anxaf 
 
 87-B 
 
 17846 
 
 EIGHTH MEMOIR OF 
 
 THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND 
 
 (VOLUME FOR 1889-90.) 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 (1887-1889.) 
 
 By EDOUARD NAYILLE. 
 
 WITH FIFTY-FOUR PLATES. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE COMMITTEE. 
 
 LONDON-: 
 
 MESSRS. KEGAN PAUL TRENCH, TRUBNEli & CO., 57 & 59, LUJDGATE HILL, E.C. 
 

 
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Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2018 with funding from 
 Getty Research Institute 
 
 https://archive.org/details/bubastis1887188900navi 
 

 
 
 
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PL 
 
 fhototypie !•' Thiivoz & C°, Geneva 
 
BUBASTIS 
 
 ( 1887 - 1889 .) 
 
 LY 
 
 EDOUARD NAYILLE. 
 
 EIGHTH MEMOIR OF 
 
 THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND. 
 
 our plates. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE COMMITTEE. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Messrs. KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., 57 & 59, LUDGATE HILL. 
 
 1891. 
 
GILBERT AND 
 
 st. John’s house, 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 RIVINGTON, LIMITED, 
 CLERKENWELL ROAD, 
 
 E.C. 
 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The present volume contains the description of all that has been discovered 
 in the excavations at Bubastis, with one exception. I did not include in it the 
 numerous inscriptions referring to the great festival of Osorkon II., which will 
 be the subject of a supplementary volume. By the great number of plates which 
 it will require, the description of this festival would have been quite out of 
 keeping with the rest of the book ; and it would differ also in character from 
 this memoir, which bears chiefly on the historical results of the excavations. 
 
 When I settled in 1887, with Mr. Griffith, on the well-known mounds of 
 Tell Basta, where the dealers in antiquities have been working for years—the 
 extent of which has been much reduced by the fellaheen digging for “ sebakh,” 
 or by the construction of the railway, and which Mariette had pronounced so 
 little encouraging for scientific explorers—I was far from expecting such a large 
 crop of monuments belonging to various ejiochs of Egyptian history, during a 
 period of 4000 years. 
 
 In 1887, a month’s work brought to light the second hall of the temple, 
 the “ Festival Hall,” where we found, among numerous inscriptions of Baineses 
 II. and Osorkon II., remains of the twelfth dynasty, and cartouches of Pepi, 
 showing that the city went as far back as the sixth dynasty. 
 
 In 1888 the Bev. W. MacGregor and Count d’Hulst joined the work. 
 This campaign has been the most productive. Its riches may be appreciated by 
 what is seen in Ghizeh, in the British Museum, at Boston, and in several other 
 museums of Europe, America, and even Australia. During that winter the 
 Hyksos remains were found, as well as the statue of Ian-Ba, both showing that 
 Bubastis had been an important Hyksos settlement. Therefore it was not a 
 purely Egyptian city of high antiquity, reconstructed by Bameses and Osorkon, 
 as might have been concluded from the first excavations. The strangers had 
 
 a 2 
 
IV 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 dwelt in the city, and had left in its temple important traces of their 
 dominion. 
 
 In 1889 Mr. Griffith was prevented from going to Egypt by his appointment 
 at the British Museum. Dr. Goddard, from America, took his place. We exca¬ 
 vated the cemetery of cats. In the temple, the limits of which had been reached 
 in the preceding year, we had chiefly to roll the blocks of the first hall, where 
 appeared the names of Cheops and Chefren of the fourth dynasty. These names 
 proved that the antiquity of the temple was higher than we thought. Thus, each 
 year modified in certain respects the ideas which I had formed on the age and the 
 nature of the edifice, and therefore it was preferable to wait for the publication 
 of the results until the excavations were completed. It enabled me to give a 
 general view of the history of the edifice, which, though smaller, is like Karnak, 
 a summary of the history of the country. 
 
 I have to express my gratitude to the Director of the Antiquities of Egypt, 
 M. Grebaut, for authorizing me to excavate at Tell Basta, and for the kind help 
 he lent me in my work. 
 
 The plates of this volume are of two kinds, phototypes and linear plates. 
 We made a much greater use of photography than in former excavations; and 
 in this respect I have to thank my friend, the Kev. W. MacGregor, for his 
 liberality in letting me make use of his negatives, several of which have been re¬ 
 produced in this volume. A few photographs are the work of the skilled hand 
 of Brugsch-Bey. The phototypes have been made by the firm of F. Thevoz 
 and Co., in Geneva, and are on the whole very satisfactory. In appreciating 
 them it must be remembered that both the Rev. W. MacGregor and I are 
 amateur photographers ; neither of us have made a special study of this delicate 
 and difficult art. For this reason several of the negatives were not very good; 
 besides, whenever some natives are included in the picture, it is hardly possible 
 to persuade them to remain motionless. 
 
 I am indebted to my countryman, M. E. Cramer, who lives at Cairo, for the 
 architectural drawing of the lotus-bud column, and to Count d’Hulst for one of the 
 photographs and for the plan. As for the linear plates, they have been drawn from 
 paper-casts by Mine. Naville, and printed by the same firm as the phototypes. 
 
 I must not forget to thank particularly Prof. Robert Harvey, of the Univer¬ 
 sity of Geneva, who kindly fulfilled the ungrateful task of revising the style of 
 the memoir for the press. 
 
PEEFACE. 
 
 v 
 
 And now I can only express the wish that the future excavations which I 
 may have to undertake for the Egypt Exploration Fund, in the service of which 
 Society I had the honour to work during five winters, may prove as successful 
 as those made at Bubastis. 
 
 EDOUARD NAYILLE. 
 
 Malagny, near Geneva, 
 September, 1890. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Tell Basta . 
 
 • 
 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1 
 
 The Cemetery of Cats 
 
 PAGE 
 
 52 
 
 The Old Empire . 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Dynasties Twenty-Three to Twenty- 
 
 
 The Twelfth Dynasty 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Nine . 
 
 55 
 
 The Thirteenth Dynasty 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 The Thirtieth Dynasty 
 
 56 
 
 The Hyksos 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 The Ptolemies and the Romans . 
 
 59 
 
 The Eighteenth Dynasty . 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 The Small Temple .... 
 
 60 
 
 The Nineteenth Dynasty . 
 
 
 
 35 
 
 List of Kings. 
 
