*)<<,, 2. erJ, ) 2C James M. Goode V Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2018 with funding from Getty Research Institute https://archive.org/details/faneuilhallfaneuOObrow_O Copyright, 1900, by Lee and Shepard. All Rights Reserved. Faneuil Hall and Faneuil Hall Market. i Again the form of lease was not satisfactory, and the voters, with a conciliatory spirit, decided to raise a committee to frame rules and regulations for the better control of the market, “ and for reducing the exorbitant price of Provisions.” They reported that the increase of price which the market occasioned was be¬ cause of “too long continuance of it.” And they urged that the market should be shut at eleven instead of one o’clock. This, they thought, would benefit those “ who usually buy at the mar¬ ket, and also those who depend on being supplied at their own houses.” The sellers would the sooner take up with the price offered by the one, and sooner disperse to supply the other. They later make records thus, “ as the shutting of the market- house would rather increase the nuisance of the people with their teams and horses on the outside of the house, and in effect continue the market there, it was found necessary to make it 96 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET penal for any one to buy out of the market hours in Dock Square.” These suggestions, in substance, became a law of the town. Before the people had time to test the new regulations, the town was visited by a destructive fire, which occurred on the evening of January 13, 1761. It broke out in a shop on Dock Square, and, according to the News Letter of the 15th, “it crossed the street to that stately edifice, Faneuil Hall Market, the whole of which was soon consumed, excepting the brick walls which are left standing.” The'paper adds, “ The loss of Faneuil Hall Market must be great to this town as it was a noble building, esteemed one of the best pieces of workmanship here, and an or¬ nament to the town.” The people early began to realize the truth of the adage, “ Blessings brighten as they take their flight.” Town meetings were now to be held in any building that could be obtained. The doors of Rev. Dr. Cooper’s meeting¬ house were opened for the annual March meeting, when it was voted not to repair or rebuild the hall. But steps were taken for improving the streets in that locality, and the town employed Mr. Dawes to “secure the brick walls from the weather, and do anything to preserve them.” It was evident to all that the house must be rebuilt, but the question of providing the means for doing it staggered them. There was no Peter Faneuil to put his hands in his pocket in this emergency, and, in fact, the manner in which his gift had been treated was not such as to encourage a repetition of gifts to the public. It was at length decided to rebuild the house, covering it with a slated roof, put¬ ting in stone window frames, and using as little woodwork as possible about the ornaments. To raise the funds it was decided to petition the General Court for an act enabling them to secure the money by means of a lottery, 1 a method questionable in later 1 In 1751, by an act of the province, a lottery was authorized for supplying the treasury with 26,700 milled dollars. The Hon. Samuel Watts was the chief manager REBUILT BY MEANS OF A LOTTERY 97 time, bat resorted to in eases of emergency in provincial days. The enemies to the market seized upon this time as their oppor¬ tunity and secured a vote “That in as much as it will be neces¬ sary in order effectually to Repair Faneuil Hall to Repair in some measure the lower part of said Building. It is the sense of the town, not with standing, that the lower part shall not be improved as a Markett till the further order and Determination of the town.” The contract for rebuilding the house on the original plan was let out to Onesiphorus Tileston and others, they agreeing to wait for their pay until the money could be raised by the lottery. But it is evident that they became tired of waiting and asked relief on account of the time their bills remained unpaid. Captain Tileston’s bill was ^1287 6 s. 2d.\ Thomas Dawes’, ^337 os. yd.\ Josiah Waters’, 170 os. yd.-, Moses Pitcher’s, ^130 ioy. 4 d.\ Timothy Thornton’s, ^32 14Y. 8 d. In Septem¬ ber, 1765, a committee was chosen to attend to these unsettled accounts. The Lottery The voters of Boston directed their selectmen to petition the General Court for an act enabling them to conduct the lottery. They set forth in their preamble that “In the providence of God, Faneuil Hall having been consumed by fire, the inhabitants of said town labor under great inconvenience in want of a suitable place for transacting business of said town, and find it necessary to rebuild and repair the said hall not only to accommodate them¬ selves, as soon as may be, but also that they may not lose the benefit of the walls Yet Standing.” Their petition, not being uncommon, was granted, and Samuel Sewall, Samuel Phillips Savage, and Ezekiel Lewis were em¬ powered “ to set up and carry on a lottery or lotteries, amount- of it, and had his office in Faneuil Hall, where the lottery was drawn. Indians, negroes, and mulattoes were not allowed to buy tickets in the lotteries of Boston. H 98 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET ing to such a sum, as, by drawing ten percent out of each prize, or out of the whole, may raise a sum of two thousand pounds, and no more or the major part of them, to the rebuilding the said Faneuil Hall and the market under the same.” The compensation allowed each manager was six shillings per day. The number of managers was increased after a time, and later the amount to be raised was increased by an enabling act of the General Court. The lottery tickets were issued in several classes, designated by the letters of the alphabet. Some of them bore the bold signature of John Hancock, a young man I Boston June 1765. * Faneuil-HM LOTTERY, No. Five. J HE Poffefior of this Ticket (No ) $ is intitled to atxy Prize drawn againft faid ^ * Number, id a Lottery granted by a« Aft of ^ ^ thcGeneralCourt of the Prormce of the Mafachufettt- | Bay, for Rebuilding Faweuil-H ALL ; fubjeft to eo _ i Dedaftion. ~ ~ then coming into political power in the town. The money came in slowly, and the subject was dragged along for several years. The advertisements of “Faneuil Hall Lottery Tickets” were seen in almost every issue of the newspapers 1 of the time. Some numbers of the Boston Gazette show full pages devoted 1 The following newspapers were published in Boston at this time : Boston A r ews Letter, begun in 1704, The Boston Gazette, in 1719, The Boston Weekly Post Boy in 1734, The Boston Evening Post, in 1735, and The New England Weekly Journal, in 1741. ■— Nason. “ At the time of the erection of Faneuil Hall, Boston contained 16,000 inhabitants, of whom 1514 were negroes. It had at one time during that year, forty topsail vessels on the stocks, and its commerce outrivalled that of any other town of the English colonies in America. Some six hundred ships had been freighted in a year for foreign ports and the town was rapidly advancing in wealth and refinement. It had ten churches, a handsome town house, and a province house.”— Nason. PREVIOUS TO OPENING OF REVOLUTION 99 to a “ Lottery drawing.” On July 1, 1765, was published the following: “ Those persons that are possessed of Benefit Tickets in the above Lottery, by applying to the respective managers who signed them, may receive their money.” In August, 1768, appears the following: “ The public are hereby notified that the managers of Faneuil Hall Lottery, letter N., have met with such encouragement in the sale of the Tickets that they have begun to roll the numbers and prepare the Boxes for drawing, which they design shall commence in a month from this time.” Tickets lost and found were frequently mentioned in the paper, and the subject of the Lottery was kept before the people until the more vital questions of the Revolution engrossed the public mind. The work of rebuilding was so far completed that the town met in the hall on the 14th day of March, 1763, when James Otis, moderator of the meeting, delivered an appropriate ad¬ dress. A charity sermon was preached in the hall, a few days earlier, by Rev. Samuel Mather, the occasion being the distress of the poor of the town, who had met with great loss by fire. The opposition to reopening the market was overruled, and a committee raised to put it in condition as before the fire, only that the doors should be hung on the outside. The selectmen were directed to use diligence in having the house ready so that butchers and others might bring in their provisions without interruption. The picture of the Faneuil Hall Market as it appeared after this rebuilding is the earliest view of it extant. In it are seen the rail fences, which have but little significance until we read the action of the town of March, 1767 : — “Voted — That the selectmen be desired to shut up such parts of the Towns Land adjoining to Faneuil Hall Market as they shall Judge proper, and not suffer any Person to enter within the Rails for the sale of any kind of Provisions unless they pay such an acknowledgement to the Town as the Select- IOO FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET men may think reasonable — Also that it be recommended to the Inhabitants of the Town not to purchase any Provision of such disorderly Persons as may presume to stand in Dock Square, or the streets round Faneuil Hall Market — and that the above vote be printed and dispersed among the Inhabitants on hand bills.” Faneuil Hall and Market of the Revolution Thus the spirit of rivalry was continued between the itinerant and located marketing, until the province was engulfed in the Revolutionary struggle. Note Thomas Hancock, a contemporary with Peter Faneuil, but one who out¬ lived him many years, intended to follow Faneuil’s example and confer a lasting benefit upon Boston, and the whole province, by establishing an asylum for ‘‘such unhappy Persons as it shall please God in his Providence to deprive of their Reason.” But not having put his beneficent purpose into action during his life, he failed of it altogether, and was denied the honor which is still accorded to Peter Faneuil. Although, in recognition of the bequest of “ Six hundred Pounds, lawful Money,” for the purpose, the town voted that ‘•the name of Hancock be Recorded and enrolled among those of Faneuil and the other worthy Benefactors of this City.” CHAPTER XI Death of Peter Faneuil. Public Honors paid to the Memory of Boston’s First Great Benefactor. Return of the Banished Benjamin. Obituary from News Letter. Funeral Oration delivered by John Lovell in Faneuil Hall. Peter Faneuil’s Estate. The Appraisal of the Largest Estate in Boston. Benjamin Faneuil the Administrator. The Accumulated Wealth quickly scattered. T HE market-house controversy did not disturb Peter Faneuil, for before the time had passed for extending congratula¬ tions to him for his benevolent act, by those who enjoyed the hall, and before the market had become what he desired it to be, the report of the death of the honored man was passed from lip to lip. It occurred on March 3, 1743. The sudden removal of a man of so great prominence soon after his persistent and successful effort to confer a blessing upon the town could not fail of calling a halt to all branches of business activity, and of bending all energies to the one pur¬ pose of honoring the memory of the deceased. The town offi¬ cials took measures to have suitable recognition of the event. They voted “that a hatchment with the arms of Peter Faneuil Esq. be placed at the west end of Faneuil Hall at the towns expence, and that the bell on the said house be tolled from one o’clock until the funeral is over.” His body was interred in the family tomb in Granary Burying Ground by the side of his uncle, whom he had outlived only about five years. 1 Fet those 1 The following notes are credited to the History of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, compiled by Oliver Ayer Roberts. “Journal of Benjamin Walker,” Thursday 3, (March 1743) Peter Faneuil Esq r , between 2 & 3 o’clock in ye afternoon dyed of a dropsical complyca(tion), he was 101 102 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET who claim to have a range of vision beyond this sphere, tell us what Uncle Andrew said when told by Peter that his summons had come so suddenly that he had made no preparations for the control of the estate. In the absence of “a last will and testament,” there was but one thing to be done, send for Ben¬ jamin. To be sure, Mary Anne Faneuil, a sister, was in the home, and there were other sisters in Boston, but the right of instituting proceedings naturally went to the brother, who was only two years younger than Peter. It was Benjamin’s oppor¬ tunity, and we find him duly appointed administrator of the great estate. No doubt, Benjamin Faneuil, who had lived on friendly relations with his brother Peter, when returning to the family mansion, thought of that morning when he had gone out from it but a few years before. We have had occasional glimpses of him, during these years, when he has been identified with the interests of the town, or has gone on business ventures abroad, and as he has spent his most happy hours in the soci¬ ety and holy relationship of the wife of his youth, and with their three children. The circumstances were favorable to the opposite of brotherly love between Peter and Benjamin Faneuil, but how can we doubt that these friendly relations did exist when we consider the evidence offered by the “ Old Sexton,” who has preserved the following letter from Peter to his brother, addressed by the cant name of Cockey. a fat, squat, Lame (man), hip short, went with high heeled shoe (In my opinion a great loss too This Town, aged 42, 8m.) & I think by what I have heard has done more charitable deeds than any man yt, ever liv’d in this Town & for whom I am very sorry. “ March 10, Peter Faneuil Esqr. buried. Bearers Mess rs . Tom. Lechmere; Josh. Winslow; Jno. Wheelwright, and Oliver; Jno. Gooch; Jno. Wendall, went round ye Town house, (Faneuil Hall?)” From William Nadir’s Almanac, under date of March 10, 1743. “Thursday 10, buried Peter Faneuil, Esq r . in 43 d year of age, a fatt, corpulent, brown, squat man, hip short, lame from childhood, a very large funeral went round ye Town house; gave us gloves at ye funeral, but sent ye gloves on ye 11 day, his Cofin cover(ed) with black velvet, & plated with yellow plates.” OBITUARY FROM NEWS LETTER 103 “Boston, the 18 August, 1741. “ Dear Cockey : The Occasion of my Sending my Chaise for you was on account of Mr. Shirley’s receiving of his Majisties Commission Last Thursday appointing him Govr. of this Prov¬ ince wh. was read the next day, upon which occasion he ask’t me the Loane of my Charrot wh. I granted him till Last Night, so that I presume will plede my excuse. I now send you up the Chase, to bring you home, and have deliver’d ye Coachman some Boiled Beef, a dozen of brown biskett 6 bottles of Madera and 2 of Frontinan with a dozen of Lemmons. Your relations and friends are all well, and desire their Love and service may be made acceptable to you, pray my Compliments to the Gentm and Ladys with you — and give me Leave to assure you that I am, Dear Cockey, “Your affectionate Brother, “Peter Faneuil.’’ The News Letter contained the following obituary notice : — “On Thursday last, dyed at his seat in this Town, Peter Fan¬ euil Esq., whose remains, we hear, are to be interred this after¬ noon ; a gentleman possessed of very ample fortune, and a most generous spirit, whose noble benefaction to this town, and con¬ stant employment of a great number of tradesmen, artificers and labourers, to whom he was a liberal paymaster; whose hospi¬ tality to all, and secret unbounded charity to the poor, — made his life a public blessing, and his death a general loss to, and universally regretted by, the inhabitants; who had been so sensible of their obligations to him, for the sumptuous edifice, which he raised at his private expence, for their Market house, and Town Hall, that, at a general town meeting, as a testimony of their gratitude, they voted, that the place of their future consultations should be called by his name, forever; in doing which they perpetuated their own honor as much as his memory ; for, by this record posterity will know the most public spirited 104 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET man, in all regards, that ever yet appeared on the Northern continent of America, was a member of their community.” Peter Faneuil’s gift, when viewed from our present standpoint, may seem small, but when considered, as it should be, from the standard of society of that early date, appears, as it really was, without precedent in the province. Munificence at that time was almost unknown. The truth of another’s words, “ that which I gave away, I saved,” seems apparent, for it was that which Peter Faneuil gave to the public that secured to him a memorial which has saved his name from oblivion. That which he saved has failed to do it. In addition to the demonstration on the part of the town, at the time of the funeral ceremony, steps were early taken for a public memorial service. This was held in Faneuil Hall, and was the first of the notable series of meetings in memory of honored dead, held in that house. The eulogy was delivered by John Lovell, master of the Latin School, and being satisfactory, the town caused it to be placed upon their records. Some of the utterances, when viewed in the light of subsequent events, have a contradictory shading, for Master Lovell was among those who displayed their patriotism by adhering to the Crown and turning against the people of the provinces. Printed copies of the oration were distributed, the title being ‘‘A funeral oration delivered at the opening of the annual meet¬ ing of the town, March 14, 1742. In Faneuil Hall, in Boston, occasioned by the death of the founder, Peter Faneuil Esqr. By John Lovell A.M., Master of the South Grammar school in Boston. Printed by Green, Bushnell & Allen for S. Kneeland & T. Green, in Queen street, 1743. “ I stand in this place, my fellow townsmen, and my worthy patrons, at the call of those to whom you have committed the direction of your publick affairs, to condole with you for the loss of your late generous benefactor, the founder of this FUNERAL ORATION IN FANEUIL HALL 105 house. Certain I am there are numbers in this great assem¬ bly, who could upon this occasion have done more justice to his memory, and have better discharged the office that is enjoined me. But the commands of those (for such I must always esteem their desires) who have devolved this charge upon me, and the veneration I have for the virtues of the deceased, oblige me to bear what little part I can, in a grate¬ ful acknowledgement of the just regard due to the memory of a man, whose name, I am sure, will never be forgotten among us. “ How soon, alas ! is our joy for having found such a bene¬ factor, changed into mourning for the loss of him! But a few months are passed since we were framing votes, and consulting the best measures to express our gratitude for his unexampled favors ; and the first annual meeting within these walls that were raised by his bounty, finds us assembled in the deepest sorrow for his decease. “ Instances of mortality are never more affecting than in those whose lives have been public blessings. Surely then every breast must feel a more than common distress, for the loss of one, whose largeness of heart equaled, great as it was, his power to do good. Honest industry must mourn, for which the exercise of his bounty found an almost constant employment; and they that know how to pity the calamities of human nature themselves, will mourn for him that always relieved them. “ So soon as he arrived to the possession of his large and plentiful estate ; instead of fruitlessly hoarding up his treas- 106 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET ures, though no man managed his affairs with greater pru¬ dence and industry ; instead of wasteing them in luxury, though plenty always crowned his board, instead of neglecting the wants of his fellow creatures, an unhappy circumstance too often attending the possession of riches, he made it manifest that he understood the true improvement of wealth, and was determined to pursue it. It was to him the highest enjoy¬ ment of riches, to relieve the wants of the needy, from which he was himself exempted, to see mankind rejoicing in the fruits of his bounty, and to feel that divine satisfaction which results from communicating happiness to others. His acts of charity were so secret and unbounded, that none but they who were the objects of it, can compute the sums which he annu¬ ally distributed among them. His alms flowed like a fruitful river, that diffuses its streams through a whole country. He fed the hungry, and he cloathed the naked, he comforted the fatherless, and the widows in their affliction, and his bounties visited the prisoner. So that Almighty God in giving riches to this man, seems to have scattered blessings all abroad among the people. “ But these private charities were not the only effects of his public spirit, which, not contented with distributing his bene¬ factions to private families, extended them to the whole com¬ munity. Let this stately edifice which bears his name witness for him, what sum he expended in public munificence. This building, erected by him at an immense charge, for the con¬ venience and ornament of the town, is comparably the great¬ est benefaction ever yet known to our western shore. Yet this effect of his bounty, however great, is but the first fruits of his generosity, a pledge of what his heart, always devising liberal things, would have done for us, had his life been spared. It is an unspeakable loss to the town, that he was taken away in the midst of his days, and in so sudden a manner, as to prevent his making provision for what his generous heart FUNERAL ORATION IN FANEUIL HALL 107 might design. For I am well assured, from those who were acquainted with his purposes, that he had many more blessings in store for us, had heaven prolonged his days. But he is gone ! the town’s benefactor, the comforter of the distressed, and the poor man’s friend. He is gone! And ail his plans of future bounties with him, they are buried in the grave together. He shall be raised to life again ! and his intended charities, though they are lost to us, will not be lost to him. Designs of Goodness and mercy, prevented as these were, will meet with the reward of actions. “He is gone! — And must such men die! die in the midst of their days ! Must the protectors and fathers of the distressed be taken away, while their oppressors are continued, and in¬ crease in power ! — Great God ! How unsearchable thy ways ! — We confess our sins, but just and righteous art thou. “To express your gratitude to your generous benefactor, you have passed the most honorable resolves, and to preserve his memory, you have called this house by his name. But in vain, alas ! would you perpetuate his memory by such frail materials ! These walls, the present monuments of his fame, shall moulder into dust. These foundations, however deeply laid, shall be forgotten. But his deeds, his charities, shall survive the ruin of nature. And to have relieved the miseries of the distressed, to have stilled the cries of orphans, and to have dried the widow’s tears, are acts that shall embalm his memory for many genera¬ tions on earth, and shall follow him beyond the limits of mor¬ tality, into those blissful regions where endless charity dwells. “What now remains, but my ardent wishes (in which, I know you will concur with me) that this Hall may ever be sacred to the interests of Truth, of Justice, of Loyalty, of Honor, of Lib¬ erty. May no private views nor party broils ever enter within these walls ; but may the same public spirit that glowed in the breast of the generous Founder, influence all your debates, that society may reap the benefit of them. io8 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET “ May Liberty always spread its joyful wings over this place. Liberty that opens men’s hearts to beneficence, and gives the relish to those who enjoy the effects of it. And may Loyalty to a King, under whom we enjoy this liberty, ever remain our character. A character always justly due to this land, and of which our enemies have in vain attempted to rob us. “ May those who are the inheriters of the large estate of our deceased benefactor, inherit, likewise the largeness of his soul. May the widow, the orphan, and the helpless, find in them a protector, a father, and a support. In a word, to sum up all, may Faneuil live in them. “ May charity, that most excellent of graces that beam from the breast of the Father of Mercies, which, so soon as ever it enters our bosom it begins our happiness : charity, the joy of men, of angels, of Almighty God; which completes the felicity of earth and heaven : May it warm the hearts of those who are like to our departed friend in their fortunes, to resemble him too in his bounties. May there be raised up some new bene¬ factors in the room of him we have lost, who shall, if possible, rival Faneuil’s spirit. And may there always remain in this town, the same grateful sentiments, the same virtuous disposi¬ tions to remember their benefactors with honor.” The reading of Master Lovell’s address, together with what we have previously learned of the financial affairs of the lamented man, prompts us to a desire to know something of the disposi¬ tion of the “large and plentiful estate.” The estate comprises not only Peter Faneuil's accumulations, but the property left by his Uncle Andrew, minus the few lega¬ cies to other people, including the five vindictive shillings to Benjamin. What wonder that Benjamin Faneuil manifested satisfaction when he came to fully realize that he was cus¬ todian of the entire estate and the rightful heir of a good portion of it. The first duty of the administrator was to have an inventory made of the estate. The appraisers were William APPRAISAL OF THE ESTATE 109 Price, Joseph Dowse, and Peter Chardon ; the sum total of their valuation was ^44,451 15-v. yd., but this affords us no idea of the entire property left by Peter Faneuil, as he had large investments abroad, authority for the disposition of which was granted by the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. A review of the itemized inventory affords us some intima¬ tions of the household furnishings of a gentleman of provincial Boston of 1742, together with some side-light glimpses into habits and customs of the time. We are first shown into the best room, where are a “ full set,” consisting of “ 12 carved vineered chairs and a couch,” valued at ^105, and a “pier glass ” at ,£100. With what pleasure the proud merchant has beheld his figure reflected in this mirror, which occupies a full side of the room ; and then the “ arms to ditto” convinces us that this was made for the Faneuil family, possibly for Andrew, when in his prime. “ One chimney glass and arms” is set down at ,£35, being another “made to order” fixture which has been a handsome adornment for the chimney, so that the proud owner, while sitting before the open fire, could see himself as the “Jolly Bachelor.” “ 1 marble table and one large Turkey carpet” added to the general appearance, while “ 1 compleat brass set — hearth dogs, tongs, shovel, bellows, etc.,” remind us of the letter in Peter’s record book, in which he ordered these articles from London. “ 1 copper tea table, cups, saucers, tea-pot-stand, bowl, and sugar dish,” at ^10, afford slight intimations that Miss Mary Anne Faneuil has introduced afternoon teas to the delight of her brother Peter. “ 3 alabaster bowls and stands ” could not have come amiss in the serving. What a delight must have been that buffet that held “ a parcel of china, delph and glasses of several sorts ” to the value of ^199. But few households of Boston were provided with glass in the days when the Faneuil family enjoyed the luxury. Who could refrain from pausing before “ 1 large ovall mahogany table ” and suppress the visions of good things that have been I IO FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET served on it to the delight of both uncle and nephew ? and who could blame Benjamin if, in passing, he referred to that last meal of which he partook from that table, and manifested satis¬ faction as he made haste to count up “ 12 plain walnut frame leather bottom chairs”? The Faneuil mansion was one of the very few of the town whose rooms were ornamented with pic¬ tures, aside from family portraits, but here were the “ prospect of Boston, 2 landskips on copper, and the temple of Solomon,” occupying the same positions on the dining-room wall that they did when Andrew Faneuil said the word which expelled the would-be benedict. The great centre hall was supplied with “ 1 large entry lantern,” and a fire apparatus consisting of “12 baggs and buckets,” the latter suggesting the primitive appliances for con¬ trolling fire in the town. “ Alexander’s battles ” had a con¬ spicuous place in the hall, and the whole were rated at £3 7. The family library does not indicate great literary taste, but as the clergy were expected to control the classics, we are sur¬ prised to find that Erasmus is there “ in good letters and well bound,” and that the appraisers valued it at £2 IOJ. ; other books are valued at ^50. The sleeping apartments afford attractions and bespeak com¬ fort. “ 1 green harrateen bed, bedstead, window curtains, cushions, mattress, 2 green silk quilts, and feather bed,” all for £65, suggest the dignity of a green room in provincial Boston. “ 3 sconces with arms ” afford intimation that the apartments were fitted with wall brackets made for the family, and in which the best wax candles were placed. “ 1 bureau, table, 1 pair brass-faced dogs, 1 fire shovel, tongs, bellows, and one Turkey worked carpet” make up the furniture of the first chamber and are valued at £107. The “Jolly Bachelor’s ” chamber shows “ 1 silver-hilted sword, a pair of pistols and powder flask,” all for ,£15. “ 1 case with six razors, 1 pair scissors, bone pen knife, strap, 2 bottles, looking APPRAISAL OF THE ESTATE 11 r glass (tipt with silver), yellow mohair bed-counterpane, feather bed, bolster, 2 pillows, false curtains, etc., with 6 chairs, a great chair, 2 stools, window curtains, cushions, all of the same,” AG45. The contents of another bedchamber foots up AG 8 7. An order to London, soon after Uncle Andrew’s death, is verified here with a listing of “ 6 Lignumvitae chocolate cupps, Lined with silver,” AG- The numerous ‘‘copper potts, pans, and kettles” call to mind an early order to London for all these necessaries in the culinary department, to which we descend, where “Fowling piece, boxes of pipes, 1 engine and 1 cistern” are valued at AG 1 - “ 1 Gold watch-chain & seal of Graham make, 5 negroes, 1 chariot, and 1 coach ” are all strangely mixed in the inventory and increase the estate by AG 25 5. These negroes are rated AG 50, AG 30, AG 20, jQ 1 20, AG 00, respectively ; which of these was the well-known “straight negro lad” for which Mr. Faneuil swapped codfish and alewives, we cannot tell, but unquestionably he had increased in value since coming to live with this man of “quality.” From the kitchen we follow these judges of property to the stables, and here see that the “Two wheel chaise” is rated at Ago, while the “four wheel chaise” is set down at AG50, “ one tandem of English horses ” is valued at AG°°- and another at AG50; while “2 Albany horses” are rated at only AG00; a “white horse,” probably the mate to the one sent to Barbadoes, was booked at AG5» “One Albany Horse (mate dead),” j£go. The storehouse was next in order of visitation, where were booked “8 Bbls. flour and pork AG°>” “ 15 prs. cottons £120,” “9 Loaves sugar AGo.” The bachelor's strong box must next have received the atten¬ tion of the officials ; here they register “A parcel of Jewells AG490. 