 67) as equivalent to consecra- tion ; and see also Suicer in voce. All these, however, are later additions to the rite ; arising (as was not unnatural) out of the gradual extension of the " traditio instrumen- torum," which had constituted the ordination of the minor orders from the beginning (see Cone. Garth. IV.), to the higher orders also ; and accom- panied in the case of some of them by an equally natural conversion of accessories in course of time into essentials. It is waste of words to prove that the one and only essential act from the beginning was imposition of hands. This also, however, in process of time, became varied, 1. by repe- tition, 2. by the use of one or both hands, and the like : for which details see Imposition of Hands. The form of ordination was not similarly fixed. Pope Innocent III., speaking as a canonist, and Habert, writing of the Greeks as a theologian, expressly declare that the Apostles appointed no form of words ; that it rests therefore with the Church to appoint such a form ; and that, apart from Church authority, any words whatever, adequate to the purpose, would suffice. And the facts of the case are in themselves enough to establish this. In the Greek Church, the form in Sym. Thessal. runs thus : 'H 6eia xdpis irpo- XetpiXerot rhv Seiva els 'ETrtV/coTrov, K.r.X. ; these words, which are used at the avdp^rjaris^ being repeated at the actual consecration. Den- zinger, however (pp. 140, 141), considers the essential words in the Eastern rites which he mentions to be found in the prayers which ac- companied the laying on of hands, and to be of a : precatory form. In the Latin Church, since the ' 11th century, it has been simply, " Accipe Spi- , ritum Sanctum," without express mention in the j form itself of the episcopal office either by name cr by description, the context sufficiently limit- i ing the purpose of the words (Vazquez, &c.). ! Prior to that date, the " consecratio " of a bishop was not an imperative declaration, but was in the form of a prayer. [Ordination.] 3- The ordainers were necessarily bishops (see , below. III. 1, a. i). " Two or three at the least," j was the rule of the Apostolic Cation (1), and of I the Apost. Constit. (viii. 4, 27) : the latter also ' deposing both ordained and ordainer, if any were ordained (of course, without sufficient cause), by I one bishop (viii. 27), yet expressly not voiding such j ordination if the case were one of necessity. But i while St. Cyprian (Epist. 67) implies the ordi- j nary presence of all or most of the comprovincial j bishops, the Nicene Council (can. iv.) requires j the actual participation in the consecration, of I three absolutely, as a minimum — of all, if pos- j sible— but in any case with the consent at least I or the rest of the comprovincial bishops, or (can. I vj.) of the major part of them. And so also ^ono^. Chalced. Act. xvi. Several Gallican pro- vincial councils go further, by requiring in one i^'ise (Cone. Arelat. I. a.d. 314, can. xx.) seven as a fule, but if that is impossible, at least " infra tres non audea[n]t ordinare ;" or again {Cone. Arelat. 11. A.D. 353, can. v.), the metropolitan with three «U"i"agans (or, according to another reading, the metropolitan in person or by letter, and three suffragans), with the consent of the remainder, or of at least the major part of the whole num- ber, in case of division ; or yet again (Cone. Arausic. 1. A.D. 441, can. xxi.), by actually de- posing the ordainer, and (if a willing participator in the ii-regularity) the ordained bishop also, if " two bishops presumed" to ordain; while yet a fourth like council (Begiens. a.d. 439, can. ii.) not only censures but voids a consecration, which shall lack any of the three conditions, of consent of comprovincial bishops, presence of three of them, and assent of metropolitan. The rule re- quiring three is also matter of constant reference (as, e. g., in Cone. Epaon. A.D. 517, can. i. ; or again by popes from Damasus onward to Leo III., in discussing the position of ehorepiscopi ; see Morin. iii. 58). Spanish councils simply repeat the Nicene canon on the subject (e. g. Gone. Tolet. IV. A.D. 581, can. xviii. ; and so Isidor. Hispal. de Offic. Eecl. ii. 5). And in Africa, at an earlier date, Cone. Carth. III. a.d. 397, can. xxxix., con- demns consecration by two bishops, pronounces the requirement of twelve (which had been sug- gested) impracticable, and repeats accordingly the old rule of three : can. xL of the same council prohibiting the three from proceeding to conse- crate, in case objections are taken to the bishop- elect, until themselves with " one or two" more have enquired into those objections on the spot, and found them groundless. The rule in the East was the same (Denzinger, p. 142), " scil. ut non minuatur numerus ternarius." And Cone. Seleuc. et Ctesiph. a.d. 410 (ed. Lamy, 1869), deposes (if the record is genuine) both conse- crated and consecrators, if any be ordained bishop by one bishop or by two. But then the principle which underlay this rule, was not the inability of one bishop by himself to consecrate, but the desirableness that many, and if possible all, should co-operate in, and testify to, the act of consecration. So expressly the Apost. Constit. viii. 27 ; adding with like clearness a proviso, that " one " may consecrate in case of necessity, if only a greater number signify their sanction of the act. So Gregory the Great, in the well- known Answers to Augustine, requires " three or four " if possible, but speaks of the presence of more than one only as " valde utilis," as of those " qui testes assistant ;" and distinctly authorizes consecration by one on the ground of necessity. So Synesius (Epist. 67) censures the consecration of Siderius, bishop of Palaebisca, as (not invalid but) eKdiafius, 1. because not in Alexandria or with the consent of the patriarch ; but also, 2, be- cause performed by " not three," but a single bishop ; and Theodoret (v. 23) that of Evagrius of Antioch, as also Trapa rhv iKKXr](ria(TTLKhv OecTfiSu, "because (among other things) Paulinus alone consecrated him. But Synesius adds, that necessity justified the former of these consecra- tions, and had led St. Athanasius to allow the like; and in that of the latter, both the bishop of Alex- andria and the Western bishops recognized it none the less (Theodoret, ib. ; Innocent I. Epist. 14). So again the bishops of Pontus (Epist. ad fin. Cone. Chalced.') speak of Dioscorus of Alexandria as actu- ally bishop, although consecrated by only two bishops (and those under censure), " cum regulae patrum . . . tres episcopos corporaliter adesse . . . prospiciant." Of the very councils themselves of Aries II. and of Riez, aboA^e quoted, the former 224 BISHOP recognizes the reality of the censured consecia- tion by appointing the bishop consecrated by two to one^f the sees vacated by the deposition of his consecrators, if the irregularity ^ad been without his consent; and the latter,-although its canon can scarcely be explained away (as by Thomassin) by referring it to election and not consecration,--yet both permits the deposed bSp to cokrm, and allows the orders he may have already conferred, subject only to the favour of the metropolitan; or m other words, does not venture to quash the fl^^^^cration out- rio-ht. The Welsh and early Irish and Scotch r.mctic8-of only one consecratoi— was no doubt Stra ii:itter'of necessity ; although con^^^^^^^^ after it had ceased to be so. The Saxon Chui ch Resumed the canonical rule of three, on the other hand, as soon as possible. And even in 6b4 a Wessex bishop called in two British bishops albeit he must have thought them schismatical^ to com- plete that number (Baed. H. E iii. 28). The cases of PoDe Pehao-ius I. A.D. 555, ordained by two MshopTai!?a;.esbyter(^^^^ and of Novatian long^ before, calling m three bishops, a-^polKOVS Koi a^KovaTarovs, ^^^^^^^^ cornel- of Italy, to ordain him to the see of Rome (Euseb. H. K vi. 43), and long erwards the permission given by the popes (see Bellai m de Eccl. iv. 8) to make up the number of thiee by two or moi-e mitred abbats, so that there wa one bishop (Labbe, i. 53),--prove at once he existence of the rule while they violate its spa it Pope Siriciusalso(i;i?tsi. iv. c. 2, A.D. 384 X 398) forbids "ne unus episcopus episcopum ordinare praesumat;" but it is "propter ai;^:«g^^^^^,^^' . f^?, "ne furtivum beneficium P^-^^f ^J,^™ J^*^;.!^;/ Michael Oxita (patriarch of Constantinople A D 1145-6) also i-ejected two bishops who had W oidainel by a single ^p (Bever. Pan^.c^. ii Annot P 10). Among the Nestorians, again, he p'Ti^ih TLotheus,^about A.D. 900, assert- ing the "need" of three bishops, allows n a cafe of necessity the sufficiency of two so long as the necessity lasted; but e^P^^l ^^^^^ Gospels shall be placed on tb^ 'u^^Va l^LT a throne in lieu of a third bishop (As n.ani Bihl Orient. HI. i. 163). ^^.^^PY'^r /n distinction drawn in the Pontificals between the consecrator and the " assisting bishops - soci ordinationis"(Co;.t*oi?^i.).- or again the wo ds of the bishops of Pontus mentioned above, pei sixffragium consensumque duorum fP^^coporum cum ipso (patriarcha) praesentium Whether dZepiscopi, consecrated by one bishop, were bishops themselves, see ChorepiscOPI. ^ The place of ordination was propeily and originally the actual see itself to which the b Lp -as to be ordained. So St Cyprian (Ernst 67), Possid. (in V. S. Aug. f^''- fli^^J:..\i{Epist. 261), Pope Julius iEp^st. ad %ient. ap. St. Athan. Apol. ii.). Cone. C'Aa^ced Ac . .1 (\ abbe iv. 700), Cone. Rom. A.D. 5ol (m HoL VtJ^nfoUl lBoJV 7), and Synesius ^Epist.^l as above). The practice however came in time io be that the metropolitan appointed the place f synes ?6.; Cone. Tolet. IV. a.d. 581, can xvm.). BISHOP months. And Cone. AureKan. IV. a.d. 541, can. v., restricts it to the metropolitan see, unless un- avoidably removed elsewhere ; and even in that case commands the presence of the metropolitan, and that it shall be within the province. In whatsoever town it was, the rite was always celebrated at the altar of the church, the can- didate kneeling (Pseudo-Dion, as above, and re- peatedly ; Theodoret, iv. 15, irapa t)jj/ lepau rpa- TreCaA A natural custom also in course of time marked out the Lord's Day, or at any rate some great festival, as the " legitimus dies for f bishop's consecration (Pope Zosimus, Epist. yi. Cone. Tolet. IV. can. xviii.); while Leo the Grea^ (Epist. ix.) insists upon the Lord's Day, but a; beginning from the Saturday evening ; and Pop^ Gelasius actually limits the ordinations of pres byters and deacons to the Saturday evening ex clusively. But there was certainly no restric tion of days at all until the 4th century (Pag: ap. Bingh. IV. vi. 7). In the East the same rul of Sunday came to prevail universally (Denzir ger); but the Nestorian rubric (as does als common Western practice) admits festivals like wise (id.). Ember-days, when they came to exis belonged to presbyterial and diaconal ordination The hour also came to be limited as well as th day viz. to the time of the celebration ot tl Eucharist, i.e. the morning (ttjs ^ivariKVS tepou, yias 7rpoKetf.4uvs, says Theodoret, Htst. Reh xiii speaking however of presbyterial ordm. tion): and this at an early period, inasmu( ri as Novatus is censured (Euseb. H. E. vi. 43), having been (among other things) consecrat- aipa SeKc^TT,, i. e. somewhere about 4 P.M. In tl East the rule became equally fixed, and on li grounds; and this as regards bishops nniversall; save (as before) the one exception of the ^.e torians, who leave it optional, and provide rubr^ for ordinations made "extra missam (De zincrer). Theodore in England enacts (i oenit iii.l), that in the ordination of a bishop de missa cantari ab episcopo ordinante. ihe par cular part of the liturgy, however, at which ordination was to be (so to say interpolat differed in East and West. The "dies anniv sarins " of the ordination, i. e. the " dies natali or the "natalitia" of the bishop, was also co monly kept as a kind of festival (St Aug. Cc Lit. Petil. ii. 23, Horn, xxxu. de Verb. Do , Horn. xxiv. et xxv. ex Quinquagmta, Bom. m. ed. Bened.; Leo M., Horn. i. ii. m. ; Pan • Einst. xvi. ; St. Ambros. EpisL ^. ; Pope Hil , Epist. ii. ; Sixtus, Epist. ad Joh. Antioch. Lai , iii. 1261 ; Pagi, ap. Bingh. IV. vi. 15). 5. The ordainers were also, according to Afii J rule {Cod. Can. Afrie. 89), to give letters u i their own hand to the bishop ordained, <• 1- ^ntes consulem et diem,'' in order to prej future disputes about precedence. And ajeg of ordinations (iarchivus, matrtcula apxervf,' uarpiKLOp) was to be kept both in the pi;im< Kch and in the metropolis of the pi^vinc^ the like purpose (i6. 86; and see Bingh i. ^\\tthromzation (iuepovidC^LU, *'*^;;«^^ff 'fe which is mentioned in the Apost Co^f^ in Greek Pontificals, as the concluding acj^i ordination, followed upon ordination er^nei^^^ at first) immediately or (in course of time) an interval; a regular ^e^l^ice bemg th^n vided for it, which is described by bym. lh( ^ BISHOP BISHOP riii. A sermon was thereupon preached, at least in the East, hj the newly consecrated bishop, 225 styled " sermo enthronistictis," of which instances are given in Bingh. II. xi. 10. And Utterae communicatoriae, or synodicae, or enthronisticae, ypd/xfiara koivccuiku, (XvXXa^al ivdpopiaTiKal, were written to other bishops, to give account of the sender's faith, and to receive letters of communion in return (Bingh. ib.). Ta ivdpov- iffTtKa, a.so, were payments which came to be made by bishops on occasion of their enthroniza- tion. The Arabic version of the Nicene canons has a rule about enthronization (can. Ixxi.), viz. that the bishop be enthroned at once by a delegate of the archbishop, and that the archbishop visit him personally after three months, and confirm Iiim in the see. In 664 or 5, when Wilfrid was consecrated at Compiegne by twelve French bishops, they carried him, with hymns and chants, "in sella aurea sedentem, more eorum " (Edd. in r. Wilf. xii.). 5. A Profession of Obedience to the metro- politan, and (in the Carlo vingian empire) an oath of allegiance to the emperor or king, began to be required, prior to confirmation, the 'former from the 6th century onwards, the latter from the time either of Charlemagne or of his imme- diate successors ; but far earlier in Spain, a. The earliest written profession of obedience to the metropolitan produced by Thomassin— " cartula de obedientiae sponsione " — is one made by the metropolitan of Epirus to the archbishop of Thessalonica, and is condemned by Pope Leo I. a.d. ioO (Epist. Ixxxiv. c. 1). And some kind of written promise—" tempore ordinationis nostrae unusquisque sacerdos cautionem scriptis emit- 1 timus, studiose de fide ordinatoris nostri "—was i made to the patriarch of Aquileia, c. A.D. 590, : by his suffragans (Baron, in an. 590, num. xxviii.). 13ut fepamsh councils of a little later date are (as might be expected) most express on the point. Cone. , ^ment, indeed, a.d. 666, can. iv.,— extending to , bishops, &c., an enactment of Cone. Tolet. IV. j A.D. 581, can. xvii., respecting presbyters and I deacons,— only enjoins the metropolitan at the I time of his ordination, and the bishops at the I time of theirs, respectively to promise " vivere caste recte, et sobrie." But Gone. Tolet. XI. I 675, can. X., requires every one of all grades . ot clergy, before "consecration," to bind himself, not only to keep the faith, live piously, and obey the canons, but also "ut debitum per omnia honorem atque obsequii reverentiam praeemi- nenti siU unusquisque dependat." St. Boniface "honly after, in Gea-many, a.d. 723, when P^P« ^^'^g^^T n. goes a adi. P.M^'^' giving a written promise S ^' P^t^^O, " vobis, beato Petro, vica- P^^r" . ''P''*^ Gi-egorio, successoribusque Z ' A^l h ^^'^^ ^'"P ^'^i*^ its Parity, and that he will " fidem et puritatem," &c. piaedicto vicario tuo atque successoribus ejus pel omnia exhibere," &c. (S. Bonif. Epist. xvii., a. Jatte) ; an innovation which Thomassin tells us on in own successors at Mentz. FuAher ^mJ^f\^T\ 813, can. xiii., SnI '^^^^^ oath which some then exacted nnii ci^r^^^?' .^^^^ ^'g^i si^t» et contra canones eos oi Jf/"" Vi"' «bedientes sint episcopo qui Isum f ; ' ^'^^^ juramentum quia peri- ChrSt ''''^ inhibendum statuimus." And a Capitulary of Ludov. Pius, a.d 816 {Capit. i c. 97), noticing the " sacramenta," as well as ' munera," which Lombard bishops then exacted "ab his quos ordinabant," forbids "om- nibus modis, ne ulterius fiat." But this prohi- bition applied to the exaction of an oath of fealtv (Canciani, Leg. Barhar. v. 121). Professions to the metropolitan by the bishop to be consecrated were, certainly, from that time forward the regu- lar practice. The form of that of the bishop of lerouenne to Hincmar of Kheims is in Cone. Gallie n. 655 And English professions likewise run on from the like date. A special oath to the pope, and the meaning attached to the reception of the pall belong to later centuries, the instance of bt. Boniface s oath alone excepted. In the East a form of written promise of canonical obedience' made by the bishop to the patriarch, is in Jur Orient. 1.441 ; and is expressly sanctioned by the «th can. of Cone. Constantin. a.d. 869, while condemning certain unauthorized additions to it. It may also be mentioned here that St. AuP-ustin procured an enactment, at a Council of Car- thage, that all canons relating to the subject, ab ordmatoribus ordinandis vel ordinatis in notitiam esse deferenda" (Possid. V. S. Aug viii). ^. A general oath of allegiance to the king from all subjects, occurs repeatedly in the Spanish councils (e. g. Cone. Tolet. XVI. a.d. 693). And a promise of fidelity from bishops' is mentioned in Gaul as early as the time of Leode- garius of Autun and St. Eligius, c. a.d. 640. But special mention of an oath of fidelity taken by a bishop at his ordination seems to occur first at the Council of Toul, a.d. 850, where it is de- clared that the archbishop of Sens had thrice sworn allegiance to Charles the Bald, the first time being when the king gave him his bishopric. Such an oath of allegiance seems also to be meant by Cone. Tur. III. a.d. 813, can. i. ; and by Cone. Aquisgr. II. a.d. 836, cap. ii. can. xii. : although spoken of with no reference to ordi- nation. _ But the absence of all formulae for it in earlier times is conclusive against throwing back the date before Charlemagne. Homage in the feudal sense belongs to a later period still. At the same time Charlemagne introduced an oath of fealty in the case of bishops, and invested a bishop with the temporalities of his see by ring and crosier (De Marca, de Cone. Ecel. et Imp pp. 402, 426). As regards the East, there is no mention whatever in Symeon Thessalon. of any oath to the emperor taken by a bishop at ordi- nation, y. The oath against simony may also be mentioned here, enacted by Justinian {Novell. cxxxvii. c. 2) as to be taken by a bishop at ordi- nation ; an enactment repeated by Pope Adrian I {Epist. ad Car. M. in Cone. Gallic. {{. 97). (See also above, I. 2 ; and Simony.) n. We have next to consider how a bishop ceased to be so, either of a particular see, or altogether. And, 1. Of Translation, which, as a rule, was for- bidden, but only as likely to proceed from selfish motives, and therefore with the exception, ex- pressed sometimes, but seemingly always under- stood, of cases where there was sufficient and good cause. Before the period of the Apostolic Canons this prohibition would have been hardly needed^. Apost. Can. xiv. forbids it, unless there be a evAoyos aiVm, scil. a prospect of more spi- ritual " gain " in saving souls ; and guards the 226 BISHOP right practical application of the rule by the proviso, that neither the bishop himself, nor the irapoiKLU desiring him, but " many bishops," shall decide the point, and that irapaKX-ficrei ixeyicrrr). The Council of Nice (can. xv.), Cone. Antioch. A.D. 341 (can. xxi.). Cone. Sardic. a.d. 347 (can. i.), Cone. Carth. III. a.d. 397 (can. xxxvii.), and Cone. Carth. IV. A.D. 398 (can. xxvii.), forbid it likewise : the first two without qualification ; and the second, whether the suggestion proceed from the bishop, the people, or other bishops; but the third, if ctTrb irSXecos fiinpas ets krdpav ; and the fourth, also in case it be " de loco ignobili ad nobilem," while allowing it if it be for the good of the Church, so that it be done " by the sentence of a synod," and at the request of the clergy and laity. And the Council of Nice itselt both shewed that exceptional cases were not ex- cluded, by actually itself translating a bishop (Sozom. i. 2, quoted by Pagi), and is explained by St. Jerome as prohibiting it, only " ne yirgin- alis pauperculae societate contempta,ditioris adul- terae quaerat amplexus " (Epist. Ixxxiii. ad Oeean.). St. Athanasius indeed gives us the obiter dictum of an Egyptian council, condemning translation as parallel with divorce, and therefore with the sin of adultery (Athan. Apol. ii.). And similarly St. Jerome {Epist. Ixxxiii. ad Ocean.). But Pope Julius condemns it on the assumption throughout that its motive is self-aggrandize- ment. Pope Damasus also condemns it, but it is when done " per ambitionem ; " and Pope Gela- sius, but only " nuUis existentibus causis." Leo the Great, c. a.d. 450 {Epist. Ixxxiv. c. 8) de- poses a bishop who seeks to be translated, but it is " ad majorem plebem," and " despecta civi- tatis suae mediocritate." And Pope Hilary, in Gone. Rom. a.d. 465, condemns a proposed Spanish translation, among other things, as con- trary to the Nicene canon (Hilar. Epist. 1-3). While Cone. Chaleed. A.D. 451, can. v., re-enacts the canons against " transmigration." At the same time, both translations, as a matter of fact, were repeatedly sanctioned, beginning with the noted case of Alexander and Narcissus of Jeru- salem (Hieron. de Scriptt. EccL 62); as may be seen in Socrat. vii. 35, &c., and in the autho- rities quoted by Bingh. VI. iv. 6. St. Greg. Naz., indeed, a.d. 382, speaks of the Antiochene canon on the subject as a vS/jlos iraKai redvhKws : and Socrates actually tells us in terms, that transla- tions were only forbidden when persecutions ceased, but had previously been perfectly free to all ; and asserts that they were a thing aSidcpopop, whenever circumstances made them expedient (v. 8, vii. 35) : and the author of the tract De Translationibus in the Jus Orient, (i. 293) sums up the matter tersely in the statement that 7j fxcTOL^aais K^KSXvrai, ov /^V V fieTdOeais: i.e. the thing prohibited is "transmigration" (which arises from the bishop himself, from self- ish motives), not " translation " (wherein the will of God and the good of the Church is the rulmg cause); the "going," not the "being taken," to another see. The same rule and practice prevailed both in East and West down to the 9th century, complicated however in the West by frequent cases of sees destroyed in war, or removed " ad alia loca quae securiora putamus " (St. Greg. M. Epist. ii. 14). Many cases occur in Gregory s letters, of bishops of Italy, Corsica, &c., translated by him for these or like causes, but always under BISHOP pressure of necessity (see Thomassin, II. ii. 62)^ and Joan. Diac. (iii. 18) asserts expressly, that Gregory " nunquam episcopum ab integritat« suae Ecclesiae vel ipse in aliam commutavit ve sub quacunque occasione migrare consensit.' Gregory of Tours supplies instances of like trans lations in Gaul, all made " consensu regum e episcoporum," but " inconsulta sede apostolica' (Thomassin, ib. § 5). So in Spain (Cone. Tolet. X A.D. 656, and XVI. a.d. 693, can. xii.). In Saxoi England, after the first shifting of sees conse quent upon the settlement of the Church dow to Abp. Theodore was passed, no translation occurred at all, except the simoniacal instance Wine in 666, until that of Dunstan from Woi cester to London, A.D. 959, except in the cases c (1) the ever-shifting sees of Hexham and Whi1 herne, and there once, in 789, and (2) the arcl bishoprics of Canterbury and York ; and even i the case of the archbishoprics, Cuthbert's was tl only instance (A.D. 740) until the 10th centur In the East, while the case of Anthimus, co) demned by Cone. Constantin. A.D. 536, Act. i,, f< r^p ixoix^KTjv apiray^u rrjs fiaaiXiSos 'Ek/cAtjo-io viz. Constantinople, and for leaving his ov (smaller) see of Trapezus " widowed and withoi a husband, against the canons," — condemned al by Pope Agapetus I. (" Impossibile translatitiu hominem in ilia sede permanere," Liberat. Bt viar. 21), — shews the existence of the old feelii on the subject ; the counter case of Germanus Cyzicum, translated A.D. 714 to Constantinop " suffragio atque consensu religiosorum, presll terorum, diaconorum, et totius sanctions cLj sacrique senatus et populi imperatricis huij civitatis " (Thomassin, from Theophanes in < and Anastasius), shews equally that translatio if circumstances were thought to justify the were not prohibited. In the Alexandrian Chuiji the rule appears to have been exceptionally strij, so that originally it was forbidden to translatjt bishop, already such, to the patriarchate, althoT;|i in later and Mohammedan times this rule af j" great contentions became relaxed (Denzinge and among the Nestorians, as one result of si relaxation of a like rule, it came to pass patriarchs were often actually re-consecra (Assemani and Renaudot, ap. Denzinger), 2. Resignation, and (a) of resignation sim^ respecting which there is no express canon, al lutely speaking; huiCan. Apostol. can. xxxvi.Cf Ancyr. can. x\in.,Cone.Antioch. A.D. 341, cans. 2 xviii., assume or enact that a bishop once co: crated cannot refuse to go to a see, even if people will not receive him ; and the two la refer the decision to the synod, which may al him to withdraw or not as it judges best. Insta accordingly occur of resignations allowed beci circumstances rendered it expedient for the s of the Church, as where the people obstina refused to submit to the bishop: e.g. St. G?. Naz., when archbishop of Constantinople,^ the consent of the Council of Constantly le (Theodoret, V. 8; Socrat. v. 7; Sozom. viij i St. Greg. Naz. Epist. xlii. aL xxxvi., Ixv. al. f-, Orat. xxxii., and Carmen de Vita Sua); Mehjiis when bishop of Sebaste in Armenia (Theod :", ii. 31); Martyrius, bishop of Antioch (il f- Lector i.): all cases in point to the canons mentioned, the people in each case being i^cm and perverse ; but the second and third (alth the latter was at Antioch itself), apparent ic I BISHOr BISHOP 227 direct contradiction to the Antiochene rule, no synodical decision being mentioned, but only the will of the bishops themselves : e. g. of Mar- tyrius, KAtj/)^ b.vvnoTdKTif, koX Kac^ airei06?, koX *EKK\ri(ria i^pviroj/xivr] airoTaTTOfxai. Instances occur also of resignations offered (and approved though not accepted) for peace' sake : as St. Chrys. (Horn. xi. in Ephes.), Flavian of Antioch under Theodosius (Theodoret, v. 23), the Catholic African bishops under Aurelius and St. Augustin at the time of the Donatist schism (Collat. Carthag. a.d. 411, die i. c. xvi.). And Eustathius of Perga, again, was permitted to resign by the Cone. Ephes. a.d. 431 (Act. vii. in Epist. ad Synod. Famphyliae), on account of old age, retaining t6 t6 T7JS eViC/coTT^y ovo/xa koL tt)v rijrriv Kai Tr}v Koivwvlav, but without authority to act as bishop unless at a fellow-bishop's request. And a pension out of the revenues of the see was granted to Domnus, who had resigned the see of Antioch, by the Cone. Chalced. A.D. 457 (Act. vii. al. Act. X., Labbe, iv. 681), at the request of Maximus, who had succeeded him. These and like instances testify to the gradual establish- ment of a rule, permitting resignations under circumstances of obvious expediency for the Church, so that they were sanctioned by at least the provincial synod. And forms of voluntary resignation both for patriarchs and bishops in the East occur in Leunclav. Jus Orient. At the same time the feeling of the Church ran strongly against resignations, as being a giving up of work for Christ. So Leo M., Epist. xcii. And Cyril Alex, puts the dilemma : " If worthy, let them continue ; if unworthy, let them not resign but be deposed" (Epist. ad Domnum ap. Balsam,, quoted by Thomassin). Although St. Chrys. in j like case bids a bishop, conscious of serious guilt, j resign rather than be deposed (c?e Sacerd. lib. iii. c. 10) From the 5th century onward, resigna- tions occur not unfrequently in the West (see a list in Thomassin, II. ii. 52), with the consent of the clergy, or at least the metropolitan and ; council, and of the laity, or at least the king, lu the East, the consent of the emperor and of the patriarch of Constantinople became necessary ; I as in the case of Paulus of Antioch in the time of I Justin (inter Epist. Hormisd. Papae, post Epist. 1 Ixxx,). The conception of a matrimonial tie, such that no authority could sever it unless (in the West) that of the bishop of Rome, developed I itself prominently at a considerably later period, j after at least the 8th century. The canonical 1 grounds for a resignation, as summed up, later still, in the Corp. Juris {Decret. Greg. IX. lib. i. tit. ix. de Renunc. c. 10), are in substance those already intimated :—i. Guilt, limited however from earlier severity to such only as impedes the discharge of the episcopal office : ii. Sickness (in which case Gregory the Great would have per- mitted a coadjutor only) : iii. Ignorance : iv. Per- verse rebelliousness of the people: v. The healing j of a schism : vi. In-egularity, such as, e.g. bigamy. I A desire to take monastic vows, although a not ! infrequent case, and in some instances at least tolerated, was not a canonical ground of resigna- tion. (^.) Resignation in favour of a successoi-, I however, was distinctly prohibited, by Cone. An- j t^och. A.D. 341, can. xxiii. : 'EiriarKOTrov fx^ 4^e7vai j OfT avTov KaOia-T^tf Urepov eavTov SidSoxov, khv Tfpw^ TeAeurp toG $iov rvyxdur)' et Se ri ToiQirrov yiyvoiTo, ^Kvpov, elvai r^v Kardaraaiv. But it was so, as the rest of the canon shews, only in order to secure canonical and free election when the see became actually vacant, — /iera t7?j> KoiixTjcriv Tov avairav(Tafi4vov. And tide object was, not to prohibit, but to prevent the abuse of, the recommendations very commonly made by aged bishops of their successors ; a practice strongly praised by Origen (in Num. Horn, xxii.), comparing Moses and Joshua (so also Theodoret, in Num. c. xlvii.), but which naturally had often a decisive influence in the actual election : as, e. g. in the case of St. Athanasius recommended by Bishop Alexander, and Peter recommended by St. Athanasius, both of whom were duly elected, &c., but after the bishopric was actually vacant ; the story being apparently without grounds, of an intervening and rival episcopate before St. Athanasius, of Achillas, and of Theonas (Epiphan. Haer. Ixviii. 6, 12; Theodoret, iv.-18). So also St. Augustin recommended his own successor, Eraclius. But such recommendations slipped na- turally into a practice of consecrating the suc- cessor, sometimes elected solely by the bishop him- self, before the recommending bishop's death, thus interfering with the canonical rights of the com- provincial bishops and of the diocese itself. Limit- ing then the prohibition to the actual election by a single bishop of a successor to take his own place during his own lifetime, the Antiochene canon is repeated by, e. g. Gone. Paris. V. A.D. 615, can. ii. (" ut nullus episcoporum se vivente alium in loco suo eligeret "), and became the rule ; al- though one often broken in the West in the 7th and 8th centuries, as e. g. in the noted case of St. Boniface, who was permitted by Pope Zach arias, although after strong remonstrances, and with great reluctance, to nominate and ordain his own successor. But then we must distinguish (7) that qualified resignation, which extended only to the appointment of a coadjutor — not a coadjutor with right of succession, which was distinctly uncanonical, but simply an assistant during the actual bishop's life, and no further. The earliest instance indeed of a simple coadjutor, that of Alexander, coadjutor to Narcissus of Jerusalem (Euseb. H. E. vi. 11), was supposed to i-equire a vision to justify it. But examples occur re- peatedly thenceforward, both in East and West (e. g. in Sozom. ii. 20 ; Theodoret, v. 4 : St. Am- bros. Epist. Ixxix. ; St. Greg. Naz. Orat. xii. ad Patr. 0pp. i. 248. c, quoted by Bingham) ; including St. Augustin himself, who did not " succeed," but " accede," to the see of Hippo, being coadjutor therein first of all to his pre- decessor Valerius, by the consent of " primate, metropolitan, and the whole clergy and people of Hippo," yet this " contra morem Ecclesiae " (Possid. V. 8. Aug. viii.) ; the canon of the Nicene Council, which prohibits two bishops in one city, being held to prohibit only two independent and distinct bishops, and not where one was (as English people might now call it) curate to the other, although Augustin afterwards thought that canon condemned himself. But a coadjutor with right of succession was distinctly unca- nonical ; although instances occur of this also : as of Theotecnus of Caesarea in Palestine (Euseb. H. E. vii. 32), before the Antiochene canon, and of Orion, bishop of Palaebisca (Synes. Epist. Ixvii.); and of Augustin himself, but with this difference, that he was formally and canonically elected, so that the one point in his case was his being con- Q 2 228 BISHOP secrated befoi-e his predecessor's death. So also Paulinus of Antioch, whose act was condemned as uncanonical by St. Ambrose (Epist. Ixxviii.), and by Theodoret (v. 23) and by Soci'ates (ii. 15). And a like case in Spain, where a bishop of Bar- celona, with consent of the metropolitan and comprovincial bishops and the whole of his own diocese, sought to make a neighbouring bishop (who was also his heir) his coadjutor and suc- cessor, but was condemned for so doing by Pope Hilary and a Roman Council, A.D. 465, protest- ing against making bishoprics hereditary (Hilar. Epistt. ii. iii.). So also Pope Boniface II. A.D. 531, was compelled to desist from his attempt to appoint Vigilius his own successor. And Pope Boniface III. in a Roman Council, A.D. 606, forbade any formal discussion about a successor to a de- ceased bishop until " tertio die depositionis ejus, adunato clero et filiis Ecclesiae ; tunc electio fiat." Thomassin sums up the case by laying down, (1) that coadjutors or successors were up to the 9th century never asked for from the Pope ; (2) that the consent of metropolitan and pro- vincial synod was necessary; and (3) after the 5th century that of the king ; but that, lastly, with these last-named sanctions, coadjutors were permitted whenever it was for the good of the Church, although coadjutors with right of suc- cession were forbidden. The hereditary benefices of the Welsh Church of the 11th and 12th cen- tui'ies, and of the contemporary Breton Church, and, indeed (in some degree or other), of other churches also, are too late to come into this article. So far of the removal of bishops merely from a particular see. But, next, of 3. The Deposition of bishops. And here only of the case of bishops as such, referring to the art. Degradation, for the general " irre- gularities," which affected all clergy, and there- fore inclusively bishops also. (A.) The grounds upon which bishops as such were deposed were as follows, (a.) First, there were certain irregularities which vitiated an epi- scopal consecration ah initio ; and these were for the most part, although not wholly, irregularities such as disqualified for consecration at all, as those already referred to above, (i.) If prior to ordination to a bishopric the candidate had not been examined in the faith, or had failed to meet such examination, Justinian (Novell, cxxxvii. c. 2) deposed both the ordainer and the recently or- dained, (ii.) Although the Cone. Neocaes. (can. ix. A.D. 314) speaks of a belief that ordination remitted sins, except fornication, yet Cone. Nicaen. (canons ix. x.) rules that those who are ordained through ignorance or laxity, being guilty of sins (without any exception) that would rightly dis- qualify them, yvcocrOevTes KaQaipovurai. (iii.) The canons that -equire the consent of metropoli- tan and synod, &c., to the consecration of a bishop, sometimes proceed to void a consecration made in violation of them, /iTjSev l^xveiv (Cone. Antioeh. A.D. 341, can. xix.), and similarly Gone. Regiens. can. ii., Gone. Aurelian. V. canons x. xi.. Gone. Ca- billon. I. can. x. &c. Yet it does not appear that in such a case the consecrated bishop suffered commonly more than the forfeiture of the see, &Kvpov eipai tt]v Kardaracriv. (iv.) Consecration of a bishop into a see already lawfully filled was reckoned as no consecration (Bingh. XVII. V. 3, quoting St. Cypr. Epist. Iv. ; Gone. Bardie. £cc. to Hilary, de Syn. p. 128; Gone. Chaleed. BISHOP I P. iii. Epnst. 51, 54, 56, 57, &c., about Timothy { the Cat ; Liberat. Breviar. xv.). (v.) The ordi- nation of one imder sentence of deposition waj also void (JJonc. Chaleed. Act. xi.). But ther ()3) bishops already validly consecrated wen liable to deposition, as well for the genera causes affecting all clergy, as also in parti- cular for causes relating to their own especia office ; as, e. g. (i.) if they ordained, or i they preached (Gone. Trull, can. xx.), withou ■ permission, outside their own dioceses (Apostot \ Can. XXXV. ; Cone. Antioch. A.D. 341, c. xii.) ; o [ (ii.) if they received a clergyman who had dis obediently quitted his own diocese (Gone. Antiocl A.D. 341, can. iii. ; Gone. Chaleed. A.D. 457, car XX. excommunicated them in this case) ; or (iii.| if they ordained for money (Apostol. Can. xxix.i Gone. Chaleed. a.d. 451, can. ii.) ; or (iv.) accord ing to a late Galilean council (Cone. Arausu A.D. 441, can. xxi.), if two bishops presumed t consecrate by themselves, whereupon both ( them were to be deposed ; or (v.) according t Pope Innocent I. (Epist. xxiii. c. 4, a.d. 40 X 417), bishops who ordained soldiers wei themselves to be deposed ; or (vi.) if the ordained a bishop into a see already fu (Cone. Chaleed. a.d. 451, as above) ; or (vii.) they ordained any that had been baptized ( rebaptized or ordained by heretics (Apos Can. Ixviii.) ; or (viii.) if they ordained any > their own unworthy kindred (Apost. Can. Ixxvi.' or (ix.) if they absented themselves from the diocese for longer than a year (Gone. Constantly IV. A.D. 870, can. xvi., says six months), ai persisted in disobedience when duly summon* to return (Justinian, Novell, vi. c. 2 ; see al below under III. 1, a. xv.). (x.) For simon see Simony ; or (xi.) if they did not duly enfor discipline [Discipline] ; or (xii.) if they soug to create a bishopric for themselves out of ami tion, either in a place where there had been no (Cone. Tolet. XII. a.d. 681, can. iv. : see howev below), or by getting royal authority to divide province, so as to erect a new metropolis in (Cone. Chaleed. A.D. 451, can. xii.). And y further (7), bishops were liable to excommui cation as well as deposition, if (i.) they receiv as clergy such as were suspended for leavi their own diocese (Apost. Can. xvi. ; Gone. Garth. V. A.D. 398, can. xiii. &c. &c.) ; or (ii.) if th "made use of worldly rulers to obtain pref ment " (Apost. Can. xxx., often repeated) ; or (i: if, being rejected by a diocese to which they ha been appointed, they move sedition in anotl diocese (Gonc.Aneyr. A.D. 314, can. xviii.) ; &c.^ (S.) Lastly, bishops were liable to suspension ' other less censure, (i.) if they refused to attf . the synod when summoned (Gone. Carth'ag. ■ A.D. 398, can. x. ; Arelat. II. A.D. 452, can. xi | Tarracon. A.D. 536, can. vi. &c. &c.) ; and if wl i summoned to meet an accusation, they failed > appear even to a third summons, they were j- posed (Cone. Ghale. a.d. 451, Act. xiv.); or () if they unjustly oppressed any part of thf diocese, in which case the African Church - prived them of the part so oppressed (St. A • Epist. cclxi.) ; &c. &c. (B.) The authority to inflict deposition the provincial synod : and for the gradual groi a and the differing rules of appeal from that - bunal, see Appeal. Cone. Chaleed. can. xxix. a.d. 451, fori * BISHOP BISHOP 229 degradation of a bishop to the rank of a priest : he must be degraded altogether or not at all. And Cone. Antioch. canons xi. xii. A.D. 341, forbids recourse to the emperor to reverse a sentence of deposition passed by a synod. [Degradation ; Orders.] III. From the appointment and the removal of a bishop, we come next to his office, as bishop. And here, in general, the conception of that office — consisting in, 1. t5 &px^tv, and, 2. rh Upa- reveiv (so St. Ignat. interpoL Ep. ad Smyrn. c. 9) — was plainly, at the first, that of a ruler, not autocratic, but (so to say) constitutional, and acting always in concert with his clergy and people, as he had in the first instance been elected by them ; and of a chief minister, in sub- ordination to whom, for the sake of the essential unity of the Church, all Christian sacraments and discipline were to be administered, yet not as by mere delegates, but as by the due co- operation of subordinate officers, each having his own place and function : for the former of which points St. Cyprian is the primary and explicit witness, and no less so St. Ignatius for the latter. The legal powers and the wealth gradually ac- quired by the bishop, the weight derived from his place in synods, and the natural increase of the power of a single ruler holding office for life, and habitually administering the discipline and the property of his diocese, naturally rendered the essential " monarchy " of the episcopate more and more absolute, fi'om Constantine onwards, and especially under Justinian ; while, on the other hand, the bishops, pari passu, became also more and more under State control, especially in the East. In the West, and from the break up of the Roman empire, the monopoly in the hands of churchmen of knowledge and of civilization, the political powers thrown (and necessarily thrown) into the hands of the bishop, the unity of the Church of all the separate kingdoms, and its relations to the still respected imperatorial, as well as to the pontifical, influence of Rome, — to which no doubt might be added at the first the reverence for the priesthood as such felt by barbarians, and especially by Gei-manic peoples, met and strengthened by the Christian view of the priestly office, — gave to the bishops special weight, as the leaders of the Church : a weight exceptionally increased in Spain by the elective position of the Visigoth kings ; but qualified both there, and much more elsewhere, especially in France, by the right of nomination of bishops assumed by the kings, and by their simoniacal and corrupt use of it, and by the assumption on the part of the State of a full right of making laws for the Church. But to proceed to details. And here — (1.) Of the SPIRITUAL OFFICE of a bishop, as pertaining to him essentially and distinctively. And of this, first (a), in respect to his own diocese. _ (a.) i. The power of ordination belonged to bishops exclusively. They were the organ by which the Church was enabled to perpetuate the ministry. Starting with the fact, that no one is spoken of in the N. T. as ordained except either by an Apostle, or by one delegated by an Apostle to this special office, the earliest intimation we meet with is the statement of St. Clem. Rom., already quoted, which draws a plain distinction between the original appointment of presbyter- bishops and deaxjons, and the subsequent pro* vision made by the Apostles of an order of men who should be able to perpetuate those offices. When next the subject happens to be mentioned, the ordainers are assumed, as of course, to be bishops, and the question is only of their requisite number and acts, or the like ; as in Can. Apost. i., '^iriffKoiros x^^pOTOueicrdw virh eiria-K6iru)U 5vo f rpicou, and can. ii. irpeafivrepos virh euhs iir ffKoTTov x^ipoToveiaOca ; and in Cone. Carthag. Ill A.D. 397, can. xlv. " Episcopus unus . . . per quem presbyteri multi constitui possunt ;" and IV", A.D. 398, canons ii. iii. &c., which is the classical passage (so to call it) respecting the rites of or- dination, and which allows presbyters no part at all in episcopal consecration ; and in presby- terial, only to hold their hands " juxta manum episcopi super caput illius " (qui ordinatur), but " episcopo eum benedicente et manum super caput ejus tenente." And this latter practice (which however does not exist in the Eastern church [Denzinger], although supposed to be based upon 1 Tim. iv. 14) appears to be alluded to by Firmilian (in St. Cypr. Upist Ixxv.), " majores natu . . . ordinandi habent potesta- tem." Similar assumptions occur in Cone. Nic. can. xix., Antioch. A.D. 341, can. ix., Chalced. A.D. 451, can. ii. &c. &c. ; and in Cone. Sardic. A.D. 347, can. vi., 'Eiria-KOTroi Kadi(rrd.v o(pei- Kovcriv 'Eina-KOTrovs ; and also Pseudo - Dion. Areop. EccL Bier. v. So also, not affirming simply but assuming the fact, St. Jerome {Einst. ad Evangel.), " Quid facit, excepta or- dinatione, episcopus, quod presbyter non f>- ciat?" and St. Chrys. (Horn. xiii. in 1 Tim.), Ov yap dr} Trpearfivrepoi rhu eirlaKoirov ix^tpo- Tovovv (and similarly, Horn. i. in Philipp.), and (^Hom. xi. in 1 Tm. iii. 8), yap x^i-po'^ovia fM6pT) (ot iTTio-Koiroi) virepl3efi7)Ka(n, Kal rovr^ {xovov doKovaL irA^oviKreiv rovs Trpeafivrdpovs ; while Epiphanius (Ilaer. Ixxv.), expressly affirm- ing what at length Aerius had denied, lays down that Harepas yap yevyq. (^ ruv iin(TK6Trwt/ rd^is) 'EKKArjala, rj (rwv TrpeafivTepwi/) irarepas jXT] Swa/xepT] yevj/av, dice ttjs tov Aov rpov iraXiyyevsa-Las reKva yei/i/S.. So again, in actual practice, the cases of Ischyras, declared to be only a *' layman " by an Alexandrian synod, A.D. 324 or 325 (Neale, Hist, of East. Ch., Alexandria, vol. i. p. 135), because ordained presbyter virh KoWovdov rod irpe be the bishop's duty, also, in Cod. Theodos. b. xvi. tit. ii., de Epise. 1. 25 ; and also lib. ix. t. xl. de Poenis 1. 16 ; and in God. Justin, lib. . tit. xxix. de Grim. Sacrilegii, 1. 1. ! (a.) V. As in the points hitherto mentioned, j also in the administration of discipline, tho Ishop took the lead; the presbyters (and apj>T- Intly in some cases the deacons) held their •oper subordinate place under him, and formed 8 council. Bishop and presbytery occur to- it gether passim in St. Ignatius. The condemna- tions of Origen (Pamphil. Apol. ad Phot. God. cxviii.), of Novatian (Euseb. B, E. vi. 43), of Paul of Samosata (id. vii. 28, 30), of Noetus (Epiphan. Haer. Ivii. 1), of Arius at Alexandria (id. Ixix. 3 ; and see Coteler. ad Gonstit. Apost. viii. 28), proceeded from the bishop, or bishops, but with presbyters, the irpca-fivrdpiop alone in- deed being mentioned in the case of Noetus, and deacons as well as presbyters in that of Arius. So also Pope Siricius in the case of Jovinian, " facto presbyterio " (Siric. Epist. ii., the deacons also it appears concurring) ; and Synesius, bishop of Ptolemais, in that of Andronicus, a layman (Synes. Epist. Ivii. Iviii.). At the same time, the bishop was the chief, and ordinarily the sole, judge in the first instance in cases of excommu- nication ("mucro episcopalis "), following the authority of 1 Tim. v. 1, 19 (but see also 1 Cor. V. 4, 2 Cor. ii. 10 : — so St. Cypr. Epist. xxxviii. xxxix. Ixv. &c. ; Gone. Nicaen. can. v. ; Gone. Garth. II. A.D. 390, can. viii. ; Cone. Carthag. IV. A.D. 398, can. Iv. ; Can. Apost. xxxi. ; Gone. Ephes. can. V. ; Cone. Agath. A.D. 506, can. ii. ; and countless other evidence — see Excommuni- cation); subject however to an appeal to the synod [Appeal] : although his power came to be limited in Africa by a Carthag. Council (II. A.D. 390, can. x.), by the requirement of twelve bishops to judge a bishop (which came to be the traditional canonical number), of six to judge a presbyter, and of three, in addition to the ac- cused s own diocesan, to try a deacon. The power of formal absolution from formal sentence is throughout assumed by the canons to be in such sense in the bishop, that presbyters could only exercise it (apart from him) in cases of imminent danger of death, unless by leave of the bishop ; and deacons only in very extreme cases indeed (Dion. Alex, in Euseb. H. E. vi. 44 ; Cone. Garth. II. canons ii. iv., and III. can. xxxii. ; Cone. Arausio. I. A.D. 441, can. i. ; Gone. Epaon. A.D. 517, can. xvi. ; &c. &c.). St. Cypr. (Epist. xiii.) allows a deacon to absolve, only if neither bishop nor presbyter can be had, and in a case of extreme urgency. But he also speaks of episcopus et clerus" as both uniting in the solemn act of absolution by imposition of hands. And the rule is laid down fully in Gone. Eliberit. A.D. 305, can. xxxii. : " Apud presbyterum . . . placuit agere poenitentiam non debere sed potius apud episco- pum : cogente tamen infirmitate, necesse est presbyterum communionem praestare debere, et diaconum si ei jusserit episcopus." See also Mar- shalYs Penit. Liscipl. pp. 91, sq. ; and Taylor's Episcop. Asserted, § 36. [Discipline ; Penance.] See also under Penitentiary, Presbyter, for the irp^fffivTepos cttI ttjs /xeravo'ias (Socrat. v. 19), and the like delegates of this part of the bishop's office. This authority extended over tRe whole diocese and all its members. Exemptions, as of monas- teries, from episcopal jurisdiction, are directly in the teeth of the Counc. of Chalced. canons vii. viii., of Justinian's law (God. i. tit. iii. de Episc, 1. 40), of the provincial councils of Orleans, I. A.D. 511, can. XIX. ; Cone. Agath. A.D. 506, can. xxxviii. ; Gone. Ilerdens. A.D. 546, can. iii. ; &c. The well- known case of Faustus of Lerins and his bishop at the Council of Aries in A.D. 455, was an adjustment of rights as between abbat and bishop, but not an exemption in the propei 232 BISHOP BISHOP sense of the word (as Hallam superficially states). The earliest real case of the kind appears to belong to the 8th century, when Zachary, A.D. 750, granted a privilege to Monte Casino, " ut nullius juri subjaceat nisi solius Romani l)ontificis " (Mabill. Act. S. Ord. Bened., Saec. iii. p. 643). Precedents for such exemptions, as granted by royal authority, occur in the Formulae of Marculfus. [EXEMPTION ; Monks.] (a.) vi. As in the special subject of discipline, 30 generally in the affairs of the diocese, the bishop had the primary administration of them, with the power of veto, but (as throughout) with the counsel and consent of his presbyters, and of the diocese at large. So e. g. St. Cyprian, repeating the statement over and over again in equivalent terms, — " Nihil sine consilio vestro (presbyterorum) et sine consensu plebis mea pri- vata sententia gerere." The same rule, as regards the presbyters, and in their place the deacons, is prominent in the language of St. Ignatius in the earliest time. And the " consessus presby- terorum" is likened by St. Jerome to the bishop's " senate," and by Origen and others to the ^ovX)} ''E.KKXricrias, and by St. Chrysostom and Synesius to the Sanhedrim (jcrvvi'Bpiov). That presbyters also shared in diocesan synods, " ad- stantibus diaconis," see Council, Synod. On the other hand, fxriZev &.vev yvoojxris tov iiriaKOTrov (Cone. Laodic. can. Ivii.) is repeated so endlessly by councils, and asserted by church writers, as to make it needless to multiply quotations. Im- peratorial legislation, in conferring special powers upon bishops, tended largely to increase episcopal authority. Yet provincial synods of presbyters (and of abbats) still continued, throughout, down to Carlovingian times. [Council ; Synod.] And Guizot {H. de la Civ. en France, Le^on 15) joins priests with bishops as the really governing body of the Church in the earlier Frankish period. In the particular matters of creeds, liturgies, and church worship generally, the bishop is also inferred to have had authority to regulate and determine all questions, partly as being a natural jjortion of his office, partly from the fact, that in unessentials, even the creeds, much more litur- gical points, varied in various dioceses, within undefined but obvious limits. And so Basil of Caesarea, we learn, composed certain euxo^v SLOLTOL^eLS Koi evKoo-fiias rov ^rijxaros for his own Church while still a presbyter, of which Eusebius his bishop sanctioned the use. St. Augustin (Epist. 86, ad Casulan.) assumes a like power in the bishop to appoint fasting days for his own diocese. And the like is implied in the tradition, that St. Ignatius introduced anti- phons and doxologies into his own church (Cassiod. Hist. Tripartit. x. 9). So Proclus of Constantinople, A.D. 434-447, is said to have in- troduced the Trisagion into that Church. It was the bishop's office also to consecrate churches and cemeteries [Consecration, p. 426] : mentioned as early as Euseb. //. E. x. 3, ^'EyKaiviwv koprai . . . Koi roov &pTi veoiraywv irpoasvKTrjp'Kau acpi- epdoaei^, iTriaKSircav re irrl ravrh cruveAeucrets. (a.) vii. Visitation of his diocese was, at first, rath 31 a duty following as a matter of course from a bishop's office, than a legal and canonical obliga- tion : see St. Athanas. Apol. ii. § 74 ; St. Chrys. Horn. i. in Epist. ad Titwn (e7ri(r«:ei|/eis) ; Sulp. Sever. Dial. ii. (of St. Martin); St. Aug. Epist. vi. 0pp. ii. 144 1 Greg, Tur. //. E, v, 5, and Be Glor. Confess, lix. cvi. ; St. Greg. M. Dial. iii. 38, &c.: and see also under Chorepiscopi, and Ilejoto- devr'r]s or ViSiTATOR. Accordingly, no canons at first defined or enforced the duty. But in course of time, so soon as canons came to be made upon the subject, the bishop became bound to visit his diocese once a year, both to confirm and to ad- minister discipline, and generally to oversee the diocese : St. Bonif. Epist. Ixx. ed. Jaffe'; Cone. Tarracon. A.D. 516, can. viii.; Cone. Bracar. III. A.D. 572, can. i. ; Cone. Tolet. IV. A.D. 633, can. xxxvi. ; Cone. Tolet. VII. A.D. 646, can. iv. ; Cone. Liptin. A.D. 743 (i. e. St. Boniface, as above); Cone. Suess. a.d. 744, can. iv. ; Co7ie. Arelat. A.D, 813, can. xvii; Capit. Car. M. lib. vii. cc. 94, 95, 109, 365, A.D. 769, 813, &c. (a.) viii. Further (1), it was the bishop's office to issue letters of credence to any members of his diocese, which alone enabled them to commu- nicate in other churches : sc. litterae formatae, or canonicae, &c. So, Can. Apost. xxxii., no stranger bishop or clergy were to be received ^j/eu crvara- riKccv ; Cone. Laodic. A.D. 366, can. xli., Ou Set UpariKhv ^ K\7]piKhv &vev KavoviKwv ypafxiJ.s &eov ecpopMi/ros. And ;o also ib. can. xl. ; and at length, Constit. ApostoL i, 25. And St. Cypr. (Epist. xxxviii. al. xli.), ' Episcopo dispensante." And St. Hieron. ad Nepot. Epist. xxxiv., " Sciat episcopus, cui com- nissa est Ecclesia, quern dispensationi pauperum juraeque praeficiat." And Possid. in V. S. Aug. 3ut Cone. Antioch. (as above, can. xxv.) forbids ,he bishop from dealing with church revenues, jk^ /jLerh •yvJ!)iJ.7}s rcav ■wpeo'fiuTipcav t) tuv Sm- {6V00V, and orders him evOvvas irapix^iv rfj av- '6Scf} riis iirapxias. And Can. Apost. xxxix, al. xl. 3ids him keep his own goods and those of the ihurch distinct, so that etrrco (pavepa ra IfSia rod -:Tri(rK6Trov irpdyfxaTa (ejf ye Kol iSia exei) Koi pavepa ra KvpiaKct, k.t.A. And Cone. Carth. IV. LD. 398, can. xxxii,, " Irrita erit donatio episco- )orum vel venditio vel commutatio rei eccle- Jasticae, absque conniventia et subscriptione !lericorum." Compare also the established ex- ;eptional cases wherein chui'ch plate, &c., might 3e sold, viz. for redeeming captives (as St. Am- brose, de Offic. ii. 28 ; Acacius of Amida, in So- jrat. vii. 21 ; Deogratias of Carthage, in Victor Jtic. de Fet^sec. Vandal, i. ; St. Augustin [Possid. n V. S. Aug. 24] ), or feeding people in case of 'amine (as St. Cyril of Jerusalem, in Theodoret. i. 27, and Sozom. iv. 25) ; in which, as in other ;ases of real necessity, the bishop allowably lisposed of the property, but with the consent )f the primate " cum statuto numero episco- Dorum " (^Conc. Carth. V. A.D. 398, can. iv.), or ' apud duos vel tres comprovinciales vel vicinos ipiscopos" (Cone. Agath. a.d. 506, can. vii.); ^hich last canon, however, permits the bishop by limself to dispose of " terrulae aut vineolae exiguae lut ecclesiae minus utiles," &c. (can. xlv.) : and done. Epaon. a.d. 517, can. xii., requires the "con- icientia metropolitani " to a like sale. Councils of Orleans, III. and IV. a.d. 538, 541, repeat like •ules. And in Spain, Cone. Ilispal. II. a.d, 619, canons ix, and xlix., and Tolet. IV. a.d. 633, can. flviii., and the Capit. of Martin of Braga ; in [taly, the letters of Gregory the Great, and Cone. Rom. VI. under Symmachus, A.D. 504 ; and in :he East, Justinian (Novell. 123, c. 23, 131, c. 11), shew a like system. This general rule, however, iield good only so long as the church goods of ;ach diocese formed a common fund. After the appropriation of special incomes to special officers md to particular parishes, the bishop of course ceased to have control over more than his own ihare, except over alms and general contri- outions, and in like cases (see Tithes) : un- less so far as he still retained the power of appointing clergy and ordaining them to parti- cular benefices. The era of such limitation may be taken to be the Cone. Trosleian. (Troli, near Soissons), a.d. 909, can. vi. ; the old rule linsering still during the time of Charle- magne (see Thomassin, III. i. 8). About 600?. a year is Gibbon's estimate of an average episcopal revenue in the time of Justinian; the valuation fluctuating at the time from 2 pounds of gold to 30 (Justin. Novell. 123, c. 3). (a.) X. The bishop also appears, in the first instance, to have so taken charge of his whole diocese, as that, the diocesan city being served by clergy of his own ordaining, the country districts were served from the city by clergy at his appointment, although with counsel and consent of both presbyters and laity. The dio- cese was in fact one parish, there being no such thing as a parish in the modern sense. And this original condition of things gradually settled into rule, as follows : — 1. That no clergyman could migrate to, or be ordained to a higher order in, another diocese than that in which he had been born and ordained, or (if this involved two dio- ceses) in which he had been ordained, without the express leave of the bishop who had ordained him : the presbyters being bound to the bishop who had ordained them, as he in turn was bound to support them if in need. See Clergy, Lit- TERAE DiMissORiAE, Presbyter. An exception however came to exist in favour of the bishop of Carthage, in relation to Africa, " ut soli ecclesiae Carthaginis liceat alienum clericum ordinare " (Ferrand. Breviar. c. 230). 2, That no clergyman, when benefices came to exist, could resign his benefice, or remove to another, within the parti- cular diocese, without his bishop's consent. Cone. Carth. iV". A.D. 398, can. xxvii., probably refers to different dioceses, — " Inferioris gradus sacerdotes vel alii clerici concessione suorum episooporum possunt ad alias ecclesias transmigrare." But in later times. Gone. Remens. a.d. 813, can. xx,, Cowc. Turon. a.d. 813, can. xiv., and Cone. Namnet. can. xvi., are express, " De titulo minori ad majorem migrare nulli presbytero licitum est ;" and are confirmed by Charlemagne, Capit. lib. vi. c. 197, — " Nullus presbyter creditam sibi ecclesiam sine consensu sui episcopi derelinquat et laicorum suasione ad aliam transeat ;" and see also lib. vi. c. 85, lib. vii. c. 73. But, at the same time, the bishop could not remove or eject a clergyman against his will or at his own pleasure, the rule coming to be that three bishops wei'e required to judge a deacon, and six a presbyter, including their own diocesan, with an appeal to the pro- vincial synod : see Appeal, Deacon, Presbyter, Synod. 3. That the bishop as a rule collated to all benefices within his diocese, conferring, by ordination to a particular " title," the spiritual jurisdiction, which drew with it the temporal endowments (see Bingh. IX. viii, 5, 6 ; Thomassin, II. i. 33-35). But, 4. that the right of nomi- nating to a church in another's diocese was granted, as time went on, to a bishop who had founded that church (and apparently to his suc- cessors, on the assumption that he founded it out of church property), in the West (Cone. Arausic. I. A.D. 441, can. x.) ; and in the East from Justinian, and ultimately in the West likewise (e, g. Cone. Tolet. IX. A.D. 655, can. ii, ; Cone. Franeof. A.D. 794, can. liv.), to laymen also in like position-, 234 BISHOP BISHOP anil in botli East and West, by the time of Jus- tinian and of Charlemagne respectively, to kings, nobles, and other laymen, without any such ground : although the right of the bishop to determine whether the presentee was fit, and if unfit, to reject him, remained still, even in the case of noblemen's chaplains. Further, 1. in the East, a limit also was put to the " requests " (SvawTrriaecri) of the nobles, and to the " command " (Ke'Aei/cris) of the emperor, in making such presentations (Novell. 3, in Fraef. and c. 2) : and, 2. in the West, the Council of Aries, VI. A.D. 813, can. iv., commands, " ut laici pres- byteros absque judicio proprii episcopi non eji- ciant de ecclesiis nec alios immittere prae- sumant ;" and the Council of Tours, III. A.D. 813, can. XV., " Interdicendum videtur clericis sive laicis ue quis cuilibet presbytero praesumat dare ecclesiam sine licentia et consensu episcopi sui ;" while, on the other hand, both Charlemagne and Louis the Pious guard the lay side of the ques- tion by enacting, " Si laici clericos probabilis vitae et doctrinae episcopis consecrandos suisque in ecclesiis constituendos obtulerint, nulla qua- libet occasione eos rejiciant ;" or if they do re- ject them, then, " diligens examinatio et evidens ratio, ne scandalum geueretur,manifestum faciat" {Capit. lib. V. c. 178, and Lud. Pii Gapit. in Cone. Gall. ii. 430) : an enactment repeated by Cone. Paris. A.D. 829, can. xxii. See also Cone. Rom. A.D. 826 and 853, can. xxi. The right of presentation to such a benefice by lapse, as de- volving upon the bishop, is not traced by Tho- massin (II. i. 31, § 5) higher than the time of Hincmar. The consent of the Church, necessary in the time of St. Cyprian to the ordination of a presbyter, does not appear to have been required in that of a deacon — " diaconi ab episcopis fiunt " (St. Cypr. Epist. Ixv.) — and a fortiori not in the case of minor orders. (a.) xi. The bishop became also a judge or arbitrator in secular causes between Christians, on the ground of 1 Cor. vi. 4 : necessarily, how- ever, by consent only of both parties, and by an authority voluntarily conceded to him; an oflice which continued so late as the time of St. Au- gustin ; sitting on Mondays for the purpose : for which, and for other details, see Apost. Constit. ii. 45-53. See also under Appeal. As an office conferred by the State, and endowed with legal jtower, see also below under (2). (a.) xii. All these jiowers belonged to a bishop solely ill relation to his own diocese. Beyond that diocese — not to discuss here, 1. the authority synods, or, 2. the gradual growth of the of archbishop, primate, metropolitan, exarch, patriarch (for which see the several articles)— eacli bishop had no right to interfere, excejit under circumstances (such as the pre- valence of scliism or heresy, or of persecution, or flic line) which would obviously constitute a nece : ity Mij.erseduig law.^ So, e.g. St. Atha- ii:isius /cai x«'P»'^«'"'«y 67roi'et in cities out of his di.Kcse, ;is ho returned from exile (Socrat. ii. 24). A\u\ siDiii.ii ly Eusebius of Samosata, in the Arian pei-.M'ciitioii under Valens(Theodoret, iv. 13, v. 4). v\n(l K|,i].li;mius likewise in Palestine; defending his ;ict on fli(! ground that, although each bishop liad bis own diocese, " et nemo super alienam mensniaiii extenditur, tanien praeponitur om- nibus caiifas (;i)risti" {Epid. ad Joan. 1 Her os. OjT- ij- •il2). Compare also the letters of Clc- of offu ment of Rome to the Corinthians, and of Dionysius of Corinth {KaeoXiKoX iiriffToXal) to the Lace- daemonians, and to the Athenians, and many others (Euseb. H. E. iv. 23) ; and St. Cvprian's interference in Spain in the cases of Martial and Basilides, and in Gaul in that of Marcian. And see Du Pin, de Antiq. EccL Diseipl. pp. 141, sq. Still, the rule was — (a.) xiii. A single bishop to each diocese, and a single diocese to each bishop. " Unus in Ecclesia ad tempus sacerdos," is St. Cyprian's dictum (Epist. lii. al. Iv.). And St. Jerome, " Singuli Ecclesiarum episcopi, singuli archi- presbyteri, &c., in navi unus gubernator, in domo unus dominus " {Epist. ad Bustie., and re- peatedly). And similarly St. Hilar. Diac. (in Phil. i. 1, m 1 Cor. xii. 28, &c.). And Socrat. vi. 22 ; Sozom.^iv. 15 ; Theodoret, ii. 17 (efs Qehs, eh Xpiarhs, efs etriffKoiros), and iii. 4; and, above all. Cone. Nicaen. a.d. 325, can. viii. &c. &c. &c. And to the same effect the numerous canons for- bidding the intrusion of any one into a diocese as bishop during the lifetime of the bishop of that diocese, unless the latter had either freely re- signed or been lawfully deposed. The seeming exceptions to this, indeed, prove the rule. Merely as a temporary expedient, in order to heal a schism, the Catholic bishops in Africa offered to share their sees with the Donatist bishops (Collat. Carthag. 1 die c. xvi. in Labbe, ii. 1352); as Me- letius long before had proposed to Paulinus at Antioch to put the Gospels on the episcopal throne while they two should sit on either side as joint bishops (Theodoret, v. 3) : the proposal dropping to the ground in both cases. See also what is said above of coadjutors ; and the conjec- ture, not however solidly grounded, of Hammond and others, respecting two joint bishops, respec- tively for Jews and Gentiles, in some cities in Apostolic times (see Bingh. II. xiii. 3). It must be added, however, that Epiphanius (Haer. Ixviii. 6) does say that Alexandria never had two bishops, ws ai &K\ai irSXeis. On the other side, two sees to one bishop was equally against all rule. The text, " Unius uxoris virum," says the Ee Eign. Sacerd. (c. iv. inter 0pp. S. Amhros.), " si ad altiorem sensum conscendimus, inhibet episcopum duas usurpare Ecclesias." And later writers, e. g. Hincmar, work the same thought with still greater vehemence, and loudly inveigh against spiritual adultery. And apart from this exalted view, the canon of Chalcedon, which forbids a clergyman being inscribed upon the roll of two dioceses, was (very reasonably) held to include bishops. The exceptional cases indeed of Inter^ ventores, and of the temporary " commendation " of a diocese to a neighbouring bishop [Inter- VENTORES, Com MEND a], occur, the fo "mer m the early African Church, the latter as early as St. Ambrose himself (Epist. xliv.). And a case occurs in St. Basil the Great's letters (290 and 292), where a provincial synod, under urgent necessity, and not without vehement opposition, by a dis- pensation (tJ) ttjs OLKovofxias ava'yKa7ov), allowed a bishop, promoted to the metropolitan see of Armenia, to retain his previous see of Colonia. And Gregory the Great in several cases joined together in Italy ruined or impoverished or de- populated sees. St. Medard also, in 532, united the sees of Noyon and Tournay, upon the urgency of his metropolitan and comprovincial bishops, and of the king, uobles, and people (Surius, in BISHOP 235 BISHOP S. Med. Jun. 8). But pluralities, in the sense : two or more previously independent bishoprics eld together for merely personal reasons, do not !em to have crept in until early Carlovingian ! mes ; when, e. g., Hugh, son of Drogo, became rchbishop of Rouen, a.d. 722, and added thereto absequently the sees of Paris and Bayeux, besides tie abbeys of Jumieges and Fontanelles {Chron. lemmetic.), for no other apparent reason than that e was nephew of Pipin the Elder. In England, he first case was that of St. Dunstan, who held Vorcester and London together, in order no doubt 0 further his monastic schemes, A.D. 957-960. onn ax7 ^ .nd this is followed by the well-known series of | 1800, of whom 1000 were Eastern, 800 Western, rchbishops of York who were also bishops of j The authority for subdivision was " voluntas V^orcester from 972 to 1023 ; and this, again, episcopi ad quem ipsa dioecesis pertinet, ex con- y the union of the same unfortunate see of Wor- | silio tamen plenario et primatis ^authoritate ester to that of Crediton in the episcopate of aving, 1027-1046. The union of other prefer- iient, as of deaneries or 21) : viz. the Bishop of Tomi. In the older coun- tries it might obviously happen, very naturally, that (as in the province of Europa) two or more towns or " civitates " of small but nearly equal size might come to be united in one diocese, ot which yet neither of them could claim to be pre- eminently the city. Just as, on the other hand, Soz- omen tells us, that Gaza and Majuma, being two " civitates " (although very small ones) and also two bishoprics, were united by the emperors into one " civitas," yet remained two bishoprics still (v. 4). The actual number of bishops in the time of Constantine is reckoned by Gibbon as abbeys, to bishoprics, egan much about the like period, when circum- tances tempted to it. And for two abbeys held ogether, see Abbat. The apparent exception of he province of Europa in Thrace in earlier times, n which two bishops were allowed upon their iwn petition by the Council of Ephesus (a.d. 431, Vet. vii. sub finem) to hold each two, and in one ;ase more, bishoprics together, on the ground that hose bishoprics had always been held together, jrings us rather to the previous enquiry respect- ng the size of dioceses, and whether necessarily imited to one city and its dependent country, md if so, of what size the city must be. (a.) xiv. And here, there being no principle nvolved beyond that of suitableness in each case ,0 the particular locality, and the original diocese n each case being the great city of the neigh- >ourhood with so much of its dependent country ind towns as was converted to the faith, questions liecessarily arose, as the district became com- Inletely Christianized, and were determined in iifferent ways in different places, as to the sub- iivision of the original vaguely limited diocese, [u some countries that subdivision was carried 50 far as to call forth prohibitions against placing bishops eV KcoyiiTj riui ^ iv fipax^la Tr6Xei (^Conc. Sardic. A.D. 347, can. vi.) ; or again, eV tcTs kc5- uais Koi iv rats X'^pc"^ (Cone. Laodic. about A.D. 366, can. Ivii.), which latter canon perhaps only prohibits chorepiscopL Leo the Great also vehe- mently condemns the erecting sees " in castellis," &c., in Africa (Epist. Ixxxvii. c. 2). And it was made an objection to the Donatists that (to multi- iply their numbers) they consecrated bishops " in Villis et in fundis, non in aliquibus civitatibus " {Collat. Carth. c. 181 ; Labbe, ii. 1399). The prohibition is repeated in later times, as by Pope Gregory III. A.D. 738, and Pope Zacharias, A.D. 743. The practice however had continued never- theless ; as is obvious by St. Greg. Naz., St. Chry- sostom, Synesius, and others, quoted in Bingh. II. xii. 2, 3 ; and by Sozomen (vii. 19), stating, but as an exceptional case, that ecrrlv Zirt] Ka\ ^ eV Kca/xais eirto-KOTTOt tepovvTai, us irapa ^Kpa^iois KoX Kvirpiois ijvwv. On the other hand, the iconversion of the German and other European I nations, as it were, wholesale, upon the conver- ision of their kings, led in a large part of northern ! Europe to sees of nations rather than cities, and to sees therefore of often unwieldy extent. E. g., in Scythia, iroWul ttSx^is outcs '^Kvdai 'iva iravres tTTLcrKoirov exovffi (Sozom. vii. 19 ; and see also vi. (Ferrand. Breviar. xiii. in Justell. Bihl. Jur. Can. i. 448). See also Cone. Carthag. II. A.D. 397, can. v., and III. A.D. 397, can. xlii. (Labbe, ii. 1160, 1173), and St. Aug. Epist. cclxi., respecting his erecting the see of Fussala with the consent of the primate of Numidia. The consent of the bishop of Rome was not asked or thought of, until in the West in the time of St. Boniface, and even then it was chiefly in respect to newly con- verted countries. Compare the well-known his- tory of Wilfrid in England in the end of the 7th century, the action of Pope Formosus a century later in respect to the same country, and the history of Nominee and the Breton sees in 845. The Pope's consent became needful about the time of Gregory V. The consent of the king became also necessary from the commencement of the Frank kingdom, and in Saxon England. While in the East the absolute power of erecting new sees accrued to the emperors solely, withoul respect to diocesan bishop, metropolitan, council, or any one else (Thomassin, De Marca, &c.). An exceptional African canon (Cod. Can. Afric. cxvi.), in order to reconcile Donatists, allowed any one reclaiming a place, not a bishop's see, to retain it for himself as a new and separate bishopric upon a prescription of three years. And so again in Spain, according to Cone. Tolet. A.D. 633, can. xxxiv., and Col3e7(r0ai ws fiatnKia, rifx^v ous Kvpiov. ut no doubt many of such privileges belong ) Byzantine times, and date no earlier than the rd or 4th centuries at the earliest. And here — (i.) Of the modes of salutation practised to- ards him from the 4th century onwards. As, / . bowing the head to receive his blessing — viro- \lj/€iv K€^a\^v — inclinare caput : see Bingh. , ix. 1, and Vales, in Theodoret. iv. 6, from fc. Hilary, St. Chrysostom, St. Ambrose, &c. ;)eaking of bishops only ; and a law of Honorius id Valentinian, speaking of bishops as those I quibus omnis terra caput inclinat." 2. Kiss- ig his hand — manus osculari (Bingh. ih. 2, acting Savaro on Sidon. Apollin. Epist. viii. 11). Kissing the feet also — pedes deosculari — ap- iars by St. Jerome, Epist. Ixi. (speaking of a j shop of Constantina in Cyprus ; and see Casau- bn, Exercit. xiv. § 4), to have been at one time a I ark of respect common to all bishops; being |)rrowed indeed from a like custom practised ! wards the Eastern emperors. The deacon is to ss the bishop's feet before reading the Gospel, c. to the Ordo Romanus. It was restiicted r the Pope as regards kings, by Gregory VII. I The forms of address, and the titles and epithets, bplied to bishops, have been mentioned already. I (ii.) The insignia of a bishop were, — 1. the \itre ; seemingly alluded to by Eusebius, x. 4, I rhv ovpdviov ttjs d6^T]s areKpavov, and cer- 'm\y mentioned by Greg. Naz. Orat. v. under e name of KiSapis, and by Ammian. Marcell. ,'}. xxix. under that of " corona sacerdotalis," !t not occurring in Pontificals in the West until Iter the 10th century (Menard us, in Du Cange), jid not reckoned among the " episcopalia " even 1 A.D. 633 (see above) ; while in the East, Irmeon of Thessalonica tells us that all bishops [iciated with bare heads except the bishop of iexandria, who did then wear a KiSapis; and e homily attributed to St. Chrysostom, de Uno ?gislat. (0pp. vi. 410, Montf.), implies that there as then no ridpa or Kopv^duriov appropriated bishops at their consecration. The " aurea mina," however, atti-ibuted to St. John by . Jerome (cfe Scriptt. EccL), and by Eusebius iraXou, iii. 31, v. 24) on the authority of Poly- ates, — and again by Epiphanius (JIaer. xxix.), that of Eusebius and Clement of Alexandria, St. James of Jerusalem, — seem to favour the pposition that some kind of mitre soon became ual. See Maskell, Mon. Eit. iii. 274. [Mitre.] The ring, peculiar to the West, and alluded by Optatus (lib. i.): see above, and under ;ng. 3. The staff, belonging apparently to triarchs in the East (so Balsamon), and of a ape to supply the ordinary uses of a staff, z. to lean upon ; in the West, growing by Car- nngian times into a sceptre of some seven !t^ long, occasionally of gold (see the Monach. Gall i. 19, quoted by Thomassin, I. ii. 58) ; so at instead of golden bishops carrying wooden ives, there had come to be (acc. to a saying oted by Thomassin) wooden bishops carrying Iden ones. See Staff. The two last named, e ring and the staff, were so far the charac- 'istic insignia of a bishop before the time Charlemagne as to become the symbols by which bishoprics were given (see above). And they are recognized as such A.D. 633 in Spain, in conjunction with yet another, viz., 4. the ovarium : for which see Orarium. 5. A cross borne before him was peculiar in the East to a patriarch ; in the West it does not occur until the 10th century, unless in such exceptional cases as that of the first entry of St. Augustin into Canterbury, A.D. 596 : the cross of gold men- tioned by Alcuin as carried about with him by Willibrord being apparently only a pectoral cross. See Cross. 6. The tonsure, when general rules about modestly cut hair, &c., settled into formal rule about the 6th century, was not peculiar in any special form to bishops : see Tonsure. Nor yet, 7. was there apparently any special dress for bishops apart from solemn occasions and in ordinary life, during the period with which this article is concerned : as appears, among other evidence, by the rebukes addressed by popes to the Gallic bishops of the 5th century onwards, who, being monks before they were bishops, retained their monastic habit as bishops (see at length Thomassin, I. ii. 43, sq.). For the vest- ments used during divine service, see Vestments. (iii.) Singing hosannas before a bishop on his arrival anywhere, is mentioned only to be con- demned by St. Jerome (in Matt. xxi. 0pp. vii. 174 b). But see Vales, ad Euseb. If. E. ii. 23 ; and Augusti, DenkwUrd. aus der Christ!. Archaeol. V. 218. (iv.) The form of addressing a bishop by the phrase corona tua or vestra, and of adjuring him per coronam, frequent in St. Jerome, St. Augus- tin, Sidon. Apollin., Ennodius, has been explained as referring to the mitre, to the tonsure, or to the corona or consessus of the bishop's presbyters. The personal nature of the appellation appears to exclude the last of these. Its being peculiar to bishops is against the second. While the objec- tion taken by Bingham against the first, viz. that bishops did not wear mitres at the period when the phrase came into use, seems scarcely founded on fact. And the bishop's head-covering was also certainly called " corona," as by Am- mianus Marcellinus. At the same time, the phrase after all possibly means nothing more definite than " your beatitude," or " your high- ness." (v.) The bishop's throne — 6p6vos, Qp6vos drro- (TToAt/cJs — or (after the name of the founder of the see) 6 MdpKov Bpovos, for Alexandria, &c. — jS^jua — 6p6vos v^pT]\6s, in contradistinction to the " second throne " of the presbyters — " linteata sedes" (Pacian. ad Sempron. ii.) — " cathedra ve- lata " (St. Aug. Epist. cciii). — dp6vos iffroKifffxevos itnffKOTnKws (St. Athan. Apolog.) — was also a mark of his dignity. The Council of Antioch, A.D. 364, condemns Paul of Samosata for erecting a very splendid throne, like a magistrate's tribunal (Euseb. H. E. vii. 30). See also above in this ar- ticle under Enthronization. By Cone. Carthag. IV. A.D. 398, canons xxxiv. xxxv., a bishop is enjoined that, as a rule of courtesy, " quolibet loco sedens, stare presbyterum non patiatur;" and that al- though " in Ecclesia et in consessu presby terorum sublimior sedeat, intra domum . . . collegam se presbyterorum esse cognoscat." During prayers, according to the Arabic version of the Nicene canons (Ixii.), the bishop's place in church was " in fronte templi ad medium altaris" (Labbe, ii. 334). 240 BISHOP BISHOP (vi.) If we are to take the pretended letter of Pope Lucius (Labbe, i. 721) to be worth any- thing as evidence in relation to later times, the bishop of Rome was habitually attended by two presbyters or three deacons, in order to avoid scandal. IV. (1.) The relation of bishops to each other was as of an essentially equal office, however dif- ferenced individuals might be in point of in- fluence, &c., by personal qualifications or by the relative importance of their sees. St. Cyprian's view of the " unus episcopatus" — the one cor- poration of which all bishops are equal mem- bers — is much the same with St. Jerome's v/ell- known declaration (^Ad Evangel. Epist. ci.), that " ubicunque fuerit episcopus, sive Eomae sive Eugubii, .... ejusdem meriti, ejusdem est et sacerdotit." And a like principle is implied in the litte^^ae communicatoriae or synodicae, — avy- ypaix^aroL koivoovikol, sometimes called litterae en- thronisticae, avWa^al ivOpovKXTiKoi, — by which each bishop communicated his own consecration to his see to foreign bishops as to his equals (Bingh. II. xi. 10). The order of precedence among them was determined by the date of con- secration (see, e. g. the Cod. Can. Eccl. Afric. Ixxxvi., Cone. Bracar. II. A.D. 563, can. vi,, and Tolet. IV. A.D. 633, can. iv., and Bracar. IV. A.D. 675, can. iv. ; and the English Council of Hertford, A.D. 673, can. viii. ; and Justinian's Cod. I. tit. iv. 1. 29 ; and above under I. 3. 