 63 
 
 The Twentieth Dynasty 
 
 
 
 45 
 
 Contents of Plates .... 
 
 64 
 
 The Twenty-Second Dynasty 
 
 
 
 46 
 
 Index ....... 
 
 67 
 
EEEATA. 
 
 Notwithstanding careful revisions a few errors have remained in the linear plates. 
 PI. xxxvii. F, read instead of X 3 7 . 
 
 PI. li. g, 1. 3, the two signs { should be turned the other way. 
 
 1. 5, under A * ie n read |* instead of |. 
 
BUB ASTI S. 
 
 TELL BASTA. 
 
 The most ancient mention of Bubastis which 
 we meet with, apart from the Egyptian texts, 
 exists in the prophet Ezekiel, in the prophesy 
 against Egypt. 1 * “ The young men of Aven 
 and of Pi-Beseth 3 shall fall by the sword; and 
 these cities shall go into captivity.” The 
 Septuagint, 3 translating the passage, give the 
 Greek names of the two cities ; Aven is Helio¬ 
 polis, and Pi-Beseth, Bubastis; and they are 
 followed by the Vulgate and the Coptic 
 version. 4 
 
 It is to Herodotus that we are indebted for 
 the most complete description of Bubastis. 
 The Greek writer speaks twice of the city; 5 
 first in reference to the great festival which 
 was celebrated there annually, and afterwards 
 when he gives a detailed description of the 
 temple, to which we shall have to revert further. 
 He also states that near Bubastis was the place 
 where the canal to the Red Sea branched off 
 from the Nile. From his account we learn that 
 Bubastis was a large city of Lower Egypt, and 
 his statement is borne out by the narrative of the 
 capture of the town by the generals of Arta- 
 xerxes, Mentor, and Bagoas, which is found in 
 Diodorus. 6 At Bubastis occurred for the first 
 time what was to be the cause of the fall of 
 several cities, and especially of the capital, 
 internal warfare between the foreign mer¬ 
 cenaries and the Egyptian troops, each party 
 betraying the other to the Persian general. 
 
 1 Ezek. xxx. 17. 3 
 
 V V 
 
 VG.&VLO'KOL HAlOU7roA.€(i)9 KCLL B OvfScLCTTOV €P flCL^OLLpOL TTZQTOVVTCLl. 
 
 4 iti t dx2\vyipi rtTE urn iVre cl>pw 
 
 item c|>oY&*cei evegei Tcnqi. 
 
 5 ii. 60, 137. ti xvi. 49. 
 
 Strabo speaks of the nome or province of 
 Bubastis as being near the head of the Delta in 
 the immediate vicinity of the nome of Heliopolis. 
 Bubastis is one of the eight famous cities men¬ 
 tioned by Pomponius Mela among the twenty 
 thousand said to have existed under Amasis, 
 and of which many were still inhabited in his 
 time. Roman coins of the time of Hadrianus 
 bear the name of the nome of Bubastis. It 
 occurs in Ptolemaeus and Stephanus Byzantinus. 
 Hierocles quotes Bubastis among the cities of 
 the second Augustamnica, and it was one of 
 the bishoprics of Egypt. A Byzantine chrono- 
 grapher, John, Bishop of.Nikiou, 7 quotes the 
 city of Basta in connection with a rebellion 
 which took place under the Emperor Phocas, 
 and the Arab geographer Macrizy 8 speaks of it 
 repeatedly. Among the provinces of Egypt 
 was the district of Bastah, which contained 
 thirty-nine hamlets. Bastah was given as 
 allotment to the Arab tribes who had taken 
 part in the conquest. Afterwards it belonged 
 to the province of Kalioub. 
 
 We do not know when it was abandoned. 
 Travellers did not direct their attention to the 
 place, and the first to have noticed the ruins 
 seems to be the Frenchman Malus, who took 
 part in the Egyptian campaign at the end of 
 last century. He gives the following descrip¬ 
 tion of the place : 9 — 
 
 “ The ruins of Tell Bastah are seen from a 
 great distance. They are seven leagues distant 
 from the Nile, and half a league from the canal 
 (the Muizz), on its right side. We saw there 
 
 7 Chron. de Jean de Nikiou, ed. Zotenberg, p. 201. 
 
 8 Quatremere, Mem. sur l’Egypte, p. 100. 
 
 9 Memoires sur l’Egypte, i. p. 215. 
 
 B 
 
2 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 several remains of monuments which may be 
 useful for the history of Egyptian architecture. 
 We noticed in particular part of a cornice of a 
 very vigorous style ; the sculpture of it is fairly 
 preserved. This block, which may be eight 
 feet long and six high, is of a very hard red 
 granite; the work is most elaborate, it is 
 covered with hieroglyphs, of which we made a 
 drawing. 
 
 “ We saw on other masses of granite, among 
 the hieroglyphs, characters which we had not 
 noticed anywhere else. The face of an obelisk 
 is completely covered with stars, and represents 
 the sky. The stars have five rays of a length 
 of two centimetres, and are joined to each 
 other in an irregular order. Enormous masses 
 of granite, nearly all mutilated, are heaped up 
 in the most wonderful way. It is difficult to 
 conceive what power could break and pile them 
 up in that manner. Several have been cut for 
 making millstones; some of them are com¬ 
 pletely hewn, but have been left on the spot, 
 probably for want of means of transport. . . . 
 This city, like all others, was raised on great 
 masses of raw bricks. The extent of Bubastis 
 in all directions is from twelve to fourteen 
 hundred metres. In the interior is a great 
 depression, in the middle of which are the 
 monuments which we noticed.” 
 
 This description is interesting because it 
 shows that in the time of Malus the part of 
 the temple which was visible was the western 
 hall, the hall of Aekhthorheb, the most ex¬ 
 tensive, and where at present still exists the 
 greatest heap of blocks. The monuments 
 which struck him have been published in the 
 great work of the French expedition ; 1 they 
 are the upper cornice, adorned with large asps, 
 of which we discovered several fragments, and 
 part of the ceiling, which he mistook for the 
 side of an obelisk, and which is, in fact, adorned 
 with stars. Although quarrying has been 
 
 1 Dcscr. de l’Egypte, Antiquites, v. pi. 29, 9. 
 
 practised in the whole temple, it has been 
 most active in the western part, judging from 
 the immense number of chips of red limestone 
 from Gebel Ahmar, the best material for mill¬ 
 stones. Probably more towards the east the 
 temple was covered, for Malus would certainly 
 have mentioned the large columns which would 
 have struck him more than the cornice, had he 
 seen them. 
 