10,” “1400 oz. Plate @ | ster. £ 2122. io,” “ a silver stand 32 oz. & a seal A43>” “ l shaving Bason 27oz. AG°- 16.” We can but fancy the satisfaction with which the “ Jolly Bachelor” made lather in that silver dish and spread it over his well- I 12 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET rounded cheeks before applying one of those razors which his letter book shows him to have imported for his own use. “ 2 Silver Snuff Boxes, 7 Gold Rings & 1 pr. Christall Buttons in Gold ” are very suggestive of the style which our proud burgher put on when he was at his best. At length comes “ 1 Iron chest," .£18, which served for the family safe deposit. Had all of the silver plate been itemized, we should have had an array of table ware and vessels for domestic use that would have been burdensome to any housekeeper, each article bearing the Fan- euil arms; but chief of interest was Peter’s “ large and heavy silver punch bowl ” that he ordered especially for his own use. “ If it could speak out in good French or English,” says the Old Sexton, “what glorious tales it would tell of Peter, in all his glory, enjoying,” as Master Lovell says, “that divine satisfac¬ tion, which results from communicating happiness to others.” Let no one think it was for show, but see what hospitality there was in that flowing bowl, by the inventory of “10 Pipes of Maderia Wine, .£900; 2 Pipes Wine (one very ordinary) ,£240, 7 hhds. Claret, ordinary .£150.” But we must allow that much of this was for the trade, after being sufficiently sampled to be recommended with confidence. We have been assured that his hospitality was abundant, and we doubt it not. On June 22, 1741, a few months before his death, Peter writes Lane & Smith- urst, to send him, “ Six gross of the very best London King Henry’s Cards, and six half chests of lemons, for my house winter supply.” The listers find a good stock of livery supplies, viz., “ 28 yds. cloth, 5 Gold Lace hatts, 70 yds. shalloon, 3 yds. kersey with other trimmings,” ,£111. “ 195 dzen of wine, arrack, beer, Cheshire & Gloucester cheeses,” £542. 10. In fact, Peter’s establishment appears to have been a very repository of all manner of elegancies, luxuries, and creature comforts. The mansion house with garden and outbuildings was valued at .£12,375. “A double warehouse and a single Ditto on Long wharf and part of the privilege of said wharf £1600.” The ACCUMULATED WEALTH 1 13 stock in the warehouse was varied and large. Eight tenements in Cornhill and King Street, a number of vessels, and parts of vessels were also on the list. | of the Briggt. called the Rochelle £ 1300 Brigg Flower de Luce . . . . . 1100 Sloop Swan ...... 1000 | of Sloop Hannah at Nantucket . . . 400 | of Bilander Young Eagle ..... 250 Store at Canso ....... 400 Pew No. 40 in Trinity Church 70,” and to all this was added, “ \ part of Paper Mill at Milton jQ\oo." The items, or particular heads of inventory, number one hundred and fifty-eight, the whole making quite a volume of foolscap, nicely tied up, with a bit of ribbon from Miss Mary Anne’s ample supply. The Faneuil estate, like many another which has been thought¬ fully gathered, was soon scattered. The mansion with its gar¬ den and all that pertained to it became the property of the Phillips family. Lieutenant-governor William Phillips occupied the house for a time. It belonged to the Vassal family during the Revolution, and, like many another piece of real estate, was confiscated, and in December, 1783, it was sold by the Commonwealth to Isaiah Doane. The silver plate, with which the house abounded, to the great satisfaction of Andrew and Peter Faneuil, and doubtless to the pleasure of Miss Fan¬ euil, seems to have been divided between Benjamin and his sisters, each of whom had manifest pride in the choice pieces and in the armorial bearings. The Old Sexton, when compil¬ ing his “ Dealings with the Dead,” claimed to have the memo¬ randum of the share which went to Mrs. Gillam Phillips (Marie Faneuil), entitled, “ An account of my proportion of plate belonging to the estate of Peter Faneuil, Esq. deceased.” In this is “a coffee pot, and a large, handsome chamber pot.” A part of Benjamin’s share of the plate was enjoyed in his family FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET 114 and went in order to his only daughter, Mary (Mrs. Bethune). When in her possession at Brighton, a quantity, valued at $3000, was stolen by burglars. Some days after the burglary, a coffee-pot was found in a field leading to the river, which led to the conclusion that parties came in a boat for the purpose and carried all, but what scattered during the flight, away to Boston. This was in after years confirmed by a confession made by a man who was about to suffer capital punishment. The jewels, many of which the old Huguenot brought from Lrance, were likewise divided. Benjamin Laneuil was not remiss in providing mourning rings for the numerous relatives and friends, and in fully carry¬ ing out the custom of the time ; but he did not propose to pay from the estate a sum which Peter Faneuil had long before prom¬ ised toward the erection of Trinity Church, the plans not hav¬ ing been carried out during his life. The administrator did not recognize the promise as a claim against the estate, but it was paid after a disagreeable lawsuit. Notes The apparent confusion of the dates noticed in this chapter is due to the difference between the old style and the new. If the year be taken to begin on the first of January, then Peter Faneuil died on March 3, 1743, as inscribed on the tombstone. But if it did not begin till the twenty-fifth of March, as it legally did not before 1752, when the new style was adopted in Great Britain and the provinces, then the title-page of the oration and the records of the court and the mourning ring are correct, and Peter Faneuil died in 1742. One of the Faneuil mourning rings is in existence, and now the property of Mr. W. Lewis Fraser of New York, who purchased it of a Jew dealer, who had found it in a pawnbroker's shop in New York City. It is of black enamel on gold; the letters are white. It is set with a rose diamond and two small rubies. The inscription, which completely encircles the ring, is : — Peter Faneuil, Amor. Obit 1742 AL 43. CHAPTER XII Faneuil Hall Market a Monument to Peter Faneuil. The name of Faneuil Extinct in Boston, Faneuil Heirs. The Faneuils were Members of the First Paper-manufacturing Company in Massachusetts. Benjamin Faneuil settles in Brighton. Pleasures of Peter the Second. Alliance with the Bethune Family. General Washington and the Faneuils. Faneuils were Loyalists, and left the Country with the King’s Army. Peter Faneuil’s Portrait muti¬ lated in Faneuil Hall. Faneuils in Banishment. I hope what I have done will be for the service of the whole country, and in a particular manner of the Town of Boston. — Peter Faneuil, September 14, 1742. ETER FANEUIL builded better than he knew, when he J- gave the hall and market to the town of his adoption. This building in a few months became the monument to the memory of the donor, none having been erected, since his death, with special reference to the merchant. The Faneuil tomb is in the westerly corner of Granary Burying Ground in Boston, near one belonging to the Old South Church. The portion above the surface of the ground is of dark freestone, with a horizontal tablet of the same material resting upon the rectangular base. This style of memorial is often designated as a table monument. Upon the easterly end there is a tablet of slate upon which are sculptured, with evident skill, the family arms, while upon the freestone slab are inscribed at the top, “ M. M.” (memento mori), and at the lower end a rude apology for the old Huguenot patronymic, “ P. Funel 1742.” The above was all that Sargent found there when he devoted several chapters to ”5 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET 116 Peter Faneuil, in “ Dealings with the Dead,” but the visitor of to-day finds the following in addition : — Peter Faneuil March 3, 1 743. Jones Davenport Fette. It is evident that the additional inscription was made in the nineteenth century, and leads to the conclusion that this Faneuil tomb is also the sepulchre of Peter’s sister, Mary Anne Jones, and her family, and also Anne Faneuil, second wife of Rev. Addington Davenport, and possibly the clergyman himself. The Davenport fam¬ ily may also have obtained a right in this sepulchre through the marriage of Peter Faneuil’s nephew, Benjamin Faneuil, with Jane, daughter of Add¬ ington Davenport by his first marriage. The name of Fette being inscribed on the tablet leads to the conclusion that here is also the place of interment of that family, which was allied with the Faneuils. Sargent says this tomb is believed to have been built by Andrew Faneuil as early as 1709, and he thinks it quite certain that the lady whom the Huguenot married in Holland and whose beauty is traditional was interred in this sepulchre. Here Andrew was buried by Peter, February 10, 1737, and Peter was buried by his brother Benjamin, March 10, 1742, Old Style, and here Benjamin himself was laid, after an interval of forty-two years. Of the absence of inscription, Sargent says: — Faneuil Tomb FANEUIL HEIRS ii 7 “ Arms in those days, and still where a titled nobility exists, are deemed, for the popular eye, sufficient evidence of owner¬ ship, without a name. So thought Uncle Andrew, and he left the freestone tablet without any inscription.” Sargent further says characteristically : “ Some worthy old citizen — God bless him — who knew rather more of this matter than his neighbors, and was well aware that the arms would be but a dead letter to posterity, resolved to serve the public and remedy the defect. Up he goes into the Granary Ground in the very spirit of Old Mortality, and with all his orthography in his ear, inscribed ‘ P. Funel ’ upon the tablet.” Time is rapidly effacing the whole ; even the later inscription shows the effects of ice or the greedy hand of the relic hunter. 1 The motion of Thomas Hutchinson that “ the hall over the market-place be named Faneuil Hall” was but a trifling incident in a town meeting, but it proved to be the means of preserving the name to all time. Wherever the word “liberty” is spoken, there Faneuil Hall is known and the name honored. Although none of the family bears the surname at the present time, there is no name more frequently written and spoken in Boston to-day than that of Faneuil. Each business communication sent out from the stalls of the busy marketmen bears that name ; and the reader can but wish to know something of the subsequent history of Benjamin Faneuil and his sisters who shared in that great estate left by their brother. We may reasonably conclude that each of the five with their respective families enjoyed the pleasures of the society of provincial Boston, being prominent members of it, until the troubles with the mother country led to estrangement and per- 1 An instance is known to the author, where a public-spirited citizen, fearing that a nameless grave might sometime be opened and the infection — smallpox — from which the man died be again started in the town, took it upon himself to set up a slate tablet on which he attempted to chisel the name; but finding his zeal far su¬ perior to his skill, only cut the initials P. D., which have been construed to mean Paid, thereby certifying that mortality has settled all obligations 118 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET secution, resulting in the departure of many from the homes which they loved. Many of the refugees, during the frenzy of political excitement, were just as truly persecuted, for con¬ science’ sake, as were the Huguenots in 1685. Benjamin Faneuil, who went out from his uncle’s home at his banishment a single man, came back at Peter’s death accom¬ panied by his wife and three children, Benjamin, Peter, and Mary. In all these years he appears to have been an active, progressive citizen of the province. As early as 1729 we find him identified with the first movement toward the manufacture of paper in New England. Benjamin Faneuil and Gillam Phillips, his brother-in-law, Daniel Henchman and Thomas Hancock, his son-in-law, with Henry Deering, constituted a com¬ pany who secured from the General Court the sole privilege of making paper within this province for a period of ten years, on conditions that they should make within one year two hun¬ dred reams of good, merchantable brown paper and printing paper, and also continue to increase the quantity from year to year. Their mill went into operation in Milton, Mass. By the inventory of Peter Faneuil’s estate it appears that he owned in 1742 a one-fifth share of this mill, which became the property of Benjamin. He was identified with the building of Trinity Church in 1734 at the corner of Hawley and Summer streets, and was one of the first officials of that society. Soon after his Uncle Andrew’s death he went to England and France, keeping up a correspondence with his brother Peter while absent. After coming into possession of his share of the Faneuil estate, Benjamin purchased about seventy acres of land in Little Cam¬ bridge— Brighton. He built a dwelling, which was destroyed by fire through the treachery of a servant. He then built a very large and expensive dwelling, in which he lived with his family. The panels in the wainscoting of the parlor were his peculiar pride, being four feet and four inches in width, made from a single board. In the rear of this house is a pond surrounded by WASHINGTON AND THE FANEUILS 119 a carefully laid curbing. This pond was for a family fish-pond, and for the particular gratification of Peter, the son of the owner. This estate descended to Mr. Faneuil’s daughter Mary, who married, in 1754, George Bethune. In 1811 the property was owned by Thomas English and his wife Penelope, daughter of George Bethune. It was sold to Samuel Parkman for the use of his son John. Here Mr. Harvey D. Parker, who estab¬ lished the Parker House, served a time as coachman. Mr. Samuel Bigelow, in 1839, appeared as the successor of Parkman, and the estate is now known as Bigelow Hill. The name of Faneuil is perpetuated in Brighton by being attached to street and station and in various other ways. 1 Benjamin Faneuil lived until 1786, having attained the age of eighty-four years. His wife had died in 1777. He was blind for the last twenty years of his life, and took but little interest in the passing events. From the Bethune Genealogy the following anecdote is obtained. When the British were in possession of Boston and Washington was in command at Cambridge, Benjamin Faneuil was an invalid in his home, and cared for by his daughter, Mrs. Bethune, then a widow. One afternoon General Washington and some of his officers were riding by this place, when their attention was attracted by some tempting cherries, which they sampled in passing. They were seen by Mrs. Bethune, who sent her man-servant, with her compliments to the general and his comrades, with an invitation to come in and eat of the fruit. They rode up to the door, dismounted, and went in. She received them graciously, giving them fruit, wine, and cake. She invited them to dine with her on a day which she then named, expressing at the same time her political sentiments as very patriotic, and directly opposing the position taken by some members of the family. Washington and companions accepted, and appeared there the day agreed upon. Mrs. Bethune invited 1 The Boston Gazette of March 16, 1767, has the following: “A House to be sold in Little Cambridge near Benjamin Faneuil’s Esqr.” 120 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET others to meet her noted guests, and all went on in a most charming manner until, when the meal was nearly over, Mr. Faneuil appeared, on the arm of his attendant. Having learned of the dinner party, he could not be restrained, and hence his appearance was a surprise to his daughter. He was seated at the foot of the table, when he assured the guests that he was happy to have them visit the house and asked them to fill their glasses and allow him to drink their health. After finding where Washington and Lee sat, Mr. Faneuil turned to the former, and said, “ General Washington, I respect your char¬ acter greatly; you act from patriotic motives; I have not a word to object to your course.” But turning short to where Lee sat, he said, “You, General Lee, are fighting with a rope around your neck,” etc., showing very plainly that he regarded him as a traitor to king and country. When leaving the house, Washington called for an explanation, and was told by Mrs. Bethune that her father had been blind and practically out of the world for twenty years. Drake tells us that Benjamin Faneuil was buried from the mansion house of Thomas English in Boston. Benjamin Laneuil, Jr., the oldest son of our veteran, was active in business in Boston, having a store in Butlers’ Rowe in 1767, where he kept “ Tea, Hemp, Russia and Raven’s Duck, sheathing, nails, etc.” He was a man of influence and served on many committees entrusted with public duties of importance. Both Benjamin and Peter were in sympathy with the existing government, and were denounced as Tories. The former was one of the signers of the “ Loyal Address ” to Governor Gage on his departure October 6, 1775. He left Boston for Halifax at the time of the evacuation. The Old Sexton says Benjamin’s wife was Jane, daughter of Addington Davenport by his first wife, Jane, who was a daughter of Grove Hirst, and sister of Lady Mary Peppered. Benjamin Faneuil and wife lived for several years in England, chiefly in Bristol, where he died. THE FANEUILS LOYALISTS I 2 I Peter, the younger child of Benjamin, left the country as a Tory, was for a time in the West Indies, but was never in good health, and finally returned to America and completed his life at the home of his sister at Brighton. When it was found by the patriots that the Faneuils, nephews of Peter, had left the country with the British army, a company of people, moved by an ill-directed sentiment, went to Faneuil Hall and destroyed the painting of Peter Faneuil, placed there by the town in honor of the donor. These Faneuil brothers loved Boston and the provinces, but could not hastily give up allegiance to England, whose people had been so friendly to the Huguenots in their time of distress. The sisters of Peter Faneuil with their families sympathized with the king. Marie, Mrs. Phillips, lived at Cambridge, a widow, for several years, and died there in April, 1778. Susan¬ nah, Mrs. Boutineau, went with her husband to England, where he died about 1784. Anne, Mrs. Davenport, was a widow before the Revolution, and probably remained in this country. Mary Anne, who married John Jones in the same month of the death of her brother Peter, resided in Roxbury. She was a refugee, and lived for some time at Windsor, N.S. The correspondence of these refugees serves to throw light upon the condition of many of the people who cast in their lot with the king’s army at the time of the evacuation. Ben¬ jamin Faneuil writes to his aunt, Mrs. Jones: — March 9, 1777. “ I cannot say I am very sorry, for your disappointment, in missing your passage to England, for unless you could bring a barrel of guineas, you are much better anywhere than here. . . . As soon as the Christmas holidays were over we presented a petition to the Lords of the Treasury, setting forth our suffer¬ ing, and praying for a support, till the affairs in America are I 22 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET settled. This method was taken by the Council, and indeed by all refugees. Within these few days, the Lords of the Treasury have agreed to allow, for the present, Chief Justice Oliver £400 a year, Lieut. Governor Oliver, and Mr. Flucker ^300, the Council, (Mr. Boutineau among the rest,) ^200, the refugees in general ^100, some only £50. Our affairs are not yet absolutely determined, on account of Lord North’s sickness, but we are told we shall be tuckt in, between the Council and the refugees, and be allowed ,£150 a year. This is a very poor affair, and we can by no means live upon it; but there are such a confounded parcel of us, to be provided for, that I am told no more will be allowed. Should there be an opportunity of writ¬ ing to Boston, I should take it kind, if cousin Betsey would write to my father and let him know what I now write, and give our loves to Mr. Bethunes’ family, and my Aunt Phillips. I do not mention my poor mother, as, from the accounts I have received, I doubt whether she be living at this time. When we shall be able to return to Boston, I cannot say, but hope and believe it will not exceed one year more, for sooner or later, America will be conquered, and on that they may depend.” 1 We here see the representatives of Peter Faneuil almost beggars in a strange land, longing to return to America, which they firmly believe must yield to the superior power of the mother country. Note “ At the evacuation of Boston, 1100 Loyalists retired to Nova Scotia, of whom 102 were men in official station, 18 were clergymen, 213 were merchants and traders of Boston, 382 were farmers and mechanics, in great part from the country. There were no better men and women in Massachusetts as regards intelligence, substantial good purpose and piety. Their stake in the country was greater even than that of their opponents; their patriotism, no doubt, was fully*as fervent.” — Sabine’s “American Loyalists.” 1 This record is largely drawn from “ Dealings with the Dead ” by a “ Sexton of the Old School.” CHAPTER XIII Faneuil Hall Town Meetings. Named Cradle of Liberty. First Intima¬ tion of the Revolution. Protest against Stamp Act. Festivities at the Repeal. Portraits of Friends in Parliament procured and hung in Hall. Gratitude for Preservation of Hall. Loss of Portraits during the Siege. List of Famous Meetings in Faneuil Hall. General Howe and Boston Negroes. Count D'Estaing and other French Officers. Boston Merchants entertain the French. Washington’s Birthday celebrated in 1784. African Preacher in Faneuil Hall in 1789. Lafayette Dinner in 1784. Washington Banquet in 1789. John Adams honored in 1797. ’Lection Day Dinner. School Visitors dined. The Grasshopper. Earthquake of 1755. Celebration of 1793. “ May Faneuil Hall ever stand, a monument to teach the world that resist¬ ance to oppression is a duty, and will under true republican institutions be¬ come a blessing.” — Lafayette. I T was in the town meetings held in the first Faneuil Hall, in the presence of the “full length picture” of Peter Fan- euil, that the many heated discussions in regard to the market w'ere held. While the voters could not but appreciate the advantages of the spacious and well-equipped hall, 1 the time had not yet come for them to realize the full benefit of the donor’s purpose in giving the market. All town business sub¬ mitted to the voters was discussed in the hall, and it appears that in 1756 they were taking steps for an improvement in the general conduct of affairs in the town as well as in the special management of the marketing. An article in the warrant for the March meeting of that year was to see “ whether any more effectual method than is always prescribed by law can be taken for promoting a more general reformation of manners.” But 1 The hall was illuminated in September, 1760, at a jubilee because of the reduc¬ tion of Canada. 123 124 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET it remained for the second or rebuilt Faneuil Hall to become the scene of those meetings and events which have given Bos¬ ton world-wide fame. We have seen that at the formal open¬ ing in 1763 James Otis was the speaker, and that he was soon followed by Rev. Samuel Mather in the interests of the poor and distressed, worthy names and subjects to head the memor¬ able list. The voters again entered upon the enjoyment of the hall for their regular town meetings, but the discussion of local matters soon merged into those where liberty of speech was not restricted to voters, but where expression was freely given to the popular feeling which gave rise to the name Cradle of Liberty. The hall proved none too large for ordinary business meetings, and on special occasions was not nearly large enough. There were one thousand and eighty-nine voters who had part in the election of representatives to the General Court in May, 1763. In the following February we find that they passed a unanimous vote to Rev. George Whitefield “ for his chari¬ table care and pains in collecting a considerable sum of money in Great Britain for the distressed sufferers of the great fire in Boston in 1760.” The Chief Justice secured the use of the hall in September, 1764, in which to hold court. The smallpox was distressing the town, so much so that the General Court, in 1764, was held at Concord; the town repre¬ sentatives being Royal Tyler, James Otis, Thomas Cushing, and Oxenbridge Thacher, Esqrs. In the instructions given to these representatives appears the first intimation of the on¬ coming storm of the Revolution, of which record was made in Faneuil Hall. “You will use your endeavours to have a law passed whereby the seats of such gentlemen as shall accept of Posts of Profit from the Crown, or the Governor, while they are Members of the House shall be vacated agreeable to an act of the British Parliament until their associates may have an opportunity of reelecting them if they please.” After setting forth the expenses of the province in the French War, they say: PROTEST AGAINST STAMP ACT 125 “ Our Trade has for a long time laboured under great Discour¬ agements, and it is with the deepest concern that we see such further Difficulties coming upon us, as will reduce it to the lowest Ebb, if not totally obstruct and ruin it. . . . We there¬ fore expect that you will use your earliest endeavours in the General Assembly that such methods may be taken as will effectually prevent their proceedings against us. By a proper Representation we apprehend it may easily be made to appear that such measures will prove detrimental to Great Britain itself, upon which account we have reason to hope that an Application even for the repeal of the Act, should it be already passed, will be successful.” When realizing that their hopes were not well founded, that the Stamp Act had been passed, and that some of the townspeople had vented the popular indignation by acts of violence, the voters made their way to Faneuil Hall, and with James Otis as their moderator, on August 27, 1765, they protested against “the extraordinary and violent proceedings of a number of Persons unknown, against some of the Inhabitants of the same, the last night.” While the law-abiding people did not hesitate to denounce the Stamp Act in the interest of that liberty which they had the right to enjoy as subjects of Great Britain, they would not counte¬ nance lawless demonstrations. On the 12th of September the voters were again in session in Faneuil Hall, and unanimously voted to instruct their Repre¬ sentatives “as to their conduct at this very alarming crisis.” Thus they went on in that hall, step by step, with firm but well-advised protests and petitions, until we find them, the fol¬ lowing spring, when the act was repealed, there assembled to sing the praises of their king. The hall and very many other public, as well as private, buildings were illuminated in recogni¬ tion of the consideration thus shown them by Parliament. Here they passed resolutions of gratitude for the repeal, and in special recognition of the efforts on the part of Right Honorable Gen- 126 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET eral Conway, one of his Majesty’s principal secretaries of state, and Colonel Isaac Barre, a member of Parliament, they re¬ quested portraits of these friends of the colonies to be placed in Laneuil Hall “as a Standing Monument to all Posterity, of the virtue and Justice of our Benefactors, and a lasting proof of our Gratitude.” These were secured and added to the adorn¬ ments of the hall. Another ornament was the picture of King George II., during whose reign the house was built. That of William Shirley, governor of the province when the house was built, and a particular friend of Peter Laneuil, was also given a conspicuous place in Faneuil Hall. The Boston Gazette of March 18, 1767, has the following account of the celebration of the anniversary of the repeal of the Stamp Act: “In the afternoon, by vote of the town, a profusion of wines and other liquors was prepared in Faneuil Hall, to collect the