5). But— (2.) This equality was gradually undermined by the institution of metropolitans, archbishops, primates, exarchs, patriarchs, pope : for each of whom see the several articles. (3.) However, apart from this, there came to be special distinctions in particular Churches : as, e. g. in Mauritania and Numidia the senior bishop was " primus ;" but in Africa proper, the bishop of Carthage (Bingh. II. xvi. 6, 7) ; and in Alexandria the bishop had special powers in the ordinations of the suffragan sees : for which see Alexandria, (Patriarchate of), p. 48 ; Me- tropolitan. (4.) The successive setting up of metropolitans and of patriarchs gave rise to exceptional cases [AuTOK€^a\oi] : all bishops whatever having been really ahroK^cpaXui, i. e. independent (save sub- jection to the synod), before the setting up of metropolitans, and all metropolitans before the establishment of patriarchs : see Bingh. U. xviii. [AuTOCEPHALi, Metropolitans, Patriarchs.] Whether there continued to be any bishop any- where, avToi(4ixa. was a physical or material body, organic or inorganic, as the case might be ; and occasionally the latter in a confused mass, as " body of water " or " of 242 BODY BODY, MUTILATION OF THE the- uui\'-erse.'' But " corpus," besides these senses, had for some time been familiar to Latin ears as denoting a combination of living agents in various relations : a troop of soldiers, a guild of artisans, or the whole body politic ; of these the second acceptation was beginning to be stereotyped in law, where " corpora " (corpo- rations) quickly became synonymous with what, in classical litei-ature, had been known as " col- legia " (colleges). There must have been many such in existence at Rome when the Apostle wrote ; and they were extended, in process of time, to most trades and professions. The gene- ral notion attaching to them was that of "a number of persons" — the law said, not fewer than three — " and the union which bound them together" (Smith's Diet, of Roman and Greek Antiq. p. 255). Tit. 1 of B. xiv. of the Theodo- sian Code is headed "De Privilegiis Corporato- rum urbis Romae," and Tit. 14 of B. xi. of that of Justinian is on the same subject. Writing from Rome, therefore, where such " bodies " abounded — his own craft possibly, that of tent- makers, among the number — what could be more natural than for the Apostle to apply this designation to the new brotherhood that was forming, and then paint it in glowing colours to his Ephesian converts as a corporation, whose head, centre, and inspiring principle was Christ ? He was the union that bound it together and supplied it with life. So far, indeed, it stood on a different footing, and required to be placed in a different category from all other corporations ; still, as outwai'dly it resembled them, might it not also be described in terms which they had been beforehand with it in ap- propriating, and invested with a new idea ? The Apostle authorised this for all languages in communicating the adopted sense of the Latin word to its Greek equivalent. Accordingly with us too the Church of Christ is both spoken of and exists as a corporation. But though it has many features in common with all such bodies, it has essential characteristics of its own, evi- denced in its history throughout, which are not shared by any other. Their agreement, there- fore, must have been one, not of identity, but of analogy, to which the Apostle called attention. And this is clear from his having recourse to other kindred analogies elsewhere, to develop his meaning. " The husband," he says, " is the head of the wife, even as Christ is the Head of the Church ; and He is the Saviour of the body." As if he had said, " Do not misunderstand me : the relation of the church to Christ is not merely that of corporations in general to the principle which binds them together : it is closer still. It may be compared to the marriage tie, described Tfiien first instituted in these solemn words : * They two shall be one flesh ' (Eph. v. 23-32). Even this falls short of my full meaning. I would have you 'grow up into Him in all things, which is the Head, even Christ, from whom the whole body fitly joined together and compacted by that which every joint supplieth, according to the effectual working in the mea- sure of every part, maketh increase of the body unto the edifying of itself in love' (Eph. iv. 15, 16). Realise the vital connexion that sub- sists between the head and members of each individual man ; realise the depth of communion that there should or may be between husband and wife ; realise the full force of the bond determining the character and cohesion of every society, or corporate body : then from all these collectively, form your estimate of the church of Christ. Each of them illustrates some feature belonging to it which is not so clearly traced in the others ; therefore none of them singly will bear overstraining, and all together must not be supposed to exhaust the subject." Unseen realities cannot be measured or determined by what can be seen or felt. " It is the description of a man and not a state," said Aristotle of the Republic of Plato, in which every body could say of every thing, " it is my property " (J^ol. ii. 1). Spiritual union is neither political, nor conjugal, nor physical, nor anything earthly. It may be illustrated from such earthly relations, but it transcends them all ; nor is it explained really, when called " sacramental," further than that it is then asserted to have been assured to us by what are called in theological — not Scriptural — language, the Sacraments of the Church. As Hooker says : "Christ and His holy Spirit with all their blessed effects, though entering into the soul of man we are not able to apprehend or express how, do notwithstanding give notice of the times when they use to make their access, because it pieaseth Almighty God to communicate by sensible means those blessings which are incomp-rehensible " (^Uccl. Pol. V. 57, 3). That is to say, when such blessings are communicated through the Sacra- ments. Another writer adds : " We are told in plain and indubitable terms that Baptism and the Lord's Supper are the means by which men are joined to the Body of Christ, and therefore by which Christ our Lord joins Himself to that renewed race of which He has become the Head. , . . . These facts we learn from the express state- ments of St. Paul : ' For by one Spirit we are all baptized into one body ; ' and again, ' We being many are one bread and one body : for we are all partakers of that one bread.' Herein it is expressly declared that the one and the other of these Sacraments are the peculiar means by which union with the Body of Christ is bestowed upon men. They are the * joints' and 'bands' whereby the whole body in its dependence on its Head has nourishment ministered " (Wilber- force's Incarn. p. 415). . . . Body, then, in the sense predicated by St. Paul of the Church, stands for a multitude of singulars, and not an abstraction. It means the collection or aggre- gate of Christian souls who, cleansed, quickened, and inhabited by Christ, foi-m one brotherhood, in Him. What each of them is separately, that all of them are collectively, neither more nor less. Numbers cannot affect its integrity. To say that a body so composed is one is to say no more of it than must, from the nature of the case, be said of every body corporate with- out exception. The fact of its unity resulting from a personal union of each of its members with one and the same Person, viz. Him who redeemed them, is its distinguishing feature. " From the oneness of His Body which was s)ain, results the oneness of His body which is sanctified." [E. S. Ff.] BODY, MUTILATION OF THE. This subject may be considered under three aspects in reference to Church history ; 1st, in respect to its bearing upon clerical orders ; 2nd, as a crime to be repressed ; 3rd, as a form of punishment. BODY, MUTILATION OF THE BODY, MUTILATION OF THE 243 I. The Pentateuch forbade the exercise of the priest's office to any of the Aarouites who should have a " blemish," a term extending even to the '^ase of a "flat nose" (Lev. xxi. 17-23); whilst iniuries to the organs of generation excluded even from the congregation (Deut. xxiii. 1). The Prophets announce a mitigation of this severity (Is. Ivi. 3-5), which finds no place in the teach- ing of our Saviour (Matt. xix. 12), nor does any trace of it remain in the rules as to the selection of bishops and deacons in the Pastoral Epistles (1 Tim. iii., Tit. i.). Nevertheless, the Jewish rule seems to have crept back into the discipline of the Christian Church, — witness the story of the monk Ammonius having avoided promotion to the episcopate by cutting off his right ear, — for which see Socrat. H. E. iv. 23 (Baronius indeed holds him to have been eventually ordained). And one of the so-called Apostolical Canons (deemed probably antecedent to the Nicene Council of a.d. 325), which provides that one-eyed or lame men, who may be worthy of the episcopate, may become bishops, " since not the bodily defect " (Aw fir], translated in the later Latin version of Haloander mutilatio), " but the defilement of the soul, pollutes" the man (c. 69, otherwise numbered 76 or 77), leaves at least open the question whether such defects are a bar to the first recep- tion of clerical orders. No general rule however as to mutilation is to be found in the records of any of the early General Councils, but only in those of the non-oecumenical ones of the West, or in the letters, &;c., of the Popes, always of sus- picious authority. Thus, a letter of Innocent I. (402-17) to Felix, bishop of Nocera, says that no one who has voluntarily cut off a part of any of his fingers is to be ordained {Ep. 4, c. 1). A Council of Rome in 465 forbade from admission to orders those who had lost any of their members, requiring even the ordaining bishop to undo his act (c. 3). So Pope Gelasius (492-6) in a letter to the bishops of Lucania, complains that persons with bodily mutilations are admitted to the ser- vices of the Church ; an abuse not allowed by ancient tradition or the forms of the Apostolic see {Ep. 9. c. 16). A fragment of a letter of the same Pope to the clergy and people of Brindisi condemns in like manner the ordina- tion of a man " weak and blemished in any part of his body." But a letter to Bishop Palladius lays down — in accordance with the Apostolical Canon above quoted — that a dignity received whilst the body was yet whole was not to be lost by subsequent enfeeblement ; with which letter may be connected, for what it is worth, a, canon or alleged canon of the Council of Ilerda in 524, quoted by Ivo, to the effect that a cleric made lame by a medical operation is capable of promotion. Not to speak of an alleged canon of Gregory the Great, 590-603, against the ordi- nation of persons self-mutilated in any member, to be found in Gratian ; two centuries later, in a capitulary of Pope Gregory II. (714-30) addressed to his ablegates for Bavaria, we find in like manner any bodily defect treated as a bar to ordination. On the other hand, we may quote a testimony later indeed than the period embraced in this work, but as occurring after the schism of East and West, above the suspicion of all Romanizing partiality, that of Balsamon (ad ! Marci Alex, interrog. 23, quoted by Cotelerius, Patres Apost. i. pp. 478-9), who says that bodily injuries or infirmities supervening after ordination, even if they rendered the priest unable physically to fulfil his office, did not deprive him of his dignity, as " none was to be hindered from officiating through bodily de- fect " also rendered by Beveridge as mutilation). We may take it therefore that the rule of the Church as to mutilations and bodily defects generally was this : such mutilations or defects were a bar to ordination, especially if self-in- flicted ; but supervening involuntarily after ordination, they were not a bar to the fulfilment of clerical duties, or to promotion in the hier- archy. There is, however, one particular form of mutilation — that of the generative organs — which occurs with peculiar prominence in early Church history, and is dealt with by special en- actments. One sect of heretics, the Valesians (whose ex- ample is strangely recalled by the practices of a well-known body of dissenters from the Russian Church at the present day), enforced the duty of emasculation both on themselves and others (Epiph. cont. Haer. 58 ; Aug. de Haeres. c. 37). Their catechumens, whilst unmutilated, were not allowed to eat flesh, but no restrictions as to food were imposed on the mutilated. They were said to use not only persuasion but force in making converts, and to practise violence for the purpose on travellers, and even on persons received as guests. The most notorious instance of self-rautilation in Church history is that of Origen, who, when a young catechist at Alexandria, inflicted this on himself in order to quench the violence of his pas- sions (Euseb. H. E. vi. 8). He was nevertheless ordained by the bishops of Caesarea and Jerusa- lem, men of the highest authority among the pre- lates of Palestine. But Demetrius of Alexandria, who had formerly spoken of him in terms of high praise, began attacking the validity of his ordina- tion, and the conduct of his ordaining bishops. It is indeed remarkable that Epiphanius mentions three separate traditions as to the mode which Origen adopted to maintain his continence — two of them not implying actual mutilation, but only extinction of the generative power — and seems to consider that a good many idle tales had been told on the subject {^Contra Haer. 64). It is well known, at any rate, that Origen was condemned and sentenced to be deprived of his orders for self-mutilation by the Council of Alexandria, a.d. 230. This is not the place, of course, for dwelling on the unworthy motives mixed up in Origen's condemnation ; but if what is recorded of the Valesians be true — whose heresy appears to have been contemporaneous with Origen — it was absolutely necessary that the Church should firmly resist not only the return to the emascu- late priesthoods of the heathen, but the utterly anti-social tendencies which such practices por- tended or expressed. The Council of Achaia, by which the Valesians were condemned, is usually set down to the year 250. If the Apostolical Canons ai'e as a whole anterior to the Council of Nicaea, they constitute the next authority on the subject. According to these, whilst a man made a eunuch against his will was not excluded from being admitted into ! the clergy, yet self-mutilation was assimilated to ' suicide, and the culprit could not be admitted, oi- R 2 244 BODY, MUTILATION OF THE BODY, MUTILATION OF THE was to be " altogether condemned " (expelled ?) I if the act were committed after his admission (c. 17, otherwise numbered 20-22, or 21-23). A layman mutilating himself was to be excluded for 3 years from communion (c. 17, otherwise 23 or 24). It may however be suspected that on this head at least these canons must have been interpolated after the Nicene Council (325), or they would have been referred to in that well- known one which stands first of all in the list of its enactments, — that if any one has been emascu- lated either by & medical man in illness, or by the barbarians, he is to remain in the clergy ; but if any has mutilated himself he is, if a cleric already, on proof of the fact by examination, to cease from clerical functions, and if not already ordained not to be presented for ordination ; this however, not to apply to those who have been made eunuchs by the barbarians or by their masters, who, if they are found worthy, may be admitted into the clergy. Contemporaneously, or nearly so, with the Council we find a constitu- tion of the emperor Constantine rendering the making of eunuchs within the " orbis Romanus," a capital crime {Code, bk. iv. t. xcii. 1. 1). It is, however, at this period that we find the next most prominent instance of self-mutilation in Church history after that of Origen, — that of Leontius, Arian bishop of Antioch in the time of Athanasius, who, when a presbyter, had been deposed on this account, but was nevertheless promoted to the episcopate by the emperor Constantius, against the decrees of the Nicene Council, observes Theodoret (ii. 23 ; cf. Euseb. vi. 8). This Leontius figures by no means favour- ably in the Church histories. Athanasius was very hostile to him, and he was accused of cun- ning and double-dealing, of promoting the un- worthy and neglecting the worthy in his diocese. A canon on bodily mutilation similar to the Nicene one was enacted by the Synod of Seleucia in Persia, A.D. 410 (c. 4), and by a Syrian synod in 465, and the interdiction against the admission to ordei's of the self-mutilated was also renewed by the Council of Aries, A.D. 452 (c. 7). Pope Gelasius, in his before quoted letter to the Lucanian bishops, recalls as to the self-emasculate that the canons of the Fathers require them to be separated from all clerical functions, as soon as the fact is recognized (Epist. 9, c. 17). It thus appears that this most serious form of mutilation, so long as it was not self-inflicted, was no bar either to clerical ordination or promo- tion, but that if self-inflicted, it was a bar to the exercise of all clerical functions. II. Mutilation as a Crime. — An alleged decretal of Pope Eutychiauus (275-6), to be found in Gratian, enacts that persons guilty of cutting off limbs were to be separated from the Church until they had made friendly composition (the very idea of composition for such an act was entirely foreign to the Italy of the 3rd century) before the bishop and the other citizens, or, if' refusing to do so after two or three warnings, were to be treated as heathen men and publi- cans. The document may probably safely be set down to the 9th century, but in the mean- while we find in the records of the 11th Council of Toledo, A.D. 675 (from which it is perhaps borrowed), evidence that similar crimes were committed by the clergy themselves. The 6th canon enacts amongst other things that clerics shall not inflict or order to be inflicted mutilation of a limb on any persons whomsoever. If any do so, either to the servants of their church or to any persons, they shall lose the honour of their order, and be subject to perpetual imprisonment with hard labour. The Excerpt from the leathers and the Canons attributed to Gregory III. bears that, for the wilful maiming another of a limb, the penance is to be three years, or more hu- manely, one year (c. 30). The Capitulary of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 789, c. 16, and the Council of Frankfort, 794, forbid abbats for any cause to blind or mutilate their monks (c. 18) — enactments which sufficiently shew the ferocity of the Carolingian era, and with which may be noticed the 2nd Capitulary of Theodulf, bishop of Orleans, to his clei-gy, A.D. 797, treating amongst minor sins the maimmg of a man so that he shall not die, the reference being at least mainly to clerical maimers. In the early barbarian codes no difference was made in principle between the various shapes of bodily mutilation, and all cases were punished by pecuniary compensation. But in the later Roman law we find absolute distinction made between emasculation and every other form of mutilation, the former being the only one which it is deemed necessary to legislate against. We have already seen that Constantine had made the former a capital crime, when committed within the Roman world. The 142nd Novel goes fur- ther still. Speaking of the crime as having be- come rife again, it enacts the lex talionis against male offenders, with confiscation of goods and life-long labour in the quarries if they survive the operation ; or as respects females, flogging, confiscation and exile. We may probably ascribe ' the character of the imperial law on this subject ' to the influence of the Christian Church, which, at the risk of whatever incongruities in its prac- . tice, has always treated emasculation as a crime : sui generis, analogous only to murder and suicide, according as it is endured or self-inflicted. III. Mutilation as a Punishment. — Mutilation is no unfrequent punishment under the Christian emperors of the West : Constantine punished slaves escaping to the barbarians with the loss of a foot (Cod. 6. tit. 1. s. 3). The cutting off of the hand was enacted by several Novels ; by the 17th (c. viii.) against exactors of tribute who should fail to make proper entries of the quantities of lands ; by the 43rd (c. 1) against . those who should copy the works of the heretic Severus. It is nevertheless remarkable that the 134th Novel finally restricted all penal mutila- tion to the cutting off of one hand only (c. xiii.). In the barbaric codes, mutilation is a frequent punishment. The Salic law frequently enacts castration of the slave, but only as an alternative for composition (for thefts above 40 denarii in value, t. xiii., and see t. xlii. ; for adultery , with the slave-woman who dies from the effects of it, t. xxix. c. 6). The Burgundian law, by late enactment (Additam. i. t. xv., supposed to be by Sigismund), extends the mode of dealing j to Jews, Even in the legislation of the Church itself mutilation as a punishment occurs ; but only jn its rudest outlying branches, or as an offence to : be repressed. Thus, to quote instances of the former case, in the collection of Irish Canons, supposed to belong to the end of the 7th cen- BONIFACIUS tury, Patrick is represented as assigning the cutting off of a hand or foot as one of several alternative punishments for the stealing of money either in a church or a city within which sleep martyrs and bodies of saints (bk. xxviii. c. 6). Another fragment from an Irish synod, appended by Labbe and Mansi to the above, enacts the loss of a hand as an alternative punishment for shedding the blood of a bishop, where it does not reach the ground, and no salve collyrium) is needed ; or the blood of a priest vvhen it does reach the ground, and salve is •equired. Instances of the latter case have been ilready given in the enactments against abbats naiming their monks, which was no doubt done it least under pretext of enforcing discipline. I n the * Excerptions ' ascribed to Egbert, arch- 3ishop of York (but of at least two centuries later ate), we find a canon that a man stealing money Tom the church-box shall have his hand cut off" )r be put into prison (c. Ixxiii.). [J. M. L.] BONIFAOIUS. (1) Martyr at Tarsus under )iocletian, is commemorated Dec. 19 {Cal. By- .ant.). He was formerly commemorated in the loman church on June 5, the supposed day of lis burial at Rome {Mart. Rom. Vet.)] but in aore recent martyrologies this Boniface is com- aemorated on May 14, the supposed day of his eath ; and, (2) The Apostle of Germany, archbishop of lentz, martyred in Friesland, is commemorated n June 5 {Mart. Bedae, Adonis). This saint is gured m his episcopal vestments (9th cent.) in ae Acta Sanctorum, June, tom. i. p. 458. See iso Brower's Thesaurus Antiq. Fuldensium, pp. 63-165. (3) Deacon, martyr in Africa under Hunneric • ^mmemorated Aug. 17 (Mart. Rom. Vet.). (4) " Is^atale Bonefacii episcopi," Sept. 4 (M. (5) Confessor in Africa ; commemorated Dec. 8 Mart. Hieron.)- Dec. 6 {M. Adonis). [C] BONOSA, sister of Zosima, martyr in Porto nder Severus ; commemorated July 15 (Mart om. Vet., Hieron.). j BOOKS, CENSURE OF. A studious life as strongly enforced upon the clergy by the icient Fathers, and enjoined by various canons the earlier Councils. St. Chrysostom in par- cuJar insists strongly and very fully on the duty the clergy of qualifying themselves by patient Id laborious study for the office of preaching, and r the defence of the faith against heretics and ibeiievers ; resting his argument on the exhorta- 5n of St. Paul to Timothy (1 Tim. iv. 13)— Uive attendance to reading, to exhortation, to 'Ctnne : meditate upon these things : give thyself ho y to them ; that thy profiting may appear all men. Exhortations to the like effect cur also in the writings of St. Jerome, Cyprian, tctantius, Hilary, Minucius Felix, and others! all these writers the study of the Holy Scrip- res IS urged upon the clergy as being of pii u-v obligation, and the foundation on which the superstructure of a more general and tensive learning was to be raised. Certain nous also required, e.g. Cone. Tolet. iii. c. 7, at m their most vacant hours, the times of >ng and drinking, some portion of Scripture u d be read to them - partly to exclude ning and unnecessary discourse, and partly to BOOKS, CHURCH 245 afford them proper themes and subjects for edi- fying discourse and meditation. Next to the Scriptures the study of the best ecclesiastical writers was recommended as most profitable and appropriate to the clerical office : the first place in such writings, however, beintr assigned to the Canons of the Church. These were always reckoned of the greatest use and importance, as containing a summary account not only of the Church's discipline and doctrin- and government, but also rules of life and moral practice— on which account it was ordered that the Canons should be read over at a man's ordi- nation ; and again, the Council of Toledo (iv c 25) required the clergy to make them a part ot their constant study, together with the Holy Scriptures. The Canons, it should be remem- bered, were then a sort of directory for the pas- toral care, and they had this advanta^^e of any private directory, that they were the public voice and authorised rule of the Church, and therefore so much the more entitled to respectful attention. la later ages, in the time of Charle- magne, we find laws which obliged the cleroy to read, together with the Canons, Gregory's treatise De Cura Pastorali. With regard to other books and writings there was considerable restriction. Some of the canons forbade a bishop to read heathen authors: nor would they allow him to read heretical books otherwise than as a matter of duty, i. e. unless' there was occasion to refute them, or to caution others against the poison of them; e.g. Cone. Carth. iv. c. 16 : " Ut episcopus Gentilium libros nou legat: haereticorura autem pro necessitate et tempore." In some cases, however, the study of heathen literature might be advantageous to the cause of Christian truth ; and the Church's prohibition did not extend to these. Thus St. Jerome ob- serves that both the Greek and Latin historians are of great use as well to explain as confirm the truth of the prophecies of Daniel. St. Augustine says of the writings of heathen philosophers, that as they said many things that were true, both concerning God and the Son of God, they were in that respect very serviceable in refuting the vanities of the Gentiles. And in fact all who are acquainted with the Fathers and ancient writers of the Church know them to have been for the most part well versed in the classical or heathen literature. On the whole it appears that the clergy were obliged in the first place to be diligent in kudy- mg the Scriptures, and next to them, as they had ability and opportunity, the canons and approved writers of the Church. Beyond this, as there was no obligation on them to read human learn- ing, so there was no absolute prohibition of it ; but where it could be made to minister as a' handmaid to divinity, there it was not only allowed, but encouraged and commended; and there can be no doubt that in many instances the cause of Christian religion was advanced bT the right application of secular learning in the primitive ages of the Church. The principles on which such studies were maintained are summed up by St. Ambrose, Prooem. in Luc. Evang.: " Legimus aliqua, ne legantur ; legimus ne igno- remus ; legimus non ut teneamus, sed ut repu- diemus '- (Bingham). [£> B "1 BOOKS, CHURCH. [Liturgical Books.] 246 BORDEAUX, COUNCIL OF BRANDEUM BORDEAUX, COUNCIL OF (Burdiga- LENSE Concilium), provincial, at Bordeaux. (1) A.D, 385, condemned and deposed Priscillian, Instantius, and their followei's, for complicity with Manicheeism. Priscillian appealed to the emperor Maxentius, who, howevex*, put him to death the same year at Treves (Sulp. Sever., H. E. ii. 46, who affirms the appeal to have been permitted only " nostrorum inconstantia," whereas it ought to have been made to other bishops ; Labbe, ii. 1034).— (2) A.i). 670, under Count Lupus and the archbishops of Bourges, Bordeaux, and Eauze in Armagnac, by order of King Chilperic, upon points of discipline {L'A^-t de Verifier les Dates, i. 291). [A. W. H.] BOSOI (Boo-Koi), Syrian monks in the 4th century, so called because they lived on herbs only. Sozomen speaks of them as very numer- ous near Nisibis, and names a bishop among the most famous of them. They had no buildings but lived on the mountains, continually praying and singing hymns. Each carried a knife, with which to cut herbs and grasses (Soz. //. E. vi. 33). A connexion has been traced between them and the sect of Adamiani or Adamitae, who went about naked. The principle is the same — of re- turning to a state of nature — but the Bosci are not accused, as the Adamitae, of licentiousness ; and with them the motive was apparently austere self-mortification. Fi-equent instances of similar abstinence are recorded of Eastern hermits in Moschus {Prat. Spirit.), Theodoret {Philoth.), and Evagrius {H. E. i. 21). (Tillemont, H. E. viii. 292.) [I. G. S.] BOSTRA, COUNCIL OF, a.d. 243 or 244; mdeed, there probably were two such : one at which Beryllus, bishop of Bostra, was reclaimed from his strange views respecting the Person of our Lord by Origen ; and another at which Origen refuted some Arabians, who said that the souls of men died with their bodies, and came to life with their bodies again at the resur- rection (Euseb. vi. 33 and 7 ; Mansi, i. 787 -90). [£. S. Ff.] BOURGES, COUNCIL OF (Bituricense Concilium), at Bourges, but (1) a.d. 454, only conjecturally in that city. That there was a council in that year in that neighbourhood appears by a synodical epistle signed by the bishops of Bourges, Tours, and another (Sir- mond. Cone. Gall. iii. App. 1507 ; Labbe, iv. 1819). Hincmar wrongly calls it a Council of Rome, under the mistaken impression that the Leo who signs it was the Pope. — (2) A.D. 473, to elect Simplicius to the see of Bourges (Sidon. Apoll. Epistt. vii. 5, 8, 9, &c. ; and his ora- tion to the people for Simplicius, Labbe, iv. 1820-1827). Sidouius requests the interven- tion of Agroecius, archbishop of Sens (although out of his province), and of Euphronius of Autun, the provincial bishops being too few in number. And the " plebs Biturigum " appear to have referred the nomination to Sidonius him- self. — (3) A.D. 767, under Pipin, mentioned by Regino and Fredegarius, but with no recoi'd of its purpose or ac"? (Labbe, vi. 1836). [A. W. H.] BOWING. [Genuflexio-n.] BRACARENSE CONCILIUM. [Braga, Council of.] BRAGA, COUNCIL OF (BracarexNse Concilium), provincial, at Braga, in Spain, between the Minho and Douro. (1) a.d. 411 (if genuine), of ten bishops, to defend the faith against Alans, Suevi, and Vandals, who were either Arians or heathens, under Pancratianus of Braga (Labbe, ii. 1507-1510).— (2) a.d. 561 or 563, of eight bishops, " ex praecepto Ariamiri (or probably Theodomiri) Regis," to condemn the Priscillianists. It passed also twenty-two canons, about uniformity of ritual, church revenues, precedence, burial without and not within a church, and other points of disci- pline (Labbe, v. 836-845).— (3) a.d. 572, June 1, of twelve bishops, under Archbishops Martin of Braga and Nitigisius of Luca, under Miro, king of the Suevi, passed ten canons, about bishops exacting undue fees, appointment of metropolitan to proclaim annually the date of Easter, and other points of discipline. It was also the first to use the formula, " regnante Chi-isto " (Labbe, V. 894-902). Mailoc, bishop of Britona, was one of the bishops present. — (4) A.d. 675, under Archbishop Leocidisius, with seven suffragans (including a bishop of Britona), passed nine canons ; prohibiting the giving of milk, or of the bread dipped in the wine, or of grapes instead of wine, at the Eucharist ; allowing a priest to have dwelling with him no other woman than his mother, not even his sister ; and on other points of discipline (Labbe, vi. 561-570). [A. W. H.] BRAINE, COUNCIL OF (Brennagense Concilium), at Braine near Soissons (Berni near Compiegne, acc. to VArt de Verifier les Dates', but wrongly), rather a State than a Church Council, held, A.D. 580, under King Chilperic, excommunicated Leudastes (who had been Count of Tours) for falsely accusing Gregory of Tours of having calumniated Queen Fredegunda. Wit- nesses were not produced, " cunctis dicentibus; non potest persona inferior super sacerdotem credi." And Gregory exculpated himself by solemn oath at three several altars after saying mass, the accusers in the end confessing their guilt (Greg. Tur,, Hist. Franc, v. 50 ; Labbe, v. 965, 966). [A. W. H.] BRANDEUM. The word Brandeum bly designated originally some particular kind of rich cloth. Thus, Joannes Diaconus {Vita S. Greg. lib. iv., in Du Cange, s. v.) speaks of a lady wearing a head-dress " candentis brandei.'' But the usages with which we are immedi- ately concerned are the following : — 1. The rich cloth or shroud in which the body of a distinguished saint was wrapped. Thus Hincmar ( Vita S. Remigii, c. 73) describing tiie translation of St. Remigius, says the body was found by the bishops who translated it wrapped in a red brandeum. Compare Flodoard, Hist. Eemensis, i. 20, 21. 2. Portions of such shrouds were used as relics ; for instance, a portion of the brandeum which enveloped St. Remigius, enshrined in ivory, was venerated with due honour (Hincmar, I. c). 3. When relics of some saint came to be regarded as absolutely essential to the consecration of a church [Consecration], pieces of cloth which had been placed near them were held to be themselves equivalent to relics. St. Gregory the Great seta forth his view of this practice ui a letter to Constantia {Epist. iii. 30). It is not, he says, the Roman custom, in giving relics ot saiuts, to presume to touch any portion ot the BREAKING OF BREAD BREVIARY 247 ody, but only a hrandeum is put in a casket, and ?t near the most holy bodies. This is again aken up, and enshrined with due solemnity in lie church to be dedicated, and the same miracles re wrought by it as would have been by the ery bodies themselves. Tradition relates, that /hen some Greeks doubted the efficacy of such alics, St. Leo cut a hrandeum with scissors, and lood flowed from the wound. St. Leo's miracle ; related by St. Germanus to Pope Hormisdas Epistt. Pontiff, p. 524) and by Sigebert (CAro- icow, A,D. 441). Joannes Diaconus (^Vita . Greg. ii. 42) relates a similar wonder of fc. Gregory himself, which is said to be also ttested by an inscription in one of the crypts of xe Vatican (Torrigius de Cryptis Vaticanis, pt. ^ c. 4, ed. 2). (Du Cange's Glossary, s. v. 'randeum). [C] BREAKING OF BREAD. [Fraction.] BREGENTFORD, or BREGUNTFORD, OUNCIL OF (Brentfordense Concilium), rovincial, at Bregentforda, Breguntford, or rentford. (1) A.D. 705, an informal political inference, mentioned by Waldhere, bishop of mdon, as to be held by the kings, bishops, and )bats, of Wessex and of the East Saxons, about rtain unnamed grounds of quarrel (Haddan and ubbs, Counc. iii. 274).— (2) A.D. 781, held by fa, king of Mercia, and Archbishop Jaenberht, eed the monastery of Bath from the jurisdic- )n of the see of Worcester (charter in Kemble, )d. Dipl. 143). Other (questionable) charters parently profess to emanate from the same .uncil (ib. 139, 140). [A. W. H.] BRENNAOENSE CONCILIUM. [Braine, )UNCIL OF,] BRENTFORDENSE CONCILIUM. [Bre- iNTFORD, Council of.] BREVIARY (Breviarium). This word, in ecclesiastical sense, denotes an office book of e Church, containing the offices for the canoni- 1 hours, as distinguished from the missal, lich contains those of the mass. The name, lich Meratus derives from breve horarium, ex- lining it as compendium precum, indicates that 2 book is an abbreviation or compilation ; and is so called, according to some, because the • isting form is an abbreviation of the ancient ice ; according to others, because it is a short 1 mmary of the principal portions of Holy Scrip- re, of the lives of the greatest saints, and of 5 choicest prayei-s of the Church ; or, again, ^ ;ause in its arrangement the various parts of ' i office, such as prayers, hymns, lessons, &c., i ! only once given in full ; and afterwards only i iicated by the first words, or by references." ! ue, again, have thought that the breviary ' s originally an abbreviation of the missale ynarium; and mainly distinguished from it 1 the partial omission or abbreviation of the ^n-ics, and by the first words alone of the ] .lms, sections, &c., being given. It is sup- ] ed that this abbreviated book was originally < apiled as a directory for the choir, and that ( its general adoption in convents, in which t canonical hours took their rise, these were i 3rted, ana hence the name breviary came to There is great variety of practice in tliis respect be- t en different breviaries, and even different editions of t same breviary. signify the book containing those offices in dis- tinction to the missal: a few short offices, not directly connected with canonical hours, and in some breviaries the ordinary and canon of the mass, with a few special masses, still remaining in it. The contents of the breviary, in their essential parts, are derived from the early ages of Christi- anity. They consist of psalms, lessons taken from the Scriptures, and from the writings of the Fathers, versicles and pious sentences thrown into the shape of antiphons, responses, or other analogous forms, hymns, and prayers. The present form of the book is the result of a long and gradual development. During a long time a great diversity existed in the manner in which the psalms and their accompanying prayers were recited in different dioceses and convents ; but from the 5th century onwards a marked ten- dency to uniformity in this part of divine wor- ship may be observed, till in later days the only very striking difference which remains, with the exception of the Mozarabic breviary, which has a special character of its own, is between the office books of the East and the West. The name breviary is confined to those of the West. The books used in the daily office which con- tained the materials that were afterwards consolidated into the breviary, were — (1) the Psalter, containing the psalms and canticles arranged in their appointed order; (2) the Scriptures, from which lessons for the nocturns were taken ; (3) the Homiliary, containing the homilies of the Fathers appointed to be read on Sundays and other days indicated ; (4) the Pas- sionary, or Passional, containing the history of the sufferings of the saints, martyrs, and con- fessors ; (5) the Antiphonary, containing the an- tiphons and responsories ; (6) the Hymnal; (7) the Collectaneum, or Collectarium, or Liber Col- lectarius, or Orationale, containing the prayers, and also the Short Chapters read at the several hours; (8) the Martyrology. There were also Rubrics giving the directions for reciting the various offices. Various digests of offices from these and similar sources have been attributed with more or less probability to Leo the Great, Gelasius, and Gregory the Great. Gregory VII. [11085] com- piled the book which is the basis of the present Roman breviary. A MS. copy of this book was preserved in the monastery of Casini, from about the year 1100 A.D. This was inscribed "Incipit Breviarium s. Ordo officiorum, &c. ; " and hence Benedict XIV. derives the probable origin of the name. An abbreviation of this book made in 1244 by Michael Haymon, general of the Mi- norites, obtained the approbation of Pope Gre- gory X., and was introduced by Pope Nicholas III. in 1278 or 1279 into all the churches of Rome. Originally different dioceses and monastic orders had their own special breviaries, varying one from the other. There is a marked differ- ence between the secular and the monastic bre- viaries, but the individual members of these two families, while they vary much in detail, agree closely in their arrangement and general features. After the edition by Pius V., the Roman breviary thus revised was imposed on the whole Roman obedience to the exclusion of those hitherto in use, with an exception in favour of those which had then been in use for 200 years. i48 BRIBERY BRIDAL RING The breviary is usually divided into four parts, called after the four seasons of the year, " Pars hiemalis, vernalis, aestivalis [v. aestiva], autumnalis." When this fourfold division was first adopted is doubtful. Traces of it have been found in the 11th century. Each of these parts, in addition to the introductory rubrics, calendar, and other tables, has four subdivisions : (1) the Psalter [Psalterium], comprising the psalms and canticles arranged according to the order of their weekly recitation, and also other subordinate parts of the office which do not vary from day to day ; (2) the Proper of the Season [Proprium de tempore], containing those por- tions of the offices which vary with the season ; (3) the Proper of the Saints [Proprium Sanc- torum] ; i. e., the corresponding portions for the festivals of saints; and (4) the Common of the Saints. [See Hours of Prayer ; Office, The Divine ; Psalmody.] [H. J. H.] BRIBERY. The Old Testament is so full of warnings against " the gift " that " blindeth the wise, and perverteth the words of the righteous " (Ex. xxiii. 8), of denunciations of those that "judge for reward" (Micah iii. 11), that we could not expect otherwise than to find the like teachings embodied in the more spiritual morality of the New Testament. It may indeed be a ques- tion whether the qualification reqtiired of bishops and deacons by the Pastoral Epistles, that they should not be " given to filthy lucre " (cdaxpo- KepSeis), 1 Tim, iii. 3, 8 ; Tit. i. 7, implies prone- ness to bribery, pi-operly so called, or covetous- ness generally. If, however, we reckon the Apostolical Constitutions as representing gene- rally the Church life of the 2nd century, we see that the offence was then beginning to take shape. The bishop is directed not to be open to re- ceive gifts, since unconscientious men " becoming acceptors of persons, and having received shame- ful gifts" will spare the sinner, letting him remain in the Church (bk. ii. c. 9). Another passage speaks of either the bishops or the deacons sinning by the acceptance of persons or of gifts, with the addition of the remarkable words: "For when the ruler asks, and the judge receiA^es, judgment is not brought to an end " (ih. c. 17). A third deals with the still more heinous oifence of con- demning the innocent for reward, threatening with God's judgment the " pastors " and deacons who, either through acceptance of persons or in return for gifts, expel from the Church those who are falsely accused (ib. c. 42). There was of course nothing exceptional in this morality. In the Roman law there were nu- merous enactments against bribery. Theodosius enacted the penalty of death against all judges who took bribes {Cod. Theod. 9, tit. 27, s. 5). In Justinian's time, although the penalty of death seems to have been abrogated, the ofience is subjected to degrading punishments {Nov. viii., cxxiv.). The law of the Church on the subject of bi-ibery was substantially that of the State. The spiritual sin was looked upon as equivalent to the civil offence, and the Church needed no special discipline to punish the former. One form of bribery indeed, that relating to the obtainment of the orders or dignities of the (/hurch, is considered separately under the head of Simony, [J. m. L.] BRICCIUS, or BRIOTIUS. (1) Bishop, confessor at Martula in Umbria; is commemo- rated July 8 {Mart. Eom, Vet.)', July 9 (if. Adonis). (2) St. Brice ; succeeded St. Martin as bishop of Tours ; commemorated as confessor, Nov. 13 {Mart. Bedae, Hieron., Adonis). Proper office in the Gregorian Liber Pesponsalis, p. 835. [C] BRIDAL RING. That the present use of the ring in marriage has grown out of its use in betrothal, is historically clear. The origin of the latter is, however, obscure, though proba- bly it is the meeting-point of several different ideas and practices. If marriage was originally wife-catching, as seems probable, the ring may be considered as the symbol of the wife's cap- tivity. Again, before money was invented, or before its use became common, a ring would be one of the aptest representatives of wealth, and as such would easily constitute either the actual price of betrothal, or the earnest of it ; whilst we know that in some countries the ring has actually taken the place of money, e. g. the " ring-money " of our Teutonic forefathers. Again, as signet-rings came into use, the ring itself would easily grow to be looked upon as a pledge of contracts, a symbol of Mth between man and man. Lastly, as men's feelings became more refined, the idea of the ring, (1st) as a symbol of the wife's subjection, (2nd) as the price, or the symbol of the price, of her purchase, (3rd) as the pledge of the contract for her per- son, would lose itself in that of its spiritual significance as a symbol of endless indissoluble union. It is certain, at any rate, that the bridal ring of early Christian custom was not derived from Jewish practice, since it appears clearly that its use by way of earnest on betrothal among the Jews was of late introduction, derived from the Gentiles, and depended for its validity on the ring being worth money [Arrhae], But the early Christians, as above indicated, found it in use among the Romans, unconnected (as was ordinary marriage itself) with any superstitious practices, and naturally adopted it. Tertullian uses the term annulus metonymically for betrothal itself, in that passage of his treatise on Idolatry, in which, examining what transactions among the Gentiles a Christian man may lawfully take part in, he decides that betrothals are among the number, since " the ring " is not derived from the honour paid to any idol (c. 16). The same author shews in his Apology that by his time the use of gold for the betrothal ring must have long replaced that of iron, since he speaks of the woman of old knowing "no gold, save on one finger," which her betrothed " oppignorasset pronubo annulo " (c. 6), with which may be compared Juvenal's " digito pignus fortasse dedisti " (Sat. vi. 17). It will be obvious from the last two passages that the main significance of the betrothal ring in the early centuries of the Christian era was that of a pledge. Hence its abiding significance as representmg the arrhae. Its value in this respect was by no means confined to the betrothal contract ; thus in the Digest, Ulpian, in reference to the arrhae on an ordinary contract of sale, puts the case of a ring being given by way of earnest and not returned after the payment of the price and delivery of the thing sold {Dig. 19, tit. 1, s. 11,§ 6 ; with which compare 14, tit, 3, s, 15). BRIDAL KING BRIEFS AND BULLS 249 There is therefore nothing special in the ex- pression " Subarrare annulo," which occurs in a well-known passage of the 34th letter of St. Ambrose, where he represents St. Agnes saying to the governor of Rome, when he pressed her to marry his son, that " another lover " had already "given her earnest by the ring of his faith" (annulo fidei suae subarravit me). Historically, the bridal ring figures somewhat prominently in the record of the 5th century. In M. Augustin Thierry's * Histoire d'Athila,' 2nd ed. vol. i. c. 5, or again in his ' Placidie, reine des Gothes,' appended to the 2nd volume of his ' Saint Jerome,' c. 4 (Gibbon c. xxxv. relates the story somewhat differently), it is told how in A.D. 434, Honoria, the graceless grand- daughter of the great Theodosius, in a fit of rebellion against parental authority, sent her ring by a eunuch to the Hunnish king Attila (then recently come to the throne) by way of betrothal earnest, requesting him to make war on her brother Valentinian. The barbarian sovereign (who had a whole harem of his own) took no j notice of the ring at the time, but had it put | away; and fifteen years after, when about to invade Italy, sent a letter to the Western Emperor, complaining that the princess, his betrothed, had been ignominiously treated on his account, and was kept in prison, and requiring her to be set free and restored to him with her dowry, which he reckoned at half the personalty of the late emperor Constantius, and half the Western Em- pire ; and he forwarded by his envoys at the same time her ring, to avouch the justice of his claim, — which however he afterwards did not care, and probably never intended to press, — indeed Honoria was married at the time, as was stated to him in reply, and as no doubt he knew already. The received position of the ring on the fourth finger is explained by Isidore of Seville, on the ground that " there is in it, so they say, a vein of blood which reaches to the heart " (de Offic. bk, ii. c. 19). The quaint reason assigned for the choice of the finger will be observed, as well as the indication that the ring was only given in first marriages. A simpler origin for the use of the fourth finger is that the Greeks and Romans wore of old their rings on that finger (Macrobius, Saturn. 7, 1. 13, quoted by Selden in his Uxor Hehraicd). The bridal ring is referred to both in the Wisigothic and the Lombard Codes. The former speaks of it as constituting by delivery an en- forceable marriage contract without writing : " where a ring has been given or accepted in the name of earnest, though no writings should pass between the parties, that promise should be in nowise broken with which a ring has been given and terms (definitio) fixed before witnesses " (bk. iii. t. i. c. 3). The Lombard law is to the same eiFect : when a man betroths to himself a woman, " with a ring only, he gives earnest for her and makes her his" (cum solo annulo earn subarrat et suam facit), " and if afterwards he marry another, he is found guilty to the amount of 500 solidi " (bk. v. c. i. ; law of Luit- prand, a.d. 717). As late as the 9th century, it is clear that the ring was constitutive of betrothal, not of mar- riage. This is shown by Pope Nicolas's answer to the Bulgarians, where ho, says that " after the future bridegroom has betrothed to himself the future bride by earnest, placing on her finger the ring of affiance . . . either soon or at a fitting time . . . both are led to the mairiage (nuptialia foedera) . . . and thus at last receive the bene- diction and the heavenly veil." From this it follows that all Western Church formulae of blessing rings must belong to a still later period ; and indeed the use of the ring in marriage is supposed to have come in during the 10th century. On the other hand, since, as observed under the head Arrhae, Pope Nicolas's reply expressly distinguishes Latin from Greek usage, it is per- fectly possible that the blessing of rings, which occurs in the betrothal liturgy of the Eucho- logivim may be of earlier date : " By a ring was given authority to Joseph in Egypt. By a ring was Daniel glorified in the land of Babylon. By a ring was shewn the truthfulness of Tamar. By a ring our heavenly Father shewed mercy towards his son, for ' having slain the fatted calf and eaten let us rejoice ' [he said] . . . Thou therefore, 0 Lord, bless this placing of rings with a heavenly blessing," &c. The Greek ceremony, it may be observed, requires two rings, one of gold and one of silver. [J. M. L.] BRIDGET, or BRIGIDA, virgin, of Ireland, martyr in Scotland, A.D. 523, wonder-worker, is commemorated Feb. 1 {Mart. Hieron., AdoniSy Bedae). [C] BRIEFS and BULLS {Breve, Bulla), Both these names are applied to the Letters Apostolic of the Pope : the distinction between them being chiefly one of form, and relating to the nature of the instrument in which the letters are con- tained. A Papal Brief is ordinarily written in the Latin character, and is sealed, not with lead, but with wax ; the seal bearing the impression of the so-called " fisherman's ring," a figure of St. Peter fishing from a boat. It is signed by the Secre- tary of Briefs, and commonly commences thus : " Pius Papa IX.," &c. A Bull, on the other hand, is written in the Gothic character, and is sealed with a leaden seal of a globular form (from which, viz. hidla,, as most suppose, it derives its name, though some deduce it from jSouAtj), which is attached to the document by a string of silk, if the Bull be one of Grace, or by a hempen cord, if it be one of Justice. The seal bears on one side a representa- tion of the Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, and on the other the name of the reigning Pope. Bulls are issued from the Papal Chancery, and commence in this form : "Pius Episcopus, servus servorum Dei," &c. Some Bulls have not only the Papal seal, but also a second one in the form of a cross. These are Consistorial Bulls, and are issued with the assent and advice of the Cardinals in Consistory, by whom they are subscribed. Briefs and Bulls are of equal force, but the former are supposed to have greater brevity of expression (whence perhaps the name), and as a general, though not invariable, rule, to be employed in matters of lesser moment. Befora his coronation, a Pope ought not to issue Bulls, but only Briefs. Or if he issues a Bull, it does not bear his name on the seal. A Brief, on the whole, may be said to corre- spond in some respects to a Writ of PriA^y Seal in England, as distinguished from Letters Patent 250 BRITAIN, COUNCILS IN BROTHERHOOD of the Crown, which would answer to a Bull. It may be added that a Brief may be suppressed, as it is not issued in the same open form as a Bull ; and there are, it is said, instances of Briefs being suppressed altogether. It may also be cancelled or superseded by a subsequent Brief, whereas a Bull can be cancelled only by a Bull. For the most part also a Brief is of less extensive application than a Bull, the latter being some- times binding on the entire Christian world in communion with Rome. It must be stated, however, that some of the particulars just specified, though characteristic of Bulls and Briefs at this day and for a long period, are not observed in very early documents. Thus, for instance, in the Liber Diurnus Eoma- norum Pontificum, a work probably of the 8th century (printed in Migne's Patrologiae Cursus Comj)letus, vol. cv.) forms of commencements of Papal letters are given, in which the name of the Pope follows instead of preceding that of the great person to whom the letter is addressed. Thus to a Patrician the letter begins "Do- mino excellentissimo, atque praecellentissimo filio [name] patricio, [name of Pope] Episcopus servus servorum Dei." And to the archbishop of Ra- venna — " Reverendissimo et Sanctissimo fratri [name of archbishop] Coepiscopo, [name of Pope] servus servorum Dei." And even to a Pres- byter we have — " Dilectissimo filio [name of presbyter], [name of Pope] servus servorum Dei." In a Dissertation annexed to the edition of the Liher Diurnus of 1860, the Jesuit Gesner states that the custom of putting the Pope's name first does not seem to have come in until about the 9th century. It will thus probably be nearly contemporaneous with the appearance of the Forged Decretals, and will appropriately mark the era when the Popes first put forward regal and ultra-regal pretensions. Authorities . — Ferraris, Bihliotheca Canonica vol. i. edit. 1844, sub vocibus "Breve, Bulla;" Ayliffe's Par ergon Juris canonici, tit. " of Bulls Papal;" Burn's jE'cc^es. iaw, tit. " Bull ; " Twiss On the Letters Apostolic of Pope Pius LX. Lon- don, 1851, p. 2. [B. S.] BRITAIN, COUNCILS IN. [Britannicum Concilium.] BRITANNICUM CONCILIUM ; i.e. Coun- cils of the Welsh Church. See Caerleonense ; Llandewi-Brefi ; Lucus Vigtoriae; Augus- tine's Oak ; Verulamium. 2. Breton Councils [Brittany]. The Councils called " Britannica," in Cave, Wilkins, Labbe, &c., are either those above named (mostly misdated and incorrectly described), or are pure fables ; while Cave has chosen to add to them the Northumbrian Synod of Onestre- feld of A.D. 702, which see under its proper title. [A. W. H.] BROTHERHOOD. The origin of brother- hoods or fraternities in the Christian Church and world, whether clerical, lay, or mixed, is far from being satisfactorily ascertained. The history of monastic fraternities will be found under their appropriate headings, though we may here re- mark that the formation of such fraternities was in direct opposition to the very impulse which produced monachism itself, and sent the ^jLOvayjbs., or solitary, as a "hermit" into the f/ilderness (epTj/.iof). Yet such fraternities were practically in existence in the Egyptian laurae, when Serapion could rule over a thousand monks ; they received their fii'st written constitution from St. Basil (326-379), and both Basil and Jerome (who had himself been a hermit) having declared their disapproval of solitary monachism, the social or fraternal type must be considered to- have become fully impressed on the monastic system during the course of the 4th and 5th centuries. Dr. Brentano, in his work On the History and Development of Gilds (London, Triibnei', 1870), expresses indeed the opinion " that the religious brotherhoods of the middle ages, and as they still exist in Catholic countries, have their origin in a connexion with monasticism, and in aa imitation of it . . . and that this origin is to be sought in Southern lands, in which Chris- tianity and mouctsticism were first propagated" (p. 9). If this be so, it must be admitted that the imitation was almost coeval with its model,, for he himself ascribes to the 3rd century— the age of the Egyptian hermits — the "Christian brotherhood for nursing the sick " of the Para- bolani, — which Muratori was the first to point out as a sort of religious fraternity, in oppo- sition to various writers quoted by him (in the 75th Dissertation of his Antiquitates Medix Aevi, vol. vi.), who had held that such frater- nities date only from the 9th or even the 13th centuries. [Parabolani.] Muratori also sug- gests that the lecticarii or decani, who are, mentioned in the Code (1 tit. 2, s. 4), and m Justinian's 43rd and 59th Novels, by the lattei as fulfilling certain functions at funerals, must have been a kind of religious fraternity. On the other hand, the old sodalitas, or its equiva- lent the Greek (pparp'ia (henceforth Latinized as "phratria" or " fratria"), appears to have be- come more and more discredited, since the 18th canon of the Council of Chalcedon (A.D. 451) requires the cutting off of all clerics or monks forming " conjurationes vel sodalitates" (Isidore Mercator translates " phratrias vel factiones") ; for if " the crime of conspiracy or of sodalitas is wholly forbidden even by external laws, much more should it be so in God's Church." A decree of the Vandal king Gundemar (to be. found in the 10th vol. of Labbe and Mansi's, Councils, p. 510), about A.D. 610, directed to the priests of the city of Carthage, speaks m like manner offratrias et conjurationes against the Metropolitan Church. So again the 6th Oecu- menical Council, that of Constantinople in TruUo, A.D. 680-1, has a canon (34) against clerics or monks avvofj-vvixevoi ^ (pparpidCovres (translated in the Latin conjurantes vel sodalitates ineuntes), who are to lose their rank ; and other similar enactments could be adduced. In the 8th century we find a disposition on the part of the Church to confine the idea of frater- nity to clerical and monastic use. We may take as an instance of this in our own country the 'Dialogue by question and answer on Church government ' of Archbishop Egbert of York (mid- dle of the century), in which the terms frater and soror will be found applied both to clerics and monks or nuns, but never apparently to 'ay- men. But there is at the same time ground tor surmising that the term " fraternity,^' '.vnich m the 12th and 13th centuries is used ordinarily as. a synonym for " gild," was already current m BEOTHERHOOD BURIAL OF THE DEAD 251 e 8th or 9th to designate these bodies, the | ganization of which Dr. Brentano holds to have en complete among the Anglo-Saxons in the h century (Brentano on Gilds, pp. 11-12), and e bulk of which were of lay constitution, though uaily of a more or less religious character, le connexion between the two words is esta- ished in a somewhat singular manner. A )uncil of Nantes of very uncertain date, which s been placed by some as early as 658, by hers as late as 800, has a canon (9) which is peated almost in the same terms in a capitulary Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims, of the year 2 or 858 (c. 16). But where the canon speaks " those gatherings or confraternities which are irmed consortia (de collectis vel confratriis quas lasortia vocant)," the archbishop has " de llectis quas geldonias vel confratrias vulgo cant," — " gatherings which are commonly lied gilds or confraternities." Whilst the faith- are authorized to unite " in oblations, in hts, in mutual prayers, in the burial of the ad, in alms and other offices of piety," those sts and banquets are forbidden, where " undue ictions, shameful and vain merriment and arrels, often even hatred and dissensions are nt to arise ; " the penalty assigned being for rics deprivation, for laymen or women exclu- n from communion till they have given due isfaction. But the term " gild " itself was already in i to designate fraternities for mutual help be- e the days of Hincmar. We meet with it in capitulary of Charlemagne's of the year 779, ated by Canciani and Muratori as enacted for Qibardy, but by Pertz on the contrary (in his mumenta Germaniae Historicd) as enacted for mce, which bears " As touching the oaths mu- illy sworn by a gild (per gildoniam, Cane. ; ionia, Pertz), that no one presume to do so. berwise as touching their maintenance ' (ali- niis; or "alms," elemosynis, Pertz),' or fire, shipwreck, though they may make covenant lamvis convenientias faciant) let none presume swear thereto " (see also bk. v. of the general lection, c. 200, " de sacramentis pro gildoma IdonisL ) invicem conjurantibus " ; and the "Addition," c. 134, " ne aliquis pro gildomia; ramentum facere audeat.") It is thus clear t the gilds of the latter half of the 8th cen- existed for purposes exactly the same as se which they fulfilled several centuries later, far indeed as they were usually sanctioned by h, they were obviously forbidden by the capi- iry above quoted, as well as by several others inst " conjurations " and conspiracies which Brentano refers to from Pertz, the last (the onville Capitulary of 805) of a peculiarly )cious character. t may be suspected that the subject of reli- cs or quasi-religious brotherhoods or fraterni- in the early Church (apart from monastic i) has been but imperfectly investigated as It may at least be said that specific bodies found apparently answering to the character, ched to particular churches, during the 3rd, 5th, and 6th centuries. In the West, how- •, we seem first to discern them under the tonic shape of the gild, which in its freer as was palpably the object of great jealousy •he political and spiritual despots of the Cai- ngian era. [J. M. L.] BUCOLUS, Bishop of Smyrna, consecrated by St. John ; commemorated as " Holy Father," Feb. 6 {Cal. Byzant.') [C] BULLS. [Brieps and Bulls.] BURDIGALENSE CONCILIUM. [Bor- deaux, Council of.] BURFORD, COUNCIL OF (Berghford- BNSE Concilium), provincial, " juxta vaduiu Berghford," at Burford in Oxfordshire, A.D. 685, witnesses a grant by King Berhtwald, an under-r king of Ethelred of Mercia, to Aldhelm and the abbey of Malmesbury (charter in Will. Malm. G. P. A. F., and Kemble, Cod. Dipl. 26; the latter correcting the impossible date DCXXXV into DCLXXXV, and thus removing the main objection to the genuineness of the document, which however he still marks as spurious ; Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. iii. 169). [A. W. H.], BURIAL of the DEAD. Among the many points of contrast between the Christian Church and the systems which it supplanted, the treat- ment of the departed furnished one of the most conspicuous. Side by side with their unexampled hospitality and their austere purity of life, Julian enumerates their care for the burial of the dead as one of the means by v/hich the Christians against whom he strove, had succeeded in con- verting the Empire {Epist. ad Arsac. xlix., 0pp. ed. Spanheim). That which was characteristic of the new faith was not only its belief in the resurrection of the body, but its reverence for that body as sharing in the redemption, and this showed itself in almost every incident connected with the funeral rites. 1. Mode of Burial. In Egypt and in Palestine the Christian Church inherited the practice of embalming. It had prevailed from the earliest period of which we have any record. It had originated in a belief which Christians recognised as analogous to their own (August. Se7^m. de Div. cxx. 12). So the patriarchs and kings of the Old Testament had been interred, so had been their Lord himself. It was natural that those who found the practice in existence should not discard it, even though they no longer looked on it as essential. The language of Tertullian implies that it was in general use in Western Africa (^Apol. c. 42); that of Augustine (l. c.) shows that it was adopted in Egypt. In Greece, on the other hand, the dead had been consigned to the funeral pyre, and the ashes collected in an urn of bronze or clay, from the heroic age downward. Rome, which in the earlier days of the Republic had interred its dead, had adopted the Greek usage in the time of Sulla (the dictator is said to have been the first Roman whose body was so disposed of) and had transmitted it to the Empiie (Plin. Hist. Nat. vii. 54 ; Cic. de Legg. ii. 25). Against this usage Christian feeling naturally revolted. Even while contending that no variation in the mode of burial could aflect the resurrection of the body. Christian writers protested against cremation as wanting in re- verencing, and suggesting a denial of the truth which they held so precious. We, they said, "veterem et meliorem consuetudinem humandi frequentamus " (Minuc. Felix, Octav. c. 39 ; August, de Civ. Dei^ i. 12, 13). And accord- ingly, when their persecutors sought to inflict the most cruel outrage on their feelings, they added to the tortures by \Yhich they inflicted 252 BURIAL OF THE DEAD BURIAL OF THE DEAD death, that of burning the bodies cf the dead. In this way, they thought, they shomld rob the Christians of that resurrection which they hoped for^ or at least trample on that which they held sacred (Euseb. H. E. v. 1, ad fin.). As a rule, accordingly, it may be held, that interment, with or without embalming, according to local custom or the rank of the deceased, obtained from the first in all Christian Churches. 2. Place of Burial. At first, in the nature of things, it was not in the power of Christians to transgress the laws of the Empire which for- bade interment within the walls of cities (Cic. de Legg. ii. 58). The Jewish custom had in this respect agreed with that which prevailed throughout the heathen world, strengthened by the feeling that contact with the graves where the dead reposed brought with it a ceremonial defilement. The tomb of Christ, e.g., was in a garden nigh unto the city, but outside the gates (Matt, xxvii. 60), and the same holds good of the burial at Nain (Luke vii. 12), and of that of Lazarus (John xi. 30). The demoniac of Gadara had " his dwelling in the tombs," because they were remote from human habitations (Mark v. 5). Commonly, as on the Appian way, and the road from Athens to the Piraeus, the strip of ground on each side of the most frequented highway, beginning at the city gate, became the burial-place of citizens. Slaves and foreign- ers were laid in some less honourable position. The Jews at Rome and in other cities had burial- places of their own. The wish to avoid contact with idolatrous rites, and to escape interruption and insult in their own funeral ceremonies, would naturally load Christians to follow the example of the Jews, and to secure, as soon as possible, a place where they could bury their dead in peace. The earliest trace of this feeling is found in an inscription, which records the purchase by Fnustus, a slave of Antonia, the wife of Drusus, from Jucundus, a Christian, of the "jus olla- rum," the right, i.e. of burying the remains of the dead in a columharium. The Christian, i. e. will no longer burn the bodies of those for whom he cares, nor have his own body to be burnt, but sells his interest in the pagan sepul- chre, and provides another for himself (Muratori MDCLXViii. 6). So in like manner Cyprian {Ep. 68) makes it a special charge against Mar- tialis, bishop of Astura, that he had allowed his sons to be "apud profana sepulcra depositos." During the long periods in which they were exempt from persecution, they were allowed in many cities to possess their burial-grounds in peace. At Carthage, e.g., they had their areae, and it was only in a time of popular fury that their right to them was disputed (Tertull. ad Scap. c. 3). At Alexandria they had what they had been the first to call Koi/jLrjTTipia, and it was not till the persecution under Valerian and Gal- lienus that they were forbidden to have access to them (Euseb. B. E. vii. 11). [Cemetery.] Soon afterwards, however, they must have been restored, as we find Diocletian and Maximian again closing them. Special edicts of this nature are, of course, exceptions that prove the rule. Where, as at Rome, Naples, and Milan, the na- ture of the soil lent itself readily to subterrane- ous interment, this was caught at as giving at onc;c the privacy and security whict the Chris- tians needed. As Christianity spread, it was not difficult, by payment or by favour — often, perhaps, through a secret sympathy — to obtain from the owners of the land which was thus excavated a prescriptive right to its use ; and, as a matter of fiict, the sanctity of the catacombs never seems to have been violated. [Catacombs.] Whatever other purposes they might serve, as meeting- places or refuges, this was, beyond question, their primary and most lasting use. During persecution, especially in localities Avhere there was not the facility for concealment presented by the catacombs, the Christians had, of course, to bury their dead as they could. When the conversion of Constantine restored free liberty of choice, the places which had been made sacred by the bodies of saints and martyrs were naturally sought after. The tomb became the nucleus of a basilica. The devout Christian wished to be helped by the presence and protec- tion of the martyr (August, de Cura ger. pro Mort. c. 1 and 7). The phrases positos ad SANCTOS, AD MARTYRES, are found frequently on monumental inscriptions in Italy and Gaul (Le Blant, Inscriptions Chre'tiennes, i. 83). Gra- dually, through the influence of this feeling, the old Roman practice of extramural interment fell into disuse. Burial within the basilica was reserved for persons of the highest rank. Con- stantine was the first to set the example, and was followed by Theodosius and Honorius (Chry- sost. Horn. 26 in 2 Cor.). The distinction was eagerly sought after, and the desire to obtain it had to be placed under restrictions both by imperial laws, as by those of Valentinian and Gratian, and by the canons of councils (Cone. Bracar. A.D. 563, c. 18). During the transition period many cities seem to have adhered to the old plan, and to haA^e refused their sanction to any intramural interment (ibid.). Where that sanction was given, the precincts of the church, sometimes its atrium or courtyard, where it was constructed after the type of a basilica, became the favourite spot. In the 9th century Gregory of Tours supplies the first instance of a formal consecration of a churchyard for such a purpose (De Glor. Confess, c. 6). A special prohibition against the use of the baptistery for interments is found in Gaul about the same period (Cone. Antissiod. c. 14). Funeral Rites. The details of Christian burial present, as might be expected, points both of resemblance and contrast to heathen practices. Wherever the usage was the expression of na- tural reverence or love, there it was adopted. Where it was connected with any pagan super- stition it was carefully avoided. (1.) Starting from the moment of death, the first act of the by-standers, of the nearest of kin who might be present, was to close the eyes and mouth of the corpse (Euseb. H. E. vii. 22). Among the Romans this had been followed by reopening the eyes when the body was placed upon the pyre (Plin. Nat. Hist. xi. 37), probably as symbolizing the thought that though they had ceased to look upon the world which they were leaving, they were yet on the point of passing to another state of being where they would see and be seen again. Of this latter custom we have no trace in Christian history. Then followed the washing, the anointing, some- times the embalming. In the so(iety around BURIAL OF THE DEAD BURIAL OF THE DEAD 253 them this had been left to the poUinctores, who made it their business. With Christians it was a work of love, done for friends and kindred, or even for strangers and the poor (Euseb. If. E. vii. 22). (2.) In Palestine and throughout the East generally interment followed upon death after an interval of a few hours, during which the hired mourners made their lamentations (Matt, ix. 23; 2 Chron. xxxv. 25; Jerem. xxii. 18). This was due in part, of course, to the i-apidity with which decomposition sets in under such a climate, but still more to the feeling common to both Jew and heathen, that the presence of the dead body brought defilement to the house and its inmates. Hei-e also Christia.i thought shewed itself in contrast, and the interval between death and burial was gradually prolonged to three or four days. The body was swathed in white linen, sometimes with the insignia of office, or with ornaments of gold and gems, placed in the coffin or sarcophagus, and laid out, sometimes in the chamber of death, sometimes in the church, that friends might come and weep and take their last look (Euseb. Vit. Const, iv. 66, 67 ; Ambros. Orat. in obit. I'heodos. ; August. Conff. ix. 12). Vigils were held over it, accompanied by prayers and hymns. Hired mourners, like those of the East or the praeficae of the Romans, were not allowed. (3.) The feeling that a funeral was a thing of evil omen for the eye to fall on led the Romans to choose night as the time for interment.^ The Christian Church, on the contrary, as soon as it was able to develop itself freely, and was free from the risk of outrage, chose the day, and gave to the funeral procession somewhat of the character of a triumph. The coffin was borne on the shoulders of the nearest friends and kinsmen. Where, as in the case of Paula (Hieron. Ep. 27 ad Eustoch.), honour was to be shewn to some conspicuous benefactor of the Church, it was carried by the bishops and the clergy. The leading clergy of a diocese took their place as bearers at the funeral of a bishop, as, e. g. in that of St. Basil (Greg. Naz. Orat. xx. p. 371). They and the others who took part in the ceremonial carried in their hands branches, not of the funereal cypress, as among Greeks and Romans, but of palm and olive, as those who celebrate a victory. Leaves of the evergreen laurel and ivy were placed in the coffin in. token of the hope of immortality (Durand. Rat. div. off. vii. 35). Others, again, in like token of Christian joy, carried lighted lamps or torches (Chrysost. Horn. IV. in Hehr. ; Greg. Nyss. Vit. Macrin. ii. p. 201). The practice of crowning the head with a wreath of flowers was rejected,^^ partly as tainted with idolatry, partly as asso- ciated with riotous revels or shameless effeminacy (Clem. Alex. Paedag. ii. 8 ; Tertull. de Cor. Milit. c. 10), but flowers were scattered freely over the body. Others, again, carried thuribles, and fra- | grant clouds of incense rose as in a Roman a Julian, in his edict against the practice of funeral processions, occasioned by those which had been held at Antioch in honour of the martyr Babylas, falls back upon the old superstition : " Qui enim dies est bene aus- picatus a funere? Aut quomodo ad Deos et templa venletur."— Cod. Theod. ix. tit. It, 1. 5. ^ The denial of what had come to be a recognized mark of honour was turned in the earlier ages of the Church into a ground of attack. " Coronas etiam sepulchris triumph (Baron. Annal. A.D. 310, n. 10; Chrysost. Horn. cxvi. 1. 6). Nor did they march in silence, but chanted as they went hymns of hope and joy. " Right dear in the sight of the Lord is the death of His saints ;" " Turn again unto thy rest, 0 my soul, for the Lord hath rewarded thee ;" " The souls of the righteous are in the hand of God" — wei-e among the favourite an- thems (Constt. Apost. vi. 30 ; Chrysost. Hmn. 30, de Dorm.). Bells were not tolled till the eighth or ninth century, nor can the practice of carrying the cross in the procession be traced beyond the sixth (Greg. Turon. Vit. Pair. c. 14). When they reached the grave, hymns and prayers were renewed, and were followed by an address from the bishop or priest.<= (4.) Either in the church or at the grave it was customary, as early as the fourth century, to have a celebration of the eucharist in token of the communion that still existed between the living and the dead. (123 C. Carth. iii. c. 29). With this were united special prayers for the soul of the departed. The priest first, and afterwards the other friends, gave the corpse the last kiss of peace (Dionys. Areop. Hierarch. Eccles. c. 7). For some centuries, in spite of repeated prohibitions by councils of the Church, the practice prevailed, in Western Africa, in Gaul, in the East, of placing the consecrated bread itself, steeped in the wine, within the lips of the dead (C. Carth. iii. c. 6 ; vi. c. 83 ; C. Antissiod. c. 12 ; C. Trullan. c. 133). Another practice, that of burying the Eucharistic bread with the dead, though not between the lips, had a higher sanction. St. Basil is reported, on one occasion, after consecration, to have divided the Eucharist into three parts, and to have re- served one to be buried with him (Amphilochius in Spicileg. vii. p. 81) ; and St. Benedict, in like manner, ordered it to be laid upon the breast of a young monk, as he was placed in the grave. (Greg. Dialog, ii. 24 ; cf. Martene de Ant. Eccles. Pit. i. 162, ed. 1.) The old union of the Agape and the Supper of the Lord left traces of itself here also, and the Eucharist was fol- lowed by a meal, ostensibly of brotherhood, or as an act of bounty to the poor, but often passing into riotous excess (August, de Mor. Eccl. c. 34). When the body was lowered into the grave it was with the face turned upwards, and with the feet towards the east, in token of the sure and certain hope of the coming of the Sun of Righteousness and the resurrection of the dead (Chrysost. Horn. cxvi. t. vi.). Other positions, such as sitting or standing, were exceptions to the general rule (Arringhi, Poma subt. c. 16, p. 33). The insignia of office, if the deceased had held any such position — gold and silver ornaments, in the case of private persons — were often flung into the open grave, and the waste and ostentation to which this led had to be checked by an imperial edict (Cod. Theodos. xi. tit. 7, 1. 14), which does not appear, however, to have been very rigidly enforced. The practice denegatis " is the language of the heathen in the Octavius of Minucius Felix ; and the Christian in his reply ac- knowledges " nec mortuos corouamus " (c. xii. xxxviii.). Flowers were however scattered over the grave (Pru- dent. Cathemerinon, x. 177.) The funeral orations of Eusebius at the death of Con- stantine, of Ambrose on that of Theodosius, are the most memorable instances ; but we have also those om. IV. Vigilia Coenae Domini. Parasceve. Dominica post Ascensum Sabbatum sanctum. Domini (seu item de Vigiliae S. Paschae. Rosa). Dominica S. Pascliae. Pentecoste. Dom. octava Paschae (seu, Octava Pentecostes. post albas paschales). Vigilia Naiivitatis S. Dom. I. post Paicha, Joannae Baptistae. Dom- II. (Sic sequuntur officia pro- Uom. Ill, pria de Sanctis usque ad Doni- IV". Adventum). Litania major, Communia Oillcia. Vigilia Apostol. Philippi et Responsoria de libro Re- Jacobi. gum, Sapientiae, Job, Dom. 111. et IV. in Pascha Tobia, Judith, Esther, de K. R. de Auctoritate. historia Machabaeorum Dom. V. et VI. in ,Pascha de Prophetis. R. R. de psalmis. Autiphonae ad hymnum in Natahtiis Ss. infra trium puerorum. T ^'Jf "a- De Cantico Zachariae. S, in Natalitiis unius Mar- Mariae. tyns sive Confessoris. Antiphonae dominicis die- in Lrucis Inventione. bus post Pentecosten a in exaltatione S. Crucis. L. usque ad XXIV, Ascensio Domini. A knowledge of the calendar, being indispen- sable for the due performance of the liturgy, was one of the essential qualifications for the priestly ofhce. It is a frequent injunction in the capi- tula of bishops, " presbyteri computum discant." A canon of the council of Aix-la-Chapelle, A.D. c. 70, and the Capitulare Interrogationis, A;D. 811, of Charlemagne, i. 68, enjoin (with a ^lew to the supply of qualified persons) " ut sciiolae legentium puerorum fiant, psalmos, notas, cantum, computum, grammaticam discant.' For instruction in this department of ciencal education and ecclesiastical learning, ueatises more or less copious were provided. An elaborate work of this kind is the de Computo ?ln ofax""' ^a^i-^s, archbishop of Mayence (A.D. 847)^ edited by Baluzius, Miscellan. t. i. J' sqq- Yearly, on the feast of Epiphany, the bishop announced the date of Eastei- for that year, as enjoined e.g. by the 4th Council of Orleans, A.D. 541, can. 1 (Bruns, ii. 201): and from him the clergy, together with this announcement, received notice of any new festival appointed, in order that the same might be entered in their calendar, and made known to the people. It results, partly from these subsequent addi- tions made to the original texts of the calendars, which cannot always be discriminated in the MSS. by difference of handwriting, colour of the ink, and other palaeographical criteria, that it is not always easy to say to what age, or to what province of the Church, a given calendar belongs. 4t is doubtful whether any of them contains the genuine materials of such lists existing in times earlier than the beginning of the 4th century. For of these lists, scarcely any can be supposed to have escaped, in the Diocletian persecution, from the rigorous search then decreed for the general destruction not only of the copies ot the Scriptures, but of all liturgical and ecclesi- astical documents, among which the calendars, lists of bishops and martyrs, and acts of martyrs, held an important place (Euseb. H. E. viii. 2 ; Arnob. acfo. Gentes, iv, 36). Some rules, how- ever, which may help to determine the relative antiquity of extant calendars, may be thus sum- marized, chiefly from Binterira, Denkwurdig- herten, v. i. 20, sqq. : — 1. Brevity and simplicity in the statement concerning the holy-day are characteristic of the earlier times. Only the name of the martyr was given, without title or eulogy ; even the prefix S. or B. (sanctus, heatus) is sparingly used. Sometimes the martyrs of a whole pro- vince are included under a single entry. Thus the Calendar of Carthage, in which eighty-one days are marked, has, at 2 Kal. Jan. Sanctorum Temidensium ; 15 Kal. Aug. SS. Scilitanorum. In several other calendars, one name is given, with the addition, et sociorum (or comitum), ejus. 2. To one day only one celebration is assigned in the oldest calendars. " Commemorationes " were unknown or very rare in the earlier times. These seem to have come into use in the 9th century, by reason of the increasing number of saints' days. 3. The relative antiquity of a calendar is especially indicated by the paucity, or entire absence, of days assigned to the B, Virgin Mary. Writers of the Church of Rome satisfy them- selves in respect of this fact with the explana- tion, that the days assigned to the Lord in- clude the commemoration of the Blessed Virgin Mother. Thus, for example, Morcelli (Afr. Christiana, cited by Binterim, u. s. p. 14) ac- counts for the entire silence of the Calend. Carthag. concerning the days of the V. Mary ; and the like explanation is given of the fact that of St. Augustine we have no sermon preached for a festival of the Virgin. 4. Another note of antiquity is the absence of all saints' days and other celebrations from the period during which Lent falls. Thus March and April in the Carthaginian Calendar exhibit no such days ; and the like blank appears in the calendars of Bucherius and Fronto. For the 51st canon of the Council of Laodicea (cir. A.D. 352) enjoins : '6ti ou Se? iv TeacrapaKoc-rfj fxapTvpav yeveQMov eTrtTeAetz/, aXKa to)V aylwi/ fiapripwy /xveiav ttoiuv eV rots ea^^drois KoA S 258 CALEPODIUS CALL TO THE MINISTRY KvpiaKois' "a martyr's day must not be kept during the quadragesima, but must (at that time) be reserved for sabbaths and Lord's-days " (Bruns, i. 78). And with this agreed the rule of the Latin Church, as expressed in the 1st canon of the 10th Council of Toledo, A.D. 656 (Bruns, i. 298), where, with especial reference to the falling of Lady-day (F. of Annunciation, 25 Mar.) in Lent, or on Easter-day itself, it is said : " eadem festivitas non potest celebrari condigne, cum interdum quadragesimae dies vel paschale festum videtur incumbere, in quibus nihil de sanctorum solemnitatibus, sicut ex anti- quitate regulari cautmn est, convenit celebrari," 5. Before the 5th century, no day of canonised bishop or other saint is marked to be kept as festival, unless he was also a martyr. The oc- currence of any such day is a sure indication that the calendar is of later date than A.D. 400 ; or, th it the entry is of later insertion. To the bishops is assigned the term Depositio ; to the martyrs, Natalis or Natalitium. 