 A more complete description has been given 
 by Sir Gardner Wilkinson. It appeared first 
 in the transactions of an Egyptian society, 2 
 whence it passed into Murray’s hand-book. 
 Wilkinson seems to have been at Bubastis 
 before 1840. Probably some digging liad been 
 done by the fellaheen, either for “ sebakli ” or 
 for quarrying, for he saw a good deal more 
 than Malus. He speaks of lotus-bud columns, 
 of a palm-tree column which must have been 
 twenty-two feet high, and which was lying near 
 the canal, where it is still now to be seen; and 
 he read on the stones the names of Raineses II., 
 Osorkon I., and of a king whom he calls 
 wrongly Amyrtaeos, and who is Nectanebo I., 
 Nekhthorlieb. 
 
 Since Wilkinson saw the place more stones 
 have been carried away, and the Nile mud 
 has covered parts of the temple which were 
 visible in his time. I visited the jfiace for the 
 first time in 1882. In the great rectangular 
 depression which marks the site of the temple, 
 a few weather-beaten granite blocks were to be 
 seen, but no column or statue, only two pits 
 which were Mariette’s attempts at excavations, 
 very soon given up, as they were without 
 results. The appearance of the place was 
 exactly the same in 1887 when I settled there 
 with Mr. Griffith, and we resolved to excavate 
 the famous sanctuary of Bubastis, described by 
 Herodotus as follows :— 3 
 
 “ Among the many cities which thus attained 
 
 2 Miscellanea Aegyptiaca, p. 2. 
 
 3 ii. 137, ed. Ravvlinson. 
 
TELL BASTA. 
 
 3 
 
 to a great elevation, none (I tliink) was raised 
 so much as the town called Bubastis, where 
 there is a temple of the goddess Bubastis, which 
 well deserves to be described. Other temples 
 may be grander, and may have cost more in the 
 building, but there is none so pleasant to the 
 eye as this of Bubastis. The Bubastis of the 
 Egyptians is the same as the Artemis of the 
 Greeks. 
 
 “The following is a description of this edi¬ 
 fice : Excepting the entrance, the whole 
 forms an island. Two artificial channels from 
 the Nile, one on either side of the temple, 
 encompass the building, leaving only a narrow 
 passage by which it is approached. These 
 channels are each a hundred feet wide, and are 
 thickly shaded with trees. The gateway is 
 sixty feet in height, and is ornamented with 
 figures cut upon the stone, six cubits high, and 
 well worthy of notice. The temple stands in 
 the middle of the city, and is visible on all 
 sides as one walks round it; for as the city 
 has been raised by embankment, while the 
 temple has been left untouched in its original 
 condition, you look down upon it wheresoever 
 you are. A low wall runs round the enclosure, 
 having figures engraved upon it, and inside 
 there is a grove of beautiful tall trees growing 
 round the shrine, which contains the image of 
 the goddess. The enclosure is a furlong in 
 length, and the same in breadth. The entrance 
 to it is by a road paved with stones for a dis¬ 
 tance of about three furlongs, which passes 
 straight through the market-place in an 
 easterly direction, and is about four hundred 
 feet in width. Trees of an extraordinary height 
 grow on each side of the road, which conducts 
 from the temple of Bubastis to that of 
 Mercury.” 
 
 The description of Herodotus does not ex¬ 
 actly correspond to what must have been the 
 temple, the ruins of which we excavated, for 
 since the Greek traveller saw it, the King 
 Nekhthorheb of the XXXth dynasty added a 
 
 B 
 
 hall, intended to be the largest, but which never 
 was finished. 
 
 As I said before, the site of the temple is a 
 rectangular depression, about nine hundred to 
 a thousand feet long, in the middle of which 
 stood the edifice, running nearly from east to 
 west. At present it is still easy to recognize 
 the correctness of the statement of Herodotus, 
 when he says that the whole building was an 
 island, for the beds of the canals which sur¬ 
 rounded it are still traceable. The sides of 
 the rectangle consist of lofty mounds, which 
 are nothing but layers of decayed brick-houses, 
 which were always rebuilt on the same spot, 
 so that after centuries the ground was consider¬ 
 ably raised. It is clear that from them one 
 must have looked down on the stone buildings 
 which had remained at the same level. Here 
 again the statement of Herodotus is that of an 
 eye-witness. When we had unearthed the whole 
 area of the temple, the view extended over a 
 space about five hundred feet long, covered 
 with enormous blocks of granite. It was easy 
 to recognize from the intervals between the 
 various heaps of stones that there had been 
 four different halls varying in their proportions. 
 But the whole was so much ruined; besides, so 
 many stones have been carried away, that it 
 was impossible to make an approximate recon¬ 
 struction or even a plan of what the temple 
 must have been. 
 
 Beginning from the east, the entrance hall 
 was about eighty feet long and one hundred 
 and sixty wide (pi. liv.). The sculptures were 
 chiefly of Rameses II. and Osorkon I., but 
 there were found the two most ancient kings, 
 Cheops and Chefren. The gateway was adorned 
 with two large columns, with palm-leaf capitals, 
 and outside of it stood the two great Hyksos 
 statues. Following the axis of the building, 
 and going towards the west, the next hall was 
 eighty feet long by one hundred and thirty. It 
 had no columns, but a considerable number of 
 statues of different epochs, and was the richest 
 2 
 
4 , 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 in inscriptions of various times. It underwent 
 several changes, especially under Osorkon II., 
 and will be designated by the name which the 
 king gave it, “ The Festival Hall.” It con¬ 
 tained a shrine, of which there are a few fraer- 
 ments left, and I should think it was around it 
 that Herodotus saw the beautiful trees which 
 he mentions. 
 
 Next came the colonnade, with two styles of 
 columns and square pillars. It is not possible 
 to know its width, but it was about one 
 hundred and ninety feet long. The temple 
 ended with the hall of Nekhthorheb, one 
 hundred and sixty feet square. Probably 
 there was around the temple an enclosure wall 
 of black basalt, but traces of it are visible only 
 near the twm wmstern halls. Nearly all the 
 stones left are red granite, no white limestone 
 has remained. In the hall of Neklithorheb a 
 great part of the building must have been made 
 of red limestone from Gebel Ahmar, but as it 
 is the best stone for mills and presses it has 
 disappeared. The immense number of chips 
 show that this part of the temple has been a 
 regular quarry. 
 