genuine sons of Liberty, to celebrate this happy festival. Accordingly a large company of the principal inhabitants, crowded, that spacious apartment, and with loud huzzas, and repeated acclamations at each of the twenty-five toasts, saluted the glorious and memorable patrons of America, particularly those who distinguished themselves in the cause of Liberty while we were groaning under the iron hand of oppres¬ sion. At the close of the day the company retired to different houses to conclude the festivity with collations provided at the private expense of some opulent gentlemen. Faneuil Hall was illuminated and several houses, but the Tree of Liberty chiefly attracted the notice of the town.” The men conducting town business at this time are Samuel Adams, John Hancock, John Ruddock, Samuel Sewall, Joshua Henshaw, Benjamin Kent, and others, whose names have become household words. They showed the principle which actuated them, when they refused the use of Laneuil Hall to his Excellency the governor and Council on the evening of Election Day, unless they could be assured that the commis- MEETINGS IN FANEUIL HALL 127 sioners of customs or their attendants were not to be invited. They were all busy men, and their warehouses, shops, and offices were in close proximity to Faneuil Hall, and their voices and services were never withheld when duty called. The largest and boldest meeting of the period was held June 14, 1768, when James Otis was moderator, and a protest was formally made against the revenue laws, and a request forcibly made that the Romney be removed from the harbor. There were stirring times in Dock Square when it became known that a large force of British troops had been ordered to Boston. A convention of representatives from nearly every town in the province was in session for a week, but Governor Bernard refused to recognize the convention, yet it went on in a perfectly orderly manner. On September 30, 1768, seven warships came into the harbor with two full regiments of troops, the Fourteenth and Twenty- ninth, on board, and upon landing in the town the latter en¬ camped on Boston Common. Even the presence of these troops was a great annoyance to the people ; but when Colonel Dalrymple demanded Faneuil Hall as quarters for the Four¬ teenth Regiment, the selectmen refused to grant his demand ; but their authority was overruled, and the spacious hall was turned into a barrack for the king’s troops, and was used for that purpose until the third day of November. For the next year town meetings were frequent and charac¬ terized by strong feeling; but good order and peace prevailed in the town until, in the winter and spring of 1770, the soldiery and the populace began to clash. On February 22 a disturb¬ ance resulted in wounding Samuel Gore, and killing Christopher Snider, a boy about eleven years of age. Two men, Richardson and Wilmot, were charged with the crime and publicly examined in Faneuil Hall before Justices Ruddock, Dana, Quincy, and Pemberton. Richardson was adjudged guilty and committed to jail, but was pardoned two years later by Governor Thomas 128 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET Hutchinson. On the evening of the fifth of March occurred the events known as the Boston Massacre. On the follow¬ ing day Faneuil Hall was the scene of a memorable meeting, “ perhaps the most dramatic scene in all history.” The formal warrant and seven days’ notice were overruled. It was a mass¬ meeting. The news had spread so rapidly that the people had congregated and clamored for an opportunity to give formal expression to their feelings. The concourse was so great that the hall would not contain them, and they adjourned to Dr. Sewall’s Meeting House — Old South. A committee was appointed to wait upon the governor and demand a withdrawal of the troops from the town. Samuel Adams was at the head of the committee, who succeeded in their demands. The body of Attucks, one of the victims of the Massacre, was placed in Faneuil Hall awaiting the burial, which occurred three days after the event. When the hearse rolled away from Faneuil Hall over to King Street, and there met three more in which were the bodies of Maverick, Gray, and Caldwell, the dead were followed by “ the largest company of people that were ever assembled for a similar purpose on this continent.” The interment was in Granary Burying Ground. On the tenth instant the voters met in the hall, after their legal form, and took action “relative to the massacre in King Street.” It was on Friday, November 5th, 1773, that the first of a series of tea meetings was held in Faneuil Hall. John Hancock was moderator. The petition of a large number of the inhabit¬ ants was presented, setting forth “that they are justly alarmed at the report that the East India Company in London are about shipping a cargo or cargoes of Tea into this and the other colonies, and that they esteem it a political plan of the British Administration whereby they have reason to fear not only that the trade upon which they depend for a subsistence is threat¬ ened to be totally destroyed ; but what is much more than anything in life to be dreaded, the Tribute laid upon the MEETINGS IN FANEUIL HALL 129 importations of that Article will be fixed and established, and our liberties for which we have long struggled, will be lost to them and their posterity.” Handbills, called “The Tradesmens Protest against the Proceedings of the Merchants relative to the new Importations of Tea,” had been distributed, and caused intensity of feeling. The tradesmen present, to the number of about four hundred, were directed to collect at the south side of the hall, when they were asked if they would acknowledge the paper, and they unanimously denied it and declared it to be false, scandalous, and base. The meeting then adopted a series of resolutions already accepted by citizens of Phila¬ delphia. Article sixth is, “ Resolved that it is the Duty of every American to oppose this attempt.” The seventh de¬ nounces every person who shall in any way attempt to aid the East India Company as an “ enemy to America.” The resolu¬ tions conclude by the appointment of a committee to wait on the gentlemen selected by the East India Company to receive and sell tea, and to “ request them from a regard to their own characters and the peace and good order of this town and Province, immediately to resign their appointment.” Among those called upon for this purpose was Benjamin Faneuil, a nephew of Peter Faneuil. This meeting continued by adjournment from hour to hour and date to date until it was dissolved on the nth instant. Another meeting was held on the 18th, when the consignees reported by letter, which was voted unsatisfactory, and the meeting was dissolved. The tea- ships arrived, and the people exerted themselves to prevent violent measures ; but while they were holding a meeting on December 16, at Old South Meeting House (Faneuil Hall being too small), a company of citizens in disguise met at the wharf and threw the tea overboard. During the tea troubles, Governor Thomas Hutchinson became very unpopular and was recalled, being succeeded by Thomas Gage, who, as captain-general and governor of 130 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET Massachusetts, landed at Long Wharf, being cordially welcomed and dined at Laneuil Hall, where an elegant feast, with loyal toasts, etc., was conducted. The kindly feelings, if they did really exist, were soon dismissed when it was fully realized that the new governor was here to enforce the Port Bill, which the town in Laneuil Hall had denounced only four days before the arrival of the governor. From this town meeting was issued a circular letter to “ the several towns of this Province, and to the several colonies, acquainting them with the present state of our affairs.” It was from previous and subsequent town meetings in Faneuil Hall that circulars were sent out which resulted in enlisting the sympathy and securing the cooperation of the entire people. It was during the political excitement that Rev. John Murray, the first avowed preacher in New England of ultimate and uni¬ versal salvation, arrived in Boston and preached in Faneuil Hall. The Port Bill went into effect on June i, 1774, and a melan¬ choly period began. In August there was a meeting of delegates from Worcester, Essex, and Middlesex counties, and of the Com¬ mittee of Correspondence of Suffolk County. During these months the citizens of Boston were frequently in session in the hall, devising ways and means for the relief of the distressed. On June 27, when correspondence with towns was to be con¬ sidered, the hall was too small and the meeting adjourned to the Old South Meeting House. When assembled in Faneuil Hall, the people made record of their gratitude to different towns for aid for the relief of the poor — a notable instance being that of Windham in Connecti¬ cut, which sent 258 sheep. On October 24, 1774, the anniversary of the king’s birth, there was a grand concert in Faneuil Hall in honor of royalty. The regular town meeting for the transaction of town affairs and a Port Bill meeting were kept alive by adjournment for several months, and the Court of Admiralty held session here GENERAL HOWE 131 for the trial of pirates and robbers; and Faneuil Hall was the scene of much business of vital importance, until there came a change through the opening of hostilities on April 19, 1775. During the siege the hall was used as a storehouse for arms and furniture. It was a sorrowful day for the Bostonians when they went to Faneuil Hall to surrender their arms to officers appointed by General Gage. It was also used for a theatre for the entertainment of British officers and Loyalists who abandoned their homes and centred in Boston under protection of the king’s army. The tragedy of “ Zara ” and the comedy of “The Busy Body ” were frequently given, and a local farce, written by General Burgoyne, entitled the “ Blockade of Boston ” had one or more presentations. When playing Burgoyne’s farce, a person came forward to- the footlights and with earnestness announced that “the Yan¬ kees are attacking Bunker Hill.” The deluded audience thought this was a part of the play, and cheered the speaker, but when they saw that he meant to report a solemn reality the audience dispersed. The annual town meeting of March 5, 1776, for the Massacre oration, was held at Watertown; but the British having evacuated the town on the 17th instant, the town meeting for the choice of officers and other business was held in the Old Brick Meeting House on the 29th. It was here, and not in Faneuil Hall, that the voters agreed, on May 23, “that if the Honble. Continen¬ tal Congress should, for the safety of the Colonies, declare them Independent of the Kingdom of Great Britain, they, the inhabit¬ ants, will solemnly engage with their lives and fortunes to sup¬ port them in their measure.” We must ever be grateful to General Howe that Faneuil Hall was left to us in respectable condition. Although he issued orders to his men that the first soldier detected plundering houses would be hanged upon the spot, the portraits already mentioned as hanging in Faneuil Hall were never seen in Bos- 132 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET ton after the evacuation. It has, however, been alleged that the portrait of Peter Faneuil was mutilated by those who were incensed because the nephews of Peter Faneuil left the country as Tories. A copy of a portrait of the generous donor of the hall was later obtained and given a place of honor, which it has occupied until the present time. Steel engravings of the Right Honorable Isaac Barre and Field Marshal Conway have since been procured and presented to the city, and are seen in one of the apartments of the hall. General Howe summoned all the negroes of the town to meet at Faneuil Hall to organize a scavenger party, but Oscar Mer- riam, who had been instructed in the Whig doctrine, remon¬ strated against any such service, and was put in jail for his patriotic utterances. It was nearly a year after the evacuation of Boston before the town held its meetings in Faneuil Hall, the Old Brick Meeting House being used for business gatherings. On April 2, 1777, a French teacher was granted the use of the hall in which to deliver an oration in French. In August, 1778, Count D’Estaing, the French admiral, with about five hundred officers and other dignitaries, was feasted in Faneuil Hall at the expense of John Hancock, who had but recently returned to his home after his service as president of the Continental Congress. In July the fluctuation of currency was so annoying to busi¬ ness men that there was a meeting in Faneuil Hall to regulate prices. The following were established : -— £, -r- Windward Rum per gallon . 6 6 New England Rum per gallon 4 16 Molasses per gallon 4 7 Coffee per pound 0 18 Brown Sugar .... 0 14 Bohea Tea . 0 15 Salt per bbl. .... 0 9 Indian Corn per bushel 4 10 Peter Faneuil From the Painting by Sargent in Faneuil Hall WASHINGTON BANQUET 133 Rye per bushel ........60 Beef per lb. . ..06 Mutton per lb. ........ o 4 Butter per lb . . . . . . . . 012 Cheese per lb. ........ o 6 Milk per qt. ........02 Hay per cwt. ........20 Labor per day ........50 Cost for 1 pr. leather breeches . . . . . 1 15 The lottery was a thing of common occurrence at this time, and Faneuil Hall was granted in which to conduct the game of chance. On June 2, 1779, Mr. Wendell had the use of the hall “ for drawing State Lottery.” On November 14, 1780, Deacon Newell was granted the hall for the “drawing in the Boston Pier Lottery.” On October 3, 1781, the merchants of Boston entertained the French officers with a banquet in Faneuil Hall, in recognition of the protection they had given to the trade of the Commonwealth. In February, 1784, Washington’s birthday, succeeding the Treaty of Peace, was observed by illuminating Faneuil Hall. In July, 1786, Mr. Grant and Mr. Adams were made a com¬ mittee to order the necessary repairs at the top of Faneuil Hall, and were authorized to purchase a suitable bell to be hung in the cupola; from this we infer that the income from the lottery had not been sufficient to supply the market bell, the one given with the house by Peter Faneuil having been rendered useless by the fire of 1761. When George Washington, as commander-in-chief of the Continental Army, entered Boston in March, 1776, after the evacuation, he expressed himself as grateful for the good con¬ dition of Faneuil Hall. And when he came in 1789, as the first President of the United States, he was banqueted in the same hall, when many noted guests and old soldiers again met him face to face, and exchanged cordial greetings. 134 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET The “’Lection Day” dinner, compliments of Governor Han¬ cock, were occasions when nothing was withheld that could con¬ tribute to the enjoyment of the guests or public favor of the first governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. “July 6 1764: Voted. That a Dinner be provided at Faneuil Hall for about 50 gentlemen, on the day for visiting schools, and that Mr. Bellard shall have the dressing thereof, and also furnish the Liquor that may be wanted.” In the visitation of the next year there were added to the company who were dined at the town’s expense in Faneuil Hall, “The fathers of the chil¬ dren who are in the highest forms, and will leave school this season.”— Toivn Records. The dinners served and toasts drunk in Faneuil Hall, already mentioned, were enough to make the house famous, but they were few in comparison with those less noted complimentary feasts spread for the school committee and their associates, who found in this gratuity sufficient compensation for their services, at least until the time came when they were to provide their own drinks. In the year 1784 the merchants of Boston gave a dinner in Faneuil Hall in honor of Lafayette. At each toast thirteen cannon were discharged in Market Square by the train of artil¬ lery under the direction of Major Davis. A picture of Wash¬ ington had been concealed by drapery, and when in the course of the banquet it was unveiled, the Marquis rose to his feet, clapped his hands, and manifested much tender emotion as he gazed on the features of his old commander. An ornament of the hall not before mentioned was the bust of President Wash¬ ington, placed there about ten years before he completed his life work. The bust was a gift of Mr. Christian Gallager. The Massachusetts Historical Society held some of its early meetings in Laneuil Hall from 1792 to 1794. In 1792, when the smallpox became prevalent in Boston, and threatened to depopulate the town as it had in early time, a CELEBRATION OF 1793 135 meeting was called in Faneuil Hall to take measures to prevent the spread of the epidemic. In 1793, in January, after the execution of Louis XVI. in France, the sympathizers in Boston with the revolutionary movement had a great celebration. In the month of January, an ox of one thousand pounds’ weight was roasted whole and carried on a cart, twenty feet high and drawn by fifteen horses, through the streets, followed by other teams carry¬ ing hogsheads of punch drawn by six horses each, and a cart loaded with bread. This was served from a table spread in State Street. While this demonstration was attracting a great concourse of people, there was a select minority of the friends of equality to the number of about four hundred, who had an elaborate dinner in Faneuil Hall. Samuel Adams acted as president of the occasion. Elaborate decorations were pre¬ pared by a gentleman named Walters. On August 9, 1797, John Adams was honored as President of the United States by a celebration and banquet in Faneuil Hall. This was not confined to the people of Boston, but the entire State was represented in this testimonial of regard to their favored citizen. A suggestive intimation of the condition of the negro popu¬ lation of Boston during and soon after the Revolution is seen in the incident, already cited, of one’s refusal to serve General Howe in a scavenger party, and also in the fact, recorded by the selectmen, that on February n, 1789, an application was made for the use of Faneuil Hall “by a number of Blacks, to hear an African Preacher, lately arrived with a good recom¬ mendation.” The hall was granted for this purpose, on condi¬ tion “ that the meeting be held in daylight, and that no oppor¬ tunity may be given rude fellows to make a disturbance.” Later in the same month it is recorded, “ On application of a respectable number of inhabitants, the blacks are permitted to make use of Faneuil Hall for the purpose of public worship 136 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET one day in the week, provided it be on Tuesday or on a Friday, and in the afternoon, or until otherwise ordered.” Before taking leave of the ancient structure, let us take a look upward and see the cupola and bell-deck occupying the centre of the roof, and above it, the weather-vane. This grasshopper has ever been so important a feature of Dock Square that, not infrequently, the marketmen have found their place of business denominated “ the grasshopper market.” This magnified grasshopper was made of sheet-copper, hammered by hand by that “ cunning artificer,” Deacon Shem Drowne, in the year 1742. It has withstood the vicissitudes of one hundred and fifty-six years. This grasshopper has never become a burden, although it has, on several occasions, narrowly escaped destruc¬ tion. In the autumn of 1755, when Boston was shaken to its foundations by an earthquake, 1 this insect was thrown to the ground, but rallied minus one leg, which was supplied by a son of Shem Drowne, by virtue of a vote of the selectmen in May, 1756, “To fix up the vane upon the market, which was thrown down by the great earthquake of the 18th of November last, and repair the steeple.” It seems to have passed through the fire of 1761 with but slight damage, and in March, 1889, on the anniversary of the evacuation, when the flag was being lowered, the grasshopper fell to the street and was somewhat damaged. It has been taken down for repairs on other occasions, and its record, in addition to that already given, is here added. It was repaired by L. Vinal in 1852, when it was stuffed with coins and papers which came to light during the repairs of 1889, when Frank A. Worthly supplied new eyes, horns, and two new feet. When taken from its lofty position in 1898, preparatory to the general rebuilding, the vane presented a most weatherbeaten appearance ; but by the skilful workmanship of E. B. Badger & Sons, coppersmiths of Pitts Street, it was repaired and placed 1 The same that resulted in the destruction of Lisbon, where sixty thousand per¬ sons perished. THE GRASSHOPPER 137 upon its time-honored perch. It received in 1899, one new leg, a splice on its tongue, a patch on its body, and was re-gilded. On one of the occasions when the grasshopper was undergoing repairs, a paper was taken from its vest pocket, on which was the following record as far as can be deciphered. It is a little faulty on dates, but of sufficient interest to be given here : —- “ Shem Drowne made it, May 25, 1742. 1 To my brethren and fellow Grasshopper. Fell in ye year 1753 [1755] Nov 1 ' 18, early in ye morning by a great earthquake by my Old Master above. . . . Again Like to have met with my Utter Ruin by fire, but hopping Timely from my Public Scituation, came of with Master’s son Thomas Drowne June 28, 1768, and though I will promise to Discharge my Office, yet I shall vary as ye wind.” Various reasons have been given for the selection of the peculiar design — a grasshopper — for the weather-vane. The fact that Peter F'aneuil’s motive in giving a market was to accommodate the agriculturists has been a satisfactory reason to many. Others have thought it was patterned after one in London. Some have thought that the design of a grasshopper was to be seen on the Faneuils’ crest, but the cause, which savors of romance, is the following : — “ When Shem Drowne was a boy, he became discouraged with his repeated failures in the New World, and going out into the 1 Shem Drowne died in 1774, aged ninety years. 138 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET country, he lay down to sleep in an open field, and was awak¬ ened by a boy chasing a grasshopper. Shem became interested in the sport and acquainted with the boy, who was the son of a wealthy man, and accompanied him to his home, where he had supper, and was later adopted by the boy’s parents. When he became a successful coppersmith, he made the weather-vane in commemoration of the part a grasshopper had in the turning incident of his life.” Boston people are supposed to know what the vane of Fan- euil Hall represents. Samuel Cooper, when American consul at Glasgow, tested some men who applied to him for aid. Claiming to be sailors from Boston and in need of assistance, they applied to the consul, who, being somewhat suspicious of them, asked if they could tell him what the weather-vane on Faneuil Hall was. The first said it was a fish, the second declared it to be a horse, but the third said it was a grasshopper. Upon this Mr. Cooper decided that the last was the only Boston man in the trio, and said, “ I will give you all the assistance you need, but the other men will have to walk to Boston for all me. Any man who claims to be a Bostonian and can’t tell what the Faneuil Hall weather-vane is, must be an impostor.” CHAPTER XIV Faneuil Hall Market through the Revolution. Stallkeepers and the Tories. Street Lamps set up in Boston. Tallow needed for the Manufacture of Can¬ dles. Droves of Sheep from Connecticut for the Poor. Supplies from the Country Towns. Stalls occupied Gratis. Market Regulations after the Evacua¬ tion. Stallkeepers of 1776. Relief allowed by the General Court. Changes in Market Customs. Rules as to the Quantity of Meat which should be con¬ sumed in a Day. The Meagreness of the Market. The Fish Market. Strug¬ gle with Forestallers. Rules adopted. Cage for Criminals set up in the Market-place. Opening of Charles River Bridge in 1786 affected the Market. “ In old Faneuil, that guild temple of traders and aldermen, butchers and clerks, hucksters and civic magistrates, the spirit of the people conceived an embryonic nation.” — Weeijen. ANEUIL HALL MARKET was an institution of impor- tance during the Revolutionary period. We have seen that it was at this time that the hall received its honored place in history, and the market, although serving a widely different pur¬ pose, became more firmly established, for the citizens abandoned the market contest and entered upon the struggle for liberty. War always creates a demand for food supplies when the army is stationed at a distance. Leading merchants of Boston of an earlier period made their fortunes in supplying garrisons in Nova Scotia and elsewhere. Boston itself was now made a garrison in the interests of the king. Army rations that came by water sufficed for the rank and file, but the officers of the king’s army had the best the town afforded. The period begin¬ ning with the Stamp Act, and extending to the closing of the port of Boston, was one of depression along the line of commercial i39 140 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET interests, and there was complete stagnation from the blockade until the evacuation ; but the stallkeeper of Faneuil Hall Mar¬ ket was free to admit that business was good, or, at least, that there was a great demand with consequent high prices, but the supply was limited. Colonel Dalrymple and others who went about the town decked out with the king’s gold lace and buttons enjoyed all the luxuries of the market, and there was no reason why their money should not procure them, until open hostilities created so strong a sentiment that many keepers of the stalls would pre¬ fer to see their goods perish rather than go to feed the minions of the king. With knife in hand, and block before them, the marketmen did not hesitate to hold arguments with the opu¬ lent Tories, who, decked out like show figures in a tailor’s win¬ dow, predicted the utter subjection of the rebels and triumph of the mother country. Being salaried officials, they were will¬ ing subjects of the king, but their authority had ceased to be regarded by their enraged neighbors, and they had vacated their mansions out of town and taken up temporary abodes nearer the quarters of military authority. The butchers were frequently detected in violation of their agreement to bring in all hides and tallow to the Boston tan¬ ners and tallow chandlers, and they were more closely watched when the supply of whale-oil began to fail and the demand for tallow candles to increase. The subject of street lamps was one that now began to exer¬ cise the minds of the people, and a committee for the purpose reported at the March town meeting of 1773 — “that for the convenience and safety of the inhabitants and their property it would be advisable for the town to erect 300 street lamps in commodious places.” The estimated cost of erecting them was 30X. each, and it was thought that each lamp would require ten gallons of oil annually. The lamps, which were globes in form, were procured by subscription, and located throughout the DROVES OF SHEEP FOR THE POOR 141 town by a committee for that purpose. John Rowe, Esq., was leader in this business, and John Boylston, a former citizen of Boston, but then resident of London, was the town’s agent in procuring the lamps and shipping them to America. These lamps, which required so much illuminating fluid, were set and lighted just in time for the convenience of the town when British soldiers were patrolling the streets. The tallow chandlers’ business in Boston at this time was of as great importance as when Benjamin Franklin cut candle- wicks in his father’s shop. The extent of the manufacture of candles depended upon the raw material at hand, and delin¬ quent butchers were summoned before the selectmen to answer to charges preferred against them at the instigation of the tal¬ low chandlers. John Bryant, a butcher, who lived at Little Cambridge (Brighton), 1 doing his slaughtering there, and occu¬ pying two stalls in Faneuil Hall Market, was found guilty of repeated violations of the “ hide and tallow agreement,” and was expelled from the market in 1771. After the Port Bill went into effect, June 1774, provisions for the citizens of the town became so scarce that the manner of vending was lost sight of in the struggle to procure food at all. To be sure a large part of the wealthy people abandoned all, and left the town, while many of the poor were sent out by the officials to be provided for by the country people at their homes. But there were many who felt obliged to remain in Boston to protect their real estate and other interests. Distress was soon felt in the town, and there were many good citizens who looked upon the rations of the king’s army with intense longing, and extreme means were resorted to in order to obtain the neces¬ saries of life. When the flocks of sheep were driven from 1 The slaughtering industry at Brighton dates from the occupation of Cambridge by the provincial army under Washington, during the siege of Boston. Jonathan Winship established the market, and took large contracts for supplying beef. 142 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET Connecticut and elsewhere by Israel Putnam and other friends of the patriot cause, they must be slaughtered before the con¬ sumer could realize benefits from the donations. This made business for the butchers, and the selectmen were kept em¬ ployed in dividing out the mutton to the hungry people, for not only Boston but Charlestown people were to be fed, and even Medford put in a petition for a share. But there came a time, early in 1775, when the people had reached a great extremity, and there was such a cry for fresh beef (Faneuil Hall Market being as bare as the cupboard of the traditional Mother Hub¬ bard), that it was decided to sacrifice an animal belonging to the town, which was credited with having attained the age of twenty years. Even the flesh from this patriarch was denied the com¬ mon people, and was sold in small quantities to the generals and other officers at 18T. sterling per pound. To say the least in its commendation, it had staying qualities. Perhaps Gen¬ eral Gage in Brattle Square, with his subordinates, Howe, Clin¬ ton, and Burgoyne, had many a lengthy discussion, while vainly trying to extract nourishment from the dearly bought muscles. Many of the donations from the country towns were in such forms as to require the services of neither the butcher nor mar- ketmen. Cash was commonly sent from remote localities, but frequently accompanied by provisions. The towns near Boston were particular to send supplies for family use. In one week’s report, Marlboro was credited with 1 pr. shoes, 3 quarters Beef, 24 Bu. Rye & 5P Bu. Indian Meal, 80 lbs. Cheese, 1 Bu. Malt. Roxbury sent 51 lbs. Pork, 5 cords wood, 18 Bu. Potatoes, 6 Doz Cabbages, 1 Bu. Turnips. The reports of another week have the following: — Rutland Dis. Worcester County, 4 Quarters Beef. Dorchester. Capt. Lemuel Robinson, 12 Quarters Beef. A Person unknown, 25 carcasses mutton. North Kingston. 