6. Vigils are of rare occurrence in the oldest calendars. Not one vigil is noted in the Kal. Bucherianum and Kal. Carthaginense. The Kal. Frontonianum (supra) has four. A Galilean Calendar of A.D. 826, edited by d'Achery (8pi- cileg. X. 130), has five ; and another, by Martene, for which he claims an earlier date ( Thes. Anecd. V. 65), has nine. For the determination of the Province or Church to which a Calendar belongs, the only criterion to be relied on is the preponderance in it of names of martyrs and saints known to be of that diocese or province. Naturally, each Church would honour most its own confessors and champions of the faith. Especially does this rule hold in respect of the bishops, whose names, unless they were also martyrs or other- wise men of highest note in the Church, would not be likely to obtain a place in the calendars of other than their own Churches. The Greek Church had its calendars, under the title icpr]fxepLS (kopraffriKT]), firjuaTou (eopr.); later, KaXeurdpiov, which, as containing the offices for each celebration, grew into enormous dimensions. One such, with the designation, MrjuoXSyiov t(2v evayyeXloou kopraffriKhv sive Kalendarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, edited from a manuscript in the Albani Library by Morcelli, fills two quarto volumes, Rome, 1788. But the title fxTjuoXoyiou corresponds not with the Latin Kalendarium, but with the Martyrologium. Cave, in a dissertation ap- pended to his Historia Literaria, part ii. (de Libris et officiis ecdesiasticis Graecorum, p. 43) describes the KaXevrdpiov or Ephemeris ecclesias- tica in usum totius anni, as a digest of all church festivals and fosts for the twelve months, day by day, beginning with September. "That calen- dars of this kind were composed for the use of the churches is plain from Biblioth. Vindobon. Cod. Hist. Eccl. xcvii. num. xiii., which gives a letter wi'itten by the head of some monastery in reply to questions concerning monastic observ- ances of holydays ; to which is appended a com- plete Church Calendar." [H. B.j CALEPODIUS, aged presbyter, martyr at Rome under the emperor Alexander Severus, commemorated May 10 (Mart. Rom. Vet., Bedae, Usuardi). [C] CALF. Irrespectively of its meaning symbol of an Evangelist, the image of t] calf or ox is held by Aringhi (lib. vi. c xxxii. vol. ii. p. 320) to represent the Christi; soul, standing to Christ in the same relation the sheep to the shepherd. He also takes t calf or ox to represent Apostles labouring in tht ministry, quoting various Fathers, and final St. Chrysostom's idea, that the oxen and fatlin spoken of as killed for the Master's feast a meant to represent prophets and martyrs. T^ calf or ox, as a sacrificial victim, has been taken represent the Lord's sacrifice ; for which Aring quotes a comment on Num. xviii. These simi tudes seem fanciful, and pictorial or other repi sentations hardly exist to bear them out. A cf is represented near the Good Shepherd in Buon rotti ( Yetri, tav. v. fig. 2) ; and Martigny refe to Allegranza (Mon. antichi de Milano, p. 12 for an initial letter at Milan, where the anim is represented playing on a lyre : typifying, \ thinks, the subjugation of the human nature the life of faith. He also refers to St. Cleme of Alexandria (Paedag. lib. i. c. 5) for a coi parison of young Christians to sucking calv (fj-oa-x^pia yaXadrjvd), connected perhaps in t Father's mind in the same way as in his ow though, as Bishop Potter remarks in his note ( loc), no such comparison exists in Scriptui The plate in Allegranza is of considerable intere; being from a " marmo " belonging to the ancie pulpit of S. Ambrogio. The calf is lying dow and turning up its forefoot to hold the lyre, " antica cetra." It is engraved in the loop of initial D. The preceding " marmo " is a I'epi sentation of an Agape, from the posterior parap of the pulpit ; and Allegranza considers the c; to be a symbol connected with the Agape. £ above, Clem. Alex. Paedag. i. 5. See also s. Lyre, that instrument being held typical of t human body in its right state of harmony wit and subjection to, the divinely-guided soul, f oxen with Dolia see Bottari, iii. 155, 184. [R. St. J. T. CALIGAE. These were stockings, made various material, serving for a defence agaii cold, and as such worn at times by soldi( (Casaubon on Suetonius) ; by monks, if infi] or exposed to cold (Cassianus, lib. i. c. 10 ; Benedictus, Regula, c. 62 ; Gregor. Magnus, Di cc. 2, 4) ; and by bishops in out-door dr; (Gregor. Turon. Hist. Franc, lib. vi. c. 3' The Rule of St. Ferreolus (quoted by Ducan;: s. v.), c. 32, has an amusing passage forbiddi the elaborate cross-gartering of these calig out of mere coxcombry. The earliest wri1 who mentions the caligae as among the " saci vestments" to be worn by bishops and car nals is Ivo Carnotensis 01115). " Antequ; induantur sandaliis vestiantur caligis byssi i vel lineis, usque ad genua protensis et ibi b(|l constrictis" (Sermo de significationihus indurrn'f torum sacerdotal ium, apud Hittorpium de L\, Off.). [W. B. Ml CALIXTUS [Callistus]. CALL TO THE MINISTRY is morek matter of Christian ethics than of Church canoi i and in that point of view it became mixed up, \h tlie Church of the 4th century and onwards, w jt the parallel cases of the adoption of the monas f 01 the cels-iate life. The temper that ought CALL TO THE MINISTRY CALOYERS 259 animate those who are to be ordained was held to be, on the one hand, a sincere and pure desire to serve God in some special way, but on the other, also, a shrinking from the fearful responsi- bility of the ministry ; on the one hand, obedience to the call of superiors, and faith to undertake duties which came by no self-seeking, on the other, humility, that was really the more worthy the more it felt its own unworthiness. In a word, the true nolo episcopari spirit was held to extend, in measure, to the lower orders also. Com- pare Rom. X. 15, and Heb. v. 4, 5. Under this view of the case, it was not indeed the absolute law, but it naturally came to pass, and so was the common rule, that the bishops, or the right- ful electors (which included, of course, the bishop or the bishops, and even in the case of the pres- byterate, up to at any rate the 3rd century, the clergy and people also) should choose at least to the higher ordei's, and in such case the canons enacted that any one already in ordei-s in any degree could not refuse to accept. A like rule would apply in a less degree to the first entry into the ministry ; the supply in both cases being supplemented by voluntary candidates, from the necessity of the case, but it being held the best that the call should come from others, who had authority. A Carthaginian canon among the Cod. Can. Afric. {Grace, c. 31) rules that " qui- cumque clerici vel diaconi pro necessitatibus ecclesiarum non obtemperaverint episcopis suis volentibus eos ad honorem ampliorem in sua ecclesia promovere, nec illic ministrent in gradu suo, unde recedere noluerunt." And for the case of the episcopate, in particular, see under Bishop, On the other hand, the call certainly needed not of necessity to originate with the bishop. It was open, and it was held a pious act, for parents to devote their children to the ministry, not com- pelling, but exhorting and encouraging them so to devote themselves. See, e.g. Gaudent. Brix. ("»e texts ie a ■mecture not supported by cny MS. CANON OF THE LITUEGY 269 " mysteries," and either unknown to her, or re- jected as not satisfying her aspirations. In the liturgical directions of the second book of the Apostolical Constitutions (c. 57, §§ 13, 14) no explicit account is given of the central por- tion of the service. After describing the bidding- prayer, or Prosphonesis of the deacon, and the prayer, with benediction, of the priest, the writer proceeds: "And after this let the sacrifice be made {yiveaQw evaia), all the people standing and praying in a low voice; and when the offering has been made {cirau ayeuexOfi), let each order partake severally of the Lord's Body and the precious Blood." No details are given of the sacrifice or anaphora, perhaps in conse- quence of the silence imposed in that respect by the " Disciplina Arcani." The eighth book con- tains what is commonly called the Clementine Liturgy, which is considered elsewhere. Cyril of Jerusalem gives us a description {Catech. My stag. V.) of the liturgy as it was actually celebrated at Jerusalem in the early part of the 4th century. After describing the Sursum Corda, Preface, and Sanctus, he proceeds (§ 7) : " Then, after hallowing ourselves by these spiritual hymns, we beseech the merciful God to send forth His Holy Spirit upon the elements displayed on the table (ra TrpoKeifxepa), to make the bread the Body of Christ and the wine the Blood of Christ. For most certainly, what- soever the Holy Spirit may have touched, that is hallowed and transformed {rjy'iaa-rai Kal f-eTaPe^Xr^rai). Then, after that the spiritual sacrifice, the unbloody service (Aarpem) is com- pleted, over that sacrifice of propitiation we be- seech God for the common peace of the churches, for the welfare of the world, for kings, for sol- diers and allies, for those in infirmity, for those in special trouble, and, generally, we all pray for all who need help ; and this sacrifice we offer. Then we make mention also of those who have gone to rest before us, first patriarchs, prophets, apostles, martyrs ; that God at their prayers and intercessions would receive our sup- plication {oirous 6 Qehs Ta7s evxa7s avroov Kal TTpea-pdais Trpoo-Be^rjTai rrjv rffjLcoi^ Sdrtaiv); then also on behalf of the holy fathers and bishops who have gone to rest before us, and generally all of our body who have gone to rest before us ; believing that the greatest benefit will accrue to their souls^for whom the supplication is offered {ri Seria-is avacpeperai) while the holy and most awful sacrifice is displayed (Trpofcei^efT/s)." Then follows the Lord's Prayer, the ayia rois ayiois, and communion. St. Basil, in a remarkable passage {De Spiritu Sancto, c. 27 [al. 66], p. 54) speaks of some of the ceremonies of the Eucharist as having been derived from unwritten tradition. " The words of the Invocation [Epiclesis] at the displaying or dedicating (eVi rf} avaSei^ei) of the bread of thanksgiving and the cup of blessing, which of the saints left behind for us in writing ? For, you know, we are not content with the things which the Apostle or the Gospel relate, but we prefix and^ suffix other expressions {irpoAeyo/jLev Kcd iiriXiyoixev erepa) which we regard as highly important for the mystery, having them handed down to us from unwritten tradition (e/c Tris a.ypdscent of Holy Spirit. Prayer for Peace. Fraction. AMBROSIAN AND GREGORIAN. Sursum Corda, Preface. Sanctus, Prayer for the Liv- ing; and for ac- ceptance of the Sacrifice. Commemoration of Institution, Oblation. Prayer for the Dead. Lord'i Preface to Prayer. Lord's Prayer, Embolismus. GALLICAN. Oblation of Elements. Prayer for Living and Dead. CoUectio post Nomina. Kiss of Peace. Oratio ad Pacem. Sursum Corda. Preface. Sanctus, Collectio post Sanctus (short). Commemoration of In- stitution. Post Secreta " (some- times containing 1 n- vocation of Holy " irit). Choir. Confracto- rium (an Antipbon.) Priest Fraction and com- mixtion. Preface to Lord's Prayer, Lord's Prayer. Embolismus. the Virgin Mary and other saints. 4. Hanc igi- tur, for peace and salvation. 5. Quam oblatio- nem, that the oblation may become to the wor- shippers the Body and Blood of the Lord. 6. Qm Fridie, commemorating the Institution. 7. Unde et memores, the Oblation, 8. Supra quae propiho, for a blessing on reception. 9. Memento etiam, commemorating the dead. 10. Sobis quoque peccatoribus, for the priest and people present. The most remarkable peculiarity of the Koman rite is, that the commemoration of the Imng is separated from that of the dead, and precedes consecration, while in the Eastern litur- gies the intercessions for living and dead form one prayer, and follow the recitation of the words of Institution. It seems probable that ongmally the Memento etiam followed the Me- mento immediately, just as in Greek liturgies m fact m Gerbert's text of the Gelasian Sacra- Ton. H 7 ki ^T'''^'' '^'^"^^ ^ differing m^tT ^7 Gregorian, does follol Sr^! - th-t both etiam I 41. ^^"^^^^riicantes; while a Memento Cfregorian form follows the supra Ser^F^ Gode^ Lit. i. 15, 19; iDeit, Vetus Uturgia Alemannica, i. 365)! state g'^f.^t may perhaps represent the out wh ' T^' '^^'"^ having been struck Aow'th?^?'^ peculiarities which from thp' R a wholly different family and itfr. f/'^"'r^.^^^ ^''^^^^ ««ncfws . the sanctus is immediately | followed by what is called the "collectio post sanctus " (sometimes called the canon), which is again immediately followed by the recitation ot the words of Institution. While the Roman canon IS mvariable, the Galilean, which is very short changes with every mass. To give one by way ot example, the canon for the eve of the Nativity in the Gallo-Gothic missal (Daniel, Cod. Lit. i. 83) is " Vere sanctus, vere benedictus Dominus Noster Jesus Christus Fiiius tuus manens in coelis mani- festatus in terris. Ipse enim pridie quam pate- retur, etc." The same form, Vere sanctus, etc., follows the sanctus also in the Mozarabic liturgy. This is not, however, immediately followed by the words of Institution, but by a prayer commencino- Adesto, adesto Jesu bone pontifex," containing a petition for the sanctification of the oblation" which is followed by "Dominus Noster Jesus Christus, in qua nocte tradebatur, accepit panem etc, reciting the Institution. In Mabillon's Sacramentarium GalUcanum the Roman canon is given with the first mass, and perhaps served, as Mabillon remarks (p. 453, Migne) for all ; he supposes, however, that at an earlier period the Gallican had its own canon and that the introduction of the Roman canorl was the beginning of the supersession of the Gallican rite by the Roman, which was after- wards completely established {Praefat. § iv.). The Commemoration of the Lord's Life begins in most cases, with taking up the ascription ot holiness to the Almighty already set forth in the sanctus. For instance, in the Greek St. Jamei, the hyios^ of the preceding hymn is repeated in Ayios el, BaaiXev roSif aldovwv .... ayios koI 6 fMOvoyeu-fji a-ov rlhs .... ay lof de kui to 272 CANON OF THE LITURGY CANON OF THE LITURGY YlyeviJid aov ro" Ay lov (Daniel, Cod. Lit. iv, 109) which commences the commemoration ; and the variable Post Sanctits of the Gallican and Moza- rabic liturgies begins very commonly with the words " Vere sanctus, vere benedictus Dominus Noster Jesus Christus." The " commemorations " in St. James and St. Basil (Daniel iv. 427) recite with great dignity and beauty the creation of man, his state in Paradise, his fall, and redemp- tion by God's mercy ; so leading on to the com- memoration of the Lord's death and the Institu- tion of the supper. That of St. Chrysostom is much shorter. St. Mark (Daniel iv. 158) has in this place a mere allusion to the manifestation of the Lord, and a prayer for the descent of the Holy Spirit to bless the sacrifice. The Fost Sanctus of the Gallican and Mozarabic canon contains, at least on the Lord's festivals, a com- memoration of some portion of His Life ; a fea- ture entirely aosent from the Eoman. Some liturgies contain in this portion allusions to peculiar opinions with regard to the person of Christ ; the Armenian, for instance, after reciting (^Liturgy of the Armenian Church, tr. by Rev. S. C. Malan, p. 39) God's mercy in the prophets and the law, speaks of the Son as having taken a body • " by union without confusion from the Mother of God and Holy Virgin Mary." The Aethiopic liturgy agrees with the Coptic St. Basil and St. Gregory (Renaudot, Lit. Orient. i. 13, 29, 516) in breaking this portion of the office with responds. That of St. Gregory, for example, thrice inserts the Kyrie Eleison." The transition v. om the preceding prayer or ascription to the Commemoration of Institution is generally made in the Eastern liturgies by the words " '6s rfj vvkti fj TrapeSi'Soro," or some equi- valent formula; those of St. James and St. Chrysostom add '■^ fiaXXop 5e eavrhv TrapeStSou ; " but this addition is not found in the Syriac St. James. The Coptic St. Basil (Renaudot, Lit. Orient, i. 14) has a wholly different form : " He instituted this great mystery of piety and worship, when He had determined to deliver Himself to death for the life of the world." The usual Western form is " Qui pridie quam pateretur ; " but the Mozarabic has here " Dominus Noster Jesus Christus in qua nocte tradebatur," approach- ing in this, as in other respects, more nearly to the Eastern type. It has indeed been contended that this form is a comparatively recent interpo- lation, inasmuch as the prayer which follows is called the " Post Pridie " as if the usual for- mula had preceded (Krazer, De Liturgiis, 615; Neale, Eastern Church, Int. 472). But in feet the title " Post Pridie " is probably not so an- cient as Isidore's time, who calls the prayer which follows consecration the " Confirmatio Sacramenti " ; and it is surely very much more probable that the heading " Post Pridie " should have been inserted by some revisor fami- liar with Roman liturgical diction, than that the form " Qui pridie," common to the whole of Western Christendom, should have been displaced by one entirely unheard of, and that in the most solemn part of the Liturgy. In no liturgy, in the narrative of institution, is any one Gospel followed, and the form adopted is such as to suggest rather an independent tradition than an artificial arrangement from the Gospels. Many of the forms add epithets expres- sive of ve aeration for the Person of the Lord. Very many liturgies contain a reference to the Lord's raising his eyes to Heaven before breaking the bread. This is the case in those of St. James and St. Mark, but not in that of St. Chryso- stom or in the kindred Nestorian forms ; it is the case in all the Western forms, except the Mozai-abic. St. Mark and St. James insert the raising of the eyes to Heaven before the blessing of the cup also. St. James and St. i Basil mention the displaying or dedicating M {avaSeii^as) of the bread to God the Father. IP The mingling of the wine with water is a well- known and almost universal custom ; but in none of the Western liturgies is any mention of it made in the canon, while in the East it con- stantly appears. The Basilian has simply " min- gling " (Kepdcras) (Daniel, iv. 429) ; St. James the fuller form, " mingling of wine and water." So also Coptic St. Gregory (Renaudot i. 30); ji and many of the Syro-Jacobite liturgies, as for " instance that of St. John (Ih. ii. 164). St. Chrysostom has no reference to the mixing ; but it is nevertheless found in the liturgy of Nesto- rius, w^hich is in a great measure derived from that of Constantinople. It is an ancient belief that the Lord Himself partook of the bread and the cup in the Last Supper. This, however, appears but rarely in the Liturgies. The Coptic forms of St. Basil and St. Gregory refer to the Lord's tasting the Cup (Renaudot, L 15, 31); and some of the Syro-Jacobite liturgies refer to His partaking oi the Bread : for instance, St. James of Edessa (lb. ii. 373). That of Nestorius (lb. ii. 629) makes the Lord partake both of the bread and the wine. Some of the Syro-Jacobite liturgies, drawn up at a time when the controversy was rife as to the use of leavened or unleavened bread in the Eucharist, [Elements] introduce into the canon such expressions as " common " or " leavened " bread. For instance, those of James Baradai and Matthew the Pastor (Renaudot, ii. 335, 348); and some, as that of Dioscorus (lb. 495) speak of His accomplishing the Mosaic Passover ; as does also Nestorius (lb. ii. 629). With regard to the actual words said over the bread, the usual Latin form is simply, " Hoe est Corpus Meum." The Ambrosian, in one text adds " quod pro multis confringetur ; " in Pa- melius's text, " quod pro vobis confringetur " (Daniel's, Codex i. 86) ; the Mozarabic, " quod pro vobis tradetur." In the Greek, St. James has, " This is my Body, which is broken and given for you for the remission of sins," and with this the principal liturgies agree, except that few give both the words " broken " and " given." The words found in St. Luke and St. Paul, to virep vfiai^ diSS/xevov, or kXwix^vov, appear indeed in all Eastern litur- gies with the exception of that of the Syrian Eustathius (Ren. ii. 236). Many of the Syro- Jacobite liturgies amplify the solemn words of the Lord by the insertion of peculiar expressions. Of the words said over the wine, the Cle- mentine Liturgy (Const. Apost. viii. 12, § 16) has the simplest, as probably the most ancient form — "This is My Blood, which is shed for many for the remission of sins." St. Chrysostom has a form identical with that in the English Prayer-Book; St. James and St. Mark have "shed and distributed" instead of the simpU CANON OF THE LITURGY CANON OF THE LITURGY 273 " shed." The Roman, which in the case of the Bread has the shortest form, m the case of the Wine has the longest — "For this is the Cup of my Blood, of the new and eternal Testament, the mystery of faith, which shall be shed for you and for many for the i*emission of sins " — where the words " eternal " and " mystery of faith" are peculiar to the Roman form. The Mozarabic has, " For this is the Cup of the New Testament in my Blood, which shall be shed for you and for many for the remission of sins." In the Intercession for the world and the Church on earth, the petitions enumerated by St. Cyril are always found, with more or less of expansion in detail, and often with the addition of interesting local peculiarities. Thus in the Liturgy of St. James (i.e. of Jerusalem) we have special inter- cession on behalf of the Holy City and other sacred places visited by the Lord ; St. Mark (Alexan- drian) has a special prayer for the due rise of the Nile ; so also the Coptic St. Basil (Renaudot, i. 17) ; and the Alexandrian St. Gregory i. 109). Both St. James and St. Mark have inter- cessions for prisoners ; the former enumerating "those in bonds, in prisons, in captivities (aixf^a- Xaxriais'), and banishments, in mines and tortures, and bitter slaveries" (Daniel's Codex, iv. 118), phrases which originated in a time of persecu- tion. In the Roman liturgy this portion of the intercession is treated much more briefly than is usual in the Eastern Church ; the intercessions are for the Holy Catholic Church, for the pope and the bishop of the diocese nominatim, and for all faithful worshippers ; the Ambrosian adds, after the bishop, the king by name (Daniel, i. 82). Most of the liturgies contain a special intercession for those who have made the offerings and those who are present at the service ; thus in St. Basil (Daniel, iv. 433) is a prayer for the people here present (rod irepie- (TToSros \aov) and the priest who presents (Trpoa"- KOfjLi(ovTos) the holy gifts ; St. Chrysostom men- tions the priest in the same terms, but not the people; St. James (Dan. iv. 119) mentions not only those who have made the offerings on that day, but those on whose behalf they made them (f/Trep eKaaros TcpocrriveyKev) ; St. Mark (Dan. iv. 156), in which this prayer precedes conseci-ation, prays that God will receive the thank-offerings ((vxapiarT-fjpia) of those who offer, as He received the gifts of Abel, the sacri- fice -of Abraham, the incense of Zacharias, the alms of Cornelius, and the two mites of the widow ; the Roman (Dan. i. 14, 15) has a peti- tion for all God's servants, and, in the Gelasian form, " omnium circumstantium quorum tibi fides cognita est et nota devotio, qui tibi offerunt hoc sacrificium laudis pro se suisque omnibus, pro redemptione animarum suarum, pro spe salutis et incolumitatis suae ; " in the Gregorian form, which is that at present in use, after the word " devotio," we have " pro quibus tibi offe- rimus vel . . . probably an addition of St. Gregory's own age. A more particular account of the remaining portions of the canon will be given under Dip- TYCHs, Lord's Prayer, and Embolismus. Ceremonies which accompanied the Anaphora or Canon. 1. We may take the ritual of the liturgy of St. whrysostom as a type of the oriental ceremonies C1IU:ST. ANT. of the anaphora or canon, w^hich are there more fully described than in other Eastern liturgies. It is no doubt possible that some of the cere- monies here described did not originate within the first eight centuries ; but on the whole it may be said to represent fairly enough the highest ritual development attained in the East within our pei'iod. At the opening of the anaphora, the elements have already been brought into the sanctuary, and placed on the holy table, covered with the aer, or veil. The deacon cries, " The doors ! the doors ! " — a phrase intended originally to exhort the attendants carefully to exclude the unini- tiated {Constt. Apost. viii. 10) — and then desires the people to stand (Daniel, Codex Lit. iv. 356 ff,). The priest lifts the aer, or veil, from the elements, and the deacon approaching guards them from pol- lution with his feather-fan [Flabellum]. Then follow the Sursum Coi-da, Preface and Sanctus. After this the deacon takes the Asteriscus from off the Paten, and again uses the feathei'-fan. The commemoration of Institution then proceeds, the deacon pointing out to the celebrant the paten and chalice at the proper moment. At the Invocation of the Holy Spirit, the deacon lays aside his fan, draws nearer to the priest, and both make three reverences or prostrations (TTposKvvi](reis) before the Holy Table, praying silently; then the deacon, with bowed head, points to the holy bread, and' the priest rising signs it thrice with the cross; the chalice is signed in like manner, and then both elements together ; after which the deacon, after bowing his head to the priest, resumes his place and his fan. At the recitation of the Diptychs the deacon censes round the holy table, and then recites, standing by the door of the Sanctuary, those portions of the prayer which were to be heard by the choir without. At the prayer of Inclination he bids the people to bow (/cAiVetv) their heads. After the prayer the priest elevates the holy Bread, saying the Sancta Sanctis; the choir then sings the communion-anthem (^koivoo- viKrj) of the day, and the Fraction, Commixtion, and Communion follow. The rubrical directions of the other Greek liturgies correspond generally with these, so far as they go, but contain very much less detail. 2. In the Roman rite, at the commencement of the canon, the celebrant stood before the altar, probably at first with hands expanded shoulder- high in the ancient attitude of prayer (Gerbert, Lit. Aleman. i. 342), while the attendant clergy stood with bowed heads, as venerating the Divine Majesty and the Incarnation of the Lord intro- duced in the Sanctus. (Amalarius, De Eccl. Off. iii. 22 ; compare Ordo Rom. 1. c. 16 ; and //. c. 8). At the words Te igitur, with which the canon strictly commences, the priest made a pro- found inclination and kissed the altar ; frequently also he kissed the f at the commencement of the canon, which was made to represent a cross, or in later times a crucifix. (Muratori, Antiq. Ital, iv. p. 839 ; Gerbert, Lit. Aleman. i. 341). From very ancient times also at each of the words dona, munera, sacrificia, the priest made the sign of the cross, blessing the oblation, as gifts, bounties, sacrifices. This is the first of the six groups of crosses mentioned in the Ordo Romanus II. c. 10; (compare Amalarius, w. s.). The due use of the crosses m tne canon was held T 274 CANON OF THE LITUSGY CANON (IN MUSIC) to be of so much importance that St. Boniface (about 750) consulted Pope Zach arias on the subject, who in answer sent him a copy of the canon with the crosses inserted in iht proper places. This copy has unforturidiely perished. Innocent the Third (De Myst. Missae, v. c. 11) states the correct number of crosses in the canon as tweuty-five, the number still used in the Roman rite. The prayer ffanc igitur has long been recited by the priest with hands extended over the Host and Chalice, in imitation of the gesture of a sacrificing priest under the Mosaic Law (Lev. iv. 4, &c.). But the more ancient practice was for him to recite this prayer profoundly inclined to the altar, as is clear from the testimony of Amalarius (Eclogae, c. 30, p, 1331 A, Migne) : and this practice continued as late as the end of the 13th century (Durandus, Rationale, iv. c. 39). In the prayer Quam oblationem, at the words benedictam, ascnptam, ratam, rationabilem, accep- tabilem, occurs the second group of crosses of the Ordo Rom. II., which however defines nothing as to the number of crosses, or the manner of signing the oblation. The Ordo published by Hittorp at this point directs the priest to stand upright, blessing (i.e. signing with the cross) the bread only ; then, at the words, Ut nobis Corpus et Sanguis fiat, to bless both the Host and the Chalice. The present custom, according to which the priest at the words Benedictam, &c. makes three crosses over the Host and Chalice together, is at least as old as the 11th century (Microl. Be Eccl. Observ. c. 14). At the words Qui Pridie, ^c. the priest takes the Bread into his hands. In this prayer is introduced the third group of crosses of the Ordo R. II., at the words accipiens panem .... bene- dixit, and item gratias agens benedixit. Amalarius (^Ecl. 31, p. 1331) expressly states that in his time the whole of the Canon was said secrete' (see further under Secreta). Of the Elevation of the Bread and Wine immediately after Consecration no mention is found in the old Sacramentaries, in the most ancient of the Roman Ordines, or in the early commentators on the rite, Amalarius, Walafrid Strabo, Florus, Remi- gius of Auxerre, Pseudo-Alcuin, and the Micro- logus. The only indication of elevation in those of the Ordines Romani which are older than the 12th century, is that at the words Per quern haeo omnia, noticed later. At the words Hostiam puram, says the Ordo Bom. II. (c. 10), is introduced the fourth group of crosses. Amalarius {Eclogae, c. 30, p. 1331) says, " Here the priest makes the sign of the Cross four times over the Host, and a fifth over the Chalice only ; " a practice somewhat different from that of modern times. After the prayer Supra quae propitio, the pi'iest inclines himself with bowed head before the altar, and recites the Suppliciter Te rogamus, in which he inserts a private prayer (Amalarius, 11-. s., c. 31) ; a direction for which is also found in some ancient MSS. of Sacramentaries. No crosses are noted by the Ordo Rom. II. at the words Sacrosanctum Filii Tui ^c., whence we may conclude that the crosses now used there are of later introduction than the 9th century. That they were introduced into the Roman rite not later than the 12th century is clear from the testimony of Innocent III. {De Myst. Missae. v. c. 11). The beginning of the prayer Nobis quoque peccatoribus was anciently said with the voice somewhat raised, that the congregation might be able to join in it (^Ordo Rom. II c. 10). The priest beats his breast, as bewailing his sinful- ness. At the words sanctificas, vivificas, benedicts, ^c. comes the fifth group of crosses, according to Ordo Rom. II. The Ordo Rom. IV. (p. 61) is more explicit, desiring the priest to sign Host and Chalice three several times, making three several crosses. Compare Amalarius, Eel. p. 1332. It is thought by some (as Bona, De Reb. Lit. ii. 14, s. 5) that at the words of this prayer Avhich refer to God's creating and vivifying power, an offering of the fruits of the earth, if any were to be blessed, was placed on the altar by the attendant deacon. There is no doubt that a benediction of fruits of the earth is ic some few ancient Sacramentaries prescribed ir this place ; but it is hard to say whether this if a relic of what was once an universal custom, oi a peculiar observance of a few churches. At the words. Per quern haec omnia, ^c, th(s archdeacon rose, the other deacons still standing with bowed heads, drew near to the altar, rej moved the fold of the corporal which coverec; the chalice, wrapped the ofFertorium or vei: round the handles, and at the words Per ipsurm i^c. raised the chalice by the handles. The cele brant touched the chalice, still held by th archdeacon, with the consecrated wafers, makin I two crosses, and saying, Per ipsum et cum ips . . . per omnia saecula saeculorum. He the' restored the wafers to their place on the alta) and the archdeacon placed the chalice by thai (Ordines Rom. i. c. 16 ; ii. c. 10 ; iii. c. 15 compare Amalarius, Eel. p. 1332). These di rections respecting the crosses were changed i later times. For the manner of saying the Pater Noste see Lord's Prayer. Here it may suffice say that, while in the Eastern, Galilean, ai Spanish Churches this prayer was said by t] whole people, in the Roman, from the time Gregory the Great at least (see Epist. vii. 64) was said by the priest alone, yet in an audit voice, so that the people (or the choir) mig "acclaim" at the last petition. The A^nen not commonly found in ancient Sacramentarie nor does it seem in place here, as the Lor^ Prayer is prolonged in the Libera nos [EmbOL MUS] which follows. When the celebrant (in a papal mass) react the words Ab onini perturbatione securi, the ar( deacon (Ordo Rom. I. c. 18) took the patf, from the regionary sub-deacon, who was stal - ing behind him, kissed it, and passed it to ^: second deacon. So Ordo Rom. II. 11, and /' 16. The fifth Ordo Rom., probably of consid,- ably later date, desires the deacon to pres^ the patens to the celebrating bishop to kiss. \^ For the remaining portion of the liturgy, j- Kiss, Fraction, Communion. Ln CANON (IN Music). 1. The peculiar f| of musical composition called by this name b It must be borne in mind that the Host was not J" secrated on the paten, but was, at the date of Ordo Aoy hrolcen uoon it : a custom subsequently changed- i CANON (IN MUSIC) unknown to the ancients, the earliest example extant being of the 13th century, we believe. 2. The accepted values of the several notes constituting the musical scale expressed philo- sophically. The reader is referred to Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities [Musica] for a general description of the sounds assumed by the Greeks, and the systems in which they were arranged! The assumptions of the Greek writers were of course adopted by the Latins, and appeared throughout the whole of the early and middle ages as the basis on which all their music rested. Considerable uncertainty is caused m this subject by the fact that there were two somewhat con- flicting schools, the Aristoxeneans and the Py- thagoreans. Pythagoras having discovered the simple ratios of 1 |, |, |, for the Octave, the Fifth, the Fourth, and the Tone (major), which last is the difference between the Fourth and Fifth, his disciples maintained that all sounds should be defined by determinate ratios, while Aristoxenus discarded this idea altogether, and maintained that the Tetrachord or Fourth should be divided into intervals, the values of which were to be determined by the ear only. This is probably the germ of the dispute which has lasted to the present day respecting the tempera- nient of instruments with fixed tones: and as the true measure of an interval is a logarithm. It was of course impossible to reconcile at all completely these two opinions. Ptolemy ex- aramed the matter and established the truth of I the Pythagorean views: Euclid seems to have (endeavoured to combine them, that is, if the two (treatises attributed to him, the Introductio Har- \momca and the Sectio Canonis, are both genuine, ihe latter of these is usually considered genuine, and It is purely Pythagorean and rigidly exact : while the former, which is certainly Aristoxenean ^o.nXX'''''' «^po^W.^, is considered CANON (IN MUSIC) 275 The canon of the scale then is the system of ratios into which a resonant strino- is to be divided so as to produce all the notes'which are assumed ; or, which is the same thing, the re- lative lengths of strings for these notes which are to be fixed in an instrument and stretched wifJi the same tension. The description of the intervals given in Smith's Diet, of Antiq., from the Introductio Harmonica, is of course Aristoxenean - it sup- poses a tone to be divided into twelve equal parts, and the tetrachord therefore into thirty and the intervals in the tetrachord, taken in ascending order, to be as follows :— In the Syntonous or ordinary Dia- Parts, tonic system 6 12 12 Soft Diatonic (^aAa/cfJi/) .. 6 9' 15 Tonal or ordinary Chro- ' ' matic (TOj/ia?oi/) .. .. 6 6 18 Sesquialter Chromatic (jj- ' ' lxi6\iov) , , Soft Chromatic (fiaXuKSy) , , Enharmonic 21 4, 4, 22 3, 3, 24 A. Proslambanomenos B. Hypate hypaton C. Parhypate hypaton D. Lichanos hypaton E. Hypate meson . . F. Pirhypate meson Lichanos meson . . Paramese .. c. Trite diezeugmenon, », or Nete or Paranete synemmenon d. Paranete diezeugmenon, synemmenon e- Nete diezeugmenon ., f. Trite hyperbolaeon .. g. Paranete hyperbolaeon aa- Nete hyperbolaeon Length : 1 8 9 27 32 i ft 4 4 9 27 64 25V 9 32 This makes a Fourth equal to 2^ tones, a Fifth 3|, and an Octave 6 tones. But in the Sectio Cano7iis Euclid has proved that the Fourth Fifth, and Octave are each of them less than these magnitudes (Theor. 11, 14); and also that the second sound in the Chromatic and Enhar- monic Tetrachords is not equally removed from the first and third (Theor. 18): it would there- fore appear most reasonable that he meant that Aristoxenus's hypothetical division of the tone and tetrachord gave results which might be treated as equal for practical purposes or by unphiloso- phical men, but that this was not rigidly exact In Theorems 19 and 20 of the Sectio Canonis Euclid gives the divisions of the string (which he calls also the canon, and assumes for the Proslambanomenos) according to the Diatonic system. The results are the following The Trite synemmenon (bb) does not appear ; its length will be It is worth noticing that this differs from our modern canon in the values of C, D, F, G, bb, c, d, f, g; these are at presput assumed to be |, |5 5^ A 15^ JQ^ T6 ' T8 (taking A to be 1) : all these notes then are flatter by a comma than ours. In Theor. 17 Euclid gives a method of deter- mining the Lichani and the Paranetae of the enharmonic system ; and if the direction in which he takes his Fifths be reversed, the Chro- matic Lichani and Paranetae would seem to be determined : but beyond that he has given us no , information further than the rough description j of Aristoxenus's division. j It is not surprising then that various canons of the scale have been assigned by dif!erent writers, just as in more modern times various systems of temperament have been advocated. Ptolemy gives the following canons for any tetrachord : say, tor example, that from the Hypate hypaton (B) to the Hypate meson (E). T 2 276 CANON (IN MUSIC) CANON (IN MUSIC) Diatonic Archytas's Canons. 1 27 27 3 . ^ Chromatic: 1, f|, f, |; b, C, C#, E. Enharmonic: 1, ||, If, |; g^''^? EratostheNes's Canons. Diatonic : Chromatic : Enharmonic : 1 242 27 3. ^ 2 5 6> 32' 4' B, C, D, E. 1 1 9 9 3 ^ ^' 2(J' TO' ¥ j B, C, Cjj:, E. 1 39 19 3. J b 40» 2 0' 4 ' B, B, C, E. DiDYMus's Canons. Diatonic: 1, if, fj' I ; B, C, D, E. Chromatic : 1, jf , -j-^^, f ; B, C, cj(, E. 31 15 3 . t Enharmonic: 1, M' tI» ¥ ; B, B, C, E. Ptolemy's own Canons. Diatonic intense : 1, If, J, J ; B, C, D, E. b b Diatonic ditonal : 1, f J|, f | ; b, C, D, E. Diatonic tonal : 1, f |, ||, | ; c, D, E. Diatonic soft : 1 20 6 3 . b bb ^' 2T' 7 ' 4 ' B, C, D, E. Diatonic equable: 1,^1 f, f ; B, C|, D, E b Chromatic intense: 1, fj, |, | ; bb Chromatic soft : 1, f |, j% f ; B, C, Cj, E Enharmonic : 1 45 15 3. 4 6' 16' 4 ' B, B, C, E. The canons according to Euclid or Aristoxenu can be reproduced with pretty considerable ac curacy by means of logarithms and convergin fractions : there will of course be a little di crepancy according as the 30th part of a Fourt or the 12th part of a Tone is taken for the eh ment, these not being exactly equal : the formf seems preferable ; and it gives for the logarith] of the element '004165; and the following n suits in the cases not as yet determined : — b b Diatonic syntonous : Satios 1, |||, |i | ; B, C, D, E. Diatonic soft: Logarithms 0, -02499, '06247, -12494. Ratios 1 243 6 or 13 -3 • ' 256' 7 15' 4' b bb B, C, D, E. Chromatic tonal : Logarithms 0, '02499, '04998, '12494. T?ntin<» 1 1-6 or 17 or 243 8 3 . Katios 1, or j-^ oi ^gg, 5, Chromatic sesquialter : Logarithms 0, '01874, '03758, '12494. Eafos 1, II or ||, \1 |; Chromatic soft : Logarithms 0, '01666, '03332, '12494. Ratios 1, If or |f , If or j f or |f , f . ^J^^ Logarithms 0, '01249, '02499, '12494. Ratios 1 37 or 3.8 16 or 17 or 2 43 3 . S b liatios 1, 01 -3^, j-^ 01 01 2 5 (J, 4, B, B, C, E. B, C, Cj, E. f^b b^ B, C, Cjf, E. bb bb. Enharmonic : The values of the Meson tetrachord (E, F, G, a) will be obtained in any one of these systems by multiplying the corresponding ratios by ^ ; those of the Synemmenon tetrachord (a, bb, c, d) by multiplying them by -^q ; those of the Diezeugmenon tetrachord (b, c, d, e) are half those of the Hypaton tetrachord ; and those of the Hyperbolaeon (e, f, g, aa) are half those of the Meson, or | of those of the Hypaton. j these will be expressed in terms of the Prosla banomenos (A) by multiplying each of th byf. The Greek Chromatic Scale then will be pressed in modern musical notation as nearly possible, the following ; Didymus's canon be taken for the sake of simplicity of notation : And the Enharmonic Scale will be, according to Didymus's canon, this : a The notation C is adopted to mean a C slightly flat- tened, C somewhat flatter still, and so for G : the actual amount of flattening or sharpening is determined by the ratio given. At present we have no notation to exf these things ; in the 16th century the symbol X used to indicate the enharmonic diesis, but as it is used for a double sharp, it has been thought pru le; avoid employing it here. CANON OF ODES CANON OF ODES 277 It will be observed from the above that, while Tythagoras and Euclid allowed only the Fourth, Fifth, and Octave, with their replicates, to be consonances, the later writers had discovered the consonances of the Major Third (|-) and Minor Third (I), also the Minor Tone (^^), and perhaps also the Harmonic Flat Seventh (^) and Sharp Eleventh which are now heard in instruments of the Horn kind. There were no alterations made in this until the developments of Guido Aretinus in the 11th century. S. Ambrose decreed the use of the Diatonic genus alone in church music ; and it is probable that the chromatic and enharmonic genei'a soon fell into general desuetude, or only existed as curiosities for the learned. The Jews are believed to have used a canon proceeding by thirds of tones, thus giving 18 notes in the octave. Approximating to these in the same manner as for Euclid's chromatic and enharmonic canons, we obtain the following : — 1 2 5 2 5 8 6 14 2 7 13 11 /T nr 5 15 17 17 17 7L 9 27 13 1 ^} 26? 27» ^' 7> 17» 34' 17' 15» V =i 7> 22' 26' 27' 28> 12' IF' 50' 25' 2 t b t b if b I ^ C, C, D, D, D, E, E, F, F, Fj, Mr. A. J. Ellis, in a memoir read before the Royal Society, 1864, states that the Pythagorean canon has been developed into an Arabic scale of 17 sounds. " No nation using it," he adds, " has shown any appreciation of harmony." It is in fact next to impossible to conceive any satis- foctory harmony existing with the non-diatonic canons, a consideration which has scarcely enough been dwelt on in discussing whether harmony was known to the ancients. It must never be forgotten that what is now called the chromatic scale is no representation of and has no con- nexion with the ancient chromatic canon (a fact noticed by Morley, annotations to his Plaine and Easie Introduction) ; it is merely a combination of various diatonic scales, whose canons are, if necessary, accommodated to each other : the only case then in pi'actice in which chromatic or enharmonic harmonies or melodies (in the old sense) can now be heard is in the tuning of an orchestra before a performance, unless indeed peals of bells may have sometimes been tuned in those ways, which, accoi'ding to Dr. Holder, there seems some reason to believe. It may not be irrelevant to add that the modern canon, to which reference has several times been made above, is in some respects open to dispute, as it scarcely explains the phenomena which are ac- cepted as musical facts. The writer has made use of the Introductio Harmonica and Sectio Canonis of Euclid ; Mor- iey's Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke ; Sir John Hawkins's History of Music ; Holder's Treatise on the Natural Grounds and Principles of Harmony ; and the Memoir of Mr. lEllis mentioned above. Other authorities on the jsubject are the Antiquae Musicae Auctores Sep- \tem, ed. Meibomius ; Ptolemy, ed. Wallis ; Boe- jthius, He Musicd ; Salinas ; Zarlino ; Kircher ; iMersennus ; Colonna. [J. R. L.] ' CANON OF Odes (Kdpcov). This word is ap- plied to a part of the office of the Greek Church, uiig to a musical tone, for the most part at Lauds, md which corresponds to the hymns of the West- i-n Church. A canon is usually divided into nine >des, each ode consisting of a variable number >t stanzas or troparia, in a rhythmical syllabic neasure, prosody being abandoned except in three ases. The canon is headed by an iambic, or ccasionally an hexameter line containing an ilusion to the festival or the contents of the inon, or a play upon the saint's name, which >ims an Acrostic to which the initial letters b tilt , b b G, G, GS, aP, a, bj?, b, c, c. of each troparion correspond. This acrostical form is thought with probability to be derived from Jewish practice. The nine odes have gene- rally some reference to the corresponding odes at Lauds [v. Canticle], especially the seventh, eighth, and ninth. In practice the second ode of a canon is always omitted, except in Lent. The reason given is, that the second of the odes at Lauds (the song of Moses from Deut.), which is assigned to Tuesday, is more a denunciation against Israel than a direct act of praise to God, and is on that account omitted except in Lent. Hence the second ode of a canon, which partakes of the same character, is also omitted except on week days in Lent. It is not said on Saturday in Lent. (v. Goar. Rit. Grae. ; in San. Olei. Ofl'm. not. 14). The tone to which the canon is sung is given at the beginning, and each ode is fol- lowed by one or more troparia under different names. After the sixth ode the Synaxarion, or the commemorations which belong to the day, are read. Among the principal composers of canons were John of Damascus, Joseph of the Studium, Cosmas, Theophanes, St. Sophronius of Jerusalem, &c. ; and as examples of canons, may be mentioned " the Great Canon," the composition of St. Andrew, archbishop of Crete (born A.D. 660), which begins irodev ^p^wjuai 6pr)ve7v k.t.A., and is said on Monday of the first week in Lent. This canon is not acrostical. Also that for orthodoxy Sunday, i. e. the first Sunday in Lent, of which the acrostic is (T-fjfieoop evae^iris 6eo- (peyy^os fjXvdev atyXr], and that for Christmas- day by Cosmas, beginning ^pLirrhs yevvarai, Soldaare, with the acrostic xpicrr^)? fiporcodels i]v oTTep 0eos A^eV??, and another for the same day by St. John Damascene, in trimeter iambics, beginning eacocre Xahu davfxaTovpydSu Aecrirc^TT/s, the acrostic of which consists of four elegiac lines. This is one of the three canons which retain the classical prosody. The two others are by the same author, and said on the Epiphany and on Whitsunday. The construction of a canon much resembles that of a choral ode of the Greek dramatists, the strophe, antistrophe, &c., being represented by the odes and the various kinds of troparia by which they are separated. The name canon is probably applied to these hymns from their being completed m nine odes, nine being looked upon as a perfect number (Zonaras in Hymn. : Exp. : quotied by Goar). Others, however, derive the name from 278 CANONICAL BOOKS CANONICAL BOOKS the fixed rhythmical system on which they are constructed ; while mystical reasons for the name have been assigned by some writers. The word ca7ion is applied in the Armenian rite to a section of the psalter, which in that rite is divided into eight sections called canons. [H. J. H.] CANONICAL BOOKS (Libri Canonici, Ec- clesiastici ; Bi^Xia Kavovi^o/j.ei'a, auayiyuaKTKS- ixeva). The question of the determination of the Canon, both of the Old and the New Testament, has been already fully treated in the Dictionary OF THE Bible (pp. 250 ff.). The present article relates mainly to the authoritative promulgation of lists or catalogues of books to be read, under the name of Scripture, in the services of the Church. The canon of books to be publicly read is not wholly identical with the canon of books from which the faith is to be established (see Westcott, u.s.'). 1. Athanasius (^Ep. Festal, tom. i. pt. ii. p. 962, ed. Ben.) divided all the books which claimed the title of Holy Scripture into three classes. (1.) Bi^Kia Kavovi^ofj-eva, books which belonged in the fullest sense to the canon, and were the standard of the faith. (2.) 'Auayiyuo)- (rK6;j.eva, books which, though not belonging in the strictest sense to the canon, might be read in time of divine service, and recommended to catechumens, " for example of life and instruc- tion of manners." (3.) 'A7r6Kpv(pa, spurious books claiming authority under venerable names. This distinction between the books truly canoni- cal and the books proper to be read has been perpetuated in the Greek Church to this day ; and it is the present rule of the English Church, which, in the sixth Article, after enumerating the books of the Hebrew canon, proceeds to say that " the other books (as Hierom saith) the Church doth read for example of life and instruc- tion of manners ; but yet doth it not apply them to establish any doctrine." 2. In the Latin Church also at the same period a distinction was drawn by some between the books of the Hebrew canon and the later addi- tions. Rufinus (^Expos. in Symb. cc. 37, 38) divides the books into three classes : " Canonici . . . quos patres intra canonem concluserant, ex quibus fidei nostrae assertiones constare volue- runt ; . . • ecclesiastici . . . quos legi quidem in ecclesiis voluerunt, non tamen proferri ad auctoritatem ex his fidei confirmandam ; . . . caeteras vero scripturas apocryphas nominarunt, quas in ecclesiis legi voluerunt." Here, the ecclesiastici are exactly equivalent to the avayi- yvwaKojx^va of Athanasius. Jerome, in the Pro- logus Galeatus, enumerates the twenty-two books of the Hebrew canon, and adds, " quidquid extra hos est inter apocrypha ponendum," giving the word apocrypha a wider meaning than that adopted by Rufinus, so as to include all books claiming to be Scripture not found in the He- brew canon. This use of the word Apocrypha, which seems in ancient times to have been pecu- liar to Jerome, was adopted by the English and other Reformers in the sixteenth century, and so has become familiar to us. It is not, however, used in the sixth Article, where, as we have seen, the books read by the Church but not reputed strictly canonical are called simply " the other books." 3. The Apostolic Constitutions were probably intended to give an appeoi'ance ot apostolic authority to actually existing practices, and the substance of the first six books may be as old as the 3rd century. In the fifty-seventh chapter of the second book (p. 67, ed. Ueltzen), we have an approach to a catalogue of the books to be read as Scripture in public worship. The pas- sage is as follows : " Let the reader, standing in the midst on a raised space, read the Books of Moses, and of Joshua the son of Nun, those ol Judges and of Kingdoms (/Saa-tAeicov), those of Chronicles and the Return from Captivity [Ezra and Nehemiah] ; in addition to these those of Job and of Solomon and of the sixteen Prophets . . . After this let our Acts [Acts of Apostles] be read and the Epistles of Paul our fellow- worker, which he enjoined on the churches ac- i cording to the guidance of the Holy Spirit ; and after these let a deacon or presbyter read the Gospels which we, Matthew and John, delivered to you, and those which Luke and Mark, Paul's fellow-workers, received and left to you." In this catalogue (unless Esther be omitted)^ the canon of the Old Testament is exactly that: of the Jews. The Catholic Epistles are possibly included under Acts ; for in a Syrian version,} 1 which places the Catholic Epistles immediatelyli after the Acts, at the close of the Epistles fol-j lows the colophon, " The end of the Acts,"| (Wiseman, Horae Syriacae, p. 217, quoted by Westcott, Bible in Church, p. 176) as if thej term Acts included the Epistles. It is not easy to see on what ground A. Ritschl (Alt-kathol Kirche, p. 329, note 1) affirms the sentence re-l lating to St. Paul's Epistles to be " plainly inter-' polated." It does not appear that there is an) variation of MSS. in this place. The list contained in the eighty-fifth of th( Apostolical Canons, of the books to be held ij, veneration by all clergy and laity, is no doubt o! much later date ; but as it is in itself remark] able, auu had a powerful influence on some o the Eastern Churches, it is given in the paralle arrangement opposite.. After the foundation of Constantinople (abou A.D. 332), Constantine desired Eusebius to pre vide fifty splendid copies of the Scriptures for th churches of his new city. How he fulfilled hi charge we cannot exactly affirm, as he gives n catalogue of the books he included in the colle( tion, and not one of his copies is known to exist probably the canon of these books differed littl if at all, from that of Cyril and Laodicea. A catalogue of the books of Scripture, tl authority of which is strictly ecclesiastical ar not imperial, is found in the works of Athan sius. That great prelate joined to his "Fest Letter"^ of the year 365 a list of the boo' which were canonized and traditional and co; fidently believed to be divine (ra Kavovi(6^i€ Koi irapoZoQivra iriaT^vOevTa re ^eTa dvai / iSAi'a). In the New Testament, this list giv exactly the books which we receive in the ordj in which they stand in the oldest Greek IVL': In the Old Testament, Baruch and the Letter f ; added to Jeremiah ; Esther is placed among t Apocrypha; and the books of Maccabees ;| omitted altogether. » The circulars in which the bishop of Alexami annually announced to the different churches of his I, vince the date of Easter were called "Paschal " Festal " letters. j n^NONICAL BOOKS 279 Canones Apost. {c. 85), (Ueltzen's Const, Apost. p. ) Athanasius {Ep. Fest., in opp. ed. 13en. I. ii. 962.) Cone. Laodicenum, can. 60 (Bruns's Canones, i. 79). Cone. Carthagin. III. can. 4/ (Bruns's Canones, i. 133.) Genesis Genesis 1. Genesis Genesis . Exodus Exodus 2. Exodus Exodus Leviticus Leviticus 3. Leviticus Leviticus Numbers Numbers 4. Numbers Numbers Deuteronomy Deuteronomy 5. Deuteronomy Deuteronony Joshua Joshua 6. Joshua Joshua Judges J udges 1. Judges and Ruth Judges Euth Ruth 8. Esther Ruth Kings, four I. and II. Kings 9. 1. and II. Kings Books of Kings, four Chronicles, two IIL and IV. Kings 10. III. and IV. Kings Books of Chronicles, two Esdras, two I. and 11. Chronicles IL I. and 11. Chronicles Job Esther I. and II. Esdras 12. I. and II. Esdras The Psalter of David Maccabees, three Psalms 13. The 150 Psalms Books of Solomon, five Job Proverbs 14. Proverbs of Solomon Books of Prophets, twelve : The Psalter Ecclesiastes 15. Ecclesiastes Isaiah Solomon's Proverbs Song of Songj 16. Song of Songa Jeremiah Ecclesiastes Job 17. Job Ezekiel Song of Songs Minor Prophets, twelve 18. The Twelve Prophets Daniel Book of the Twelve Pro- Isaiah 19. Isaiah Tobit phets, one Jeremiah, Baruch, Lamen- 20. Jeremiah, Baruch, La- Judith Isaiah tations, and the Letter mentations, and the Esther Jeremiah Ezekiel Letter Books of Esdras, two Ezekiel Daniel 21. Ezekiel Books of Maccabees, two Daniel 22. Daniel For instruction of youth, the AVisdom of Sirach Gospels, four : Gospels, four : Gospels, four : Gospels, four books Matthew Matthew Matthew Acts of Apostles, one Mark Mark Mark Epistles of Paul the Apostle Luke Luke Luke thirteen John John John The same to the Hebrews, Epistles of Paul, fourteen Acts of Apostles Acts of Apostles one Peter, two Catholic Epistles of Catholic Epistles, seven : Peter the Apostle, two Jolin, three Apostles, seven : James, one John the Apostle, three James, one James, one Peter, two Jude the Apostle, one Jude, one Peter, two John, three James, one Clement, two John, three Jude, one Apostolical Constitutions, Jude, one Epistles of Paul, fourteen : The Apocalypse of John, yi\Laraya.L), eight Epistles of Paul the Romans, one one book Acts of the Apostles Apostle, fourteen: Corinthians, two Romans Galatians, one Corinthians, two Ephesians, one Galatians Philippians, one Ephesians Colossians, one Philippians Thessalonians, two Colossians Hebrews, one Thessalonians, two Timothy, two Hebrews Titus, one Timothy, two Philemon, one I'itus, one Philemon - The Apocalypse of John The earliest conciliar decision on the subject of Canonical Books is that of the provincial synod of Laodicea, about the year 363. As the pnons of this council now stand in the printed Jditions and in most MSS., the fifty-ninth canon enacts that "psalms composed by private per- sons should not be used in churches, nor un- :;anonized {aKav6vL(rTa) books, but only the ca- nonical books of the New and Old Testament " ; 'M the sixtieth gives a list of the books which •hould be read [in churches] (gcra Se? fii^K'm y-myiyvciaKeardai), But this list is unques- tionably a later addition ; it is not found in the ^est Greek MSS., in ancient Syriac versions, in ■ne of the two complete Latin versions, nor in oldest digests of ecclesiastical canons (see |A estcott, Canon of JV. T. pp. 500 ff.). Yet it is nobably a very early gloss, being in fact iden- [ical (excepting in the addition to Jeremiah of i>aruch and the Letter, in the place occupied by j^sther and Job, and in the omission of the Apo- ypse) with the list given by Cyril of Jeru- a em about a.d. 360 {Catech. Myst. iv. 33 [al. [ 22] ), a list which he distinctly describes as the canon of ecclesiastical books, desiring his cate- I chumens not to read other books than those I which were read in the churches. I In the Latin Church, as we have seen, a dis- tinction was drawn by Rufinus and Jerome between the books of the Hebrew canon and the later additions ; but the distinction drawn by these learned and able doctors was not generally received in the Latin Church. The old Latin translation was made from the LXX. and gave no indication that the different books were not all of the same authority ; and when this had obtained general currency, the great leaders of the Latin Church were unwilling to draw dis- tinctions which would shake the received tra- dition. Hence Ambrose and Augustine, with the great mass of later writers, cite all the books in question alike as Scripture, and Au- gustine (de Doct. Christ, ii. 8) gives a list of the books of which " the whole canon of the Scriptures " consists, without making any clear distinction between the apocryphal and the other 280 CANONICAL BOOKS CANONICAL BOOKS books> The ecclesiastical canon of the Latin Church has in fact from the date of the first Latin translation included what we call the Apocryphal Books, though we not unfrequently meet with expressions which show that the Latin Fathers were conscious that the books of their canon were in fact of very different degrees of autho- rity. Gregory the Great, for instance, speaks of the books of Maccabees as not belonging, in the proper sense, to the canon. At the third Council of Carthage, at which St. Augustine was present, and at which his in- fluence no doubt predominated, a decree was made which determined the list of canonical Scriptures. The forty-seventh canon (Bruns's Canones i. 133) begins thus : " It is also agreed, that besides Canonical Scriptures nothing be read in the Church as Holy Scripture (sub nomine Divinarum Scripturarum)," and a list of cano- nical writings follows, in which the Apocryphal books are mingled with those of the Hebrew canon, without distinction. Some of the MSS. however omit the two books of Maccabees. The canon ends with saying, in one text, " Let it be made known to our brother and fellow-bishop Boniface [of Rome], or other bishops of those parts, for confii-ming that canon, that we have received from our fathei-s these books to be read in churches ; " in another text, " The books then amount to twenty-seven ; let the churches across the sea p. e. Italian] be consulted about that canon." In both texts, permission is given to read the Passions of Martyrs on their anni- versaries. The confirmation of Rome was probably ob- tained, and this canon of Carthage, though of course only binding in its proper force on the churches of a particular province, became the general ecclesiastical rule of the West. " Usage received all the books of the enlarged canon more and more generally as equal in all respects ; learned tradition kept alive the distinction be- tween the Hebrew canon and the Apocrypha which had been drawn by Jerome " (Westcott, Bible in Church, p. 190). The Apostolical, Laodicean, and Carthaginian canons were all confirmed by the second canon of the Quinisextine Council, a.D. 692 (Bruns's Canones i. 36), no regard being had to their varia- tions. The 68th canon made provision for the reverent treatment of copies of the sacred books. ^ In these lists, the first and second books of Kings are of course those which we call the first and second books of Samuel, and the third and fourth books of Kings those which we call the first and second books of Kings. It is not always easy to say with certainty what is intended by the first and second books of Esdras. In the Vatican and Alexandrian MSS. of the LXX., " I. Esdras " is the apocryphal book which we call the first book of Esdras, while " II. Esdras " is composed of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah (Westcott, Bible in Church, pp. 303 ff'.). In the Vulgate, " I. Esdras " is the canonical book of Ezra, and " II. Esdras " the canonical book Nehemiah. Jerome in the Pro- logus Galeatus mentions only one Esdras, which (he says) the Greeks and Latins divided into two books; these two books were, as appears from the Praef. in Esdram and the Ep. ad Paulinum b Canon Westcott nas nowevcr pointed out [art. Cakon p. 255] that his language is inconsistent on this point. (c. 16) the canonical books of Ezra and Neha- miah. A letter of Pope Innocent I. to Exsupe- rius, bishop of Toulouse (a.d. 405) contains a list (given by Kirchhofer, Quellcnsammlung, p. 504) identical in contents with that of the Council or Carthage, but differing in the arrangement of the books. There is also a papal list attributed to Gelasius (Pope A.D. 492-496) and another to Hor- misdas'(514-523). But none of these lists are free from suspicion. They were unknown in the middle of the 6th century to Cassiodorus, who collected the lists of canonical books current in his time, and still later to Isidore of Seville ; and different copies of the Gelasian list vary in such a way as to suggest that they were not all derived from the same original. The letter of Innocent is found in the collection of Decretals attributed to Dionysius Exiguus, but that col- lection, as is well known, contains matter of a much later date than that of its supposed com- pilation (about 500). It is not, in fact, until the 8th century that we have distinct evidence of its existence, when it formed part of the Code sent to Charlemagne in the year 774 by Pope Hadrian I. The list of canonical books in the decree of Gelasius does not distinctly appear till about the 10th century. Both lists simply re- peat the Canon of Carthage (Westcott, Bible in Church, 194 ff.). It is a remarkable instance ot the rapid victory of usage over scholarship, that in the Codex Amiatinus (written about 541) of Jerome's Vulgate, the books of the Apocrypha are mixed with those of the Hebrew canon, against the express judgment of Jerome himself. But indications are not wanting, that the ques- tion of the value and authority of certain works was regarded in the Latin Church as distinct from that of ecclesiastical use. The determination of the canon in Spain was a matter of unusual importance. The Pris- cillianists during the 5th century introduced a multitude of apocryphal writings, which it was one of the chief cares of the orthodox bishops to destroy. The Arian Goths probably rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews and the Apocalypse, as well as the Apocrypha of the Old Testament. On their conversion, they bound themselves to accept the Roman canon, as well as other de- crees of the see of Rome. Isidore of Seville (t636) follows Augustine expressly in dealing with the Old Testament Apocrypha, and reckons among " Canonical Scriptures " books which the Hebrews do not receive (see Origines, vi. 2.) In the list which he gives (Kirchhofer's Qiiellen- sammlung, p. 505), the books of the Old Testa- ment are enumerated exactly as in the English canon, except that Job and Esther are placed after Solomon's Song. After Malachi, he adds, without any mark of distinction, "Judit et Tobias et Machabaeorum Libri quibus auc- toribus scripti sunt minime constat." Eccle- siasticus. Wisdom, and the apocryphal books of Esdras, do not seem to be mentioned at all. In the New Testament, after the Gospels and Acts, he proceeds, " Pauli Epistol. xiv, novem ecclesiis, reliquae discipulis scriptae. Ad He- braeos a plerisque Latinis ejus esse dubitatur, propter dissonantiam sermonis ; eandem alii Bar- nabae, alii Clementi adscribunt. Jacobi, Petri ii., Cath. Judae et Johannis. Johannis Apocalypsis. Caetera Apocrypha." He seems therefore to h ive acknowledged only one epistle of St. John. CANONICAL HOUES CANONICI 281 The code which Charlemagne gave at Aix for the government of the Church was founded upon that° which he received from Pope Hadrian as mentioned above. In this it was enjoined that the Canonical Books only be read in the Church ;■" but it does not appear that any defi- nite list was given, though in the printed editions the list of Laodicea was appended. Alcuin, the well-known English scholar (fSO-i), Charle- magre's chief literary adviser, was commissioned towards the close of his life to undertake a revi- sion of the Latin Bible for public use. He re- stored in a great measure Jerome's text in those books which Jerome had translated, but did not separate the Apocrypha. Several MSS. remain which claim to be derived from Alcuin's revi- sion. One of the finest of these, known as " Charlemagne's Bible," is in the British Museum. A peculiarity of this copy is, that it contains the apocryphal Letter to the Laodiceans as a fifteenth Epistle of St. Paul. [C] CANONICAL HOUES. [Hours of Prayer.] CANONICI. The canonical clergy have occupied an intermediate position between the monks and tko secular clergy. As living to- gether under a rule of their own they were often regarded popularly as a species of monks ; while, inasmuch as their rule was less strict, and their seclusion from the world less complete, they were sometimes, from a monastic point of view, classed even with the laity, as distinguished trom those who were " religious." Thus the colleges of the " canonici " were sometimes called " monasteria " (Hospin. De Monach. iii. vi. p. 72 b.) ; while Dudo (De Act. Norman, iii. v.) broadly dividing Christians into "regular" or *' contemplative," and " secular " or practical places " canonici " among the " secular " (Du Gauge, Gloss. Latinit. s. voce). The canonici did not fully assume this quasi-monastic character till the 8th century. The theory which would trace them back as a monastic order to St. Augustine, and which ascribes to him the Augustinian Eule scarcely needs refutation (Hospin. De Monach. iii. vi. p. 71 b. ; Bingh. Origin. Eccles. vii. ii. § 9). The " canonici " were at first the clergy and other officials attached to the church, and were so called either as bound by canons (v. Du Cange, s. v.), or more probably as enrolled on the list of ecclesiastical officers, kuvwv, matricula, albus, tabula (Socr. II. E. i. 17 ; Theod. Lect. //. E. i. p. 553 ; Gone. Ghalced. 451 a.d. c. 2 ; Vales, ad Socr. H. E. V. 19; Bingh. i. v. § 10). Du Cange explains the word by the " canon " (Tirop- rvK)) ; a certain proportion (one-fourth) of the alms of the faithful set apart for the mainte- nance of the clergy and other officers of the church {GoncG. Agath. 506 A.D. c. 36 ; Aurel. iii. 538 A.D. c. 11; Narbon. 589 A.D. cc. 10, 12). Another, but most improbable derivation is from KoivooviKol (Du Cange, s. v.). A passage is cited by Du Cange from the life of Antony attributed to Augustine — irifia rhv Kaudva — to show that the word was equivalent to " clerus." But "canonici" was at first a more compre- hensive word than " clerus," embracing all who held ecclesiastical offices, as readers, singers, porters, &c. (Thomass. Vet. ct Nov. Disci):)!. 1. ii. 34 ; Bmgh. i. v, § iO). Some bishops even before the 5th centuij, for instance Eusebius of Vei'cellae, Ambrose oi Milan, the great Augustine, and Martin of Tours, set an example of monastic austerity to the cl(;rgy domiciled with them, which became widely popular {Goncc. Tolet. ii. A.D. 531, c. 1 ; Turon. ii. A.D. 567, c. 1 2). Gelasius L at the close of the 5th century founded an establishment of "ca- nonici regulares " at Rome in the Lateran (Hospin. in. vi. p. 72 b. ; Bingh. VII. ii. § 9). In 531 A.D. the 2nd Council of Toledo speaks of schools conducted by the "canonici" wherein the scholars lived " in domo ecclesiae sub Epi- scopi praesentia " (cc. 1, 2) ; and, before the end of the same century, the 3rd Council of Toledo orders the Scriptures to be read aloud in the refectory of the priests, " sacerdotali convivio '* (c. 7). A similar phrase, " mensa canonica," is quoted by Du Cange from Gregory of Tours (Hist. X. ad fin.) in reference to the " canonici *' established by Baudinus, archbishop of Tours, in the 6th century, and from a charter granted by Chilperic in 580 A.D. (Miraei Diplom. Belg. II. 1310, ap. Du Cange, s. v.). In the 3rd Council of Orleans, A.D. 538, the " canonici " are forbidden secular business (Gone. Aurel. III. c. 11). The college in which the canons resided, or rather the church to which the college was attached, is styled "canonica" in a charter 724 A.D, (Ghart, Langoh. Brunett. p. 47 0, ap. Du Cange, s. v.'). Bishops, especially for missions, were fre- quently chosen out of the monasteries ; and these naturally surrounded thems6lves with monks. In the words of Montalembert many a bishopric was " cradled " in a monastery. Thus in Armo- rica " the principal communities formed by the monastic missionaries (from Britain in the 5th century) were soon transformed into bishoprics." (Monks of the West, II. 273.) In countries which owed their Christianity to monks, the monastery and the cathedral rose side by side, or under one roof. But cathedral-monas- teries are, strictly speaking, almost peculiar to England (Stubbs, Introd. to Epp. Gantuar. xxi.) ; for, while elsewhere, for the most part, either the cathedral or the monastery ousted the other, in England many of the cathedrals retained their monastic, more exactly their quasi-monastic character till the Reformation. Usually it was the mother-church, as Canterbury or Lindisfarne, which thus adhered to its original institution, while the new cathedrals for the sub-divided diocese passed into the hands of the non-monastic clergy (Stubbs, v, sup. xxii.). In either case, as at Worcester, the cathedral clergy were the parochial clergy of the city (Stubbs, The Gathedr. of Worcester in the 8th Gentury, Com- munic. to the Historic. Sect, of the Instit. July, 1862). The result of this combination on the clergy generally, and on the monks, was twofold. On the one hand the clergy became, in the first instance, more monastic ; on the other, a some- what more secular tone was given for a time to the monasteries. But, as these cathedral- monasteries came to lose their missionary cha- racter, other monasteries arose, by a reaction of sentiment, of a less secular and of a more ascetic kind ; e. g. in England, Crowland, and Evesham, in contrast to Peterborough and Wor- cester (Stubbs, V. sup.). By the Council of Clovesho, A.D. 747, all monasteries proper in England were placed under the Benedictine rule; 282 CANONICl CANONICI and thus the severance was defined of the chap- ters and the monasteries. (^Conc. Clooesh. c. 24 ; of. Beg. S. Bened. c. 58 ; cf. Mabill. AA. 0. S. B. I. Praef. Ivi.). But Chrodegang, or Chrodogang, cousin of Pepin and archbishop of Metz, in the latter part of the 8th century, was virtually the founder of " canonici " as a semi-monastic order. By enforcing strict obedience to the Rule and the Superior he tightened the authority of the bishop over the clergy of his cathedral {Reg. Chrodeg. ap. Labb. Cone. vii. 1445). But, while retaining the monastic obligations of " obedience " and of " chastity," he relaxed that of poverty. His "canonici" were, like monks, to have a common dormitory and a common refec- tory {Eeg. Chrod. c. 3 ; Cone. Mogunt. 813 ad. c. 9). Like monks they were to reside within the cloister ; and egress, except by the porter's gateway, was strictly forbidden {Cone. Aquisgr. 816 A.D. cc. 117, 144). But they were allowed a life interest in private property ; ^ though after death it was to revert to the church to which they belonged ; and, which is especially curious, they were not to forfeit their property, even for crimes and misdemeanours entailing otherwise severe penance. (^Reg. Chrod. cc. 31, 32 ; cf. Stubbs, Ej)p. Cantuar. Introd. xxiv.) Thus the discipline of the cloister was rendered more palatable to the clergy; while a broad line of demarcation was drawn between them and monks (Cone. Mogunt. cc. 9, 10 ; Cone. Turon. III. c. 25). They were not to wear the monk's cowl (^Reg. Chrod. c. 53, interpolated from Cone. Aquisgr. c. 125). The essential difference between a cathedral with its " canonici " and an abbey- church with its monks, has been well expressed thus : the " canonici " existed for the services of the cathedral, but the abbey-church for the spiritual wants of the recluses happening to settle there (Freeman, Norman Conquest, ii. 443). Chrodegang's institution was eagerly adopted by the far-seeing Karl, in his reformation of ecclesiastical abuses ; indeed he wished to force it on the clergy generally (Robertson's Ch. Hist. II. 200). He ordered the " canonici " to live " canonice," and to obey their bishop as abbat ; a similar enactment was made at the Councils of Aachen, 788 A.D. and of Mentz, 813 A.D. {Cone. Aquisgr. cc. 27, 29 ; Cone. Mogunt. c. 9 ; cf. Du Cange, s. v. ; Hospin. xxii. 154 ; Robertson's Ch. Hist. 11. 198). It was evidently the great legis- lator's intention to make these colleges of canons instrumental for education {Cone. CabilL 813 A.D. c. 3; Alteser. Asceticon. 11. 1). Thus one of the principal canons was the " Scholasticus " (schoolmaster, or more properly, chancellor, Freeman, Norman Co7iquest, II. 443), and the buildings were arranged mainly to be used as schools (Hospin. p. 153-6). The rule of Chrodegang in its integrity was shortlived. By the middle of the 9th century it was in force in most cathedrals of France, Germany, Italy, and, more partially, in England (Robertson's Ch. Hist. II. 200). But, though milder even than that mildest of monastic rules — the Benedictine — it was too severe to be generally accepted by the clergy, especially in England. In the 9th century (Robertson, II. 209), or, rather, by the end of the 8th (Stubbs, Epp. Cantuar. Intr. xvii.), bodies of secular clerks, with the character if not the name of " canonici," had supplanted monks in many parts of England ; but they soon lost the ground which they had gained. Partly, perhaps, from the popularity of monks with the laity in England, as the harbingers of Christianity, and as intimately connected with the history of the nation, partly from the repug- nance of the clergy to asceticism, the " Lotha- ringian " rule never took root here (Freeman, V. sap., II. 85). According to William of Malmes- bury (Stubbs, De Invent. Crue. Intr. ix.), ii never was accepted here. "An attempt was made to introduce it in the Legatine Council of 786, which probably went no farther in eifect than to change the name of secular clerks into canons, and to turn secular abbots intoi deans " (Stubbs, v. sup. x. ; Cone. Caleyth. c. 4.) By 1050 A.D. it was nearly obsolete in England.; (Stubbs, V. sup. IX.). Celibacy seems to havel formed no integral part of the plan in thej foundation of Waltham. (Freeman, v. sup. II.) 443 ; Stubbs, De Inv. Crue. xii.) I Even where it had been at first in vogue the Rule of Chrodegang was soon relaxed ; nor were the elforts of Adalbero, Willigis, and others. j eftectual to restore it (Robertson's Ch. Hist\ II. 477). The " canonici " became, first, a com- munity dwelling together under the headship o the bishop, but not of necessity under the samt roof with him ; next, an " acephalous " com munity, — a laxity which had been specially con demned by the Council of Aachen, already men | tioned (c. 101) — and, gradually, instead of reprei senting the clergy of the diocese they develope(| into a distinct, and, sometimes, antagonistic bod;! (Robertson, II. 476). As their wealth and in{ tluence increased they claimed a share in thj government of the diocese (Robertson, II. 40i;l Trithemius speaks of the " Canonici Trevirenses j in the close of the 10th century, as both in nam! and in reality " seculares non regulares Hospinian protests against the very expre&sio "canonici seculares," as a contradiction _ terms, like " regulares irregulares." (Hospiniai V. Slip. p. 73.) The "Canons Regular of St. Augustine founded by Ives of Chartres and others, in tt 11th century, may be regarded as resulting fro the fliilure of the attempts to force the canonic rule on the clergy of the cathedral and collegia churches (Robertson's Ch. Hist. 11. 708). The " canonici " differed but slightly from the monk and, unlike the " canonici " of older date, reset bled the monks in the renunciation of priva property. This order was introduced into En land very early in the 12th century by Adelwa confessor of Henry 1st, but some assign an earli date. At the Reformation there were, accordii to Hospinian (p. 73), more than 8000 "coerol, canonicorum " in Europe ; the number dGClir| greatly afterwards. The various mediaev.'J si! divisions of " canonici," enumerated by Du -.ai al ivisions of "canonici,- enumeramu — • ?. t;.) do not fall within our present scope, (h Iso Thomassini, Yetus et Norn Diseiphna, 1. 1 a Alsu, the diet was more generous. {Reg. Chrod. c. 22 ; Cone. Aquisgr. 816 a.d. c. 122.) b Till the 14 th century these semi-regular, semi-sec foundations seem to have been uncongenial to the. Harold, the founder of Waltham, is an exception. (H: man, Norm. Conq. II. 445). ^, c The expression "secular canons" sometimes prematurely {e.g in Freeman's Norman Conqwsl) " secular clerks " would be more exact. CANONISTAE CANOPY 283 cc. 7-12; III. ii. c. 27; Bihliotheque Sacre'e, par Richard et Girardin, s. v. Par. 1822 ; Martigny, Dictionnaire des Antiquite's Chretiennes, Par. 1885). Canonicae in the primitive church were devout women, taking charge of funerals and other works of charity (Socr. ff. E. i. 17 ; Soz. ff. E. viii. 23, cf. Justin. Novell, cc. 43, 59, ap. Menardi Comm. in S. Bened. Anian. Cone. Beg. c. 68). Though not originally bound by a vow, nor compelled to live in a community (Bingh. Orig. EcgL VII. iv. § 1 : but cf. Pelliccia EccL Christ. Folit. I. iii. 3, § 1), they lived apart from men, I and had a special part of the church reserved for them in the public services (Du Cange, s. v.). In the 8th century the " canonicae," " canonissae," or "canonichissae," lived together after the example of the " canonici," being like them attached to particular churches (Pellic. I. iii. 4, § 1). They are distinguished from nuns (^Conc. Francof. 794 a.d. cc. 46, 47); but, like nuns were strictly debarred from the society of men (Cone. Aquisgr. 816 a.d. c. 20 ; cf. Cone. Cabill. 