 The destruction is as complete as at San, at 
 Behbeit el Hagar, or generally speaking, in all 
 the temples of the Delta. We have no clue 
 whatever to inform us who was the author of 
 it, or what was the purpose of such wanton 
 ravage. I have dwelt elsewhere 4 on the idea 
 that the style of construction of the temples 
 made them very apt to be used as fortresses, 
 and that this circumstance may have been the 
 cause of their being destroyed in times of war. 
 This explanation would apply particularly well 
 to Bubastis, of which we know that it was 
 besieged by the Persians, and that it was 
 conquered in the wars of the time of Phocas. 
 Besides, Bubastis, like the present city of 
 Zagazig, which has taken its place, was the 
 key of the Delta; it was on the road of all the 
 
 invaders from Syria, whether they took the 
 northern road through Pelusium, Daphnae and 
 San, or whether they journeyed more south 
 through Pithom-Heroopolis. It was an impor¬ 
 tant position to hold, and consequently very 
 much exposed to all the accidents of war. 
 
 As the temples of Lower Egypt are mere 
 heaps of blocks, whoever wishes to explore 
 them thoroughly is obliged to roll down the 
 stones and to turn them in order to see what 
 may be hidden underneath. This part of the 
 work, which was done by gangs of strong men, 
 called the “ sliayaleen,” took a considerable 
 time, and was often most laborious; but it 
 yielded very important results. In the two 
 first halls every single block has been turned, 
 so as to show whether it had any inscription. 
 It has changed considerably the appearance of 
 the place. Instead of forming lofty piles, the 
 stones are strewn over a large space near each 
 other. The place is less picturesque; the ap¬ 
 pearance of the ruins is far less imposing than 
 when we first unearthed those huge masses 
 clustered in colossal heaps, but science has 
 gained considerably. Thus we discovered a 
 great number of kings, whose passage and work 
 at Bubastis would otherwise have remained 
 ignored. 
 
 THE OLD EMPIEE. 
 
 We learn from Manetho that under the King 
 Boethos, the first of the second dynasty, a 
 chasm opened itself at Bubastis, which caused 
 the loss of a great many lives. Up to the present 
 day, we have not found in any part of Egypt 
 monuments as old as the second dynasty. 
 Historical monuments, properly speaking, begin 
 only with the fourth ; however, the passage of 
 Manetho shows that in the tradition of his time 
 the foundation of Bubastis went back to a high 
 antiquity. 
 
 The fourth dynasty is represented in our 
 excavations by the constructors of the two 
 
 4 Godien, p. 4. 
 
THE OLD EMPIEE. 
 
 5 
 
 great pyramids, Cheops and Chefren. Their 
 names have been discovered in the first hall, 
 not far from the entrance, on blocks which have 
 evidently been re-used later on ; the inscriptions 
 have escaped because they were hidden in the 
 wall. Of Cheops we have only what is called 
 the standard 1 (pi. viii., xxxii. a.), exactly as we 
 find it on an alabaster vase of the same King. 2 
 It is likely that under or near the standard was 
 the cartouche, as in the tablet of Wadi Mag- 
 liarah. 3 This interesting inscription is en¬ 
 graved on an enormous block which the 
 directiou of the veins of the stone rendered 
 very difficult to split. It is now in the British 
 Museum. 
 
 The name of Chefren (pi. xxxii. b) is written 
 like that of Neferkara of Wadi Magharah, 4 it is 
 a standard containing both name and title, and 
 which was surmounted by Horus. The names 
 of both kings are of large dimensions, the hiero¬ 
 glyphs in Cheops’ standard being eight inches 
 high, and of Chefren eleven inches. The style 
 of the engraving is beautiful, and considering 
 the archaic appearance of the sculpture, and 
 its similarity to several inscriptions of the Old 
 Empire, 5 we have no reason to doubt that 
 those names have been inscribed on the walls 
 of the temple under the reigns of the kings. 
 It is the first instance where a mention of those 
 kings has been found on a contemporaneous 
 edifice which is not a tomb, and situate north 
 of Memphis. This implies a real sovereignty 
 over that part of Lower Egypt, which must 
 have been wielded already by the predecessor 
 of Cheops, Snefru. We have not discovered 
 Snefru’s name at Bubastis, but he must have 
 left some traces in the Delta, which he certainly 
 
 1 I employ here the usual name, without prejudging in 
 the least Messrs. Maspero and Petrie’s opinion that the 
 so-called standard is the name of the Ka. 
 
 2 Leps. Denkm. ii. pi. 2 d. 
 
 3 Leps. 1. 1. pi. 2 b. 
 
 4 Leps. 1. 1. pi. 116. 
 
 5 Leps. 1. 1. pi. 26, pi. 39 d, e, pi. 116, etc. 
 
 occupied, for he was the first in making war¬ 
 like expeditions to the Sinaitic Peninsula, and 
 in order to reach it, he was obliged to follow 
 the Wady Tumilat. His expeditions were con¬ 
 tinued by Cheops, who appears to have been a 
 powerful king. Apart from the construction 
 of the great pyramid, the tradition attributed 
 to him the foundation of the temple of Den- 
 derah, for the plan according to which the 
 edifice was reconstructed under Thothmes III., 
 had been found “ in ancient writings of the 
 time of Cheops.” G 
 
 Chefren has left no record of any expedition 
 to Sinai. It is to him that we owe the first 
 royal statues, and the beauty of the hieroglyphs 
 with which his name is written at Bubastis 
 is another proof of the high degree of develop¬ 
 ment which Egyptian art had reached in his 
 time. After the fourth dynasty, there seems to 
 have been a period of weakness in the monarchy, 
 which revives again with the first king of the 
 sixth dynasty, Pepi I. 
 
 This king has also been discovered at 
 Bubastis. He was already known in the Delta 
 by the famous stone of San, found by Burton, 
 and containing his name and titles. 7 This 
 stone has for a long time attracted the atten¬ 
 tion of Egyptologists. Mr. Flinders Petrie, who 
 republished it, and who discovered at San a 
 second fragment till now unknown, has sug¬ 
 gested that the stone might have been brought 
 by Rameses II. from a building of Upper 
 Egypt, and that it could not be inferred from its 
 presence at San that Pepi had really made some 
 construction so far north. But every doubt 
 in this respect seems to be removed since Pepi’s 
 name has been found at Bubastis, in company 
 with other kings of the Old Empire. Pepi has 
 certainly built at Tanis as well as at Bubastis. 
 