70 Sheep. SUPPLIES FROM COUNTRY TOWNS H 3 New York. 130 Rbls. flour, 9 Bbls. Pork, 12 firkins Butter, 21 Bbls. Grain: per Capt. Barnard. 214 Bbls. flour, 24 Casks Bread, 22 Casks Rye Meal, 5 Hhds. Indian Meal, 4 Tons Iron, 2 Bbls. Pork, 16 firkins Butter, 1 Pipe Brandy, per Capt. Linsley. In another week there was received from — Billerica. 51 Bu. Grain. Westford. 40 Bu. grain. Lexington. 61 Cords Wood. Reading. 26 Loads wood, & 7 lbs. Pork. Dorchester. 25 Cords wood, 5 pair Shoes. Stoughton. 17 Loads wood. During the week reported on Feb. 27, 1775 : — Brookfield. 19 Bu. Corn. Marlboro. 80 Bu. grain, 36 lbs. Cheese, 61 lbs. Pork. Milton. 55 Loads wood (containing 24 cords). Littleton. 26 Bu. grain, 1 checked Handkerchief (home made), 1 lb. Pink flowers. Brookline. 9 Bu. Corn, 1 Cord Wood, i8|- Bu. Potatoes, 48 Cabbages. Cambridge. 37 Bu. Grain, 7 pair mens’ shoes, 4 Loads wood, 2 Bu. Potatoes, 1 Bu. Turnips. Concord. 118 Bu. meal. Lunenburg. 4 Bu. Wheat, 82 Rye, 2 Bu. Indian. Lincoln. 29 Bu. Meal, 19 Loads wood. Dracut. 45^ Bu. Meal. Acton. 41 1 - Bu. Grain, 3 lbs. Pork & Beef. Shrewsbury. 53 Bu. Grain. Stoughton. 80 lbs. Cheese, 13^ Bu. corn, 4 Bu. Rye, 17 Loads wood, 2 Bu. Potatoes, 1 Bu. Turnips. Brookline. 2 fat sheep, 2 C. Rice. Bolton. 33 Bu. grain. Malden. Rev. Mr. Eliakim’s Parish, 1 pr. Womens shoes, 2 Loads wood, 1 Ton Hay. Lancaster. 78 Bu. grain. 144 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET Sturbridge. 8 Cheese, 2 Bbls. & i Bag Indian Meal, 5 Bbls. & 1 Tierce Rye & Wheat flour, 1 Bbl. Pork, 1 Bbl. Malt. Roxbury 2d. Parish. 3 Bu. grain, 13^ Cords wood, 40 lbs. cheese. Brookline. 1 Load Wood. Medway East Parish. 53.J lbs cheese. Danvers, No. Parish. 10 pr. shoes, 8J yds. check, 2 oz. thread, 4 pr. Moose Breeches. Dedham. 46 Cords Wood. A month previous to the evacuation, the selectmen voted to allow persons to occupy stalls in Faneuil Hall Market gratis, providing they were not guilty of forestalling, and would bring in their provisions and dispose of them to the inhabitants in large or small quantities, agreeable to the act to prevent mo¬ nopoly. On June 5, 1776, when the town was again free from the king’s army and the haughty loyalists, the selectmen appointed Messrs. Scollay and Austin a committee “ to regulate the market.” It was a time of reconstruction generally, and on September 23 the butchers were ordered to attend a meeting of the selectmen “ to settle what stalls they are respectively to hold in Faneuil Hall Market and the terms.” The go-as-you- please course was no longer to be tolerated. The old question of giving local tanners the first chance to purchase the hides, and local tallow chandlers to buy the tallow, was again before the meeting, and it was then agreed that “the tanners should allow 2 ” (two shillings) “ per hide for carting them into the town or elsewhere.”— The following is a list of those who had stalls in Faneuil Hall Market beginning with September 23, 1776: — Thomas Mayo Nathaniel Faxon John Hildredth Lemuel Burrel Jeremiah Parker Elijah White a Lease for two stalls No. 1 & 11 at 6/8 per month “ “ “ 2 “ 10 “ 15/ “ “ “ “ 3 “ 9 “ 1 6 /3 “ “ “ “ “ 13 “ 21 “ 15/ “ “ “ “ “ 14 “20 “16/3 “ “ “ “ “ 15 “ 19 “ 16/3 “ “ RELIEF ALLOWED BY GENERAL COURT 145 Later we find Harry Coolidge in stalls No. 4 and 8, and in a short time he was succeeded by Shubael Hewes. Provisions were so scarce and dear that only the very wealthy, who had returned to the town with something in their purses, could afford to buy of the stallkeepers, when they had any¬ thing to sell. It was in the autumn of 1777 that the General Court empowered the commissary-general to furnish the select¬ men a quantity of flour and corn for the distressed people in the town. Those town officials made an agreement with Mr. Shubael Hewes, 1 one of the stallkeepers, in regard to a meat supply as follows : — Hewes was to have the south market, at twenty shillings per annum, for the purpose of killing cattle and preparing the meat, promising and engaging with the selectmen that the hides and tallow of all cattle slaughtered there should be sold green for the use of the manufacturers of the town of Boston, and that he would dispose of the meat at his stall in Faneuil Hall Market to the inhabitants for one penny per pound profit, and he was to leave the slaughter-house in as good repair as he found it. While the motive underlying the contract was of the very best, it is evident to any successor of the Revolutionary marketmen, that such regulations could not long be carried out, and we find that at the close of the year it became necessary for the citizens to direct the selectmen to see that the butchers were fulfilling their contract. Up to this time the market had not been intended as a place for the keeping, exposed for sale, small cuts of meat, from day to day, but it was chiefly a place where the seller came with goods to meet the buyer, the butcher having a stall where 1 Shubael Hewes, brother of George Robert Twelves Hewes, was the “ butchers’ master-general” in the town during the siege. His shop was at the corner of Wash¬ ington Street and Harvard Place, opposite the Old South, in an old building with a projecting upper story. His slaughter-house was connected with his shop. When his stock was reduced to six head of cattle for troops and inhabitants, the situation began to be alarming. 146 FAN Ell IL HALL AND MARKET he could be found prepared to sell the meat which he had slaughtered out of town. But at the close of that year action was taken toward making arrangements with the butchers and stall occupants “ respecting the meat that is cut up and may be left at the market.” A general act of the province in 1779 to prevent monopoly had its effect upon the stallkeepers. Forestalling was the difficulty, the same trouble that came so near occasioning the loss of Peter Faneuil’s proffered gift of the market. Circum¬ stances now brought on a more aggravated case of it, and a memorial of the town of Boston in regard to it, entered at the General Court, has the following strong language: — “Your memorialists are sure their uncommon sufferings are greatly increased by the more than brutish conduct of those wretches, within a few miles of this Capital, known in the odious character of forestalled, who lost to the feelings of humanity, purchase from those at a distance and retail it out to those unhappy, distressed inhabitants, at a price suited to their unfeel¬ ing hearts, and many of them add insult to their extortion.” As a remedy for the serious condition at this time it was pro¬ posed to subscribe to the following resolutions. That the opulent have no more than two dishes of meat on the same day, on their table, and avoid the use of poultry and every superfluity, as much as possible; that the inhabitants agree universally to make two dinners a week on fish, if to be had. While there are always two sides to all questions, the people of Boston, who were continually crying out against forestalled, or middlemen, seemed to lose sight of the fact that even this despised class found it almost impossible to obtain supplies at any rate, and, if at all, at great disadvantage. They had always depended upon the country, within a limited radius of Boston, for their supply of fresh meat in the summer season, but a broader area was drawn from in cold weather. During the war, the cattle raised for Boston market were bought up and driven MEAGRENESS OF THE MARKET 147 away to supply the army, outside of Massachusetts, and the men who had contributed supplies to the seaport were away in the service of their country. The market, at this period, when at its best was a meagre one. Self-denial seemed to be enjoined upon all. There was one occasion, however, which was trying to the most patriotic man of the country, who, although never without plenty of coin in his pocket, was driven to great ex¬ tremity. John Hancock, the merchant prince of Boston, who risked his life and fortune in the cause of the colonies, served gratuitously as president of the Continental Congress for more than two years, and returned to Boston to find his warehouse and wharves in ashes, was desirous of doing another magnani¬ mous thing in the interest of his country. The occasion was the visit of Count D’Estaing and the French allies, mentioned in the previous chapter. John Hancock wished to extend to the officials the courtesies due such friendly visitors, and also main¬ tain the honor of Boston and of the United Colonies. He canvassed the market, but saw no prospect of obtaining anything there suitable for the occasion, and in this extremity he wrote to a friend at a distance. “ Monday Noon, 30 August , 1778. “Dear Sir : The Philistines are coming upon me on Wednes¬ day next at Dinner. To be Serious, the Ambassador &c., &c., &c., are to Dine with me on Wednesday, and I have nothing to give them, nor from the present prospect of our Market do I see that I shall be able to get any thing in Town; I must beg the fav r of you to Recommend to my Man Harry where he can get some Chickens, Ducks,- Geese, Hams, Partridges, Mutton, or any thing that will save my Reputation in a Dinner, and by all means some Butter; Be so good as to help me, and you will much oblige me ; is there any good Mellons or Peaches, or any good fruit, near you? Your advice to Harry will much oblige me ; Excuse me, I am very troublesome ; Can I get a good 148 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET Turkey; I walkcl in Town to-day; I dine on board the French Frigate to-morrow; so you see how I have Recovered. “ God bless you ; if you see any thing good at Providence, do Buy it for me. I am Your Real friend. “John Hancock .” 1 After about forty years of uncertainty, the market seems to have become a permanent institution. Beginning with the year 1780, there may he detected a general revival of interest in various lines of business, particularly in Faneuil Hall Market. There was an increase in all town rents, and a greater demand for stalls in the market and stands in the square. Stalls rented from jQ 8 to £ 12J per annum, and stands were readily taken at gs. per month. This was but the natural outcome of what promised to be a more stable government. The State constitution was adopted, and John Hancock was elected the first governor of the State, and families had returned to their abandoned homes, and a new era had dawned. In July, 1782, it appears that the rent for stalls had been increased by fifty per cent over that of 1774, and was made payable monthly, and it was stipulated that a failure to comply with the regulation should be immediately followed by expulsion. The fishermen were to pay for their boxes 3x. per month, after the fifth day of June, 1782. The stallkeepers had their petty grievances, which were adjusted in a manner similar to that of a century later. Mr. Hewes, keeper of a fish-market, appeared with several others before the selectmen and complained that Mr. Woodward was shutting up the dock where his market was located, and the offender was immediately reprimanded by the officials. It is of interest to note that the fishermen had early consideration in the market, and the “ Staple of the Massachusetts ” was duly recognized. At the time when the selectmen were making arrangements for the best accommodations of the fish-market at Boston, negotia- 1 From “ Family Memorials,” by Edward E. Salisbury. THE FISH MARKET 149 tions for peace were going on at Paris, and John Adams was fighting for the fishing interests of his country, naturally enough “the codfish rose to the surface,’’ and the interests of the fisher¬ men had home protection. When it became known that John Adams had gained the victory, and these interests of Massachu¬ setts were made secure, the codfish was in everybody’s mouth. Even the governor kept open doors at the Hancock mansion on the days when he, with his young wife (Dorothy Quincy) gave their famous codfish dinner ; and no one doubts that the princely master of that house, even in the most stringent times, furnished enough good Madeira to wash it down and wet the dryest whistle that essayed to sound the praise of the governor’s favorite dish. To be rated at that time as of the “Codfish Aristocracy ” was to be accorded the greatest honor, and accord¬ ing to historical etymology it is misapplied when used as a term of reproach. As one brave act of a public servant, resulting in victory, places him in many a seat of honor, so the victory for the codfish gave it an elevated position in the old State House. We read in the Journal of the House of Representatives of Wednesday, March 17, 1784: — “ Mr. Rowe moved the House that leave might be given to hang up the representation of a Cod Fish in the room where the House sit, as a memorial of the importance of the Cod Fish¬ ery to the welfare of this Commonwealth, as had been usual formerly. The said motion having been seconded, the question was put, and leave given for the purpose aforesaid.” After more than a century we find the emblematic cod occupying an exalted position in the new Representative Chamber at the State H ouse, while the people delight to feast upon their favorite dish, which has its rightful place in Faneuil Hall Market. In March, 1783, the voters of the town put themselves on record in favor of better regulations for all departments of the public market and adopted more effectual means for enforcing the rules. Faneuil Hall Market, together with the square about FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET 150 it, was assigned as the place for trade in meats, vegetables, etc., while other places were set apart for wood, hay, and other needful commodities; and one marketman could not infringe upon the rights of another without being liable to arrest and punishment by the court. To remove temptation from the vender a fine was imposed upon any person who should offer to buy goods from marketmen in other than the prescribed locality. In order that these regulations, like many before made, might not fail of producing the desired results, it was arranged to have annually chosen “ Some active-spirited and faithful person who shall be called the inspector of the market, whose duty it shall be to carry the several by-laws and orders of the town, touching the arrangements of the market, into constant effect, and in order thereto he shall make it his daily duty and employment to be in attendance at the market.” This market official was to be well paid for his services, and the fines collected for violation of rules were to be applied to the support and maintenance of the several departments of the market. Even these sumptuary regulations did not meet with univer¬ sal approval, and in December, 1785, Mr. Nazro, the clerk of the market, was directed to remove Messrs. Coolidge and Rob¬ inson from their stalls in Faneuil Hall Market. The vacated stalls were at once leased to Abijah Brown, there being now more applications for market space than could be readily sup¬ plied. It soon became necessary for the clerk to notify Mr. Bryant and other stallkeepers that they must cease from pick¬ ing and packing provisions in the market-house or within the rails, and if they continued to do so, Mr. Nazro was ordered to “ burn their barrels without the rails.” It was not long before a most salutary object-lesson was placed before the eyes of the marketmen. “ The selectmen upon application from the Justice of the Court of General Sessions for the County of Suffolk thro’ Mr. Price, have granted liberty for a temporary use of the east part of Market Square for the OPENING OF CHARLES RIVER BRIDGE 151 placing a cage for the punishment of criminals.” The market received a favorable impulse by the opening of Charles River bridge in 1786, which afforded a more convenient route for travel; previous to that time the farmers were restricted to Bos¬ ton Neck, and the limited accommodations of the ferry. A pressing demand for stalls in June, 1787, was the means of spurring delinquents to the more prompt payment of bills. Messrs. Ruggles and Warner are recorded as walking up and discharging their obligations, long overdue. In the spring of 1788 the rent for all double stalls on the market floor was set at 12 per annum, with the exception of those numbered 2, 10, 13, 21, which were set at £ 8 . In August, 1790, more attention was paid to the sheds or shambles in Market Square. None were to be erected without permission being obtained of the selectmen or a market committee, and all occupants were obliged to sign a contract on September 1. In May, 1792, the duties and responsibilities of the clerk had become so important that the town directed the selectmen to have this official put under bonds for the faithful discharge of his trust, the penalty being ^400. Mr. William Gooch was elected as clerk on these conditions. In May, 1794, a bevy of the stallkeepers, in spite of fines and the hideous cage for criminals, were found to be guilty of fore¬ stalling the market, and were consequently using their influence toward defeating the purpose for which the town was laboring, — the thorough establishment of Faneuil Hall Market. Messrs. Gardner and Wise, Shepard and Aklen, Wilton, Hartwell, Gore, and Paul Hall were forbidden the use of stalls in Market Square. The West Boston bridge was opened in 1793, and had a good effect on the market. At a time when everything seemed to favor market prosperity the market house was robbed. The newspapers of the day facetiously commented on the robbery thus : “ It is remarkable that the broken door of the market- house is just forty feet from the watch-house.” CHAPTER XV The Bulfinch Faneuil Hall, 1806-1898. Middlesex Canal affects Boston. Enlargement of Faneuil Hall. Charles Bulfinch the Architect. Smibert’s Plans retained. Action against British Aggression. Patriotic Meetings. Festivity because of Victory of “ Old Ironsides.” Independence Day Orations. Great Supply of Punch in 1810. Hall too Small for Town Meetings. Town Government changed to that of a City. Famous Men and Meetings in Fan¬ euil Hall since Boston became a City. Faneuil Hall a Post-office. Orna¬ ments of the Hall. Whittier’s Poem, 41 Faneuil Hall.” Faneuil Hall Oratory. The Fireproof Faneuil Hall of 1899. T HE opening years of the nineteenth century were charac¬ terized by remarkable development along industrial lines. The completion of the Middlesex Canal in 1808, providing an easy means of communication between the port of Boston and the northerly towns, gave an impetus to trade, and there was a rapid increase of population so that the accommodations of neither hall nor market were longer sufficient for the town. The original dimensions of the house, as erected by Peter Faneuil, had not been changed in the rebuilding. It was one hundred feet long by forty feet in width, affording accommoda¬ tions in the hall for one thousand people, but this was too small for ordinary town meetings ; and when local politics ran high, many citizens were denied a reasonable opportunity to hear and be heard. In February, 1805, a project was before the town for filling the mill-pond; 1 this involved many interests, calling together a 1 The old mill-pond, which stands out so prominently in the town history for a century and a half, is now represented by a large section of the business locality of the North End. An area of about seventy acres was filled, fifty acres of which were ! 5 2 THE BULFINCH FANEUIL HAEF 153 large company of people for the public consideration of the question. The hall being far too small, the selectmen secured the use of Mr. Murray’s meeting-house. This led to a move¬ ment which found expression in the March meeting, and the selectmen were constituted a committee “ To consider the expe¬ diency of providing a more convenient place for assembling the inhabitants,” to report at the May meeting. Patriotic sentiment pervaded society at that time, and the people were reluctant to part with the building which had been the scene of so many memorable meetings of the Revolution. The committee, of which Charles Bulfinch was chairman, moved with caution. They had their report printed and submitted to the people of the town, before it was presented to the voters for action. A sub-committee consisting of Stephen Codman, Joseph Russell, and Elisha Ticknor was appointed to examine the entire subject. They reported on May 23, and the selectmen were directed “ to proceed to enlarge Faneuil Hall in the man¬ ner and for the use pointed out in the report.” The selectmen, besides Charles Bulfinch, were David Tilden, William Porter, John Tileston, Ebenezer Oliver, Jonathan Hunnewell, John May, Francis Wright, and Jonathan Chapman, names that stood for good judgment and integrity of purpose. The question of an architect was an important one; the committee remembered that it was no less a personage than John Smibert, the painter, who was employed by Peter Faneuil to serve as architect in the construction of the first house, and to his credit Faneuil Hall stood alone, as the edifice, used for building purposes. Copps, Beacon, and Pemberton hills furnished the filling material. The question of filling this pond involved a grant made by the town, in 1643, to Henry Simons and others on condition of their building one or more corn-mills and bridging the mill-creek at Hanover and North streets. This grant came into possession of the mill-pond corporation in 1804. The town soon released the original obligation to maintain the mills and bridges, and made way for the filling process, which occupied twenty-five years before it was fully completed. Blackstone Street follows the line of the mill-creek, through which boats and small vessels formerly passed. 154 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET all parts of the exterior of which received uniform treatment, — “ round arched windows and doorways, with engaged pilasters between, carrying entablatures at the height of the various stories.” To preserve this, while providing all that was de¬ manded, was a very difficult task. Who is sufficient for these things, was the important question. The profession of archi¬ tecture had scarcely been recognized in this country, but there was one man, the chairman of the committee, who was making a mark in that direction. Charles Bulfinch, a native of the town and a graduate at Cam¬ bridge, had gratified his taste by rebuilding his father’s house, and had spent some time in England and on the Continent studying architecture, and upon his return had furnished the design for the first theatre in Boston. This prepared the way for him to serve the people in building the State House, and established his enviable reputation, so that the majority of the selectmen were justified in choosing one of their own number for the important service. The house was doubled in width ; it was done by removing the northerly side, while the southerly side was not disturbed and in 1898 was found to be as firm as when erected in 1742 ; but the exposed brickwork affords evidence of the fire of 1761, yet not sufficient to weaken the masonry. The walls were carried to a greater height to admit of the galleries, which were then added on three sides at the level of the old ceiling and resting upon Doric columns. The main audience room of Faneuil Hall when finished was seventy-six feet square and twenty-eight feet in height. On the exterior a third Charles Bulfinch ACTION AGAINST BRITISH AGGRESSION 155 order of pilasters and arches was added to the two of the original edifice, there being no variation either in outline or detail through the increase of size. The pilasters add nothing to the strength of the walls, being simply ornamental, and a feature borrowed by Bulfinch from what he had seen in Europe. This edifice, which is conspicuous for its simplicity, and disap¬ pointing to tourists, might have presented a more pleasing effect if the arches of the ground floor had been left open as they were originally. The doors and windows, which take the place of the open arches, were introduced to add comfort to the stall- keepers of the market; but they tend to give a certain blankness and monotonous effect which was not noticeable in the original house. It is evident that but a small portion of Faneuil Hall, which gratified the eye of the generous townsman who gave it to Boston, is still standing. Yet it is Faneuil Hall with all its sacred associations, as “ Old Ironsides ” after its many changes is the same frigate with its story of heroic deeds. The amount expended on the house in 1805-1806 was $56,692, which was provided through the sale of land on old Fort Hill and by taxation. The agents in the work received ten per cent of the outlay. As the March meeting of 1806, for the election of town officers, was held in Faneuil Hall, it appears that the work was done within a period of one year. Remembering that very soon after the rebuilding of the hall in 1763, the patriots made use of it as a place for holding meet¬ ings to protest against the aggressions of the mother country, we turn to see history repeating itself soon after the work of rebuilding in 1806; for in the following year, on July 16, action was taken in Faneuil Hall upon the British aggression, in the unprovoked attack on the United States armed ship Chesapeake by the British ship-of-war Leopard. This they declared to be “a wanton outrage upon the lives of our fellow-citizens, a 156 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET direct violation of our national honor, and an infringement of our national rights and sovereignty.” Then followed a period of intense excitement, when Laneuil Hall was frequently re¬ sorted to by the people of Boston, in order to give expression to their feelings. In spite of the wrongs being perpetrated upon our people, there were the Lederalists, who, when they war, set themselves against it hatred. They saw in the war feeling of Jefferson, Madison, and the Republicans, a desire to go against England in order that they might deliver the United States up to France, then at war with England. Faneuil Hall then, and ever since, has been the people’s hall, and freedom of speech was not denied any parties. In August, 1808, the voters of the town make record of their action ; they pass reso¬ lutions to the President of the United States, in which they say, “We trust that the his¬ tory of the Revolutionary War and the annals of the present government will furnish ample testimony of our readiness to make any personal sacrifice and endure any privations which the public welfare may require.” They, however, soon saw their impending ruin in the “ Embargo Act,” which placed restrictions upon the maritime commerce, and in January, 1809, they sought relief through the General Court of the State, declaring that the “ Embargo is war in disguise and is soon to be followed by open war.” Their predictions were soon realized, and in some respects they pursued the course fol- found the Republicans wanted with all the bitterness of party Faneuil Hall in 1806 INDEPENDENCE DAY ORATIONS 157 lowed by their ancestors of the Revolution. Early in 1812 they met in Faneuil Hall and passed resolutions, copies of which were sent out to each town in the Commonwealth. The people soon had a joyful occasion in the hall, a festival being held in honor of Captain Hull on his return from the fight with the Guerrierc , when the Constitution had put an end to the British frigate. In February, 1815, the hall was the scene of a marked demonstration ; frowns no longer appeared upon the face of the people, and Peace ! Peace ! were the gladsome words expressed by all. The news had just been received of the signing of the treaty of peace between this country and Great Britain on the 26th of December previous. The people of Boston had observed the anniversary of the Declaration of Independence from the year 1783, when the annual Massacre Oration of March 5 was abolished and the observance gave way to that of the Fourth of July. But in the year 1810 there was an unusually spirited observance. So much punch was provided, that five barrels were left, and on the following day seven hundred persons, without distinction of party, were regaled in Faneuil Hall on this left-over stock. How much was provided for the celebration the annalist has not reported. The oration of Independence Day has often been given in the Cradle of Liberty. In 1843 it was by Charles Francis Adams, and was his first appearance on a public platform. His venerable father, John Quincy Adams, ex-President, was his most earnest listener, and when leaving the hall said of the occasion, “This is one of the happiest days of my whole life; fifty years expire to-day since I performed, in Boston, my first public service in the delivery of an oration to celebrate our national independence.” The return of peace gave a new impulse to business, and the population of the town soon became upward of forty-three thou- i 5 8 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET sand, while the voting list footed up seven thousand. It was impossible to manage a town meeting with so great a company who wished to exercise their right of suffrage — even John Han¬ cock and Samuel Adams, famous for their ability as moderators in their time, would have failed, and their successors realized that some other plan must be adopted in order to secure justice for all. A minority of busy wire-pullers were having their own way regardless of the wisdom of plans, when it was impos¬ sible for the majority to hear the discussion and rulings of the platform. The subject of taxation was one that hastened the day of change from the time-honored form of town government to that of a city, and after a long and severe controversy, when partisan spirit ran riot, a vote was obtained on January 7, 1822, to change from town to city government. After all the pre¬ liminaries incident to the preparation and adoption of the charter had been carried through, the day memorable in the history of Boston arrived. It was Wednesday, May 1, 1822, when the town fathers laid down their sceptre and the new officials took up the reins of government. The Boston town meeting was over. The citizens who constituted the last board of selectmen of the town of Boston were Eliphalet Williams, Daniel Baxter, Jonathan Loring, Abram Babcock, David W. Child, Samuel Billings, Jeremiah Fitch, Robert Fennelly, Samuel A. Wells. To attempt to enumerate all the memorable meetings held in Faneuil Hall since Boston became a city is a task beyond the range of this volume. It has been identified with very many local and national events of history during this period. Here Daniel Webster moved the people by his eloquence on several occasions, notably in 1826, when he delivered a eulogy on the two ex-Presidents, Adams and Jefferson, who died on the Fourth of July of that year. Seven thousand copies of “the elo¬ quent discourse ” were printed at the expense of the city and freely distributed. Here in 1837 Wendell Phillips made his maiden speech, which turned the tide of opinion in favor of FAMOUS MEN AND MEETINGS 159 Dr. Channing’s abolition resolutions. The great series of anti¬ slavery meetings here for a generation made the walls echo with an eloquence .such as Boston had not heard since the days of Otis and Samuel Adams. Everett, Choate, Sumner, Parker, Hillard, and many others, whose names appear on the immortal scroll of the nation, have here given utterance to deep thought and convincing argument. Many great men of other countries have been entertained in Faneuil Hall, among them Lord Ashburton, the promoter with Webster of the treaty which bears his name; the Prince de Joinville, afterward Louis Philippe, king of France, was a guest here. Strange though it may seem at this day, free speech has not always had the platform in Faneuil Hall. On March 31, 1847, a temperance meeting, when Deacon Grant presided, was broken up ; and in 1850, November 15, a Free Soil meeting was broken up. There were stirring scenes during the Civil War. In 1863 the police department met at Faneuil Hall, under the chief, for military drill; and in 1870 the police held a grand ball to raise funds for the benefit of disabled soldiers. After the great fire of 1872 the post-office was moved to Faneuil Hall for temporary quarters. In 1873, on April 5, four hundred and twenty passen¬ gers from the wrecked steamer Atlantic were sheltered here when en route for New York. The Massachusetts Mechanics’ Charitable Association for¬ merly held its fairs in Faneuil and Quincy halls, which were connected by bridging the street between. The historical interest of the hall is increased by the paintings, busts, and other adornments. The most conspicuous painting consists of a canvas sixteen by thirty feet, representing Honorable Daniel Webster replying to Hayne in the United States Senate, on January 26 and 27, 1830. This occupies a central position in the rear of the speaker’s stand. i6o FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET It is flanked on either side by portraits given by Samuel Parkman to the city of Boston,—that of Peter Faneuil is in place of the one destroyed, or which disappeared during the siege of Boston ; it was copied by Colonel Henry Sargent from a smaller one — a gift to the Art Museum from Miss Jones, a grandchild of Peter Faneuil’s sister Mary Anne (Marian). The full-length portrait of Washington is the work of Gilbert Stuart, and was presented to the town in 1806. The letter accompanying the gift is on file at the City Hall. The portraits of Hancock, Warren, John Adams, and John Quincy Adams are by Copley. That of Anson Burlingame was painted by A. H. Bicknell, and given by Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, Joseph F. Paul, and associ¬ ates. 1 Other portraits are those of Samuel Adams, Edward Everett, Governor Andrew, Robert Treat Paine, Caleb Strong, Commo¬ dore Preble, General Knox, Rufus Choate, President Lincoln, Admiral Winslow, Wendell Phillips. 