813 A.D. c. 53). They were to occupy them- selves specially, like the " canonici " in education {Gone. Francof. c. 40 ; Cone. Aquisgr. c. 22). See further Magdeh. Centur. viii. 6. The " do- nicellae" or secular canonesses are of later date ; Dn Cange, s. v.'). (See also Thomass. Vet. et Sov. Discipl. I. iii. cc. 43, 51, 63; Alteserrae Asceticon. III. 3.) [I. G. S.] CANONISTAE. [Canon Law.] CANONIZATION is defined by Ferraris , sub voc. Veneratio Sanctorum) to be a " public iidgment and express definition of the Apostolic ee respecting the sanctity and glory of one, \'ho is thereupon solemnly added to the roll of i he saints, and set forth for the public veneration i f the whole Church militant, and the honours : ue to saints decreed to him." And it is distin- j.uished by him from Beatification, which means, ccording to the same authority, a like " lawful :rant by the pope to a particular kingdom, pro- iuce, religious body, or place, to venerate and in- oke, in the mass and by exposition of relics," &c., ome particular person, deceased. Both, in this snse, date subsequently to the period of which be present work treats, the first formal canoni- ation by a pope being said to be either that of t. Suibert by Pope Leo III. a.d, 804, at the re- uest of Charlemagne (Ferraris, as above), or v'hich however depends on a letter said to be a 'I'gery) that of Udalric, bishop of Augsburg, by ipioma of Pope John XV. a.d. 993 (Mabill. ctt. SS. Ben. Saec. V. Fref. § 101 ; Gibbings, raelect. on the Diptychs, p. 33, Dubl. 1864). ut canonization in some sense ( = inserting in the anon of the Mass) is the outgrowth of a practice very early date (being alluded to by Tertullian, 'G Cor. iii., and, earlier still, in the Martyr. Foly- '-'f- xviii., ap. Euseb. E. E. iv. 15), viz. that of citing at a certain part of the Eucharistic service names (among others) of deceased saints and artyrs [Diptychs] ; not for invocation (" non vocantur," St. Aug. De Civ. Dei, xxii. 10), but m memory of those who have finished their urse, and for the exercising and preparation of ose who have yet to walk in their steps" Lart, b. Folyc). The authority by which a ime was mscrted in this list— the saint being said to be " viudicatus " (Optat. Ee Schism. Eonat. i. 16)— was, until at least the 10th cen- tury, that of the bishop, with (no doubt) the con- sent of his clergy and people, and, as time went on, of the synod and metropolitan, and according to Mabillon {Fraef. in Actt. SS. Bened. p. 412), ofthe emperor or king. But the consent of the last named could only have been asked or given in cases of political importance, real or supposed. The last case of canonization by a metropolitan is said to have been that of St. Gaultier, or Gaucher, abbat of Pontoise, by the Archbishop of Rouen, A.D. 1153 (Gibbings, as above). And a decree of Pope Alexander IIL a.d. 1170, gave the prero- gative to the pope thenceforth, so far as the Western Church was concerned [Calendar ; Martyrology; Menology]; who proceeded (acc. to Ferraris) in two ways, either by formally sanctioning local or other saints, who had long before been canonized in effect by common con- sent, or by initiating the process himself in new cases. " Canonizare " is also used to signify simply to "approve," or to "appoint to a ca- nonry," or to enrol in the " canon " of the clergy, or to make a canon in a Council. (Salig. Ee Eiptychis; Du Cange; Suicer; Ferraris, Prompto Biblioth.) [A. W. H.] CANOPY. The fixed solid canopy, or ciborium, over the altar, has already been described under Altar, p. 65. It has been supposed, however, that the altar was sometimes anciently covered with a canopy of a lighter kind, as of silk. In the will of Abbot Aredius (in the Works of Gregory of Tours, p. 1313, ed. Ruinart), who died A.D. 591, we find, among other things declared necessary for a church, " cooperturios holosericos tres ; calices argenteos quatuor . . . item cooperturium lineum . . ." These silken coverings Binterim (Eenkwiird. vii. 3, 353) believes to be not altar-cloths, but canopies, while the " cooperturius lineus " is an altar-cloth, distinct from the corporal. Gregory of Tours also, a contemporary of Aredius, describing a dream or vision, says, " cum jam altarium cum oblationibus pallio serico coopertum esset," Gunt- chramn entered (Eist. Eranc. vii. 22, p. 347, ed. Ruinart). Here again Binterim (u. s.) supposes that a canopy is intended, insisting on the words of Optatus (JDe Schism. Eonat. vi. 1, p. 92), that it was a matter of notoriety that the boards of the altar were covered with linen. The words of Optatus, however, written of the African church in the 4th century, have but little application to Galilean customs at the end of the 6th, nor are they in fact contradictory to the words of Gregory ; for the altar may have been first covered with linen, and the oblations upon it afterwards covered with a silken veil. This was probably the case ; for a word derived from ' cooperire' would naturally refer to covering up closely, rather than to shading as a canopy does. Compare Altar-cloths, p. 69. There can be little doubt that Mabillon and Ruinart are right in explaining the word cooperturius of an altar-covering or Veil. The " cooperturius Sarmaticus," which Gregory rejected (Ee Vitis Fatrum, p. 8, 1195), seems to have been intended for a similar use. The custom of carrying a canopy OA'-er the pope in certain processions does not seem to be mentioned earlier than the 12th century (see Ordo-Eomanus Xr. 17, 126 j 40, 136); and ths 284 CANTABRARII CANTICIiE use of a canopy to overshadow the Eucharist in Corpus Christi processions is later still. For the canopy surmounting the seat of a bishop, see Throne. [C] CANTABKARII. Literally, bearers of the cantabrum, or cruciform standard of the later Roman emperors, m military or religious pro- cessions. The word occurs in the Cod. Theodos. xiv. 7, 2, as applied to a guild of such persons, and has no direct connexion with ecclesiastical antiquity. Bingham, however (xvi. 5, 6), cites the passage in its bearing upon the mention of centurions by the C. in Trullo (c. 61) as con- nected with divination ; and hence it appears in the index to his work as the name of "a sort of conjurors." The cantabrum itself is mentioned by Minucius Felix {Octav. c. 27) and Tertullian (Ji.pol. c. 16) as an instance of the unconscious honour paid by the heathens to the figure of the cross. [E. H. P.] CANTATORIUM. [Antiphonarium.] CANTERBURY, COUNCIL OF, two in Labb. &c. : — (1) A.D. 605, fictitious, resting on a forged charter of Ethelbert to St. Augustin's monastery at Canterbury (see Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. in. 56, 57). (2) A.D. 685, founded on a mere mistake. [A. W. H.] CANTHARUS (or -UM), also PharoCan- THARUS, also CaNTHARUS CEROSTATUS or CERO- STRATUS, 1. a chandelier for ecclesiastical use, de- scribed by Ducange, s. v. as " a disc of metal, furnished with candles fixed upon it." The word is of very frequent occurrence in Anastasius and other early authorities: e.g. S. Silv. xxxiv. § 34, " canthara cerostrata xii aerea ; " ib. § 36, " pharum cantharum argenteum cum delphinis cxx, ubi oleum ardet nardinum pisticum . . . canthara cerostrata in gremio basilicae quinqua- ginta." S. Symmach. liii. § 80, " ad beatum Fe- trum XX canthara argentea fecit." Among the articles of church property confiscated by Pope Sergius 1. A.D. 687, to raise the donative de- manded by the exarch of Ravenna, as the price of his support, we read of " cantharos et coronas quae ante sacrum altare et confessionem beati Petri Apostoli ex antique pendebant " (Anast. S. Sergius Ixxxvi. § 159). 2. a vessel for water [Phiala.] [E. v.] CANTIANILLA, with Cantianus and Can- Tius. martyrs at Aquileia, commemorated May 31 {Mart. Rom. Vet., Usuardi). [C] CANTIANUM CONCILIUM. [Kent.] CANTICLE {Ganticum). A species of j sacred song. St. Paul [Eph. v. 19] mentions j " psalms and hymns and spiritual songs," XaXovvT^s kavrails tpakixoTs Ka\ vixvols koI dSa7s ■KvevjxaTLKals (" canticis spiritualibus," Vulg.), He also couples the three terms in Col. iii. 16. Some of the psalms are called in the LXX. and Vulo-. : i|/aAjubs dhr]s (Psalmus Cantici), e.g. LXVIL, XCl. (LXVIII., XCIL), or alvos 4>dris (Laus Cantici) ; e. g. XCII. (XCIII.). On the dis- tinction between a psalm and a canticle, Augus- tine remarks (on Ps. LXVII.) that some before his time had made this distinction between a canticle and a psalm, that since a canticle is sung with the voice alone, but a psalm with the accompaniment of an instrument ; so by a can- ticle, the intelligence of the mind is signified, by a psalm the operation of the body. He goes ou to give as a reason why the book of Psalms is so called rather than the book of Canticles, that a canticle may be without a psalm, but not a psalm without a canticle. Jerome distinguishes to the effect that psalms properly belong to the region of ethics, so that we know through the bodily organs what to do or avoid — while can- ticles deal with higher matters, the harmony of the universe, and the order and concord of ci'ea- tion. Hymns are distinguished from both, as being directly occupied with' the praises of God. Others distinguish differently, while Chrysostom and Basil define to much the same effect. So also Thomasius. Bona distinguishes between four sorts of sacred song: (1) Canticle (Can- ticum) which is sung by the voice alone ; (2) Psalm (Psalmus), which is sung by the voice, accompanied by a musical instrument ; (3) Can- ticle of a psalm (Canticum Psalmi), when there is an instrumental pi-elude to the voice ; (4) Psalm of a canticle (Psalmus Cantici), when the voice begins and the organ or other instrumental accompaniment follows. But this seems to be over refining, and hence some have considered the three words [Psalm, Canticle, Hymn] as virtually synonyms, on the ground that it is easy to show that sacred songs were called by these three names, but not so easy to show that these names represent different kinds of song, since they are used promiscuously in the titles of the psalms. Hence it has been though* by some that St. Paul in the passages referrevi to is simply recommending the use of the psalter, On the whole we may be satisfied with St. Augustine's conclusion, who after discussing the point at some length, says he will leave the question to those who are able, and have the | leisure to make the distinction, and to define it accurately. The broad distinction, to which the derivation of the Greek words would lead, seems to be that a psalm was sung to instrumental ! accompaniment, a canticle with the voice alone ; i while a hymn is a direct praise of, or thanks- giving to God. In ecclesiastical use the word canticle is applied to those poetical extracts from Holy Scripture, which are incorporated among the psalms in the divine office. For the most part they are said at Lauds, in the Gregorian and its derived rites, a canticle is said every day i among the psalms at Lauds, immediately before the three final psalms ; and St. Benedict in his i rule directs that on each day at Lauds a canticle f from the Prophets shall be sung, " sicut psallit ; Ecclesia Romana." These canticles, still retained \ in the Roman and cognate breviaries, are : seven • from the Old Testament, said in the following order — At Lauds : — On Sundays and Festivals, " Benedicite." On Mondays, The Song of Isaiah (Is. xii.). On Tuesday, The Song of Ilezekiah (Is.xxxviii. 10-20)! On Wednesday, The Song of Hannah (1 Sam. ii. 1-10)! On Thursday, The Song of Moses (Ex. xv. 1-19). On Friday, The Song of Kabalilcuk (Hab. iii. 2-19). On Saturday, The Song of Moses (Deut. xxxii. 1-43),. And also three from the New Testament : — \ Benedictus, said daily at Lauds. ; Magnificat „ „ „ Vespers. 2sunc dimittis „ „ „ Compline. CANTICUM EVAISIGELIOTTM CAPITULARY 285 These canticles ai-e said with an antiphon, in tlie same manner as the psalms. Other Western breviaries use a greater variety of canticles : thus the Benedictine and other monastic breviaries of the same type, have three canticles instead of psalms, in the third nocturn on Sundays and festivals. In the Office of the Greek Church, the follow- ing nine canticles, called odes (^5ai), are ap- pointed at Lauds : — (1) The Song of Moses in Exodus (Ex. xv. 1-19). (2) The Song of Moses in Deut. (Deut. xxxii. 1-43). (3) The Prayer of Hannah (1 Sam. ii. I-IO). (4) The Prayer of Habakkuk (Hab. iii. 2-19). (5) The Prayer of Isaiah (Is. xxvi. 9-20). (6) The Prayer of Jonah (Jon. ii. 2-9). (T) The Prayer t of the Three Holy Children (Dan. iii. 3-34). [In Apocry.] (8) The Songf of the Three Holy Children. [Bene- DICITE,] (9) Magnificat and Benedictus. These are assigned : — (1) to Sunday and Mon- day ; (2) to Tuesday ; (3) to Wednesday ; (4) to Thursday ; (5) to Friday ; (6) and (7) to Satur- day ; (8) and (9) are said at a different time. Benedictus and Benedicite were in early times sung in some masses : the former before the prophecy in some early Galilean masses ; the latter is prescribed in the 4th Council of Toledo to be sung before the epistle on Sundays and festivals of martyrs. " Te Deum " is the only composition not taken from Holy Scripture, which is usually considered a canticle. Some ritualists, however, think it should be reckoned among hymns. For a fuller collection of canticles see the Mozarabic breviary, and Thomasius, vol. ii. [H. J. H.] CANTICUM EVANGELICUM. "Bene- dictus" was sometimes so called, probably to distinguish it from the other canticle said at Lauds, which is taken from the Old Testament. The expression occurs in a MS. Pontifical of the Church of Poitiers of about 800 A.D., and else- where. [H. J. H.] CANTICUM GRADUUM. The Gradual Psalms were sometimes so-called. They were recited in the following oi-der : the first five with Requiem aeternam, cjrc, and followed by a few versicles, were said " pro defunctis." The next ten each with "Gloria;" five "pro con- gregatione," and five " pro familiaribus ; " each group being followed by a few versicles and a collect. [H. J. H.] CANTOR. (Psalmtsta, if/oAxTjs, tpa\r Domestic 12 Occasional Under the first head he places such articles as: "Turpe lucrum exercent qui per varias cir- d Comp. the 2nd Capit. of Carloman, A.n. 743, which begins -. — " Modo autem in hoc synodali conventu, qui congregatus est ad Kalendas Martias in loco qui dicitur Liptenas, omnes venerabiles sacerdotes Dei et comites et praefecti prioris synodi decreta consentienter firmaverunt, seque ea implere velle et observare promiserunt " (Baluze, i. 149). e Baluze's collection contains many errors, but this is due to the loose use of the word " capitulary." Pertz of course gives more still ; and some of these last might pro- bably be fairly considered as of a public character, am! added to the computation of Guizot. CAPITULARY CAPITULARY 287 cumventiones lucrandi causa inhoneste res quas- libet congregare decertant " (Baluze i. 454). This is the 16th capitulum of a Capitulary made A.D. 806. ]t is rather a maxim of ethics than an edict or law. Religious legislation in the above classification is such as relates not to ecclesiastics alone, but to all the faithful. In some points this resembles the moral in its tone. Thus we find : " Ut nullus credat quod nonnisi in tribus linguis (probably Latin, Greek, and German) Dens orandus sit : quia in omni lingua Deus adoratur, et homo exauditur, si juste petierit " (Baluze i. 270). This is No. 50 of a set put forth A.D. 794. Canonical legislation is the term for what concerns the relations of the clergy among themselves. The tendency of this class of Capitula is to uphold the power of the bishops. Even the monastic bodies are to be in subordi- nation to them.f In fact, Charlemagne appears to have considered that by reducing all the clergy under the episcopate, and then exercising a personal influence over the bishops himself, he was providing the best remedy for the con- dition of the Church, which was one of much disorganisation. He aimed at a stronger and more pervading discipline, not by reducing the episcopal powers, but by taking care that their vast powers were well exercised. With the other heads of the classification we have not here to do, except in so far as under the title of " Political Legislation " some regu- lations are found as to the relation of the secular and ecclesiastical powers. These tend to show that Charlemagne, while giving great power to the bishops, consulting with, them on church matters, and using their learning and intelli- gence for the general purposes of his govern- ment, was careful not to become their tool, nor to subject his own authority to theirs. "The laws which fix the obligations, the revenues, even the duties of the clergy, are issued in the name of the emperor ; they are monarchical and .mperial, not papal or synodical canons " (Mil- man, Lat. Christ, book v. chap. 1). In return for his having confirmed the system of tithes by a law of the empire, Charlemagne " assumed the power of legislating for the clergy with as full despotism as for the laity," though "in both cases there was the constitutional control of the concurrence of the nobles and of the higher ecclesiastics, strong against a feeble monarch, feeble against a sovereign of Charlemagne's over- ruling character. His institutes are in the language of command to both branches of that great ecclesiastical militia, which he treated as his vassals, the secular and the monastic clergy." -Ibid. In any inquiry, however, on the subject of Capitularies, it is necessary to bear in mind the extremely loose use of the word which prevails in Baluze and other editors. Guizot has pointed out that they apply this title equally to no less than twelve distinct kinds of documents. " We find in their collections of so-called Capitularies" — he says — " 1. Ancient laws revived. (Bal. i. 281.) ' See 4th Capitulare, a.d. 806, cap. ii. (Bal, i. 450), and 1st Capitulare, a.d. 802, cap. xv. (Bal. i. 366). Pepin had lAid down the same principle (Bal. i..l69). " 2. Extracts from ancient laws put together for some special purpose. (Ibid. i. 395.) " 3. Additions to ancient laws (amounting probably to new laws. (Ibid. i. 387.) "4. Extracts from previous Canons. (Ibid, i. 209.) " 5. New laws properly so called. " 6. Instructions given by Charlemagne to his Missi, to guide them in their duties. (^Ibid. i. 243.) " 7. Answers given by Charlemagne to ques- tions from counts, bishops, &c., as to practical difficulties in their administra- tion. (Ibid. i. 401.) "8. Questions drawn up in order to be pro- posed for discussion to the bishops or counts at the next assembly, e. g., ' To ascertain on what occasions and in what places the ecclesiastics and the laity seek, in the manner stated, to impede each other in the exercise of their respective functions. To inquire and discuss up to what point a bishop or an abbot is justi- fied in interfering in secular affairs, and a count or other layman with ecclesias- tical affairs. To interrogate them closely on the meaning of those words of the Apostle : " No man that warreth for the law entangleth himself with the affairs of this life." Inquire to whom these words apply.' (Ibid. i. 477.) " 9. Sometimes the so-called Capitula seem to be little more than memoranda. (Ibid. i. 395.) (Perhaps, however, this class is identical in reality with Class 6.) " 10. Judicial decrees. (Ibid. i. 398.) "11. Regulations for the management of the royal lands and possessions. (Ibid. i. 331.) " 12. Matters of an executive and adminis- trative rather than legislative nature. (Ibid. i. 26, in Art. 1, 6, 7, 8, 53, 54.)" It is obvious that a very different kind of sanction might be required for some of them from that which would be needed for others. No general rule can therefore be laid down applicable to all. Nor even in respect to those which are in the strictest sense legislative is it easy to discern an uniform constitutional pro- cedure. As regards ecclesiastical matters, it may pro- bably be considered that the prelates were always consulted, though in most cases the initiative, and in all cases the final, authori- zation came from the Sovereign. Thus a Capi- tulary A.D. 813 of Canonical Rules is entitled — " Capitula de confirmatione constitution um quas episcopi in synodis auctoritate regid nuper habitis constituerant." If it could be safely assumed that all legis- lative Capitularia, on whatever subject, had the collective assent of one of the General Assemblies held in every year, it would follow that eccle- siastical laws had the assent of the laity.? For s See Baluze, Preface, 7-9. He suggests that some of the apparent exceptions consist of capitula which are mere extracts from ancient Church Councils, and which therefore the royal authority may have heen deemed com- petent to promulgate. In some other instances, he thinks 288 CAPITULAltY CAPITULUM in these assemblies, counts and great men, as well as prelates, were present. Hincmar, ra an important document at tho close of the ninth century (Guizot, Led. 20), gives some account of these assemblies, and says that it was in the option of the lay and ecclesiastical lords to sit together or separately, according to the affairs of which they had to tr^at — ecclesiastical, secular, or both. From th;s it might at first appear that canonical matters were considered by the clergy alone, but perhaps this may be rather understood of the previous discussion and preparation of the law. If so, it is con- sistent with its being finally submitted for the consent and approbation of the whole assembly. The further question, as to which much con- troversy has taken place, whether the lesser freeholders had a share in legislation, and if so, whether their voice was given in the assembly, or when the Capitularies passed by the assembly were subsequently proclaimed locally in the different districts, is a matter rather of political inquiry, and hardly belongs to the subject of the present work. It is discussed by Hallam (^Middle Ages, chap. ii. part II.), where references will be found to other authorities. Upon the whole, it must always be borne in mind that in that early state of society — a state in which the master-mind of Charlemagne was reducing to something like order A^ery chaotic elements — we must not expect to find any pedantic exactness of constitutional law. The will of the Sovereign Avas the motive power of the whole system, but before exercising it he availed himself of the advice of the counsellors who were most likely to be of service : so far all is clear. The extent to Avhich he submitted every legislative regulation to the whole body of the assembly, held, with certain modifications, twice in the year, is a matter on which it is more difficult to speak positively. Perhaps the practice even as to legislative regulations was not uniform, while certainly the boundary between legislative and executive regulations was very ill-defined. On the reception accorded to the Capitularies by the Church, and the quasi-canonical authority at- capitularles may in the first instance have been put forth by the sole authority of the sovereign, but subsequently submitted to the general assemblies for their recognition and consent, where such a step seemed to be expedient. Butler says, " They (the Capitularies) were generally pro- mulgated in public assemblies composed of the sovereign and the chief men of the nation, as well ecclesiastics as secular" {Horae Juridicae, p. 129, edit. 1807). In one case, in the reign of Childeric III., in a capitulary due to Pepin, we read that synods are to be held annually, " ut haeresis amplius in populo non resurgat, sicut inve- nimus in Adalberto haeresira, quern publiciter una voce condemnaverunt xxiii. episcopi et alii multi sacerdotes cum consensu Principie et popuK," &c. (Bal. i. 157). Here the laity seem to have had a consentient voice even in so purely spiritual a matter as heresy. Hallam notices the more frequent mention of •' general consent " in the capitularies of Charlemagne, as compared with those of his predecessors (Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 215, 216, ed. 1855). On the other hand, the author of the article " Capitularicae " in Herzog thinks that Hincniar's words point to a separation made by Charlemagne between the clergy and laity, so that the former obtained a right to m.ake " leges ecclesiasticae," as distinguished from capi- tularies (lor which latter general assent was still needful) ; but subject to a veto on the part of the sovereign. tributed to them, much information will be found in the Preface of Baluze, § 18 et seq. See also the letter of Leo IV. in Gratian, Bist. 10, c. 9. Capitularies subsequent to the reign of Char- lemagne do not fall within our liijiits. The latest are those of Carloman in 882, after which there is a long blank in French legislation. It does not seem that a formal collection of the Capitularies was made till they were edited in four books by Angesise, Abbot of Fontenella, who died in 833. These four books contain the laws of Charlemagne, and a portion of those of Louis le Deljonnaire. Charles the Bald cites this work as a code of authority. Subsequently Benedict, a deacon of Mayence, about the year 842, added three more books. These, however, contain fragments of Roman and canon law, besides the Capitularies of the Carlovingian kings. Four supplements again have been added by anonymous compilers. Authorities. — Gapitularia Regum Francorum. Additae sunt Marculfi monachi et aliomm for- mulae veteres et notae doctissimorum virorum. Steplianus Baluzius Tutelemis in unum collegit, ad vdustissimos codices manuscriptos emendavit, magnam partem nunc primum edidit, notis illus- trant. Parisiis, 1677 (2 vols.). Guizot's Z^c^Mres on the History of Civilization in France, trans- lated by Hazlitt. Bogue, 1846. Hallam's Middle Ages. Herzog's Eeal-Encyclopddie, Art. " Capitularien." Pertz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, tom. i. Legum. Hanover, 1835. [B. S.] CAPITULUM, CAPITULAEE, = K^ p. cxxxix) considers to be that, together with the 'capsa' containing the sacred vessels and per- haps the Eucharist, the chalice was also to b© brought to the altar. The word TuRRis is used in a similar sense. Compare Tabernacle. 3. A repository or Shrine (Fr. chdsse) for preserving the relics of saints. The legates of the Apostolic See in their letter to Hormisdas (in Hormisdae Epistolae, p. 475, Migne) say that they suggested the making of shrines (capsellas) for the relics of each of the apostles severally in the church of the Apostles at Constantinople. In the description of the altar built by St, Benedict at Aniane, we read that an opening was made in the back of it for inserting the * capsae ' which contained relics of saints (Acta SS. Feb. ii. 614). Compare Altar, p. 64. 4. A casket to contain the book of the Gospels. Ado of Vienne speaks (Chronicon, a.d. 519) of twenty " capsae evangeliorum " of gold, richly jewelled [Liturgical Books]. [C] CAPSARIUM. The room in which the capsae containing relics were placed. Perpetuus of Tours (circa a.d. 490), in his will (D'Achery's Spicilegium,, v. 105) distinguishes a reliquary which he left to a friend from another gilded ' theca ' which was in his capsarium, and which he left to the church (Ducange's Glossary, s. v.). [C] CAPSUM. The nave of a church. Gregory of Tours (^Hist. Franc, ii. 14) describes a certain church as having thirty-two windows in the sanctuary, twenty in the nave (in capso). (Du- cange's Glossary, s. v.) [C.] CAPTATORES. The leaving by testament the institution of an heir to the secret will of another was by the Roman law termed a cap- tatoria institutio, and forbidden (see Dig. bk. xxviii. t. V. 11. 70, 71, 81 ; Code, bk. vii. t, xxii. 1. 11). In a less technical sense, however, the captator answered substantially to our legacy- hunter, and the scandal is one which seems to have been rife in the eai'ly church — as indeed the satirists shew it to have been in the heathen world of the day. Perhaps we may see a germ of it in what St. Paul says (ii. Tim. iii. 1, 2) of the " covetous " who shall be " in the last days," adding, " for of this sort are they which creep into houses, and lead captive silly women " (v. 6), though his description applies mainly to dis- honest and selfish teachers. By the end of the 4th century, at any rate. Christian emperors had to legislate against it. A law of Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian (a.d. 370) in the Theodosian Code, enacted that clerics or professors of con- tinence were not to frequent the houses of widows and female wards, but should be banished by public judgment, if the relatives of such females should deem fit to prosecute them ; nor should any such persons receive aught from the woman with whom they might become connected U 290 CAPTATOKES CAE under pretext of religion, by any kmd of libe- rality, or by her last will ; but any bequest to them from such females should be void, nor could they take under any trust either by donation or testament. Should anything be so given or left to them after the date of the law, the public exchequer was to receive it. Another law in the same Code (1. 27), of Valentinian, Theodosius, and Arcadius (a.d. 390), contains special pro- visions as to liberalities by deaconesses, who amongst other things were forbidden to nominate as their heirs any church, clenc, or poor man ; this however was partly revoked a few months later (1. 28 i6.) by the same emperors, so far as allowing the enjoyment of certain articles of pei'sonal use by clerics or servants, under the name of a church (Bingham does not seem quite to have understood the bearing of this last enactment). These laws, although as will be seen, they did not hold their ground in the state, are remarkable from the reference to them in one of Jerome's best known letters {Ep. 2, ad Nepo- tianum) : " Shameful to say, the priests of idols, actors, charioteers, harlots receive inheritances ; only to clerics and monks is this forbidden by law, and forbidden, not by persecutors but by the princes. Nor do I complain of this law, but lament that we should have deserved it." And he proceeds to draw one of his scathing sketches of those who devote a shameful service to old men and childless old women, besieging their bedsides, performing for them the most menial and repulsive offices, in dread at the doctor's entrance, asking with trembling lips if the patient be better, in peril if he become a little stronger, feigning joy whilst their minds are tortured by their avarice, sweating for an empty inheritance. There is a striking analogy between Jerome's picture and one traced in one of the novels of Leo and Majorian, annexed to the Theodosian Code (bk. viii. JST. vi. § 11 ; A.D. 458). It professes to restrain the avidity of these captatores, who by attendance by the bedside of persons they scarcely know, corrupt by simulated affection minds wearied with bodily illness and having no longer any clear judgment, so that forgetting the ties of blood and affinity, they may name strangers their heirs. Medical men are suborned to per- suade their patient to wrong, and neglecting the care of healing become ministers to the cove- tousness of others. And it proceeds to enact that persons who could not claim in case of intestacy m any degree from a testator, if they should receive anything by way of bequest or trust, should give one-third to the treasury, until by fear of this the injustice of testators and dis- honesty of captators should come to an end. It will be observed that this law, instead of being confined to clerics and monks like the previous one, is of a general character. Perhaps, though it did not hold its place, it has not been without influence on the differential duties imposed by most modern states on legacies and successions, which are generally highest as against strangers to the family of the testator or predecessor. As respects the clergy, indeed, we find by a law almost contemporary with the last, inserted in Justinian's code, that of Valentinian and Marcian, A.D. 455 (bk. i, t. ii. 1. 13), that widows, deaconesses, virgins dedicated to God, nuns, and women bearing any other name of religious honour or dignity, received full liberty to leave by will or otherwise all or any part of their fortune. In short, the strongest laws against clerical captation which Jerome applauded seem to have been tacitly abrogated, utterly incon- sistent as they were with the growth of Romish or Oriental priestcraft. The term haeredipetae seems only to differ from that of captatores, so far as it implies only the captation of inheritances, not of gifts from the living. [J. M. L.] CAPTIVES, REDEMPTION OF. The disasters which fell upon the Roman empire in the 4th and 5th centuries gave a special promi- nence to this as one of the forms of Christian love, and it connects itself accordingly with some of the noblest acts and words of the teachers of the Church. Ambrose was charged by his Arian opponents with sacrilege for having melted down the eucharistic vessels of the church at Milan for this purpose, and defends himself against the charge on the grounds that this was the highest and best use to which he could have applied them, {De Ojfic. ii. 28). Augustine did the same at| Hippo (Possidius, Vita, c. 24). Acacius, Bishop of Amidas, ransomed as many as 7000, who had been taken prisoners by the Persians (Socr. //. E: vii. 21); Deogratias, Bishop of Carthage, the' Roman soldiers who had been carried ofl' by Gen- seric after the capture of Rome (Victor Utic. dc persccut. Vandal, i., Bibl. Fair. vii. p. 591). It[ is worth noting that this was not only admired in individual actions, but that the truth that! mercy is above sacrifice was formally embodiedi in ecclesiastical legislation. The Code of Jus-j tinian (i. tit. 2, de Sacros. Eccles. 21), while for- bidding the alienation of church vessels or vest- ments for any other purpose, distinctly permit: them to be pledged or even sold for this or othei like works of mercy or necessity. [E. H. P.] CAPUA, COUNCIL OF, a.d. 389, provin cial, respecting the schism at Antioch betweei Flavianus and Evagrius ; also respecting the de- nial by Bonosus of the perpetual virginity of tht B. V. Mary ; passed also a canon against rebap tizing, re-ordination, and translation of bishops embodied in the African code {S. Ambros. Epist] 78, 79: Cod. Can. Afric. 48; Labb. ii. 1039[ 1072). [A. W. H.] CAPUT JEJUNII. [Lent.] CAPUTIUM, a covering for the head, worj by monks, sometimes sewn on to the tunic, as ; hood (Eeg. Comm. S. Bened. c. 55). [I. G. S.] \ CAR, CART, CHARIOT, &c. Herzon (Real-Encyclopddie fur protestantische Theologi\ u. Kirche, 8vo. Gotha, 1861, s. v. " Sinnbilder," f mentions a sculpture in St. Callixtus, which con I tains a chariot without driver, with pole turnei \ backwards, and whips left restmg on it. This J as he says, appears evidently intended as a symbo ; of the accomplished course of a life. In Bottari ; tav. clx., two quadrigae are represented at th | base of an arch (covered with paintings of ancienj! date) in the second cubiculum of the catacom of St. Priscilla on the Salarian Way. The chaji rioteers carry palms and crowns in their handiji and the horses are decoi-ated with palm-branche.'ji or perhaps plumes ; which connects the image c the chariot with St. Paul's imagination of th OARAOALLA CAKDINAL 291 Christian race (1 Cor. Ix. 24; 2 Tim. iv. 7). (See Martigay, s. v. " Cheval," and article Horse in this book.) Gue'ne'banlt refers to a sculpture from an ancient Gothic or Frank tomb at Langres ( Univ. Pittoresque {France), pi. xlv.), and to a cai-t or waggon on one of the capitals in the crypts in St. Denis (pi. Iv. vol. ii. in A. Hugo, France F Moresque et Monumentale). In Strutt (^View of the Inhabitants of England, Lond. 1774, 4to. vol. i. p. 5, fig. 6) there is a chariot of the 9th century, so presumed. See also D'Agincourt, Peinture, pi. clxiv. No. 14, and pi. clvii. In the catacomb of St. Praetextatus (see Perret, Cata- combes, vol. i. pi. Ixxii.) there is a somewhat powerful and striking representation of the Cha- riot of Death, who is taking a departed woman into his car. [R. St. J. T.] CAEAOALLA (in late Greek writers Kapa- KaXiov). Originally a garment peculiar to Gaul ; it was introduced into Roman use by the em- peror M. Aurelius Antoninus, commonly known jn consequence as Caracallus or Caracalla. See Ferrarius, de Re Vest, pars ii. lib. i. c. 28. Ecclesiastical writers speak of it as worn by clerics (Ven. Beda, Hist. Eccl. lib. i. c. 7, refer- ring to the year 305 A.D. and to the martyr- dom of St. Alban), and as corresponding in shape to the Jewish ephod. So says St. Eucherius of Lyons, writing about the middle of the 5th cen- tury, and referring evidently to the genuine Gallic caracalla, which was a kind of short tunic with sleeves and furnished with a hood. With him agrees Dio Cassius (quoted by Rubenius, de Re Vest. lib. i. c. 6), who describes the caracalla as a sleeved tunic made somewhat in the fashion of a corselet, x^'P'^'^'^'^^ x'^'^^^ 6(t>paKos rpoTTOV tlvu ire-KOi-qjx^pos. But the caracalla introduced into use by M. Aurelius was lengthened so as to reach nearly to the feet. So we must infer from the statement of Aurelius Victor : " Cum e Gallia vestem plurimam de- vexisset, talaresque caracallas fecisset, coegisset- que plebem ad se salutandum talibus introire, de nomine hujus vestis Caracalla nominatus est." Spartianus speaks still more distinctly to the same effect : " Ipse Caracalla nomen a vestimento quod populo dederat, demisso usque ad talos, quod antea non fuerat, unde hodieque dicuntur An- toninianae Caracallae ejusmodi, in usu maxime Romanae plebis frequentatae." From the re- ference to this vestment made by St. Jerome (Epistle to Fabiola'), we may infer that, like other garments suited for out-door use, the caracalla was furnished with a hood. " Ephod . . . pal- lidum mii'ae pulchritudinis praestringens ful- gore oculos in modum caracallarum sed absque cucuUis." The statement to the same effect made by St. Eucherius of Lyons, is evidently a mere reproduction of St. Jerome. (Instit. lib. ii. cap. 10. "Ephod, vestis sacerdotalis ... Est autem velut in caracallae modum, sed sine cu- cullo.") [W. B. M.] CARAUNUS. [Chaeaunus.] CAEILEFUS, presbyter, of Aninsula in Gaul, is commemorated July 1 {Mart. Usuardi). [C] CAEILIPPUS, martyr, is commemorated April 28 {3rart. Usuardi). [C] CAEISIUS, with Callistus, martyr at Co- rinth, is commemorated April 16 (Mart. Rom. Vet., Usuardi). [C] CAEITAS. [Charitas.] CAEPOPHOEUS. (1) One of the Coronati QuATUOR, commemorated Nov. 8 (Mart. Rom. Vet., Usuardi). (2) Presbyter, martyr at Spoleto, comme- morated Dec. 10 (Mart. Rom. Vet., Usuardi). [C] CARPUS. (1) Bishop, martyr at Pergamus, commemorated April 13 (Mart. Rom. Vet., Usuardi). (2) The disciple of Paul, martyr at Troas, commemorated Oct. 13 (Mart. Rom. Vet., Usu- ardi) ; as " Apostle " and one of the Seventy, May 27 (Cal. Byzant.). (3) Bishop of Thyatina, martyr, Oct. 13 (Cal. Byzant.). [C] CARDINAL. As the Benedictine Editors of St. Gregory the Great (Ad Ep. i. 15) truly re- mark : " Nomen vetus, nova est dignitas, pur- pura recentior." Our chronological limits extend at most to the early dawn of the dignity, which is a long way out of sight of the purple. Cardinal winds, cardinal numbers, cardinal virtues, the cardinal altar, and cardinal mass, are expressions all illustrative of the gradual adaptation of the term to that which was chief in the hierarchy. As the name of " pope," or " papa," was originally common to all bishops, so the chief presbyters and deacons of any church to which a cure of souls was attached were apt to have the term " cardinal " applied to them by way of distinc- tion long before it was applied to the presbyters and deacons ot the Church of Rome in particular. Parish churches had come to be called " titles," as conferring a title upon those who served them ; and a title, from the notion of fixity that was implied in it, " cardo," the hinge on which, when fixed to a door, the door turns. Then, as there were chapels and oratories that were not parish churches — in other words gave no distinctive title — so there were priests and deacons attached to parish churches temporarily, that were not fixtures ; or who went by their titles, yet were not therefore called cardinals. In the writings of St. Gregory the Great this distinction comes out strongly, being applied by him even to bishops, as is shewn by Thomassin (De Ben. ii. part ii. 115). Thus, on one occasion, he bids the Bishop of Grosseto visit the church of Porto Bar- rato, then vacant, and ordain " one cardinal presbyter and two deacons there" (Ep. i. 15). On another occasion we find him naming Martin, a Corsican bishop, whose see had been destroyed, " cardinal priest," or " pontiff," of another church in the island that had long been deprived of its bishop (i. 79). Elsewhere, he forbids Januarius, archbishop of Cagliari, making Liberatus " a car- dinal-deacon," unless furnished with letters di- missory from his own diocesan (i. 83). " Car- dinales violenter in parochiis ordinatos forensibus in pristinum cardinem revocabat Gregorius," as is said of him by his own biographer, John the Deacon (iii. 11), a writer of the 9th century; instances of which abound in his epistles : " cardinare " and *' incardinatio " are words used by him in desci'ibing this process. The bishop, priest, or deacon, made " cardinal " of a churcit in this sense, was attached to it permanently, m contradistinction to bishops administering the ' rT c\ 292 CAEDINAL CASK affairs of a diocese during a vacancy, and priests or deacons holding subordinate or temporary posts in a parish church. Of titles, or parish churches in Rome, the number seems to have varied in different ages. According to Anastasius, or whoever wrote the lives of these popes (on which see Cave, s. v.), St. Euaristus, a.d. 100-9, ilivided the city amongst his presbyters, and ap- pointed seven deacons. St. Fabian, a.d. 236-50,, divided its " regions " amongst these deacons. Cornelius, the next pope, tells us himself of as many as 44 presbyters there then, while the number of deacons remained the same (Euseb. vi. 43). From St. Dionysius, A.D. 259-69, being also credited by his biographer with having di- vided the churches in Kome amongst his pres- byters, and instituted cemeteries and parishes or dioceses, we must infer that the old arrange- ments had been thrown into confusion, and the number of churches diminished considerably, by the pei'secutions under Decius and Valerian. And this would explain what we are told once more by Anastasius, that St. Marcellus, A.D, 308-10, appointed 25 titles, as parishes (quasi dioeceses) in the city, for administering baptism and penance to the multitudes converted from paganism, and for burial of the martyrs. Long after this, the number of titles in the city stood at 28. Accordingly, when we read of a pres- byter or deacon of the Roman church without any further distinction, a member of the Roman clergy is meant who was attached to some chapel or oratory within the city. When we read of a presbyter or deacon of some particular title there, a member of the Roman clergy is meant, who was either temporarily or permanently attached to one of the 25 or 28 parish churches, or seven regions of the city ; and to those perma- nently attached to either the name of " cardinal" was given, after it had got into use elsewhere. Anastasius himself, or a namesake and contem- porary of his, had it applied to him (Cave, s. v.). The fact that the popes in those days were elected, like most other bishops, by the clergy and people of their diocese, is amply sufficient to account for the prodigious importance that attached gradually to the cardinal presbyters and deacons of the Church of Rome, throwing those of all other churches into the shade. Cardinal bishops were not known there for some time afterwards, as Thomassin shews (ib. c. 116). On the contrary, the rule laid down under anathema by the synod under Stephen IV. A.D. 769, was, in the words of Anastasius, that " nobody, whether a layman, or of any other rank soever, should be capable of being advanced to the pontifical dignity, who had not risen regularly step by step, and been made cardinal presbyter or deacon." But when Anastasius, a little further on, speaks of the same pope appointing the seven bishops, whom he calls " hebdomadal cardinals," to func- tionate at the altar of St. Peter in turn, he is probably not using the phrase in the exact sense which it has since borne : as in the Council of Constantinople that restored Photius, A.D. 879, and was contemporary with Anastasius, Paul, bishop of Ancona, and Eugenius, bishop of Ostia, were present as legates of John VIIL, and were styled and subscribed as such ; while Peter, the third legate, subscribed as " presbyter and car- dinal," and was so styled throughout (Bever. Synod, ii. 299). Similarly, in the list of sub- scriptions to the Roman synod that preceded it, all ^ the bishops write themselves bishops only, while the presbyters and deacons are written " cardinals " in addition. The seven bishops of Ostia, Porto, St. Rufina, Albano, Sabina, Tus- culum, and Praeneste, began, in point of fact, to be called "cardinals" in the 11th century, or the age of St. Peter Damian, himself one of them, when formed into a college with the cardinal pres- byters and. deacons by the decree of Nicholas II, A.D. 1059, for electing all future popes. And it was a much later development by which bishops of distant sees came to be made cardinal deacons or presbyters of some church in Rome as well. For a description of the Roman church in the 11th century, by which time the seven cardinal bishops had been appointed to the church of St. John Lateran to officiate there in turn for the pope : and the 28 cardinal presbyters distri- buted between the four churches of St, Mary Major, St. Peter, St. Paul, and St. Laurence, seven at each, see the old ritual in Baron. A.D. 1057, n. 19 ; Comp. the Liber Diurnus Pontif. Rom. iii, 11, in Migne's Pa^ro/. cv. p. 77; and more in Du Cange, Hoffman, Moreri, Morone, s. v, ; and Muratori, Antiq. Ital. v. 155-8. [E. S. F.] CAKENA ( = Quadragena). A forty-days' fast, imposed by a bishop upon clergy or laity, or by an abbot upon monks [Penitknce]. A MS. Penitential, quoted by Ducange (s. v.\ speaks of fasting on bread and water, " quod in communi sermone carina vocatur." [C] CAENIPRIVIUM, or Carnisprivium. This name is said by Macer {Hierolexicon, s. v.) to be applied to Quinquagesima Sunday, as being the last day on which it was permitted to eat! flesh, the Lent fast anciently commencing on the^ following day, as, he says, is still customary with the Orientals and with some religious orders in Europe. In the calendar of the Greek Church, however, the KvpiaKr] 'A-jroKpecos [Apocreos] is Sexagesima Sunday. Beleth says {Rationale, c. 65), " Secunda Dominica Septuagesimae dicitur vulgo carnisprivium," where by the " second Sunday of Septuagesima " we must no doubt j understand Quinquagesima ; and this Sunday is called in the Mozarabic Missal Dominica ante\ carnes tollendas (Ducange's Glossary, s, v.). [C] CARNIVAL. This word, variously derived from " caro vale," or " ubi caro valet," is applied, in the narrowest sense, to the three days pre- ceding Ash-Wednesday ; in a wider sense to the whole period from St. Blaise's Day (Feb. 3) tc Ash-Wednesday. The period immediately pre- ceding Lent has long been a season devoted tc somewhat more than usual gaiety, in anticipatior of the austerities of Lent. (Wetzer and Welte'.' Kirchenlexicon.) [C,] CARPENTOEACTENSE CONCILIUM [Carpentras.] CAEPENTRAS, COUNCIL OF [nea Narbonne, Carpentoractense], a.d. 527, Nov 6, respecting the fair distribution of revenu between the bishop and the parish-priest (Labi Co7ic. iv. 1663). [A. W. H,] CAETHAGE, COUNCILS OF. [Africa] Councils.] CASK, as symbol. [DOLIUM,] OASSIANUS CASULA 293 CASSIANUS. (1) Martyr at Saragossa, is commemorated April 16 {Mart. Usuardi). (2) Bishop and confessor of Autun, is comme- morated Aug. 5 {Mart. Usuardi). (3) Martyr at Rome (Bede), or at Imola {Bam. Vet., Usuardi, is commemorated Aug. 13 {Mart. Rom. Vet, Bedae, Usuardi). (4) Martyr at Tangiers, is commemorated Dec. 3 {Mart. Usuardi). (5) Of Rome, A.d. 431, is commemorated Feb. 29 (Cal. Buzant.). Perhaps identical with (3). [C] CASSIUS. (1) Martyr at Damascus, is com- memorated July 20 {Mart. Usuardi). (2) Martyr, is commemorated Oct. 10 {Mart. Usuardi). [C] CASSOCK, {ftal Casacha, Casachina; Fr. Casaque; Flem. Casacke.) It is not easy to determine with what older words, or with what older garment, the present ' cassock,' as a gar- ment and as a word, is to be identified. Some have thought that the Italian 'casacha' and the French 'casaque' are to be traced to ' cara- calla ' (see the article above), ' casacha ' repre- senting an older ' caracha.' Others trace the word through icaaas or Kaaaas (Xenophon, Ci/rop. viii. 3, 6-8 ; Jul. Pollux, vii. 68, describing it as 'nriTLKhs xiTcoj/) to Kois, skin or hide. In con- nexion with this it may be noticed that Agathar- cides (a Greek grammarian, at Alexandria, of the 2nd century B.C.), quoted by Lepsius {Ep.ad Belgus, 44), states that the Egyptians had cer- tain garments made of felt which they called Kaaai. " Apud Aegyptios (TroKas rivas iTiX7]ras, verba sunt Agatharcidae, ■irpocrayope:vov(TL Kcicras . . . Acue in ultima habes ' casack,' difficili alias originatione." See this and other refer- ences in Menage, Diet. Etym. under ' Casa- que.' [W. B. M.] CASTOLUS, or CASTULUS, martyr at Rome, is commemoi-ated March 26 {Mart. Rom. Vet., Usuardi). [C] CASTOR, martyr at Tarsus, is commemorated April 27 {Mart. Hieron., Usuardi) ; also March 28 {ib.). [C] CASTORIUS. (1) Martyr at Rome, is com- memorated July 7 {Mart. Rom. Vet., Usuardi). (2) Martyr at Rome under Diocletian, Nov. 8 {Mart. Rom. Vet., Bedae, Usuardi). [C] CASTUS. (1) Martyr in Africa in the 3rd century, is commemorated May 22 {Mart. Rom. Vet., Bedae, Usuardi). (2) Martyr, Sept. 4 {Mart. Hieron., Usuardi). (3) Martyr at Capua, Oct. 6 {Mart. Hieron., Usuardi). [C] CASULA. (See also Amphibalum, Planeta, Infula, Paenula.) § 1. The word and its derivation. — The word Casula (whence Fr. and Eng. Chasuble), a dimi- nutive originally of casa, " a cottage," comes before us in patristic literature in two senses. It is used, first, in its literal meaning of a cottage or hut ; as by St. Gregory of Tours {Be Mirac. S.Juliani, cap. xliv.), and by St. Isidore of Seville {Be Off. Eccl. lib. ii. ' de monachis.''), It is used also, and far more commonly, as a designation for an outer garment ; the word havia been in all probability a provincial term, of popular use, for the garment which in the older Latin was known as a. paenula. St. Isidore of Seville, circ. 600 A.D., is the first writer who gives any formal deriva- tion of the word, or anything approaching to a description of the garment itself. " The casula," he says {Be Origin, xix. cap. 21), " is a garment furnished with a hood {vestis cucuUata) ; and is a diminutive of ' casa,' a cottage, seeing that, like a small cottage or hut, it covers the entire person." Philo Judaeus, some 600 years earlier, had used a similar comparison, when, describing a garment made of goat-skins (no doubt a rough paenula) commonly worn in his time, he says that it formed a " portable house " {(poprjTi} oIk'kx) for travellers, soldiers, and others, who were obliged to be much in the open air. {Be Victimis, Phi- lonis 0pp. Fol. Paris, 1640, p. 836, A.) § 2. Form and material of the Casula. — As a description of the form or appearance of the casula, which will add anything to that of St. Isidore already quoted, the earliest notice we have is in a MS. of uncertain date (probably 9th century, or thereabout), containing fragmentary notices of the old Galilean liturgy (Martene, Thesaurus Anecdot. tom. v. col. 99) : " Casula, quam amphibalum vocant quo sacerdos indu- itur, tota unita Ideo sine manicis, quia sacerdos potius benedicit quam ministrat. Ideo unita extrinsecus, non scissa, non aperta, quia multae sunt Scripturae sacrae secreta mysteria, quae quasi sub sigillo sacerdos doctus debet abscondere," etc. This "vestment," for Church use, for such it here is (see below, § 5), is here described as " made in one piece through- out," as " without sleeves," and " without slit or opening in front." This description is exactly what might be expected on the supposition that the casula was virtually a paenula under another name. And it exactly corresponds with the earliest representations of the chasuble preserved in ecclesiastical art. (See Planeta.) The materials of the casula varied according to the purposes it was designed to serve. In the earlier periods of its history, when it was regarded as a garb of very humble pretensions, it was made of wool (St. Augustine, Be Civit., quoted below, § 3), and probably also, like the paenula, often of skins, dressed with the wool or fur upon them. But, from the sixth century downwards, we hear of chasubles of brilliant colour {superhi coloris), and of costly materials, such as silk. Boniface III. (a.d. 606) sent a chasuble, formed partly of silk and partly of fine goats'-hair, as a present to king Pepin. (Bonifacii, P. P. III. Fpist. III. apud Oct. Ferrarium, Be Re Vest. p. 685.) § 3. Various uses of the Casula. — The earliest notices of the casula shew that, like the paenula, it was originally a garment of very humble charac- ter, such as would be worn by peasants and arti- sans as their ordinary out-door dress, for protec- tion against cold and wet. Being furnished with a hood, it was both hat and cloak in one. St. Au- gustine, writing about the close of the 4th cen- tury, but speaking of a story dating from before his own time, tells a tale of one Florentius, a working tailor at Hippo, who lost his casula, and had no money to buy a new one {Be Civit. Bei, lib. xxii. cap. 8, § 9). Fifty foUes,''^ as we learn from the course of the story, would have been thought about a reasonable sum for him to ,,.Day. But he himself for greater economy meant 294 CASULA CATACOMBS to buy some wool, which his wife might make up for him as best she could. In another passage (Serino cvii, cap. v. opp. torn. v. p. 530) St. Au- gustine speaks of the casula as a garment which any one of his congregation might be expected to possess, and one which every one would take care to have good of its kind. A notice of the casula, preserved to us in Procopius (^De Bello Vandalico, lib. ii. cap. 26), shews that even to his time (circ. 630) the tradition had survived of the very humble character attaching to this dress. He has occasion to speak of the abject submission by which Areobindus, when defeated by Gontharis, sought to disarm the anger of the victor. And he speaks of him as putting upon him an outer garment unsuited for a general, or for any war- like usage, but befitting a slave or a man of humble station ; this being, he adds, what the Romans, in the speech of Latium, call KacrovXa. § 4. Worn by Monks, and, as an out-door dress, hi/ the Clergy. — The same reasons which made the casula a suitable dress for peasants, recommended it also as a habit for monks. Ferrandus, first the deacon and afterwards the biographer of Facundus, bishop of Ruspa, in Africa, tells us that the bishop retained his monastic dress and ascetic habits after being advanced to epi- scopal dignity (circ. 507 A.D.). He continued to wear a monk's leathern girdle (pelliceum cin- gulwn) ; and neither used himself, nor permitted his monks to use, a casula of costly quality or of brilliant colour ("Casulam pretiosam vel superbi coloris nec ipse habuit, nec suos monachos habere permisit "). At a period a little after this St. Caesarius, archbishop of Aries in Gaul (f 540), is described as wearing a casula in his ordinary walks about the streets (S. Caesarii Vita, apud Acta Sanctorum, Augusti d. xxvii. tom. vi.). And he had also one special casula, of finer material doubtless, and either white or of some rich colour, for processional use. (" Casulam, qua in pro- cessionibus utebatur, et albam paschalem, profert, datque egeno, jubetque ut vendat uni ex clero.") The same bishop, in his will, when disposing of his wardrobe, distinguishes between the indu- menta 'paschalia, or vestments for church use on Sundays and high festivals, which had been pre- sented to him, and his casula villosa, or long- napped cloak, which would be suitable for out- door wear only : — " Sancto et domino meo archi- episcopo, qui mihi indigno digne successerit . . . indumenta paschalia, quae mihi data sunt, omnia illi serviant, simul cum casula villosa et tunica vel galnape quod melius dimisero. Reliqua vero vestimenta mea, excepto birro amiculari, mei tarn clerici quam laici .... dividant." At or just after the close of the sixth century, a further notice of the casula, preserved to us by John the Deacon (^Divi Gregorii Vita, lib. iv. cap. 63), serves to indicate that the casula, worn at Rome as an out-door habit by ecclesiastics, must have differed in some respects from the cus- tomary dress then worn in the East by persons of the same class. One abbot John, a Ptrsian, came to Rome in St. Gregory's days, " ad adorandum loculos sanctorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli." *' One day," so he himself tells the story, " I was standing in the middle of the city, when who should come across towards me but Papa Gre- goi'ius. Just as I was thinking of making my obeisance to him (" mittere me ante eum "), the pope came close up, and seeing my intention, sicnt coram Deo dico, fratres, he bowed himself to the ground before me, and would not rise till I had done so first. Then embracing me with much humility, he slipped three pieces of money into my hand, and desired that a casula should be given me, and everything else that I required." This use of the casula as the characteristic out- door garb of the clergy, and in many places also of monks., was maintained in the West from the 5th to the 8th century. In the Council of Ratisbon, held in April, a.d. 742, under the pre- sidency of St. Boniface, one of the canons deter- mined on was directed against those of the clergy who (in out-door life, as we may infer) adopted the dress of laymen, the sagum, or short open cloak then commonly worn. " We have decreed that presbyters and deacons shall wear, not ' saga,' as do laymen, but ' casulae,' as becometh servants of God." (" Decrevimus quoque ut presbyteri vel diaconi non sagis laicorum more, sed casulis utantur, ritu servorum Dei.") § 5. Use of the Casula as a Vestment of Holy Ministry. — From the 5th to the 8th century the term planeta (q. v.) appears to have been the term ordinarily employed in Italy and Spain, if not elsewhere, for the supervestment worn in offices of holy ministry. The earliest undoubted evi- dence of the word casula being used in this precise meaning dates from the 9th century, or possibly the 8th, if the Sacramentary of St. Gregory be- longs in its present form to that time. But the usages of words in formal documents such as this last, confirmed as this is by the nearly contem- porary writings (cirv;. 820) of Rabanus Maurus, Amalarius, and Walafrid Strabo, indicate, gener. j ally, a considerably earlier popular usage. How- ever this may be, we know that from the date of , these last writers to the present time, the word ! casula has been used as the exact equivalent of planeta by western ritualists, and has in general usage quite superseded all other terms, such as amphihaluin, infula, planeta, by which at various j times it has been designated. j It does not fall within the compass of this j work to trace the various modifications of the i 'chasuble,' in respect of form, material, and | ornament, from the 9th century downwards, or ! to treat of the various symbolical meanings attributed to it. Full information, however, upon these points will be found in the following | treatises. Bock, Geschichte der liturgischen i Gewdnder des Mitteldlters, 2 vols. 8vo., Bonn. 1866 ; Pugin, Glosmry of Eodesiastical Orna- ment, M., London, 1846 ; Rock, The Church of our Fathers, London, 1849 ; and in the Vestiariuni Christianum (London, 1868) of the writer of this article. [W. B. M.] CATABASIA (Kara^aala). An anthem or short hymn in the Greek offices, so called because the two sides of the choir come down (Karafiai- i yov(TL) into the body of the church and unite in singing it. It often occurs between the " odes " of a " canon ; " and its construction is that of any other " troparion." Sometimes two " cata- basiai " occur together between each ode, as ou | the Sunday after Christmas-day, where each '. pair consists of the first troparion of the corre- \ spending odes of the two canons for Christmas- day, mentioned in a preceding article. [H. J. H.] CATACOMBS. Few words are more familiar, or more universally intelligible than " Catacomb," CATACOMBS CATACOMBS 295 as signifying a subterranean excavation con- structed for the interment of the dead. Yet in its original meaning the word had no connection whatsoever with sepulture, or even with exca- vations, but was simply used as the name of a particular district in the vicinity of Rome.* The word Catacumbae, the earliest form in which we meet with it, is unquestionably de- rived from the Greek Kara and KVjx^r], " a hol- low," and so a cup," " a boat," &c., a widely spread root which we trace in the Greek ku/a- ^aAou, the Latin Cymha, the Celtic Cwm, the A.-S. Combe, and the Piedmontese Comba, " a valley," or " hollow." It is allied to the San- skrit Kumbhas, " a pit." In Ducange Gloss. Med. et Inf. Graecitatis we find " Ku^/Stj, Cymba — TrXola irepicpepTj 'PccfxaioiSy Suidas." " KVjx^^iov, dSos TTOTrjpiov TTapaTTXiiffiov tc^ crx^f^ctTi TrXo'icf % KuKelrai KVfjL^T)" Auctor. Etymol. The district near the tomb of Cecilia Metella and the Circus of Romulus on the Appian Way appears, probably from its natural configuration, to have borne this designation. In the Imperia Caesarum, a docu- ment of the 7th century, printed by Eccard in his Corpus Hist. Med. Aev. vol, i. p. 31, the erection of the Circus of Maxentius, or Romulus, A D. 311, in that locality is spoken of in these, words, "Maxentius Tei-mas in Palatio fecit et Circum m Gatecumpas." The site of the adjacent Basilica of St. Sebastian is indicated by the same name in a letter of Gregory the Great to Con- stantia (the daughter of the Emperor Tiberius Constantinus, married by him to his successor Maurice) towards the end of the 6th century, excusing himself for not sending her the head of the Apostle Paul, which she had requested as a gift to the Church she had erected in his honour (Greg, Magn. Epist. iv. Ind. xii. Ep. 30). Speak- ing of the bodies of the Apostles Peter and Paul he writes " quae ducta usque ad secundum urbis milliarium in loco qui dicitur [ad] catacmnbas collocata sunt," A various reading, catatumbas, found in some MSS,, and adopted by Baronius, Martyrol. ad xiii. Kal. Feb. has led some writers to adopt a different etymology, ad (Kara) tum- bas, and to consider the word an early synonym for " coemeterium," But the best MSS. read cimbas not tumbas, and there is no ground for believing that Christian burial places generally were known by any such name till a considerably later period. The view of Padre Marchi (^Monum. Primitiv. p. 209), that the word catacomb is a mongrel, half Greek and half Latin, and that the second element is to be found in the verb cumbo, is based on false philological principles, and may safely be rejected. The distance of the Basilica of St. Sebastian from the Tiber is a sufficient reason for discarding the etymology of the ano- nymous author of the History of ike Translation of St. Sebastian, c, vi. " Milliario tertio ab Urbe, loco qui ob stationem navium Catacumbas dice- batur." All through the middle ages the phrase " ad catacumbas" was used to distinguish the sub- terranean cemetery (catacomb in the modern sense) adjacent to the Basilica of St. Sebastian (" in loco qui appellatur Catacumbas ubi corpus beati Sebastiani martyris cum aliis quiescit." » For other examples of a local name becoming generic cf. Capitol," " Palace, " Academy,'' " Newgate," "Bedlam," &c. Anast. Hadrian, i. § 343 ; " coemeterio Sancti Christi martyris Sebastiani in catacumba." lb. Nicolaus i. § 601) while the term itself in its re- stricted sense designated a subterranean chapel communicating with that Basilica in which, according to tradition, the bodies of the two great Apostles had been deposited after the in- eifectual attempt of the Greeks, referred to by S. Gregory u. s. to steal them away (Bosio, Eom. Sotteran. cap. xiii.). In documents from the 6th to the 13th century we continually meet with the expressions " festum ad catacumbas," " locus qui dicitur in catacumbas," and the like. The earliest authority is a list of the Roman ceme- teries of the 6th century, where we find " cime- terium catecumbas ad St. Sebastianum Via Appia.'* In the Be Mirabihbus Romae of the 13th century we read " Coemeteria Galisti juxta Catacumbas." The first recorded use of the word in its modern sense out of Rome is at Naples in the 9th century (De Rossi, R.S. i. 87.) ^ Bede, at the beginning of the 8th century, writes, de Sex aetatibus mundi ad ann. 4327. " Damasus Romae episcopus fecit basilicam juxta theatrum S. Laurentio et aliam in catacumbas ubi jacue- runt corpora sancta Apostolorum Petri et Pauli." The celebrity acquired by this cemetery as the temporary resting-place of the chief of the Apostles led to a general familiarity with its name, and a gradual identification of the term " catacumbae " with the cemetery itself. When in process of time the other underground places of interment of the Christians fell into neglect and oblivion, and the very entrances to them were concealed, and their existence almost for- gotten, this one beneath the Church of St. Sebastian remained always open as the object of pilgrimage, and by degrees transferred its name to all similar subterranean cemeteries. " A visit to the cemeteries became synonymous with a visit ad catacumbas, and the term catacomb gra- dually came to be regarded as the specific name for all subterranean excavations for purposes of burial, not only in the neighbourhood of Rome, but also in Naples, Malta, Paris, Sicily, and wherever else similar excavations have been discovered " (Northcote, R. 8. 109). Origin. — Until a comparatively recent period a very erroneous opinion as to the origin of the subterranean cemeteries of Rome was univer- sally entertained. No one thought of calling in question the assertion that they were ex- hausted sandpits, and had been originally exca- vated for the purpose of obtaining the volcanic stratum known as arena by the ancients, and as pozzolana by the moderns, so extensively used by them in the composition of their mortar ; and that the Christians, finding in the laby- rinthine recesses of these deserted arenariae suit- able places for the concealment of the bodies of their martyred brethren, had taken possession of them and employed them as cemeteries. There was great plausibility about this view. It seemed to derive support from the ' Martyro- logies ' and other ancient documents in which the expressions in arenario, or juxta arenarium., or in cryptis arenariis are of not unfrequent ^ In the same way as this cemetery of St. Sebastian was known by the designation " ad catacumbas," othera were specified as "ad Nymphas," "ad Ursum pileatum," " inter duas lauros," " ad Sex turn Philippi," and the like. 296 CATACOMBS CATACOMBS occurrenca. It also removed the seeming diffi- culty, which a fuller understanding of the laws regulating sepulture among the Romans has dis- sipated, as to the possibility of a small and per- secuted body excavating galleries of such enor- mous extent, and disposing of the material extracted from them withovit attracting the notice and provoking the interference of the sup- porters of the dominant religion. Once started and given to the world under the authority of the names of men of acknowledged learning it found general acceptance, and became an historical tra- dition indolently accepted by one generation of investigators after another. Bosio, the pioneer of all subsequent examinations of the catacombs, maintained a discreet silence upon the origin of the subterranean cemeteries ; but their Pagan origin is accepted by his translator and editoi-, Aringhi, as well as by Baronius, Severano, Bot- tari, Boldetti, and other writers on the subject. Marchi, with a touch of quiet sarcasm, affirms that it causes him no surprise that this hypothesis should have been maintained by Bottari, who, it is abundantly evident, " studied the subterra- nean Rome quite at his ease not under but above ground." (Marchi, n. s. p. 15.) But he confesses to astonishment that " the excellent Boldetti," Avith all the opportunities afforded by personal examination for perceiving the wide difference between the arenariae and the cemeteries which lie below them, should have never seen the untenableness of the traditional view. In more modern times the same origin of the catacombs was asserted by D'Agincourt, Raoul-Rochette, and indeed by every one who wrote on the subject. Padre Marchi has the merit of being the first to promulgate the true doctrine that the catacombs were the work of Christians alone, and from the first designed for places of sepulture. The Padre ingenuously informs us (p. 7) that he commenced his iuA'-estigations Avith the most unquestioning faith in the uni- A^ersally received theory, and that it was only by degrees that his studies and experience, not among books and papers, but in quarries, cemeteries, and sand-pits, led him to an opposite conclusion, and put him in a position to declare to the Avo]'ld as an unquestionable fact, that in the Christian cemeteries no Pagan eA^er gave a single blow Avith pickaxe or chisel. The brothers De Rossi, the pupils of Padre Marchi in the work of investigation, have continued his labours in the same path of patient examination of facts, and that Avith such success that it may noAV be regarded as established beyond controA'ersy that the origin of the catacombs was Christian and not Pagan, and that they were constructed ex- pressly for the purpose of interment, and had no connection Avith the arenariae beyond that of juxtaposition. In certain cases, as at St. Callis- tus and St, Agnes, the catacombs lie at the side of or beneath those excavations, so that they are entered from them, the arenariae effectually masking the doors of access to the Christian galleries, Avhile they afforded them an easy mode of removing the excaA'-ated earth. Padre Marchi's confidence in the old theory of the Pagan origin of the catacombs Avas first dis- turbed by a careful examination of the geological characteristics of the strata in Avhich they were, as a rule, excaA'ated. The surface of the Cam- pagna surrounding Rome, especially on the left bank of the Tiber, where the catacombs anil chiefly situated, is almost entirely formed o materials of volcanic origin. These igneou: strata are of different composition and antiquity} We Avill only specify the three with which w( are concerned, viz., the so-called tufa litoide, tufc granolare, and pozzolana pura. The pozzolanc pura is a friable sand rock, entirely destitute o; any cementing substance to bind the molecule; together and give them the nature of stone The tufa granolare is in appearance almost the same rock as the pozzolana pura. Thedistin-, guishing mark is the presence of a slight cement, which giA^es the mass some degree of solidity, and unites the sandy particles into a stone which is cut Avith the greatest ease. The third stratum, the tiifa litoide, is a red conglomerate cemented into a substance of sufficient hardness to form an exceedingly useful building stone. Of these three strata, it was the first and the last alone which were worked by the ancient Romans for architectural purposes, while it is exclusively in the second, the tufa granolare, that the cata- combs Avere excavated. The tufa litoide was employed from the earliest ages, as it still is, in the buildings of Rome. The interior of the Cloaca Maxima, the Tahularium of the Capitol, and others of the most ancient architectural works, attest its durability, as Avell as the early date of its use, and it is still extensively quarried as building stone at the foot of Monte Verde, outside the Porta Portese (Murray's Handbook for Rome, p. 324). While this formation fur- nished the stone for building, the third named — the pozzolana pura, found in insulated deposits, rarely of any considerable extent — supplied the sand required for the composition of the mortar, and as such is commended by Vitruvius (^Arch. iii. 7) as preferable to every other kind. The vicinity of Rome, and indeed some parts of the city itself, abounded in pozzolana pits, or aren- ariae, forming an intricate network of excava- tions, not running in straight lines, as the galleries of the catacombs do almost universally, but pur- suing tortuous paths, folloAving the direction of .the sinuous veins of the earth the builders were in search of References to these sand-pits, ' whose dark recesses afforded secure concealment ; as well to the perpetrators of deeds of blood as to their intended victims, appear in some of the chief classical writers. Cicero mentions that the young patrician Asinius had been inveigled into the gardens of the Esquiline, Avhere he was murdered and precipitated into one of the sand- quarries : " Asinius autem . . . quasi in hor- tulos iret, in arenarias quasdam extra Portam Esquilinam perductus occiditur " {Orat. 'pro Cluentio, c. 13). Suetonius also relates that when the trembling Nero, fearing instant assas- sination, took refuge in the villa of his freed- man Phaon, betAveen the Nomentan and Sala- rian roads, he was advised to conceal himself in an adjacent sand-pit, "m specum egestae arenae," but he vowed that he would not go underground alive, " negavit se vivum sub terram iturum " (Sueton. in Neron. 48). Exhausted sand-pits of this kind also afforded burial places for the loAvest dregs of the popu- lace, for slaves, and others Avho on ceremonial grounds were denied the honour of the funeral pile. The best knoAvn are those left by the sand-diggers on the Esquiline, which, Ave learu CATACOMBS CATACOMBS 297 from Horace, were used as common receptacles for the vilest corpses, and defiled the air with their pestilential exhalations, until Maecenas rescued the district from its degradation and converted it into a garden (Herat. Serin, i. 8, 7-16). " Hue piius angustis ejecta cadavera cellis, Conservus vili portanda locabat in area, Hoc miserae plebi stabat commune sepulchrum." (Cf. the commentary of Acron the Scholiast on the passage : " Hue aliquando cadavera porta- bantur pleljeiorum sive servorum : nam sepulchra publica erant antea.") These loathsome burial pits were known by the names of puticuli or puiiculae ; a diminutive of puteus, " a well," ac- cording to the etymology given by Festus. They were also designated culinae, from their shape. (Facciolat. sub. voc. culina ; Padre Lupi, Disserta- zioni, I. § cxxxix. p. 63). We need not pause to refute the monstrous theory so carelessly propounded by Basnage, Bur- net, jMisson, &c., which identified the first begin- nings of the Christian catacombs with these horrible charnel-houses, which were the oppro- brium of Paganism, and asserted, in Burnet's words, that " those burying-places that are graced with the pompous title of catacombs ai-e no other than the puticoli mentioned by Festus Pompeius, where tivi *ieanest sort of the Roman slaves were laid, and so without any further care about them were left to rot." The most superficial acquaint- ance with the catacombs will convince us of the absurdity of such an hypothesis, and prove the correctness of the assertion that " the puti- culi into which the carrion of the Roman slaves might be flung had not the slightest analogy with the decorous, careful, and expensive provi- sions made by the early Christians for the con- servation of their dead" (JEdin. Eev. No. 221, Jan. 1859). But, if otherwise probable, this presumed connection between the arenariae and the ceme- teries of the Christians would be at once dis- proved by the remarkable fact first noticed by P. Marchi, and confirmed by the investigations of the brothers De Rossi, to which we have alluded above, that the strata which furnished pozzolana pura were carefully avoided by the excavators of the catacombs, who ran their vast system of galleries almost exclusively in the tufa granolare. While, on the one hand, they avoided the solid strata of the tufa litoide, which could not be quarried without at least threefold the time and labour required in the granular tufa, and the excavated material from which could not be disposed of without great inconvenience, with equal care these subterranean engineers avoided the layers of friable pozzolana which would have rendered their work insecure, and in which no permanent gallery or rock tomb could have been constructed, and selected that stratum of medium hardness which was best adapted for their peculiar purpose. The suita- bility of the tufa granolare for the object in view cannot be better stated than in the words of Dr. Northcote : It is easily worked, of sufficient con- sistency to admit of being hollowed out into galle- ries and chambers without at once falling in, and its porous nature causes the water quickly to drain otF from it, thus leaving the galleries dry and wholesome, an important consideration when we think of the vast number of dead bodies which once lined the walls of the subterranean ceme- teries " {Roma Sotterr. p. 321). To these advan- tages may be added the facility with which the rock was triturated so as to be carried out of the excavations in the form of earth instead of heavy blocks of stone, as would have been the case in the quarries of compact tufa. Plan of Arenaria The exclusively Christian origin of the cata- combs, and their destination from the first for purposes of interment is also evident, from the contrast furnished by their plan, form, and mode of construction, to the arenifodinae, or sand-pits, and lapidicinae, or stone quarries, of ancient times. This contrast is made evident to the eye by Padre Marchi, from whom the annexed wood- cuts are borrowed (Tav. i. iii. ix.