 The cartouche of Pepi occurs twice at 
 
 6 Mariette, Denderah, p. 55, vol. iii. pi. 78 k. 
 
 7 Kouge, Etudes sur les mon. des six premieres dyn., p. 
 116; id. Inscr. Hier. pi. lxxv. Flinders Petrie, Tanis, 
 i. pi. i. 2. 
 
6 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 Bubastis. In one case it was at tiie end of a 
 vertical column (pi. xxxii. c), in the other it is 
 above the standard which surmounted the first 
 cartouche (pi. xxxii. d). Tbe name is unfortu¬ 
 nately damaged in the upper part, but can be 
 easily restored. It is not identical to that of 
 Tanis. There Pepi calls himself simply the son 
 of Hathor, the goddess of Denderah. Here he 
 comes forward as the son of Turn, the god of 
 Heliopolis, and of Hathor, the goddess of Den- 
 derah. It is a way of indicating that his sove¬ 
 reignty extends over both parts of Egypt. For 
 the names of Heliopolis and Eenderah must not 
 be taken in a literal way as referring to those 
 two cities ; they are the emblems of the two 
 divisions of the realm in which they were 
 situated. 
 
 Pliny informs us that Pepi raised an obelisk 
 at Heliopolis. Thus he was a worshipper of 
 Turn. But he seems to have been a more 
 fervent adorer of Hathor. The same crypt of 
 the temple of Denderali in which occurs the 
 name of Cheops, mentions also Pepi in the 
 following text: “ The great foundation in 
 
 Denderah was found on decayed rolls of skins 
 of kids of the time of the followers of Horus. 
 It was found in a brick wall on the south side, 
 in the reign of the king, beloved of the Sun, 
 son of the Sun, Lord of diadems, Pepi, living 
 established and well, like the Sun for ever.” 8 
 Thus a temple, which in its present form is one 
 of the most modern of Egypt, has succeeded to 
 much more ancient buildings which the tradi¬ 
 tion attributed to Cheops and Pepi. 
 
 It would not be extraordinary if the con¬ 
 struction of Denderah was connected in some 
 way with the expeditions of those two kings to 
 the Sinaitic Peninsula. Like Cheops, Pepi 
 made war with the tribes of Sinai, and the 
 records of his campaigns are engraved in the 
 same place as those of Cheops, in the Wadi Mag- 
 
 ‘ ( f. Bunsen, Egypt, v. p. 723. Mariette, Denderah, 
 p. 55, voL iii. pi. 78. 
 
 harah. 9 The chief attraction of the Egyptians 
 towards that region were the mines of a mineral, 
 on the true nature of which there has been much 
 discussion, but which, according to the latest 
 researches of Lepsius, * 1 2 seems to have been 
 emerald or malachite. It was called mafek or 
 
 |_j r—-i , and from it 
 
 mafkat Ik LJ °, 
 
 J ^ 111 MX 1 —'III 
 
 the whole region where it was found, and of 
 which Hathor was the goddess, derived its name 
 
 of Mafkat, T\ 1—1 
 
 
 
 
 It is 
 
 quite possible that as a token of gratitude for 
 successful campaigns in Sinai, Cheops and Pepi 
 founded or enlarged the sanctuary of the 
 goddess at Denderah. A proof of it lies in the 
 fact that among the sacred objects which 
 Thotlimes III. executed according to the pre¬ 
 scriptions of the documents, appears an emblem 
 of the goddess under the form of a sistrum of 
 mafkat, four palms high. 3 
 
 I do not believe, however, that the mines of 
 mafek were the only inducement which attracted 
 the Pharaohs towards the Sinaitic Peninsula. 
 Undoubtedly, mafek was a precious stone which 
 was valuable either as an ornament, or for sacred 
 uses, or as a means of exchange at a time when 
 there was no coin, but the kings must have had 
 other purposes in view. They had to defend 
 themselves against the invasions of the nomads 
 of the east, such as are described in the campaign 
 of the general Una against the Amu and the 
 Heruscha; besides, it seems to me likely that 
 one of the objects of their conquests was the 
 possession of quarries which have not been 
 found again, but which must exist somewhere 
 in the peninsula. 
 
 This brings me to a question which has not yet 
 received a satisfactory answer. Where did the 
 Egyptians get all the stones of which they made 
 such a considerable use ? The quarries of some 
 
 0 Leps. Denkm. ii. pi. 116. 
 
 1 Leps. Metalle, p. 79, If. 
 
 2 Leps. Denkm. ii. 137. 
 
 3 Mariette, Denderali, i. pi. 55. 
 
THE OLD EMPIRE. 
 
 7 
 
 of the stones are known. The red granite came 
 from Syene, from the very banks of the He, 
 and could be transported by water on the river 
 or on the canals with a relative facility. But 
 where did the black granite come from, the 
 material out of which so many statues have 
 been carved ? The opinion which is still now 
 prevalent is that of Lepsius, 4 who believes that 
 it was dug out of the rocks of Hamamat, 
 between Kenek and Kosseir, in the desert. In 
 fact, the quarries which have been found there 
 were already worked under the sixth dynasty, 
 and by Pepi himself. This opinion seems very 
 plausible in the case of kings who ruled over 
 the whole of Egypt, but is very different with 
 those who reigned only over the Delta. Where¬ 
 from did the Hyksos draw the stones of their 
 statues ? Undoubtedly not from Hamamat. 
 
 This question lias grown in interest lately by 
 the remark that the old Chaldaean monuments 
 discovered at Telloli by M. de Sarzec were 
 made of a stone quite similar to several statues 
 of Egypt. 5 M. Oppert read in the inscrip¬ 
 tions the name of Maggan, which applies to the 
 Sinaitic peninsula, and which, according to the 
 illustrious Assyriologist, would be the place 
 where the stone of those statues was obtained. 6 
 Others, on the contrary, maintain that the 
 material was close at hand, and that it came 
 from the shores of the Persian Gulf. Thorough 
 explorations made by geologists are required to 
 solve the question whether or not there are 
 quarries in the Sinaitic peninsula. 
 