2 There are marble busts of several sons of New England who did valiant service for their country. The clock in the rear of the hall was given by the children of Boston in 1850. The eagle was formerly in the old United States Bank, but at 1 Anson Burlingame, after long and faithful service to Massachusetts, was appointed by President Lincoln in 1S61 minister to Austria, but was not recognized because of his outspoken favor of Hungarian independence. He was then sent as minister to China. In 1867, Prince Kung, regent of the empire, offered to appoint him special envoy to the United States and the great European powers for the purpose of forming treaties of amity, an honor never before conferred on a foreigner. At the head of a numerous mission he arrived in the United States in March, 186S; went to England, and thence to Prance, Denmark, Sweden, Holland, and Prussia, in all of which but P'rance he negotiated important treaties or articles of agreement. He reached St. Petersburg in 1870, and had just entered upon the duties of his mission when he died. His body was brought to Boston and laid in state in Faneuil Hall. 2 In 1883, the body of Wendell Phillips lay in state in P'aneuil Hall, on the same platform where, in his ardent youth, he had uttered his first scathing denunciations of the slave power and its defenders. ORNAMENTS OF THE HALL 1 6 1 the expiration of the charter the building was purchased by the State Bank, and the eagle was placed in Faneuil Hall. Louis Kossuth, the Hungarian exile, was a guest of the Com¬ monwealth in 1852, when Hon. George S. Boutwell was gov¬ ernor, and received official recognition and honor in Faneuil Hall. The first meet¬ ing in the hall was on Thurs¬ day evening, April 29, when it was said that few larger audiences ever gathered in Faneuil Hall, and probably none so remarkable for intel¬ ligence and character. To secure a ticket of admission it was necessary to exhibit a Hun¬ garian bond. On the following evening the hall was the scene of a grand legislative banquet in honor of the Exile for Liberty. There were eight hundred tickets sold, the price being two dol¬ lars each ; but so great was the interest that large premi¬ ums were paid. Prominent among the deco¬ rations were the American, British, and Hungarian flags draping the statue of Kos¬ suth. On Friday evening, May 14, the noted Hungarian made his farewell address in Faneuil Hall, which was crowded with holders of the bonds. This indicated the readiness of the people of Massachusetts to aid in the struggle for Hungarian liberty. It was at these meetings that Hon. Anson Burlingame declared his interest in favor of Hungarian independence, which prevented M FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET 162 him from being recognized by Austria as United States minister in 1861. All lovers of freedom and of Laneuil Hall have reason to be thankful that New England’s Quaker bard has left verses inscribed to Faneuil Hall. They were written in 1844, on read¬ ing a call by “a Massachusetts freeman” for a meeting in Faneuil Hall of the citizens of Massachusetts opposed to the annexation of Texas. Men ! if manhood still ye claim. If the Northern pulse can thrill. Roused by wrong or stung by shame, Freely, strongly still; Let the sounds of traffic die ; Shut the mill-gate, leave the stall; Fling the axe and hammer by ; Throng to Faneuil Hall ! Wrongs which freemen never brooked, Dangers grim and fierce as they Which, like crouching lions, looked On your fathers’ way ; These your instant zeal demand, Shaking with their earthquake call Every rood of Pilgrim land, Ho, to Faneuil Hall ! From your capes and sandy bars, From your mountain ridges cold. Through whose pines the westering stars Stoop their crowns of gold ; Come, and with your footsteps wake Echoes from that holy wall; Once again, for Freedom's sake, Rock your fathers’ hall ! Up, and tread beneath your feet Every cord by party spun ; Let your hearts together beat As the heart of one. FANEUIL HALL ORATORY 163 Banks and tariffs, stocks and trade, Let them rise or let them fall! Freedom asks your common aid,— Up, to Faneuil Hall. Up, and let each voice that speaks Ring from thence to Southern plains, Sharply as the blow which breaks Prison-bolts and chains ! Speak as well becomes the free; Dreaded more than steel or ball Shall your calmest utterances be, Heard from Faneuil Hall. Have they wronged us? Let us then Render back nor threats nor prayers; Have they chained our free-born men? Let us unchain theirs! Up, your banner leads the van, Blazoned, Liberty for all ! ” Finish what your sires began ; Lip, to Faneuil Hall ! Faneuil Hall Oratory 1 “In the annals of the American Continent, there is no place more distinguished for powerful eloquence than Faneuil Hall. The flame which roused a depressed people from want and degradation arose from the Altar of Liberty in Faneuil Hall. The language which made a monarch tremble upon his throne for safety, and which inspired New England with confidence in a cause both arduous and bold, unprepared and unassisted, against a royal bulwark of hereditary authority, had its origin in Faneuil Hall. Those maxims of political truth which have extended an influence over the habitable globe, and have given rise to new republics, where despotism once held a court, glutted with the blood that would be free, were first promulgated in Faneuil Hall.” 1 From the Neivs Letter of April, 1826. 164 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET “Tyranny, with all its concomitant evils, was first exposed, and the great machine of human wisdom, which was to eman¬ cipate man from the rapacious jaws of the British Lion, was Faneuil Hall, with Shambles at the Right The white line indicates size of the earlier building. From Snow’s “ History of Boston.” put in active operation in Faneuil Hall. The story of our country’s future greatness, her power, her learning, her mag¬ nitude, her final independence, were told prophetically in the same immortal forum.” CHAPTER XVI The Rebuilding of 1898-1899. The Architect, the Builder, and the Modern Structure. T HE Faneuil Hall of 1806 remained substantially the same as when completed according to the plans of Charles Bulfinch, until the summer of 1898, although fears had been entertained as to the safety of the building; danger from fire having been most imminent, the interior being of wood and plaster; and, too, there were evident signs of weakness in the sagging of timbers and leaning of the tower. It was at length decided to reconstruct the building with fireproof material, on the original plan. The appropriation at first made was $80,000, but, proving insufficient, was increased to $103,000, together with $1500 for furnishings. The architectural work of the rebuilding of 1898-1899 was done in the architects’ division of the engineering department of the city of Boston, of which Professor F. W. Chandler, of the Institute of Technology, was the consulting architect, Frank W. Howard being chief. The work at the hall was done under the supervision of Arthur E. Anderson, of the architects’ department. The contract for the labor was made with Messrs. Woodbury and Feighton, famous builders of the time, whose best credentials are the many impos¬ ing structures that have been erected by them, notably Boston Public Fihrary, Harvard Medical School, Bowdoin Square The¬ atre, and additions and alterations in the State House as built by plans of Charles Bulfinch. The contract was signed July 1, 165 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET 166 1898, on the part of the city by Josiah Quincy, then mayor, and the hall was ready for use early in October, 1899. It would have been perfected within the limit of one year had the builders not been delayed two months in waiting for iron. Owing to the peculiar construction of the old building, the architect had a difficult task; but so exactly were the plans made and the work executed that no violence was done the patriotic sentiment of the people who love the Cradle of Lib¬ erty. The wood and combustible material were removed, and iron, with steel and stone, put in its place, in such perfect man¬ ner that the hall lost nothing of its identity, and when opened again to the public, in the autumn of 1899, it was Faneuil Hall, with all its sacred memories. While creditable to the modern architects, it still bears testimony to the skilfulness of Smibert and Bulfinch, and reminds the thoughtful visitor of Peter Fan¬ euil, the Huguenot merchant of Boston in provincial days. So thoroughly had the Faneuil Hall sentiment pervaded all classes of society that the most matter-of-fact workman em¬ ployed upon the house in preparation for the rebuilding was careful that nothing should be lost that had any place in his¬ tory. When removing a sheet of copper from the top of the deck of the cupola, there was found upon the under side the following record: “J. H. Wheeler and Charles Parker opened this, August, 1835.” After nearly sixty-five years it appeared that these workmen were remembered by what they had done. The cupola is an exact duplicate of the original design, in iron, steel, and copper, and identifies that of Smibert in all but loca¬ tion, which was formerly in the centre of the roof. The steel bell of the present time was cast at Philadelphia in 1866, and placed in the house April 15, 1867. The bell that was tolled during the funeral of Peter Faneuil was lost in the fire of 1761, and that which later replaced it proved inadequate, and was superseded by the one of familiar tone. The main entrance to Faneuil Hall was never satisfactory, so THE REBUILDING OF 1898-1899 167 unpretentious being the doorways that many an intelligent tourist has inquired where they could be found, when he was directly in front of them ; but this disappointing feature might have been accepted as a reminder that the one purpose of Peter Faneuil was to provide a market, and that the hall was an after consideration. This main entrance was always a hindrance to a correct con¬ ception of the building, on account of the extremely awkward rise of the steps. These were replaced by Milford granite steps which extend across the three openings and tie them together, making one satisfactory en¬ trance where before there were three separate ones. The old lanterns and wrought iron brackets which embellished the entrance of 1806 were reproduced identically, and fitted for the electric cur¬ rent. The wooden balusters and treads were superseded by wrought iron work, but the same old cherry hand-rail, which had been clasped by thousands of famous men and women, was used, in part, in the rebuilding. The stair columns, like all other columns throughout the building, were reproduced in steel and cement. The floors of the hallways are made of broken marble of variegated colors, laid in cement and rubbed down to secure a perfectly smooth, polished surface, having a border of gray Knoxville marble. The preserved and restored wooden doors of 1806 bear testi¬ mony to the power and influence of public sentiment. The wrought iron hinges on which they had swung for almost a century were decided to be satisfactory to the builders of 1899. The old cut glass knobs, familiar to generations, were retained, being left to remind those yet to come of the simplicity of such FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET 168 fixtures of a century ago. With these exceptions the fittings of the doors were in bronze metal. In preserving the Bulfinch architecture, due attention was given to the several apartments of the building. The custodians’ room, leading from the stair¬ way hall, was embellished by a handsome mantel the entire width of the chimney breast, having a facing of green marble. In the corresponding room, on the opposite side of the hall, was placed a smaller mantel with a fire opening composed of brick of an old Dutch pattern. The chaste beauty of the main auditorium of the real Faneuil Hall is more fully appreciated when free from the canvas ornaments so familiar to people of recent generations, and which no one would be willing to part with ; but the largest picture — which has so long covered the entire rear of the hall — has obscured the beauty of this partic¬ ular display of Bulfinch architecture. The Doric columns under the gal¬ lery are surmounted by the original balustrade. Ionic columns above carry the entablature in exact duplicate of the old. The caps of the columns are picked out in gold, presenting a brilliant decorative art. The steps on either side of the hall as well as those in the gallery consist of steel stringers with wrought iron risers and have treads of hard pine. The risers are perforated to allow the escape of heated air when passing through galvanized iron ducts, which extend the entire length under the treads. The steps in the gallery, which previously were of unequal rise and tread, were made uniform in the rebuilding. The alterations made in the speaker’s platform at the rear of the hall were for the purpose of returning to the original plan. Platform THE REBUILDING OF 1898-1899 169 which had been changed after the rebuilding of 1806, and which interfered with the designs of Mr. Bulfinch and detracted from the pleasing appearance of the room. Conveniences for reporters were not considered at the opening of the century,. A Corner of the Hall and the architect gave no heed to them ; but with the closing years of the century the public looks to the reportorial staff for the utterances of the platform, and Faneuil Hall of 1899 affords them ample accommodation. The wall at the rear of the platform, presented to view as one enters Faneuil Hall, affords a very interesting appearance, I/O FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET and the public would be glad to have it remain in view could it have been done without sacrificing that famous painting of Webster’s reply to Hayne which to the present generation has become a part of the hall. The first story windows with their semicircular heads and keystones, consisting of carved busts, are surmounted by a festoon panel, which, like the caps of the ■columns, is picked out in gold. The walls of the interior of the house were made attractive by an effective treatment of colonial colors; white and old gold and soft buffs, rich reds, and greens being the prevailing colors throughout. The decorative feature of the ceiling consists of the conventional lotus leaf design. Previously this ornamentation was recessed in the ceiling, but it could not be duplicated under present conditions and arrange¬ ments for lighting. These were unthought of in Bulfinch’s day, and were useless when the selectmen of 1742 provided the first complement of candles by vote of that board of offi¬ cials. In arranging for the lighting of the hall, due attention was paid to the preservation of the bronze brackets of colonial design. Faneuil Hall was built at a time when but little attention was paid to ventilation and the means for heating were most crude and inadequate, but through the reconstruction of 1899 it was made a model in all of the appointments which are indispensable to a place of public convocation at the close of the nineteenth century. CHAPTER XVII Mayor Josiah Quincy’s Great Enterprise. Granite Building erected. Plate deposited under Corner-stone. The New House named Faneuil Hall Market. Stalls under Faneuil Hall abandoned. How Stalls were selected and assigned. Description of Faneuil Hall Market of 1826. New Faneuil Hall Market opened in 1858. “ Faneuil Hall will bear down to the latest time the name of a private citizen in acknowledgment of a single munificent act."’ T HE market space received the same enlargement as the hall over it by the rebuilding of 1806. According to the town treasurer’s report of that year, but eight stalls were rented; four of these were leased for $ 2.00 each per week and the others for $1.50 each per week, making the income to the town for that year for stalls, $728. The sheds or shambles in Market Square were rented for $520. This was the return for the first year after the improved accommodations of the market. But it was difficult to keep pace with the growth of the town. More stalls were taken, so that the income from that source in 1811 was $1,332.67. The familiar cry against fore¬ stalling was heard in town meeting again, and in March, 1813, Peter Thacher, Benjamin Russell, and Joseph Callender were constituted a committee to investigate and report. Among the many affairs of public concern that naturally pre¬ sented themselves for consideration during the first year of city government was the enlargement of Faneuil Hall Market; but the year closed and with it the administration of Mr. Phillips, and no decided steps were taken for the accommodation of the 171 172 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET market. There was an imperative demand in this direction. The floor space of the market was inadequate and uncomfortable. The whole space occupied by the stalls and around the building did not exceed fourteen thousand square feet. The stalls were declared unhealthful and difficult of acccess. The shambles rvere without glass windows and had no doors. These were the quarters for the dealers in fish and vegetables, who suf¬ fered greatly in health from the exposure here unavoidable. As the people came together at Faneuil Hall, on the first of May, 1823, for the service of inauguration of Josiah Quincy as the second mayor, they rvere fully impressed with the limita¬ tions and unsanitary conditions of the market. The mayor with his associates in authority early gave atten¬ tion to the needs of the city in this direction ; they saw that it was impossible to introduce order and systematic government to the market so wanting in local accommodations, and in the first month of the new administration positi\ r e action for the needed remedy was under way. The mayor referred the sub¬ ject to both branches of the city council, of which he was chair¬ man, but the public mind was not awake to the demands of a near future, and a means for temporary relief only were at first suggested ; but Mr. Quincy looked far beyond the immediate demands and advocated a plan of so great proportions that he incurred the most severe opposition on the part of many of the most prominent citizens, including those who were regarded as ready for progressive measures. It is impossible for the people to realize the extent of the anxiety and labor which brought about the blessings enjoyed to-day. But with the wisdom of a statesman and the foresight of a prophet Mr. Quincy prosecuted the herculean task. The real merit of an enterprise is seen in its consequences. If those good citizens who denounced the second mayor of this city when he advanced the plan of new market facilities could speak for themselves to-day, they would readily admit that the MAYOR QUINCY’S GREAT ENTERPRISE 173 enterprise of Mayor Josiah Quincy, 1 when considered in the light of its consequences, is one of the greatest in the history of Boston. He went carefully about the work. An undertaking involving so large an amount of property and affecting so many private rights could not be prosecuted without the expressed sanction of the people. This was obtained by a vote in January, 1824. The next step was to obtain authority from the legislature. In the meantime public sentiment had been aroused to the point where many owners of real estate, involved in the plan, came to an agreement tending to the desired end. The magnitude of this plan can be grasped only by consider¬ ing that the land involved included that occupied by the new market, covering twenty-seven thousand feet, North and South Market streets, with the blocks on either side, extending from the former to Clinton Street, and from the latter to Chatham Street, together with other intersecting streets, passages, and rows. The land on which stand the business blocks parallel to the new market house was sold to individual purchasers for the erection of buildings with certain prescribed conditions. That on the north side of the dock was sold by auction on Septem¬ ber 29, 1824. The prices paid ranged from $7 to $33^ per square foot. The space of 30,037]; feet, divided into thirty-six lots, - brought $303,495.44. The lots on the south side were sold March 31, 1825. The prices paid ranged from $10 to $21 per square foot. The space of 33,865 feet, divided into twenty-two lots, brought $403,848.13. The conditions were that the buildings must be erected within a given time, they must be of brick, with hammered stone front, 1 Josiah Quincy, instrumental in building the market house in 1826, was mayor of Boston from 1823 to 1828 inclusive. His son, Josiah Quincy, was mayor from 1846 to 1848 inclusive. The next generation of the family was Josiah Phillips Quincy; he was succeeded by Josiah Quincy, his son, who was mayor of Boston from 1896 to 1899 inclusive, and was the official who signed the contract for rebuilding Faneuil Hall in 1898 174 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET granite piers, in strict conformity with a plan drawn by Mr. Alex. Parris. They must be four stories high with slated roof, and a cellar water-tight. These blocks measure about five hun¬ dred and thirty feet in length from Merchants Row to the street at the east end of the market house, Commercial Street. Having followed the disposal of the land not needed for the public use, we are prepared to consider the erection of the market house, which was to be one hundred and two feet from the building on the south side and sixty-five feet from that on the north side. The demolishing of the old buildings covering the land, the filling of the docks, and other labor necessary for clearing the large area in preparation for laying the corner-stone of the new market were all done without accident to any person, and the corner-stone was laid with much ceremony in April, 1825. Alexander Parris was the architect. Proceedings of laying the Corner-stone of Faneuil Hall Market [From Columbian Centinel of April 30, 1825.] On Wednesday, the twenty-seventh of April, 1825, the cor¬ ner-stone of the New Faneuil Hall Market was laid by the Mayor of the City, in the presence of the members of the City Council, the Superintendent and workmen of the building, and a large number of citizens. The city Government assembled in Faneuil Hall at eleven o’clock and moved to the site of the new edifice in the following order preceded and flanked by peace officers : The Mayor. The City Marshal bearing the chest containing the deposits. The other Members of the Building Committee. Aldermen. Members of the Common Council. Clerks of the two Boards. Principal Architect, &c. GRANITE BUILDING ERECTED 175 The corner-stone (a large block of Chelmsford granite) was suspended by a pulley over the foundation-stone, in a cavity of which a leaden box, or chest, was deposited, and which contained maps and plans, City Charter, Rules and Regulations of the Council: Twenty-two Newspapers published during the preced¬ ing week, including all the weekly, semi-weekly, and daily papers, the Price Current, and Masonic Magazine. Bowen’s “ History of Boston ” and a chest containing coins, ancient and modern : also various denominations of the paper currency of the Revolution. In addition to the above there was a silver plate weighing fif¬ teen ounces, eleven inches by seven, on which was the following inscription : Faneuil Hall Market. Established by the city of Boston. This stone was laid April 27, Anno Domini MDCCCXXV., in the forty-ninth year of American Independence, and in the third of the Incorporation of the city. Josiah Quincy, Mayor. Aldermen : Daniel Baxter, George Odiorne, David W. Child, Joseph Hawley Dorr, Asher Benjamin, Enoch Patterson, Caleb Eddy, Stephen Hooper. Members of the Common Council. Francis J. Oliver, President. Ward No. 1. William Barre, John Elliot, Michael Tombs, Joseph Wheeler. Ward No. 2. William Little, Jr., Thaddeus Page, Oliver Reed, Joseph Stone. Ward No. 3. John R. Adon, John D. Dyer, Edward Page, William Sprague. Ward No. 4. Joseph Coolidge, Jeremiah Fitch, Robert G- Shaw, William R. P. Washburn. i ;6 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET Ward No. 5. Eliphalet P. Hartshorn, Elias Haskell, George W. Otis, Winslow Wright. Ward No. 6. Joseph S. Hastings, Joel Prouty, Thomas Wiley, William Wright. Ward No. 7. Charles P. Curtis, William Goddard, Elijah Morse, Isaac Parker. Ward No. 8. John Ballard, Jonathan Davis, John C. Gray, Hawkes Lincoln. Ward No. 9. Benjamin Russell, Eliphalet Williams, Samuel K. Williams, Benjamin Willis. Ward No. 10. Francis J. Oliver, James Savage, Phineas Up- ham, Thomas B. Wales. Ward No. n. Samuel Frothingham, Giles Lodge, Charles Sprague, Josiah Stedman. Ward No. 12. Charles Bemis, Samuel Bradlee, Francis Jack- son, Isaac Thorn. Building Committee. Josiah Quincy, Chairman. David W. Child, Asher Benjamin, Enoch Patterson, Francis J. Oliver, Benjamin Russell, Charles P. Curtis, Thaddeus Page, Eliphalet Williams, Joseph Coolidge, William Wright. Alexander Parris, Principal Architect. John Quincy Adams, President of the Utiited States. Marcus Morton, Lieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Memoranda. — The population of the City estimated at fifty thousand; that of the United States eleven million. Engraved by Hazen Mors The stone having been placed in its proper position and cemented, the Mayor announced that the corner-stone was now THE NEW HOUSE NAMED 1 77 erected of an edifice which would be a proud memorial of the public spirit and unanimity of the City Council, and of the lib¬ erality of their fellow-citizens : an edifice which, he anticipated, would be an ornament to the City, a convenience to its inhabit¬ ants, a blessing to the poor, an accommodation to the rich, and an object of pleasure to the whole community. The question of the name of the new market was one of im¬ portance, and was a subject freely discussed by the leading people of the town. Many saw great propriety