-xii.), and by Plan of St. Agnea. Dr. Northcote and Mr. Brownlow in the pian and atlas appended to their Roma Sotterranea. The ground plans given by Marchi lay before us in successive plates the ichnography of the stone quarry which lies above the catacomb of St. Pontianus, and of the arenaria which lies above that of St. Agnes, and the portions of the cemetery immediately beneath them. iSothing could more forcibly show the difference between the vast cavernous chambers of the quarry, 298 CATACOMBS CATACOMBS whei-e the object was to remove as much of the stone as was consistent with safety, and the long narrow galleries of the catacomb in which the object was to displace as little of the stratum as would be consistent with the excavator's purpose. The plates also enable us to contrast the tortuous passages of the arenariae, running usually in curved lines, with a careful avoidance of sharp angles, and wide enough to admit a horse and cart for the removal of the material, and the straight lines, right angles, and restricted dimen- sions of the ambulacra of the catacombs. An- other marked difference between the arenariae and the subterranean cemeteries of the Christians is, that the walls of the latter always rise ver- tically from the floor of the gallery, while, on account of the frailness of the material in which they were excavated, the walls of the sand quar- ries are set at a re-entering angle, giving the gallery almost the form of a tunnel. This mode of construction renders it impossible to form sepulchral recesses with exactly closed apertures, as we find them in all the galleries of the cata- combs. The friability of the material also forbids the adaptation of a plate or marble or tiles to the aperture of the recess, which was essential to confine the noxious effluvia of the decaying corpses. The wide distinction between the mode of construction adopted in the quarries and that rendered necessary by the requirements of the cemeteries, and the practical difficulties which stood in the way of transforming one into the other are rendered more evident by the few instances in which this transformation has been actually effected. The examples we would bring in proof of our statement are those given by Mich. Stef. De Rossi from the cemeteries of St. Hermes and St. Priscilla (Analis. GeoL ed Arch. vol. i. pp. 31, 32, sq. ; Northcote, R. S. pp. 323, 329). In the first piano of the catacomb of St. Hermes we have a specimen of a sepulchral gallery with three rows of lateral locuU, constructed in brick and masonry, within an ancient arenaria. At first sight the difference between the form and proportions of the galleries and loculi, and those of the usual type, is scarcely noticeable. Closer inspection, however, shows that the side walls are built up from the ground, in advance of the tufa walls of the gallery, which is two or three times the ordinary width, leaving space enough for the depth of the loculi. These are closed in the ordinary manner, with the exception of those of the uppermost tier, where the closing slabs are laid at an angle, sloping up to the barrel vault of the gallery, and forming a triangular instead of a rectangular recess. When the galleries cross one another the space becomes wider and the walls more curved, and the vault is sustained in the centre by a thick wall con- taining tombs, which divides the ambulacrum into two parallel galleries. This example indi- cates the natui'e of the alterations required to convert an arenaria into a cemetery. These as a rule were so costly and laborious that the Christians preferred to undertake an entirely fresh excavation. The second example is that from the cemetery of St. Priscilla, on the Via Salaria Nova. The annexed plan given from De Rossi enables us, by a variation in the shading, to distinguish between the original excavation and the form mto Avhich it was subsequently converted when it became a Christian burial-place, and helps us to appreciate the immense labour that was expended in the erection of "numerous pillars of various sizes, long walls of solid ma- sonry, sometimes straight, sometimes broken into angles, partly concealing and partly sustain- ing the tufa and the sepulchres of the galleries, frequent niches of various size often interrupted by pillars built up within them," and the other modifications necessary to convert the original excavation into its present form. We may men- tion a third example of the same kind : the arenaria adjacent to St. Saturninus, on the same road. A portion of this cemeteiy has been exca- vated in good pozzolana earth, and has the cha- i-acteristics of a true arenaria. The galleries are wide, and are curved in plan. The walls and vault are arched, and it has not been thought Plan of part of the Catacombs of St. Priscilla from De Rossi, ahowi'ig tho (iclaptation of an Arenaria to a Christian cemetery. The dark shailia;; ropresenta tlie tufa rock ; the lighter the added masonry. consistent with security to construct more than two ranges of loculi near the pavement, and even these occur at wider intervals than is usual where j the rock is harder. In all respects the contrast j this division of the cemetery presents to the ordinary type is most marked. Here we have another instance of the Christians having made the attempt to utilise the arenaria, but it appears that they found it more convenient to abandon the attempt, and to construct entirely new gal- leries, even at the cost of descending to a greater depth into the bowels of the earth " (Northcote, R. 8. p. 330). These examples when candidly examined lead ! to a conclusion directly opposite to that affirmed ^ so confidently by Raoul-Rochette and others. | So far from its being the case that the Christians ! commenced their subterranean cemeteries by I adopting exhausted arenariae, which they ex- CATACOMBS CATACOMBS 299 tended and enlarged to suit their increasing ' requirements, so that "an arenaria was the ordinary matrix of a catacomb," the rarity of such instances that can be adduced, and the marked contrast between the arenaria and the catacomb both in plan and mode of construction, confirm our assertion that the subterranean ceme- teries of the Christians had a distinct origin, and from the first were intended for places of inter- ment alone, and that what, previous to recent investigations, was regarded as the normal con- dition of things, was really extremely exceptional, and is to be explained in each case on exceptional grounds. The traditional hypothesis to which we have referred, by which the conclusions of all inves- tigators before the memorable epoch of Padre Marchi were fettered, had its foundation in cer- tain passages in ancient documents of very ques- tionable value, which describe the burial-places of certain martyrs and others as being in arena- rio, juxta arenarium, ad arenas, or in cryptis arenariis. These passages are almost exclusively derived from the documents known as " Acta Martyrum," which, from the extent to which their text has been tampered with at different dates, are generally almost worthless as histo- rical authorities. None of those in question are contained in Ruinart's Acta Martytnim Sincera, and they are probably of little real weight. And further, even if the statements contained in them deserved to be received with more confidence De Rossi has very acutely demonstrated that they cannot fairly be considered to prove the fact for which they are adduced. They show little more than that the terms arenarium, &c., were used more loosely at the time these "Acts" were compiled than strict accuracy warranted, and were applied to the whole " hypogaeum " of which the sand-pit at most only formed part. According to Mich. Stef. De Rossi {Analis. Geol. ed Arch. vol. i. pp. 13-34), if we confine ourselves to a range of five or six miles out of Rome, there are no more than nine passages of these " Acts " m which martyrs are recorded to have been mterred in arenario or in cryptis arenariis; while of this limited number of authoi'ities, four refer to cemeteries in . which an arenaria is actually found more or less closely connected with the cemetery, and in which therefore the fact may be at once acknowledged to be in agree- ment with the record, without in the least impugning our conclusion as to the generally distinct nature of the two. It deserves notice also, as showing the worth- lessness of these records as statements of fact, that two of the passages which speak of inter- ments in cryptis arenariis, that of SS. Nereus and Alexander in the cemetery of Domitilla, and that of S, Laurentius in that of Cyriaca, refer to localities where pozzolana is not to be found, but where the stratum in which the cemetery is constructed is that known as capellaccio, which is quite worthless for building purposes. No arenarium, or crypta arenaria, properly so called, could have existed there. With regard to the passage which refers to the place of sepulture of SS. Marcus and Mar- cellinus. ^ Padre Marchi justly observes that it is not said that these martyrs were buried in o-yptis arenarum, but "m loco qui dicitur ad arenas," and therefore merely in the neighbour- hood of the pits from which the walls of the city were built. But although the exclusively Christian origin of the catacombs has to be distinctly asserted, and the idea that they had their origin in sand quarries, already existing in the first ages of the Church, must be met with a decided contra- diction, we must be careful not to press the distinction so far as to deny the connection which really exists, in very many instances, between the cemetery and an arenaria. We must also allow that there are examples in which loculi for Christian interment have been found in the walls of the tortuous roads of a sand quarry. Mr. J. H. Parker, who by his accurate investigations is conferring on the architecture and topography of Rome the same benefits he has bestowed on the architecture of his native country and of France, has discovered loculi in the sides of a sand-pit road, near the church of S, Urbano alia Caffarella. This road evidently communicated with the cemetery of Pi-aetextatus, to which the main entrance was from the church, originally an ancient tomb. A modern brick wall, built across the road, prevents any further examina- tion of the locality. Such communications be- tween the cemeteries and the adjacent arenariae were frequently opened in the days of perse- cution, when, as Tertullian informs us, the Christians were "daily besieged, and betrayed, and caught unawares in their very assemblies and congregations ; their enemies having in- formed themselves as to the days and places of their meetings " (Tert. Apol. vii. ; ad Nat. i. 7), and when, therefore, it became necessary as far as possible to conceal the entrances to their burial places from the public gaze. In those times of trial the original entrances it the cata- combs were blocked up, the staircases destioyed, and new and difficult ways of access opened through the recesses of a deserted sand-pit. These afforded the Chi-istians the means of ingress and egress without attracting public notice, and by means of them they had facilities for escape, even when they had been tracked to the cata- i comb itself. The catacomb of S. Callistus affords examples of these connections with arenaria. (Cf. the plans given by De Rossi, Northcote, and Marchi.) History. — The practice of interring the entire corpse unconsumed by fire in a subterranean ex- cavation has been so completely identified with the introduction of the Christian religion into Rome that we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that this mode of burial did not in any sense originate with the Christians. However great the contrast between the sepulture after cremation in the urns of columbaria, or the indis- criminate flinging of the dead into the loathsome puticoli, and the reverent and orderly interment of the bodies of the departed in ,the cells of a catacomb, the Christians, in adopting this mode, were only reverting to what one of the early apologists terms "the older and better custom of inhumation" (Minuc. Fel. Octav. c. 34). It is well known that the custom of burying the dead was the original custom both with the Greeks and Romans, and was only superseded by burn- ing in later times, chiefly on sanitary grounds. The Etruscan tombs are familiar examples be- longing to a very early pei'iod. In Rome, cre- mation did not become general till the later days 300 CATACOMBS CATACOMBS of the republic. The authority of Cicero is defi- nite on this point. He states that Marius was buried, and that the Gens Cornelia adopted cre- mation for their dead in living memory, Sulla being the first member of that Gens whose body was burnt (Cic. de Leg. ii. 22). Under the Empire cremation became the almost universal custom, though not so as absolutely to exclude the other, which gradually regained its lost hold on the publi:; mind, and was re-established by the fourth century. Macrobius asserts posi- tively that the custom of burning the dead had entirely ceased in his day. " Urendi corpora de- functorum usus nostro saeculo nullus " (Macrob. Saturnal. lib. vii. c. 7). Of the practice of in- humation of the unburnt body we have not un- frequent exan.ples in Rome itself. The tomb of the Scipios, on the Appian Way (now within the Aurelian walls), is a familiar instance. The correspondence between the arrangements of this tomb and those of the earlier Christian catacombs, e.g. that of Domitilla, is very marked. In both we have passages excavated in the tufa, giving access to sepulchral chambers arranged in stories ; burial places cut in the native rock and covered with a slab of stone; sarcophagi standing in recesses, partially hollowed out to receive them. Visconti was of opinion that this tomb was a used-out stone quarry. In this he is followed by Raoul-Rochette, Tableau des Catac. p. 23. It is fevoured by the irregularity of the plan. Another like example is the tomb of the Nasos, on the Flammian Way, described by Bartoli, in which Raoul-Rochette has traced a marked re- semblance to the plan and general disposition to the catacomb of St. Hermes, which, as we have seen already, presents many marked variations from the ordinary plan of the Christian cata- combs. Other examples are given by De Rossi, E. S. i. 88, who remarks that this mode of inter- ment was much more general in Rome and its vicinity than is usually credited. He quotes from Fabretti, Insc. Bom. p. 55, a description of a tomb found by him at the fourth mile on the Flaminian Way. "Necdum crematione instituta in topho indigena excavatum sepulchrum .... qualia in nostris Christianorum coemeteriis visuntur," and mentions a numerous series of cells of a similar character cut in the living rock examined by him in different localities in the vicinity of the city. But although Pagan subterranean burial places possess a family likeness to the ceme- teries of the Christians, they are unmis- takably distinguished from them by certain unfailing marks. They are of much more con- tracted dimensions, being intended for the mem- bers and dependants of a single family, instead of being open to the community of the foithful generally. As being destined to be the abodes of the dead only, their entrances were firmly closed, while the burial niches were frequently left open ; while on the other hand, in the Chris- tian cemeteries, constantly visited for the pur- poses of devotion and for the memorial of the departed, the loculi were hermetically sealed, to prevent the escape of noxious gases, while the entrance stood always open, and the faithful could approach each separate grave with their prayers and their offerings. These distinctions are broadly maintained as a rule. As regards dimensions, however, there are exceptions each way. We meet with some isolatea Christian bixrial chambers designed to receive the indi- viduals of a single family ; and on the other hand, some heathen tombs exceed the usual limits of a single chamber. De Rossi mentions the existence of many hyjjogaea, opening from the tombs and columbaria on the Appian and Latin Ways, which contain a few small cubiciila and three or four very short ambulacra. Such hypo- gaea v^ere assigned by Marchi, without sufficient evidence, to the adherents of idolatrous Oriental sects (De Rossi, R. 8. i. pp. 88-92). But it is not in these heathen examples that we are to find the germ of the Christian catacombs. We are to look for them in the burial places of another people, with whom the Christians of Rome were from the first closely connected, and indeed in the popular mind identified — the Jews. The first converts to the faith in Rome were Jews ; and, as Dean Milman has remarked {Lat. Christiamtg, i. 31), no Church seems to have clung more obstinately to Judaising tenets and Jewish custom.s than the Roman. In their man- ner of sepulture, therefore, we should anticipate that the Rom-an Christians would follow the customs of the land which was the cradle of their religion, and to which so many of them traced their parentage — customs which were faithfully adhered to in the land of their dispersion. They had an additional reason for regarding this mode of interment with affectionate reverence, as one hallowed to them by the example of their cruci- fied Master, and in Him associated with the hopes of the resurrection. The practice of burial in sepulchres hewn out of the living rock was always familiar to the Jews, and was adopted by| them in every part of the world wherever they made settlements and the nature of the soil permitted it. The existence of Jewish catacombs in Rome, of a date anterior to Christianity, is nci matter of conjecture. One was discovered by| Bosio at the opening of the 17th century, and! described by him (S. S. c. xxii. p. 141 seq.). bearing unmistakable evidence of a very early date. This cemetery, placed by him on Mont(| Verde, outside the Porta Portese, has escaped al j subsequent researches (Marchi, p. 21 seq.). Fronrj the meanness of its construction, the absence o:) any adornment in painting, stucco, or marble and the smallness and paucity of its cubicuk (only two were found), it was evidently a buria place of +he poorer classes. There was an uttei absence of all Christian symbols. Almost everj loculus bore — either painted in red or scratchec on the mortar — the seven-branched candlestick In one inscription was read the word CTNAmr (Tworywyi}. Another Jewish catacomb is still accessibL on the Via Appia, opposite the Basilica of St Sebastian. According to Mr. Parker (who ha included photographs of this catacomb in his in valuable series, Nos. 1160, 1161), part of it is o the time of Augustus, part as late as Constantine It contains two cubicula, with large arcosolic ornamented with arabesque paintings of flower and birds, devoid of distinctive symbols. Soni of the loculi present their ends instead of thei, sides to the galleries — an arrangement very rarel found in Christian cemeteries. The inscriptior are mostly in Greek characters, though th language of some is Latin. Some bear Hebrew wor ds.° Nearly all have the candlestick. 11 CATACOMBS 1866 another extremely poverty-stricken Jewish catacomb, dug in a clay soil, was excavated in the Vigna Cimarra, on the Appian Way. The idea so long and so widely prevalent, that works of such immense extent, demanding so large an amount of severe manual labour, could have been executed in secret, and in defiance of existing laws, is justly designated by Mommsen as ridiculous, and reflecting a discredit, as un- founded as it is unjust, on the imperial police of the capital. It is simply impossible that such excavations should have escaped official notice. Nor was there any reason why the Christians should have desired that their burial places should have been concealed from the state autho- rities. No evidence can be alleged which affords even a hint that in the first two centuries at least there was any official interference with Christian sepulture, or any difficulties attending it to render secrecy or concealment desirable. The oi-dinary laws relating to the burial of the dead afforded their protection to the Christians no less than to their fellow citizens. A special enactment, of which we find no trace, would have been needed, to exempt the Christians from the operation of these laws. So long as they did not violate any of the laws by which the sepul- ture of the dead was regulated the Roman Chris- tians were left free to follow their taste and wishes in this matter. Nor, as we have seen, was there anything altogether strange or repul- sive in the mode of burial adopted by the Chris- tians. They were but following an old fashion which had not entirely died out in Rome, and which the Jews were suffered to follow un- molested. One law they were absolutely bound to observe, viz., that which prohibited interment within the walls of the city. And a survey of the Christian cemeteries in the vicinity of Rome will show that this was strictly obeyed. All of them are contained in the zone at once pre- scribed by law and dictated by convenience, within a radius of about 2^ miles from the Aurelian walls. "Between the third and fifth mile from the walls no Christian sepulchre has been found ; at the sixth, only one, that of St. Alexander; while beyond the seventh mile tombs are again met with, but these belong rather to the towns and villages of the Campagna than to Rome itself" (Northcote, R. S. p. 834; Mich. Stef, de Rossi, Analis. Geol. ed Arch. i. 45). Legal enactments and considerations of practical convenience having roughly determined the situ- ation of the Christian cemeteries, a further cause operated to fix their precise locality. Having regard to the double purpose these excavations were to serve — the sepulture of the dead, and the gathering of the living for devotion — it was essential that a position should be chosen where the soil was dry, and which was not liable to be flooded by the neighbouring streams, nor subject to the infiltration of water. If these rules were not observed, not only would the putrefaction of the^ corpses have taken place with dangerous rapidity, and the air become poisoned, but the ga,lleries themselves would have been choked with mud and been rendered inaccessible. We find, therefore, that the planners of the ceme- teries, as a rule, avoided the valleys and low lands, and restricted their operations to the higher grounds surrounding the city, particularly where the geological conditions of the soil pro- CATACOMBS 301 I mised them strata of the tufa granolare, in which they by preference worked, and where springs of water were absent. As an example of the d sas- trous consequences of not attending to these pre- cautions we may name the cemetery of Castulus, on the Via Labicana, re-discovered by De Rossi in 1864 (BuUetino de Arch. Crist., Fev. 1865). From its low position, the galleries are filled with clay and water, which have reduced them to i-uin and rendered the cemetery quite inac- cessible. As a rule, each catacomb occupies a separate rising ground of the Campagna, and one divided from any other by intervening valleys. The general humidity of these low grounds, and the sti-eams which flow along them, effectually pro- hibit the construction of galleries of communica- tion between the various cemeteries. The idea broached by Raoul-Rochette, and contended for by Marchi, that a subterranean communication at a low level exists between the whole of the Christian cemeteries of Rome, as well as with the chief churches within the city, is, in Momm- sen's words, a mere fable" — in fact, a complete impossibility. Such galleries of connection, if formed, would have been constantly inundated, if they had not at once become mere conduits of running water. Each of the larger cemeteries, then, may be regarded as an insulated group, embracing several smaller cemeteries, corresponding to the original funeral areae assigned to the interment of the early Christians, but never crossing the intermediate depressions or ravines, and seldom, if ever, having any communication with each other (M. Stef. de" Rossi, B. S. Analis. Geol. ed Arch. i. 41, seq.). The notions which have been entertained as to the horizontal extent of the catacombs are very greatly exaggerated. It has been even gravely asserted that they reach as far as Tivoli in one direction and Ostia in the other. It is probably quite impossible to form a correct esti- mate of the area actually occupied by them, from our ignorance of their real extent. Not a few which were known to the older investigators cannot now be discovered, and it can hardly be questioned that others exist which have never been entered since the period when they were finally given over to neglect and decay. M, Stef. de Rossi, in his valuable Analisi Geologica ed Architettonica, so often referred to, p. 60, de- clares his belief that nearly the whole of the available space within the above-named ceme- terial zone, where the soil was suitable for the purpose, was occupied by burial vaults. But he discreetly abstains from any attempt to define either their superficial area or their linear extension. The calculations that have been hazarded by Marchi and others are founded on too vague data to be very trustworthy. Marchi calculated that the united length of the galleries of the catacombs would amount to 800 or 900 miles, and the number of graves to between six and seven millions. The estimate quoted by Mar- tigny {Diction, des Ant. Chre't. p. 128) does not go beyond 587 miles. That given by Northcote (i?. S. p. 26) is more modest still, — " on the whole there are certainly not less than 350 miles of them." But all such estimates are at present simply conjectural. The beginnings of these vase cemeteries were 302 CATACOMBS CATACOMBS small and comparatively insignificant. There is j little question that almost without exception they had their origin in sepulchral areas of limi- ted extent, the property of private femilies or individuals, devoted by them to this sacred pur- pose. The investigations of De Rossi, an ex- plorer as sagacious as he is conscientious, have satisfactorily proved that the immense cemetery of Callistus, with its innumerable cubicida and stories of intricate ramifications, originally con- sisted of several small and independent burial grounds, executed with great regularity within carefully prescribed limits. The manner in which a subterranean cemetery was constructed was as follows. First of all a plot of ground suitable for the purpose was obtained by gift or by purchase, extending so many feet, in f route, in length, along the high road, so many, in agro, in depth, at right angles to the road. That which used to be known as the cemetery of Lucina, the most ancient part of the cemetery of Callistus, measured 100 Roman feet in length by 180 feet in depth. A second area of the same cemetery including the Papal crypt and that of St. Caecilia measured 250 along the road, and reached back 100 feet in agro. Such a plot was secured by its Christian proprietor as a burial-place with the usual legal formalities. The flict of the indivi- dual being a Christian threw no impediment in the way of the purchase, or of the construction of the cemetery. All were in this respect equally un- der the protection of the laws. The first step in the construction of the cemetery was the excavation of a passage all the way round the area, commu- nicating with the surface by one or more stair- cases at the corners. Loculi were cut in the walls of these galleries to receive the dead. When the original galleries were fully occupied, cross galleries were run on the same level, gra- dually forming a network of passages, all filled with tombs. If a family vault was required, or a martyr or other Christian of distinction had to be interred, a small rectangular chamber, ctibiculum, was excavated, communicating with the gallery. In the earlier part of the cemetery of Callistus a considerable number of these small burial chambers are found, succeeding one an- other as we proceed along the ainbulacrum with AS much regularity as bedrooms opening out of a passage in a modern house. When the galleries in the original piano had reached their furthest extension consistent with stability, the excavators commenced a new system of galleries at a lower level, reached by a new staircase. These were carried out on the same principle as those in the story above, and were used for sepulture as long as they afforded space for graves. When more room was wanted the fossores formed a third story of galleries, which was succeeded by a fourth, and even by a fifth. Instances indeed are met with, as in some parts of the cemetery of Callistus, where, including what maybe called a mezzanine story, the number of piani reaches seven. Sometimes, however, according to Cav. Mich. S. de Rossi (^Analis. GeoL ed. Architet. del Cimitero di Callisto, vol ii. p. 30), the upper piani are of later date than the lower, experience having given the excavators greater confidence in the security of the strata, and the complete cessation of persecution removing the temporary necessity for concealment. Some of these later galleries are not more than from three to four inches below the surface. The extreme narrow- ness of the galleries is one of the most marked characteristics of the Christian catacombs. The object of the excavators being to economize space and make the most of a limited area, the gallery was not formed of a greater width than would be sufficient for the purpose of affording two tiers of sepulchral recesses, with room enough between for the passage, usually, of a single person. The narrowest galleries, which are by no means rare, are from 2 ft. to 2.^ ft. wide. The normal width is from 2:i- ft. to 3 ft. A few are 3^ ft. wide. A still smaller number, and those usually very short, are from 4 ft. to 5 ft. in width. These rules, says M. S. de Rossi, are unalterable, whatever be the piano, or the quality of the rock. The only variation is that where the rock is mo]-e friable the galleries are less numerous, and more of the intervening stratum is left un- touched; while they become more numerous and intricate the greater the solidity of the forma- tion. The ceiling is usually flat, sometimes slightly arched. The height of the galleries depends on the nature of the soil in which they are dug. The earliest were originally the least elevated ; the fossores being apprehensive of making them too high for security. As they gained confidence in the strength of the i-ock, space required for more graves was obtained by lowering the floor of the galleries, so that not unfrequently the most ancient are now the most lofty. Sometimes the construction of galleries at a lower level was stopped by the cessation of the strata of tnfa granolare : and at others, as in the Vatican cemetery, by the oc- ' currence of springs, which threatened the inun- dation of the galleries and the destruction of the graves. When further progress down- j wards was prevented, another funeral area was [ opened by the side of the original one, and the same process was repeated. It often happened that in the course of time independent ceme- teries which had been formed in adjacent plots of [ ground were combined together, so as to form one large necropolis. Examples of this are j found in almost all the great cemeteries of Rome, and the combination of names which has thus arisen has given rise to no little confusion. Por- tions of what has since become one cemetery bear different appellations in the ancient documents,,, and it is not easy to unravel the tangled skein : e.g. the cemetery "ad Ursum pileatum" on the; " Via Portuensis " bears the titles of St. Pontia- nus, SS. Abdon and Sennen, and St. Pigmenius., That on the " Via Appia," usually known as the cemetery of St. Praetextatus, is also called after St. Urbanus, SS. Tiburtius and Valerianus, St. Balbina and St. Marcus. Tradition and documentary evidence have assigned several of the Roman catacombs to the first age of the Church's history. For some, an apostolical origin is claimed. It may be difficult to prove beyond question that any of the existing catacombs belong to the age of St. Peter and St. Paul, but the matter has been very care- fully and dispassionately examined by De Rossi, R. 8. i. p. 184 seq., and the evidence he collects from the existing remains in support o: the traditional view is of a nature to convince uf that some of them were constructed at least in f very early period. This evidence is presented by CATACOMBS CATACOMBS 303 paintings in a pure classical style, with a very rare admixture of distinctly Christian symbols ; decorations in fine stucco, displaying a chaste architectural spirit ; crypts of considerable size, not hewn out of the living tufa, but carefully, and even elegantly, built with pilasters and cornices of brick and terra-cotta ; wide corridors with painted walls, and recesses for sarcophagi, instead of the narrow ambulacra with their walls thickly pierced with shelf-like funeral recesses ; whole families of inscriptions to persons bearing classical names, and without any dis- tinctively Christian expressions; and lastly, though rarely, consular dates of the second, and one or more even of the first century. The cata- combs that present these distinctive marks of very early date are those of Priscilla on the Via Salaria Nova, that of Domitilla on the Via Arden- tina, of Praetextatus on the Via Appia, and a portion of that of St. Agnes, identified with the cemetery of Ostrianus or Fons Petri. The evidence of early date furnished by in- scriptions is but scanty. It must, however, be borne in mind that only a very small proportion have the date of the year, as given by the consuls, upon them. The chief object was to fix the anniversary of the death, and for this the day of the month was sufficient. The most ancient dated Christian inscription is of the third year of Vespasian, A.D. 72, but its original locality is unknown (Northcote, R. S. p. 65). Rostell (Roms Beschreihung, i. 371), quotes from Bol- detti, p. 83, one of the consulate of Anicius and Virius Gallus, A.D. 98, from the catacomb of Hippolytus ; but it begins with the letters D. M., and contains no distinctly Christian ex- pressions. One of the consulate of Sura and Senecio, A.D. 107, and another of that of Piso and Bolanus, A.D. 110, were seen by Boldetti in the catacomb beneath the basilica of St. Paul (Boldetti, pp. 78, 79). The same explorer found here also an inscription, which the name of Gallicanus fixes either to A.D. 127 or A.D. 150. The beginning of the third century finds the Christians of Rome in possession of a cemetery common to them as a body, and doubtless secured to them by legal tenure, and under the protection of the authorities of the city. We learn this instructive fact from the Philosophumena of Hippolytus (ix. 11), where we read that Pope Zephyrinus "set Callistus over the cemetery," KarecTTriaev 4irl rh KoifiiqT^piov. As we have seen reason to believe that at this period several Christian cemeteries were already in existence, there must have been something distinctive about this one to induce the bishop of Rome to intrust its care to one of his chief clergy, who in a few years succeeded him in his Episcopate. We can have little hesitation in accepting De Rossi's conclusion (for the grounds of which the reader must be referred to his great work Roma Sotter- ranea, or to Dr. Northcote's excellent abridgement of it under the same title) that this was the cemetery which we read in Anastasius, § 17, Callixtus " made on the Appian Way, where the bodies of many priests and martyrs repose, and which is called even to the present day coeme- terium Callixti." In a crypt of this cemetery Zephyrinus himself Avas buried, in violation of the rule which had prevailed almost without exception up to that period, that the bishops of Rome should be laid where St. Peter was believed to repose, in the crypt of the Vatican. Of the fifteen bishops who are reported to have preceded Zephyrinus, all but Clemens, who is recorded to have been buried in Greece, and Alexander, whose sepulchre was made near the scene of his martyrdom, on the Via Nomentana, according to the oldest and most trustworthy recensions of the Liber Pontificalis, were sup- posed to sleep in the Vatican cemetery. Of the eighteen who intervened between him and Sylvester, no fewer than thirteen repose in the cemetery of Callistus. Slabs bearing the names of Anteros, A.D. 236, Fabianus, A.D. 251, (the first bishop of whose martyrdom there is no question), Lucius, A.D. 253, and Eutychianus, A.D. 275, in Greek characters, the official lan- guage of the Church, with the words Episcopus, and, in the case of Fabianus, martyr, added, have been discovered by Cav. de Rossi in this crypt. An adjoining vault has revealed the epitaph of Eusebius, A.D. 311, set up by Dama- sus, and engraved by his artist Furius Dionysius Philocalus, whose name it bears. In another crypt in the same cemetery De Rossi's labours have been rewarded by the fragments of an epitaph which is reasonably identified with that of Cor- nelius, A.D. 252, whose portrait, together with that of his contemporary and correspondent Cyprian, is painted on its wall. Callistus himself does not lie in the catacomb that bears his name. He met his end by being hurled from a window into a well in the Trastevere, and his corpse was hastily removed to the nearest cem- etery, that of Calepodius, on the Via Aurelia. It cannot be reasonably questioned that a ceme- tery which was the recognised burial-place of the bishops of the city had a public, official character distinct from the private cemeteries with which the walls of Rome were surrounded. To the period of peaceful occupation and undisturbed use of the cemeteries by the Christian population of Rome succeeded that of persecution. We cannot place this earlier than the middle of the third century. There might be occasional outbreaks of popular violence directed against the Christians, and isolated acts of cruelty and severity towards the professors of an unpopular religion. We know from the famous correspondence between Pliny and Ti'ajan, that even under the merciful survey of so wise and benevolent a ruler, the position of a Christian was far from one of security. Of this we have a proof, if it be really authentic, in the touching record of a martyrdom within the precincts of the catacombs, given by the cele- j brated epitaph of Alexander from the cemetery of Callistus (Bosio lib. iii. c. 23, p. 216). "Alexander mortuus non est sed vivit super astra et corpus in hoc tumulo quiescit. Vitam explevit cum Antonino Imp. qui ubi multum benefitii antevenire previderet pro gi-atia odium reddidit. Genua enim flectens vero Deo sacri- ficaturus ad supplicia ducitur. 0 tempora in- fausta quibus inter sacra et vota ne in cavernis quidem salvari possimus. Quid miserius vita, sed quid miserius in morte cum ab amicis et parentibus sepeliri nequeant. Tandem in caelo coruscat. Parum vixit qui vixit iv. x. Tern." Another of almost equal interest, from th« same cemetery, is also found in Bosio, p. 217, referring to a martyrdom in the days of Hadrian- "Tempore Adriani Impcratoris Marius ado- 304 CATACOMBS CATACOMBS lescens Dux militum qui satis vixit dum vitam pro CHO consumsit. In pace tandem quievit, Benemerentes cum lacrimis et metu posuerunt." There was no general persecution of the Christians in Rome from the reign of Nero, A.D. 65, to that of Decius, A.D. 249-251, "During that period," writes Dean Milman {History of Christianity, bk, iv. c. ii. p. 329, note 2), " the Christians were in general as free and secure as the other inhabitants of Rome. Their assemblies were no more disturbed than the synagogues of the Jews, or the rites of other foreign religions. From this first terrible but brief'onslaught under Decius, to the general and more merciless persecution under Diocletian and Galerius, A.D. 303, there is no trustworthy record of any Roman persecution." These epochs of persecution left their marks on the construc- tion of the catacombs. The martyrdom of Xystus II. in the cemetery of Praetextatus, A.D. 257 (" Xystum in cimiterio animadversum sciatis . . . et cum eo diaconos quatuor," Cy- prian, Ep. 80), and the walling up alive of a con- siderable number of the faithful, men, women, and children, near the tombs of the martyrs Chrysanthus and Daria, in a catacomb on the Via Salaria, recorded by St. Gregory of Tours, De Gloria Martyr, i. c. 28 ; and other traditions of the same period, even though we are com- pelled to hesitate as to some of them, testify to the danger that attended the meetings of the faithful in the cemeteries, and the necessity which had arisen for secrecy and concealment if they would preserve the inviolability of their graves, and continue their visits undisturbed. To these fierce times of trial we may safely assign the alterations which we find made in the entrances of and staircases leading down to the catacombs, and the construction of concealed ways of ingress and egress through the arenariae which lay adjacent to them. We may instance the blocking up and partial destruction of two chief staircases in the cemetery of Callistus, and the formation of secret passages into the arena- ria. One of these is approached by a staircase that stops suddenly short some distance from the floor of the gallery, and was thus rendered utterly useless to any who could not command a ladder, or some other means ot connecting the lowest step with the arenaria (Northcote, B. S. pp. 331, 347 ; De Rossi, B. S. ii. 47-49). It happens not unfrequently that galleries are found com- pletely filled up with earth from the floor to the vault. It has been considered by many that this was the work of the Christians themselves, with the view of preserving their sepulchres inviolate by rendering the galleries inaccessible to friend or foe. This view, first propounded by Buonarruoti, Osserv. p. xii., is strongly main- tained by De Rossi, B. S. ii. 52-58, who assigns this earthing-up of the tombs to the persecution of Diocletian, A.D. 302. But the opinion main- tained by other equally competent authorities is more probable, that this proceeding was _ simply dictated by convenience, as a means for disposing more easily of the earth excavated from newly- formed galleries. It must always have been a tedious and laborious operation to convey the freshly-dug earth from the catacomb to the surface, thl-ough the long tortuous passages, and bv the air-tunnels. The galleries already piled With tombs, and therefore useless for future interments, offered a ready reception for the material, and in these it was deposited. This is the view of Marchi, p. 94, and Raoul-Rochette, Tableau des Catac. p. 35, and even of Boldetti, pp. 607 ; although the last-named author is unable altogether to reject Buonarruoti's idea that the galleries were thus filled up to save the hallowed remains they contained from the sacrilegious hands of the heathen. The middle of the fourth century, which saw the establishment of Christianity as the religion of the Roman states, was the commencement of a new era in the history of the catacombs. Sub- terranean interment gradually fell into disuse, and had almost entirely ceased by the close of that century. The undeniable evidence of the inscriptions with consular dates as given by De Rossi, Inscr. Christ, i. p. 117, &c., shews that between A.D. 338 and A.D. 360 two out of three burials took place in the subterranean portions of the cemeteries. Between a.d. 364 and A.D. 369 the proportions are nearly equal, and a new era in the history of the cemeteries began — the era of religious interest. The zeal dis- played by Pope Damasus A.D. 366-384 in re- pairing and decorating the catacombs ; erecting new staircases for the convenience of pilgrims, searching for the places of the martyrs' interment, and adorning them with exquisitely engraved epitaphs in large faultless characters, the work of an artist named Furius Dionysius Philocalus, caused a short sudden outburst of desire to be buried near the hallowed remains, resulting j in wholesale destruction of many hundreds of, early paintings with which the walls of the; cuhicula and arcosolia were covered. But the : flame soon died out. Between A.D. 373 and; A.D. 400 the subterranean interments were only ' one in three, and after A.D. 410, the fatal year ' of the taking of Rome by Alaric, scarcely a . single certain example is found. But although the fashion of interment came to an end, the reputed sanctity of those whose remains were enshrined in them caused them to be the object of wide-spread interest. Pilgrims flocked to visit the places hallowed by the memories of: so many confessors and martyrs, for whose' guidance catalogues of the chief cemeteries and of the saints buried in them were from time tol time drawn up, which have proved of consider- able service in their identification. Even hermits came from a distance and fixed their cells in then- immediate neighbourhood. It appears eVident from Jerome's well-known description of his visits to the catacombs when a schoolboy, circa A.D. 354, Hieron. in Ezech. c. xL that even in the latter half of the fourth cen^ tury interment was rare in them. He speaks of visiting "the tombs of the apostles and martyrs," and describes the Avails of the crypk "lined with the bodies of the dead;" but his language is that of one describing a cemeter) lono- since disused, not one in daily activity. St also" Praef. ad Lib. ii. in Galat., " Ubi alibi tantc studio et frequentia ad martyrum sepulchr; curritur?" The words of the poet Prudentius written about the same time, describing th* tomb of Hippolytus, lead to the same conclusion His lengthened and minutely detailed descriptio] does not contain a word that indicates that ih cemetery which contained this sacred shrine wa used for actual interment. | CATACOMBS Amidst all the devastation committed by the barbarian conquerors both in the first and second sack of Eome, A.D. 410, 457, we have no i-ecord of damage inflicted on the cemeteries. It may- be simply lack of evidence. We cannot deem it likely that any feeling of reverence would have led the Goths to refrain from the rich plunder the piety of devotees had stored up in the burial chapels. Prudentius informs us that the aedicula which enshrined the relics of St. Hippolytus was bright with solid silver, and other catacombs were certainly as sumptuously decorated. But whether the catacombs were devastated by Alaric's hordes or no, it is certain that after A.D. 410 " the use of the subterranean cemeteries as places of burial was never resumed, and that inscriptions and notices that seem to refer to them will be found on closer examination to relate to basilicas and cemeteries above ground. The fossors' occu- pation was gone, and after A.D. 426 their name ceases to be mentioned. The liturgical books of the fifth century refer constantly, in the prayers for the dead and the benediction of graves, to burials in and around the basilicas, never to the subterranean cemeteries," (Northcote H. S. p. 104). But though disused as places of sepulture the catacombs continued to be visited by pilgrims, and were regarded with special devotion by the popes, who from time to time repaired and beau- tified them (e. g. Symmachus, A.D. 498-514 ; Anast. § 81). The fatal zeal displayed by succes- sive pontiifs in the restoration and decoration of these consecrated shrines is the cause of much per- plexity to the investigator who desires to dis- cover their original form and arrangements. Nothing but long experience and an intimate ac- quaintance with the character of the construction and ornamentation of different periods can enable us to distinguish with any accuracy between die genuine structure of the catacombs and the paintings with which they were originally adorned, and the work of later times. Many of the conclusions drawn by Roman Catholic writers from the paintings and ritual arrangements of the catacombs as we now find them, and the evidence supposed to be furnished by them as to the primitive character of their dogmas and tra- ditions, prove little worth when a more search- ing investigation shows their comparatively recent date. An analogous exaggeration has widely prevailed with regard to the custom of resorting to these gloomy vaults as places of concealment in times of persecution. We can- not fairly doubt that they occasionally served as places of refuge, though it is not always easy to determine whether the language used refers to the subterranean part of the cemetery, or to the cellae, the basilicas, and other buildings which had gradually risen in the area that lay above them ; but that which was at most exceptional has been spoken of almost as if it were the rule. We have direct evidence that the ravages of the Goths under Vitiges, when they sacked Rome, A.D. 537, extended to the catacombs, " Ecclesiae et cor- pora sanctorum martyrum exterminatae sunt a Gothis " (Anast, § 99). On their retirement the havoc they had committed was repaired by Pope Vigilius, who replaced the broken and mutilated epitaphs of Pope Damasus by copies, not always very correct. These good deeds stand recorded in an inscription of this pope now in the Gallery of the Vatican :— - CHRIST. ANT. CATACOMBS 30/i " Dum peritura Getae posuissent castra sub urbem Moverunt Sanctis bella nefanda prlus, Totaque sacrilege verterunt corde sepulchra Martyribus quondam rite sacrata piis. Quos monstrante Deo Damasus sibi Papa probates AflSxo monuit carmine jure coli ; Sed periit titulus cenfracto marmore sanctus Nec tamen his iterum posse latere fuit. Diruta Vigilius nam posthaec Papa gemiscens Hostibus expulsis omne novavit opus." The reverence for the catacombs -ivas now gradually dying out. One pope after another attempted to revive it by their decrees, but without any permanent effect. John III., circa A.D. 568, restored the cemeteries of the holy martyrs, "and ordered that oblations" (the Eucharistic elements), " cruets, and lights [' ob- lationes, ampullae ' (var. lect. ' amulae '), vel ' lu- minaria '], should be supplied from the Laterau every Sunday" (Anast. § 110). It is also re- corded in commendation of Sergiws I., a.d. 687- 701, that when he was a presbyter it was his wont to " celebrate mass diligently through the difierent cemeteries" (Anast. § 158). In the next century, circa 735, Gregory III., a zealous builder and repairer of churches, arranged a body of priests to celebrate mass, and provided that lights and oblations should be furnished from the palace for all the cemeteries round Rome (Anast. § 204). In neither of these cases, how- ever, can we affirm that the reference is chiefly to underground cemeteries or catacombs. We have now reached the period of the reli- gious spoliation of the catacombs, from which they have suffered more irreparably than from any violence offered by sacrilegious hands. The injuries commenced by the Goths had been repeated by the Lombards under Astolphus, A.D. 956. But these invaders did little more than complete the devastation which was being already caused by the cai-elessness of those by whom these cemeteries should have been religiously tended. The slothfulness and neglect manifested towards these hallowed places are feelingly deplored by Paul I. in a Constitution dated J une 2, A.D. 761. !Not only were sheep and oxen allowed to have access to them, but folds had been set up in them and they had been defiled with all manner of corruption. The holy father therefore resolved to trans- late the bodies of the saints and enshrine them in a church he had built on the site of his paternal mansion (Anast. § 259, 260). Paul's immediate successors reversed his policy, and used all their endeavours to restore the lost glories of the catacombs. But it was too late, the spirit of the age had changed. As the only means of securing the sacred relics from dese- cration. Paschal, A.D, 817-827, was forced to follow the example set by Paul, July 20, A.D. 817. He translated to the church of St. Pras- sede, as recorded in an inscription still to be read there, no less than 2300 bodies. The work was continued by succeeding popes, and many cartloads of relics are recorded to have been transferred at this period from the catacombs to the Pantheon. The sacred treasures which had given the catacombs their value in the eyes of the devout having been removed, all interest in them ceased. Henceforward all inducement to visit them was lost, and with some insignificant exceptions the catacombs lapsed into complete 806 CATACOMBS CATACOMBS oblivion, in which they remained wi*ap})ed for more than six centuries. It was not till May- Si, 1578, that their fortuitous discovery re- vealed to the astonished inhabitants of Eome the hidden treasures that lay beneath their feet, and awoke an interest which, though sometimes flagging and not always intelligently exercised, has never since expired, and which the combined genius, learning, and industry of Marchi, and his pupils, the brothers De Rossi, together with the remarkable discoveries which have rewarded their researches, and the skill with which they have known how to interpret and employ the results of their investigations, have of late raised to a pitch that has never before been equalled. It is not within the scope of this article to record the names and trace the labours of the investigators who have employed themselves in this field of research. This will be found in the chronological sketch prefixed to Raoul-Rochette's excellent and unprejudiced little work, '■'■Tab- leau des Catacombes de Borne" Paris, 1853, as well as in the opening pages of the Roma Setter ranea of De Rossi, and the English abridge- ment by Dr. Northcote and the Rev. W. K Browulow, London, 1869. Description. — Tlie catacombs of Rome, to which as the most interesting and most thoroughly investigated of the subterranean cemeteries our present remarks will be confined, consist of a vast labyrinth of narrow subterranean passages or galleries excavated in the strata of volcanic earth that underlie the city and its neighbourhood, for the purpose of the interment of the dead. These galleries are excavated at different levels, forming various stories or piani, one beneath the other, communicating by narrow flights of steep stairs cut in the native rock, as well as by shafts and wells sunk for the purpose of affording light and air. These stories of galleries lie one below the other sometimes to the number of five, or even, as in the cemetery of St. Callistus of seven. The galleries as a rule preserve the level Boction of the Crypt of St. Lucius in the Catacomb of St. Callistus, from De Kossi. of the pia7io to which they belong, so that it is very rare to meet with galleries, gradually de- scending by an inclined plane to a lower story. The only comm.unication, as a rule, between the stories is by flights of steps. The lowest are usually the latest; the additional labour of removing the earth from the greater depth not being under- taken until the want of burial space in the story above forced it upon its possessors. Instances occur where a stratum of considerable thickness having been left by the original constructors between two stories of ambulacra, an interme- diate story (a mezzanine or entresol), has been excavated in later times. These corridors, or ambulacra, follow no definite system. They moro usually than not run in straight lines, forming an intricate network continually crossing and recrossing one another at different angles, and as no law of parallelism is adopted in laying out the plan, it is not easy to reduce them to any system. These galleries are not merely passages of access to the cemetery, but themselves cou- Gallery with " Loculi," from Northcote's ' lioma Sotterraiiea. stitute the cemetery. They do not conduct to the places of interment, but the dead are interred in them. The walls are vertical, and (as re- presented in the annexed woodcut) are pierced on each side with long low horizontal recesses, com- mencing a few inches above the level of the floor, and rising tier above tier, like the berths in a ship's cabin, to the number of five, six, and sometimes even twelve ranges. They are divided from onei another by an intervening shelf of tufa as thin as was compatible with security. The length of the.se niches is almost invariably in the direction of the gallery. This form was much easier to: excavate, and enabled the corpse to be laid in its tomb with greater facility and reverence than when the recess entered deep into the rock, at right angles to the axis of the corridor. Examples of this latter form do exist in the Roman cata combs, but very rarely. Padre Marchi, Monu- menti delle Arti Christ. Prim. pp. 110, 225, tav. xiv., xliii., xliv., gives a description and engra vings of 20 specimens discovered by him in tht cemetery of St. Cyriaca (see ground plan). The same mode of construction appears in the heather catacombs in Egypt, and those of the Saracens Taormina, engraved by D'Agincourt, pi, ix. Tlu name given in modern times to these sepulchra cavities is loculus. The original term, appearing thousands and thousands of times in the inscrip CATACOMBS CATACOMBS 307 tions of the catacombs, was locus. The word loculus, properly signified a bier or a coffin, " cujus (Agapeti) corpus in loculo plumheo trans- latum est (Constantinopoli) usque in basilicam B. Petri apostoli" (Anastas. lix. § 95; of. Ibid. Locnli in the Catacomo of St. Cyriaca, from Marchi. Lxiii. 110), and is incorrectly applied to the grave. Its use in this sense was introduced by Lupi in the early part of the 18th century. He writes " loculum appello excavatum in coeme- terii parietibus fenestram parvam ad unum alte- rumve cadaver excipiendum " (Lupi, Dissert, ad Sev. Martyr. Epitaph. 1734, p. 2, note 3). Each recess usually contained a single body. But instances are by no means rare where by in- creasing its depth it was made capable of re- ceiving two, three, or four corpses. Such recesses were designated bisomi, trisomi, quadrisomi, etc., according to the number of bodies for which they were destined. Examples of the use of all these terms appear in the epitaphs. Bisomi : from that of St. Callistus, " Donata se viv. emit sibi et Maxentiae locum bisomum." (Boldetti, p. 286.) " Sergius et Junius Fossores B. N. M. in pace bisom." (Boldetti, p. 65.) " Hoctavie coivgi neofite bisomv. maritus fecit" (Bosio, p. 507). Trisomi : " Seberus, Leontius Bictorinus. Tri- somu" (Bosio, p. 216). " Se biba (viva) em et 3omnina locum a Successum trisomu ubi positi," (lb.). Quadrisomi: "Consulatu Nicomaci Flabiani locum Marmorari quadrisomum" (Maitland, p. 39; see Marchi, pp. 115-117.) The loculi -were in later times purchased of the sextons, fossores, and as some of the inscriptions already given show, not unfrequently in a person's lifetime. Another example is the following ungrammatical epitaph from Bosio, lib. iii. c. 41. " Locus Bene- nati 11 et Gaudiosae compares |1 se vivi compara- verunt 1| ab Anastasio et Antiocho FS. (fosso- ribus)." An inscription from the Museum of the Capitol given by Burgon, Letters from Rome, p. 181, no. 25, acquaints us with the price paid, 1500 folles (the follis is said at that time to have been equivalent to an obolus), and that the bargain was struck in the presence of Severus and Laurence his brothel sexton. " Emit locum ab Arljtaemisium visomum. || hoc est et prae- tium II datum Fossor Philajlro yd est Fol. N. M S. Praeljsentia Severi Foss. et Laurent." Some- times loculi were excavated by the heirs of the fossor with whom the bargain was made, " fos- soris discendentibus " (De Rossi, M. S. i. 215). The locuU are found of all sizes, from those suit- able for an infant of a few days old which occur by thousands to those adapted to the body of a full grown man. In the more ancient galleries apertures of various dimensions occur confusedly, having been formed as occasion required. The earlv loculi are also of much larger dimensions tnan was needful for the reception of the body, and neither in the form of the niches themseh'^es nor in their arrangement does the idea of eco- nomy of space shew itself. But experience taught the excavators how to make the most of the space at command, and Marchi, pp. 112, 113, tav. xv., produces an example from the cemetery of St. Cyriaca, where the loc^ili are arranged in groups according to their dimensions, every square inch of rock being utilised as far as was consistent with stability. In some cases the back wall of the loculus instead of being parallel to the lines of the opening is set at an angle, forming a trapezoidal recess in which bodies of different stature might lie side by side (see annexed ground plan and section) (Marchi, tav., xv. xviii.). In later times space was also economised by making the recess wide at the head and narrow at the feet. Examples are not wanting of graves being dug like those of our own day in the floor of the corridors. Marchi gives instances from the catacombs of Calepodius and Callisttis, tav. xxi. xxvi. etc. But they are very un- frequent. The loculi, after the introduction of the body were closed with great care, either with slabs of marble (tabulae) or with large tiles, plan of above loculi (bisomi) from the Catacomb of St. Cyriaca, from Marchi. usually three, very exactly cemented together, and luted round with lime to prevent the escape of the gases of the putrefying bodies. The tiles closing the early loculi in the cemetery of Domi- tilla are of vast size. (De Rossi, Bullett. de Ant. Christ. Magg., 1865.) On the slabs of the earlier loculi, e.g. in the cemeteries of Priscilla and Domitilla, the name is only painted in red and black pigment, not cut or scratched (Fabretti Insc. Dom. viii, p. 579 ; Aringhi, R. S. iv. 37, p. 126; Boldetti, lib. ii. c. 1). The striking fact that, in the words of Dean Milman (Lat. Chr. i. p. 27), " for a considerable part of the first three centuries the church of Rome Avas a Greek religious colony ;" that its language, organisation, writers, scriptures, liturgy, were Greek, is evidenced by the inscriptions on these primitive burial places. They are almost exclu- sively in Greek. When engraved the letters are often coloured with vermilion. But an immense number of loculi are entirely destitute of any X 2 308 CATACOMBS CATACOMBS inscription (Bosio, lib. iii. c. 41 ; Boldetti, lib. ii. c. 1 ; Lupi, p. 38). On these slabs were engraved the funeral inscription or epitaph, often accom- panied with some of the more usual Christian emblems, the dove, the anchor, or the monogram of Christ. The word tabula appears in some of the epitaphs, e. g., of a master to a pupil, " Fosvit tabvla magister discenti Pempino bene- merenti" (Marchi, p. 119). " Bicentivs karo filio karissimo benemerenti posAnt tabvla qvi bixit annos iii et dies xxii" (//>. p. 120). Both from the catacomb of St. Cyriaca. A small glass vessel containing indications of the presence of a red fluid, is often found em- bedded in the mortar at one extremity of the loculus. This was formerly considered to be a certain mark of a martyr's tomb, the " Congre- gation of Relics" having so decided (Apr. 10, 1G68), the red sediment being supposed to be blood. But this opinion has long ceased to be entertained by the best and most unprejudiced Christian archaeologists who almost unanimously agree that the vessel contained Eucharistic wine, and was used at the funeral agape. [Glass, Christian.] Incised on the slab, or scratched on the mortar, the palm branch is one of the symbols that most constantly presents itself in connection with the loculus. This also has been authorita- tively declared to be an indisputable evidence of a martyr's tomb, " palmam et vas sanguine tiuctum pro signis certissimis martyrii haberi," (^Decree of t/ie Cong, of Belies, u. s.), and has been as completely set aside by later and less enthu- siastic investigators. Not to dwell on the fact that the epitaphs found in connection with the palm branch, have as a rule, no reference to a martyr's death, this symbol is found on tombs prepared by individuals in their lifetime (e. g., " Leopardus se biv. fecit " between two palm branches, Boldetti, p. 264), and decorates those of young children (lb. p. 268); dignifies that of Lucifer, bishop of Cagliari, who died in schism, (/6. p. 262) ; and even appears on pagan tomb- stones (Pj. p. 281, sq.). Not a few of the marble slabs (tabulae\ closing the loculi, prove on exami- nation, like some of our mediaeval sepulchral brasses, to have been used before, their back bearing a second inscription. These are known as opisthographs. They are usually heathen slabs, but not always. One described by Marchi, p. 53, bears on one side " Hilara in Pace," and on the other " Irene in Pace " — both Christian. Boldetti, lib. ii. c. 10, supplies a large number of examples of these twice used slabs. Mabillon {Iter. Ital. p. 136), writes of this custom, " Chris- tianis mos erat ut e sepulchris gentilium lapides revellerent in suos usus, et relicta ex ea parte quae inter iora Christiani tumuli spectabat pro- fana iuscriptione aliam in exteriore apponerent ritu Christiano " (Cf. Idem. Euseb. Roman, p. 34 ; Marchi, pp. 53, 123). Besides the opisthographs where a heathen slab has been applied to a Christian use no inconsider- able number of distinctly pagan epitaphs has been discovered, in which no such transformation has taken place. Boldetti, lib. ii. c. 9, gives no less than 57 heathen inscriptions withou.t any Chris- tian admixture from the various catacombs, and the list might be very largely increased. One such is mentioned by Mabillon in his Iter. Itali- cum. Mus. It. vol. i. p. 47, which though it was destitute of Christian tokens was sent to Tou- louse as the slab of a supposed marlyi, Julia Euodia, when it was really that of Casta her mother, and was pagan. In Boldetti, p. 447, we have a curious heathen slab from St. Agnes, with the inscription " Domine frater ilaris semper ludere tabula" and symbols of gaming. De Rossi found pagan sarcophagi and pagan inscrip- tions in the catacomb of Callistus in excavations made under his own eye (Bom. Sott. ii. pp. 169, 281-290). It has been usually held that these were slabs which had been removed from the heathen tombs in the vicinity of the catacombs after the Christian religion had become dominant, and brought down to be re-engraved and fitted for their new purpose. " Primos Chi-istianos Paga- norum memorias titulosque suffuratos esse et suis loculis coemiterialibus claudeudis propriis no- minibus insculptis et profanorum absconditis aut abrasis . . . ostendere possumus " (Fabretti Insc. Ant. p. 307). But another and widely different view has lately been propounded by Mr, Parker and others, that the rigid separation usually sup- posed to exist between Christians and heathen in the places of sepulture was not always main- tained, and that when in the fourth century the burning of the dead ceased the catacombs became the common burial places of Rome for heathen and Christians alike. This is one of the many questions in connection with the catacombs in which fuller light may show that the traditional view requires some modification, but which must wait the result of further investigations for complete resolution. A class of mixed in- scriptions remains to be noticed in which the heathen formula D. M., or even the full Bis Manibus appears in connection with Christian phraseology and Christian emblems. " Debita sacratis manibus officia " is quoted from Gruter by Fabretti Inscr. Bom. 112 A., as a Christian inscription. From the same collection (Gruter, MLXi.) he also gives one in which occurs the line " Sanctique Manes nobis petentibus adsint," in connection with the clause " quievit in pace," and the term "depositio." Other inscriptions from Fabretti's collection evidence the same lingering retention of heathen formula and phra- seology in the expressions " Lachesis, " " Taena- riae fauces," " fatis ereptus iniquis," and the like. The strangely unchristian phrase " Tartarea custodia " occurs in the epitaph of a presbyter (Fabr. p. 329, no. 484). " Domus aeterna " is by no means infrequent : e. g. " Florentia quae vixit annis xxvi Crescens fecit Venemerenti et sibi et suis domu aeterna in pace " (ib. p. 1 14, no. 289). The untenable fallacy contended for by Boldetti, lib. ii. c. 11, Fabretti, and the earlier school of antiquaries, that the letters D. M. stood for Beo Maximo has been deservedly ex- ploded. De Rossi allows that they can only stand for Bis Manibus, and we may safely regard the occurrence of these letters on Christian tombstones as an instructive example of the. slowness with which an entire people changes i its ancestral faith, and of the obstinacy with ; which certain usages are clung to long afteij their real force and meaning has passed away.' | On this subject and its kindred topics the dispasi sionate verdict of Dean Merivale may be read witljj, advantage. " The first Christians at Rome didnotsepa| rate themselves from the heathens, nor renounce theii j) ordinary callings; they intermarried with unbelievers | CATACOMBS CATACOMBS 309 Examples are not wanting where the work of excavation has not been completed, and the form of the loculus is still seen as it was sketched by the fossores on the wall of the ambulacrum. The bodies of the faithful were not buried naked, but Avith the same feeling of reverence that pervaded the whole rite, were, like that of their Master, wrapt in linen cloths " as the man- ner of the Jews is to bury." Sometimes the body was enveloped in a sheet ; sometimes swathed in many lengths of bands, in the same fashion as Lazarus is represented in the early Christian pictures and bas reliefs. Bosio assures us that in his investigations he found instances of both modes. He mentions that, in excavating the foundations for St. Peter's, bodies were exhumed bound with linen bands, and that he himself had seen very many wrapt in linen sheets of exceed- ing fineness, which fell to dust at a touch (Bosio, B. 8. cap. 19 ; Marchi, p. 19). The story of the double discovery of the body of St. Caecilia first by Pope Paschal, c. 820, and then by Cardinal Sfondrati, A.D. 1599, in the robes of golden tissue she had worn in life is familiar. (It may be read in Northcote, B. S. pp. 154-157.) That the bodies placed in the loculi were embalmed is pro- bable from the known custom of the early Chris- tians, Boldetti, lib. i. c. 59, affirms that on re- peated occasions when he was present at the opening of a grave in the catacombs the assem- bled company were conscious of a spicy odour diffusing itself from the tomb. Of this custom Prudentius writes : " Aspersaque myrrha Sabaeo, Corpus medicaniine servat," (in Exeq. Ves. Hymn 10). Another and ruder mode of averting the evils which might arise from the putrefaction of the bodies in galleries which were the frequent resort of the living was to bury the corpse in quick lime. Padre Marchi remarked frequent exam- ples of this custom, especially in the cemetery of St. Agnes. The lime appeared to have been placed between two winding sheets, one coarser and the other finer, of the tissue of which it retained the impress (Marchi, p. 19). Interment in the loculus though infinitely the most common, was not the only, and perhaps not the earliest mode adopted by the Christians. Cav. de Rossi has been led by his investigations to the conclusion that the earliest form of Christian burial was in sarcophagi placed in detached chambers, and that burial in the loculus was of later date. The truth may however be that the bodies of the wealthier were laid in sarcophagi, which must have always been costly, while the friends of the poorer contented themselves with a simple loculus in the wall. The Cemetery of St. Domitilla at Tor Marancia, which is consi- dered by De Rossi to be the monument of a Christian family of distinction, and is shown by the classi- cal character of its architecture and decoration to have belonged to the first age of the church, affords examples of interment in sarcophagi, as nor even in their unions with one another did they neglect the ordinary forms of law. It would seem that they burnt their dead after the Roman fashion" (can this be shown to be true ?), " gathered their ashes into the Bepulchres of their patrons, and inscribed over them the customary dedication to the Divine Spirits."— History of the Romans, ch. liv. well as of the transition from the sarcophagus to the loculus, in some graves which *' though really mere shelves in the wall are so disguised bv stucco and painting on the outside as to present to passers by the complete outward appearance of a sarcophagus " (De Rossi, R. 8. i. 187, 195, 267 ; Northcote, R. 8. p. 72, 73). Another example is the so-called Capella Graeca of the catacomb of St. Priscilla. This crypt is of a very pecidiar charactei-, formed in the galleries of an ancient arenaria, not hollowed out of the tufa, but constructed of brick. The burial-places here are not locuH, but large arched recesses destined to contain sarcophagi of which in Bosio's time numerous fragments remained, and some still exist (Bosio, R. 8. 513, 533 ; De Rossi,. R. 8. i. 188 sq,). The cemetery of Domitilla con- tains also numerous examples of sarcophagi of terra cotta buried in the floor of the ambulacra. Another form of interment analogous to the sarcophagus was that in the Table Tomb or 8e- polcro a mensa, an oblong chest either hollowed Table Tomb. out in the living rock, or built up of masonry slabs of stone or large tiles, and closed by a heaA'-y slab of marble lying horizontally on the top, form- ing a table. The rock was excavated above the tomb, to form a rectangular recess. When the niche assumed a circular form, which is the more frequent though not the earlier shape, it is known by the name of arcosolium [Arcosolium.] Both Arcosoliuin. forms of tomb are met with in the galleries among the loculi, but their more usual position is in the sepulchral chambers, or cubicula, which opened out of the galleries. The table tomb some- times stands in front of the wall, projecting from it, like the altar tombs of our own churches. Examples of this arrangement appear in the tombs of the presbyters Eusebius and Gregorius in the papal crypt in the cemetery of St. Callis- tus (De Rossi, vol. ii. p. 108, tav. I. A.). More frequently it is let into the wall, and stands in a recess, as we see in the tomb assigned by De Rossi to St. Zephyrinus, which formed the original altar in the same crypt (/6. pp. 20, 21, 51), and that of St. Cornelius in the same catacomb (lb. vol. i. p. 284, tab. v.). The arched form ©r arcosolium proper is not found in the more ancient cemeteries, or in the earliest constructed cubicula. This is an indication of date of great importance in determining the relative antiquity of the catacombs. De Rossi remarks (vol. ii. p. 245) that " the arcosolium is the dominant form iu 310 CATACOMBS CATACOMBS every part of the second and third area of the cemetery of St. Callistus, and appears frequently in some of the crypts added to the original rect- angular area to unite it to the second area, but is entirely wanting (with one exception which serves only to prove the rule) in all the cubicula of the primitive area, even in the most noble and illustrious of its sepulchres " (Cf. De Rossi, vol. i. pp. 284, 285 ; vol. ii. p. 21). In addition to the ordinary places of interment m the ambulacra, the catacombs contain an im- mense number of sepulchral chambers or cubi- cula, each enshrining a larger or smaller number of dead, as well in table tombs and arcosoUa as in loculi pierced in the walls. These were origi- we find the arch of an arcosoliim of the first century cut through and used as a door or en- trance to a second cubiculurn excavated in its rear, the original sarcophagus being removed and carried to the back of the chapel that other bodies might be placed near it (^Bulletin, di Arch. Christ. 1867). The number of these sepulchral chambers is almost beyond computa .ion. Marchi reckons more than sixty in the eighth part of the catacomb of St. Agnes. In that of St. Callistus they amount to some hundreds. They are equally frequent in the other cemeteries. Their form is very varied. In the catacomb of St. Cal- listus, with very few exceptions, they are rect- angular, and that appears to have been the earlier shape. But the plates of Marchi, Boldetti, &e., afford examples of many other forms, tri- angular, pentagonal, hexagonal, octagonal, circu- lar, and semi-circular. Among the examples given by Boldetti, pp. 14, 15, and Marchi, tav. xxui., of which we give a plan and section, one lu the Catacomb oi St Agnea, witli seats Lewn out of the rock. nally family burial places, excavated and embel- lished at the expense of the friends of the departed, and from the date of their first con- struction served for the celebration of the eucha- ristic feast and agape, on the occasion of the funeral, and its successive anniversaries. In times of persecution they may have supplied places of religious assembly where the faith- ful might gather in security for the celebra- tion of 'the holy mysteries at the graves of the departed martyrs and others whose faith they might be soon called to follow and seal their testimony with their blood. The name cubicu- lurn is of exclusively Christian use as applied to places of interment. We find it repeatedly used in that sense in the Liber Pontificalis of Anasta- sius. In the life of Sixtus III. a.d. 432-440, it is distinctly used for a family vault " Cujus " (Bassi) *' corpus' sepelivit ad Beatum Petrum apostolum in cubiculo parentum ejus " (Anast. xlvi. § 63). Padre Marchi, p. 101, gives several inscriptions from the catacombs themselves, in which the term occurs in this reference : e.g. CVBICVLVM DOMITIANi; CUBICULUS FaL. GaUDENTI Ar- GENTARI, from the catacomb of St. Callistus. An inscription of the year 336 given by De Rossi, No. 45, indicates the family vault of Aurelia Martina Cubiculum Aureliae Martinae. These inscriptions indicate," writes Marchi, p. 101, "that in the fourth century the persons narned caused that their own cubicula should be excavated at their own expense. Each cubiculum was of sufficient dimensions to serve for several generations of their respective families. If it proved insufficient loculi were added at a greater or less distance from the cubiculum:' Sometimes Plan of Cubicuhim from Catacomb of St. Calllstnu. Section of Cubiculum from Catacomb of St. Callistus. from the cemetery of Callistus is circular, with a domed vault, and is surrounded by six arched niches. Another from that of St. Helena on the Via Labicana is square, with an insulated tomb in the centre, the roof being supported by four co- lumns standing quite free of the walls, cut out ol the native tufa. The roof is sometimes a barrel vault, sometimes a coved ceiling, nearly flat : in one instance, it expands into a lofty dome, lighted by a luminare (Bosio, p. 489, Marchi, tav. xxxi.> Both the roof, the vaults, and the recesses of the arcosolia are generally coated with stucco, and richly decorated with religious paintings. In the later restorations the walls are often veneered CATACOMBS CATACOMBS 311 with plates of costly marble [Platonia]. In a very large number of examples the Good Shepherd occupies the centre of the ceiling, the surrounding lunettes containing Adam and Eve after the Fall, the history of Jonah, the Sacrifice of Abraham, Moses striking the Eock, the Three Children in the Furnace, the Visit of the wise men to Christ, the Eaising of Lazarus, the Healing of the Blind man, the Paralytic carrying his Bed, the Miracle of the Loaves, and other scenes from the limited cycle of Scriptural subjects to which early Christian art confined itself, treated with a wearisome uniformity ; embellished with palm branches, vines laden with grapes, the dove, the peacoclc, and other familiar Christian symbols. The walls of the chamber were also similarly decorated [Frescos]. The vault is in some cases supported by columns, either cut out of the tufa, or formed of brick coated with stucco (Marchi, tav. xix. xxii. xxx. xxxiii.). A very interesting cubiculum from the Via Latina given by Marchi, tav. xxii. p. 141, sq. from a plate of Bosio's, p. 309, has a domical vault and pillars covered with stucco, ornamented with vine branches and amo- rini in relief. The character of the decoration claims for this a very early date. It is doubtful whether any other of the kind has been dis- covered in the catacombs. Light and air were not unfrequently admitted by means of a shaft communicating with the surface of the ground, called luminare. A chamber so lighted was known as a cubiculum clarum (Cf Anastas. Bibl. ViL Marcellin. " Sepelivit (corpora) ... in coe- meterio Priscillae in cuhiculo claro "). For ex- amples see Marchi, tav. viii. xxix. xxxii. xlviii. Jerome's well known description of the catacombs in Ezechiel. c. xl. contains an allusion to these luminaria. His words are " raro desuper lumen admissum horrorem temperat . . . . ut non tarn fenestram quam foramen demissi luminis putes." And again, praefat. in Daniel. "Cum et quasi per cryptam ambulans rarum desuper lumen aspicerem." Prudentius also in his Periste- vhanon, xi.-v. 161-8 uses similar language : — Occurrunt caesis immissa foramina tectis Quae jaciunt claros antra super radios. ****** Attamen excisi subter cava viscera mentis, Crebra terebrato fornice lux penetrat, Sic datur absentis per subterranea solis Cernere fulgorem luminibusque frui." The Acts of SS. Marcellinus and Peter record that the martyr Candida was put to death by hurling her down an airshaft, and overwhelming her with stones, " per luminare cryptae jactantes lapidibus obruerunt," ap. Bolland. ii. Jun. n. 10. From an epitaph given by Marchi, p. 165, the luminaria appear to have been divided into " larger " and " smaller," " majora," " minora." It is as follows : " cumparavi Saturninus ajjSusto (Sixto) locum visomum auri solid |los duo in lu- minare majore. Que pojjsita est ibi que fuit cum marito an xl." Marchi gives an interesting ex- ample of a luminare majus serving for two cubi- cula from the cemetery of SS. Marcellinus and Peter (pi. xxix. pp. 165 sq.). A cylindrical shaft immediately above the ambulacrum expands into a cone as it descends, so as to supply light and air to chambers on opposite sides of the passage. Painted on the wall of the shaft is a dove with an olive branch. In the cemetery of Callistus the same luminare sometimes serves for three chambers (Northcote, B. 8. p. 128). Examples of the smaller luminaria from the cemetery of St. Helena may be found in Marchi, tav. vi. vii. viii. If the strata through which the shaft was driven were not sufficiently solid to stand with- out support, it was lined with a wall, carried uj a little distance above the level of the ground, to avoid accidents. Many of the existing lumi- naria belong to the Damasine period, having been opened to admit light and air to the tombs of the more renowned martyrs when they became the object of pious visits. We may instance that of the crypt of St. Cecilia. If, as was most usual, there was no luminare, the chambers were illuminated by lamps, sometimes suspended by chains from the vault, sometimes standing in niches, or on small brackets of tile cr marble often placed at the angle of a loculus. Bottari, vol. i. p. 17, asserts that when the catacombs were first opened sorhe of these lamps were found still in their place, and we are informed by Marchi, p. 136, that the upper part of the niches, and the walls or ceilings above the lamps still retained the blackness caused by the smoke. These cubicula were very frequently double, one on either side of the gallery, and, as we have just noticed, in some instances a luminare was sunk in the centre so as to give light to both (Boldetti, p. 16, 6,). An inscription of the highest interest given by De Rossi, vol. i. p. 208, de- scribes a double cubiculum of this kind con- structed by the permission of Pope Marcellinus, A.D. 296-308, by the Deacon Severus for himself and his family, " Cubiculum duplex cum arcisoliis et luminare || jussu P. P. sui Marcellini Diaconus iste II Severus fecit mansionem in pace quietam II sibi suis que." De Rossi describes a luminare of very large size and unusual character in the cemetery of St. Balbina discovered by him. It is nearly hexagonal, and opens on the subterra- nean excavations with no less than eight rays of light illumining as many distinct chambers and galleries (E. S. i. 265). Each side of the cubiculum usually contains a table tomb or an arcosolium. That facing the en- trance, behind which the rock is often excavated so as to form an apse, was the chief tomb of the chamber, and very frequently contained the re- mains of a martyr, and according to primitive usage, based on Rev. vi. 9-11, furnished an altar for the celebration of the Eucharist. The altar was sometimes detached from the wall. But this was not a primitive arrangement. In the papal crypt in the cemetery of Callistus we have traces of two altars. The original altar remains hewn out in the rock, the front of brickwork, and the stone slab covering it forming the holy table. In front of this, a raised marble step or podium, with four shallow holes or sockets is an evidence of a second later altar standing on four pillars. We have noticed above an example of an insulated altar from the cemetery of St. Helena. As more space was required for the interment of the bodies of members of the same family the walls above and around the original tombs were pierced with loculi, some- times amounting to nearly a hundred. The desire of reposing in the same locality with the blessed dead, and in close proximity to a saint or martyr, which was awakened at so early a period and exercised so much power (cf August* de Curd pro Mortuis gerendd ; Retract, lib. v* 312 CATACOMBS CATACOMBS c. 64. Maximus Taurinensis. Horn. Ixxxi. Ambros, ad pop. de SS. Ge^-vas. et Protas. Paulinus Nol. in Fanegyr. Gelsi) led to the excavation of loculi in the walls behind the earlier tombs, with com- plete disregard of the paintings decorating them, which were thus mutilated or destroyed. A very badly spelt and ungrammatical inscription given by Marchi, p. 102, from Boldetti, who copied it from the cemetery of St. Cyriaca, tells us of two ladies Valeria and Sabina, who in their lifetime had purchased from fossores named Apro and Viator a double grave (bisomum) in the rear of that in which the bodies of recognised saints had been buried, " retro sanctos." It is as follows: In Crypt a. Noba retro sanctus EMERUM (-runt) SE VIVAS BaLER | RA ET Sabina Merum locu ] Bisoni ab aprone et A I BiATORE. The inscription set up by Damas- us in the cemetery of Callistus in honour of the companions in martyrdom of Pope Xystus bears witness to his participation in this feeling, and his relinquishment of the fulfilment of his wishes lest he should disturb the ashes of the faithful. " Hie fateor Damasus volui mea condere membra, Sed cineres timui sanctos vexare piorum." An inscription given by Gruter, Lisc. Antiq. Christ, p. 1167, No. 4, testifies the same senti- ment. " Sanctorum exuviis penltus confine sepulchrum, Promeruit sacro digna Marina solo." St. Ambrose also states that he had resigned the place beneath the altar in which he had intended his own body should lie, " digniim est enim ut ibi requiescat sacerdos ubi offerre consuevit " to the relics of the recently discovered martyrs Gcrvasius and Protasius, and contrasts the posi- tion of Christ present on the altar with the saints beneath it, " ille super altari qui pro omnibus mortuus est, isti sub altari qui illius redempti sunt passione." (Ambros. Ep. xxii. 15.) See also Jerome, adv. Vigilant, p. 359. [Altar.] For examples of this ruthless destruction of earlier decorations (Cf. De Rossi, vol. ii. tav. 27, 28, 29 ; Northcote, R. 8. Plate xvi.) When the cuhicu- lum was absolutely too full to receive any more bodies loculi were dug in its vicinity, their con- nection with the family vault being indicated by an inscription to that effect, e. g. Marchi, p. 101, LOCA ADPERTINENTES AD CUBICULUM GERMULANI. The altar was sometimes protected from any careless approach by lattice work of marble, transerina, the prototype of the cancelli of later Christian churches. Fragments of an enclosure of this kind were found by De Rossi in the papal crypt, and supply the authority for the restoration {R. S. vol. ii". pp. 20-27, tav. i. I. A.). Other examples are given by Boldetti from the cemeteries of Praetextatus and Helena, and Priscilla (pp. 34, 35, Marchi, p. 128). A very beautiful example of the transenna is seen in the cemetery church of St. Alexander, A.D. 498. We know that it was the universal custom of the early church to celebrate the Eucharist at the time of a funeral, provided it took place in the morning (for authorities see Bingham bk. xxiii. ch. iii. § 12). By degrees a corrupt custom crept in, based on a superstitious view of the magical power of the consecrated elements, of administering the Holy Communion to the de- parted (Bingham Orig. bk. xv. c. iv. § 20). Th< prohibition of this profane custom in the canon: of some early councils {e.g. Auxerre, A.D. 578 can. 12 ; Carthage iii. A.D. 397, can. 6 ; Trullo A.D. 691, can. 88) is evidence for its existence The consecrated bread was laid as a charm or the breast of the corpse. The wine enclosed ir small glass or earthenware bottles was placed ir the grave, or imbedded in the mortar at th( mouth of the loculus, and the red colour left by the exsiccated wine mistaken for blood in the early stages of catacomb investigation has created thousands of false martyrs. Another analogous: custom was that of pouring libations of wine on the graves after the old heathen fashion, and supplying the dead with food for their last! journey, viaticum. The 22nd canon of the Se-! cond Council of Tours A.D. 567 mentions those "qui in festivitate cathedrae domini Petri Apo- stoli cibos mortuis offerunt." Paulinus of Nola Poem, xxvii. vv. 566-7 thus alludes to the liba- tions — " Simplicitas pietate cadit, male credula sanctos Perfusis halante mero gaudere sepulchris." Another purpose of the cubicula was for the celebration of the Funeral Feast on the anniver- sary of the day of death. This was a custom inherited from the heathen sepulchral rites, which too often degenerated into heathen license . St. Augustine deplores that " many drink most luxuriously over the dead, and when they make ; a feast for the departed, bury themselves over the buried, and place their gluttony and drunk- enness to the score of religion " {Be Mor. Eccl. Cath. c. xxxiv.), and condemns those who "make themselves drunk in the memorials of the mar- tyrs " (Cont. Faust, lib. xx. c. 21). (Cf. Ambros. de Elia. c. xvii. ; August. Confess, vi. c. 2.) In primitive times it may be charitably believed that such abuses were the exceptions, and that the anniversary was observed in a seemly manner, and with a cheerfulness tempered by religion. (On this custom see Neander, Ch. Hist. i. 454, Clark's edition; Bingham, Origines, bk. xx. ch.: viii. §§ 1-10; bk. xxiii. ch. iii.; §§ 3-17; Bosio, lib. iv. c. 34.) The pictures on the walls of the cubicula in some of the catacombs furnish representations of these funei-al feasts, of which they were the scene. The most curious is from an arcosolium in the catacomb of SS. Marcellinus and Peter (Bosio, p. 391). Three guests — a woman between two men — are seated at a cres- cent-shaped, or sigma table, at the two ends of which, in stately curule chairs, two matrons are seated. No dishes appear on the table: they are placed on a small three-legged stand in the centre, at which a lad is stationed preparing to execute the orders of the guests, which are written above their heads — " Irene da Calda," " Agape misce mi " (cf. Juven. Sat. v. 63 ; Mar- tial, lib. i. Ep. 11 ; lib. viii., Ep. 63; lib, xiv., Ep. 95). Another painting from the same ceme-i tery represents six persons, three of each sex,i seated at an empty table. One is drinking from! a rhytion; another stretches out his hand to^ receive a cup from a person of whom no more than the arm is left (Bosio, p. 355). The cubicula generally speakmg are of small! dimensions, and are incapable of containing more' than a very limited number of worshippers. But there are also found halls and chambers of CATACOMBS CATACOMBS 313 much argei' proportions, which have been con- sidered by the chief Roman Catholic authorities on the subject to have been constructed for the purpose of religious assemblies. These are dis- tinguished by Padre Marchi, by an arbitrary nomenclature which has failed to find acceptance, into cryptae, for the smaller, and ecclesiae, for the larger excavations. Of the latter the most typical example is that discovered in the cata- comb of St. Agnes in 1842, and described and figured by Marchi (pp. 182-191; Tav. xxxv.