 It is impossible to form even an approximate 
 idea of what a temple of the Old Empire was like. 
 That there were temples at that remote epoch 
 is beyond any doubt, but until now we have 
 only discovered one, the temple of the Sphinx. 
 And it is easily comprehensible. Ho buildings 
 have been so much altered, reconstructed, 
 transformed as temples. The sacred character 
 
 4 Leps. Briefe, p. 319. 
 
 5 Rev. Arch. 42, pp. 264-272. 
 
 6 Taylor, in Perrot, Hist, de l’Art, Assyrie, p. 588. 
 
 attached to a place lasts through ages; generally, 
 it even outlives a complete change of religion; 
 but it is not so with the sanctuary. In the long 
 succession of dynasties, in proportion as art 
 and taste changed, as religious ideas were 
 modified, as the empire was growing in power 
 and riches, the primitive building underwent 
 such complete alterations, that nothing re¬ 
 mained of its original state except names as at 
 Tanis and Bubastis, or mere traditions as at 
 Denderah. It is likely also that one of the 
 reasons why we find so’ few traces of the temples 
 of Pepi and Cheops, is that they were without 
 any ornamentation or sculpture. They were 
 built of blocks of polished stone, with mono¬ 
 lithic pillars as in the temple of the Sphinx, but 
 it is very doubtful whether tire walls bore any¬ 
 thing else than the name of the king. The 
 cartouches of Pepi were along the door-posts ; 
 we do not know where those of Cheops and 
 Chefren were engraved. Among the numerous 
 blocks which are heaped up at Bubastis, there 
 may be some which go up to such a high anti¬ 
 quity, but which, having no sculptures or orna¬ 
 ments of any kind, are not discernible, especially 
 as they were re-used in the numerous altera¬ 
 tions which the building went through. 
 
 There is, however, a sculpture which undoubt¬ 
 edly goes back to the Old Empire, and which 
 struck us from the first by its unusual charac¬ 
 ter (pi. xxii. d). On the top of the blocks of the 
 first hall there was a false door, such as occurs 
 nearly in all the tombs of the Old Empire, and 
 which consists of two posts bound together by a 
 cylindrical drum,where the name of the deceased 
 is frequently engraved. I cannot account for a 
 monument of this kind, which has nearly alwaj^s 
 a funereal character, being in a temple which 
 never seems to have been used as a tomb, no¬ 
 thing remains of the inscriptions which might 
 have solved the difficulty. Everywhere they have 
 been carefully erased, as well on a rectangular 
 tablet above the door, as on the posts, each of 
 which had a royal name ; for on the left, in spite 
 
8 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 of the erasure, it is easy to discern the upper 
 curve of a cartouche, and a disk, probably Ra. 
 
 Thus the inscriptions of Cheops, Chefren, 
 Pepi, and the false door are all we can with 
 certainty attribute to the Old Empire, and to 
 the original building which was at Bubastis in 
 those remote ages. It is natural to believe 
 that it occupied part of the area of the two 
 first halls where we found its remains. As for 
 its form we can speak of it only hypothetically ; 
 nothing can guide us except the analogy with 
 the tombs ; for as the tomb was the eternal 
 abode of the deceased, so the temple was consi¬ 
 dered as the abode of the divinity; we may 
 therefore suppose that originally they were 
 built on a similar principle. I should think 
 that the old temple was a single stone chamber 
 without ornamental sculpture, containing some¬ 
 where, probably opposite the entrance, the false 
 door on which stood the name of the king and 
 the dedication. Perhaps the single chamber 
 was preceded by a vestibule with square pil¬ 
 lars, such as in the temple of the Sphinx or in 
 the tombs. All we know of the Old Empire 
 shows us that the architecture of the temples 
 was marked by a great simplicity ; the desire 
 for ornamentation and embellishment came 
 only with the Middle Empire. It is probable 
 that this first temple lasted through the reign 
 of the dynasties, the history of which is un¬ 
 known to us, and that the first great changes 
 it went through took place under the twelfth 
 dynasty. 
 
 THE TWELFTH DYNASTY. 
 
 With the twelfth dynasty we enter on a period 
 when the temple of Bubastis went through 
 great alterations. They are easily traceable by 
 a careful study of the sculptured blocks, which 
 shows that the temple is nothing but a palim- 
 sest, and that nearly all the larger inscriptions 
 
 engraved either by Rameses II. or by Osorkon 
 II. are usurpations occupying the place of older 
 dedications which have not always been care¬ 
 fully expunged. 
 
 No work of great importance seems to have 
 been made in the temple before the last king, 
 Usertesen III. The first of the powerful kings 
 of the twelfth dynasty we meet with, is Ame- 
 nenha I. (pi. xxxiii. a). His name, or rather 
 his standard, occurs on a block which has been 
 displaced, for it is in the hall of Nekhthorheb, 
 who must have taken it in one of the neighbour¬ 
 ing halls. The inscription,which is fragmentary, 
 has two lines ; in the second the king says that 
 “ he erected h is statue to his mother Bast: he 
 made a door or a room in . . . .” In other 
 words, he dedicated his statues to the goddess, 
 so there must have been statues of Amenemlia 
 I. in the temple ; they possibly are still extant 
 now, but with another name. 
 
 His son and successor, Usertesen I., has left 
 his name in a small inscription accompanying 
 a procession of Nile-gods carrying offerings (pi. 
 xxxiv. d, e). It is under the twelfth dynasty that 
 we meet for the first time with the androgyne 
 figure of the river, which is found afterwards at 
 nearly all epochs. It was of common use under 
 the kings whose work we are now describing, 
 especially on their statues. In order to indi¬ 
 cate that they ruled over both parts of Egypt 
 they did not, like Chefren, engrave on the side of 
 
 their thrones merely the sign ^ sam , the sign 
 
 of union binding together the plants of the 
 North and the South; they had the two Nile 
 gods engraved with one foot on the base of the 
 
 sign ^ and holding each of them in their 
 
 hand the plant which is the special emblem of 
 the North or of the South. Representations of 
 this kind are found on the statues of Amenem- 
 ha I., 1 Usertesen I., 2 Amenemlia II., 3 Usertesen 
 
 1 F. Petrie, Tanis i. pi. i. 3 b. 
 
 2 id. pi. i. 4 b. 3 id. pi. xiii. 4. 
 
THE TWELFTH DYNASTY. 
 