in naming the market in honor of the second mayor of the city, through whose perseverance it was erected ; but there were others who kept in memory the name of Peter Faneuil, who, despite the opposition of many citizens of the town, had given the market house in 1742 to which the donor’s name had been attached. The ques¬ tion was thought to involve not only a moral but a legal respon¬ sibility, and was taken in advisement by the City Council, who received a statement from the mayor, of the obligations of the city, resulting from the donation of Peter Faneuil and from the vote passed by the town of Boston in reference to that donation. The statement made by Mayor Quincy was a brief summary of the facts of the history of Faneuil Hall, concluding thus: “No obligation rests upon the town in consequence of their vote, accepting the donation of Peter Faneuil, Esq., which can pos¬ sibly affect any use of that part of the land, covered by the building called Faneuil Hall, which was originally covered by the building erected by Peter Faneuil, Esq.” The magnanimity of Mayor Quincy, for whom the people desired to name the new market, appears in the recommenda¬ tion with which his report was finished : “ The great object of Peter Faneuil, Esq., was to locate a market in the vicinity of the town dock. For this purpose his donation seems to have been made, and it seems to be due to his memory and to the generosity which distinguished his original donation, that the N i ;8 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET market established in that vicinity should be known by the name of ‘ Faneuil Hall Market,’ and that the name of the building called Faneuil Hall shall continue appropriated to that build¬ ing. This name was given to that building in 1742, and it appears only to be necessary that it should he declared by the City Council that the market established in the new building, recently erected to the eastward of Faneuil Hall, shall be known by the name of Faneuil Hall Market, and that a vote similar to that passed in 1761 be also now passed by the City Council.” The mayor’s report was submitted by letter, and the Board of Aldermen thereupon resolved, “ That as soon as the new Market House shall be finished and ready for occupation, the Mayor and Aldermen be authorized and empowered to cause a market to be opened therein ; to be known and called by the name of the Faneuil Hall Market.” They further — “ Resolved, That as soon as the said market be opened, the lower part of the build¬ ing called Faneuil Hall, shall no longer be improved as a market, until the further determination of the City Council, and that the Mayor and Aldermen be, and hereby are authorized to cause all the stalls in the lower floor of said Faneuil Hall, and all the building to the northward and westward of Faneuil Hall, occu¬ pied as stalls, to be taken down, and to pass such orders, limit¬ ing Faneuil Hall Market to the streets called North and South Market streets, and the building recently erected thereon, as they may deem expedient.” In the next issue of the Bostoji News Letter and City Record, August 19, appeared the following, under the head, “New Faneuil Hall Market.” “ The spacious and superb edifice is now nearly completed, in all its various departments; and the lower floor where are fixed the Stalls or Benches, for the disposition and sale of provisions, will be immediately occupied by the persons who have rented them.” It was not, however, until a week later that the market was FANEUIL HALL MARKET OF 1826 179 opened. August 26, 1826, was the day of formal opening. It was on Saturday, and the same paper said : — “ There was a fine display of the fruits and productions of our exuberant soil.” The change from the cramped quarters under Faneuil Hall to the new commodious building was great, and the stallkeepers were ready for business, as they have ever been. There was a scramble to have the first sale, and all were on hand when the market bell was heard sending out its first note of in¬ vitation. Tradition says that Mr. Paul Wild, of Quincy, was the suc¬ cessful man who served a waiting customer with a leg of lamb on that Saturday morning of 1826. The prospect of the new market was the one subject of dis¬ cussion, for it was freely predicted that Mayor Quincy was getting the youthful city into a debt that she could never recover from. To quiet the frightened people the Boston Advertiser of that day took the pains to publish the following facts:— “ New Faneuil Hall Market “ The new market house is occupied for the first time to-day. We understand the stalls are leased at the same rate, in propor¬ tion to the number of feet, that was paid for those in the old market. “The leases of stalls amount to $19,000, and those of the cellars to $6000; thus giving an annual income from the cellars and lower floor of $25,000. The income from the chambers and from the wharf is not yet ascertained. The sum of $100,000 has been offered for the purchase of the wharf, and refused.” At the opening the space was divided into 108 stalls, or benches, for meat and vegetables, and twenty for fish. The committee designated the manner of occupying these i8o FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET stalls, and fixed the prices of them at the following moderate rates per week, viz. : — In the westerly, or first section, for the sale of small meats . . . $4.00 In the section for the sale of pork only, viz., rent of the four benches adjacent to the side door . 4-50 The other fifteen benches in the same section ..... 3.50 One bench, adjoining the staircase ....... 2.50 Four benches adjoining side door ....... 3.50 Fourteen benches in the same section ...... 3.00 The fourth section, consisting of sixteen benches for the sale of beef and pork, each .......... 3.00 In the fifth section, westerly part, for the sale of butter and cheese, and the easterly part, for the sale of vegetables, and four benches ad¬ jacent to the side door ........ 3.50 Fifteen other benches in the same section, each ..... 3.00 In the sixth section, for the sale of vegetables only, viz., four benches adjacent to the side door ........ 3.00 Fifteen other benches in the same section, each ..... 2.75 In the seventh section, for the sale of fish, containing twenty benches of seven feet, each . . . . . . . . .1.50 It was urged that the low rental would secure good and faithful tenants. The amount of weekly rents of that floor was $273.25. It was the duty of the clerk to make the col¬ lections, and he soon found that he could do but little else, for each stallkeeper was not always ready to respond at the first call. The sentiment of the people at the opening of the market is seen in a letter now in possession of Miss Sara E. Cushman of Newtonville. It was written under date of August 25, 1826, by Mr. Ripley, a merchant on India Wharf, to his sister, a teacher at Kingston, Massachusetts. After urging Miss Ripley to come to the city, he says: “ Put on your best bib and bon¬ net, then and there be ready to take the first stage, so as to be in the city by noon, so as to pass the afternoon in viewing the North and South Market streets and the market, which separates the two streets and which is the market of all mar- FANEUIL HALL MARKET OF 1826 181 kets on the Globe, which, by the by, is to be opened to¬ morrow, the 26 ,nst .” A description of Faneuil Hall Market, published at the time of its completion, is as follows: — “ Faneuil Hall Market House is situated at the East of Faneuil Hall, between two streets called North and South Market streets having two streets passing at right angles at the West and East fronts, the one being 76 feet, and the other at the East end, making the Wharf 65 feet wide. North Market Street is 65 feet wide, the south 102 feet, each street having a range of Faneuil Hall Market, built in 1826 stores, four stories high with granite fronts, the range of stores on the North side 520 feet, and 55 feet deep — on the South 530 feet and 65 feet deep, an arched avenue in centre of each range 5 feet wide, communicating with the adjoining streets; the facade of which is composed of piers, lintell, and arched windows on the second story. The roofs are slated, and the cellars water proof. “ The Market House in length is 535 feet, 9 inches; in width 50 feet, wholly built of granite, having a centre building 74I by 55 feet, projecting 2\ feet in the North and South fronts. From the centre buildings are wings on each side, 173 by 50 feet. 182 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET The wing continues from a projection of 6 inches, 46 feet, 3 inches, and 5 1 feet in width, on each facade of which are 5 antae, projecting 6 inches, finishing with a portico at each end of the building, projecting 11 feet j\ inches. The porticos consist of four columns 3^ feet diameter at base, and 2 feet 10 inches at neck, each shaft is one piece 20 feet 9 inches long, with a capi¬ tal of the Grecian Doric. The columns support a pediment, the tympanum of which has a circular window for ventilation. “The wings are of two stories, the lower one 14 feet, the upper 14^ feet; the lower windows have circular heads. “The building is finished with a Grecian cornice 16 inches in depth, and 21 inches projection, worked in granite. “ The roof is slated, and copper gutters. “ The height of the wings from the side walk to the top of the cornice is 31 feet. “The facade of the centre building up to the under side of the second story windows, is composed of five recesses of piers and arches of grooved ashler, on top of which are again formed recesses by antae, supporting a frieze and cornice, similar to the wing building; in each recess is a circular headed window, the centre a Venetian; on the top of the cornice is a blocking course, and an octagon attic, 6 feet high, with two elliptical sawtells, surmounted by a dome covered with copper, and crowned by a lantern light. At each angle on top of the centre building is a pedestal, in which are placed the neces¬ sary flues. “ The whole edifice is supported by a base of Quincy blue granite, 2 feet 10 inches high, with arched windows and doors communicating with the cellars. “The building is approached by six steps, of easy ascent; each wing has six doors. The centre building is the north and south front; a pair of folding doors enter a passage ten feet wide, paved with brick, laid on ground arches ; the wings have also a passageway of smaller dimensions to correspond. FANEUIL HALL MARKET OL 1826 183 “ The principal entrances are from the east and west porticos which communicate with the corridor, 512 feet long, 12 feet wide, with entablatures finished with a cove ceiling. The inte¬ rior is divided into 128 stalls, and occupied as follows, viz. : 14 for mutton, lamb, veal, and poultry; 2 for poultry and venison ; Interior of Market 19 for pork, lamb, butter, and poultry ; 45 for beef ; 4 for butter and cheese ; 19 for vegetables ; and 20 for fish. “ On the south front are four doorways opening to staircases, leading to the second story, in the centre of which is a hall 70 by 50 feet, having a dome springing from four segmental arches, ornamented with panels and rosettes, in the crown of which is an elliptical opening 14 by 12 feet, through which is seen the skylight and part of the outer dome. The whole height of the hall to the opening or eye of the dome is 46 feet. Each 184 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET wing is divided into two halls by a brick partition, the smaller hall being 44 by 47 feet, and the larger 173 by 47. The whole of the improvements have been completed within the space of twenty-six months and occupy about one acre, two perches, twenty-four rods, the greater part of which has been reclaimed from the sea by filling in earth at different periods. “The space where Faneuil Hall Market stands was at one time a principal landing-place from the water.” The massive pillars which have been described were taken from a quarry in the town of Chelmsford and brought to Boston through the Middlesex Canal, whose waters came near to the market house. On November 9 succeeding the opening of the market, Mayor Quincy made his final report, in which he said, “This noble improvement has been completed, not only without any addition to the present taxes or burden to the citizens, but also without the possibility of any addition in future time, on this account, to their taxes or burdens and on the contrary that it has augmented, in no inconsiderable degree the real and productive property of the city.” In a few years from the opening of Faneuil Hall Market, the hall over it was officially given the name of Quincy Hall. Gen¬ eral consent has affixed the name of the mayor to the market, and it is commonly used at the present time. The plan for closing the stalls under Faneuil Hall was opposed by the far-seeing Mayor Quincy, but his objections were overruled and in the summer of 1827 the space was divided into eight stores renting for $4600 per annum, some of the principal occupants being Milton & Slocumb, clothiers; Bass, the hatter; and McErory, iron and hardware. In the year 1858 these were removed and the market was restored, hence the name New Faneuil Hall Market, which is so often erroneously applied to the market built by Mayor Quincy, and which to the casual observer seems to be out of place in its true application. HOW STALLS WERE ASSIGNED 185 As the time for the opening of the market drew near, some of the business men who planned to lease stalls began to mani¬ fest a spirit of rivalry as to location in the new house, and in the true spirit of justice and fair play, those who were to occupy the stalls in Section Second held a meeting at Cushing & Carter's on August 11, 1826. They organized by choosing Samuel Langdon for moderator, William Hovey, secretary and treasurer. They voted to bid for the choice of stalls after the manner of an auction, and that the aggregate of the bonus paid be divided equally between the nineteen who were asso¬ ciated in the scheme. The moderator, Samuel Langdon, was the auctioneer. The bidding resulted as follows : — Luke Forbes . . . 1st choice. 6 0 d Chose stall No. 20. James Dugan . . . 2d “ 45.OO. “ “ 24. Frederick Weld . . • 3 d 41.00. U U U 23- Eben Davis 4th “ 32.00. “ “ u 22. Thomas Livermore . 5th U 17.OO. “ u 27. Benj. L. Sumner . 6th “ 28.50. u u u 25. Bordman Williams . 7th u 19 00. “ u u 26. O. M. Gale . . . . . 8th u 18.00. “ u 28. Leonard Whiting 9th u 7.00. u “ .t 18. Joshua Horn . . . . 10th “ 10.00. u u a 19. Thomas Hill . . . . 11 th 4.00. a u u 3 1 - Samuel Gay . . . 12th 8.00. u u u 21. Jared Allen . . . • 13th a 4.00. u “ 29. William Hovey . . . 14th a 6.50. u “ u 32 - George Phipps . . . 15 th u 3 - 5 °- u u “ 34 F. J. Ripley • • • . 16th u 3.00. u u u 3 6 - Nathan Robbins . . 17th “ 0.50. u u u 33 - Abel Babcock . . . . 18th “ 0.50. u “ u 35 - Daniel Chamberlin . 19th u 0.50. u 6i u 30 - The aggregate of the sums was $298 ; each man’s share 5I5-I5- The records of this remarkable meeting are duly attested by William Hovey, secretary, who secured Stall No. 32, and were loaned to the author by Horatio A. and William H. Hovey of the FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET 186 same stall. They are sons of William. Stall No. 32 has always been in the family since opened in 1826. Stall No. 33, taken at the same time by Nathan Robbins, is now occupied by Olney Robbins, a grandson, who continues the family interest unbroken from the year 1826. The lease was for the period of one year. It was a compre¬ hensive document, in many respects like that of to-day. It was transferable upon the approval of the clerk. Many years passed before the popularity of the market was such as to make the stalls sufficiently desirable to warrant a party to pay a bounty for the transfer of a lease. The agreement to pay accrued rent was sufficient. Rut it was through perseverance in well-doing that the company of shrewd, far-sighted marketmen secured for the market a reputation that has been most helpful to them, individually and collectively. The city built the market house, but the stallkeepers built the market reputation, which may be fully realized when it appears that thousands of dollars are now paid for the privilege of occupying a stall. This bounty, which is really the reward for years of faithful service, belongs, as it should, to the lessee of the stall, and when he resigns his rights he counts it his property. But ambitious citizens, outside the market, have been loath to admit the right. A strenuous effort was made in the year 1854 to secure an act to have Faneuil Hall Market sold, the argument being “ that it is a monopoly, and the city ought not to be con¬ nected with and be a party to a monopoly.” As often as the question of renewal of leases of the stalls comes before the city fathers, then also comes up the question of increase of rent, etc., but public sentiment, which is in favor of the marketmen, has its due weight, and a good percentage on the city’s outlay is regarded as all that should be expected, in the light of the fact that it is the marketmen who have given it the creditable reputation which makes it a desirable place for buyer and seller. Faneuil Hall Market, from the Harbor, in 1826 , STATISTICS OF PRESENT TIME 187 Rents, at first, were collected once a week; but after the market became thoroughly established, monthly payments were de¬ manded and readily paid. Faneuil Hall Market is regarded as a model in its line of business, and is adopted as an example by other cities when endeavoring to solve the question of adjusting supply and demand. There is no better authority on Faneuil Hall Market than Mr. George E. McKay, the efficient superintendent. The mayor not long ago referred a letter to Mr. McKay which came from Albany, New York, asking for facts of the market; and the superintendent’s reply contains the truths of to-day, which will of themselves suggest the progress of the years since the opening of seventy-three years ago : — “ In addition to the buildings, the streets around the market are by legislative enactment made free open markets for the sale of fresh provisions and vegetables under certain regula¬ tions. These two buildings and the streets surrounding them are known as Faneuil Hall Market, and are under the direct control of the city. Only those occupying the buildings pay a rental. “Quincy Market (so called) is divided into 132 stalls, 22 base¬ ment cellars, and is occupied by 86 different firms. The market under Faneuil Hall is divided into 23 stalls and 11 basement cellars, and occupied by 34 different firms. The stalls are so divided that each is about 8 feet wide by 15 feet deep. “ The rent paid for the same varies according to location, being from $350 to $460 per year. “ No fees are collected from those who occupy stands in the streets. The market wagons are arranged in sections, leaving space between sections for wagoners to deliver goods to the market, and the farmers and producers are allowed to occupy such space behind their wagons, to display their goods, as will not interfere with teams getting in or out. 188 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET “The estimated value of Quincy Market (so-called) is $1,000,- 000, and the city receives an income from the same of about $71,000 in rents. The estimated value of Faneuil Hall building is $294,000, and the city receives as rent from the portion used for market purposes about $19,000. “ At the present time, and for the past three or four years, the sales of beef from wagons have not been so large as in previous years, owing to the large quantities of Western dressed beef which are brought to Boston. The small meats and farm products generally have not been affected, and on what are called the busy days, from sunrise to 8 or 9 o’clock a.m., there are found from 350 to 450 wagons with meats and farm products on the market limits. “ In addition to these there are a large number of producers living within a radius of seven to ten miles of the city, who bring their produce direct to dealers in the market. “ As to the inspection of goods it is intended that it shall be faithfully performed. The small amount which is condemned within the market limits, compared with the total receipts, as well as the observations of visitors from other cities, who are competent to form an opinion, warrant the statement that the efforts meet with general success, and are satisfactory to the public.” CHAPTER XVIII Early Market Laws. Piepowder Court. The Market Official and his Duties. Succession of Market Clerks or Superintendents. George E. McKay appointed as Superintendent in 1877 by Mayor Prince. “It is very suitable that the great market of New England should guard the cradle of our country’s liberty.' 1 — Hon. Josiah Quincy, August 26, 1876. T HE market was an important institution of the mother country and was early recognized by the founders of Bos¬ ton. The earliest records of a market in the Old World repre¬ sent it as a place where law and order prevailed, to insure which there were officials whose word was law. The founders of Massachusetts brought with them the ancient common law of the market. This was to protect buyers and sellers alike ; it protected the goods, regulated weights and measures, and settled disputes arising in the market. The court for settling these questions was called “market” or “piepowder” court, implying that it was conducted with few formalities, the parties at variance appearing there with dusty feet (picds poudreaux). The courts where justice is administered without juries are the direct suc¬ cessors of the old piepowder court. The official administering justice in Faneuil Hall Market was first known as clerk, but in later years as superintendent. The early laws of the colony provided that “ there shall be in every market town, and all other towns needful, one or two able persons annually chosen by each town who shall be sworn at the next county court, or by the magistrate, unto the faithful discharge of his office.” FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET 190 The settlers of Boston complied with the law, and in 1649 chose two of their number to be “ clerks of the market.” Their duties were similar to those of the market clerks of England, where they were charged with the inspection of the markets, weights, measures, etc. But as Boston soon had separate officials, known as sealers of weights and measures, it appears that the clerks of the market were relieved of this department. The duties left to them were, however, sufficiently onerous, requiring the exercise of good judgment and impartial dealing with their fellow-men. They were by law to enter into all houses where bread was baked for sale and test the weight of a loaf, and they were also to weigh butter offered for sale. If light weight was detected the dealers were warned, and a repetition of the crime brought punishment. The light weight materials were confiscated. To be faithful and impartial in this position required all the moral heroism credited to our pioneer ancestors. The first clerks of the market were Jeremy Houchin and James Penn. They served for two years. Their compen¬ sation was the fees allowed by law — “ one-third part of all for¬ feit was for his pains, and the remainder going to the poor.” Jeremy Houchin lived at the southeast corner of Hanover and Court streets, the latter being called Sudbury Street, and the first street in the town with a recorded name. Houchin was a tanner and enjoyed special favors through market regulations. The province laws required the clerks of the market to enter each house where bread was for sale as often as once a week and test the weight. As the assize of bread was continually changing, according to the price of flour, the clerk needed to be vigilant. The selectmen posted the price of flour once a month, and the weight of loaves was thereby regulated. It is not surprising that frequent changes in this office took place, the same person serving but a short time. A market is often spoken of in the records, but one requiring a Superintendent George E. McIvay holding Court THE MARKET OFFICIAL 191 special clerk or superintendent did not appear until 1734, when three market houses were set up. It was on June 2 of 1734 that the doors of these markets were opened and these officials began their arduous task. Captain John Steel was stationed at the north, and Mr. Francis Wiloughby at the south, while Cap¬ tain James Watson was on duty at Dock Square Market. They were soon in trouble, for quarrels arose between the butchers and keepers of the stalls, which resulted in the expul¬ sion of the butchers and the erection of sheds outside for them to rent. Dock Square Market was the most popular, and before the end of the first year the clerk asked for an assistant, but the voters refused any such aid. In the following years the office was abolished, and it was voted not to have the market bell rung. Clerk and sextons were voted their salary for the past year, but no provision was made for the ensuing year. The ordinary clerks of the market were elected, but the special clerk did not then appear on the roll of the officers voted. Faneuil Hall Market was established in 1742, when Peter Faneuil was granted the privilege of nomi¬ nating a friend of his for the office. Thomas Jackson then appears as the first clerk or superintendent of Faneuil Hall Market. He was early granted an assistant, Joseph Grey, who was to sweep the market house. The market official was clothed with great authority, which he has ever since had to enable him to enforce the laws. “ To see that the Rules are obeyed ” was his order when Samuel Adams was in authority in Boston. The market bell was rung at sunrise, and has continued to make its regular announcement until recent times. The gong which proclaims the opening of to-day is but a following up of that early custom when the first clerk performed his first duty in Dock Square. Artificial heat was not compatible with the business, and only that for the comfort of office clerks has ever been allowed, but 192 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET even that was denied John Staniford, the second clerk, who asked for a “fire room.” This superintendent received for his self-denial and services the small sum of £20 per annum. The “ clerks of the market ’’ increased with the growth and extension of the town, each ward having one of these officials, but their duties were merely those of a police officer, looking after bakers, to see that they gave the regulation weight and measure. But the clerk assigned to Laneuil Hall Market was entrusted with the duties of a judge and jury, and to a limited extent that official has continued to exercise this authority, holding the “ piepowder ’’ court, through all the history of Faneuil Hall Market, thus relieving the municipal court of a much more crowded docket than it has ever had to absorb its time. Isaac Dupee served for a series of years, and it was Abijah Adams who, as an interested official, stood by in 1761 and fought the flames until they thwarted all efforts, and all that could be consumed of the market was swept away. He held over, without his salary, until the house was rebuilt, and in 1763 resumed duties in the new building. Soon after the reopening Mr. Adams was ordered to see that the butchers conformed to the terms of their leases in bringing a hide to the tanner to correspond with each carcass of beef offered for sale at the market. The voters seemed to follow in the line of the old English common law as to restricting farmers to selling the products of their own farm within the market limits. They were not allowed to bring in any poultry, only that raised by themselves. But such restrictions were made upon the presumption of Puritan integrity, which had become somewhat adulterated, and only gave rise to troubles, resulting in early change. The duties of the clerk of the market can best be appreciated when we consider the manner of collecting the rents in the pre-Revolutionary days. Mr. Adams was ordered to collect THE MARKET OFFICIAL 193 eight shillings per month, or eight coppers per day, from each person who erected a stall or put his “ panyers ” (panniers) or carts within the limits of the market at west door. Each cart with beef or sauce that stood in any other place within the market limits was to pay five coppers per day, and each horse¬ back marketman should pay two coppers per day for a pair of panniers. And the official was ordered to exclude all market- men who did not conform to the rules. In order that he might be vigilant, he was allowed one-fourth of all he collected of the butchers and country people in the way of fees, provided he paid the balance over to the town treasurer at the end of each week. But these rules were sure to bring ruin to the market enter¬ prise, and the market clerk, being human, was soon reported too ill to perform the duties, when Benjamin Clark came into power. His was a term of unrest on all sides. In addition to his ordinary duties, he had the officers of the king’s army to appease when they came with complaints of discourteous treatment from the stallkeepers. While trying to keep peace with all, he was an avowed patriot, and ventured to leave his post on the afternoon of the memorable 16th of December, 1773, and was among the com¬ pany who converted Boston harbor into a teapot. So scarce were provisions during the siege that there was little or no effort to enforce market rules. But on June 5, 1776, following the evacuation, there was a committee chosen to regulate the market, and George Lindsay Wallace was made clerk. In September, 1776, leases were given of stalls, and new men appeared ready to begin business. It was not long before fore¬ stalling made its appearance again. The farmer believed he was underpaid, while the consumer maintained that prices were exorbitant, and both found fault with the middleman who medi¬ ated between buyer and seller and took a percentage of profit o 194 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET for his services. The clerk was powerless, and the aid of the General Court was invoked to put a stop to the “ brutish conduct.” Mr. Wallace stood in the gap through all this trying period, having as his compensation £7 icw. specie per quarter. At his death, Mr. Matthew Nazro, who had been employed to warn strangers from town, was