- xxxvii.) from whom we bori'ow the annexed plan and section. This comprises five quadrangular com- Plan of supposed Chnrch, from the Catacomb of St. Agnes, flpom Marchi. partments, three on one side of the ambulacrum and two on the other, connected by a tolerably wide passage cutting the gallery at right angles. The two . compartments to the right of the gallery are supposed to have been reserved for but the whole rests on too conjectural a basis to be accepted as anything moi-e than a possible hypothesis. " Some of the so-called crypts are destitute of arcosolia, or have the arcosoUa placed at too great an elevation to serve as holy tables for the celebration of the sacred mysteries. These are assumed by Marchi to have been devoted to the instruction of catechumens. They usually con- sist of two chambei's, one for each sex, and are provided with chairs for the (presumed) cate- chists, and benches cut in the tufa rock for the catechumens (cf. Marchi, pp. 130-133 ; tav. xvii.). But such an identification is exceedingly doubtful. When the catacombs became places of refuge in times of persecution (as it is indisputable i they did, though not to the extent popularly i credited), it was essential that there should be I the means of obtaining a supply of water without I leaving the limits of the cemetery. This want i was supplied by v:ells and springs, whether dug i for this purpose or not, many of which remain I to the present time, still holding water. We j may mention one in the Area prima of the Cata- I comb of St. Callistus (Fj in De Rossi's plan), which may still be used for its original purpose. I The shaft of this well is furnished with foot I holes, to enable a man to descend for the purpose I of cleaning it out, as is the case, according to De 1 Rossi, in all the ancient wells connected with the catacombs (M. S. de Rossi, Analis. Geol. ed Arch Section of supposed Church, from the Catacomb of St. Agues, from Marctii. women, and two of the three to the left of the gallery for men. The third compartment, di- vided from the others by an arch supported on stuccoed columns, formed the chancel or sanc- tuary. In the centre of the end wall stands the cathedra, or bishop's seat, flanked on each side by a stone bench running along the side walls, which formed seats for the clergy. Hollowed out so as to furnish loculi for children, an areo- soUum fills the space behind the episcopal chair, and occupies both sides of each of the compart- ment. The walls above the arcosolia are pierced with tiers of loculi. There is no trace of an altar. The cathedra entirely prevents the arco- solium fronting the entrance being so used. Marchi therefore concludes that the altar must have been portable. The whole is entirely des- titute of painting, or decorations of any kind, beyond a rich marble paneling, a small portion of which remains. The result of the learned father's researches was to satisfy him that the two sexes reached the church by distinct stair- cases (p. 42) and by separate corridors, and that the church itself must have been constructed before the commencement of the third century : vol. ii. p. 97). Wells are also mentioned by Boldetti (p. 40) as existing in the cemeteries ol Praetextatus and St. Helena, and natural springs in those of St. Pontianus, Ostrianus or Fons Petri and the Vatican. In close connection with the wells of the catacombs stand the so-called Baptisteries. The most remarkable of these is that in the Cata- comb of St. Pontianus, the purpose of which is put beyond doubt by its pictorial decoration (Aringhi, i. 381 ; Bottari, tav. xliv. ; Boldetti, p. 40 ; Marchi, pp. 32, 220-224 ; tav. ii. xlii.). A descent of ten steps leads to a cistern filled by a natural stream flowing through a channel in the rock. The wall above the cistern retains a fresco of the Baptism of our Lord, and on that at the back of it is a magnificent jewelled cross, the stem immersed in the water, blossoming into flowers and leaves, and from its arms, which support lighted candles, the characters A. H. suspended by chains. Another of these so-called baptisteries is found in the lowest piano of gal- leries in the Catacomb of St. Agnes. It is a well- preserved chamber, with rude columns cut in the tufa rock in the corners. A spring of water 314 CATACOMBS CATACOMBS runs through it. The paintings have entirely perished from damp. In connection with some cemeteries we find provision for washing the corpse. This is seen in the very remarkable early Cemetery of Domi- tilla at Tor Marancia. The entrance is above ground on the side of a hill cut down for the purpose. On each side of the doorway is a vestibule, or covered porticus. To the left is a chamber where may be traced a well and cistern, with the place for the pulley of the bucket. This chamber was probably devoted to the cus- tomary washing of the dead body before inter- ment. (See Bosio, H. S. cap. 17.) A similar chamber is found at the entrance of the Jewish Catacomb on the Via Appia. It has a mosaic pavement, and drains to carry the water away. Jintrance to the Catacomb of St. Domitilla, from De Rosd. a) Entrance to the Catacomb. (6) Porter's lodge with a well and chamber for washing the bodies, (c) " Schola," or place of meeting. Some of these wells probably had no other object than that of draining the catacombs. This was the case with that dug by Damasus in the Vatican Cemetery. The galleries of this catacomb being rendered unfit for the purpose of sepulture by the infiltration of water, Da- masus cut away the rock till he found the spring, and diverted its waters to supply a baptistery. It is this spring which now supplies the fountain in front of the Pontifical Palace. Damasus recorded his good work in the fol- lowing inscription : — " Cingebant latices montem teneroque meatu Corpora multorum cineres atqne ossa rigabant. Non tulit hoc Damasus commnni lege sepultos Post requiem tristes Iterum persolvere poenas. Protinus aggressus magnum superare laborem Aggeris immensi dejecit culmina montis, Intlma sollicite scrutatus viscera terrae, Siccavit totum quidquid madefecerat humor, Invenit fontem praebet qui dona salutis. Haec curavit Mercurius Levita fidelis." The singular variety of objects discovered within the locuU of the catacombs is an evidence of the permanence of the old heathen idea, which regarded the life after death as a continuation of the present life with its occupations and amuse- ments, as well as of the strength of the universal human instinct, which leads the bereaved to deposit in the grave of their loved ones the tools and ornaments and playthings which had lost their use by the death of their possessor. Bol- detti, lib. ii. cc. 14, 1.5, furnishes us with very interesting details of the results of his investiga- tions in this department, together with engraved representations of some of the more curious and typical objects discovered by him, some of which are still to be scon in the Christian Museum of the Vatican. Among the objects extracted from children's graves are jointed dolls of ivory or bone, similar to those which we learn from Cancel- lieri de Seer. Basil. Vatican, torn. ii. pp. 995-1000, were found in the bier of Maria, the daughter of Stilicho and wafe of Honorius, belonging to the close of the 4th century — little earthenware money-jars, — masks, and a very great abundance of small bronze bells, such as we know to have been in use in classical times for the amusement of children, frequently met with in heathen tombs, and mice in metal or terra-cotta. Female tombs have furnished numerous examples of toilet equip- age and personal ornaments; mirrors, combs in ivory or boxwood, bodkins, pins of ivory or bone, vinaigrettes, tweezers, toothpicks, and earpicks ; bracelets and armlets, earrings and necklaces; buckles and brooches, rings and seals ; studs and buttons, bullae, and other similar objects, setting before us vividly the Roman Christian ladies of the first ages. In not a few instances, accoi-ding to the same authority (Boldetti, Osserv. p. 297), the false hair worn in life was buried with the corpse. Among other objects of interest dis- covered in the loculi we may mention dice, ivory knife-handles, nailheads, a lock and key, one half of an ivory egg with portraits of a husband and wife and the Christian monogram engraved on the flat section ; tortoiseshell, weights of stone, and small glass fish engraved with numbers, the purpose of which has not been determined. The number of lamps discovered in and about the tombs is countless. The majority are of terra-cotta, but some have been found of bronze, and some even of silver and amber. One in this last material was found in the catacomb of St. Priscilla (Boldetti, Osserv. p. 298, tav. i. no. 7). By far the greater part of these lamps have only the monogram of Christ impressed on them. But there are a very large number which present other familiar symbols, such as the palm-branch, the dove, the fish, the ship, and A and n. The Good Shepherd is of frequent occurrence. The lamps found in the Jewish catacombs almost universally bear the seven- branched candlestick. The so-called instruments of torture which the eager imagination of pious enthusiasts, resolved j to convert every buried Christian into a martyr, i has discovered enshrined in the loculi, or in- j cised on their closing slabs, in the opinion of the | best informed and most calm jvidging writers, ! are nothing more than implements of handicraft, i One singular pronged weapon, specimens of i which are preserved in the Vatican and the i Collegio Romano, has been identified with a heathen sacrificial instrument, and its presence j in a Christian catacomb has yet to be explained. Topography of the Roman Catacombs. The following catalogue of the ancient Christian cemeteries of Rome, the names of which stand recorded in ancient historical documents, ar- j ranged according to the chief lines of road leading from the city, is derived from De Rossi's great work. The first column gives the name of the road. The second that which De Rossi's investigations have led him to believe to have been the primitive names of the larger cemeteries in the first age of the Church. In the third column appear the designations by which they were known in the fourth century, after the , CATACOMBS 315 tabiishment of the peace of the Church. The urth column gives the titles of certain lesser limeteries or isolated tombs of martyrs, which I'e often confused with the larger cemeteries to which they were adjacent, and with which they were sometimes locally connected. The later cemeteries formed, subsequent to the peace of Iho Church, occupy the last column. Koads. ippia Lrdeatina ortuenais . . ^urelia . . . ornelia . laniinia ... livus Cucumeris alaria Vetus alaria Nova omentana . . iburtina abicana . atma dreater Cemeteries. Primitive Names. /'Lucinae . ( Hippolyti 2. Praetextati . . . 3. Ad Catacumbas . 4. Domitillae . . 5. Basilei .... 6. Commodillae 7. Pontianl ad Ursum Pileatum . . . . 9. Lucinae . 10. Calepodii . 12. AdSeptemColumbas 13. Basillae . . . 14. . . . 15. Maximi 16. Thrasonis . . 17. Jordanorum . 18. Priscillae . . 19. Ostrianum vel triani . . Os 21. Cyriacae . 22. Ad Duas Lauros 23 24. 25 26 Aproniani Names in the 4th Century. Time of Peace. Xysti Caeciliae SS. Xysti et Comelii S. Januarii. SS. Urbani,Felicissimi, Agapiti, Januarii, Quirini. SS. Tiburtii, Valerianic et Maximi. S. Sebastiani . . . ( S. Fetronillae . . } \ SS. Petronillae, Ne- [ ( rei, et Achillei . ) SS. Marci et Marcel- lianl. SS. Fellcis et Audacti Lesser Cemeteries, or isolated Tombs of Martyrs. 27. Soteridis. SS. AbdonetSennen) S. Anastasii, pp. > S. Innocentii, pp. ) S. Pancratii . . . 'SS. Proccssl et Mart- iani. S. Agathae ad Giru- lum. S. Callisti via Aurelia Julii via Aurelia. S. ValentinL Ad caput S. Joannis, S. Hermetis. SS. Hermetis, Basillae, ' I'roti, et Hyacinthi S. Pamphyli. S. Felicitatis . . . S. Saturninl. fS. Alexandri. ) SS. Alexandri, Vita- j lis et Martlalis et ( VII. Virginum. j S. Silvestri. tS. Marcelli. ( Coenieterium majus. < Ad Nympbas S. Petri. I Fontis S. Petri. S. Hippolyti. S. Laurentii. S Gorgonii. . . . SS. Petri et Marcellini. S. Tiburtii. S. Castuli. ■ S. Gordiani. SS. Gordiani et Epi- roachi. SS. Simplicil et Ser- viliani, Quarti et Quinti, et Sophiae. S. Tertullini. S. Eugeniae. 28. Sepulcrum Pauli Apostoli in praedio Lucinae. 29. Coemeterium Ti- mothei in horto Theoiiis. 30. EcclesiaS.Theclae. 31. EcclesiaS.Zenoni 32. Mcmoria Petri Apostoli et sepidtu- rae episcoporum in Vaticano. 33. Ecclesia S. Hi- lariae in horto ejus- dem. 34. CryptaSS.Chry- santi et Dariae. 35. Coemeterium No- vellae. 36. Coemeterium S. Agnetis in ejusdem agello. 37. Coemeterium S. Nicomedis. Cemeteries constructed after the Peace of the Church. 38. Balbinae sive & Marci. 39. Damasi. 40. Julii via Portu- ensi mill. iii. S. Fe- licis via Portuensi. 41. S. Fellcis via Au- relia. 42. InComitatu sive SS. Quatuor. Coro- natorum. 316 CATACOMBS CATACOMBS Catacombs of Naples, &c. To the north of the city of Naples, four sub- terranean Christian cemeteries are known to exist, in a spur of Capodimonte, no great dis- tance from one another. They have been distin- guislied by the names of S. Vito, S. Secero, S. Maria della Santita, and S. Gennaro (Janua- vius) dei poveri. There is also a fifth at some distance under the monastic Church of S. Efremo. That of S. Gennaro is the only one now acces- sible. It has been fully described by Pelliccia (de Christianae Eccles. Polit. Neapol. 1781, vol. iv. Dissert. V.), and more recently in an elaborate treatise of great value, embracing the whole subject of interment in the catacombs, by Chr. Fr. Bellermann, Hamburg, 1839. With many points of resemblance as regards the formation of the graves, and the actual mode of interment, the Neapolitan Catacombs differ very widely in their general structure from those of Rome. Instead of the low narrow galleries of the Roman Catacombs, we have at Naples wide lofty corridors, and extensiA^e cavern-like halls, and subterranean churches. The chief cause of this diversity is the very different character of the material in which they are excavated. Instead of the friable tufa gra- nolare of Rome, the stratum in which the Neapolitan catacombs lie is a hard building stone of great durability and strength, in which wide vaults might be constructed without any fear of instability. To quote the words of Mabillon, Iter Italicum^ "altiores habent quam Romana Coemiteria fornices ob duritiem et firmitatem rupis secus quam Romae ubi arena sen tophus tantum altitudinis non patitur." It IS probable that these catacombs were originally stone quarries, and that the Christians availed themselves of excavations already existing for the interment of their dead. On this point Marchi speaks without the slightest hesitation (^Monum. Primitive, p. 13). The Catacomb of St. Januarius derives its name from having been selected as the resting- place of the body of that saint, whose death at Puteoli is placed A.D. 303, when transferred to Naples by Bp. John, who died A.D. 432. Mabillon speaks of three stories : " triplex ordo criptarum alius supra alium." Tvfo only are mentioned by Pelliccia and Bellermann as nov/ accessible. The galleries which form the cemetery proper, are reached through a suite of wide and lofty halls, with vaulted ceilings cut out of the rock, and decorated with a succession of paiutmgs of different dates, in some instances lying one over the other. The earliest frescos are in a pure classical style, and evidently belong to the first century of the Christian aera. There is nothing distinctly Christian about these. In many places these have been plastered over, and on the new surface portraits of bishops, and other religious paintings, in a fiir inferior style and of a much later date, have been executed. [Fresco.] The interments are either in locuU, arcosoUa, or cubicula. The loculi are cut without order or ari-angement, the larger and smaller apertures bring all mixed together, with no attempt at economising space. The arcosolia have barrel vaults. Some of them are painted; one con- tains a, fresco of the peacock, and on the walj above portraits of a mother and daughter whose remains are interred below, with a rudely- written inscription, " Vixit Rufina annos Iv. et filia ejus .... xxxvii." Another also presents the portraits of its occupants, all in prayer; a bearded father, Michelinus ; a girl, Hilarias aged 14, and a child Nonnosa aged 2 years 10 months, with spotted frock, pea]-l head-dress and earrings, necklace, and buckle to belt. In a third is the bust of a young man in white tunic and red pallium, with the inscription " Hie requiescit Proculus." A fourth contains full- length figures of St. Paul and St. Lawrence. The cubicula average 7 palms broad, by 10 palms in height and depth. The roof is horizontal or slightly coved. Each contains from 3 to 8 loctili. The graves were hermetically sealed with slabs of marble. But all have been opened and ransacked. The interments in the lower piano occur in two long parallel galleries, one much wider than the other, communicating with one another by 14 transverse passages. In the upper story the graves are cut in the sides of three large, broad, low vaulted halls exca- vated out of the rock, and certainly with no original view of sepulture. At the entrance of the lower piano we find a so-called martyrs' church, with a slightly A^aulted roof. It was divided into a nave and sanctuary by two pillars, the bases of which remain, with cancelli between. In the sanctuary stands the altar, built of rough stone, and a rude bishop's seat in an apse behind it. On the South wall are the arcosolia of John I. A.D. 432, and Paul A.D. • 764, who, according to Joannes Diaconus, desired I to be buried near St. Januarius. In other rooms I we find a well and a cistern, recesses for lamps, j and the remnants of a Christian mosaic painting. : In a niche in the upper piano, which was tradi- tionally the place of the font, is the symbol I2_ JS9 . Here, according to Pelliccia, iv. 162, ; a marble shell was discoA^ered, since used as a holy water-basin in the church of St. Gennaro. The inscriptions in these catacombs go down to the 9th or 10th century. Among other Christian catacombs known to exist in different parts of the shores of the Medi- terranean, of which we are still in want of fuller and more scientific descriptions, we may parti- cularize those of Syracuse known as " the grottos of St. John," and described by D'Agincourt as " of immense size," and believed by him to have passed from pagan to Christian use : the Saracen catacomb near Taormina, with ambulacra as j much as 12 feet wide ; the loculi at right angles | to, not parallel with, the direction of the gal- 1 leries; each, as in the Roman catacombs, herme- tically sealed with a slab of stone : those of Malta, supposed by Denon ( Voyage in Sicile, Par, 1788), to have served a double purpose, both for the burial of the dead, and as places of refuge for the living ; and which, according to the same authority, " evidence a purpose, leisure, and re-| sources far different from the Roman catacombs :"| and those of Egypt. Of these last D'Agincourt! gives the ground-plans of several of pagan origin, j The most remarkable is one beyond the canal oi; Canopus, in the quarter called by Strabo, xvii j p. 795, "the Necropolis." The plan of thi!| hypogaeum is drawn with great regularity, y^p\ unlike the intricate maze of those of Rome. Th< CATALOGUS HIERATICUS CATECHUMENS 317 alls are pierced with three ranges of locuU, lanning, as at Taormina, at right angles to their i.'ugth. Very recently a small Christian catacomb 'as been discovered at Alexandria, described by 'e Rossi {BuUettino, Nov. 1 864, Agost. 1865). It ; entered from the side of a hill, and is reached y a staircase, which conducts to a vestibule with stone bench and an apse. This is succeeded by i cubiculum, with an arcosolium on three sides, jpening into an ambulacrum containing 28 loculi, 11 set endways to the passage. The whole is full I paintings, of various dates, on successive ayers of stucco. One, of a liturgical character, IS assigned by De Rossi to the 4th century. But his is probably much too early. Authorities. — Aringhi, Boma Subterranea. Bol- ietti, Osservazioni sopra i cimiteri de' santi mar- iri ed antichi Ghristiani di Roma. Bosio, Roma htteranea. Bottari, Sculture e pifture sagre stratte dai cimiteri di Roma. Fabretti, Inscrip- ionum antiquarum explicatio. Lupi, Dissertatio. klabillon. Iter Italicum. Marchi, / monumenti lelle arti cristiane primitive nella metropoli del Oristianesimo. Northcote (J. S.) and Brownlow iW. R.), Roma Sotterranea. Panvinius, De ritu epeliendi mortuos apud veteres Christianos et orum coemeteriis. Perret (Louis), Les cata- ombes de Rome. Raoul-Rochette, Tableau des Jatacombes. Rossi (J. B. de'), Inscriptiones Jhristianae. Rossi (J. B. de' and Mich. S. de'), 'ioma Sotterranea. Seroux D'Agincourt, Histoire 'e Cart par les monuments. [E. V.] CATALOGUS HIERATICUS, the name iven in the Apostolic Canons (15 and 51, or 14 nd 50) to the list of the clergy of a particular hui-ch. The term is also said to be applied to hat part of the Diptychs which contained the ames of those, still living, who were named in he Eucharistic service ; viz. of those who had lade offerings, emperors, patriarchs, &c., and istly of the bishop and clergy of the particular hurch, as above said. [A. W. H.] CATECHUMENS. The work of the Church 1 admitting converts from heathenism or Juda- ;m presented, from the nature of the case, very ifferent features, according to the varying cir- umstances with which she had to deal. Disci- line might be more or less highly organised, onverts of higher or lower grades of knowledge r character. If we attempt to form a complete icture from data gathered from different hurches and centuries, it must be with the eserve that all such pictures are more or less lealised, and that practically there were every- ■here departures more or less important from It will be convenient to arrange what has a be said under the heads (I.) The Catechumens. II.) The Catechists or Teachers. (III.) The 'lace of Instruction. (IV.) The Substance of the 'caching. I. Instruction of some kind, prior to the ad- lission of converts by baptism, must have been liven from the first, and the word, which after- wards became technical, meets us in the N. T. .polios was "instructed" (^Kar-nxni^^vos) in the -ay of the Lord (Acts xviii. 25). Theophilus ad been " instructed " in the main fiicts of the :rospel history which St. Luke inscribes to him Luke i. 4). The vi]TrioL of the apostolic epistles, hough not confined to the stage prior to baptism, rould naturally include those who were passing through it; and in the (TToix^7a ttjs apxris twv A 0710)1/ Tov @€ou of Heb. v. 12, we have, probably, a summary of the instruction which the writer looked on as adapted for such persons. In prac- tice^ however, as in the instances of the Ethiopian eunach (Acts viii. 36**), and the Philippian gaoler (Acts xvi. 33), it must have b*ien of the briefest and simplest kind. The traces of the process and method of instruction in the sub-apostolic age, and the two centuries that followed, are fragmentary and vague. It 's not till we get to the 4th century, with its strivings after a more elaborate organisation, that we meet with the developed system which has now to be described. So far as we may think of it as having actually prevailed, it deserves attention as presenting the most complete plan of systematic mission-work that the Church has ever known. The converts, it is obvious, might be of any age — might have been Jews, or heathens, or here- tics — might be ignorant or educated, of good or bad character. They might have been led to offer themselves by the influence of personal friends, or by the sermons preached in Christian assemblies at the religious services to which even outsiders were admitted. They presented them- selves to the bishop or priest, and were admitted sometimes after inquiry into character, sometimes without any delay, by the sign of the cross (August. Conff. i. 11, De peccat. merit, ii. 26) and imposition of hands, to the status of catechumens (1 Cone. Arelat. c. 6, Cone. Elib. c. 3). The Councils, as might be expected, prescribe condi- tions and allow immediate admission only in cases of sickness and of at least decent conduct. St. Martin, however, in his mission work in Gaul, is reported to have admitted his hearers to be catechumens as they rushed to him catervatim on the spot (Sulpicius, Vita, ii. 5, p, 294). From that moment they were recognised as Christians, though not as "fideles" (1 Cone. Constant, c. 7 ; Cod. Theod. xvi. tit. vii. de Apostat. leg. ii.), and began to pass under in- struction. The next epoch m their progress was the time when they were sufficiently advanced to give in their names as candidates for baptism ; and some writers (e. g. Suicer and Basnage) have accordingly recognised only two great divi- sions, the AuDiENTES, and the Competentes. Others, like Bona and Bingham, have made three or four divisions, though differing in details; and it will be well for the sake of completeness to notice these, though it is believed that the classi- fication was never a generally received one. (1.) Bingham's first class are the i^ccdov/xeuoi, those, i. (?., who were not allowed to enter the church, and received whatever instruction was given them outside its walls. The existence of such a body is, however, very doubtful. It rests only upon an inference drawn from the fifth canon of the Council of Neo-Caesarea, ordering that a catechumen (one of the Audientes) who had been guilty of grievous offences should be driven out {i^ouOsLaOoo), and there is no mention of such a class either in the canon itself or else- where. What is described is the punishment of an individual offender ; and even if the offenders a The interpolation of the question and answer of v. 31 in the MSS. of later date shows an uneasy con- sciousness of the difference between the ecclesiastical ai«l the apostolic practice. 318 CATECHUMENS catech:umens were numerous enough to attract notice, there wo-ild be no ground for classing them as in a distinct stage of instruction, (2.) The next division, that of the AUDIentes, or aKpowixeuoi, rests on better evidence. The Greek term is, indeed, not found as the designation of a class till the 4th century, but the Audientes or Auditores are mentioned both by Tertullian {de Foenitoit. c. 6) and Cyprian {Epist. 13 to 34). Over and above the instruction they received from their teachers, they were allowed to attend in churches and to listen (hence their name) to the scriptures and to sermons, sharing this privi- lege with the unbelievers, but probably occupying a 'distinct place in the congregation.'' They weit" not allowed, however, to be present when the strictly liturgical worship of the church began, and when the sermon was over, the deacon, mounting on a rostrum of some kind, proclaimed tliat it was time for them to go (Constt. Apost. viii. 5). As applied to these, or to the whole body of those who were under catechetical train- ing, the missa catechinnenorum became the dividing point between the more general worship of the church and the AeiTovpyia, properly so called. The feeling which shoAved itself in this disci- pUna arcani kept them in like manner from hearing the Creed or the Lord's Prayer till they took their place among the fxleles (Chrysost. Horn. xix. in Matt.). Sozomen {H. E. i. 20) even hesitated about inserting the Nicene Creed in his history lest it should fall into the hands of those who were still in the earlier stage of their Christian training. The practice of repeat- ing the Lord's Prayer secreto, which still prevails in the Western Church, probably originated in a like precaution. Assuming the Audie.ntes to represent the first class of beginners in Christian training, we may fxirly identify them with the " rudes " of Augustine's treatise {De catechiz. rudibus) and the dTeAeo-repot of the Greek Canonists (Balsamon ad Cone. Neocaesar. c. 5). The time of their probation probably varied according to the rapidity of their progress, and the two years specified by the Council of Eliberis (c. 42), or the three fixed by the Apostolical Constitutions (viii. 32), can hardly be looked on as more than rough estimates of what was thought advisable. Any lapse into idolatrous practices or other open sins involved, in the nature of things, a corresponding prolongation of the time of trial. Where the offence was fla- grant, the term, in which penance rather than instruction was now the dominant element, might be extended to the hour of death, or to some great emergency {Cone. Elib. c. 68). (3.) Writers who maintain a threefold or four- fold division of the body of catechumens see the third class in prostrati or genuflectentes (yovv- icKivoures). These were admitted, not only to stand and listen, but to kneel and pray. As being thus more prominent, they seem to have been known as specially ^Ae catechumens, as, e.g., in the evxv Kar'^xovixivo^v of the C. of Laodicea, c. 19. The name, it will be remembered, was applied also to those who were in one of the stages of the penitential discipline of the Church, The place assigned for the Audientes was the Narthex or p(jrtico of the church. (Zonaras cd. Cone. Mcaen, the fideles being degraded from their rightful position and placed on a level with those whc were not as yet entitled to the privileges of mem- bership. [Penitents.] (4.) After these stages had leen traversed, each with its appropriate instruction, the cate- chumens gave in their names as applicants for baptism, and were known accordingly as Compe- tentes {avvanovurcs). This was done commonly at the beginning of the Quadragesimal fast, and the instruction, carried on through the whole of that period, was fuller and more public in its nature (Cyril Hieros, Cateeh. i. 5 ; Hieron. Ep. 61, ad Pammaeh. c. 4). To catechumens in this stage the great articles of the Creed, the nature of the Sacraments, the penitential discipline of the Church, were explained, as in the Catechetical Lectures of Cyril of Jerusalem, with dogmatic precision. Special examinations and inquiries into character were made at intervals during the forty days. It was a time for fasting and watch- ing and \)Yc^J&v {Constt. Apost. viii. 5; 4 C. Carth. c. 85 ; Tertull. Be Bapt. c. 20 ; Cyril. I. c), and, in the case of those who were married, of the strictest continence (August, de fide et oper. v. 8). Those who passed through the ordeal were known as the perfectiores (reXeLciTepoi), the electi, or in the nom.enclature of the Eastern Church as ^air- tl(6ij.€voi or ^o}Ti^6ix^voi, the present participle being used of course with a future or gerundial sense. Their names were inscribed as such in the album or register of the church. They were taught, but not till a few days before their bap- tism, the Creed and the Lord's Prayer which they were to use after it. The periods for this registration varied, naturally enough, in different churches. At Jerusalem it was done on the second (Cyril. Catech. iii.), in Africa on the fourth Sunday in Lent (August. Serm. 213), and this . was the time at which the candidate, if so dis- ; posed, might lay aside his old heathen or Jewish ',. name and take one more specifically Christian (Socrat. II. E. vii. 21). The ceremonies connected with their actual admission will be found under ; Baptism. It is only necessary to notice here , that the Sacramentum Catechumenorum of which \ Augustine speaks {De Peccat. Meruit, ii. 26) as given apparently at or about the time of their first admission by imposition of hands, was pro- bably the euKoylai or panis benedictus, and not, as Bingham and Augusti maintain, the salt which was given with milk and honey after baptism.^ c It may be well to quote the passage referred to :— i| " Non unius est modi sanctiticatio ; nam et catechumenos secundum qiiendam modum sunm per signum Christi et orationem et manus impositionem puto sanctificari : et quod accipiunt, quamvis non sit corpus Christi, sanctum est tamen, et sanctlus qiiam cibi quibus alimur, quoniam I sacramentum est." Buigham (x. 2, 16). following Bona, infers from a canon of the 3rd Cone. Carth. c. 6, forbidding any other sacramentum than the " solituni sal " to be given to catechumens during the Easter festival, that this | must be that of wliich Augustine speaks ; and it is beyond | question that this was given during the period of probation, : as well as immediately after baptism. It would seem, how- , ever, from the canon itself, that some other sacramentum \ was given at other times ; and the words of Augustine, "quamvis non sit corpus Christi," imply, it is believed,. , something presenting a greater outward likeness to the Eucharistic bread than could be found in the salt. The proviso would hardly have been needed on Bingham'fi CATECHUMENS CATHEDl^A 319 It is clear that naany cases would present [lemselres in which the normal order of progress ;ould be interrupted. (1.) The catechumen light lapse into idolatry or other grievous sin. ji that case he was thrown back, and had to go Jiirough a penitential discipline, varying, accord- ig to the nature of the offence, from a few lonths to three or five years, or even to a life- mg exclusion ((7. Elih. c. 4, 10, 11, 68 ; C. Nicaen. 14 ; G. Neo. Caesar, c. 5). In no case, how- i'er, was the sacrament, which was thought of 3 indispensable to salvation, refused to the peni- mt when the hour of death approached. Their ns were looked on as committed in their unre- enerate state, and therefore less heinous than ley would have been in those who had been dmitted to full Christian fellowship. (2.) They light, however, through their own neglect, die ithout baptism. In that case, they were buried ithout honour, with no psalms or oblations L G .Bracar. c. 35), and were not mentioned in the rayers of the Church. The one comfort left to leir surviving friends was to give alms to the oor in the hope that thus they might obtain )me alleviation for the souls that had passed jyond the grave without the new birth that Imitted men to the Kingdom (Chrysost. Horn. 3 1 Fhilipp.). (3.) Where the loss of baptism was ot incurred by their own default, the will was ;tepted, at least in special cases, for the deed, he death of the younger Valontinian led Am- jfose (de Obit. Valent. p. 12) to the wider hope, i/'hat was true of catechumen-martyrs and the iptism of blood, as supplying the lack of the xptism of water — and this was received almost i an axiom by all Christian writers from Ter- illian downwards (see Bingham, x. 2, 20) — was ue of one of whom it might be said hunc sua lietas abluit et voluntas." Augustine, following I the footsteps of his master, appealed to the ■ucial instance of the penitent thief against the gorous dogmatism of those who thought that iptism was absolutely indispensable (de Bapt. \ 22). (4.) Another common case was naturally lat of those who were stricken down by some idden sickness before the term of their probation ad expired. In this case the Church did not 3sitatc to anticipate the wished-for goal, dis- insed with all but the simplest elements of istruction, and administered baptism on the Jd of death. [Baptism, p. 169.] II. It is noticeable that, with all this syste- atic discipline as to the persons taught, there as no order of teachers. It was part of the istoral office to watch over the souls of those ho were seeking admission to the Church, as ell as of those who were in it, and thus bishops, riests, deacons, or readers might all of them be 'und, when occasion required, doing the work • a catechist. The Doctor Audientium, of hom Cyprian speaks, was a lector in the church : Carthage. Augustine's treatise, de Gatechi- mdis Rudihus, was addressed to Deogratias as a 3acon, the Gatecheses of Cyril of Jerusalem were ilivered by him partly as a deacon, partly as a resbyter. The word Catechist implied, accord- ^gly, a function, not a class. Those who under- >ok that function were known sometimes as ivT6Koyoi (Gonstt. Apost. ii. 37), as having a ork like that of those to whom that title was ^plied on board ship. It was their part to j>eak to those who were entering the ark or ship of Christ's Church, to tell them of the perils of the voyage which they were about to undertake, and take their pledge for payment of the fare. The word was part of the metaphor which saw in the bishop the steersman, and in the presbyters the sailors, in the Church itself the navis or ship. III. The places in which catechetical instruc- tion was thus carried on must have varied widely at different times and in different places : sometimes the room or building in which the fideles met to worship, before or after service ; sometimes a room in the presbyter's or deacon's house, probably at Alexandria, from the special nature of the case, a lecture-room, like the " school " of Tyrannus in Acts xix. 9. It is not till we come to the fully-developed organisation of the Church that we read of special buildings for the purpose, under the name of KaTijxov/xevela. They are mentioned as such in the 97th canon of the Trullan Council, and appear, from a Novella of the Emperor Leo's, to have been in the vTrepcfovy or upper chamber of the church ; probably, i. e. in a room over the portico. In some instances the baptistery seems to have been used for this purpose (Ambros. Ep. 33), while in others, again, perhaps with a view to guarding against prema- ture presence at the rite of baptism, they were not allowed to enter the building in which it was administered {Gone. Arausic. c. 19). IV. The ideal scheme of preparation involved obviously a progress from lower to higher truths. The details varied probably according to the dis- cretion of the teacher and the necessities of the taught ; but two great representative examples are found of the earlier stage in Augustine's treatise de Gatechizandis rudibus, and in the Gatecheses of Cyril of Jerusalem. The range of subjects in the former includes the sacred history . of the world from the Creation downwards, and then proceeds to the truths of the resurrection and judgment according to works. The better edu- cated may be led to the allegorical meaning of Scripture, and the types of the law. Then came the Gospel narratives, and the Law of Christ. The teaching of Cyril, as intended for the com- petentes, took a wider and higher cycle of subjects, and are based {Gatech. iv.) upon a regula fidei, including the dogmas (1) of God, (2) of Christ, (3) of the birth from the Virgin's womb, (4) of the cross, (5) of the burial, (6) of the resurrec- tion of Christ, (7) of the ascension, (8) of judg- ment to come,' (9) of the Holy Spirit, (10) of the soul, (11) of the body, (12) of meats, (13) of the general resurrection, (14) of the Holy Scrip- tures. [E. H. P.] CATHEDEA (KoeeSpa).— (1) First and pro- perly, in ecclesiastical usage, the actual throne or seat of the bishop in his episcopal church ; the fir\fia Koi dp6uos viprjXos of Eusebius (ZT. E. vii. 30), to which Paul of Samosata arrogantly added a (rrjKpTjro}/, — distinguished by the same Eusebius from the Sevrepoi OpSvoi of the presby- ters (ib. X. 5. 23) ; — who also speaks of the airoffTO- KiKbs Qpovos of St. James at Jerusalem, meaning the actual seat itself still preserved there (ih. vii. 19, 32) ; — called cathedra velata by St. Augustiu (Epist. ad Maxim, cciv.), and linteata by Pacian ; and inveighed against by St, Greg.Naz. (Garm. xi.) as v\pri\oi 6p6voi; and so Prudentius speaks of the bishop's seat, " Fronte sub adversa [i. c. as the upper end of the apse] gradibus suUime 320 CATHEDRA tribunal Tollitur " (^Peristeph. H. iv. 225). St. Mark's chair is said to have existed for a long time at Alexandria (Vales, ad Euseb. H. E. ni. 9). And one assigned to Pope Stephen is said to have been found in the catacombs by Pope Innocent XII. The wooden chair, with its heathen ivories, re- presenting the labours of Hercules, which is so carefully "honoured in St. Peter's at Rome as St. Peter's, is at once the most celebrated, and the most unfortunately chosen, specimen of the class. Episcopal chairs are frequently repre- sented in ancient Christian mosaics or marbles, sometimes adorned with two lions' heads, some- times with two dogs' heads, soinetimes with our Lord Himself represented as sitting in them, sometimes with the B. Virgin, sometimes with the open Gospels laid upon them, sometimes with the bishop himself (Ciampini, Vet. Mon. I. tab. 2, 37, 47, II. tab. 41 ; and cf St. Aug. Epist. ad Diosc. Ivi.); sometimes raised upon steps {gradatae, St. Aug. Epist. ad Maxim, cciii., and see Aringhi, ii. 325) ; sometimes " veiled " (ye- latae, St. Aug. as above, see Bosio, Horn. Sotter. p. 327). And certain chairs or seats, cut in the tufa stone in the catacombs, are conjectured to have been intended for the bishop at the time when persecution compelled the Christians to hold service there. A Council of Carthage, A.D. 535, forbids a bishop " cathedram collocare in monasterio," i. e. to ordain there. Bat hence (2) the word was transferred to the see itself of the bishop, as in Victor Vitens. De Fersec. Vandal, iv. So Cone. Milevit.^ ii. cans. 21, 24; and "Cathedrae viduatae" in CoUat. Carthag. i. c. 185, 217 ; " Cathedrae ma- trices," in Cone. Milev. ii. c. 25 ; and Cod. Can. ' Afric. 123 ; and " Cathedrae principales," in Cod. Can. Afric. 38. So also Greg. Tur. H. F. iii. 1, and Sidon. Apollin. repeatedly. And earlier than all these, TertuUian {De Fraescript. xxxvi.) speaks of " Cathedrae Apostolorum," as still existing in the " Ecclesiae Apostolicae ;" mean- ing, not the literal chairs, but the specially Apostolic succession of the bishops of those sees, (3) The word became used for the Episcopal Church itself, " principalis cathedra," in Cone. Aquisgr. a.d. 789, can. 40, meaning the cathedral as opposed to the other churches in the diocese : *' Ecclesia Cathedralis," Coiic. Tarracon. K.T). 516, c. ult. : called also " Ecclesia mater," in the Conc.^ Earn, suh Sijlvestro, c. 17 ; and " Ecclesia matrix," in Cone. Mogunt. i. c. 8 ; and " matrix," simply, by Ferrand. Breviar. cc. 11, 17, 38. But " ca- thedral," used absolutely for the " ecclesia cathe- dralis," dates from the 10th century, and belongs to the Western Church only. [Cathedral.] [Du Cange; Bingham; Martigny ; Walcott, Sacr. Arch:] [A. W. H.] CATHEDEA PETKI. [Peter, Festivals OF.] CATHEDRAL, also in later times DOM KIRCHE, DUOMO : the chief and episcopal church of a diocese ; not so called however until the 10th century, when the epithet, derived from the bishop's cathedra or chair, became a sub- stantive name; called previously the mother church, or the ecclesia matrix, in distinction from the parish churches, which were called tituli or ecclesiae dioecesanae. [Cathedra.] It was also sometimes called the "Catholic" "hurch. [Catholic] The architectural features CATHOLIC of a cathedral are treated in the article Church The gradual formation and character of the^ cathedral chapter will be found under Chapter. And for the immunities belonging to it simply as a church, see Church, Sanctuary. As a cathedral church, it was held to "be — what at first and in the earliest times it literally was— the parish church of the diocese, to which the others stood as it were in the relation of chapels. In it the bishop was formally enthroned: so cathedrare and ineathedrare, to enthrone. And in it he was to be consecrated, according to ordinary rule. [Bishop.] Ordinations also, and diocesan synods, were commonly held there. And manumissions of serfs, in Celtic and Saxon England, took place at the altar of the cathedral in th( presence of the bishop. Schools and libraries were attached in course of time to cathedrals And Charlemagne, who ordered monastic schools and founded palatine schools, found episcopa. schools ready to his hand. [Schools ; Canonici p. 281.] ^ [A.W.H.] CATHEDRATICUM.— (1) A pension paic annually to the bishop by the churches of hii diocese, " in signum subjectionis ;" acc. to Cone Bracnr. ii. c. 2, " pro honore cathedrae ;" am to Cone. Eavenn. a.d, 997, c, 2, " pro respecti Sedis;" both councils limiting the payments u each case ro two shillings severally. So also Cone Bracar. iii. A,D. 572, and Tolet. vii, c, 4.— (2) T ivepoviariKhv, a fee paid by the bishop to th bishops who had consecrated him, and to th clerks and notaries who assisted (Julian. Ante cessor, Constit. 115, 431 ; Justiniar iV"ot;e/, exxiii. c. 3 ; quoted by Du Cange). [A. W. H.j CATHISMA {Yipi]T so called because they withdrew or retired fr. the coenobia, wherein the monks dwelt togethj to small cells in the immediate vicinity.^ | festivals they repaired to the church of i| monastery, and thus, being still semi-attactl to the community, they differed from the h| mits, €prjixLTai, who were independent of cont| CELIJTAE CEMETERY 329 (S^jic. Thes. s. v.). As preferring the more complete privacy and quiet of these cells to iinng in common, they were sometimes called hesychastae, ^o-uxafTTai, and their cells rjavxC'- (TT-npia (Bingh. Orig. VII. ii. 14, ; Justin. Novell. V. 3).a The word " cella," k^W'lov, originally meaning the cave, den, or separate cell of each recluse (Soz. H. E. vi. 31; Greg. Dial. ii. 34),b soon came to be applied to their collective dwelling- place ; in this resembling the terra monasterium, which signified at first a hermit's solitary abode, and subsequently the abode of several monks together. "Cella," in its later use, was applied even to larger monasteries (Mab. Ann. v. 7) ; but usually to the offshoots or dependencies of the old foundation (Du Cange, s. v.) " Cellula " is used for a monastery by Gregory of Tours {Hist. vi. 8, 29, &c.). In the Rule of St. Fruc- tuosus " cella " stands for the " black -hole," the place of solitary confinement for offenders against the discipline (Mab. Ann. xiii. 41). The Regula Agaunensis forbad separate cells for the monks ; but it is not clear whether this prohibition refers to cells within the walls or to the cells outside of the " cellitae." Cassian, in his account of the different kinds of monks in Egypt, condemns the " Sarabaitae," who dwelt together in small groups of cells without rule or superior (Cass. Coll. xviii. 17). The same distrust of what inevitably tended to disorder and licence is shown in the decrees of Western Councils (e, g. Concc. Aurel. I. c. 22 ; Agath. c. 38). But the cells of the " Cellitae," properly so called, resembled rather a " Laura " in Egypt and Palestine, each Laura being a quasi coenobitic cluster of cells, forming a com- munity to which, in the earlier days of monachism, the abbat's will was in place of a written rule. The first of these " Lauras " is said to have been founded by St, Chariton, about the middle of the 4th century, near the Dead Sea (Bulteau, Hist. Mon. d' Orient. 282). Other famous laux-as were those of St. Euthymius, near Jerusalem, in the next century, and of St. Sabas, near the Jordan; to the former only grown men were admitted, to the latter only boys (Helyot, Hist, des Ordr. Mon. Dissert. Prelim. § 5). The motive for withdrawing from a monas- tery to one of those little cells clustering round it was, apparently, a desire in some cases of soli- tude, in others of a less austere mode of life. Each cell had a small garden or vineyard, in which the monk could occupy himself at pleasure (Du Cange, s. v.). But sometimes the "Cellita" was a monk with aspirations after more than ordinary self-denial. Thus it was a custom at Vienna, in the 6 th century, for some monk, se- lected as pre-eminent in sanctity, to be immured in a solitary cell, as an intercessor for the people (Mab. Ann. iv. 44, cf. vii. 57). A strict rule for " Cellitae " was drawn up in the 9th century by Grimlac. Their cells were to be near the monastery, either standing apart one from another or communicating only by a window. The cellitae were to be supported by * KeAAiwTiJs also meant an imperial chamberlain at the court of Constantinople. ^ " Ad piopriam cellam revertisset " is taken by some fonimcntaiors as referring to a convent of nuns already founded by Sta- Scholastica (Greg. Dial. ii. 34). their own work or by alms : they might be either clergy or laymen. If professed monks, they were to wear the dress of the order ; if not, a cape as a badge. None were to be admitted into the "Cellitae" except by the bishop or tha abbat, nor without a noviciate. They were to have their own chapel for mass ; and a window in the wall of the church, through which they might "assist" at the services, and receive the confessions of penitents. A seal was to be set by the bishop on the door of each cell, never to be broken, except in urgent sickness for the necessary medical and spiritual comfort (Helyot, Diss. Fret. § 5 ; Bulteau, Hist, de VOrdre S. B. I. ii. 21). The term cellulanus has been supposed equiva- lent to cellita. It is used by Sidouius Apolli- naris for the Lerinensian monks (IX. Ep. 3, ad Faust.). According to Du Cange it sometimes means a monk sharing the same cell with another. [I. G. S.] CELSUS. (1) Child-martyr at Antioch un- der Diocletian, is commemorated Jan. 9 {Mart. Rom. Vet., Usuardi). (2) Martyr with Nazarius at Milan, June 12 {Mart. Usuardi). The Mart. Bom. Vet. places the invention of the relics of these saints on this day, the mar- tyrdom on July 28. The Cal. Byzant. comme morates them on Oct. 14. [C] CEMETERY {KoiixriThpiov, Coemeterium). In the familiar term cemetery we have an ex- ample — one among many — of a new and nobler meaning being breathed by Christianity into a word already familiar to heathen antiquity. Al- ready employed in its natural sense of a " sleep- ing place " (Dosid. apud Athenaeum, 143, C), it became limited in the language of Christians to the places where their brethren who had fallen asleep in Christ were reposing until the morning of the Resurrection. Death, through the Resur- rection of Jesus Christ, had changed its nature and its name. " In Christianis," writes St. Je- rome, Ep. 29, " mors non est mors, sed dormitio et somnus appellatur." " Mortuos consuevit dicere dormientes quia evigilaturos, id est resur- recturos vult intelligi" (Aug. Rs. in Fs. Ixxxvii.). And the spot where the bodies of the departed were deposited also changed its designation and received a new and significant title. The faithful looked on it as a Koifxi^rrjpiov, " a sleeping-place ; the name being, as St. Chrysostom says, a per- petual evidence that those who were laid there Avere not dead but sleeping : Slo. tovto aiirhs 6 TOTTos KoijX'r}TqpLOV wvojuLaffTai 'Iva /uddrfs bn at reXevTTjKoTes Kal ivravOa Ke'i/xcvoi ov TeOy-f)-' Kaai aKKa Koifj.S)urai. Koi KaOevdovcri. {Homil. Ixxxi.) The earliest example of the use of the word is, perhaps, in the Fhilosopliumena of Hippolytus, c. 222, where v;^e read that Zephyrinus, bishop of Rome, " set " Callistus, afterwards his suc- cessor, " over the cemetery" els rh KoifxrjTTipiov Karecrrricreu {Fhilosophum. lib, ix. c. 7). Here the word is recognized as an already established term. That its origin was exclusively Christian, and that in its new sense it was a term unknown, and hardly intelligible to the heathen authorities, is evidenced by the form of the edicts which supply the next examples of its use. In the pei- secution under Valerian, A,D. 257, Aemilianua 330 CEMETERY the prefect prohibited the Christians of Ak^x- andria, els to. KaAov fxeva KoifirjrrjpLa eitri- duai. This edict was revoked by Gallienus on the cessation of the persecution, c, 259, and an imperial rescript again permitted the bishops TO. tSsv KaXov fxevccv KoifxriTripioov airoKap.- fidueiv x^P'-"- ^^'^ term been one in familiar use among the heathen inhabitants, it would have been needless to have thus specified them. A distinction between the burial places of Christians and those of another faith had its origin in the very first ages of the Church. This principle of jealous separation after death be- tween the worshippers of the True God and the heathen was inherited from the Jews. The Jews wherever they resided had their own places of sepulchre, from which all but their co-religionists were rigidly excluded. In Rome they very early had a catacomb of their own in the Monte Verde on the Via Portuensis, outside the Trasteverine quarter of the city, which was their chief place of residence. Another has been investigated by De Rossi on the Via Appia ; the construction of which he considers takes us back as far as the time of Augustus. So also the Christians, in death as well as in life, would seek to carry out the apostolic injunction to " come out, and be separate, and touch not the unclean thing." The faithful brethren of the little flock, the " peculiar people," lay apart, still united by the ties of a common brotherhood, waiting for " the great and terrible day " which according to the universal belief of the primitive church was so near at hand. As an evidence of the abhorrence felt in very early, though not the earliest, times of uniting Christians and pagans in one common sepulchre, we may refer to the words of Cyprian, A.D. 254-. This Father upbraids a lapsed Spanish bishop named Martialis, among other crimes, with having associated with the members of a heathen funeral college and joined in their funeral ban- quets, and having buried his sons in the cemetery over which they had superintendence — " Praeter gentilium turpia et lutulenta convivia et collegia diu frequentata, filios in eodem collegio, exter- arum gentium more, apud profana sepulchra depositos et alienigenis consei^ultos " (Cyprian. Epist. 67). Hilary of Poitiers, c. 360, also com- menting on the text, " let the dead bury their dead," asserts the same principle, "Ostendit Dominus .... inter fidelem filium patremque in- fidelem jus paterni nominis non relinqui. Non obsequium humandi patris negavit, sed . . . ad- monuit non admisceri memoriis sanctorum mor- tuos infideles " {Comm. in Matt. cap. vii.). These Christian cemeteries were in their first origin j>rivate and individual. The wealthier members of the Church were buried each in a plot of ground belonging to him, while the tombs of the poorer sort, like that of their Lord, were dug in the villas or gardens of rich citizens or matrons of substance who had embraced the faith of Christ, and devoted their property to His service. The titles by which many of the Roman cemeteries are still designated, though often confused with the names of conspicuous saints and martyrs who in later times were interred in them, are derived from their original possessors, some of whom may with great probability be referred to very early if not apostolic times. The cemeteries which are designated as those of Lucina, Domitilla, Commodilla, Cyriaca, Priscilla, CEMETERY j Fraetextatus, Poutianus, &c., w^ere so called, not as being the burial places of these individuals, but because the sepulchral area which formed the nucleus of their ramifications had been their pro-! party. Not that in every instance the origina cemetery received this large extension. Under- ground Christian tombs have been found in the vicinity of Rome consisting of no more than a single sepulchral chamber, so that some of these cemeteries may have been always limited to the members and adherents of a single family. The only necessary restriction was that of a common faith. A few years ago a gravestone was found in the catacomb of Nicomedes outside the Porta Pia, bearing an inscription in which a certain Va- lerius Mercurius, according to the Roman custom, bequeathed to his freedmen and freedwomen and their posterity the right of sepulture in the same cemetery, provided that they belonged to his own religion. At (ad) religionem pertinentesI MEAM. We have another example of the same kind in an inscription which may still be seen in the most ancient part of the cemeteiy of Nereus and Achilleus. In this it is recorded that M. Antonius Restitutus made a hypogaeum for him- self and his family trusting in the Lord, "sibi et suis fidentibus in Domino." We have no example of language of this kind in any heathen epitaph. The strongest tie of brotherhood among Christians was a common faith. This bond out- lasted death, and nowhere was its power more felt than in their burials. Nor was there any- thing in the social or religious position of the first Christians in Rome and elsewhere to curtail their liberty in the mode of the disposing of their dead. They lived in, and with their age, and followed its customs in all things lawful. No existing laws interfered with them. On the con- trary, all the ordinances of the Roman legislation under which, as citizens, they lived, were favour- i able to the acquisition and maintenance of burial places by the Christians. In Rome land used for interment became ipso facto invested with a religious character which extended not only to the | area in which the sepulture took place, but to i the hypogaea or subterranean chambers beneath ' it, and perhaps also to the cellae memoriae, the gardens, orchards, and other appurtenances be- longing to them. The violation of a tomb was [ a crime under the Roman law visited with the j severest penalties. According to Paulus (Digest. ; lib. xlvii. tit. xii. § 11) those convicted of remov- ing a body or digging up the bones were, if per- sons of the lowest rank, to siifFer capital punish- i tnent ; if of higher condition, to be banished to I an island, or condemned to the mines. This j privilege reached even to those who, at; martyrs, had forfeited their lives to the law. The Digest contains the opinions of some of the most eminent Roman lawyers that the bodies of criminals might legallj' be given up to those who asked for them. " Corpora animadversorum quibuslibet petenti- j bus ad sepulturam danda sunt " (Paulus ap. j Digest, lib. xlviii. tit. xxiv.). Ulpian (ibid. § 1) adduces the authority of the Emperor Augustus for the restoration of the bodies of criminals to their relations. In his own time, he re- marks, a formal petition and permission was requisite, and the request was sometimes refused, chiefly in cases of high treason. This exception may have sometimes interfered with the Chris- tians obtaining possession of the body of a martvi CEMETEKY CEMETERY 331 who had refused to swear " by the fortune of Caesar," But for the first two centuries ^-Jiere IS no evidence of any such prohibition, and unless the " Acts of the martyrs " are to be altogether discredited, the nucleus of many of the existing catacombs was created by the bui'ial of some famous martyr on the private property of a wealthy Christian. The facilities for bui-ial would be also further enlarged by the existence of legalized funeral guilds or confraternities (collegia), associated together for the reverent celebration of the funeral rites of their members. The Christians were not forbidden by any rules of their own society, or laws of the empire, to enter into a corpoi'ate union of this kind. The jurist Marcian, at the beginning of the third century, as quoted in the Digests (Z>0 Colleg. et Corpor. lib. xlvii. tit. xxii. 1), when stating the prohibitions against collegia sodalicia, soldiers' clubs, and other illicit combinations, expressly excepts meetings the object of which was re- ligious, " religionis causa coire non prohibentur," provided they were not forbidden by a decree of the senate ; as well as associations of the poorer classes meeting once a month to make a small payment for common purposes, one of which was the decent burial of their members, " permittitur tenuioribus stipem menstruam conferre, dum ta- men semel in mense coeaut " (Digest, ibid.'). That such associations existed among Christians with the object, among others, of defraying the funeral expenses of their poorer brethren, is clear from the Apology of Tertullian. He says, speaking of the area pxiblica, or public chest : " Every one makes a small contribution on a certain day of the month (modicarn unusquisque stipem men- strua die. . . . apponit), or when he chooses, pro- vided only he is willing and able, for none is compelled The amount is, as it were, a common fund of piety. Since it is expended not in feasting, or drinking, or indecent excess, but in feeding and burying the poor, &c. (egenis alendis humandis-qne)." Tertull. Apolog. c. xxxix. The first historical notice we have of any in- terference with the Christian cemeteries is found in Africa, a.d. 203. And this was not an act of the civil power, but was simply an outbreak of popular bigotry. "Areae non sint," Tertull. ad Scapul. c. iii. [area]. We do not find any general edict aimed at the Christian cemeteries before that of the Emperor Valerian, A.D. 257 ; and even this is directed not against the ceme- teries themselves but against religious meetings in the sacred precincts, and is absolutely silent as to any prohibition of burial. After this, the ' cemeteries became expressly recognized by the civil power. We cannot doubt that places of interment must have been provided by the Church, in its corporate capacity, for its members at a very early period. It was not every Christian v/hose dead body would be sure of receiving the pious "^are that attended the more distin- guished members of the Church. Their ab- horrence of cremation, and repugnance against admixture with the departed heathen forbad their finding a resting place in the heathen columbaria. The horrible puticuli where the bodies of the lowest slaves were thrown to rot in tvU undistinguished mass, could not be permitted to be the last home of those for whom, equally w-ith the most distinguished members of the Church, Christ died. " Apud nos," writes Lac- tantius, " inter pauperes et divites, servos et do- minos, interest nihil " (Lact, J)iv. Inst. v. 14, 15). A common cemetery would be one of the first necessities of a Christian Church in any city as soon as it acquired a corporate existence and stability. Rome could not have long dispensed with it. And when we read of Callistus being " set over the cemetery," by Pope Zephyrinus (c. 202), we cannot reasonably question that the cemetery which we know from Anastasius " Cal- listus made (fecit) on the Appian way, and which is called to the present day the cemetery of Cal- listus " (Anastas. § 17), was one common to the whole Christian community, formed by Callistus on a plot of ground given to him for this purpose by some Roman of distinction. It is a plausible conjecture of De Rossi that the example of those who had bestowed this cemetery on the Christian community would speedily be followed by other believers of wealth, and that others of the larger cemeteries which surround Rome owe their origin, or fuller development to this epoch. This pro- bability is strengthened when we find it recorded by Pope Fabian, in the early part of the same century (a.d. 238), that " after he had divided the regions among the deacons he ordered nu- merous buildings to be constructed in the ceme- teries" (multas fabi-icas per coemeteria fieri praecepit), Anast. § 21. It was in one of these memorial chapels that in all probability Pope Xystus II. was martyred, A.D. 261, " in coemeterio animadversum," Cyprian, Up. 80 (81). Anas- tasius records that the charge under which he suffered was contempt for the commands of Va- lerian (Anast. § 25), and, as we have seen, one of the persecuting edicts of that emperor forbad the Chi'istians to enter their cemeteries. Among the internal ari-angements of the church attri- buted in the X«6er Fontificalis to Dionysius (A.D. 261-272) is the institution of cemeteries, " coe- meteria instituit " (Anast. § 26). From this pe- riod large public cemeteries became a recognized part of the organization of the Christian Church. It was considered a duty incumbent on the richer members to provide for the reverent interment of the poor, and where other means were wanting, St. Ambrose sanctioned the sale of the sacred vessels by the Christian community rather than that the dead should want burial (Ambros. de OffiG. lib. ii. c. 28). The form, position, and arrangements of the early Christian cemeteries were not regulated by any uniform system, but were modified ac- cording to the customs of the country, the nature of the soil, and the conditions of climate. Attention having been for a long time chiefly drawn to the subterranean cemeteries of Rome, it has been too hastily inferred that all the early Christian burial places were underground vaults. But as Mommsen says, " the idea that the dead were usually buried in such vaults in early Christian times is as erroneous as it is prevalent " {Contempor. Rev., May 1871, p. 166). We know that at Carthage the Christian dead were buried, not in hypogaea, but in open plots of ground, " areae sepulturarum nostrarum." Against these burial places the populace directed their mad attack with the wild cry, " Down with the burial places " (areae non sint), and with the fury of Bacchanals dug up the graves, dragged forth the decaying corpses, and tore them mto fragments 332 CEMETERY CEMETERY (Tertull. ad Scap. 3, Apolog. c, xxxvii.). Half a century later we find the word in use at Car- thage. St. Cyprian was burred " ad areas Ma- crobii Candidiani procuratoris " (Ruinart, Acta Martyrum Sincera, p. 263). It also occurs in the Acts of Montanus and Lucius, " in medio eoruni in area solum servari jussit (Montanus) ut nec sepulturae consortio privaretur " (i6. 279). The same tei*m is found in connection with a monu- mental cemetery chapel, cella memoriae, in a very remarkable inscription from Caesarea in Maure- tania (lol) given by De Rossi (^Bullet, di Arch. Crist. April, 1864) :— " Areani at (ad) sepulchra cultor verbl contulit, Et cellam struxii suis ciinctis sumptibus. Kclesiae sanctae banc reliquit memoviam. Salvete fratres puro corde et simplici, Euelpias vos satos sancto Spiritu. Eclesia Fratrum hunc restitult titulum. Ex ing. Asteri." "This graveyard was given by the servant of the Word, who has also built the chapel entirelv at his own expense. He left the memoria to the Holy Church. Hail, brethren ! Euelpias with a pure and simple heart greets you, born of the Holy Spirit." The remainder of the inscription records the restoration of the tituhis, which had been damaged in one of the former persecutions, by the Ecclesia Fratrum. The concluding words, " ex ingenio Asterii," give the name of the poet. We find sufficient evidence of this custom of burying in enclosed graveyards, according to the modern usage, prevailing in other districts. The language of St. Chrysostom with respect to the immense concourse of people who assembled on Easter Eve and other special anniversaries for Avorship and the celebration of the Eucharist in the cemeteries and at the martyria, with which the city of Antioch was surrounded, can only be interpreted of cemeteries above ground. There is not the slightest reference to subterranean vaults, which would have been altogether inade- quate to receive the multitudes who thronged thither (cf. Chrysost. Hom. 81, ets rh uvofxa kol- fLr]TT]pLOv; Hom. 65, de Martyribus ; Hom. 67, in Drosidem). The same inference as to the position of the cemeteries may be legitimately drawn from other passages of early writers. This is the only satisfactory interpretation of the passage in the Apostolical Constitutions (lib. vi. c. 30), relating to assemblies held in the cemeteries " for reading the sacred books, singing in behalf of the martyrs which are fallen asleep, and for all the saints from the beginning of the world and for the brethren that are asleep in the Lord, and offering the accept- able Eucharist." We learn also from Athanasius {Apolog. pro Fuga, p. 704) that during the week after Pentecost the people fasted and went out to pray ir^pl ra Koi/xrjTripia. The prohibitions of the Council of Elvira (a.d. 305, Ca?io«, 34, 35) of the custom of females passing the night in the cemeteries, which was the cause of many scandals under the colour of religion (cf. Pe- tron. Arbit. Matrona Fphes.), and of the light- ing of candles in them during the day-time^ " placuit cereos in coemeteriis non accendi, inqui- etandi enim Sanctorum spiritus non sunt " (cf. 1 Sam. xxviii. 15, " Quare inquietasti me ut sus- citarer?"), indicate open-air cemeteries fur- nished with martyrta, monuments, and memorial chapels, not subterranean vaults. We would ex- plain in the same way the 110th canon cf the Council of Laodieaea (A.D. 366) forbidding mem- bers of the Church to resort to the cemeteries ! or martyria of heretics for the purpose of prayer and divine service, evxns ^ depaTreias eVe/ca. Sidonius Apollinaris, bishop of Clermont, d. 482, describes the burial place of his grandfather as a grave (scrobs) in a field (campus) (Sidon. Apoll. lib. iii. ep. 12). Nor even in Rome itself, though the actual place of interment was as a rule in a subter- ranean excavation, now known as- a catacomb, does the word coemeterium exclusively denote these underground vaults. De Rossi, following Settele {Atti della Pont. Acad, d' Arch. tom. iL p. 51) has abundantly shown in his Soma Sot- terranea (cf. vol. i. pp. 86, 93, &c.), that coeme- terium when it occurs in the Lives of the Popes and other early documents frequently denotes the monumental chapels and oratories, together with the huts of the fossores and other officials, erected in the funeral enclosure. The long peace from the reign of Caracalla to that of De- cius might well have encouraged the Christians to erect such buildings, and allowed them to make frequent use of them notwithstanding occasional disturbances from popular violence " (Northcote, P. S. p. 86-87). When we read of popes and other Christian confessors taking refuge in the cemeteries and living in them for a considerable period, we are not to suppose that they actually passed their time underground, under circum- stances and in an atmosphere which would render life hardly possible, but in one of the buildings annexed to the cemeteries, either for religious purposes, or for the guardianship of the sacred en- closures.* Thus when we read in Anastasius (§ 60) i that Boniface I. in the stormy period that ac- companied the double election to the popedom, A.D. 419, "habitavit in coemeterio Sanctae Fe- | licitatis," we find Symmachus, his contemporary, I writing without any allusion to the place of his j retirement, " extra murum deductus non longe ab urbe remoratur " (Symmach. Fp. x. 73). We | have a distinct example belonging to the same j period, of residence in a cella of a cemetery. This is the priest Barbatianus, who having come from Antioch to Rome retired to the cemetery of Cal- listus, " clam latens in cellula sua " (Agnellus, Vifae Pont. Pavenn.). Ptolemaeus Silvius, quoted by De Rossi, Bullettino, G'uigno, 1863, writing A.D. 448, speaks of the innumerable cellulae dedicated to the martyrs with which the areas of the cemeteries were studded. All these buildings taken collei:tively were often comprised under the name coemeterium. Onuphrius Panvinius (d. 1568), one of the earliest writers on Christian interment, De Pitu sepeliend. Mort. apud vet. Christ., p. 85, expressly states that " inasmuch as worshippers were wont to assemble in large numbers at the tombs of the martyrs on the anniversaries of their death, the name of cemetery was extended to capacious places adjacent to the cemeteries, suitable for public meetings I for prayer." " We read," he continues, " that the early Roman pontifis were in the habit of | keeping these stations, that is, performing all j their public pontifical acts among the tombs of [ — j * Express reference is made by Ulpian to the habit rf j dwelling iu sepulchres {Digest, lib. xlvii. tit. xii. ^ 3> I CEMETERY CHALCEDON 833 the martyrs. And thus these cemeteries were to the Christians as it were temples, and places of prayer in which bishops usea to gather their synods, administer the sacraments, and preach the word of God." ^ [Churchyard.] That the term coemeterium was not restricted to the subteri-anean places of interment is also clear from the fact that though interment in the catacombs had entirely ceased in the 5th cen- tury, we read of one pope after another being buried in coemeterio (cf. Siricius, A.D. 398, Anast. § 55 ; Anastasius a.d. 402, ih. § 56 ; Bonifacius, A.D. 422, ih. § 61 ; Coelestinus, a.d. 432, «6. §62). Even of Vigilius, who died a.d. 555, long after the catacombs were disused for burial and had be- come nothing more than places of devotion at the tombs of the martyrs, we read (ib. § 108), " cor- pus . . . sepultum est . . . in coemeterio Priscil- lae " ( Anast. § 108). Hadrian I. in his celebrated letter to Charlemagne on images, also makes mention of the pictures executed by Coelestinus "in coemeterio suo " (^Concilia, Ed. Mansi xiii. o. 801). (For fuller particulars, see De Rossi, Rom. Soft. vol. i. p. 216, 217). There is an ap- parent exception in the case of Zosimus, a.d. 418, Sixtus III. A.D. 440, and Hilarius, a.d. 468, all of whom are stated to have been buried "ad Sanctum Laurentium in crypta " (Anast. § 59, 65, 71). But as De Rossi remarks the exception only proves the rule. For this crypt did not at this time form part of the extensive cemetery of St. Cyriaca, but was the substructure of the altar (confessio) of the Basilica erected over it by Constantine, A.D. 330, of which it formed the nucleus. The result of his investigation is thus Slimmed up by De Rossi, u. s. : " It is manifest that the cemeteries in which during the fifth cen- tury the bodies of the popes were interred were all buildings under the open sky, and that history is in accord with the monuments in presenting no single example in that period of a burial performed according to the ancient rites in the primitive subterranean excavations." Although the words Koi/xrjrripiov, coemeterium, were generally applied to the whole sepulchral area, and the buildings included within it, yet instances are not wanting in which it is used of a single grave. The examples adduced by De Rossi (B. S. p. 85) are exclusively Greek. He refers to Corpus Inscr. Graec, n. 9298 ; 9304—6 ; 9310-16 : 9439-40 ; 9450 ; and mentions a bi- lingual inscription from Narbonne of the year 527, in which the tomb is styled KTMETEPION. In Boldetti, p. 633, we have an inscription from Malta stating that the KOIMHTHPION had been purchased and restored by a Christian named Zosimus. Aringhi also (Bom. Subt. torn. i. p. 5) adduces an example of a sarcophagus bearing this designation, KOIMHTHPION TOYTO flK- TABIAAH TH lAIA TTNAIKI AAYAAKIE. The word is of excessive rarity in the catacombs themselves. The epitaph of Sabinus (Ferret V. xxix. 67), in which we read Cvmeterium Bal- BTXAE, is perhaps the only instance known. The Latin equivalents for KoifxrfT-nptov most usually found were either dormitorium — e.g., Fkcit in pace Domini Dormitorium (cf. Reines, Syntagm. Inscr. Antiq. 356) ; " Pompeiana ma- ^ In the Sacramentarium Fed. Roman, the Missa in C ymHRviis, cap. 103, contains prayers for the souls ■"omnium fidchum in hac Basilica nuiesceutium." trona corpus ejus de judice eruit et imposuit in dormitorio suo " {Acta S. Maximil. apud Ruinart, p. 264) — or in Africa, accuhitorium (De Rossi, R.S. i. p. 86). A long list of other names by which at various epochs and in different countries, Christian places of interment were designated may be found in Boldetti (Osservazioni. pp. 584-586). (Bingham, Orig. Eccl. bk. viii. ch. 8-10, bk. xxiii. ch. 1-2; Boldetti, Osservazioni sopra i Cimeterii; Bottari, Scultiire e pitture sagre ; Bosio, Roma Sotterranea ; Aringhi, Roma Subter- ranea ; Panvinius, De Ritu Sepeliendl ; Anasta- sius, De Vitis Rom. Font if. ; Raoul-Rochette, Tableau des Catacombes ; De Rossi, Roma Sotter- ranea ; Northcote and Brownlow, Roma Sotter- ranea). [E. v.] CENSER. [Thuridle.] CENSURIUS, bishop and confessor at Aux- erre (about a.d. 500, is commemorated June 10 (Mart. Usuardi). [C] CEREAIJS. (1) Martyr at Rome under Hadrian, is commemorated June 10 (Mart. Rom. Vet., Usuardi). (2) Soldier, martyr at Rome under Decius, Sept. 14 (Mart. Usuardi). [C] ' CEREMONIALE. A book containing direc- tions or rubrics for the due performance of cer- tain ceremonies. The more ancient term for such a book is Ordo, which see. [C] CEREUS. [Taper.] CEREUS PASGHALIS. [Maundy Thursday.] CHAIR. [Cathedra: Throne.] CHALCEDON (Councils op). (1) a.d. 403, better known as '*the Synod of the Oak" — a name given to a suburb there — at which St, Chrysostom was deposed. To appreciate its proceedings, we should remember that St. John Chrysostom had been appointed to the see of Constantinople five years before, and that Theo- philus, bishop of Alexandria, had been summoned thither by the emperor Arcadius to ordain him. Theophilus had a presbyter of his own whom he would have preferred, named Isidore, so that in one sense he consecrated St. Chrysostom under constraint. It was against the 2nd of the Con- stantinopolitan canons likewise for him to have consecrated at all out of his own diocese : but in another sense he was probably not loth to make St. Chrysostom beholden to him, and be possessed of a pretext himself for interfering in a see threatening to eclipse his own, where he could do so with effect. Hence the part played by him at the Synod of the Oak, over which he presided, and in which no less than 12 sessions were occu- pied on charges brought against St. Chrysostom himself, and a 13th on charges brought against Heraclides, bishop of Ephesus, who had been or- dained by him (Mansi iii. 1141-54). The num- ber of charges alleged against St. Chrysostom was 29 at one time and 18 at another. When cited to appear and reply to them, his answer was: "Remove my avowed enemies from your list of judges, and I am ready to appear and make m.y defence, should any person bring augh; against me ; otherwise you may send as often as you will for me, but you will get no farther.*' And the first of those whom he reckoned as such 334 CHALCEDOX CHALCEDON was Theophilus. One of the charges against him was some unworthy language that he had used to St. Epiphanius, lately deceased, who had supported Tirnotheus in condemning the origi- nists, regarded by St. Chrysostom with more favour. The othei-s refer to his conduct in his own church, or towards his own clergy. The synod ended by deposing St. Chrysostom, having cited him four times to no purpose ; when he was immediately expelled the city by the em- peror, and withdrew into Bithynia, to be very shortly recalled. (2) The 4th general — held its first session, October 8, A.D. 451, in the church of St. Euphemia — for the architectural arrangements of which see Evagrius (ii. 3)— having been con- vened by the emperor Marcian shortly after his elevation. In his circular to the bishops (Mansi, ri. 551-4), he bids them come to Nicaea — the place chosen oy him originally — to settle " some questions that he says had arisen apparently respecting the orthodox faith, and been also shown him in a letter from the archbishop of Rome." But in reality St. Leo had urged a very different course. In his last epistle to the late emperor he had indeed petitioned that a council might be held in Italy, should a council be required at all {ih. 83-5) : and when Marcian applied to him " to authorise " the council about to be held (ib. 93-4), his reply was that he would rather it were postponed till the times were more favour- able {ib. 114-5). It was only when he found his advice unheeded that he decided on sending representatives thither (ib. 126-9), and then on the solemn understanding that there should be no resettlement attempted of the Nicene faith. Even so, he reminds the empress {ib. 138-9) that his demand had been for a council in Italy ; and tells the council expressly that his representa- tives are to preside there, custom forbidding his own presence {ib. 131-5). His representatives, oa their part, warn the emperor that unless he is present in person they cannot attend ({6. 