 9 
 
 III. 4 On the statue of Mermashu 5 the Nile 
 gods are kneeling. We have a good example on 
 the statue of black granite (pi. xxv. c), the head 
 of which is at Sydney, and which has all the 
 characteristics of a statue of the twelfth dynasty. 
 It occurs also on the two Hyksos statues, where 
 the representation has been usurped twice 
 (pi. xxiv. d). It seems that the Amenemhas 
 and the Usertesens were fervent worshippers of 
 the god Nile, for images of the god are met 
 with on other monuments than statues, espe¬ 
 cially on the temples of Semneh and Kummeh, 
 which, having been built by Usertesen III., were 
 completed and repaired by Thothmes III. 6 The 
 picture of the Nile gods with one foot on the ^ 
 
 is not so common on the monuments of the first 
 dynasties of the New Empire, at least of those 
 the date of which is certain, but it oc¬ 
 curs frequently under the first Ethiopians, 
 especially Tahraka. 7 It is impossible not to 
 recognize in the sculptures and in the royal 
 standards of the Ethiopians a striking likeness 
 with the twelfth dynasty, probably because they 
 had before their eyes constructions raised by 
 those kings, and above all by the conqueror of 
 Nubia, Usertesen III. 
 
 The inscription of Usertesen I. indicates that 
 the king did not wish to do more than engrave 
 his name on the wall of the temple. We may 
 conclude from this fact that in his time the 
 venerable building of Cheops and Chefren was 
 still extant in its primitive simplicity and with 
 its small proportions. But Usertesen III., the 
 greatest king of the dynasty, evidently desired 
 to adorn Bubastis with a temple which might 
 compete with his constructions in other parts of 
 Egypt. Among the heaps of blocks which are 
 all that remains of the temple, there are a great 
 many fragments, varying in length, of archi¬ 
 
 4 P. Petrie, Tanis ii. Nebesheh, pi. ix. 
 
 5 Tanis i. pi. iii. 17 b. 
 
 0 Leps. Denkm. iii. 47, 67. 
 
 7 Leps. 1. 1. v. 13. 
 
 traves bearing hieroglyphical inscriptions with 
 signs more than two feet high, and having all 
 of them the name of Rameses II. Looking at 
 them carefully, we notice that the signs are 
 engraved in a concavity, that the polish which 
 is well preserved on the edges of the stone has 
 been destroyed near the inscription, that here 
 and there an old sign comes out quite dis¬ 
 tinctly below the new ones : there is no doubt 
 that Rameses II. erased an older name and an 
 older dedication in order to inscribe his own. 
 In other places there are stones with deeply 
 cut hieroglyphs bearing all the character¬ 
 istics of the twelfth dynasty, and where the 
 place of the cartouche is rough and uneven, 
 and keeps traces of having been worked 
 over again several times (pi. xxiv. a). The 
 usurpations of Rameses II. appear on every 
 stone with hardly an exception : the question is 
 whose name he expunged in order to replace it 
 by his cartouche and titles. This interesting 
 problem received an unexpected and satisfac¬ 
 tory solution. On one of the architraves which 
 in the reconstructed temple must have been in 
 the angle so that the end of the stone was 
 hidden, the hammering out could not be done 
 on the whole length, and close to the cartouche 
 of Rameses II. appears the beginning of the 
 first cartouche of Usertesen III. (pi. xxvi. c, 
 xxxiii. e). The same cartouche appears on a 
 block where it is complete, and followed by the 
 name of the god Sokaris (pi. xxxiii. e), also in 
 a procession of nome-gods carrying offerings 
 (pi. xxxiv. c) ; besides, it stood on two door¬ 
 posts, where it has been partially erased (pi. 
 xxxiii. b, d, c.) The circumstance that the name 
 of Usertesen is found on architraves of such 
 large dimensions, proves that this king must 
 have enlarged the building considerably. 
 
 Usertesen III., as well as the other sovereigns 
 of the twelfth dynasty, made war against the 
 Ethiopians and the negroes of Nubia. Two 
 well-known inscriptions relate the expeditions 
 which he made in their country, and the regu- 
 
 c 
 
10 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 lations which, he enforced for the Nubian boats 
 going clown the river. His two great cam¬ 
 paigns took place in the years eight and 
 sixteen of his reign. I should think that it 
 is one of these campaigns which is alluded 
 to in an inscription very incomplete, but the 
 style and sculpture of which leave no doubt 
 as to its being a work of the twelfth dynasty 
 (pi. xxxiv. a). It is a block of red granite 
 three feet square, of which this fragment only 
 has been preserved, the others have been de¬ 
 stroyed in the reconstruction of the temple, or 
 they have disappeared more recently, when 
 the temple was used as a quarry. There is no 
 royal name in the text, but both the form and 
 the context induce me to attribute it to User- 
 tesen III. 
 
 In the thirteen lines of which it consists 
 occur several geographical names. The most 
 frequent is the height or the mountain of Hua , 
 
 Ilua is one of the localities 
 quoted among the southern countries con¬ 
 quered by Raineses III., together with Punt. 8 
 Another region is Khaset or Khashhet of the 
 
 West Khaskhet is frequently met 
 
 with in the inscriptions of the twelfth dynasty. 9 
 Brugsch 1 translates it country, foreign country. 
 It is difficult to determine the site referred to 
 from such a fragmentary inscription, however, it 
 is natural to consider it as a southern locality 
 according to the list of Thothmes III. engraved 
 on the walls of Karnak. 
 
 The king seems to be speaking. 1. 4 . . . 
 of beaten rtegroes, in order that may be known 
 what you are doing .... 
 
 1. 5. . . . the king struck them himself with 
 his mass .... 
 
 1. 8 mentions veteran soldiers of former 
 times ; . . . they are brought to the palace. 
 His Majesty provided .... 
 
 " Leps. Deiikm. iii. 209. 
 
 9 Petrie, Tunis ii. Nebeshcli, pi. ix. 
 
 1 Diet. Geog. p. G29. 
 
 1. 9. . . . His Majesty ordered to pass 123 
 soldiers going out towards the fountain which 
 is ... . 
 
 1. 10. . . . sailing up in order to see the 
 height of Hua, and in order to know the way 
 of navigating .... 
 
 1. 11. . . . taken alive, they found there 203 
 cows and 11 she asses ; in the month of ... . 
 
 1.12. . . . (rejoicings) very great in leaving 
 the height of Hua ; the departure from this 
 height was in peace .... This is an allusion 
 to the happy issue of the campaign. 
 
 1. 13. . . . nehek. South of the mount of 
 Hua .... 
 