placed in the position and ordered to demand and collect all that was due from each stallkeeper. He was succeeded by William Gooch, who served several years. He was ordered to collect the rents and turn them over to the treasurer once a month or vacate the office. The demand for stalls under Faneuil Hall, or space in the shambles, was so great that in 1791 sealed proposals for hiring were received, and objectionable parties were rejected. The rents were collected weekly, and Mr. Nathaniel Merriam was chosen in 1815. Merriam was kept busy signing his name to the little bills of “one dollar and fifty cents,” as “clerk of Faneuil Hall Market.” The rapid growth of the town occasioned an increasing demand for market room, and all sorts of plans were devised for the relief of the congested market quarters. It was impos¬ sible for any market official to deal justly by all parties touched by his authority. With the adoption of a city charter and abol¬ ishing of town government, there came the enterprise of Mayor Quincy and the building of the long market, which was opened in August, 1826. Caleb Hayward was superintendent, but was still called clerk. Although for a time all of the stalls were not occupied, yet, as rents were collected weekly, he was kept busy, for the new market must be kept scrupulously clean and new rules must be obeyed. He was succeeded by Mr. Nourse, who was followed by Mr. Rhodes. He is remembered as an official who appreciated his situation and acted well his part in making the great enterprise a success. It was during his term of office that President Polk SUCCESSION OF MARKET CLERKS 195 visited Boston. He, of course, was taken to Faneuil Hall, and while in Dock Square had his attention directed to the market, an especial object of pride to the young city. The clerk, Mr. Rhodes, received the visiting party at the door and walked in front down the market corridor, announc¬ ing in stentorian tones, “ Make way, gentlemen, for the Presi¬ dent of the United States! The President of the United States! Fellow-citizens, make room! ” The chief, meanwhile, had stepped into a stall to look at some attractive game, leaving the conse¬ quential official walking alone. Presently Mr. Rhodes turned around, and seeing the situation, exclaimed, “ My gracious, where has the d-—d fool gone ? ” Charles B. Rice, appointed in 1852, was next in order, and had a quarter of a century of service. Among his official duties was that of inspector of provisions, which of itself was a most arduous task when the entire meat supply was fur¬ nished by the butchers who slaughtered their cattle, sheep, hogs, and poultry within a few miles of Boston. This stock was brought to the market in wagons, which were backed up to the market, making most busy hours. Various devices were resorted to for relief of the market section. The old plan of collecting from marketmen a fee for the use of a stand was revived, but the country people rebelled and the Supreme Court was invoked in their behalf, the decision being handed down that, according to early agreements, the market space must be open for the free use of the country people, for whose benefit it had long before been set apart. Many of the present marketmen will remember when no team was allowed to enter the market section until a specified hour, when scores and hundreds of teams that had stood out¬ side were rushed in and great confusion ensued. Another experiment was tried. It was equally as injurious to the market as uncomfortable to the farmers. The teams were all ordered to a place well known as “ the dumps,” where 196 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET they were to await the coming of customers. But at length all of these experiments failed, and the freedom now enjoyed was the boon of the marketmen. Through all these changes, the superintendent, knowing his power, did not fail to exercise it, and by long continuance in the position, assumed, perhaps unconsciously, the role of an autocrat of the market. At length, in 1877, when there was a change in the politics of the city government, there came an effort to have a change in the market. A majority of the holders of market leases petitioned for the continuance of Mr. Rice, while a minority of persistent men filed a petition for the appointment of a new man. Mr. George E. McKay was brought forward and strongly indorsed by Hon. Richard Frothingham, who saw in the candidate just the qualities for the position. The party feeling ran high, and the market committee of the city decided to grant a hearing to the marketmen. The majority, representing a large per cent of the business, urged their claims and asked for the continuance of Mr. Rice; but the minority came on, like David with his sling, and downed the Goliath. The movements of that minority constitute one of the memo¬ rable occasions of the market history. They formed in line, agreeable to concerted action, and marched up to the city hall, where they were courteously received. One after another, accustomed to the rostrum as well as the market, stepped out and gave his reasons in support of the petition for the change, and at last one of the younger stallkeepers — known as “ the boy” — Mr. Frank Crosby — timidly but unflinchingly stepped forward and applied his logic ; it was terse and convincing, although embellished by no rhetorical flourishes. He had been trained in argument in the little red schoolhouse of the town of Bedford, and did credit to his youthful instruc¬ tion in the district school. The decision was in favor of the GEORGE EDWARD McKAY 197 minority, and Mr. McKay was installed in office as superintend¬ ent of Faneuil Hall Market in April, 1877. He gave a bond for $10,000, with Thomas B. Harris and Everett Torrey as sureties. George Edward McKay, son of George McKay and Jane Phillips, was born in Charlestown, Massachusetts, January 26, 1841. He was endowed with the prestige of the best of Scotch blood, and was educated in the local schools of his native city. After leaving the high school, he found employ¬ ment as clerk in a tailoring establishment. He contin¬ ued in this service until he had acquired sufficient in¬ sight into the business to enter it for himself. In 1867 he joined with Mr. McDonald in organizing the firm of McDonald & McKay, which continued in a prosperous manner until 1872, when the former re¬ tired from business, and Mr. McKay followed the busi¬ ness until 1877, when he was appointed superintendent of Faneuil Hall Market by Mayor Prince, and has had each suc¬ cessive appointment to the present time, 1900. Mr. McKay is affiliated with many organizations. He is a Past Grand of Howard Lodge, I.O.O.F., of Charlestown; Past Master of Henry Price Lodge, F. and A. M. ; a member of Signet Royal Arch Chapter of Masons; Coeur de Lion Com- mandery, Knights Templars; Paul Revere Lodge, Knights of Honor; Veteran Odd Fellows’ Association of Massachusetts; National Lancers of Boston; Boston Club; and Bay State Riding and Driving Club of Watertown. McKay Badge 198 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET He was young and inexperienced in market business when he entered the service of the city of Boston, and had a majority against the change, although not personally prejudiced against him. Having a keen discernment of human nature and becom¬ ing familiar with the laws which he was sworn to uphold, he started with the determination to deal justly by all. One of the veterans of the market was soon detected in violation of a market law by smoking a cigar in front of his stall. The young superintendent, fearless but gentlemanly, remonstrated with the offender, who was inclined to vindicate himself, but, persistent in the right, Mr. McKay conquered this man and all other opponents. On the first anniversary of his election, 1878, this young superintendent was called into Faneuil Hall and there con¬ fronted by the stallkeepers and expressmen. The former pre¬ sented him a gold badge and the latter a gold-headed cane. On the badge is read: — Superintendent of Faneuil Hall Market, City of Boston Police. Faneuil Hall Inspectors. On the reverse side : — GEORGE E. McKAY, Esq., From Occupants of the Market, March 11, 1878. GEORGE EDWARD McKAY 199 On the cane is inscribed the fact of the gift from “ a few of the expressmen.” The presentation address was by J. Herman Curtis, who had been strongly opposed to the change, but who said in his felici¬ tous address: “ Within sixty days after your appointment I became convinced that in appointing you the mayor had filled the bill to a T.” Mr. Curtis further said : “ I have been under all the adminis¬ trations and have had experience with all your predecessors, and I say to you that I never knew a more faithful, able, and gentlemanly superintendent than yourself, and particularly one who could say no without giving offence.” In response to these memorable words the superintendent gave utterance to his gratitude in language that revealed the scholarly gentleman which he has ever proved himself to be. By the friendly feeling known to exist between stallkeepers, marketmen, and superintendent, we may safely infer that the sentiments expressed on that first anniversary are repeated with increased emphasis, now that George E. McKay has attained his majority as superintendent; and we doubt if the city of Boston has a more faithful servant than the genial man who has served in this important capacity for more than twenty-two years. All admit that he has done much to establish the enviable reputa¬ tion which is accorded to Faneuil Hall Market abroad, where his methods and manners are quoted as examples for well-regulated markets. Scarcely a day passes that this market official is not called upon to pass judgment upon questions of right arising between buyer and seller, and his decisions are received as just and final. As a faithful teacher becomes endeared to his pupils, or the captain of a military company to his men, so this superintendent has formed a strong attachment for each and all of the stall- keepers. He says: “While as city tenants we have never formed any political alliances, and charitable organizations do not exist 200 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET among us, yet the marketmen abound in deeds of charity and expressions of sympathy.” The marketman’s heart and hand are closely allied. Is one of that number in trouble or sorrow, all are touched. Does one fall out by the way, his family receive their kindly ministrations. Is the city called upon to send relief to some city or town in distress, the marketmen are cpiick to respond. The great Chicago fire called out from them a purse of nearly $7000. Boston’s relief to the distressed city of Charleston, South Carolina, in 1886, contained from the market a purse of $2842. In the following year the Jacksonville, Florida, sufferers received from the market the sum of $1146. In 1894 the market- men contributed to the unemployed of Boston a purse of $1713. A Thanksgiving offering is made annually to the Soldiers’ Home at Chelsea, when everything for a good old-fashioned New Eng¬ land Thanksgiving dinner is contributed in old-fashioned quanti¬ ties, so that the guests may “ cut and come again for more than a week.” Surely superintendent and marketmen are examples for the emulation of the people. CHAPTER XIX The Market and Boston’s Days of Celebration. Reception to President Washington in 1789. The Introduction of Water in 1848. Semi-centennial of Opening of Faneuil Hall Market, 1876. ANEUIL HALL MARKET has been represented in Bos- J- ton’s great celebrations, the stallkeepers being conspicu¬ ous in the processions. When the first President of the United States visited the town in October, 1789, he was given a great reception, a prominent feature of the civic department being the representation of the various industries and institutions of learn¬ ing, there being fifty of them, each bearing its own banner. The manufactures, in which Washington took marked interest, were individually represented. In the educational section ap¬ peared Schoolmaster Oliver W. Lane with his pupils, each carrying a large goose-quill. Oliver Holden, the sweet singer, was there with his trained choir, who sang to the honor of the President: “ Great Washington the hero’s come, Each heart exulting hears the sound, See ! thousands their deliverer throng. And shout him welcome all around.” The stallkeepers of Faneuil Hall Market had their place, as the procession made its way through the town, while demon¬ strations of joy were manifest on all sides. Faneuil Hall was of interest to Washington. He was escorted to the building when on his first visit to Boston in 201 202 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET 1756, by Governor William Shirley, who was proud of the benevolent act of his lamented friend, Peter Faneuil. When entering Boston, after the evacuation in March, 1776, the commander-in-chief of the Continental army was pecul¬ iarly grateful to find that Faneuil Hall had not been more seriously damaged by the King’s army. The water celebration of 1848 was one in which the marketmen were deeply interested. While the market house afforded many conveniences for business, it was lacking in an adequate water supply, because t’he city was deficient in this particular. The “living fountains,” which the Indian name “ Shawmut ” signifies, were not sufficient for a large population. The old wooden pumps, 1 with iron handles, located at either side and at the lower end of the market house, were continually in use, but the water for all purposes in the market was carried by hand in buckets, and frequently the stallkeepers were obliged to go down to Long Wharf for extra supply. The sanitary accommodations, furthermore, were of the most primi¬ tive nature. An attempt was made in 1795 to provide water for the town by introducing a supply from Jamaica Pond in Roxbury, and the Aqueduct Company was formed for that purpose. This was helpful to many parts of the town, but the pine-log pipes were insufficient conductors, and the supply was inade¬ quate. Mayor Quincy, in his inaugural address of 1826, urged that Boston spring water was injurious to general health. At length, in 1848, the water of Long Pond, or Lake Cochitu- ate, in Framingham and Natick, was introduced into the city, 1 It may be reasonably inferred that one of these wells was that which, after much discussion, was ordered to be dug in Dock Square and fitted with a pump during the summer of 1774. (See town records.) The Boston Gazette of 1767 urged Boston people to seek for pure water at Newtown, where a mineral spring had been discovered, and where accommodations for board and bathing had been provided. A public conveyance to and from Boston was also provided at reasonable rates. SEMI-CENTENNIAL OF OPENING 203 and the twenty-fifth day of October, 1848, was one memorable in the history of the city, and in the annals of Faneuil Hall Market. Just as the sun was setting, and in the presence of thousands of citizens who had gathered on the Common, Mayor Josiah Quincy turned a stopcock near the fountain in the Frog Pond, and formally introduced “Aqueduct” water into Boston. It was a day of general rejoicing, and was de¬ voted to parades, music, feastings, and congratulations, for it was the culmination of years of earnest service on the part of the promoters of the system. The parade was participated in by representatives of every trade in the city : the Masonic and other civic bodies, the entire State militia, and the sailors in port. Conspicuous in the trades’ procession was the delegation from Faneuil Hall Mar¬ ket, composed of two hundred marketmen attired in white linen frocks, and accompanied by the famous Dodworth Band of New York. Of these two hundred men, five survived at the semi-centennial of the celebration, and at the time of writing, these veterans are: Samuel D. Skilton of Charlestown, who occupied Stall 24 in Faneuil Hall Market; Horatio Hovey of Cambridge, who occupied Stall 32 ; Samuel S. Learnard of Brighton, of Stalls 50 and 52 ; and Mr. Stacy Hall of the firm of Hall & Cole. The marketmen’s own celebration was that of the semi-cen¬ tennial of the opening of Faneuil Hall Market, August 26, 1876 (the year when the whole country was engaged in a grand celebration in Philadelphia). This was planned and exe¬ cuted by the men of the stalls, and for brilliancy of design with success of execution stands in the history of Boston as one of the most creditable occasions. The Committee of Arrangements consisted of J. V. Fletcher, chairman; George E. Tinkham, secretary; N. Brimbecom,- W. H. H. Furber, Henry Farnum, L. B. Hiscock, Increase E. Noyes, S. F. Woodbridge, Stacy Hall, D. E. Butterfield, Free- 204 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET man J. Doe, John P. Squire, H. L. Lawrence, George H. Phil- brook, Tra Hiland, A. H. Jones, C. E. Morrison, L. D. Jackson, S. S. Learnard, Winsor Gleason, D. G. Hartwell, Samuel B. Krogman. Faneuil Hall Square presented a brilliant appearance on the day of the celebration ; between the market and Faneuil Hall was a display of flags of different nations, while the American ensign nearly covered the fronts of the two buildings, and floated from the staff above the time-honored “ golden grass¬ hopper.” The interior of the market was profusely decorated with flags, bunting, the arms of the several States of the Union, shields, masonic devices and emblems. The Stars and Stripes hung suspended above the entrance-way of each stall, “ as if the nation's honor was the first concern of the marketmen.” Faneuil Hall, where the banquet was given, was made brilliant with the emblems of the nation and of freedom. Invitations were extended to many noted people, who cheer¬ fully responded, recognizing the happy combination of patriot¬ ism and provisions that signalized the occasion. At three o’clock the holders of tickets assembled in South Market Street, to the number of four hundred, and formed in proces¬ sion, with Brown’s Band at the head, under Chief Marshal Dunbar, his aids and assistants. The four veterans, those who remained of the first occupants of the market house, consti¬ tuted the first division. They were the recipients of special honors, being presented with ebony canes having gold heads and suitably inscribed : — “Presented to---, by the occupants of Faneuil Hall Market, Boston, August 26, 1876.” The honored four were J. Herman Curtis, Harrison Bird, Ebenezer Holden, Nathan Robbins; each received an accom¬ panying letter of tender expression from the secretary, George H. Tinkham, in behalf of the marketmen. Mayor Cobb and Four Original Occupants of Faneuil Hall Market on the Fiftieth Anniversary, August 28 , 1876 SEMI-CENTENNIAL OF OPENING 205 After the presentation the company was photographed by J. W. Black, and then passed into the hall, and to the bountifully spread tables. The chaplain of the day, Rev. Warren H. Cudworth, invoked the divine blessing upon the occasion and the assembled company. The after-dinner remarks were happily conducted by the president of the day, who reminded the company that of the large number of occupants of the market at the opening in 1826, but seven were living, and only four of them remained in active service. In the absence of his Honor the Mayor, Samuel C. Cobb, the first speaker was Hon. Josiah Quincy, who, with many happy expressions, said : “ Out of the past come voices which seem to me to say: ‘ Have confidence in yourselves; confi¬ dence in the future of the noble city for which in our day we did what we could.’ This faith was shown by the conduct of those who endowed the city with this market. And in that day, when there was no betterment law, it required some faith to extend and widen streets, and in other ways to prepare for the coming times. When this market arose, as it were, out of the mud, there was not a railway on the land nor a steamship on the ocean. Our back country extended some forty miles into the interior, or a little farther, perhaps, in the winter, when the sleighing was good. “ The second mayor, to whom allusion has been made, was once asked upon what he rested his faith in the future of Bos¬ ton at a time when circumstances were far from encouraging. He replied, ‘Upon the character of her citizens; with the sagacity, enterprise, and capital that they possess, a city could be built anywhere.’ ” His Excellency the Governor, Alexander H. Rice, in a felici¬ tous speech, said, “ If early fortune had left him his choice he thought he should have chosen above all other things to be a Faneuil Hall marketman,” and in speaking of the second 206 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET mayor, Josiah Quincy, he said, “All that is illustrious and saga¬ cious as a magistrate, all that is profound as a scholar, all that is patriotic as a self-denying citizen and wise as a statesman, all that is sagacious and prudent in a business man, he possessed in the highest degree.” Alderman John T. Clark, in the absence of the mayor, repre¬ sented the city. He eloquently pointed out how the prophetic language of the elder Quincy had been verified — “a proud memo¬ rial of the public spirit and unanimity of the city council and of the liberality of their fellow-citizens, an ornament to the city, a convenience to its inhabitants, a blessing to the poor, an accommodation to the rich, and an object of pleasure to the whole community.” Others who followed were Curtis Guild, George B. Loring, S. B. Finney, Nathaniel Childs, in verse, Rev. W. H. Cud- worth and Rev. J. M. Atwood, Rev. E. W. Gibbs, J. B. D. Coggswell, and the veterans of the market. The whole con¬ cluding with the singing of a verse of “ Auld Lang Syne.” CHAPTER XX Faneuil Hall and the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company. “The Natives trembled when they saw them train, and old as well as young stood still and reverenced them as they passed along in martial order.” — Doctor Colman in 1738. B OSTON’S ancient military organization early found shelter in Faneuil Hall. Robert Keayne, a prominent merchant and somewhat eccentric citizen of the town, was the leading char¬ ter member of the Company in 1638, and by his will, probated in May, 1656, he gave a legacy to the town of A300 for a town house in which there should be an armory for the benefit of “That noble Society of the Artillery Company.” Keayne’s legacy was applied toward the expense of building the town house in 1637-1658. In this structure at the head of King (State) Street, through its various changes, the Company had their armory for nearly a century. The town, through accept¬ ing Keayne’s legacy, was under obligations to make provision for the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company ; hence, after the acceptance of Peter Faneuil’s gift as a town house, arrange¬ ments were made for the Company in PTneuil Hall, and in April, 1746, it appears that the organization held a meeting there, but it was several years before they seem to have recognized it as their armory; and very soon after they were fully settled there they were driven from it by the fire of 1761. Upon returning to Faneuil Hall in 1762, the Company took measures to preserve their dignity and honor through adopting certain 207 208 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET rules and regulations, one of which was that the governor and council be invited on the anniversary when the officers were elected, and that there be an entertainment in Faneuil Hall, and the expenses be divided between the commissioned officers. The entertainment for the inner man was very simple, consisting of “ punch, wine, and bread and nothing more.” It was care¬ fully stated that pipes and tobacco be excluded, and that the company and guests be dismissed in time so as to prevent the expense of candles. But such frugality did not continue long; the early Boston appetite called for a more elaborate bill of fare. In 1763 cheese was allowed, and it was recorded in the News Letter that “ a plentiful repast was given by the newly elected officers, at Faneuil Hall where many healths were drank.” The first Monday of June was the day for the annual election and the formalities that accompanied it, which, with but slight altera¬ tions, have been continued to the present time. At early morn the fife and drum are heard in the streets of Boston, as the officers for that purpose go about to the residences of the mem¬ bers of the Company, and thereby give the familiar summons for them to meet at Faneuil Hall. The company, passing out of the hall, form in line in South Market Street, pass up State, Washington, and School streets and over to the State House, where they receive the governor and other guests, whom they escort to a church, and then they give attention to a sermon 1 and musical programme; from the church, the Company escort their guests to Faneuil Hall, where there is a reception, and dinner fol¬ lows. Thirteen toasts are offered and duly recognized. During the speaking the governor leaves the hall and returns to the State House, where he is later received by the Company and escorted to the Common, and the formality of change of officials is com- 1 This sermon was preached in the First Church, Chauncy Street, for many years. After 1867 the Hoilis Street Church was frequently resorted to, and on June I, 1885, they assembled in the Old South Church on Boylston Street, where they still continue to listen to the annual sermon. ANCIENT AND HONORABLE ARTILLERY 209 pleted. The governor is escorted back to the State House, and the Company returns to Eaneuil Hall and feasts upon the fragments of the dinner. The Boston Gazette of 1764, in reporting the election ceremo¬ nies, says, “In the evening there was a genteel entertainment at Eaneuil Hall provided by the newly elected officers.” The political sentiment of the times is easily detected by reviewing the records of the Company, as they have held their meetings in this historical building. In 1767 it is recorded that “ Many loyal healths were drank.” For several years immedi¬ ately preceding the hostile opening of the Revolution, the Com¬ pany had frequent meetings in Faneuil Hall for exercise ; and in the spring of 1774, preceding the regular May training, they exercised each Friday evening, but they seem not to have been there after the Port Bill went into effect, until 1786. While the Company entire was not found in the provincial army, many of the individual members were in the service of the country. In fact, the Artillery Company has not been intended for the field ; but its object has been to foster the military spirit through keeping together those who have done valiant service, extend the hand of sympathy and preserve in unbroken succession an honored institution brought from the homes beyond the sea and transplanted in New England by Robert Keayne, together with three associates. In the autumn of 1786, when there was politi¬ cal unrest in the State and Shays’s rebellion took place, the Honorable Artillery Company was called together in Faneuil Hall, “every member to appear compleat, with twenty-five rounds of powder and ball, with every equipment necessary to compleat a soldier for immediate service.” The next occasion when the Ancients were ordered to be in readiness for duty was during the second war with England. On September 10, 1814, Captain William Howe issued the following order: “It becomes the duty of every man at this moment of danger to know his post, and repair to it on the first alarm, whether by 210 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET night or day. The members of this company, not in commission in the Militia, will, therefore, on the alarm being given, repair to their armory in Laneuil Hall and there wait further orders.” On the annual election day of 1787 the annalist records, “ Finished the day with those pleasing sensations which friend¬ ship, good humor, and conviviality inspire.” He also adds, “ At dinner the corps were honored with the company of the honorable French and Dutch consuls, several of the reverend clergy, and a large number of respectable gentlemen.” The election day sermon and the presence of the governor and council are a following out of the custom of the “ Ancients ” in London, where the lord mayor and aldermen of the city have been annually invited to the exercises from a time as far back as the days of Cromwell. On June 2, 1788, the sesqui-centennial of the Company was observed with ceremony in keeping with the day. The sermon was by Rev. Dr. Osgood of Medford — “a sensible and well- adapted sermon.” The report of the day’s proceedings was quite like that of a century later, and the floral decorations of the Hall seem to have been a prominent feature and to have had national significance. At the entrance of Laneuil Hall was seen an arch hung with fragrant flowers, bearing on the key¬ stone the suggestive words, “ Incorporated 1638.” “ At the head of the hall were seven pillars of wreaths, deco¬ rated with flowers, emblematic of the seven States that had then adopted the Lederal Constitution; on the keystone of the arches were painted in large characters the names of the States, and behind them were fixed figures, almost as large as life, repre¬ senting their Excellencies, the presidents of the Lederal and Massachusetts conventions. The beautiful arrangements and symmetry of these decorations excited the astonishment and ad¬ miration of the Company as well as numerous spectators. The fragrance of the flowers and music of an excellent band added great zest to the entertainment.” ANCIENT AND HONORABLE ARTILLERY 211 The thirteen toasts, which doubtless became a custom of the Company on that occasion, were suggestive of the political situ¬ ation, and were as follows : — 1. The Governor and Commonwealth. 2. The United States. 3. The States which have adopted the Constitution. 4. Speedy completion of the federal edifice. 5. Louis XVI., our illustrious Ally, and the friendly powers of Europe. 6. The Day. 7. General Washington. 8. The Militia of Massachusetts. 9. May our citizens prize the honor of being soldiers, and our sailors never forget that they are citizens. 10. Our illustrious ancestors who first laid the foundation of military knowledge in America by the institution of this Com¬ pany. 11. May benevolence and peace so far influence the citi¬ zens of the world that the implements of war may with safety be converted into tools of husbandry. 