557- 8). Hence, to facilitate this arrangement, the council is transferred to Chalcedon. Bishops to the number of 360 attended, in some cases by deputy, the 1st action, and 19 of the highest lay dignitaries represented the emperor. Usually 630 bishops are said to have been at the council sooner or later (Bever. ii. 107). It might have been supposed this total had been gained origi- nally by placing the 6 before, instead of after, the 3 : still there are 470 episcopal subscriptions to the 6th action, and members of the council themselves spoke of it as one of 600 bishops (Mansi, vii. 57, and the note). As to their places in church, the lay dignitaries occupied the centre, in front of the altar-screen ; and one of the most remarkable traits of this council is their control of its proceedings all through. On their left were the legates from Rome, and next to them Anatolius of Constan- tinople, Maximus of Antioch, Thalassius of Caesa- rea, Stephen of Ephesus, and other Easterns. On their right were Dioscorus of Alexandria, Juvenal of Jerusalem, with the bishops of Egypt, Illyria, and Palestine generally. On the motion of Paschasinus, the first legate, Dioscorus was ordered by the magistrates to quit the seat occu- pied by him in the council, and to take his place in the midst where the accused sat. The charges alleged against him by the legates were that he had held a council and sat as judge, without permission of the apostolic see. Eusebius ot Dorylaeum, sitting in the midst as his accuser, complained of the iniquitous sentence passed upon Flavian and himself at the council of Ephesus (see the art. on this) two years before. Dioscorus begged its acts might be read. This was done : but meanwhile Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus, who had been deposed there, having since been restored by St. Leo, and invited to this council by the emperor, entered and took his seat, amidst vehement protests from the bishops on the right. After the acts of the " Robbers' Meeting " had been read, which included those of the two synods of Constantinople preceding it, all agreed that Dioscorus, Juvenal, Thalassius, and three more, who had been most forward in deposing Eusebius and Flavian, deserved to be deposed themselves. The rest might be par- doned, as having acted in igno]-ance or under coercion. Action or session 2 followed, October 10. The judges or lay dignitaries proposing that the faith should be set forth in its integrity, the bishops replied that they were limited to the creed of Nicaea, confirmed at Ephesus, and in- terpreted by the letters of SS. Cyril and Leo more particularly. On this it was recited by command of the judges, from a book by Euno- mius, bishop of Nicomedia, amidst shouts of adhesion. And immediately after, without a word more, by order of the same judges, Aetius or Atticus, deacon or archdeacon of the church of Constantinople, recited from a book what purported to be the creed of the 15.0 fathers, that is, of the 2nd general council, on which some remarks have been made elsewhere. [CoNC. Const, and Antioch.] But the abrupt- ness of its introduction here merits attention, especially when viewed in connection with a short scene in the 1st action (Mansi, vi. 631-2). Diogenes, bishop of Cyzicus, there remarked that Eutyches had dealt fraudulently in professing his faith in the words of the creed of Nicaea, as it stood originally ; for it had received additions from the holy fathers since then, owing to tlie false teaching of Apollinarius, Valentinus, Mace- donius, and their followers ; two such being "from heaven" after "descended," and "by the Holy Ghost of the Virgin Mary" after "in- carnate." This is the first cl'ear reference to the new clauses of the Constantinopolitan creed in this or any other council extant. And it is to be observed that even the creed of Nicaea, quoted in the definition, contains them. But Diogenes had hardly finished his sentence, when the Egyptian bishops exclaimed, " nobody will hear of any additions or subtractions either: let what passed at Nicaea stand as it is." Dioscorus had urged this all along. Thus advantage was promptly taken of his condemnation to promul- gate this creed in the same breath with that of Nicaea, while the account given of the additions occurring in it by Diogenes is such as to connect it at once with those synods of Antioch and Rome, at which the errors of Apollinarius and Macedonius were condemned. Its recital was followed by the same shouts of adhesion as the older form, which is the more remarkable as, up to that time, stress had been laid exclusively, both here and at the synods rehearsed in the first action, on the creed of Nicaea, confirmed aJ CHALCEDON CflALCEDON 335 Ephesus, without the slightest reference to any- thing that had ever passed at Constantinople. After this, the two letters of St. Cyril were read that had been heard already from the acts of the council under Flavian, and then the letter of St, Leo to Flavian — the reading of which had been prevented at the "Robbers' Meeting" — in a Greek translation. Three passages in it were called in question by the bishops of Illyria and Palestine; but Aetius and Theodoret producing similar expressions from St. Cyril, they were accepted. Five days were allowed for further delibei-ation. At the 3rd action, however, October 13, two days in advance from which the lay dig- nitaries were absent, Eusebius of Dorylaeum having brought another indictment against Dios- corus, fresh charges were produced against him also by two deacons and one layman of his own church, and he not appearing to meet them, after having been twice summonea, was formally deposed — the Roman legates, by general consent, delivering their judgment first, and the rest in order assenting to it — but the sentence of his deposition was framed on the model of that of Nestorius. Lettei's were written to the emperor and empress and to his own clergy, acquainting them with it. Action 4 followed, October 17, or rather 15 (see Mansi, vii. 83), when the judges appeared true to their engagement. By their order minutes of the 1st and 2nd actions were read out, to the marked exclusion of what had passed at the 3rd. They then called upon the bishops to declare what had been decided by them re- specting the faith. The legates replied by pro- nouncing the faith of Nicaea, Constantinople, and Ephesus to have been embraced by the council and expounded faithfully by St. Leo in his epistle to Flavian. To this, all present assented; and .Juvenal, Thalassius, Eusebius, Basil, and Eusta- thius, the five bishops who had, in the 1st action, been classed with Dioscorus, were permitted to sit in the council on subscribing to it. Con- sideration of a petition from 13 Egyptian bishops who objected to do so was adjourned till they had elected a new archbishop. Eighteen priests and archimandrites who had petitioned the em- peror were next heard. Among them was Bar- sumas the Syrian, accused of having murdered Flavian. The burden of their petition was that Dioscorus should be restored. The 4th and 5th canons of Antioch were quoted from a book — in it numbered as canons 83 and 4 — against them, and they were allowed 30 days for consideration whether to submit to the council or be deposed. Lastly, Photius of Tyre was heard in behalf of the rights of his church against Eustathius of Berytus, whose city had been created a metro- polis by the late emperor. The council ruled, and the judges concurred, that the question be- tween them should be settled according to the canons, and not prejudiced by any pragmatical constitutions of the empire. On the 5th action, commencing October 22, the judges called on the bishops to produce what had been defined by them on the faith. When read it gave offence to the legates and some few Easterns, as not including the letter of St. Leo. The former threatened to leave, and were told they might; but on reference to the emperor, he said a synod should be held in the West, if they could not agree. A comnattee was there- fore formed of the principal bishops, and at length the definition appeared wdth the creeds of Nicaea and Constantinople follov/ing in suc- cession, but authorised equally, in the first part of it ; and in the second, the synodical letters of St. Cyril to Nestorius and to the Easterns, and the letter of St. Leo to Flavian, as their received exponents on the mystery of the Incarnation. On the doctrine of the Trinity, those creeds, it was particularly said, required no further expla- nation; nor was any other faith to be taught, or creed proposed for acceptance, to converts from what heresy soever, under pain of deposition in the case of the clergy and excommunication in that of the laity. At the 5th action, October 25, all subscribed to this definition — the Roman legates attesting merely that they subscribed, the rest that they defined as well. This was done in the presence of the emperor Marciau, the empress Pulcheria, and a splendid suite ; the emperor telling them in a short address that he had come thither, like Constantine, to confirm what they had done, not to display his power. After which, he approved of their definition, and announced his intention of punishing all who contravened it, according to their station. At his instance three rules were made ; one for making monks more depen- dent upon bishops, and two more forbidding the clergy to undertake secular posts, or migrate from the church to which they belonged. And here the council, doctrinally speaking, ends. The other actions, to the 14th inclusively, re- lated to matters between one bishop and anothe]-, and occupied the rest of October. At action 7 sanction was given to a territorial arrangement between the bishops of Antioch and Jerusalem, by which the former was in future to have jui'isdiction over the two provinces of Phoenicia and that of Arabia — the latter over the three called Palestine. At the 8th action Theodoret, who had already subscribed to the definition with the rest, was called upon to anathematise Nestorius, which he did, including Eutyches, and three more bishops similarly called upon did the same. The 9th and 10th actions passed in enquiring into what had been decided at the synods of Tyre and Berytus respecting Ibas, bishop of Edessa, three years before. Their acts having been rehearsed, and the sentence passed upon him at the " Rob- bers' Meeting " summarily cancelled, he was declared orthodox on anathematising Nestorius and Eutyches, and restored to his see. Yet, in- consistently enough, in another case, that of Domnus of Antioch, the judgment of the " Rob- bers' Meeting " was allowed to stand, his suc- cessor, Maximus, having been consecrated by Anatolius of Constantinople, recognised by St. Leo, and received at this council. Domnus, whose piety was admitted by all, was adjudged a pension out of the revenues of the see in which he had been uncanonically superseded. The Greek account of this proceeding indeed has been lost, but two of the Latin versions contain- ing it purport to have been made from tlie Greek (Mansi, vii. 177-8, 269-72, and 771-4). Actions 11 and 12 were taken up in hearing a con- tention between Bassianus and Stephen for the see of Ephesus, as bishop of which, Stephen had hitherto sat and voted at this council. Neither had been canonically ordaiced in the judgment 336 CHALCEDON of the council, so that a fresh election had to be made, but both were allowed their rank and ordered a pension of 200 aurei respectively out of the revenues of that see. In the former of these actions, the 16th and 17th canons of Antioch were read out of a book by Leontius, bishop of Magnesia, numbered as 95th and 96th, and applied to their case. At the 13th action Euuomius, bishop of Nicomedia, complained that the privileges of his church had been infringed by the bishop of Nicaea. Imperial constitutions were quoted on both sides, which, according to the judges themselves, had nothing at all to do with the rights of bishops : and the 4th Nicene canon which Eunomius read out of a book as the 6th, settled the question in his favour. The in- sertion of a salvo to the see of Constantinople, proposed by its archdeacon, was negatived by the judges, who said that its rights of ordaining in the provinces would be declared in their proper order. At the 14th action, Athanasius and Sabinianus, who had each sat and subscribed as bishop of Perrhe, submitted their respective claims — the former adducing two letters in his favour from SS. Cyril and Proclus, the latter the acts of the synod of Antioch under Domnus, de- posing his rival, and the fact of the " Robbers' Meeting " having restored him. For the judgment of the council, see Concil. Hierap. A.D. 445. What is printed as the 15th action, without date or preface, would seem to be, strictly speaking, a mere continuation of the 10th action by the hierarchy for framing canons after the judges had retired. This would follow from what is said to have passed in the 16th action, October 28 — at least, if this date is correct. There the legates complained to the judges of what had been done yesterday, after the latter had retired, and subsequently to their own withdrawal also. Now, October 27 had been the day of the 10th action, and the 11th action was not till October 29. Consequently there was just the interval required for them to have complained on October 28, and had the canon to which they objected read out publicly. Thus, when Ibas had been acquitted, the judges withdrew, and the bishops, probably not expecting any more business, re- mained to make canons. Twenty-seven in all, including those previously recommended by the emperor, were drawn up, and, according to one of the oldest Latin versions extant, were sub- scribed to by all, not excepting the legates (Mansi, vii. 400-8). After the legates had re- tired, the Eastern bishops again remained, and agreed to three more, making a total of 30 ; but to the last three the legates had not been parties, and equally declined subscribing the day after (Mausi, ib. 429-54). As Beveridge remarks, they are omitted as well by John Scholasticus as by Dionysius Exiguus (ii. 124), nor have they ever been received in the West. Only the 28th, however, demands any notice. Those who were most interested in it said in their defence that they had asked the legates to take part in framing it, and they had replied that they were without instructions. The judges, on the other hand, had bade them refer it to the council. And doubtless it was as much a ques- tion for the council as those which had been settled in the 7th and 13th actions. In one tense it merely renewed the 3rd canon of Con- CHALCEDON stantinople, A.D. 381, conferring honorary pre- cedence (Trpeo-ySeio, throughout — erroneously ren- dered by the Latins in each case " primatum ") upon the bishop of that city next after Romp, and for the same reason as had there been given. And if, in addition, it gave the bishop of that city the right of ordaining metropolitans in the dioceses of Asia, Pontus, and Thrace, still this was afterwards proved to have been done with the full consent of the bishops of those dioceses. And so we are brought to what really passed at the 16th action, opening abruptly with a speech of the legate Lucentius (Mausi, vii, 441), as reported in the Greek version. Here both sides were called upon by the judges to produce the canons on which they relied ; and the legates, in quoting the 6th of Nicaea, substituted for the first clause of it, " Quod ecclesia Romana semper habuit primatum." No protest was actually made to these words, but it was cited in its genuine form afterwards by the Constantinopolitan archdeacon. And as for the 3rd of Constantinople, Eusebius of Dorylaeum testified to having read it himself at Rome to the Pope, and to his having received it {ib. 449). The judges at last having delivered their opinion that the primacy before all, and chiefest honour, according to the canons, should be preserved to the archbishop of elder Rome, but that the archbishop of Constantinople ought to have the honour and power assigned him in this canon, it was accepted by all present, in spite of the legates, who had previously desired to have their protest recorded against what had been passed m their absence, for this 2nd speech of Lucentius clearly followed the reading out of the canon, October 28. Afterwards it was denounced in a series of epistles by St. Leo, who neverthe- less, neither by his legates, nor in his own name, seems ever to have objected to the 9th and 17th canons of this council, authorising appeals to the see of Constantinople far more fully than the Sardican canons ever had to Rome (Bever, ii. 115-6). Yet these form part of the 27 subscribed to by all, including the legates, and received in the West. No others among them, save the first, are worth noticing ; but these, perhaps, have never been sufficiently noticed. By the first it j is decreed that " the canons of the Holy Fathers, \ made in every synod to this present time, be in full force " — in other words, the collection of canons published by Beveridge, Justellus, and others, as the " code of the universal Church," is ordered to become law (Bever. ii. 108 ; Cave, Hist. Lit. i. 486-7). It only remains to observe that Evagrius attributes no more than 14 actions to this council (ii. 18), and seems to say that | most of the canons were framed at the 7th. Other accounts, that of Liberatus, for instance (Brev. i. 13), vary from his. Before separating, the bishops addressed the emperor in vindication of their definition, and the Pope in vindication of their 28th canon (Mansi, vii. 455-74 and vi. 147-61), telling St. Leo that he had interpreted the faith of Peter to them in his epistle, and presided over their deliberations in the person of his legates, as the head over the members. The i Pope was deaf to all argument on the subject of \ the canon, while setting his seal to their definition. \ In one of his letters toAnatolius (Mansi, vi. 203) ; he goes so far as to say that the 3rd canon of ! Constantinople had never been notified to the ?5)ostolic see, though Eusebius of Dorylaeum had OHALDAEI CHALICE 337 testified at the council to his having publicly- received it himself. In the same spirit it is, perhaps, too, that he never once mentions the creed of the 150 fathers ; in other words, that of Constantinople, by name, though he must have received it with the definition of this council: and indeed he said of it latterly, "tam plenis atque perfectis definitionibus cuncta firmata sunt, ut nihil ei regulae quae ex divinjt inspiratione prolata est, aut addi possit aut minui " (^Ep. ad Leon. Imp., Mansi, vi. 308). Such, however, was his zeal against the canon that he was at one time thought not to have approved of the definition. Edicts in succession issued from the emperor, ordering all persons to submit to the council, and forbidding all further discussion of the points settled by it. The law of the late em- peror, confirming the acts of the "Robbers' Meeting," was repealed ; Eutyches deprived of the title of priest ; and Dioscorus exiled to Gangra in Paphlagonia. Great opposition was nevertheless made to its reception by their ad- mirers, in Egypt especially, to which the " Codex Encyclius," or collection of letters in its favour, addressed for the most part to the emperor Leo, on his accession, A.D. 458, was intended to be a counter-demonstration (Mansi, vii. 475-627 and 785-98). [E. S. F.] CHALDAEI. [ASTROLOGEES.] CHALICE. (Latin, calix ; Greek, TOTiipiov, KVTTcWov ; French, calice ; Italian, calice ; Ger- man, Kelch; Anglo-Saxon, calic.') The cup in which the wine is consecrated at the celebration of the Holy Communion, and from which the communicants drink. Chalices have been divided into several classes, of which the more important are — ofFertorial, in which the wine brought by the communicants was received; communical, in which the wine was consecrated ; and mini- sterial, in which it was administered to the com- municants. Vessels of this description being indispensably required for the celebration of the most impor- tant of the rites of the Christian religion it is obvious that from the very earliest period some such must have been in use, but it does not seem possible to determine how soon they began to be distinguished by form, material, or orna- ment from the cups used in ordinary life. Per- haps the earliest notice which we have of any mark by which a cup used for eucharistic pur- I poses was distinguished from those m ordinary j use, is the passage in Tertullian (De Pudicit. c. i 10) : "Si forte patrocinabitur pastor, quem in I calice depingis, prostitutorem et ipsum Chris- j tiani sacramenti, merito et ebrietatis idolum et tnoechise asylum post calicem subsecuturae." It seems indeed quite possible that at that early period when the administration of the Eucharist was connected both as regards time and locality with the feasts of charity (agapae) the distinction between the vessels used for each purpose was less strongly drawn than afterwards came to be the case, and that in the earliest centuries there was little or no dis- tinction of either form or decoration between the eucharistic cup and that of the domestic j table. 1 The eventually exclusive adoption of the word *' calix " as signifying the eucharistic cup, may CHRIST 4 NT. perhaps be deemed to imply that the form of cup most generally employed in the celebration of the Communion, was that specifically called " calix." This word is held usually to denote a cup with a somewhat shallow bowl, two handles and a foot. Vases of various forms are often depicted on the walls or vaults of the catacombs, but it is generally uncertain how far these are merely ornaments, and it would not appear that in any one instance a representation of what can with certainty be assumed to be a eucharistic chalice has been observed among these paintings. It would at first sight appear extremely probable that among these numerous representations of vases, some at least should be intended to repre- sent that which was above all precious to those for whom these decorations were executed, but the paintings of the earlier period are with hardly an exception allegorical or symbolical, scarcely ever in a primary sense historical, and never liturgical, unless the allusions to the sacraments conveyed by figures of fishes, baskets of bread, and the like deserve to be so called. Vases from Sarcophagus at Bordeaux. It has been supposed by some, Boldetti (Osser- vazioni sopra i Cimiteri dei SS. Martin) among others, that the glass vessels decorated with gold leaf, the bottoms of which have been found in considerable numbers in the catacombs at- tached to the plaster by which the tiles closing the loculi were fixed, were, if not actually cha- lices, at least drinking-vessels in which the com- Vase from the Sarcophagus of Ataulphus at Milan. municants received the consecrated wine, 5 nd from which they drank. Padre Garrucci {Vetri Ornati d' Oro, Pref. xi) has however shown tha* this opinion does not rest on any secure founda- tion. It has also been thought that the figures of vases so often found incised on early Christian 338 CHALICIE CHALICE memorial stones were intended to represent cha- li -^es, and thereby to indicate that the deceased person was a priest. Though this may possibly have sometimes been the case, other and more probable explanations of the occurrence of these figures of vases may be suggested ; but there is a'^marked similarity between the type of vase usually employed and the forms of the earliest chalices of which we have any positive know- ledge. the woodcut represents one of these vases as shown in low relief on the sarcophagus in the chapel «f St. Aquilinus attached to the church of S. Lorenzo at Milan, which is supposed to have contained the remains of Ataulphus king of the Goths (ob. A.D. 415), or of his wife Placidia. The earliest chalice still existing is probably that found vnth a paten at Gourdon in France, Chiilice found at Gourdon. and now preserved in the Bibliotheque Imperiale m Paris. This is represented in the annexed wood- cut, and is of gold ornamented with thin slices of garnets. With it were found 104 gold coins of Emperors of the East, 25 of which of Justin I. (518-527) being in a fresh and unworn condition and the latest in date of the entire hoard, it is reasonable to conclude that the deposit was made in the earlier part of the 6th century. Of not much later date were the splendid cha- lices belonging to the basilica of Monza, no longer in existence, but of which representations, evi- dently tolerably accurate, have been preserved in a large painting probably executed in the latter half of the 15th century, and now in the library in the possession of the church of Monza before the year 600, and may indeed with great proba- bility be supposed to be of even greater age. A rude sculpture over the west doorway of that church, believed to date from circa A.D. 600, represents several chalices of various sizes, some with and some without handles. Chalices of glass of very similar form are met with^ and may with much probability be attri- buted to the 6th or 7th centuries ; two examples are in the British Museum ; these are of blue glass and somewhat roughly made. As, however, these bear neither inscriptions nor any Christian symbol, it cannot be affirmed with certainty that they were sacramental chalices. Moroni {Diz. di Erudizione Storico - JEcclesiast.) mentions a chalice of blue glass as being preserved in the church of the Isola S. Giulio in the lake of Orta in Lombardy, as a relic of the saint who lived in the 5th century ; this, he says, was without a foot. It is not now to be found there. In the sacristy of the church of Sta. Anastasia at Rome a chalice is preserved as a relic, as it is said to have been used by St. Jerome ; the bowl is of white opaque glass with some ornament in relief, the foot is of metal. A chalice is preserved (? at Maestricht), which is believed to have belonged to St. Lambert, bishop of that city (ob, 708) ; it is of metal (? silver) gilt, the bowl hemispherical, the fool a frustum of a cone ; the whole without orna- ment. A chalice of exactly the same form is to b< seen in an illumination in the A^ery ancieu' gospels preserved in the library of Corpus Christ College at Cambridge, and known as St. Au gustine's. Chalices from Monza. of that church. This painting represents the restitution to the basilica of the contents of its treasury which took place in 1345. These cha- lices are represented in the accompanying wood- cuts, both were of gold set with jewels; their weight is variously stated at from 105 to 170 caaces.. Chalice forsnerly at Chelles. Until the year 1792 the abbey of Chelles, These" there' is ground to believe, were \ the diocese of Paris, possessed a most spleC' CHALICE CHALICE 339 example of a golden chalice (see woodcut), which ancient inventories asserted to have been the work of St. Eligius (or Eloi), and therefore to date from the first half of the 7th century. Fortunately an engraving of it has been pre- served in the PanopUa Sacerdotalis of Du Saussay, and the character of the work corresponds with the alleged date. It is obviously an instance of transition from earlier to later forms, though somewhat exceptional from the great depth of the bowl. It was about a foot high and nearly ten inches in diameter, and held about the half of a French litre. A singular exception in point of form was the chalice which was found with the body of St. Cuthbert when his relics were examined in the year 1104; this is described as of small size and in its lower part of gold and of the figure of a lion, the bowl which was attached to the back of the lion being cut from an onyx (^Act. Sanct. Boll. 2 Mart.). It may be surmised that this was not really made for a chalice, but had been presented to him and converted to that use. Of the next century, the 8th, a very remark- able example still exists in the convent of Kr Chalice at Kremsmuneter. munster in Upper Austria ; this chalice is (vide woodcut) of bronze ornamented with niello and incrustations of silver. As the inscription shows that It was the gift of Tassilo, duke of Bavaria, It IS probably earlier than A.D. 788, the year when that prince was deposed by Charles the I '^reat. I One of the bas-reliefs of the altar of S. Am- brogio at Milan (finished in 835) gives a good example of the form of a chalice in the beginning M the 9th century. It has a bowl, foot, and handles. ' So much may be gathered from still existing examples, or representations of them ; much may ^-iso be collected, especially as regards the size weight of chalices and the materials of which 'ley were composed, from the notices to be found in various historical documents, and par- ticularly in the Liber Pontificalis. It has been asserted that in the apostolic age chalices of wood were in use : but for this asser- tion there is no early authority ; St. Boniface in- deed is reported in the 18th ca"non of the Council of Tribur to have said that once golden priests used wooden chalices, and Platina {De Vit. Pont.) asserts that Pope Zephyrinus (a.d. 197-217) ordered that the wine should be consecrated not as heretofore in a wooden but in a glass vessel. The Liber Pontificalis in the life of Zephyrinus, however, merely says that he ordered patens of glass to be carried before the priests when mass was to be celebrated by the bishop. Glass was no doubt in use from a very early date ; St. Jerome (ad Rustic. Mon. Ep. 4) writes of Exu- perius, bishop of Toulouse, as bearing the Lord's blood in a vessel of glass, and St. Gregory (Dialog, lib. i. c. 7) says that St. Donatus, bishop of Arezzo, repaired by prayer a chalice of glass broken by the heathens. The use of wood for chalices was prohibited by several provincial councils in the 8th and 9th centuries (Gone. Tribur. can. 18), of horn by that of Ceal- chythe (Cone. Calcut. can. 10), and Pope Leo IV. (847-855) in his homily, L>e Cura Pas- torali, lays down the rule that no one shoula celebrate mass in a chalice of wood, lead, or glass. Glass, however, continued to be occa- sionally used to a much later date. Martene (Be Antiq. Eccl. Pit. t. iv. p. 78) shows from the life of St. Winocus that in the 10th century the monks of the convent in Flanders founded by him still used chalices of glass. Pewter was also in use, and it would seem was considered as a material superior to glass, for we are told of St. Benedict of Aniane (ob. 821) that the vessels of his chui'ch were at first of wood, then of glass, and that at last he ascended to pewter (see his Life, by Ardo, c. 14, in Mabillon's Act. SS. ord. S. Benedicti, Saec. iv). A chalice of glass mounted in gold is men- tioned in the will of Count Everhard, a.d, 837 (Miraeus, Op. Dip. t. i. p. 19). A chalice of ivory and one of cocoa-nut (?) (de nuce) set with gold and silver are mentioned in the same document ; those however may have been drinking-cups, not sacramental chalices. The use of bronze appears to have been excep- tional and perhaps peculiar to the Irish monks. St. Gall (Mabillon's Act. SS. ord. S. Ben. Saec. 2, p. 241), we are told, refused to use silver vessels for the altar, saying that St. Columbanus was accustomed to offer the sacrifice in vessels of bronze -(aereis), alleging as a reason for so doing that our Saviour was affixed to the cross by brazen nails. This traditional use of bi-onze was no doubt continued by the successors of the Irish missionaries in the South of Germany, and ex- plains why the Kremsmiinster chalice is of that material, a circumstance which has caused the question to be raised whether that vessel was anything but a mere drinking cup. The use of niello and of damascening with thin silver in the decoration of this vessel, and the peculiar patterns of its ornamentation, connect it closely with the Irish school of artificers, who were in the habit of employing bronze as the main mate- rial of their works. The precious metals were however from a very early, perhaps the earliest, period most pro- Z 2 340 CHALIGE bably the usual material of the chalice. The earliest converts to Christianity were not by any means exclusively of humble station, and it was not until it spread from cities into remote _ vil- lac^es that many churches would have existed whose members could not afford a silver chalice : nor do we until a later age find traces of a spirit of asceticism which would prefer the use of a mean material. We have at least proof of the use of both gold and silver in the sacred vessels in the beo-inning of the 4th century, for we are told by Optatus of Milevi that in the Diocletianian perse- cution the church of Carthage possessed many "ornamenta" of gold and silver (Opt. Mil. De Schism. Donat. i. 17). The church of Cirta in Numidia at the same time possessed two golden and six silver chalices {Gesta Furgat. Caeciliani, in the Works of Optatus.). That it was believed that the churches possessed such rich ornaments at an earlier period is shown by the language which Prudentius puts into the mouth of the Fraefectus Urbis interrogating St. Lawrence — " Argenteis scyphis ferunt, Fumare sacrum sanguinem," &c {Peristeph. Hymn iii. 69). The passages in the Lib. Font, which relate the gifts of Constantine to various churches are witli' reason suspected as untrustworthy, but are at least of value as recording the traditions existing at an early age. They make mention of many chalices, some of gold, some of silver; 40 lesser chalices of gold, each weighing 1 lb., and 50 lesser ministerial chalices of silver, each weighing 2 lbs., are said to have been given to the Constantinian Basilica (St. John Lateran), and in lesser numbers and of very various weights to many other churches. Whatever, however, may be the historical value of these passages, that churches in the 4th and 5th centuries pos- sessed great numbers of golden or silver chalices, cannot be doubted. Gregory of Tours (Hist. Franc. 1. iii. c. x.) tells us that Childebert in the year 531 took among the spoils of Amalaric sixty chalices of gold. Many instances of gifts ot chalices of the precious metals to the churches of Rome by successive popes are to be found in the Lib. Font. Of these the following may de- serve special mention: a great chalice (calix major) with handles and adorned with gems, weighing 58 lbs. ; a great chalice with a syphon (cum scyphone) or tube, weighing 36 lbs.; a covered (spanoclystus, i.e. iiravcvKKeLaTOs) cha- lice of gold, weighing 32 lbs. ; all three given by Pope^Leo III. (795). Little is to be found as to the decoration of chalices ; occasionally they bore inscriptions, as in the case of that made by order of St. Remigius (Remi, ob. 533), which Frodoard tells us bore the following verses : — " Hauriat hinc populus vitani de sanguine sacro, Injef to aeternus quem fudit vulnere Christus, Remigius reddit Domino sua vota sacerdos." The golden chalices of Monza, it will be seen by the woodcuts, were splendidly adorned with gems, which in the painting from which these figures have been drawn, are coloured green and red, but the only symbol betokening their desti nation is the cruciform arrangement of the larger gems on one of them. The chalice found at Gourdon also has neither inscription nor Chris tian symbol, and if it had not been found in CHALICE company with a paten bearing a cross its desti- nation might have been a matter of doubt. On the chalice of Kremsmiinster are on the bowl half-length figures of Christ and the four Evangelists, on the foot like figures of four prophets. The division of chalices into various classes evidently belongs to a period when primitive simplicity of ritual underwent a change to^ a more complex and elaborate system. The earlier Ordo Eomanus speaks of a " calix quotidianus," and opposes to this the "calix major" to be used on feast-days (" dibbus vero festis calicem et patenam majores "), but says nothing of any distinction between the " calix' sanetus " and the "calix ministerialis." Reasons of convenience no doubt caused the use of chalices of very different sizes. The great number of chalices of small size mentioned in the Lib. Fontif. and elsewhere may lead to the supposition that at one period the communicants drank not from one but from many chalices ; but this matter is in- volved in doubt. A practice existed of communicating the clergy alone by means of the chalice in which the win€ was consecrated, and of pouring a few drops from this into the larger chalice which Avas offered t( the laity. When this practice originated or how long it lasted seems obscure. It is suggested ir the article " Calix," in Ducange's Glossary, thai the verses engraved by order of St. Remi on th( chalice which he caused to be made (v. ante allude to this practice ; but this does not seen certain. It is mentioned in the Ordo Bom. (c 29), but the vessel in which the drops of con secrated wine were mixed with the unconse crated, and from which the laity drank througl a " fistula " or " pugillaris," is called scyphus and is apparently the same vessel as that carrie. by an acolyte at the time when the oblation were received from the laity and into which th contents of the calix major (c. 13) were poure when the latter had become filled. Pope Gregor II. (A.D. 731-735), in his epistle to Bonifac( disapproves of the practice of placing more tha one chalice on the altar (" congruum non ess duos vel tres calices in altario ponere "). Whe this practice was in use we may conclude tha the large chalices with handles were those use for the laity. The large chalices were also used to recen the wine which the intending communican brought in amulae ; as in the 1st Ordo^ Rom. j 13 (" Archidiaconus sumit amulam Pontificis et refundit super colum in calicem"). '^^^ used in this manner it is called " offertorius " < " offerendarius." " Calices baptismi " or " ba; tismales " were probably those used when tl Eucharist was administered after baptism, ai possibly for the milk and honey which It was t) custom in some churches {Cone. Garth, iii. c. 2 to consecrate at the altar and to administei infants. Pope Innocent I. (a.d. 402-417) is sa in the Lib. Fontif. to have given " ad ornatu baDtisterii" (apparently of the basilica of Gervasius and Protasius at Rome) three siiv " calices baptismi," each weighing 2 lbs. Wf : ther the baptismal chalices differed from oth; chalices in form or in any other respect is Ej known. j • ^i, Besides the chalices actually used m the in of the church, vessels called " calices were s. Whf! CHALICE CHAPEL 341 pended from the arches of the ciborium and even from the intercoluniniations of the nas'e and other parts of the church as ornaments. In the Lib. Pontif. we find mention of sixteen " calices " of silver placed by Pope Leo IV. (847-8) on the enclosure of the altar (super circuitu altaris) in the Vatican basilica, of sixty-four suspended be- tween the columns in the same church, and of forty in a like position at S. Paolo f. 1. m. , Many of these were, however, most probably cups or Suspended Chalices. vases, not such as would have been used for the administration or consecration of the Eucharist. The drawings in MSS. show suspended vessels of the most varied forms ; some examples taken from the great Carlovingian bible formerly in the Bibl. Imp. Paris, now in the Musee des Souverains in the Louvre, are shown in woodcuts. [A. N.] CHALICE, ABLUTION OF. [Purifi- cation.] CHALONS-SUE-SAONE, COUNCILS OF. [Cabillonense], provincial: — (1) a.d. 470, to elect John bishop of Chalons (Labb. Cone. iv. 1820). (2) A.D. 579, to depose Salonius and Sa- gittarius, bishops respectively of Embrun and Gap, deposed by a previous council (of Lyons, A.D. 567), restored by Pope John III., and now again deposed (Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc, v. 21, 28 ; Labb. Cone. v. 963, 964). (3) a.d. 594, to re- gulate the psalmody at the church of St. Mar- cellus after the model of Agnune (Labb. Cone. v. 1853). (4) A.D. 603, to depose Desiderius, bishop of Vienne, at the instigation of Queen Brunichilde (Fredegar. 24; Labb. Cone. v. 1612). (5) A.D. 650, Nov. 1, of thirty-three bishops, with the "vicarii" of six others, enacted 20 canons respecting discipline : dated by Le Comte A D. 694 (Labb. Cmo. vi. 387). [A. W. H.] CHANCEL {rh. evSov rcov KiyKKlScnv, Theo- doret, ff. E. v. 18). The space in a church which contains the choir and sanctuary, and which was generally separated from the nave by a rail or grating (cancelli), from which it derives its name. " Cancellus, cantorum excellens locus " (Papias, in Ducange, s. v. ; compare Cancelli). It is a characteristic difference between Eastern and Western churches that in the former the dis- tinction between the bema (or sanctuary) and I the choir is much more strongly marked than that between the choir and the nave, in the latter the distinction between the nave and the choir is much more strongly marked than that between the choir and the sanctuary. Compare Choir, Presbytery. [C] CHANT. [Gregorian Music] CHAPEL. A building or apartment used for the performance of Christian worship in cases in which the services are of an occasional character, or in which the congregation is limited to the members of a family, a convent, or the like. Greek, Trape/c/cAy/o-ta ; Latin, capella, oratorium. In the languages of the Latin and Teutonic fa- milies a modification of the word ' capella ' is in use, as also m Polish. In Russian pridel. The derivation of the word ' capella ' is a matter of doubt. The Monk of St. Gall ( Vita Car. Mag. i. 4) states that the name was de- rived from the ' capa ' or cloak of St. Martin : " Quo nomine (i. e. ' capella ') Francorum reges propter capam St. Martini sancta sua appellare solebant." The word ' capella ' is said to be found in inscriptions in the Roman catacombs in the sense of a sarcophagus, a grave, or place of burial. It occurs at a later time as used for a reliquary, and for the chamber in which reliques were preserved ; as in a charter of Childebert of A.D. 710, published by Mabillon {De Re Dipl.), in which the passage " in oratorio suo sen capella S. Marthini " occurs. The canopy over an altar was also called ' capella ' (compare Cupella). In the sense of a chamber or building employed for divine worship, it does not seem to have been in use in early times. Among early instances of its employment which have been noticed, are, in the capitularies of Charles the Great (Gapit. v. 182), where it is applied to chapels in or an- nexed to palaces; and in the passage in the laws of the Lombards (iii. 3, 22), " ecclesiae et capellae quae in vestra parochia sixnt," where detached buildings are probably referred to. In the earlier centuries " oratorium " would no doubt have been used in either sense, as in the 21st cap. of the Council of Agde, A.D. 506. "Si quis etiam extra parochias in quibus legitimus est ordinariusque conventus oratorium in agio habere voluerit reliquis festivitatibus ut ibi missas teneat propter fatigationem familiae justa ordinatione permittimus ;" but with the proviso that the greater festivals should be celebrated " in civitatibus aut in parochiis." Chapels may be divided into several classes : — 1st, as regards their relation to other churches ; being (A) dependent on the church of the parish, or (B) independent, in some cases even exempt from episcopal visitation. 2dly, as regards their material structure ; being (A) apartments in palaces or other dwellings ; (B) buildings form- ing part of or attached to convents, hermitages, or the like ; (C) buildings forming parts of or attached to larger churches ; (D) sepulchral or other wholly detached buildings. No strictly accurate division is, however, possible, for in some cases buildings might be placed in either of two classes. It is here proposed to speak of chapels with regard to their material aspect only ; and build- ings which from an architectural point of view do not differ from churches will be mentioned under the head Church. As however it is im possible to draw a clear line between churches and chapels, several buildings will be found treated of under Church, which in strictness should perhaps be rather deemed chapels ; some of these, as Sta. Costanza at Rome, being too important in an historical point of view, or too extensive and magnificent, to be omitted from any attempt to trace the progress of church building in its main line. Gatticus (Z>e Orat. Dom.) has coF-ected many 342 CHAPEL CHAPEL proofs of the early existence of domestic or private chapels ; but the earliest existing example of the first class is probably the small chapel now known as the Sancta Sanctorum (originally St. Lawrence) in the fragment of the ancient palace of the Lateran which still remains. It was the private chapel of the popes, and appears to have existed as early as A.D. 383 ; for Pope Pelagius II. then placed there certain relics (MSS. Bihl. Vat. ap. Baronius). It is a small oblong apartment on an upper floor. The example next in date has fortunately been singularly well preserved. It exists in the palace of the archbishops of Ravenna, being their private chapel. It was constructed, or at any rate deco- rated with mosaic, by the Archbishop Peter Chry- sologus (elected in A.D. 429). It is a simple oblong with a A^aulted roof. Of the same character is the chapel at Cividale in Friuli, which, although forming part of a Benedictine convent, as it mea- sures only 30 feet by 18 feet, can hardly have been other than a private chapel, probably of the abbat. It is attributed on historical evidence to the 8th century. It is a parallelogram without an apse, about two-fifths being parted off by a low wall, to serve as a choir. Oratory at Gallerus. Buildmgs of the second class, viz., conventual chapels, were intended for the private and daily use of the community ; the larger churches for celebration on great festivals, when large numbers of strangers attended the services. In some instances even more than two chapels existed in a monastery ; for Adamnan (i)e situ terrae Sanctae, ii. 24) says that at Mount Thabor, within the wall of enclosure of the monas- tery, were three churches, " non parvi aedificii." In the tower or keep of the convent of St. Ma- carius in the Nitrian valley are three chapels, one over the other (Sir Gardner Wilkinson, Band- book of Egypt) ; but it does not appear what their date is. Sir Gardner Wilkinson (Hatidbook of Egypt, p 305) states that a tradition among the monks attributes the foundation of the convent to the 5t.h centm-v. In Ireland still exist some small chapels which may be assigned with probability to very early dates. Mr. Petrie ( The Ecclesiastical Architecture of Ireland, p. 133) thinks that such structures as the Oratory at Gallerus in Kerry, shewn in the woodcut, may be considered to be the first erected for Christian uses, and as ancient as, if even not more ancient, than the conversion of the Irish by St. Patrick. This example measures externally 23 feet by 10, and is 16 feet high, the walls being 4 feet thick. It has a single window in its east end. On each of the gables were small stone crosses, of which the Sockets only now remain. Of somewhat later date, but Mr. Petrie thinks as early as the 5th or 6th centuries, are such buildings as Tempull Ceannanach, on the middle island of Arran, in the bay of Galway. This mea- sures internally 16 feet by 12, and is built of very large stones, one not less than 18 feet in length. The church of St. MacDara, on the island of Cruach Mhic Dara, off the coast of Connemara, measures internally 15 feet by 1 1. Its roof was of solid stone, built in courses until they met at the top. The above-mentioned examples are simple quadrangular buildings without distinction be- tween nave and chancel, but others are met with, apparently of equal antiquity, in which a small chancel is attached to the nave and en- tered by an archway. In no case is an apse found in Ireland. -s:==^ The buildings of this class are so rude and simple that it is not easy to establish satisfactorily i any chronological arrangement founded on their architectural character; it would appear, how- ever, that buildings of similar character were constructed until ' in the 11th or 12th centuries more ornate structures were erected. " ' ■ Many of these small chapels were, however, constructed of wood, and the whole class was, known (Petrie, p. 343) as ' duir- theachs,' or ' dertheachs,' the pro-i bable etymology of which is " house | of oak." It appears from a frag- ment of a commentary on the Brehon laws (Petrie, p. 365) that 15 by 10 were customary dimen- sions for such buildings, and the stone chapels are usually found not to differ very greatly from them. Buildings of very similar character exist in Cornwall, and their foundation is attributed to missionaries from Ireland : such was the chapel of Perrauzaliuldc, or, St. Pirau in the sand, said to have been founded by St. tiian (or as he if| called in Ireland St. Kioran) in the 5th centuiyj It had been completely buried in the shiftins sand of the coast, but "in 1835 the sand was re-i CHAPEL CHAPEL 343 moved, and the building discoA^ered in an almost perfect state ; it is 29 ft, long externally by 16^- oroad ; as will be seen from the plan, it was a simple parallelogram, but divided into two parts by a wall or screen. The tomb of the saint apparently served as an altar. The chapel of St. Maddern is very similar in plan, but has the peculiarity of having a well in one angle ; that of St. Gwythian has both nave and chancel, the latter entered by a narrow door- way. Mention of several others of like character will be found in a paper by the Rev. W. Haslam, in vol. ii. of the Architectural Journal. The ma- sonry of these buildings is very rude and irre- gular, but the huge stones, and roofs construc- ted of stone, which are found in Ireland do not seem to occur in Cornwall. A building of like character was disinterred from the sands of the coast of Northumberland in 1853, near Ebb's Nook, not far from Bamborough ; it closely resembles the Cornish oratories. The name seems to connect it with St. Ebba (ob. 683), sister of St. Oswald, king of Northumberland. Some of the Cornish chapels were perhaps rather those of hermitages than of convents, and the same observation may be applied to the like buildings in Ireland, Chapels of the third class, those attached to churches, may be divided into three sections: A, those forming part of the main building above ground ; B, those connected with the main build- ing, but distinct from it ; C, those under ground, or crypts. Although very many churches built before A.D, 800, exist in such a state that we may feel tolerably certain that we possess an accurate knowledge of their original ground-plans, scarcely any clear examples of chapels which could be placed in the first section can be pointed out. We cannot suppose the apartments which are found in very many of the churches of the 5th and 6th centuries in central Syria on either side of the narthex to have been chapels in the sense of having been used for divine worship ; nor were the lateral apses originally constructed for a like use, since we have contemporary testimony (Pau- linus of Nola, Ep. xxxii.) that one was used as a sacristy, and the other as a place in which the devout might read the scriptures and offer prayers ; if, however, we define the word chapel so as to admit apartments destined to serve as places for prayer, but not for tbe celebration of the rites of the church, we must consider the lesser apse on the left of the great apse as a chapel. In the description which St. Paulinus has given (-&J0. xxxii.) of the basilica of St. Felix, mention is, however, made of ' cubicula ' in the following passage : " Totum extra concham basilicae, spa- tium alto et lacunato culmine geminis utrinque porticibus dilatatur, quibus duplex per singulos arcus columnarum ordo dirigitur. Cubicula intra porticus quaterna longis basilicae lateribus in- serta secretis orantium vel in lege Domini medi- tantium praeterea memoriis religiosorum et fa- miliarium accommodates ad pacis aeternae re- quiem locos praebent," [CUBICULUM.] This passage seems to show clearly that in some instances apartments were placed by the sides of the nave, but this was probably very ex- ceptional, for, as has been said above, no example of such a plan now exists. It should, however, be noticed that in two churches of very early date openings have existed in the side walls with which chapels may have been connected ; these are the churches of Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme and that of Sta, Balbina, both at Rome; in the first were five openings on each side of the nave, in the second six. The first of these buildings is, however, held to have been the hall of the palace of the Sessorium, and not originally con- structed to serve as a church ; the second is believed to date from the 5th century, but to have been reconsecrated by St. Gregory about A.D, 600. At a very much later date we find in the church of Sta. Christina at Pola de Lena, near Oviedo, in Spain, apartments attached to and entered from the nave. These are no doubt con- temporary with the church, the date of which is probably near A.D. 809. These apartments may have been chapels, but it has been surmised that they were really built to serve as sacristies. The like arrangement occurs at Sta, Maria de Naranco, near Oviedo, which dates from A.D. 848. One almost unique example exists in the church of Remain Metier, where the upper story of the narthex has a small apse on the east, and was therefore probably intended to serve as a chapel ; it is nearly square in plan, and divided into three aisles by two ranges of columns supporting groined vaults. As the church of which this forms a part was a large conventual one, this was probably intended to serve as the smaller chapel generally found in convents. The church is believed to date from 753, the narthex to be somewhat later. The chapels which belong to the second section, viz. those attached to churches, but distinct buildings, are not very numerous, and in most cases their primary object was sepulchral. Such the three attached to the church of St. Lorenzo at Milan would appear to have been, though it has been suggested that that on the south was a baptistery, and that on the north a porch or vestibule. That on the south, now called the church of St. Aquilinus, is octagonal externally, while in- ternally semicircular and rectangular niches al- ternate, one in each face ; in it are two massive sarcophagi, one of which is believed to contain the remains of Ataulphus, king of the Goths. The conchs of two of the niches retain some mosaics of a very early period, perhaps the 5th century. This building is connected with the church by a vestibule, supposed by Hiibsch (^Alt' Christliche Kirchen, p. 22) to be of later date ; it is a square vaulted chamber with apses east and west. The chapel of St. Sixtus on the north side has exactly the same plan, but is much smaller ; that of St. Hippolytus at the east end of the church is also octangular extercally, but internally forms a cross with four equal limbs. All three are probably not remote in date from the church itself, which would seem to have been built about the end of the 4th or the beginning of the 5th century. In like manner Pope Hilarus (461-467) added to the baptistery of the Lateran chapels dedi- cated in honour of St, John the Baptist and St. John the Evangelist. Of the early part of the 9th century we have a most interesting example in the chapel of St. Zeno attached to the church of St. Praxedis (Sta. Prassede) at Rome, built by Pope Paschal I. 344 CHAPEL CHAPEL about 819, and fortunately preserved almost un- altered. It is in plan a square with three rect- angular recesses, the walls are covered with marble and the lunettes and vaults with mosaic. This chapel is entered from the nave, and the doorway is very remarkable, being partly made up of ancient materials and partly original work, as the inscription testifies, of Pope Paschal's time. Over this doorway is a window, and the wall around it is covered with medallion por- traits of our Lord, the Apostles, and some other saints in mosaic. The execution is but rude. This chapel is contemporaneous with the church to which it is attached, and is perhaps the earliest undoubted instance of such an arrangement ; it IS, however, so constructed as both externally and internally to seem an independent building attached to the church and not a portion of it. The practice of constructing such appendages to a church seems, however, to have continued exceptional until the end of our period. None appear on the plan for the monastery of St. Gall, no doubt prepared between 820 and 830 ; nor do any seem to have formed parts of the minster of Aix-la-Chapelle. Crypt under liiiKm Caiholral. In the East, as the rule that there should be only one altar in a church has always existed, chapels (in the sense of apartments in which celebrations of the eucharistic service could take place) have rarely formed parts of churches, but sometimes are found attached to them. One in- stance of a chapel attached to a church would appear to exist in the church of St. Demetrius at Thessalonica, where a small triapsal building is attached (v. Texier and Pullan, Byzantine Arch. pi. xviii.) to the east end of the south side of the church. It has been suggested that this was a sacristy, but its form seems to show that it was really a chapel ; it may possibly have belonged to the adjacent monastery. To the church of the convent of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai six chapels are attached on each side of the nave, but these are doubtless not of the original fabric. The third class, viz. subterranean chapels, doubtless had their origin from the chambers in the catacombs in which the remains of martyrs or confessors had been placed. What could be more natural than that when a church or an oratory was built over the spot where a martyr had been interred, the chamber should be pre- served and made accessible ? We have probably an instance of one of these chambers preserved in the remains of the basilica of St. Stefano, in Yia Latina, built by Pope Leo I., 440-461. Where, however, no chamber existed, a crypt was not constructed. Hence, in the earlier churches of the city of Eome, we find no crypt forming part of the original plan, but small excavations under the altar, to receive some holy corpse brought from the extramural cemeteries. [CONFESSlO.] St. Gregory, we are told, " fecit ut super corpus beati Petri et beati Pauli Apostolorura Missae celebrarentur." He probably formed a crypt and placed the 'loculus' in it, erecting an altar in the church above over the bodies. After this time frequent mention is made of the confession as a vault with stairs leading into it. In those churches of the earlier period at Rome, which remain in a tolerably unaltered state as Sta. Sabina (A.D. 425) and Sta. Maria in Trastevere, only very small vaults are found as confes- sions, but in S. Apol- linare in Classe, at Ravenna, a crypt ap- pears as part of the original structure ; it consists of a passage running within the wall of the apse, and another passing under the high altar. French antiquaries (Martigny, Diet, des Antiq. Chr^t. art. ' Crypte ') have claimed a very high antiquity for crypts under seve- ral churches in France, e.g. that under the church of St. Mellon (? St. Gervais), at Rouen, is alleged to show the construction of the 4th century. It would seem probable that in most caoes where they belong to early periods they are ancient sepulchral chapels or oratories, or, possibly, tombs of the Roman period, and not structural crypts. Two crypts, however, exist, which were, it would seem, structural ; these are those of St. Irenaeus at Lyons and of St. Victor at Marseilles. The first of these has a central and side aisles divided originally by columns which carry arches, the courses of which are of brick and stone alternately, above there is a string and a barrel vault. The central aisle ends in an apse ; the church is said to have been founded in the 4th century. The crypt of St. Victor is in connection with some catacombs, the original church dated from the 5th century. The crypt consists of a series of vaulted compartments divided by very massive rectangular piers. Two remarkable crypts exist in England, those in the cathedral of Ripon and in the abbey church CHAPEL CHAPEL 345 of Hexham : both are attributed to St. Wilfrid, who founded monasteries at both places ; that at Ripon between 670 and 678, that at Hexham about 673. It appears from the testimony of Leland (/im. 1. 89, 2nd ed.) that the actual cathedral of Ripon does not occupy the same place as the church of the abbey built by Wilirid, and there is much uncertainty whether the like is not true of the church of Hexham. The similarity of the plans and the peculiarity of the structures can leave no doubt that one person planned both, and this can hardly have been any other than St. Wilfrid. The model which he followed was evidently not the con- fession of a church but the cubiculum and galleries of a Roman catacomb, and the principal vault in each does in fact bear considerable re- semblance to the cubiculum adjacent to the cemetery of St. Callixtus (about two miles from Rome in the Via Appia), in which the bodies of SS. Peter and Paul are said to have remained for a considerable time. The vault in question (Marchi, Roma Sott. pi. xli. ; Catacombs, p. 310) has an arched roof nearly semicircular, but really formed by five small segments of circles, and has the same height, about 9 feet, and the same width, 8 feet, as the two crypts, but being in plan nearly square, while the crypts are oblong, is only 8 feet long, while they are 11-3 and 13*4. It is evidently by no means unlikely that St. Wilft-id may have intended to construct models of a place in his time most highly venerated and much resorted to, just as models of the Holy Sepulchre were b*iilt in later times. Some of the small niches in the walls were probably intended to contain relics or to hold lamps. The ante-cham- ber to the principal vault is stated to be covered by a demi-vaulted roof, as Mr. Walbran sur- mises, in order that the steps of the altar might be carried on it. If these structures were not beneath churches, probably small "celiac me- moriae," such as will be hereafter noticed, covered and protected the access to them. Whether they were originally provided with altars is uncertain. A crypt existed in the Saxon church of Canter- bury, and was, we are told by Edmer, the chanter (quoted by Gervase, De Combust, et Rep. Doroh. EccL), "ad instar confessionis S, Petri fabricata," it was beneath a raised choir, and appears to have had several passages or divisions. Whether this formed part of the early church, or was one of the additions made by Archbishop Odo (cir. 950), is unknown. A crypt also appears in the plan for the church of St. Gall (made cir. A.D. 800). It consisted of two parts, a " confessio," which was reached by steps descending between two flights ascending to the raised presbytery, and a " crypta," which seems to have consisted of two passages entered from the transepts on either side, but running outside the walls ; a third, connecting the former two, and running in front of the apse, and another short passage running from the last mentioned to a spot beneath the high altar. There is a close resemblance between this arrangement and that in the Roman churches of the same period (as Sta. Cecilia) where the crypt follows the line of the wall of the apse. Altars were placed in bcth crypt and confession. In the church of Brix worth, in Northampton- shire, which there is evidence for believing to date from cir. A.D. 700, is a crypt running round the apse externally, originally covered with a vault ; and, according to Mr. Poole {Repo}^s and Papers of Arch. Soc. of Korthants, York, ayid Lin- coln, i. 122) there are also traces of a shcrt passage running westwards from this to the pro- bable position of a " confessio " below the high altar. Mr. Watkins, however {The Basilica &c. of Brixucorth), asserts that there could have been no crypt under the apse, as the original floor was on a level with the rest of the church. [CnuRCi-i.] A remarkable crypt or " confessio " exists under the raised presbytery of the church of St. Cecilia at Rome, and apparently dates from the construction of the building by Pope Paschal I. (817-824). It consists of a vaulted space south of the altar (the church stands nearly north and south), a passage running round the interior of the apse, and another passage running south from the north end of the former, but stopped by a mass of masonry supporting the high altar. Within this mass is a sarcophagus, containing the body of the saint. The passages are lined with slabs of marble set on end : many of these have early inscriptions, and were probably brought from an adjacent cemetery. The same arrangement exists at Sta. Prassede, and nearly the same at SS. Quattro Coronati and St. Pan- crazio — all at Rome — and it seems to have been the normal arrangement about this period. It will be observed that it is very much the same as that at Brixworth and St. Gall. At Fulda, in Hesse Cassel, is a crypt which is usually attri> buted to the 9th century. It consists of a circu- lar passage, within which is a circular space, the vault of which rests on a short clumsy column, with a rude imitation of an Ionic capital. Buildings of the fourth class, i.e. sepulchral chapels, were constructed at a very early period. The practice of erecting large structures for such purposes being familiar to several nations of antiquity before the Christian era it is not surprising that when they became converts to Christianity they continued a practice which their new faith would rather encourage than reprehend. The greater part of the chambers in the cata- combs near Rome may be considered as belonging to the class of sepulchral chapels. [See Cata- combs.] At what time the practice of placing an altar and of celebrating the eucharistic service in a sepulchral chapel was first introduced cannot be stated with precision. We are indeed told in the Liher Pontificalis of Pope Felix I. (250-274), that he "constituit super sepulcra martyrum missas celebrari," but altars not placed over tombs may have already been used. As, however, the practice of praying for the dead existed in the 4th and even in the 3rd century, it seems not unlikely that the practice of placing altars in sepulchral chapels may have come into use in the former of those periods. Perhaps the eai-- liest undoubted instance of a chapel having leen constructed to serve at once as a place of sepulture and of divine worship is that of the " Tempi um Probi," a small basilica attached to the exterior of the apse of St. Peter's at Rome, and built by Sixtus Anicius Petronius Probus, who died A.D. 395. He and his wife were undoubtedly buried in it, and its form makes it highly imjrobyble 34(5 CHAPEL CPIAPEI. that the celebration of the eucharist within it was not contemplated by the builder. Cav. de Rossi, however, appears {Bull, di Arch. Crist. 1864, p. 25) to think that in the earlier centuries the chief use of such "celiac memoriae" was to afford a fit place for the banquets held in honour of the dead, and such buildings he be- lieves to have been erected in arfjae, or en- closures set apart for sepulture outside the walls of cities, as early as the 2nd century, or probably even at an earlier period. That such buildings were also used as oratories there can be little doubt, since Sozomen (Eccl. Hist. ix. 2) states that the martyr St. Eusebia was placed in a evKT-fipiov near Constantinople, on the spot where the church of St. Thyrsus was afterwards built. [Cella Memoriae.] An example has been recently discovered out- side the gates of Rimini of very similar plan, which is described as that of a Greek cross, before which is an oblong apartment. Some remains of bas-reliefs, and a sepulchral inscrip- tion dated Maximo Consule (i.e. A.D. 523), give ground for the presumption that the building is not of later date !:han the 6th century. The reir.ains of an altar were discovered ; but as this contained a " sepulcrum " in which was a leaden box, doubtless containing relics, it could hardly have been coeval with the building. Of about the same date were apparently the chapels at the cemetery of St. Alessandro, about six miles from Rome, discovered a few years ago : these had been formed from chambers in the first level of a catacomb, and are partly below the ground. There were two chapels with a space between them ; one of these ends with an apse, on the chord of which is what appears to be the substructure of an altar; the other has a rectan- gular termination : at the end of this was found a marble cathedra raised upon a platform, and below this platform an altar, under which is a shallow grave lined with slabs of marble, from which the body of St. Alexander is believed to have been removed. Another chapel opened from this, and is of an irregular square form, with a small apse. The general character of the paA^ements and such ornamental portions as remained is of circa A.D, 500, and a monumental inscription bore the names of consuls of 443 and 527, Of sepulchral chapels or mausoleums of un- doubted date, perhaps the earliest is the tomb of the Empress Helena, outside Rome (cir. A. D, 328), a circular building standing on a square basement, in which is a vault. In the circular portion, which is about 66 feet in diameter inter- nally, are on the floor, eight large niches, and above them as many windows ; the whole is covered by a dome. It may be said that this is merely a tomb, but the large size of the windows points to an use other than that of a sepulchre. The Liber Pordificalis states that it was provided by the Emperor Constantine with an altar of silver and much church furniture and many vessels, but the trustworthiness of this part of the book is doubtful. Of nearly the same date is Sta, Costanza, the mausoleum of a daughter of the Emperor Constantine, also a circular building with a dome, but which has an internal peristyle and had also one externally. Further descrip- tion of this building will be found under Church. Another circular mausoleum, which no longer exists, was that built by the Emperor Honorius in connexion with the Vatican Basilica ; it was about 100 feet in diameter and very similar to that of the Empress Helena, in the ruins of this, in 1543, a marble sarcophagus containing the remains of one or both of his wives was dis- covered. The building next to be mentioned is one of peculiar interest having come down to our time almost uninjured, and containing the sarcophagi, which it was constructed to receive, unviolated; this is the chapel at Ravenna now calied the church of SS, Naz- zaro e Celso, erected by the Empress Galla Placidia, as a mauso- leum for herself and fomily before the yfar 450, it has, as will be seen by the plan, the form of a Latin cross. There was originally a por- tico by which it was connected with the atrium of the adja- cent church of Sta. Croce. Three im- mense sarcophagi are placed in the three upper arms of the cross, and contain the remains of the Empress Galla Placidia, and of the Emperors j Honorius II. and Constantius III. Between these stands the altar, but this is said to have been brought from the church of St, Vitale, Tha chapel is paved and lined with rich marbles up to the springing of the arches which carry the dome ; this last, the lunettes below the dome and the arches and the soffits of the arches are all covered with mosaics of very beautiful cha- racter. Of the highest interest, both architecturally and historically, is the tomb of Theodoric (ob. 526), outside the walls of Ravenna ; this is Nazzai-o e Celao Ravemi Mausoleum of Theodoric, of two stories, the lower externally decagonal, but enclosing a cruciform crypt. The upper story is circular and was surrounded by a range of small pillars carrying arches ; opposite tD the entrance is a niche, which no doubt once contained an altar ; this story is covered by a low dome 30 feet in diameter internally, hollowed cut from a single slab of Istrian marble. There are many peculiarities of detail in this building, CHAPEL CHAPTER 347 among them a small window in the form of a cross with limbs of equal length, all the bound- ing lines of which are convex. The sarcophagus containing the body of the king was probably placed in the centre of the upper chamber. In one very remarkable instance, however, that of the Minster at Aix-la-Chapelle, the great Emperor founded neither an episcopal nor a conventual church, but constructed a building on a magnificent scale indeed, but essentially on the plan of a mausoleum of the earlier Empire ; whether or not it was the intention of Charle- magne to construct at once a Minster and a splendid tomb, it is certain that it has ever been looked upon as the " memoria " of that great man. An account of this very remarkable building will be found under Church. Detached chapel-like buildings not attached to convents, and not sepulchral, are not often met with, though pro- bably once com- mon. In most instances they have perished either from time or neglect. In the Haouran, however, where since the 6th cen- tury the rumed cities have been uninhabited and the country a desert, many buildings which Count de Vogiie (Za Syric Centrale, Avant- Piau ot'Kalybe. nave, a square central portion, and three large semi-circular niches or apses, the so-called trans- verse triapsal arrangement. Such a plan was often adopted in order to afford place for three sarcophagi, and hence it may be thought that this chapel was really built as a " cella memoriae ; " but it exists in the church of Bethlehem, where it certainly could not have been chosen with that intention. _ CHAPLET. (1) It was anciently the prac- tice of some churches to crown the newly baptized with a chaplet or garland of flowers. See Bap- tism, p. 164. (2) For chaplet in the sense of a succession of prayers recited in a certain order, regulated by beads or some such device, see Rosary. [C] CHAPTER [Capitulum], the body of the clergy of a cathedral, united under the bishop (for other senses of the Latin term see Capi- tulum). 1. The origin of chapters themselves, apart from the name, begins from a very early date. The presbyters, and subordinately the deacons of each diocese, constituted from the beginning the council of the bishop of that diocese [Bishop], joined in his administration of it, and in the approval of candidates for ordination, -^c, and in fact, though not in name, were his chapter. And these, at first, all lived in the cathedral city; and as country cures came gradually to exist, served them from that city. In time, however, Kalyb^ at Omm-es-Zeitoum, propos, p. 8) considers to nave been oratories or chapels still exist, a good example of these Kalybes ^ is that of Omm-es-Zeitoun, which - an inscription engraved on its front shows to have been built in A. D. 282. It must, however, be observed that there seems to be in them no ^race of any altar or of any place to receive it, and that, in that at Chagga, is a vault below the building, which latter circumstance gives rise to a doubt whether they may not have been sepulchral. One example may be mentioned of a detached chapel of an early date, which was not certainly sepulchral, that, namely, built by Pope Damasus (367-385) near the baptistery of the Lateran at Rome, but not now in existence. It had a short country presbyters became fixed in their several localities. And a distinction grew up accord- ingly, by the period of the great Nicene Council, between town and country presbyters, — civita- tenses, and dioecesani or rurales presbyteri, — the latter being reckoned as a somewhat lower grade than the former. In accordance with this dis- tinction, and as a natural result of their distance from the bishop's residence, the country presbyters (and deacons) became in effect, although never formally, excluded from the Episcopal council or (so to call it by anticipation) chapter. At Rome this state of things became permanent, so that all the city clergy, and they only, became tlie chapter ; and hence, after a lapse of centuries aoJ 348 CHAPTER CHAPTER some other changes, the cardiual-uishops, priests, aod deacons. In general, liowever, time brought about two further but equally gradual changes. 1. The bishop and his more immediate clergy- took to living a life in common, although each still retaining his own special share of church goods and living upon it. And thus the town clergy in general became separated from those, who specially served the cathedral but had no cure in the city itself. And the chapter (so to call it) became gradually restricted to the latter, viz., the cathedrales proper, to the exclusion of the former, or general body of the town clergy ; a right disused, as before, ceasing naturally in time to be recognised as a right at all. 2. The cathedrales themselves became increased in number by the addition of various diocesan officers : as e. g. the archdeacon, archpresbyter, Ijriinicerius or custos, scholasticus ; or again, through the musical services of the cathedral, the archicantor ; and through the engrafting upon the bishop's establishment of seminaries for youths and clergy, the praepositus or provost, &c. And thus a body of officers grew up, who, through their position and special attachment to the bishop and the cathedral, helped yet more to exclude outsiders. The time of St. Augustine and of Eusebius of Vercelli may be taken as the period whence the first of these changes began ; the latter bishop endeavouring also to engraft the monastic life upon the common life of him- self and his clergy, which St. Augustin did not ; and the monastic bishoprics of the Anglo-Saxon church, established by St. Gregory and the Can- terbury St. Augustine, and copied through Anglo- Saxon missions in Germany, helping on the practice. The British monastic bishops may be also referred to, who were anterior to the Canter- bury mission ; but the Celtic monasteries, with their dioceseless and often subordinate bishops, are anomalous, and irrelevant to the present question. The progress of the change may be marked, 1, by the Councils of Tours, ii. a.d. 567, and of Toledo, iv. A.D. 633, which require the presbyters, deacons, and all his clcrici, manifestly the town clergy, to reside with the bishop, the latter making an exception for those only of whom health or old age rendered it desirable that they should live apart in their own houses ; and by Cone. Emerit. A.D. 666, can. 12, which empowers a bishop to recal a country presbyter and make him a cathedralis] — 2, by the gradual limitations of the word Canonici, which in the Councils of Clermont, a.d. 549, can. 15, and Tours ii. a.d. 567, still included all the clergy, even the minor orders, while the 3rd Council of Orleans, a.d. 538, uses it for all on the roll, and the 4th, A.D. 549, speaks still of "matricula ecclesiae ; " but which Gregory of Tours (//. F. X. sub fin.), who wrote about the close of the 6th century, speaking of " mensa canonicorum " and a charter of Chilperic, A.D. 580 (quoted by Du Cange), restrict to the cathedral clergy (the distinction of regular and secular canons and the special sense of the term belonging to the later period after Chrodegang) ; so that in A.D. 813, Cone. Mogimt. and Turon. iii., there had grown accordingly to be two classes of " Canonici," chapters under a bishop, and colleges under azi abbat (see also Council of Calchythe, A.D. 7S5, can. 4); and these two, under the name of Capi- tula, are mentioned in Cone. Vem., a.d. 755, can. 11, the monks living "secundum regulam ;" i.e.^ of St. Benedict, the clergy of the cathedral " sub ordine canonico." Yet even in the time of Charlemagne " canonicus " still had a double meaning, being either in general any clergyman on the roll (and " canonical " life meaning " clerical " life), or in particular the clergy who lived in common under the bishop [Canonici]. The second change above noticed was also of gradual growth. The offices of archpresbyter and archdeacon Avere no doubt ancient [Arch- presbyter, Archdeacon], but did not become attached at once to the cathedral, probably not until the 6th or 7th centuries. The Primicerius and Archieantor were of later date still [Pre- centor, Primicerius] ; and so also the Seholas- ticus [Scholasticus]. Two further changes however were needed in order to complete the establishment of the modern chapter, — 1, The appointment of a dean, which grew out of the office of praepositus. The latter came intc existence under the bishop, in analogy with the praepositus under the abbat among Chrodegang's canons, but his office being gradually restricted to external administration, a decanus was ap- pointed to conduct the internal discipline, after the analogy apparently of monastic decani; the 10th century being the period of the first insti- tution of the office ; and the dean gradually sup- planted the provost [Decanus]. 2. The con- version of the prebends (in fact though not m name) into benefices, i. e. of customary separate payments to individual cathedral members out of the church stock into a common treasury of the body, together with fixed rights of individual members to definite shares. The first " commune aerarium " in France is attributed to Piigobert, Archbishop of Eheims, after A.D. 700; so that canonici quasi koivoovikoi, although a bad deriva- tion, yet represented at first a real fact ; as does also the more plausible derivation from canon = a fixed pension, called sportula by St. Cyprian, and " consuetum clericorum stipendium " by Cone. Valentin., Hispal., and Agath., quoted by Du Cange. Prebends also began to be founded by bishops and other patrons about the same period. 2. For the history of the word chapter, see Capitulum. It was used as early as a.d. 755, Cone. Vem., and so at Aix in 789, and Mayence in 813. &c., for the episcopal chapter, as well as that of Chrodegang's canons. And about that time it was that bishops began to make the cathedral clergy their special council. Its re- striction to this only, followed in the course of another two centuries. 3. The functions of the cathedral chapter were simply derived, and (so to say) usurped, from those of the original council of the bishop, viz. the diocesan clergy. And the 8th century may be taken as the period when the " chapter '* thus absorbed into itself the right of being the special council of the bishop. Administration of the dio- cese in the bishop's absence or during a vacancy, naturally fell to the bishop's " senate ;" and ac- cordingly, even in early times, it was found necessary to enact, " ut presbyteri sine conscien- tia episcopi nihil faciarit " (Cone. Arelat. i. c. 19 : and see Can. Apost. 38, &c.). Ordinations, how- ever, were of course always excluded ; but not se the patronage, under the like circumstances, ot the bishop's livings. And this became the pri- i vilege of the chapter about the 8th century. j CF[ AFTER OF BIBLE CHARISMATA 349 The right of electing the bishop was not so speedily ixsurped. It did not become customary for the chapter only to elect until the 11th cen- tury. And the final decree, absolutely restrict- ing the right of election to that body (to the exclusion of the comprovincial bishops, as well as of the other diocesan clergy), only dates from Pope Innocent III. in the 13th. The change had run parallel with that which restricted the elec- tion of the pope to the cardinals. The charge of the cathedral services of course belonged to the chapter. Other privileges enumerated by Mayer (i. 73) for the most part are merely such as belong to any corporate body as such ; as, e. g. the possession of a common seal (the earliest, however, known to Mabillon, dating only a.d. 1289), the right of making bye-laws, the power of punishing the excesses or misconduct of indi- vidual members. For the schools attached to cathedrals, see Schools. 