12. The President and University in Cambridge. 13. Ereedom and Peace to all mankind. The election of 1790 was one of great interest. It was the first after the adoption of the Federal Constitution and choice of the first President of the United States. The Ancients had, as their guests, in addition to Governor John Hancock and council, the consuls of France, Holland, and Sweden, with many noted men in civic life. Faneuil Hall again became the admiration of the lover of floral beauty. “ The entrance formed an arch, supporting the orchestra, where the band performed during the dinner. At the head of the hall was a grand arch, from the keystone of which hung a golden fleur-de-lis. In the rear of this, in the centre window, was placed an obelisk, finely executed by Mr. Johnson. The base was formed by a bust of 212 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET the President of the LInited States, encircled with a glory and the inscription : ‘ The lustre of his actions shines with trium¬ phant brightness, and spreads a glory around him.’ Over this at the top of the obelisk was an all-seeing eye with the inscrip¬ tion, ‘ I protect the faithful.’ Above this was a winged cherub represented as crowning the President with a chaplet of laurel.” The decorations at the dinner on each succeeding election day were of great interest, and especially in 1800, when the death of Washington was remembered, also the death of Governor Sumner and Lieutenant-governor Gill. On this occasion Stuart’s por¬ trait of Washington was encircled by sixteen hearts, which bore in gold letters, “ We are one, and Washington, that friend of mankind, lives within us.” “ By virtue he acquired glory, and glory gained him im¬ mortality.” “ He shines neither with false nor borrowed light.” The sides of the hall were made to represent a full armory of firelocks. The two brass pieces of artillery, “ Hancock and Adams,” were also in place. In the year 1803 the chamber over Faneuil Hall was fitted for an armory, but it was soon decided that the hall must be enlarged, and the Company held their last meeting in the old quarters at the June election in 1805. They were, however, in attendance in February, 1806, when the agents for superintend¬ ing the enlargement gave “ a raising supper to the artisans and workmen, fathers of the town and others.” The hall was com¬ pleted so that the Company held its annual election dinner there in June, 1806. The two hundredth anniversary of the Company was observed in 1838, when Governor Edward Everett was their guest, and the occasion was one long to be remem¬ bered. In 1853 the city council granted $300 for fitting up the new armory for “The Ancients.” For many years, the rooms in the upper hall were occupied by the companies of the Bos¬ ton regiment militia and the Honorable Artillery Company as ANCIENT AND HONORABLE ARTILLERY 213 armories, and the large hall was used in common ; but at length the latter organization was left alone, where it remained until obliged to vacate in preparation for the rebuilding of 1898-1899. The needs of this Company — the oldest military organization on the continent of America — were fully considered in the plans for rebuilding; and the newly fitted fire-proof Laneuil Hall affords an apartment in compliance with a condition of the will of Robert Keayne of 1656 — “That there be a room in the very heart and securest part of the town for a magazine for arms, where they can scour and tend the arms, and lay them up and keep them, which will be a comely sight for strangers to see and a great ornament to the room and also of the town where the soldiers may arm themselves every time they go to exercise.” The new hall for this Company was made 77 feet long and 48^ feet wide, having on either side ample room for offices and other purposes. The most impressive of the office rooms is that directly under the dome. It was formerly the quarters of the old city guard, but had been long abandoned because of the sagging of the timbers, and danger that seemed to threaten in that locality. The Company expended a large sum of money in fitting their apartments, in addition to the liberal sum appropriated by the city. The walls of the main room are tinted with colors in oil, and ornamented with a frieze which combines the arms of the Commonwealth with those of the Company. In the ceiling are a series of decorative circles in which are placed the names of the charter members of the Artillery Company. Prominent among the memorials of the organization are eigh¬ teen silk flags, exact copies of colonial colors and those which have followed the original. They have also their tattered, time¬ worn banners, which include the oldest flag in existence, that carried in the Company in 1663. The military museum is divided into American and London 214 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET rooms, the latter containing the mementos of the visit to Wind¬ sor and Marlborough House, and also the entertainment of the Ancients by the Honourable Artillery Company of London. On the walls are the portraits of one hundred and fourteen captains of the Company. These serve to recall many noted families of the colonial and provincial period, as well as of the years of constitutional government. One room is devoted to the Slade collection of the Edwin Lorbes etchings, consisting of forty scenes of the Civil War. These, with many other pictures and ornaments, were given to the Company by Charles W. Slade, who was a prominent mem¬ ber of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company. The uniform of the Company when first appearing in Faneuil Hall consisted of a black hat, three-cornered and cocked, and bound with white lace : scarlet waistcoat and breeches, with gaiters and white cravat; buff belts and buff pouches. The drummers wore buff coats faced with scarlet. Many changes have been made in the uniform, but it has ever been such as to give a dignified and interesting appearance to the Company when on parade. The Company numbered about eight hundred in 1899, about five hundred of them being seen in the annual parade. The Honorable Artillery Company takes pride in being the oldest institution, except the Christian Church, on this continent. Its association with Faneuil Hall adds to the historical interest of that time-honored building, and links together the names of Boston’s early benefactors, Robert Keayne and Peter Faneuil. Faneuil Hall To-Day. CHAPTER XXI The Custodians of Faneuil Hall. The Market House Investment. Prog¬ ress in Marketing in the Various Departments. HE intention of Peter Faneuil to give a hall for the benefit -L of the citizens of Boston has been faithfully carried out. The selectmen were the custodians as long as the town form of government continued. An application for the use of the hall was always granted, unless it appeared that the purpose for which it was wanted was contrary to the spirit of the gift. We have seen that the hall was refused at times, for obvious reasons, during the Revolution, but law-abiding citizens, regardless of sect or nationality, have enjoyed their rights of its free use. By a condition of the city charter of 1822, the hall cannot be rented, and the old rules for governing the use of it have been observed. There is, however, a nominal fee required in order to defray the running expenses. Any citizen of Boston desiring the use of the hall for a defi¬ nite time makes application to the board of aldermen, who refer it to the P'aneuil Hall committee, consisting of five of their number. This committee passes favorably upon the petition, if no one has a previous claim upon the date, and the signature of the mayor assures the applicant that his petition is granted. Dates are often fixed months in advance, but it is apparent to the close observer that favoritism has no influence, the citizens’ hall being for the citizens, and first come is the first served. Although large sums of money have been expended to perpet- 216 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET uate Faneuil Hall, the appropriations have never been made as an investment. But in the management of the market, closely allied with the hall, the circumstances have been different. Stalls have always been rented to individuals for the purpose of conducting business for personal advantage, hence a reasonable rent has been exacted. It is evident that Mayor Josiah Quincy had the convenience of the people in mind when he extended the market accommoda¬ tions by the erection of the granite edifice in 1826, but he was also confident that the outlay made would be a profitable invest¬ ment, in proof of which we give the following financial state¬ ment, taken from the address of Mayor Matthews to the city government, upon the occasion of his retirement from the office in 1895. “ This undertaking, begun during the elder Quincy’s administration, had paid for itself by 1848, and has since yielded an aggregate profit above all expenses of nearly $3,000,000. The summary of the accounts may be stated as follows: — Payments Receipts Principal $1,240,280 1078,753 -$61,527 Income $ 969.316 3-888,877 +$2,919,561 Totals $2,209,596 5,067,631 + $2,858,034 “The property now consists of 27,000 square feet of land, assessed at $822,000, and of a building assessed at $300,000, making the total assessed value of the estate $1,122,000. The annual income exceeds the annual expenditure by about $57,000, which is a little over five per cent on the assessor’s valuation. “ Taking the loss in tax receipts, due to its ownership by the city, into account, the net profit to the city amounts to about three and three-quarters per cent per annum. This is less than the average return from private investments in land, yet it will hardly be denied that an undertaking which paid for itself in twenty years, which has since yielded and is still bring¬ ing in a net revenue of nearly $60,000 a year, and which fur- THE MARKET HOUSE INVESTMENT 217 nished public accommodations of great value, has been a success, regarded from the standpoint of a municipal investment.” If the profits since 1895 are added to the above totals, the net result is about $3,000,000. The annual gross revenue from the market house during the first five years of its existence averaged $23,220, the next ten years $24,380, and the last ten about $72,000. The annual expense is now about $9000. The 132 stalls rent for $42,900; the forty-four half-cellars, or base¬ ments, for $22,460; Quincy Hall for $3500; the Produce Exchange for $1800; outside stalls $1400; rooms over the market, $447; and the weighing fees are about $500. The largest income ever obtained in one year was in 1875, when the receipts were $93,189. The stalls are in charge of the superintendent of markets, and leases are made only upon his approval and by the signa¬ ture of the mayor. They are for a period of five years, and can be transferred by the same authority which granted them. The mayor who approved leases at the time of the comple¬ tion of this volume was Thomas N. Hart, who served in 1889 and 1890, and was elected to serve in 1900 and 1901. The character of the trade at the market has gradually changed from retail to wholesale, being occasioned by the opening of the many provision stores in the city, near the market, as well as in all parts of the city, and also to the change in population of the North End. Drummers representing the marketmen may be met in other cities in New England, and the stallkeepers have customers scattered throughout distant sections of the country ; and in fact they ship food supplies to the islands near our coast, and to the British Islands, Liverpool and London having supplies from Boston market. The market is the actual centre of a great combination of wholesale and retail traders, that has grown up during the past seventy-five years within its immediate vicinity. In the market, or near it, one can purchase a pound or a hundred quarters of 2l8 FANEUIL HALL AND MARKET beef; a pound of sausage or a thousand of dressed hogs; a peck or a thousand barrels of apples ; a pound or a ton of butter ; a dozen of oranges or a hundred boxes; a pound or a cargo of fish, fresh or salted; in fact, all and everything required for our sustenance can be secured, in large or small quantities. This has been made possible by modern appliances for cold storage. The ice which was once regarded as a priceless boon has been largely superseded by the adoption of the mechanical process, whereby much more satisfactory results are obtained. The cold current is generated and as silently distributed through the storehouses as is the electric current, and made to serve the public as effectually. When the mercury ranges at sum¬ mer heat in the market house, the temperature of grim winter is holding sway in the individual boxes and great storehouses. Quincy Market Cold Storage Company was incorporated in 1882, having a capital of $800,000. Its officers are J. Varnum Fletcher, president; Henry. F. Ross, vice-president; James C. Melvin, treasurer. The process is that of expansion by means of cold brine. The Eastern Cold Storage Company was incorporated in Massachusetts in 1898, having previously existed as a Maine company for two and a half years. Their capital is $250,000. Its officers are Walter L. Hill, president; J. Frank Kimball, vice-president; Francis Batchelder, treasurer. The process used is that of direct expansion. INDEX Adams, Abijah, 192. Adams, Charles F., 157. Adams, John, 149. Adams, John Q., 157. Adams, Samuel, 92, 93, 126, 128, 135, 158, 191; lease, 92, 93. Admiral Vernon Tavern, 88. Albany, 36; horses, 37. Allen, Captain, 38, 39. America, 3, 4, 5, 8, 50, 77. American Coffee House, 88. American colonies, 9. Amsterdam, 25. Ancient and Honorable Artillery, 67, 101, 207. Anderson, Arthur E., 165. Ann, Cape, 41. Ann Street, 88. Antigua, 32, 36. Apthorp, Charles, 84. Apthorp, East, 9. Armitage, Joner, 81. Ashburton, Lord, 159. Atlantic Ocean, 50. Atwood, Rev. J. M., 206. Babcock, Abram, 158. Badger & Sons, 136. Bagard, Peter, 14. Baker, Samuel, 27, 30, 35, 43. Baker, William, 27, 30, 43. Barbadoes, 36, 38, 39, 59, hi. Barcelona, 42. Barnes, Thomas, 14. Barre, Colonel Isaac, 126, 132. Batchelder, Francis, 218. Baxter, Daniel, 158. Beauchamp, Isaac, 39. Belcher, Andrew, 48. Belcher, Governor, 36, 49. Belcher, Jonathan, 47. Belcher, Lady, 51. Belknap, Joseph, 88. Bernard, Governor, 127, 140. Bernon, Gabriel, 4, 6. Bethune family, 115. Bethune, Mary, 119. Bethune, Mrs., 114. Bigelow, Benjamin, 95. Bigelow, Samuel, 119. Billings, Samuel, 158. Bird, Harrison, 204. Black, J. B., 205. Blanchard, Joshua, 83, 85, 87. Boston, 7, 9, 11, 13, 15, 25, 29, 41, 43, 45, 49, 5°, 5 r > 57, 61 , 62, 6 4, 65, 68, 70, 71, 86, 91, 100, 114. Boston Common, 58, 60, 64, 67, 72, 85, 88 . Boston, description of, 4, 5. Boston Evening Post, 98. Boston Gazette, 98, 126. Boston Massacre, 56, 128. Boston News Letter, 98. Boston poor, 142. Boston street lamps, 140. Boston Weekly Post Boy, 98. Boutineau, James, 14. Boutwell, Governor G. S., 161. Bowcloin, James, 84. Boyden, Ann Jane, 78. Boylston, John, 141. 2 INDEX Boyltins, Hendrine, 26. Brattle Street Meeting House, 82. Brighton, 114. Brimbecom, N., 203. Bristol, England, 18. British Coffee House, 88. Bronellian, M., 39. Brown, Abijah, 150. Bryant, John, 141. Buck and Breeches, 88. Buckley, Captain Peter, 32. Bulfinch, Charles, 152, 153, 154, 165, Bulkley, Bishop, 87. Bunch of Grapes, 8S. Bureau, Anne, 12. Burgoyne, General, 131, 142. Burlingame, Hon. Anson, 161. Burnet, William, 63, 64. Burrell, Lemuel, 144. Butlers’ Rowe, 120. Butler Square, 9. Butterfield, D. E., 203. Byles sisters, 51. Cadiz, 42. Callinder, Joseph, 171. Canary Islands, 42. Cape Breton, 39. Caswell, John, 35. Centre Market, S3, 8S. Chandler, Prof. F. W., 165. Chapman, Jonathan, 153. Chardon, Peter, 84, 109. Charles IX., 3. Charles River Bridge, 15r. Charlestown, 67, 142. Chatham Street, 173. Child, David W., 158. Childs, Nathaniel, 206. Christmas, 7. Church, Old South, 115, 116. Cincinnati, 10. Clark, Benjamin, 193. Clark, John T., 206. Clark, Jonas, 81, 83, 93. Clinton Street, 173. Coattery, Henry, 95. Cobb, Samuel C., Mayor, 205. Cochran, Captain, 23. Codfish emblem, 76, 149. Codman, Stephen, 153. Coffin, William, 88. Coggswell, J. B. D., 206. Cold Storage, Eastern, 218. Cold Storage, Quincy Market, 218. Collson, David, 81. Colman pears, 47. Colman, Rev. Benjamin, 25, 70, 207. Conrod, Captain, 61. Conway, Field Marshal, 132. Conway, Right Honorable General, 126. Cook, Justice Elisha, 61. Cook, Mr., 83. Cook, Middlock, 93. Coolidge, Harry, 145. Cooper, Rev. Dr., 96. Cooper, Samuel, 138. Cornhill, 113. Cossart, John, & Sons, 31. Cossart, Peter, wife of, 9, 25. Cossart, Susannah, 25. Cradle of Liberty, 123-124, 166. Crosby, Frank, 196. Cudworth, Rev. W. FI., 20c, 206. Cunningham, Captain Nathaniel, 84. Curtis, J. Herman, 199, 204. Cushing, Thomas, 124. Cushman, Miss Sara E., 1S0. Cutler, Dr. John, 61. Cutler, Mary, 16. Cutler, Rev. Mr., 22. Cutler, Timothy, D.D., 22, 63. Cutting, Abraham, 95. Daille, Rev. Pierre, 7. Dalancy of New York, 30. Dalrymple, Colonel, 127. Dana, Caleb, 92, 93. Dana, Daniel, 95. Danvers, 86. Dartmouth, 41. Da Silva, 41. Dates, confusion of, 114. Davenport, Addington, 14, 22, 37, 120. Davenport, Mrs. Anne, 121. Davis, Moses, 93. INDEX 3 Dawes, Mr., 96. Dawes, Thomas, 97. Deering, Henry, 36. De Lacroix, Abraham, wife of, 9, 27. De Lacroix, Susannah F., 14, 26, 27. De Lacroix, Theodore, 14. Depuistre, John, 36. Deshon, Moses, 86. D’Estaing, Count, 123, 132, 147. Devonshire Street, 14. Doane, Isaiah, 113. Dock Square, 70, 72, 81, 83, 86, 96, 100. Dock Square Market, 94. Doe, Freeman G., 204. Donations to Boston poor, 142. Dorchester, 67. Dorchester Neck, 60. Dow, Edward, 93. Dowse, Joseph, 109. Drowne, Deacon Shem, 136, 137. Drowne, Shem, romance, 138. Drowne, Thomas, 137. Dudley, Paul, 74. Dummer, Governor, 57, 58, 61. Dupee, Isaac, 192. Dymoke, Edward, 42. East India Co., 128. Eden, Abraham and Egbert, 14. Edict of Nantes, 3, 8. Election Day, 90. Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 10. England, 3, 18, 49, 54, 56, 74, 77. English, Thomas, 119, 120. Episcopal Charitable Society, 37. Everett, Governor Edward, 212. Faneuil, Andrew, 8, 9, 11, 12, 16, 17, 18, 22, 46, 48, 49, 116. Faneuil, Anne, 12, 14, 26, 35 ; arms, 31, 86, 117; child in home, 22; death, 23 ; funeral, 23 ; illness, 22 ; uncle, 15 ; wife, 8; will, 24, 27. Faneuil, Benjamin (elder), 6, 12, 17, 26, 62, 63, 108, 110, x 14. Faneuil, Benjamin, 12, 15, 16, 24, 25, 27, 48, 55; in Brighton, 115, 117, 118; and General Washington, 119. Faneuil, Benjamin, Jr., 17, 102, 129; died, 120. Faneuil Hall, 10, 88, 89, 90, 97, 98, 121, 125, 127, 130, 131, 132, 135; accepted, 84; African preacher, 135; architect, 87; banquet to John Adams, 135; barracks, 127; benevolence, 200; bricks, 86; burned, 96; celebrations, 201; cor¬ ner-stone, 174; cost, 155; Cradle of Lib¬ erty, 124; custodians, 215 ; described, 88, 181; enlarged, 153; erection,83; feasts, 132, 134; finished, 84; fireproof, 165, 166, 167, 168; first clerk, 191; glass, 88; granite, 171; grasshopper, 87, 136; illuminated, 125, 126, 133; in Revolu¬ tion, 139; investment, 20, 21, 215 ; lease, 92; lottery, 96, 97, 9S, 99, 133; named, 85, 117, 177; New' England forum, 88; occupied, 86; officials, 189; opening, 179; orators, 159; oratory, 156, 163; ornaments, 123; picture of, 99, 100; poem, 162; portraits, 131, 132, 160; post-office, 159; rebuilt, 99, 124, 165; semi-centennial, 201; sentiment, 166; shaken, 136; stalls, 140, 141, 144; stalls sold, 185; storehouse, 131; tea meetings, 128; theatre, 131 ; Tories, 120, 132; town-meetings, 123, 129, 15S; trials, 127. Faneuil Hall Market, 70, 90, 93, 94, 98, 99, 100. Faneuil, Peter, estate, 108, 109, in, 113 ; friend of Governor Shirley, 202 ; from 12 to 50, death, 101, 102. Faneuil, Peter, Esq., 28, 37, 101, 104, 177; jolly bachelor, 46, 47, 51, 52, 55, 109, 110; funeral oration, 104; gift, 104, 207; hospitality, 37, 112; obituary, 103; pictures, 85, 115, 121, 133; smug¬ glers, 44. Faneuils, 11, 43; banished, 115 ; car¬ riage, 53 ; Catherine, 13 ; equipage, 36; family, 9, 15, 42, 59, 87, 109, 118; fish pond, 119 ; Francis, 12; hearth¬ stone, 80; heirs, 115 ; home, 15, 28, 32, 37, 50, 51 ; house, 55, 110 ; hot¬ house, 47; John, 9, 12, 25, 62; Marie, 12, 59, 60, 121 ; mansion, 31, 50, 60, 4 INDEX no; Mary Ann, 15, 26, 31, 32, 34, 35, 46, 47, 48, 50, 52, 55, 87, 102, 109, 121, 160 ; Mary, daughter of Benjamin, 17 ; merchants, 15; mourning rings, 114 ; paper makers, 118 ; pew, 49 ; refugees, 121 ; Susannah, 13, 26, 35, 121 ; trade in negroes, 45 ; tomb, 115, 116 ; ware¬ house, 13, 47 ; wharf, 50. Farnum, Henry, 203. Faxon, Nathaniel, 144. Fennelley, Robert, 158. Fessenden, Jonathan, 93. Fette family, 116. Finney, S. B., 206. Fitch, Jeremiah, 158. Fitch, Thomas, 70. Fletcher, J. V., 203, 218. Fonnereau, Claude, 21, 43. Forestalling, 146. Forsyth, Alexander, 81. Foy, Captain John, 4. France, 2, 3, 9, 18, 26, 28, 60, 63, 64, 67. Francis I., 2. Francis II., 2. Frankland, Sir Henry, 14, 15. Franklin, Benjamin, 141. Fraser, W. Lewis, 114. Freeland, Mary de Witt, 6. French church, 24, 25. French exiles, 7. French Protestants, 5, 8. French refugees, 5. P'rog Pond, 72. P'rothingham, Hon. Richard, 196. P’uneral rites, 7. P’urber, W. H. PI., 203. Gage, General, 142. Gage, Governor, 120. Gage, Thomas, 129. Gallagher, Christian, 134. George, King, 4, 8 ; II., 126. Gibbs, Rev. C. W., 206. Gibbs’s Wharf, 60. Gleason, Winsor, 204. Golden Fleece Tavern, 88. Gooch, Jonathan, 102. Gooch, William, clerk of market, 194. j Gore, Eben, 93. Gore, Samuel, 127. Granary Burying Ground, 24, 56, 87, 101, 115, II 7 - ] Grasshopper Market, 136. J Grasshopper Vane, 123. Gravestones, old, 56. Gray, Harrison G., 80. Gray, Joseph, 191. Great Britain, 26. Greenow, Captain, 39. Groton, Conn., 59. Guild, Curtis, 206. Hager, Elisha, 95. Hall, Stacy, 203. Hammond, John, 95. Hancock, Governor, 134, 148. Hancock, John, 98, 126, 128, 132, 147, 158, 211. Hancock mansion, 149. Hancock, Mrs. T., 51. Hancock pasture, 72. Hancock, Thomas, 29, 36, 89, 93, too, 118. Harris, Henry, 63. Harris, Thomas B., 197. PI art, Mayor Thomas N., 216 ; photo¬ graph, autograph, 217. Hartwell, D. G., 204. Harvard College, 59. Hatch, Colonel Estes, 60. Haverhill, 53, 54. Hawley Street, 15. Hayward, Caleb, 194. Henchman, Daniel, 118. Henry III., 3. Henry IV., 3. Henshaw, Joshua, 126. Ilewes, George R. J., 145. Hewes, Shubael. 145. Hiland, Ira, 204. Hildreth, John, 144. Hiller, Attorney-general, 62. Hill, Walter L„ 218. Hirst Grove, 120. Hiscock, L. B., 203. Hodgson, Anthony, 90. INDEX 5 Holden, Ebenezer, 204. Holden, Oliver, 201. Holland, 3, 8, 26. Holmes, O. W., 7. Homas, John, 35. Hooper, Silas, 14. Houchin, Jeremy, 190. Houghton & Dutton, 29. Hovey, Horatio, 1S5. Hovey, William, 203. Howard, Frank W., 165. Howe, Captain William, 209. Howe, Genera], and negroes, 123, 135. Howe, General, 131, 132, 142. Huguenots, I, 2, 6, 9, 88; church, 7, 8, 10; persecution, 9 ; sisters, 48. Hull, Captain, 157. Hungarian bond, '61. Hunnewell, Jonathan, 153. Hutchinson, Edward, 70, 84. Hutchinson, Thomas, 11, 81, 83, 84, 117, 128, 129. Inmans, 36. Invoice book, 12. Ireland, 3, 9. Jackson, L. D., 204. Jackson, Thomas, 90, 191. Jarvis, 93, 95. Jeffries, John, 8r, 83. jekyll, brothers, 50 ; collector, 50 ; fam¬ ily, 47- 49 . 5 G 55 - Jekyll, Hannah, 47,51, 53, 54. Jekyll, John, 42, 63. Jekyll, Joseph, 47, 54; ladies, 48. Jekyll, Jun., 49. Jekyll, Mary, 47, 51, 52, 54. Jekyll, Richard, 47, 53, 54. Jekyll, Robert, 49. Johnson, Henry, 26. Johonnort, Daniel, 77. Johonnort, Zacariah, 77. Jones, A. H., 204. Jones, John, 45. Judge Willard, 27. Keayne, Robert, 67, 70, 73, 207, 209, 214. Kent, Benjamin, 126. Kilby, Thomas, 45. Kimball, J. Frank, 218. King’s Chapel, 14, 15, 29, 38; Burying Ground, 9. Kingston, Jamaica, 20. King Street, 14, Si, 88, 113, 128. Kittery, 36. Kneeland, Samuel, 61. Kossuth, Louis, 161. Krogman, Samuel B., 204. Lambert, William, 63. Lane, O. W., 201. Lane & Smithurst, 30, 32, 34, 35, 42. La Rochelle, 2. Law, duelling, 64. Lawrence, H. L., 204. Learnard, S. S., 203, 204. Lechmere, Thomas, 63, 102. Le Mercier, Andrew, 8. Lewis, Ezekiel, 97, 84. Limbery, William, 18, 19. Linnington, Lord, 52, 53. Little Cambridge, 141. Lloyd, Thomas, 20. London, 27, 30, 34, 35, 42, 73, 128. Longfellow, 69. Long Wharf, 60, 130. Loring, G. B., 206. Loring, Jonathan, 158. Louisburg, 86. Louis XIII., 3. Louis XVI., 135. Louis Thilippe, 159. Lovell, John, 101, 104, 105. Lyman, Caleb, 81, 83. Lynch & Blake, 32. Lynch, Peter, 42. Lynn, 67. Madeira, 30, 42. Mallet, John, 10. Malmsey, 42. Marblehead, 41. Market bell, 68. Market clerk, 91. Market Cross, 68. 6 INDEX Market day, 90. Market hours, 71. Market house, 80, 81, 87, 90. Market laws, 66, 189. Massachusetts, 6, 9, 41, 48. Massachusetts Bay, 77, 80. Massachusetts Historical Society, 134. Massacre, Boston, 128; victims of, 128. Massacre oration, 131. Mather, Rev. Samuel, 99, 124. Matthews, Mayor, 216. May, John, 153. Mayo, Thomas, 144. McKay, George E., Superintendent, 187, 189, 196; picture, 196; autograph, 197. Medford, 36, 86, 142. Meeting House Hill, 74. Melvin, Joseph C., 218. Merchants’ Row, 83, 88. Merriam, Nathaniel, 194. Middlesex Canal, 152. Milk Street, 15. Miller, Ebenezer, 64. Milton paper mill, 11S. Morrison, C. E., 204. Mourning rings, 55. Murray, Rev. John, 130. Nadir, William, 102. Nazro, Matthew, 194. New Castle, N. H., 66. Newell, Deacon, 133. New England, 7, 41, 66, 75. New England Historical Genealogical Society, 86. New England Weekly Journal, 5S, 98. New Jersey, 41. New Rochelle, 7, 12, 47. News Letter, Boston, 23, 43, 96, 98, 103. New York, 6, 12, 30, 41, 42, 114. North Meeting House, 70. Nourse, Superintendent, 194. Nova Scotia garrison, 139. Noyes, Increase E., 203. Noyes, Oliver, 9. Old brick meeting house, 131. Old feather store, 88. Old South Church, 58. Old South Meeting House, 85, 87, 128 129, 130. Old State House, 88. Oliver, Andrew, 84. Oliver, Chief Justice, 122. Oliver, Ebenezer, 153. Orange Street, 48. Otis, James, 15, 99, 124, 127. Oxford, 6, 7. Palmer, Thomas, 70. Paper Manufacturing Company, 115, 118 Parke, Harvey D., 119. Parke, Jeremiah, 144. Parker House, 119. Parkman, Samuel, 119, 160. Parris, Alex., 176. Pemberton, Dr. George, 61. Pendergast, Thomas, 42. Pepperell, Lady Mary, 120. Pepperell, William, 36. Philadelphia, 41. Philbrook, Governor H., 204. Phillips, Gillam, 14, 26, 59, 60, 61, 62 118. Phillips, Henry, 57-64. Phillips, Madame Hannah, 62. Phillips, Marie, 14, 113, 121. Phillips, Mayor, 171. Phillips, Samuel, 60. Phillips, Wendell, 158. Phillips, William, Lieutenant-governor n 3- Phipps, Samuel, 93. “Piepowder” court, 192. Pigot, George, 63. Pilgrim Fathers, 1. rink, Molly, 60. Pitcher, Moses, 97. Tolk, President, 194. Pope & Co., 29. Port Bid, 130, 141. Porter, William, 153. Portugal, 18. Powder House, Old, 10. Price, William, 109. INDEX 7 Prince de Joinville, 159. Pritchard, Captain, 61. Providence, ship, 18, 19, 44. Province House, 85. Pudding Lane, 14. Putnam, Israel, 142. Quay, Thomas, 20. Queen Street, 61, 87. Quincy Genealogy, 173. Quincy, Hon. Josiah, 205. Quincy, Josiah, Mayor, 166; picture and autograph, 167. Quincy, Josiah, 2d., Mayor, 171, 172; picture and autograph, 173. Quincy, Josiah, 89, 171. Quincy Market Cold Storage Co., 218. Quincy, Miss, 28. Reed, John, 95. Rehobuth, 4. Revolution, 99. Rhodes, Superintendent, 194. Rice, Alexander H., Governor, 205. Rice, Charles B., Superintendent, 195. Roaper, Silas, 14. Robbins, Nathan, 204. Roberts, Oliver Ayer, 10 r. Robinson, John, 95. Rochelle, France, 6, q, 27, 62. Rochelle, a ship, 30, 44. Ross, Henry F., 218. Row, Peter, 95. Rowe, John, 141. Roxbury, Rev. Mr., 8, 75. Royal Exchange, London, 28. Royall, Isaac, 36. Ruddock, John, 126. Ruggles, 84, 87. Russell, Benjamin, 171. Russell, Joseph, 153. Salem, 41, 67, 86. Salter, William, 93. Saltonstall, Colonel Richard, 54, 56. Saltonstall family, 55. Sargeant, Peter, 85. Sargent, Colonel Henry, 160. Savage, Samuel T., 97. School House Lane, 8. School Street, 8. Sewall, Jonathan, 59. Sewall, Rev. Joseph, 58. Sewall, Samuel, 5, 7, 85, 97, 126. Sewall’s, Judge, almanac, 58. “ Sexton of Old School,” 60, 62. Sheaf, William, 89. Shirley, Governor, 15, 126, 202. Shurness, man-of-war, 62. Shurtleff, Historian, 59. Silva, Miguel, 20. Simons, Henry, 153. Slade, Charlotte, 214. Smibert, John, 83, 87, 153. Snider, Christopher, 127. Solomon, 37. Somerville, 10. Spain, 5. Squire, J. T., 204. Stamp Act, 76, 123, 125; repeal, 126, 139. Staniford, John, 91, 191. Stanley, David, 95. State House, 66, 68, 72. State Street, 9, 66. Steel, Captain John, 191. Steel, John, 70, 93. Steel, Thomas, 63. Stevens, James, 63. Stoddard, John, 95. Suffolk Bank, 29. Summer Street, 15. Sun Tavern, 6i. Tailor, William, Esq., 63. Teneriffe, 42. Thacher, Oxenbridge, Esq., 124. Thacher, Peter, 171. Thompson, Captain, 53. Thompson, Robert, 5. Thornton, Timothy, 97. Thorrow, Samuel, 14. Ticknor, Elisha, 153. Tilden, David, 153. Tileston, Captain, 97. Tileston, John, 153. Tinkham, George E., 203. INDEX Tories, 140. Torrey, Everett, 197. Touton, John, 4. Town House, 88. Tremont Street, 9, 29, 37, 46, 55, 78, 87. Trinity Church, 14, 15, 22, 37, 114, 118. Trinity churchyard, 6. Two-penny-brook Quarry, 10. Tyler, Royal, 124. Vane, Grasshopper, 123. Vassal family, 113. Vassals, 36. Verplanck, Julian, 14, 30, 36, 41, 42. “ Videna,” 42. Vinal, E., 136. Wadsworth, Josiah, 93. Waitt, William, 93. Waldo, Samuel, 84. Walker, Benjamin R., 101. Wallace, G. L., 193. Ward, Joseph, 36, 38. Warrant for town-meeting, So. Washington, General, 115, 133. Washington Street, 8, 48. Water first in Boston, 201. Waters, Josiah, 97. Watertown, 67. Watson, James, 70, 191. Webster, Hon. Daniel, 9, 158. Weedon’s History, 41. Wells, Samuel, 9, 158. Wendall, Jacob, 70, 84. Wendall, Jno., 102. Wentworth, Governor, 36. West Boston Bridge, 151. West Indies, 20, 73. Wheelwright, Jno., 102. White, Elijah, 144. Whitefield, Rev. George, 124. Whiting, Nathaniel, 93. Whittier, J. G , 162. Wild, Paul, 179. Williams, Eliphalet, 158. Willoughby, Francis, 70, 191. Winchester, Israel, 92. Windham, Conn., 130. Winship, Jonathan, 141. Winslow, Captain John, 60, 61. Winslow, Joshua, 102. Winthrop, Governor John, 63. Winthrop, Hon. Adams, 84. Woodbridge, Benjamin, 57, 58, 61, 64 S. F„ 203. Woodbury & Leighton, 165. Worthly, Frank, 9, 136. Wright, Francis, 153. 6445 I 974.46 B81 Brown,A.B.,Faneuil Hall & Bane-nil Hall Market.