4. The constituent members of a chapter varied in almost every cathedral. The dean, as has been said, was a comparatively late addition, of at earliest the 10th century ; while in most cathe- drals there was no such office until late in the 11th. The arch presbyter appears to have been at first the principal, under the bishop ; until he was supplanted by the archdeacon. And these two, with the custos, or primicerius (so called at Rome, i. e. as the first entered on the wax tablet or list), were styled the " tria culmina ecclesiae." Chorepiscopi, in name but in nothing else, lingered on in a very few, mostly French, cathedrals. A scholasticus, a SACRiSTA or cimeliarcha, an archi- cantor, &c., also occur : for whom see under the several titles. And there were, besides, a staff of clergy for the general service of the cathedral church, together with lectores, ostiarii, exorcistae, acolythi, &c. A praepositus, or provost, also occurs in the 8th and 9th centuries. But the complete organization of a modern or a medieval chapter — the bishop, the quatuor personae, sc. dean, precentor, chancellor, and treasurer, the archdeacons, canons, &c. — belongs to Norman times and the 12th century. And minor canons, and vicars choral, &c., are an abuse of like date. 5. In the Eastern Church, the body of clergy serving a cathedral church was often exceedingly numerous : e. g. under Justinian, the " Great Church," out of the four at Constantinople, is said to have been served by 60 presbyters, 100 deacons, 40 deaconesses, 90 subdeacons, 100 readers, 25 cantores = in all 415; besides 100 os- tiarii, who served all four churches. There were also special officers in Eastern cathedrals, as e. g. IT pwr 617 air as, Trp(aroy!/ia\rir]s, xapTO(^uAa|, (TKevo- (jyvXa^, &c. ; for whom see under the several titles. But no such development of the chapter took place as in the West, so as to restrict to it the offices of electing the bishop, acting as his council or representative, &c. &c. [Thomassin ; Du Cange ; Mayer, Thes. Nov. Stat, ^c, Ucdes. Cathedr. et Coll. in Ger- mania ; Walcott, Cathedralia, and Sacr. Archae- ology.-] [A. W. H.] CHAPTER OF BIBLE. [Lection ary.] CHAPTER -HOUSE, a place of assem- bly for monks or canons, forming part of the conventual buildings ; called capitulum, says Papias, because there the capitula, or chapters of the monastic rule, were read and expounded. For the ancient custom was that after prime, before the monks went forth to their labour, a chapter of the rule was read aloud to them. The meeting of the monks for the purpose of hearing such a reading was itself called Capi- tulum (Ducange's Glossary, s. v. Capitulum). The ancient plan of St. Gall contains apparently no chapter-house ; and perhaps the first instance of a house built especially for the general meet- ings of a brothei'hood or college for other than devotional purposes is that mentioned in the life of Abbot Ansegis of Fontanelle (c. 9, in Acta SS. Ben. saec. iv. pt. 1, p. 635), who is said to have built, about A.D. 807, near the apse of the church of St. Peter, and on the northern side of it, a house which he called conventus or curia, in Greek huleuterion, because in it the brethren were wont to assemble for the purpose of taking counsel on any matter (Martene, De Bit. Monach. lib. i. c. V. § 3). [C] CHAPTER, THE LITTLE. [Capitulum.] CHARALAMPES, martyr, a.d. 198, com- memorated Feb. 10 (^Cal. Byzant.). [C] CHARAUNUS, martyr at Chartres, is com- memorated May 28 {Mart. Usuardi). [C] CHARIOTEERS. Among the callings which were regarded by the Church of the first three centuries, that of the charioteer held a promi- nent place. It had its chief, if not its sole, sphere of action in games which were inseparably connected with the old religion of the empire. The men who followed it were commonly more or less disreputable, and had been excluded, even by Roman law, from most of the privileges of citizenship (Tertull. de Spectac. c. 22). It was, through the eager excitement which attended it, incompatible with meditation and prayer (Tertull. I. c). We find accordingly that such persons were not admitted to baptism, unless they re- nounced their occupation (^Constt. Apost. viii. 32). If they returned to it after their admis- sion to Christian fellowship they were to be ex- communicated (C Elih. c. 62,8' 1 (7. Arelat. c. 5). When the games of the circus were reproduced under Christian emperors, the rigour of the Church's discipline was probably relaxed. [E. H. P.] CHARITAS, virgin, martyr under Hadrian, commemorated Aug. 1 (lfar#. Usuardi). As Agape, Sept. 17 {Cal. Byzant.). Compare Sa- piENTiA, Sophia. [C] CHARITINA, martyr, is commemorated Oct. 5 {Cal. Byzant.). [C] CHARITON, holy father and confessor, a.d, 276, is commemorated Sept. 28 {Cal. Byzant.). [C] CHARISMATA : literally " graces " which are the elfect of grace ; that is, of the outpouring of the Holy Ghost, consequent cn the Ascension of our Lord into heaven, — all, properly speaking, subjective : yet St. Paul calls the pardon of sin in one place (Rom. v. 15), and eternal life in another {ib. vi. 23), a " charisma " ; that is, a gracioxis or free gift on the part of God through Christ. Again, subjective graces have been dis- ^ A various reading gives, however, " augur," instead of " auriga." It is possible that this may be a sign of a diminished horror of the charioteer's calling. 350 CHAEITY SCHOOLS CHERUBIC HYMN tinguished into two classes : 1. those conferring mere power (gmtiae gratis datae) ; and 2. tiiose which atFect the character (gratiae gratum fa- cientes). The locus classicus for both is 1 Cor. xii. to the end of ch. xiv. (on which see Bloomfield, Alford, Cornelius a Lapide, and others), where they are thrown together without much system or classification. Of the former class, some were neither permanent nor universal, as the gift of heal- ing : others, as for instance, that which he affirms elsewhere to be in Timothy by the laying on of his hands (2 Tim. i. 6 ; comp. 1 Pet. iv. 10) ; in other words, the gift conferred upon all ministers of the Gospel at their ordination, fitting them for their respective posts, were permanent, but not universal. Both were bestowed primarily for the edification of the whole body ; not but that it would fare better or worse with each individual possessed of them according to the way in which they were used. " The manifestation of the Spirit is given to every man, to profit withal." Of the latter class all were permanent and universal, being designed primarily for individual sanctifi- cation : all had them therefore without exception ; and any body might double or quadruple his share of them by his own exertions. Where they lay dormant in any, the fault was his own. Wherever they were cultivated, they would bring forth, some thirty, some sixty, and some a hundredfold. " Follow after charity," says the Apostle : this is a gift of the same character with faith and hope, permanent (jueVei) and bestowed on all. Therefore the degree to which you may become possessed of it rests with yourseh'-es. As you follow after it, so you will obtain it. For those gifts which are not given to all you can only pray : still I enjoin you to pray; and of these "pray rather that ye may prophecy in other words, that ye may " understand the Scriptures " (comp. Luke xxiv. 45), and be able to interpret them for the benefit of others, as well as your own ; — a gift which is permanent, and for the good of all, like charity. Of ordinary gifts, I have devoted a whole chapter to shew that charity should occupy the first place : of extraordinary gifts, I proceed to shew in the ensuing chapter my reasons for considering prophecy, taken in its widest sense, to be first also; one is for practice, the other for information : to understand the Scriptures, and to act upon them aright, for general as well as for private profit and edification, is to fulfil every purpose for which grace is vouchsafed. Prophecy, therefore, will mean here the gift of expounding, rather than of foretelling (Corn, a Lap. ad. I.), and to the nine extraordinary " charismata " set down here, correspond the nine ordinary, described as " the fruit of the Spirit," in the Epistle to the Galatians (v. 22), To these last three more have been added, making twelve in all ; while faith, hope, and charity have been contrariwise classified by themselves as the three theological virtues. [E. S. F.] CHARITY SCHOOLS. [Schools.] CHARMS. [Amulets.] CHARTOPHYLAX. One, says Beveridge (Synod, ii. 167), who kept the archives and docu- ments or charters of the church. This in the Church of Constantinople was a high office ; so much so, that under Andronicus Junior he was called Magnus Chartophylax" who discharged it. His duties were by no means those of a mere libra- rian or registrar, but included with them those of a chancellor. He wore suspended round his neck the ring or seal of the patriarch ; received and examined all letters intended for him, with the exception of those coming from other patriarchs ; furnished the list of those who should be pro- moted to vacant benefices of all sorts ; and was entrusted with the authorisation of the nuptial benediction. When the 6th Council opened, it was the chartophylax, or keeper of the archives of the great church, whom the emperor ordei-ed to fetch the books of the previous oecumenical councils from the patriarch's library, then the depository for all authentic ecclesiastical records. As both volumes of the 5th Council were subse- quently proved to have been tampered with [CoNciL. Constant. 34], there must have been one dishonest chartophylax at least in the 130 years intervening between the 5th and 6th councils. For the rest, see Gretser and Goar, c. 4 of their Commentaries on Codinus ; c. 1, Du F]-esne's Gloss. Graec. et Lat. ; Suicer's Tkesaur. s. V. [E. S. F.] CHARTULARIUS. An officer entrusted with the keeping of charters or registers ; and in the Eastern Church subordinate to the charto- phylax. Such was his position, at all events, in the Church of Constantinople, according to the ecclesiastical list of Codinus (c. 1, with Gretser and Gear's Commentaries, c. 13) ; but from his next chapter we see there was a superior officer called " the great chartularius " attached to th? imperial household (c. 2, and Gretser and Goar, c. 3). Elsewhere we read of " chartularii " belonging to the army, navy, and several other departments of state, whose records were vo- luminous ; while the number of ecclesiastical " chartularii " for the different dioceses of the East is regulated by Justinian in the first book of his Code (tit. ii, c. 25). St. Gregory the Great calls a monk named Hilary, whom he employed in Africa to transact business for him, indif- ferently his "chartularius" or "notary"; shew- ing both offices to have been synonymous in the Church of Rome then (Ep. i. 77, ed, Migne, and the note). And Photius, two centuries and a half later, addresses one Gregory several times, in corresponding with him, as "deacon" and "char- tularius " (Ep. iii. ed. Valetta). Later, a very different sense sometimes attached to thir: word : " Qui per epistolam liber fiebat," says Sirmondus (ad tom. ii. Concil. Gall. p. 679), " chartularius dicebatur." Again, " chartularium," in the neuter gender, stands for the place where char- ters and such like documents were kept literally ; but in the West it has long served to denote those volumes, often called Red or Black Books from the colour of their binding or their rubrics, and written on parchment, in which the charters and customs and properties belonging to each monastery were transcribed (Du Fresne, Gloss. Lat. et Graec. s. v.). [E. S. F,] CHASUBLE. [Casula.] CHEESE, IN EUCHARIST. [Elements.] CHERSONESUS, the martyrs of, a.d, 296, are commemorated March 7 {Cal. Byzant.). [C] CHERUBIC HYMN. [Hymn, the Ghk- nuBic] CHEST CHILDEEN 351 CHEST, [Arca: Capsa.] CHILDBIRTH. [Churching op Women.] CHILDEBERT, king, deposition at Pans, Dec. 23 {Mart. Usuardi). [C] CHILDREN. It is the object of this article to bring together the materials for a picture of the home life of Christians of the first eight centuries, so far as it affected the treatment of their children and their thoughts about them. It is obvious that every such picture must be more or less idealised, that in practice its com- pleteness was marred by variations at different periods and in different churches, by the more or less perfect triumph of Christianity over heathenism. Making allowance for this, how- over, it is hoped that the representation here given will enable the reader to estimate the in- fluence of the religion of Christ in this phase of numan life with some distinctness. It is obvious also that in the course of the inquiry we must come in contact with many questions which, separately, demand a more dogmatic and more exhaustive discussion. These it will be enough to notice briefly. (1.) We may start with the fact that the new faith taught men to set a higher value upon the sacredness of human life. The corrupt morals of the empire had all but crushed out the natural orropyr) which binds the hearts of the fathers to the children. Infants were looked upon as in- cumbrances to be got rid of. The mothers of illegitimate children, sometimes even mothers who were married, killed or deserted their child- ren without scruple, or called in the aid of women who made a business of the art of abor- tion. Against all such practices Christian parity raised its voice. Barnabas enumerates the sins in question among the things incompatible with the " way of light " (c. 19). The author of the Epistle to Diognetus speaks of the freedom of the Christian society from these practices as one of the marks of difference between them and the heathens among whom they lived (c. 5). Athe- nagoras condemns those who expose children, or procure abortion, as alike guilty of murder {Legat. c. 35). Justin speaks against the expo- sure as a common offence, and dwells on the enormities that followed, children so deserted, male and female, being the chief supply of the market for prostitution (ApoL i. 29). The prac- tice lingered, however, even among Christians, and the Council of Elvira had to treat them as excluding a female catechumen from all but death-bed baptism, one who was already bap- tized even from death-bed communion (C. Elib. c. 63, 68). The Council of Ancyra, about the same time, acknowledging that the severer pen- alty had been the rule of the Church, reduced it to ten years' penance (c. 20), that of Lerida (c. 2) to seven, subject however to the condition of continuance in a penitential life ; and if the offenders were in orders, to exclusion from litur- gical functions. _ (2.) We start, then, with the Christian con- viction that children were a " heritage and gift that Cometh from the Lord," to be received as a trust for which parents would have to render an account. It might have seemed that that feeling would have found universal expression in the dedication of infants, as soon as might be after their birth, by the sacred rite of baptism. Our Lord's command, " Suffer little children to come unto me, and forbid them not," might .-t-em to sanction, if not to command, the practice. It must be admitted, however, that the traces of infant baptism in the first 150 years are but scanty, that the evidence of the New Testament is far from decisive. The statement of Suicer (Thesaur. ii. 1136) that for the first two centu- ries no one was baptized who could not make a conscious profession of his faith is, perhaps, over- strained, but it is true that the evidence on the other side is meagre. Justin's statement that "many had been made disciples of Christ, e/c TratS&jj/" {Apol. ii. p. 62) is somewhat straijied when these words are translated, as Bingham does, " from their infancy." The witness of Ire- naeus, who says that ^'■infantes" (as well as parvuli ") " renascuntur in Deum " (ii. 22), and identifies regeneration with baptism is, however, more distinct. That of Origen, however, that the Church's practice was " etiam parvulis bap- tismum dari " {Horn. viii. in Levit.) is rendered less so, by the distinction drawn by Irenaeus between the parvuli " and the " infantes"^ The treatise in v/hich Tertullian urges " cunctatio bap- tismi " as the safer and better course is rather in the tone of one who is contending against a growing practice than of one who rejects a tra- dition of the universal Church (de Bapt. c. 18). Wall on Infant Baptism is, of course, the great storehouse of arguments in favour of the primi- tive and universal use of the rite for infant children. It may be noted, however, (1.) that the command in Matt, xxviii. 19, seems to imply capacity for discipleship as a condition of baptism ; (2.) that the " holiness " of Christian children is made to depend, in 1 Cor. vii. 14, not on bap- tism, but on the faith of one, at least, of the parents ; (3.) that the mention of " households " as baptized is, at best, a precarious foundation for a wide generalisation. If baptism were thought of as limited to those who could make a confession of faith, it would not be deemed necessary to men- tion infants as not included in the " household " that was baptized, any more than it would be ne- cessary to except them if one were speaking of a whole household going forth to fight against the enemy. It may fairly be conceded, howevei", that at least from the time of Irenaeus, Origen, Ter- tullian, the practice was common. The further question remained, at what stage in their infancy ; and here the answers varied. Some pressed the analogy of circumcision and argued for the eighth day, but this was rejected by Cyprian (Epist. ad Fidum, lix. al. Ixiv.) and by a Council of Car- thage under his guidance. Gregory of Nazian- zum, on the other hand, urged a delay of three years, more or less, that the child might be able to utter its profession of faith with its own lips {Orat. xl. de Bapt.). The Council of Elvira (c. 22) sanctioned the earlier age ; but this was done not as resting on an immemorial practice, but on a special dogmatic ground, "quia non sue vitio peccarunt," as though it needed a justifica- tion. Generally, except in cases of necessity, their baptism, like that of adult converts, was a We have in both these passages to content ourselvea with a Latin translation of a Greek original. A passage in the Latin version of Origen's Horn, in Luc. xiv. seems to bring even children who are just born within the range of the "parvuli." 352 CHILDEEN CHOIR postponed till the Easter following their birth (Socrates, //. E. v. 22; C. Antissiod. c. 18; August, Serm. de Temp. 110 ; Ambros. de Myster. Fasch. c. 5.).^ The case of Augustine shows, however, that even a mother like Monica, act- ing, it may he, under the influence of the feeling of which Tertullian had been the spokesman, could postpone her child's baptism indefinitely, only eager to hasten it if there were any immi- nent fear of death (August. Conff. i. 11).<= Even where baptism was postponed, however, the child was claimed for Christ, was signed with the sign of the cross, and made to taste of the salt which was known as the " mysterium " or " sacra- ment " of catechumens (Ibid.). [Catechumens.] After an interval, varying according to the different views just stated, the child was brought to the font, stripped of its clothes, and baptized, making its acts of renunciation and adherence, if old enough, with its own lips; if still in infancy, through its sponsors. [SPONSORS.] Where children were left orphans, or were deserted by their parents, they were brought by benevolent Chi-istians, who in the sight of the Church took charge of them. The priest announced the fact from the altar, and the child became the " alumnus " or foster-child of the person so adopting him ^ (1 C. Vasens. c. 9). Baptism in such cases was followed, after an interA-al of uncertain duration, by confirmation. If a bishop were present at the baptism, the rule was that both rites were administered in imme- diate succession. As soon as the child was taken from the water he received the sacred unction and the imposition of hands. (Tertull. de Bapt. c. 7, de Besurr. Cam. c. 8.) In the absence of the bishop there was, of course, a delay ; but the modern practice of Protestant churches of treatii>g confirmation as the personal acceptance by the adult of what had been promised by the infant, was altogether foreign to the life of the ancient Church, as it is now from that of the East. In both cases, indeed, in order to guard against any inconvenience which might follow from the prolonged absence of the bishop, the priest was allowed to administer confirmation as well as baptism. The admission of the infant to the privileges of Cnristian fellowship did not, however, stop here. There is almost, if not altogether, as weighty evidence for infant communion as there is for infint baptism. It was the recognised practice of the African Church in the time of (Jyprian {De laps. c. 25). The Apostolical Constitutions (viii. 12, 13) show that it was also the custom of the East. It was vehe- mently urged by Augustine as essential to the complete salvation even of the baptized {Ep)ist. 23 ad Bo7iifac. De Feccat. Merit, i. 20) and was defended against the scorn of unbelievers by the mystic pseudo-Dionysius (de Hierarch. Eccles. vii. 11). The Sacramentary of Gregory and the Council of Macon (c. 6), a.d. 588, are witnesses to its prevalence in the churches of Rome and Gaul. The first intimation of any wish to stop b The Sunday before Easter was known in consequence as the " Octavae Infantum." c Augustine blames the delay, it is true, but it is with reference to a baptism in boyhood, not in infancy. d The word occurs in this sense in Christian epitanhs. (De Roesi, i. 46.) it is found in the third Council of Tonrs (c. 19), in A.D. 813, and that continued inoperative foi nearly three centuries. In this respect the Churches of the East, as in the case of confirma tion, follow in the footsteps of antiquity. So far, then, the child of Christian parents was met at its birth with these symbols, and, as it was believed, assurances of salvation. The work of moral training began with the first dawn of consciousness. He would be taught to make the sign of the cross upon his brow, or lips, oi chest, on rising or lying down to sleep, or wh en he bathed or put on his clothes (Tertull. de Cor. Mil. c. 2). Soon a pious parent would tell him the story of the Gospels, as Monica did to Augus- tine, even though unbaptized (Conff. i. 17), or give him daily some texts of Scripture to be learnt by heart, as Leonidas did to Origen (Euseb. H. E. vi. 2). He would learn the Lord's Prayer and the Creed as things for daily use, would be taught to pray at midnight, at sunrise, and at every meal (Tertull. de Orat. c. 20). The stories of martyrs who had suffered, sometimes the actual spectacle of those sufferings, would kindle his emotions. The range of instruction would become wider as he would be led first to the didactic, or sapiential, books of Scripture, the Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes ; then the Gospels, the Acts, and the Epistles : last of all the Penta- teuch, the historical books, and the Prophets (Hieron. Epist. 57, ad Laetam). For his general education, however, he would have to go to any school that might be opened, and these were, for four centuries or more, in the hands of heathens. For those who went to such schools Homer was still the groundwork of intellectual culture (August. Conff'. i. 23). Grammar, dialectics, rhe- j toric, geometry, completed the course of teaching (Euseb. II. E. vi. 2). It would be naturally a time of anxious watchfulness for Christian pa- rents. When this was over the child would pass to the responsibilities of adolescence. Nega- tively we may be sure that no true Christian would allow his child to be a spectator of the games of the circus or the mimes of the theatre ; that wherever this was tolerated it would be looked on as a sign of spiritual decay. [Actors.] i [E. H. P.] CHILDREN, COMMUNION OF [Infant Communion.] CHIONIA, martyr at Thessalonica, under Diocletian, April 1 (Mart. Hieron., Bedae) ; April 3 (Mart. Usuardi) ; April 5 (Mart. Hieron.); April 16 (Cal. Byzant.). [C] CHIROTHECAE. [Gloves.] CHLODOALD, presbyter and confessor, is commemorated Sept. 7 (Mart. Bedae, Usuardi). [C] i CHOIR, ARCHITECTURAL (CJiorus, Suggestus ; "A/jL^cov). Every complete church consists of at least three parts ; bema (or presbytery), choir, and nave. The bema, entered in ancient times by none but the clergy, was devoted to the cele- bration of the holy mysteries ; the choir was for j the " clerks," in the widest sense of the word ; i the nave for the general body of the faithful. | The bema corresponds to the space east of the , altar-rails (called the sanctuary or presbytery) j in an ordinary English church, and the choir to i the remaining portion of the chancel. In mo- | nastic churches the choir is the place where the j CHOIR CHOREPISCOPUS 353 brethren assemble to say the ordinary daily offices. It is extremely difficult to determine the antiquity of the division between sanctuary and choir. Most of the passages of ancient authors bearing upon the matter give the impression that the rail or screen [Cancelli] separated the whole space devoted to the clergy from that devoted to the people, and that there was no 'chorus' distinct from the sanctuary. It is, in fact, probable that Honorius of Autun {Gemma Animae, i. 140) is right in saying " olim in modum coronae circa aras cantantes stabant," though his etymology is wrong. The canon of the fourth council of Toledo, in the 7th century, quoted below, is perhaps the earliest instance in which the threefold division, sanctuary, choir, and nave, is clearly recognised. The remains of ancient churches give us but little information on this point, as screens are the most destructible and changeable portions. When we do meet with authentic testimony as to the arrangements of churches, we find generally that the whole of the eastern apse was occupied by the sanctuary, which was screened oft" from the rest of the church, while the choir was a raised space im- mediately west of the screen of the sanctuary [Church, p. 375]. Whether the Greek Soleas was identical with this raised space or suggestus is doubtful. The description of a church in the Apostolical Constitutions (ii. 57) implies that bishop, pres- byters, and deacons occupied the space at the east end of the church, which was set apart for them, but does not mention any barrier between clerks and people. We find however such a barrier existing in the 4th century, when the laity were forbidden to enter the enclosure set apart for the altar and the clergy. This appears from the ftict that St. Ambrose deprived the emperors of the exceptional right which they had enjoyed of passing within the screen [Can- celli]. See Sozomen, Hist. Eccl. vii. 25 ; Theo- doret, H. E. v. 18. To this the emperors sub- mitted ; and the edict of Theodosius the younger and Valentinian lays down that the emperors are to approach the altar only for the purpose of making their offering, and to withdraw imme- diately. In accordance with this the Trullan council (canon 69), while forbidding the laity generally to enter the sanctuary {l^phv dvcriaa-TT]- piov), expressly permits the emperors to enter for the purpose of offering their gifts, " according to very ancient custom." This privilege Tarasius, patriarch of Constantinople (f 806), threatened to withdraw from Constantine VI. if he con- tracted the marriage which he was meditating (Life by Ignatius, in Acta SS. Feb. iii. p. 584). The same privilege which was granted to empe- rors seems in ancient times to have been conceded to unordained monks (Jerome, Ad Heliodorum). The 4th canon of the second council of Tours (a.d. 567) forbids the lay people to stand among the clergy, whether at Aagils or at mass, and re- serves all that portion of the church which is on the altar-side of the screen for the clerks engaged m the service (choris psallentium clericorum) ; yst the sanctuary (sancta sanctorum) was to be open for the purpose of praying and communi- cating both to laymen and to women [Com- munion]. The same canon was repeated in effect by the council of Autun in the year 672. CHRIST. ANT, So too a Capitulary of the year 744 (art. 9, ed. Baluz.) forbids the laity to be within the screen in time of divine service, whether mass cr vigil. So the council of Rome under Eugenius II., canon 33. The liberty which in Gaul was given to lay people, of entering the choir to communicate, does not seem to have been given in Africa. St. Augustine {Senn. 392) speaks of the screen (cancelli) as the place where laymen ordinarily communicated ; neophytes, however, seem to have drawn near the altar for their first communion (Serm. 224). In Spain the fourth council of To- ledo (can. 18) of the year 633 enjoins the [minis- tering] priest and deacon to communicate before the altar, the rest of clerks in the choir, tho people outside the choir. Women were generally not permitted to enter the choir {Cone. Laodic. c. 44), unless for the purpose of communicating. And although nuns were probably excepted in ancient times (Augus- tine, Epist. iii.), their exclusion seems in the 9th century to have been general, at least in Gaul (Theodulf of Orleans, Gapitulare, c. 6). Ahito, bishop of Basle in the early part of the 9th century {Gapitulare, c. 16), ordains that no woman should approach the altar; and that when the altar- cloths required washing, they should be taken off* by the clerks, and handed to the women at the door of the screen. The presbyters were also to receive t'he women's offerings outside the screen. (Ducange's Glossary, s. v. Chorus; Martene, De Ritibus Antiqnis, i. 123 ft".) [C] CHOIR OF SINGERS. {Chorus Cantor- um.) St. Augustine {on Ps. 149) says, " Chorus quid significet, multi norunt . . . chorus est con- sessio cantantium." Isidore of Sevile gives the definition, " chorus est multitudo in sacris col- lecta, et dictus chorus quod initio in modum coronae circum aras starent et ita psallerent." This etymology is undoubtedly false, but the statement upon which it is founded is by no means improbable. Whether it be true or not, that in the earliest ages the choir was grouped round the altar, we know that at a comparatively early period the choir had a space assigned to it in a church, [Choir, Architectural,] distinct from the Sanctuary, which contained the altar. " The choirs of our time," says Amalarius {de Div. Off. iii. 4), early in the 9th century, "are clothed in linen (linum)," and he distinguishes between this and the finer vestment of byssus which the singers wore under the Old Dispensa- tion (2 Chron. v. 12). Compare Schola Can- TORUM. [C] CHOREPISCOPUS (XcopeiriV/coTTOs) = country bishop, vicarius episcopi {Cone. Ancyr., Neo-Caesar., Antioch., &c., Isid. Hispal. De Offic. Eccl. ii. 6, &c.), villanus episcopus {Capit. Car. Mt vii. 187), vicanus episcopus (Hincmar), as opposed to the cathedralis episcopus (Du Cange) ; — to be distinguished, as being stationary, from the TrepjoSeuTT/s or visitator, who itinerated, although the two became often confounded together : — a class of ministers between bishops proper and presbyters, defined in the Arabic version of the Nicene Canons to be " loco episcopi super villas et monasteria et sacerdotes villarum ;" called into existence in the latter part of the 3rd cen- tury, and first in Asia Minor, in order to meet the want of episcopal supervision in the country 354 CHOKEPISCOPUS CHOREPISCOPUS parts of the now enlarged dioceses without sub- division : — first mentioned in the Councils of Ancyra and Neo-Caesarea, a.d. 314, and again in the Council of Nice (which is subscribed by fifteen, all from Asia Minor or Syria); sufficiently im- portant to require restriction by the time of the Council of Antioch, a.d. 34-1 ; and continuing to exist in the East until at least the 9th cen- tury, when they were supplanted by €^apxoi [ExARCHi] : — first mentioned in the West in the Council of Riez, A.D. 439 (the Epistles of Pope Damasus I. and of Leo M. respecting them being forgeries), and continuing there (but not in Africa, principally in France) until about the 10th century, after which the name occurs (in a decree of Pope Damasus II. ap. Sigeb. i)i an. 1048) as equivalent to archdeacon, an office from which the Arabic Nicene canons expressly distinguish it. The functions of chorepiscopi, as well as their name, were of an episcopal, not of a presbyterial kind, although limited to minor ofhces. They overlooked the country district committed to them, "loco episcopi," ordaining readers, exorcists, subdeacons, but, as a rule, not deacons or pres- byters (and of course not bishops), unless by express permission of their diocesan bishop. They confirmed in their own districts, and (in Gaul) are mentioned as consecrating churches (Du Cange). They granted elprjviKai, or letters dimissory, which country presbyters were forbidden to do. They had also the honorary privilege (jijxw- jxevoi) of assisting at the celebration of the Holy Eucharist in the mother city church, which country presbyters had not. (^Gonc. Ancyr. can. xiii. ;^ Neo-Caesar. can. xiv. ; Antioch. can. x. ; St. Basil, M. Epist. 181 ; Rab. Maur. De Instit. Cler. i. 5 ; &c. &c.) They were held therefore to have the power of ordination, but to lack juris- diction, save subordinately. And the actual ordi- nation of a presbyter by Timotheus, a chorepi- scopus, is recorded (Pallad. Hist. Lausiac. 106). The office also offered an opportunity for a com- promise in cases of schism, of which the Nicene Council availed itself, by authorising a Catholic bishop (among other alternatives) to find a place as chorepiscopus for any reconciled Novatian bishop {Cone. Nic. can. viii.). And the same council {Epist. Syn. in Socrat. i. 9) places recon- ciled Meletian bishops also in a somewhat similar position, although not calling it by the name itself. It was found also a convenient mode of dis- posing of " vacant " bishops, when such occurred. The office continued to exist among the later Eastern sects also : sc. among the Jacobite Syrians, where the chorepiscopus proper, who presided over a rural district, is distinguished, both from a titular chorepiscopus, more properly archipresbyter or proto-pope, who was a kind of leading presbyter in the episcopal city, and from the -irepio^evTris or visitator, who went circuit ; and among the Nestorians, where also both chor- episcopus and irepiodeuT7]s existed, as distinct classes (Denzingei*, Eit. Orient. Proleg. 116, sq. ; and see also the Arabic version of the Nicene canons, cans. 58 to 70). In both these bodies the chorepiscopi were presbyters. And in one ritual they are appointed without imposition of hands (Denzing. ih.). In the West, i. e. chiefly in Gaul, the order appears to have prevailed a For tae meaning of this canon and its various read- ingsi, sse Routh, Reliq. Saa iii. 430-439. more widely, to have usurped episcopal functions without due subordination to the diocesans, and to have been also taken advantage of by idle or worldly diocesans. In consequence it seems to have arouse.l a strong feeling of hostility, which shewed itself, first in a series of papal bulls, condemning them; headed, it is true, by two forged letters respectively of Damasus I. and Leo M. (of which the latter is merely an inter- polated version of Cone. Hispal. II. A.D. 619, can. 7, adding chorepiscopi to preshyteri, of which latter the council really treats), but continuing in a more genuine form, from Leo III. down to Pope Nicholas I. (to Rodolph, Archbishop of Bourges, A.D. 864); the last of whom, however, takes the more moderate line of affirming chorepiscopi to be really bishops, and consequently refusing to annul their ordinations of presbyters and deacons (as previous popes had done), but orders them to keep within canonical limits ; — and secondly, in a series of conciliar decrees, — Com. Ratispon. A.D. 800, in Capit. tit. iv. c. 1, Paris. A.D. 829, lib. i. c. 27, Meld. a.d. 845, can. 44, Metens. A.D, 888, can. 8, and Capitul. v. 168, vi. 119, vii. 187, 310, 323, 324,— annulling all episcopal acts of chorepiscopi, and ordering them to be repeated by " true " bishops ; and finally forbidding all further appointments of chorepi- scopi at all.. The title however lingered on for some centuries, in E'rance and Germany, as applied to various cathedral dignitaries in particular cathedrals, but in senses wholly irrelevant to its original and proper meaning (see instances in Du Cange). That chorepiscopi as such — i.e. omitting the cases of reconciled or vacant bishops above men^ j tioned, of whose episcopate of course no question \ is made — were at first truly bishops, both in East and West, appears almost certain, both from their name and functions, and even from the arguments of their strong opponents just spoken of. If nothing more could be urged against them, than that the Council of Neo-Caesarea compared j them to the 70 disciples, — that the Council of Antioch authorises their consecration by a smgle j bishop, and that they actually were so conse- ■ crated (the Antiochene decree might mean merely nomination by the word jiveffQai, but the actual history seems to rule the term to intend con- j secration, and the [one] exceptional case of a chorepiscopus recorded \_Actt. Episc. Cenoman. ap. Du Cange] in late times to have been or- dained by three bishops [in order that he might be a full bishop], merely proves the general rule to the contrary), — and that they were conse- crated for " villages," contrary to canon, — then they certainly were bishops. And Pope Nicholas expressly says that they were so. Undoubtedly they ceased to be so in the East, and were prac- tically merged in archdeacons in the West. And the non-episcopal nature of the functions to which they came to be limited would naturally lead to such a result. The language of the canons and of the Fathers {e.g. St. Basil. M, above quoted, or again St. Athanasius {^Apol. ii. 0pp. i. 200], who distinguishes them both from bishops proper and from presbyters, and again both from city and from country presbyters), | naturally implies that at first they were bishops | in the common sense of the word. The special j rites in the East for their appointment probably j belong to a time when they had undoubtedly! CHOKISTER CIIRISru 355 there sunk doAvn into presbyters. It ought to be said, however, that authorities are divided upon the question : English writers mainly (Be- veridge, Hammond, Cave, Bingham, Routh, to whom may be added the weighty authority of Van Espen) asserting their episcopal character, while others (see a list in Bing. 11. xiv. 2, 3, to which may be added Morinus and Du Cange) allege them to have been presbyters. It need hardly be said that they are not identical with either coadjutors or suffragans, properly so called : although they do bear a close resemblance to such bishops as, e. g. the Bishop of Dover in pre- Reformation times in England, and to the sundry Irish and foreign and other stray bishops, who are found so numerously doing the work of English bishops for them in the 12th to the 16th centuries, and to the suffragans as intended by Henry VIII., and now actually revived in England. (Bellarm. De Clericis, c. 17 ; Cellot. De Hierarch. iv. 14 ; Morinus, De Sac. Ord. and Dissert. ; De Marca, De Concord., ^c. ii. 13 ; Du Cange ; Suicer ; Bingham ; Van Espen.) [A. W. H.] CHORISTER. [Cantor.] CHRESTIANI. A heathen variation of the name Christiani, Instead of Xpi(rrhs, the more classical word, XprjaThs, gracious or good, was commonly supposed to have been the name or title by which Jesus of Nazareth was distinguished, and his followers therefore were called Chrestiani. The mistake is noticed by Justin Martyi*, Ter- tullian, Lactantius, and others, but the name having a good signification, they do not wholly reject it. Tertullian however remonstrates with the enemies of the faith for prosecuting Chris- tians merely for their name, a name which, ac- cording to either derivation, ought to command admiration rather than hatred. " Christianus, quantiim interpretatio est, de unctione deducitur. Sed et ciam perperam Chi-estianus pronunciatur a vobis (nam nec nominis oerta est notitia penes vos) de suavitate vel benignitate compositum est. Oditur ergo in hominibus innocuis etiam nomen innocuum" (Tertul. Apol. c. 3; Bingham, I. vll). [D.B.] CHRISM. (Mvpov, Xpia-fxa; Chrisma. The latter word is sometimes feminine: "miscitat ipsam chrismam," Ordo Bom. I. c. 42.) The sacred oil or unguent used in the ceremony of baptism. The term is also used so as to include the oil blessed for the unction of catechumens and of the sick. St. Basil (De Spiritu S. c. 66 _[al. 27]) mentions the blessing of the oil of anointing for use in baptism as one of the observances derived from the earliest times by unwritten tradition. The earliest extant testimonies to its use, whether in baptism or in other ceremonies of the church, are the following. Tertullian (De Baptismo, c. 7) says, "next, coming forth from the baptismal font, we are anointed with oil blessed according to the pri- mitive ordinances, in accordance with which men were anointed with oil from the horn as a con- secration for the priesthood." He seems to regard the anointing with oil as a symbol of the universal priesthood of Christians. St. Cyprian (^Epist. 70, c. 2, p. 768, ed. Hartel) speaks of the oil sanctified on the altar, with whi,«h the baptized are anointed [Baptism] ; and this oil, he says, the heretics who had no ti'ue altar could not have. In the Apostolical Constitutions (vii. 43, § 3, and 44, § 1) the direction is given, immediately after baptism, "let the ministrant aroint the person baptized with unguent (/xvpcf), sayinjr over it, ' Lord God . . grant that this unguent may so effectually work upon him that is bap- tized that the sweet savour of Thy Christ may abide in him fixed and firm." In this case, the unguent was evidently perfumed. There is nothing in the passage to suggest that it had undergone any previous consecration. Gregory of Nazianzus (^Orat. 48, in Julian.^ speaks of oil sanctified or consecrated on the spiritual and divine Table ; Optatus of Milevis (C. Donatist. vii. p. 102) says that this ointment is compounded (conditui-) in the name of Christ ; and the Pseudo-Dionysius (De Jlierarch. Eccles. c. 4) mentions the use of the sign of the cross in the consecration of it. The privilege of consecrating chi-ism was in comparatively early times strictly confined to the episcopal order. The twentieth canon of the first council of Toledo (a.D. 398) censures those presbyters who ventured to prepare chrism for themselves, and desires them to send a deacon or subdeacon to fetch the chrism from the bishop, so as to be in time for the festivities of Easter Day. To the same effect v»rrites Bishop Montauus to the clergy of Palencia and to Theoribius (Hardouin's Concilia, ii. 1143). The greater quantity of chrism was probably at this time consecrated immediately before Easter, but it does not appear that the con- secration was as yet limited to a particular day ; on the contrary, the canon above cited expressly lays it down that the bishop might consecrate chrism at any time. But in the 5th century it became an established custom to consecrate the chrism and oil for use throughout the year on Maundy Thursday. Pope Leo complains in a letter to his namesake, the Emperor of the East (Epist. 156, p. 1324), that in consequence of the murder of Proterius, bishop of Alexandria, the oblation was prevented and no chrism was con- secrated. Eligius of Noyon (f 658), preaching on Maundy Thursday (Hom. 10 in Coena Dam. p. 245, Biblioth. Batr. Colon.^ speaks of chrism being consecrated on that day throughout the Christian world. In the empire the consecration on Maundy Thursday was enjoined by a capitulary of Charles the Great (Concil. Germaniae, i. 342) ; yet at a somewhat later date the custom had probably not become universal ; for a synod of Meaux of the year 845 forbade (canon 46) the preparation of chrism on any other day, as if such preparation was even then not quite unknown. The Gelasian Sacramentary has a Missa Chris- malis on Maundy Thursday, referring to the consecration both of chrism and of oil for the unction of the sick (Migne's Batrol. Ixxiv. p. 1099). The Gregorian Sacramentary has also on the same day full directions for the con- secration of oil and chrism in the mass (pp. 66- 69) ; the ceremony consists of benediction, and breathing on the prepared unguent [Ampulla]. With this may be compared the directions of the Ordo Bom. I. (App. c, 7, p. 34), which are pro- bably of about the sance age. Some of the later Ordines (see 0. B. X. pr. 97, ff. ; XV. pp. 480 f.) also give directions for the benediction of chrism 2 A 2 356 CHEISMAL CHRISTMAS by the pope on Maundy Thursday, It appears from the Ordo last referred to that it was at one time customary for the pope to bless chrism only in the year of his coronation, and every seventh year afterwards. It appears from the Euchologion that in the Greek Church also the blessing of chrism is one of the ceremonies of Maundy Thursday. The chrism is not simple oil, but oil mixed with balsam. Eligius of Noyon (ffom. 8, In Cuena Dom.) tells us that the mingling of balsam with the oil typifies the union of regal and sacerdotal glory. Compare Tertullian (De Bapt. 7), cited above. And Gregory the Great (In Cantic. i. 13) refers the balsam of Engaddi to that balsam which, mixed with oil and blessed by the bishop, makes chrism, typifying the gifts of the Holy Spirit. For the Eastern Church, the Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite testifies {Hiemrch. Eccl. c. 4) that the sacred unguent (ixvpov) or chrism is composed of fragrant sub- stances. The modern receipt for its composition (as given in the Euchologion') prescribes, in ftict, besides oil and wine, thirty-six different kinds of aromatics. For the principal uses of chrism, see Baptism, Confirmation, Ordination. [C] CHRISMAL (Chrismale). (1) The vessel or flask in which the consecrated oil or Chrism was contained [Ampulla]. (2) A vessel for the reservation of the conse- crated Host. In the Rheims MS. of the Gregorian Saci^amentary (p. 432, ed. Menard) is given a " Praefatio Chrisraalis," while the Ordo liomanus in the corresponding place has the rubric, " Prae- fatio vasculi in quo Eucharistia reconditur." It is of this kind of chrismal that Egbert (Penit. xii. 6 ; in Haddan and Stubbs' Councils, iii. 428) and Halitgar {Penit. c. 10, p. 701, Migne) speak, as of a vessel which the priest carried with him and might lose. Some, however, take this chrismal for the Corporal. (3) A cloth used to cover relics. In the Life of Eligius, attributed to St. Ouen (ii. 71), we read of a miracle wrought upon one who rubbed his face with the fringe of a chrismal which covered the relics of the saint. (4) Old-English Chrisom. The white cloth laid over the head of one newly baptized, after the unction with chrism [Baptism, p. 163]. This cloth is called in Theodore's Poenitential (ii. iv. 7; Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 193) "pannus cris- matis ;" in later authors, " vestis chrismalis," " chrismalis pannus," " mitra baptizatorum," " chrismale capitum." (Ducange, s. v.) [C] CHRISMAEIUM. The vessel in which chrism is kept (Council of Auxerre, c. 6). It is sometimes however taken for a reliquary (Gre- gory of Tours, De Mirac. S. Martini, iv. 32 ; Fortunatus, Vita Germani Paris, c. 47). [C] CHRISOM. [Chrismal.] CHRIST, PICTURES OF. [Jesus Christ IN Art.] CHRISTEMPOREIA, Xp£(rT€/i7ro/5e:'a— the selling of Christ — a name sometimes employed m the 5th century to signify simony. During the ages of persecution there was no place for simoniacal transactions : but when the higher cfiices of the Church brought wealth and dignity to their possessors, there were not wanting am- bitious and worldly men who sought to obtain such offices by bribery or other unworthy means. To check and prevent such discreditable prac- tices, severe laws were enacted both in church and state as early as the 5th century. The Council of Chalcedon (c. 2) decreed that if any bishop gave ordination or an ecclesiastical office or pre- ferment of any kind for money, he himself should lose his office and the party so preferred be de- posed. Other like decrees occur in the so-called Apostolical Canons (c. 29), the Council of Con- stantinople under Gennadius, A.D. 459 ; the 2nd Council of Orleans, Bracara, and many others. The imperial laws also were no less stringent in regard to this abuse. E.g. it was enacted by one of Justinian's Novels (123, c. 1), that whenever a bishop was to be chosen, the electors should take an oath and insert it in the election paper that they did not choose him for any gift or promise} or friendship, or any other cause, but only be- cause they knew him to be a man of the true Catholic faith and of unblamable life and good learning. And in another law (Novel 137, c. 2] it is further provided that the party elected shall also at the time of his ordination, take an oath upon the holy Gospels that he neither gave nor promised by himself or other, nor hereaftei will give to his ordainer or to his electors, oi any other person, anything to procure him ar ordination. And for any bishop to ordain anothej without observing the rule prescribed, is depo- sition, by the same law, both for himself and th< person so ordained. These were some of the securities required b\: the ancient Church against the practice which they stigmatized by the designation of Christem' poreia (Bingham, iv. 3, 4). [D. B.] CHRISTENING. [Baptism.] CHEISTIACUM CONCILIUM. [Cressy. CHRISTIANA, or CHRISTINA, virgin fi^'yaKojxapTvs, martyr at Tyrus in Italy (? f| A.D. 200, is commemorated July 24 (Mart. Bedae i Rom. Vet., Usuardi, Cat. Byzant.). J CHRISTMAS (Festival of) (vp-^pa 7^ vedXios, TO yevedXia, Natalis, Natalitia, Na tivitas, Domini, &c. From the latter is derivei the name of the day among peoples of the Latii race [e.g. the French NoeQ, and also among th Celtic nations, which were Christianized b; Latin-speaking missionaries. In Germany th day is called the Weihnachtsfest from the solem vigils which preceded the festival itself. Th English Christmas [so the Dutch Kerstmissi Kersmis, whence Kerst-maend, a name for D( cember], analogous to such forms as Candlemas Lammas, Michaelmas, Childermas, supersede the older name Yule [Anglo-Saxon, Geol^ b which the day is still known among the Scar dinavian nations). ; I. Origin of Festival. ' It is not hard to understand why the Christia Church should have commemorated by an annu;| festival the Saviour's Incarnation. How fa, however, the church was led by the possessicj of actual historical evidence to assign, as it hii done, December 25 as the date of the Nativity, ! a matter on which it is impossible to spea[ OHKISTMAS CHRISTMAS 857 otherwise than most doubtfully." On the one hand, due weight must be given to the una- nimous agreement of the Western Church as far as the tradition can be traced back, and to the almost universal acceptance of this view by the Eastern Church at an early date. It is certainly not altogether impossible that thei-e may have been some trustworthy tradition, some founda- tion for Tertullian's remark as to the archives of the Jews stored up at Eome, some slight sub- stratum of truth underlying the legend as to the mvestigation of the day by Julius I. (vide infra). Further, sundry independent considerations, astronomical and otherwise, tend to make it probable that our Lord's birth took place near the end of the year. On this point reference may be made to Seyffarth's Chronologia Sacra, which refers the Nativity to December 22 (p. 239), see also Ideler, Chronologic, vol. ii. pp. 385 sqq. On the other hand, some have argued on various grounds in favour of the greater pro- bability of the Nativity having been in the autumn. Thus Lightfoot {Horae Hehraicae et Talmudicae, vol. ii. p. 32, ed. Gandell) would make it coincide with the Jewish Feast of Taber- nacles, and associate it with that Festival in the same way in which the Passover and Easter, Pentecost and Whitsuntvde correspond. His arguments mainly turn on the interpretation of Old Testament prophecies ; e.g. our Lord died in Nisan, and if His ministry lasted three years and a half, as Lightfoot infers from Daniel ix. 27, then since our Lord at the beginning of His ministry was irwv tpiaKovra apxa/J-evos (Luke iii. 23), we have, reckoning back from His death, Tisri or September for the season of His birth. Again, he infers from a comparison of Zechariah xiv. 16, 17, that it would be most improbable that the Feast of Tabernacles alone of the three great Jewish festivals should fail of the honour by which the Passover became exalted into Easter, and Pentecost into Whitsuntide. To decide the matter thus, howevei', in the absence of any more tangible historical evidence, is obviously unsafe. To the same end but on different grounds argues Jablonsky (JDissertationes ii. de origine Festi Nativitatis Christi in Ecclesia Christiana quo- tannis stato die celebrari solita, in his Opuscula, vol. iii. pp. 317 sqq. Amsterdam 1809. • See also Miintev, Der Stern der Weisen, p. 110, Copenhagen 1827), maintaining for example that St. Luke's statement (ii. 8), of the shepherds keeping watch over their flocks by night would hardly have been possible on the assumption of the December date, seeing that it would then have been the rainy season, and the flocks would therefore have been under shelter. A further discussion, how- ever, on this point rather belongs to the province of Biblical Chronology. Many learned men have seen in the particular period at which we celebrate Christmas, evidence m favour of our viewing the Christian festival as an adaptation of previously existing Jewish or heathen festivals ; to the more striking views of this kind we shall now briefly refer. » Even in very early times the great uncertainty of the matter was clearly felt. Thus Jacob, bishop of Edessa (ob. 578 A.D.), is quoted by Dionysius Bar-Salibi as saying, " No one knows exactly the day of the nativity of the Lord : this only is certain, from what Luke writes, that He was born in the night " (Assemani, Bibl. Or. vol. ii. p. 163), (a) Some, as Oldermann (Be festo Encaeniorvm Judaico, origine festi Nativitatis Christi, 1715) have viewed Christmas as a continuation and development of the Jewish Feast of the Dedica- tion, a festival of eight days' duration beginning on Cisleu 25 (= December 17), which was the anniversary of the purification of the temple by Judas Maccabaeus after the outrages of Antiochus Epiphanes (see 1 Mace. iv. 52-59 ; 2 Mace. x. 1-8 ; Josephus, Antiq. xii. 7, 6). Still while there seem to be several coincidences between the two feasts, such a transference from Judaism to Christianity of which no hint whatever is given in early times is exceedingly unlikely. (j8) Others have derived it from some one or other of the Roman festivals held in the latter part of December, as the Saturnalia, or the Sigil- laria which followed them, or the Juvenalia established by Nero. A more striking parallel, however, than any of these is to be found in the Brumalia, or the Natalis Tnvicti [Sous'], when the Sun, then at the winter solstice, was, as it were, born anew, even as Christ the Sun of Righteousness then dawned upon the world. This is the view of Wernsdorf, Be origine Sollem- nium Natalis Christi ex festivitate Natalis Invicti. Wittenberg 1757 ; of Jablonsky partly [supra']; also of Mr. King (Gnostics and their Remains, p. 49), who derives the Roman festival from the Mithras-worship of the Sun. Then as Mith- raicism gradually blended with Christianity, changing its name but not altogether its sub- stance, many of its ancient notions and rites passed over too, and the Birthday of the Sun, the visible manifestation of Mithras himself, was transferred to the commemoration of the Birth of Christ. Numerous illustrations of the above remarks may be found in ancient inscriptions, e.g. SOLI INVICTO ET LUNAE AETERNAE C. VETTI GERMANI LIB. DUO PARATUS ET HERMES DEDERUNT, or HAin MI0PA ANI- KHTXl (Gruter, Inscriptiones Antiquae, p. xxxiii.) In the legend on the reverse of the copper coins of Constantine, SOLI INVICTO COMITI, re- tained long after his conversion, there is at once an idea of the ancient Sun-God, and of the new Sun of Righteousness. The supporters of this theory cite various passages from early Christian writers indicating a recognition of this view. The sermon of Ambrose, quoted by Jablonsky, is certainly spurious, and is so marked in the best editions of his works ; it furnishes, however, an interesting illustration of an early date. The passage runs thus, " Bene quodammodo sanctum hunc diem Natalis Domini Solera novum vulgus appellat, et tanta sui auctoritate id confirm at, ut Judaei etiam atque Gentiles in banc vocem consentiant. Quod libenter amplectandum nobis est, quia oriente Salvatore, non solum humani generis salus, sed etiam solis ipsius claritas in- novatur" (Serm. 6, in Appendice p. 397, ed. Bened.). In the Latin editions of Chrysostom is a homily, wrongly ascribed to him, but probably written not long after his time, in which we read, " Sed et Invicti Natalem appellant. Quis utique tarn invictus nisi Dominus noster, qui mortem subactam devicit? Vel quod dicunt Solis esse Natalem, ipse est Sol Justitiae, de quo Malachias propheta dixit, Orietur vobis timentibus nomen ipsius Sol Justitiae et sanitas est in pennis ejus " (Sermo de Nativitate S. Joannis Baptistae : vol. ii. 1113, ed. Paris, 1570). Leo the Great 358 CHKISTMAS finds fault with the baneful persuasion of some "quibus haec dies solemnitatis nostrae, non tarn de Nativitate Christi, quam de novi ut dicunt soils ortu, honorabilis videtur" (Serm. 22, § 6, vol, i. p. 72, ed. Ballerini). Again, the same father observes, " Sed hanc adorandam in caelo et in terra Nativitatem nullus nobis dies magis quam hodiernus insinuat, et nova etiam in ele- mentis luce radiante, coram (al. totam) sensibus uostris mirabilis sacramenti ingerit claritatem " {Serm. 26, § 1, p. 87> We may further cite one or two instances from ancient Christian poets : Prudentius, in his hymn Ad Nataletn Domini, thus speaks (jOathcmerinon x\. init,, p. 364, ed. Arevalus) : — " Quid est, quod arctum circulum Sol jam recurrens demerit ? Christusne terris nascitur Qui lucis auget tramiLeni?" Paulinus of Nola also (Poema xiv. 15-19, p. 382, ed. Muratori) : — " Nam post solstitium, quo Chrlstus corpore natus Sole novo gelidae mutavit tempora brumae, Atque salutiferum praestans mortalibus ortum, Piocedeute die, secum decrescere noctes Jussit." Reference may also be made to an extract in Assemani (Bibl. Or. ii. 163) from Dionysius Bar- Salibi, bishop of Amida, which shows traces of a similar feeling in the East ; also to a passage from an anonymous Syrian writer, who distinctly refers the fixing of the day to the above cause ; we are not disposed, however, to attach much weight to this last passage. More important for our purpose is the injunction of a council of Rome (743 A.D.) " Ut nullus Kalendas Januarias et broma ( = brumalia) colere praesumpserit " (can. 9, Labbe vi. 1548), which shows at any rate that for a long time after the fall of heathenism, many traces of heathen rites still remained. A similar mention is found also in the proceedings of the Quinisext Council (692 A.D.), ras ovrco Xcyofxivas KaXdvdas Kal ra Ka\ou/j.€va Bpov/j.d\ia (can. 66, Labbe vi. 1170). (7) Others have even derived Christmas from the Northern festival (Fide) in December, in honour of Freya (cf Loccenius, ^In^ig. Sueo-Goth. lib. i. c. 5, Holmiae, 1645 ; Scheffer, Upsalia Antiqua, p. 296, Upsal, 1666). (S) Jablonsky, Avhile considering, as we have said, that in the festival of the Natalie Invicti is to be found the origin of the celebration of our Lord's Nativity by the Roman Church, main- tains (op. cit. pp. 361 sqq.) that the Christians derived this festival primarily from the Basili- dians. These, as we learn from a passage of Clement of Alexandria cited at length below, celebrated Christ's baptism as being His mani- festation to the world on Tubi 11 ( = January 6), and Jablonsky argues that this particular day was suggested to them by the Egyptian festival of the Inventio Osiridis or Festum Osiridis nati or renati (cf. Juvenal viii. 29 ; Athenagoras, Legatio., c. 22, p. 299, ed. Maranus), itself a com- memoi-ation of the renewed life of the sun from year to year, which he thinks was celebrated on that day. (On this last point, however, much doubt exists. Wyttenbach, Armnadversiones in Plutarchi Moralia ; De Iside et Osiride, p. 366 F, considers that if Plutarch's text is correct, the festival took place in Athyr or November, and CHEISTMAS I I Kircher, Oedipus Aegyptiacus, vol. ii. part 2, p. 262, would fix it in Choeac or December.) (e) Some writers have argued that the Chris- tian festival was not so much a transformation of a previously existing non-Christian one, as au independent festival set up as a counter-cele- bration at the same time with the heathen fes- tival ; this distinction, however, is rather ap- parent than real. Augusti, for example {Denk- mlrdigkeiten, vol. i. p. 226), sees in it a standing protest against those sects which denied or ob- scured the great truth of the Incarnation, such as the Manichaeans, Gnostics, Priscillianists, and the like. IL History of Festival. We do not find in the earliest Christian times uniformity of observance as to the day on which our Lord's Nativity was commemorated. The earliest allusion to it is made by Clement of{ Alexandria, and is of so much importance that we shall give it at length. After speaking of the year of our Lord's birth, he proceeds : " And there are some who over curiously (Treptep- ySrepov) assign not only the year but even the day of the birth of our Saviour, which they say was in the 28th year of Augustus, on the 25th day of Pachou.b And the followers of Basilides celebrate also the day of His baptism (oi 5e airb B. Kai Tov fiairr'iGixaTOS avTov rriu rjixepav koprrd- Covai), spending the night before in readings, and they say that it Avas in the 15th year of Tiberius Caesar, on the 15th of the month Tubi, but some say that it was on the 11th of the same month. . . . Further, some of them say that he was born on the 24th or 25th of Phar- muthi." (^Stromata, lib. i. c. 21, vol. i. p. 407, ed. Potter). The two days here specified as those on which the Nativity was celebrated, Pachon 25, and Pharmuthi 24 or 25, are respectively May 20, April 21 or 22 (see Bede, De teynporum ratione, c. 11 ; Patrol, xc. 345). Jablonsky (op. cit.), and Le Nourry (In Clem. Alex. opp. Diss, ii. art. 5) infer from the language of Clement that Tubi 11 or 15 (January 6 or 10) was ob- served by the followers of Basilides as the day of the baptism as well as of the Nativity. We should venture to doubt this idea, but it is per- ; haps supported by the passage cited below from Epiphanius. Gieseler also (^Kirchengeschichte, vol, i. p. 154, ed. 3) considers the inference in- correct. We may probably assume the above-quoted passage to be decisive against any general cele- bration of the Nativity in Clement's time. Pos- j sibly indeed, though as we have already said the inference seems doubtful, he may refer to a cele- bration of the day by some of the sects of the time, since he speaks of the Basilidians " observ- ing also the day of the baptism." Further, it would seem as if Clement rather censured the attempt to fix accurately the day of our Lord's birth, itself conclusive evidence against a general i recognition of the festival in Clement's time. It was the general custom in early times, in 1 the East, to fix the Nativity on January 6, which 1 thus served as the anniversary both for the Birth b Ideler (op. cit. ii. SST n.) suggests as a reason for this fixing of the day on the part of the Egyptians, that hear- ing Christ was born in the 9th month, they referred it to the 9th month of their own calendar. CHEISTMAS CHKISTMAS 359 and the Epiphany. An illustration of this, not however applying to an Oriental Church, may perhaps be derived from the accounts of the visit of Julian the Apostate, when at Vienne in Gaul, to a church with the view of seeming in accord with the religion of his soldiery. Ammianus Marcellinus (lib. xxi. c. 2) speaks of this visit as taking place on the Epiphany (" feriarum die quern celebrantes mense Januario Christiani Epi- phauia dictitant ")_, and Zonaras (^Annal. lib. xiii. c. 11) on the Nativity (rris yeveQXiov (rwrripos i)liLepas e(p^(rT7]Kv(as). It is just possible, however, that the references may be to different events. To derive illustrations of the practice from distinctly Eastern sources, we may refer in the first place to a letter attributed to Cyril of Jeru- salem, which professes to be addressed by him to Julius, bishop of Rome, on this subject. This letter, though a palpable forgery, affords inter- esting evidence of the existence of the practice of combining the two feasts on January 6. We derive our knowledge of it from two sources : (1) a summary of it given in a letter. Be Nati- vitate Domini, of John, bishop of Nicaea (end of the 9th or beginning of the 10th century) to Zacharias,Catholicos of Armenia Major (Combefis, ffaeresis Monothelit. pp. 298 sqq.) ; and (2) an anonymous ^AvayKaia BL-fiyrjaris, published by Cotelier from a MS. in the Library of Paris (Pa- ires Apostolici, i. 316, ed. 1724). The general substance of these is to the effect that the bishop of Jerusalem complained of the inconvenience of celebrating the Nativity and the Epiphany on the same day, seeing that as he went in person to scenes commemorated by these events, Beth- lehem and the Jordan, it was difficult to perform both journeys in one day, and the services were necessarily mutilated. He therefore requests in- formation as to the proper day of the Nativity, adding that Titus carried away to Rome the archives of the Jews from which the fact might be cleared up. (For this point, cf. Tertullian contra Marcionem, lib, iv. c, 7.) The pope in answer declares that he has examined the records and finds that December 25 is the day on which the Nativity should be held. The latter of the two documents we have refei-red to adds that this decision caused much murmuring — " Now at that time Gregory Theologus [Nazianzen] was at Constantinople, and there arose no small murmuring among the citizens, as though he had been dividing the feast, and they said, thou hast divided the feast, and art casting us into idol- atry.''' According to this document the name of the bishop of Jerusalem in question was Juvenal, a successor of Cyril (see Cyril. Hierosol. p. 370, ed. Touttee).<: A possible allusion to this affair may be cited ^ The unhlstorical character of these documents is equally obvious whether we take Cyril or Juvenal : for J ulius was dead nearly a century before the time of the latter. Again as for Cyril, the letter, according to Coteliei 's obvious correction, claims to be written not by tbe well- known Cyril (" who wrote to Constantine " [leg. Con- stantius] concerning the appearance of the luminous cross over Jerusalem), but a later one in the time of Valerius, mentioned by Epiphanius {Haer. Ixvi. 20). This however is impossible, for the end of the pontificate of Julius only just overlaps that of Cyril. Even if, in spite of tbe letter, we referred it to Cyril I., we are no better oli", for it is clear tliat the practice of celebrating the Nativity and the Kpiphany together continued in Jerusalem after his time. from the Laudatio S. Stephani by Basil of Se- leucia, who flourished at the time of the Council of Ephesus {Patrol. Gr. Ixxxv. 469), who says of Juvenal that he " began to celebrate the glorious and adorable salvation-bringing Nativity of the Lord," which not improbably means celebrated as a distinct festival. Possibly the explanation of the whole thing is that Juvenal initiated some change in accordance with the Western practice, which was then explained as a direct action of the Roman See, and was finally associated with the more famous name of Cyril. To show that the change was not at once made in Palestine, we may further appeal to the Latin homily Be Nativitate Domini, found in Latin edi- tions of Chrysostom, which though not received as a genuine writing of that Father, is assigned by Toutte'e (op. cit. p. 369) to the 4th century or the beginning of the 5th. The writer is con- tending that the Western plan of dividing the festivals is correct, and finds fault with Orientals who clung to their old method on the ground that they must know best in whose land our Lord's earthly life was past (Chrysostom, vol. i. p. 1116, ed. Paris, 1570). Important testimony on this point may be de- rived from Cosmas Indicopleustes {Topographia Christiana, lib. v.; Patrol. Gr. Ixxxviii. 197), who after referring to the message of the angel to Zachavias and the visit of the Virgin to Eliza- beth, says that Christians concur in celebrating the Nativity in the ninth month, on Choeac 28 ( = December 24), "but the people of Jerusalem, as though from what the blessed Luke says that Christ was baptized when ' beginning to be about thirty years old,' celebrate the Nativity on the Epiphany." He then appears to say that the people of Jerusalem were right in supposing that our Lord's baptism fell on the anniversary of His birth, but that the Church had wisely postponed the celebration of one of these events for twelve days lest either festival should meet with insufficient attention. Thus Jerusalem was incorrect in taking the later day for the anni- versary of the Nativity. "But the people of Jerusalem alone by a reasonable conjecture, yet not accurately, celebrate [the Nativity] on the Epiphany, and on the Nativity they celebrate the memory of David and of James the Apostle." We further gather from the letter of John of Nicaea already referred to (op. cit. 1141) that the Church of Jerusalem appealed to the authority of James, the Lord's brother, for their practice of celebrating the Nativity on Jnnuary 6. Ho adds that in the time of Honorius the patriarchs of Constantinople (Chrysostom), Alexandria, Je- rusalem, and Aiitioch formally acquiesced in the Western plan. We shall now adduce evidence to show that the practice of the Alexandrian Church agreed in this matter with that of the Church of Jerusalem. In his notes to his Latin translation of the Arabic Pre- face, Canons and Constitutions of the Nicene Coun- cil, Abraham Ecchelensis cites from the Constitu- tions of the Alexandrian Church, " In die aiitcm Nativitatis et Epiphaniae eo tempore quo conci- lium Nicaenum coactum fuit, praeceperunt ejus patres ut noctu missa celebretur " (Labbe ii. 402). Cassian^ again (Collatio x. c. 2 ; Patrol, xlix. ^ It would almost seem as though there were grounds for believing the change to have taken place in Egypt by 360 CHKISTMAS CHKISTMAS 820) speaks of it as the custom in Egypt in his day : " Intra Aegypti regionem mos iste antiqua traditione servatur, ut peracto Epiphaniorum die quem provinciae illius sacerdotes vel Domi- nici Baptismi, vel secundum carnem Nativitatis esse definiunt, et idcirco utriusque sacramenti solemnitatem non bifarie ut in occiduis pro- vinciis, sed una diei hujus festivitate concele- brant . . . ." (cf. Isidore, De Ecd. Off. i. 27) ; Gennadius (De Scriptorihus Ecclesiasticis, c. 58 ; Patrol. Iviii. 1092) speaks of a certain Bishop Timotheus who composed a book, not now extant, on the Nativity of our Lord " quam credit in Epiphania factam." Taken in conjunction with what we have already said of the Egyptian prac- tice this may refer to Timotheus, bishop of Alex- andria. We next pass on to notice the evidence for the practice of the Armenians in this matter. Euthy- mius {Panoplia Dogmatica, tit. 23 ; Patrol. Gr. cxxx. 1175) says of them : " These deny the birth of Christ according to the flesh and the mystery of the true Incarnation, saying that they took place only in appearance ; nor do they celebrate the Annunciation of the Mother of God on the day that we celebrate it, that is on March 25, as the inspired Fathers, the great Athanasius « and John Chrysostom and those of their time and after their time have handed it down to us, but on January 5 ; in a very short time they fancifully and obscurely pretend that they cele- brate the Annunciation and the Nativity and the Baptism of Christ, to the deceiving of the uncorrupt and not according to truth." Similar evidence is forthcoming from Nicephorus {Hist. Eccles. xviii. 53 ; Patrol. Gr. cxlvii. 440) : " They deny also the Nativity of Christ according to the flesh, and say that He was born only in appear- ance ; and differing from us who observe them separately, they extend the fast to the 15th [doubtless for le' here we should read e'] day of the month January, and celebrate together the Annunciation and Nativity and Baptism." The inquiry of the Armenian Catholicos Zacharias from John of Nicaea, Avhich called forth the letter of the latter, is also evidence throwing a light upon the matter in question. We shall next cite from the answers of John, bishop of Citrum, to Constantine Cabasilas, archbishop of Dyrrachium (quoted by Cotelier, Patres Apostolici, i. 316, ed. 1724, from MSS. in the Library of Paris, though not given in the printed editions, as Leunclavius, Jtis Graeco-Po- manum, p. 323) : " We abolish the twelve days' [fast] for the overthrowing of the fast of the Arme- nians. For they fast for these twelve days before Epiphany, and so celebrate together on the fifth of January the three feasts : I mean the Annun- ciation and the Nativity and Baptism of Christ," He proceeds to attribute this to the heresiarch Ichanius, Avho held Docetic views. Cotelier further quotes from a MS. in the same Cdssian's time ; for in the heading of a homily by Paul, bishop of Emesa, delivered at Alexandria before Cyril, we find kexOeiaa k9' Xoiaic (— December 25) . . . els ttjv yeu- vy}Viv ToO KvpLov t^hawv 'Irjcrou Xpto-Tou. {Cone. Eplies. Pars iii. c. 31 ; Labbe, iii. 1095.) e The writer here doubtless appeals to the Quaestiones ad Antiochum Ducem, 55 {Patrol. Gr. xxviii. 632), once attributed to Athanasius, but universally acknowledged flow to be spurious. Library a form of renunciation to be gone through by Armenian heretics on joining the Roman Church. Among other things is, " If any one does not celebrate on March 25 the Annunciation, and on December 25 the Nativity of Christ, let him be Anathema." He had previously {op. cit. p. 238) printed from the same MS. an attack on the 5v(Tcr60T}s OpricrKe'ia tuv KaKiaTcou 'Apfxe- p'lccv, where we find : " And on January 5 in the evening, they celebrate the feast of the Annun- ciation. . . . And in the morning they celebrate the Nativity of Christ, and in the Liturgy the Holy Epiphany." Finally, for the Armenian practice reference may be made to two invectives {Aoyoi crTTjAi- TcvTiKoi) of Isaac, Catholicos of Armenia, in the 11th or 12th century (i. 3, ii. 10, Combefis, Haere- sis Monothelit. pp. 333, 405). The modern Arme- nian Church still retains this practice (Neale, Holt/ Eastern Church, Introd. p. 741). The Western Church, so far as we can trace the matter back, seems to have kept the two festivals of the Nativity and Epiphany always distinct.^ Jerome says unhesitatingly ((7om7/i. in Ezech. i. 1, vol. v. 6, ed. Bened.) : " Et dies Epiphaniorum hucusque venerabilis est, non ut quidam putant Nutalis in came, tunc enim ab- sconditus est, et non apparuit." We may cite the very ancient Calendarium Carthaginense {Patrol, xiii. 1227), which marks December 25 thus : " viii. Kal. Jan. Domini Nostri Jesu Christi Filii Dei," with a note of the Epiphany on Jan. 6. We shall only cite here from two other ancient calendars, that of Buche- rius and the Leonine, which Muratori {De Rebus Liturgicis, c. 4) refers approximately to the dates 355, 488 A.D. respectively. These severally mark the day, "Natus Christus in Bethlehem Judae," " Natale Domini " {I. c). Other Litur- gical monuments will be treated of separately. Evidence, however, is forthcoming to show that in the Roman Church the Epiphany was pro- bably the older of the two festivals, and there- fore in some respects the more important, for the ancient Ordo Pomanus (In vigilia Theo- phaniae, p. 21, ed. Hittorp, Cologne, 1568) remarks : " Nec hoc praetereundum est, quod secunda Nativitas Christi {i.e. the Epiphany), tot illustrata mysteriis, honoratior sit quam prima {i.e. Christmas)." Still this is after all only a matter of relative importance, and the Nativity is evidently accounted a festival of the highest order in the Leonine Sacramentary, which is cer- tainly older than the Ordo which Hittorp refers to the time of Pepin and Charlemagne. We shall now endeavour to show that the change of the day to December 25, in accordance with the Western plan, began to take place in the East towards the end of the 4th century. The old way was that believed in by Ephrem Syrus (ob. 378 A.D.), who is cited as saying, " On the 10th day [of March] was His Conception, and on the 6th day [of January] was His Na- tivity " (Assemani, Bibl. Or. ii. 163). The change, however, must have been gradual. For, f It will be noticed that the Western Church marks the Epiphany by a Greek name, and the Nativity by a Latin name. It is a reasonable inference that the formt- r took its rise in the East, and was thence introduced into the West ; while the latter as a separate festival was cf distinctly Western growth. CHRISTMAS CHEISTMAS 361 to say nothing of Armenians, we find Epiphaalas saying {Haer. li. 24, vol. i. p. 446, ed. Petavius) : For since He was born in the month of January, that is, viii. Id. Jan. which is according to the Romans January 5, according to the Egyptians Tubi 11, according to the Syrians or the Greeks Audyneus 6, according to the Cyprians or Sala- minians the 5th of the 5th month, according to the Paphians Julus 14, according to the Arabians Aleom 21, according to the Cappadocians Atarta 13, according to the Hebrews Tibieth (Tebeth) 13, according to the Athenians Maemacterion 6 . . . ." It does not appear whether Epiphanius means that all these nations celebrated the Nativity on the day thus indicated : it is more probable that he is merely giving the various equivalents for the day in different systems of reckoning. Indeed his mention of the Romans is perhaps conclusive. The most important piece of evidence, however, towards fixing the date of the change in the East by which December 25 became i*ecognized as the day of the Nativity is to be found in a Homily of Chrysostom to the people of Antioch, ds t^v yeysdXiov rjfJLepav rod '^S.carrjpos r]jXiov 'IrjcroG XpicTTOv (vol. ii. p. 354, ed. Montfaucon), which Montfaucon (p. 352) s gives strong reasons for believing to have been delivered on December 25, 386. After saying how earnestly he had wished to see on the day of the Nativity a congregation like that which was then met together, Chry- sostom proceeds : " Nevertheless it is not yet the tenth year since this day has been made manifest and plain to us, still as though it had been handed down to us from the beginning (cLvaiQev) and many years ago, it has flourished thus through your zeal. And so a man would not err who should call it at once new and ancient, — new, in that it has recently been made known to us ; but old and ancient, in that it has speedily won an equality with older festivals " And as plants of good stock speedily grow up and pro- duce fruit, " so this day too, known from the beginning to those who inhabit the West, but brought to us not many years ago " The change, however, at first meets with opposition. " I know well," he adds, " that many even yet dispute with one another about it, some finding fault with it and others defending it, ... . since it is old and ancient, for the prophets already foretold His birth, and from the beginning it has been manifest and notable to the dwellers from Thrace even to Gades." Again (§ 2) he refers his hearers to the archives at Rome as a source whence certain evidence on the point could be ob- tained, and adds "from those who have an accurate knowledge of these things and inhabit that city, have we received this day. For they who dwell there, observing it from the beginning and by old tradition, themselves sent to us now the know- ledge of it." Again (§ 5) after fixing April as the time of the Annunciation, he arrives for the Nativity at the month Apellaeus (December), « Montfaucon here cites Athanasius (Frag. Comm. in Matth. vol. i. p. 1025, ed. Bened. llsl) as speaking of December 25 as the Nativity. But in the first place the Benedictine editors had considerable doubt of the genuine- ness of the fragment ("si non aperte spurium admcdum suspectum videtur, in quo sunt pleraque ftw0a>5^"); and m the next, it seems rather the death of Herod which is indicated than the birth of our Lord. " this present month, in which we celebrate the day." From the above-quoted language of Chry- sostom, we may notice ; (1) that about the year 386 A.D, the festival of the Nativity, as distinct from and independent of the Epiphany, was a no- velty of a few years' standing in the East ; (2) that Chrysostom believed that the Western Church had celebrated an independent festival " from the beginning and by old tradition ;" (3) that the change was met with opposition, and therefo^^^ would be gradual. Combining, then, Chrysostom's definite testi* mony with the fact that Epiphanius had, perhaps a little before this time, concurred with, the old Eastern view, and that at the time of the Council of Ephesus the change was tacitly recognized at Alexandria, we may fairly argue that except in those parts of the Eastern Church where the old plan was still continued (Jerusalem possibly and Armenia certainly), the Western plan was being gradually adopted in the period which we may roughly define as the last quarter of the 4th and the first quarter of the 5th century. Whether before the time of Chrysostom any part of the Eastern Church observed the Nativity on December 25, it is difficult to say. The date of the various parts of the Apostolic Con- stitutions (see the Article) being so doubtful, we shall merely cite from them a passage bearing on this point: "Observe the days of the festivals, brethren, and first the Nativity, and let this be celebrated by you on the 25th day of the ninth month. After this let the Epi- phany be very greatly honoured in your eyes, on which the Lord revealed to you His Own Godhead ; and let this be held on the 6th day of the tenth month " (v. 13 ; cf. also viii. 33, where the two festivals are again distinguished). Cotelier in his introduction (op. cit. p. 197) also cites a passage found in some MSS. of Anastasius which professes to be quoted from the Apostolic Constitutions, in the present text of which, how- ever, it is not found : " For our Lord Jesus Christ was born of the Holy Virgin Mary in Bethlehem, ip jj.7}v\ Karh Alyvirriovs Xoiuk Ke' [probably a mis- take for K0', which = December 25] &pa efiSofxr} TTis 7ifjt.4pas ^ icrrlv irph OKTcb KaAavSwv 'lai'ova- p'lUV." The result of all this investigation then is roughly this. In the case of the Eastern Church there is no certain evidence pointing to a general celebration of the Nativity on December 25 before the time of Chrysostom. Till then it had been held on January 6 in conjunction with the Epiphany, and even after this date some churches of the East retained for some time their old plan. In the West we are told that the festival had been recognized, and celebrated on December 25 " from the beginning." We are not able to produce any very ancient witnesses from Western Fathers, but may fairly assume that it had existed suffi- ciently long for Chrysostom to be able to use reasonably and without fear of contradiction such a Avord as &uoo6