 It is only a fragment left from the middle of 
 a text entirely destroyed, the loss of which, 
 judging from what remains, is much to be 
 regretted. 
 
 The great architraves hammered out, the 
 numerous usurped stones the style of which 
 clearly belongs to the twelfth dynasty, are evi¬ 
 dences showing that the constructions raised by 
 these kings at Bubastis were considerable. 
 Undoubtedly they transformed the old building 
 raised by Cheops and Chefren, traces of which 
 were found in the two first halls. But they 
 were not satisfied with it; and I believe that 
 we must attribute to Usertesen III. the foun¬ 
 dation of what was the finest part of the temple, 
 the hypostyle hall. 
 
 West of the second hall, on a length of sixty 
 yards and a breadth of twenty-five, are scattered 
 the ruins of this beautiful construction, shafts 
 and capitals of columns, colossal architraves, 
 Hathor heads (pi. v., vi., vii.) It is by far the 
 part of the temple which has suffered most. It 
 may be that it remained exposed when the other 
 parts were already buried under Nile mud ; be¬ 
 sides, the shafts of columns have always been 
 much sought after, as they are easy to saw for 
 making mill-stones. What has escaped is only 
 a small part of the materials which composed 
 the edifice ; the number of stones destroyed or 
 carried away must have been considerable, and 
 
THE TWELFTH DYNASTY. 
 
 11 
 
 thus a reconstruction of the hall is hardly pos¬ 
 sible except by conjecture. Judging from the 
 remains discovered in the excavations, the 
 structure contained the following elements. 
 
 In the middle of the hall were four huge 
 monolithic columns in red granite with 
 capitals in the form of a lotus-bud (pi. vii.). 
 This type, which figures a bundle of lotus- 
 plants, appears for the first time in a tomb at 
 Beni Hassan, in a more simple form; there 
 are only four plants. The more complex form, 
 identical to that of Bubastis, may be seen in 
 the Labyrinth of Howara, 2 which is the work 
 of the twelfth dynasty. It is described thus by 
 MM. Perrot and Chipiez in their “ History of 
 Art in Ancient Egypt.” 3 
 
 “ Their shafts are composed of eight vertical 
 ribs which are triangular or plain, like stalks of 
 papyrus. The lower part of the shaft has a 
 bold swell. It sjmings from a corona of leaves 
 and tapers as it rises. The stalks are tied at 
 the top with from three to five bands, the ends 
 hanging down between the ribs. The buds 
 which form the capital are also surrounded 
 with leaves at their base.” 
 
 Of the four columns which stood in the 
 centre of the hall, the bases have been pre¬ 
 served, on which the monolithic shafts were 
 fixed so strongly that when one of the columns 
 was thrown down, its fall raised the base on its 
 side. None of the columns are intact; they are 
 all four broken in several pieces. One capital 
 only is complete; it has been carried away 
 with the piece fitting immediately underneath, 
 and stands now in the Museum of Fine Arts in 
 Boston. Apart from the beauty and the 
 vigour of the workmanship, it is remarkable by 
 its fine polish, which has remained undamaged 
 through many centuries, and which is a charac¬ 
 teristic feature of theworkofthe twelfth dynasty. 4 
 
 2 Leps. Denkm. i. 47. 
 
 I English ed. vol. ii. p. 99. 
 
 Plate liii. gives the exact drawing and the dimensions of 
 that beautiful monument. 
 
 Close to these four columns stood four others, 
 not quite so high, also of red granite and mono¬ 
 lithic, but with more slender shafts ending in 
 a capital of palm-leaves. The top of the 
 leaves, with the surmounting abacus, forms a 
 separate piece which could not be part of the 
 monolith, as it has a much larger diameter 
 than the rest of the column. Otherwise it 
 would have been necessary for making the 
 column to have a much thicker stone, and to 
 thin it considerably on its whole length. A 
 curious fact is that the leaves which form the 
 capital are not of the same width. While the 
 large columns have hardly any writing, except 
 on the lower part, these have inscriptions from 
 the top to the bottom. The oldest belong to 
 Bameses II., but they have been usurped more 
 or less completely by Osorkon II. On the 
 specimen which has been brought to the 
 British Museum all the degrees of usurpation 
 may be followed. Although it bears the name 
 of Bameses II., the older date of the column is 
 proved by the fact that the inscription of the 
 king is cut across an ornament of the capital, 
 a circumstance which would not occur if the 
 column had been raised by his order and in his 
 time. 
 
 As there were four columns of two different 
 species, the proportions and type of which were 
 not the same, there occur also two groups of 
 four Hathor capitals, the dimensions of which 
 differ in the same ratio as the columns. The 
 two groups have one point of similarity. The 
 goddess is represented only on two opposite 
 sides of the capital, and not on all four, as may 
 be seen in later epochs. The great Hathors 
 are a little above seven feet high. One of them 
 had one side quite perfect because it rested on 
 the ground; it is now in the Boston Museum. 
 The other three, more or less damaged, are at 
 the Louvre, in the British Museum, and at 
 Berlin. The head (pi. ix., xxiii. a, xxiv. b) 
 has the usual type of the goddess: a broad 
 face, with ears of a heifer, the thick hair, 
 
 0 2 
 
12 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 instead of falling vertically, curls up outwards. 
 Here and there, in the eyeballs and on the lips, 
 traces of colour were still visible, and were 
 even quite vivid, but faded away after a few 
 hours of exposure in the air. Above the head, 
 the little shrine which is commonly seen in 
 that kind of capital, and which is particularly 
 noticeable in the temple of Denderah, is 
 reduced to a cornice adorned with asps bearing 
 a solar disk. On the other sides are the 
 emblems either of Northern or Southern 
 Egypt, viz., the plant which belongs to each 
 of these regions. It stands between two asps, 
 wearing the corresponding head-dress and 
 placed in such a way that their heads are tucked 
 along the hair of the goddess. There were 
 two capitals with Northern emblems, and two 
 with Southern emblems. The one in Boston is 
 one of the North capitals. Below this repre¬ 
 sentation was a blank space on which Osorkon 
 II. engraved his cartouche. On the surface 
 which rested on the pillar, Osorkon I. had a 
 dedication engraved. 
 
 The other group of four Hatlior capitals is 
 smaller and more simple (pi. xxiii. b). The 
 cornice which is above the hair has no asps; 
 the sides had no representations of North and 
 South; they were a blank, and Osorkon II. 
 engraved on them his cartouche. The best 
 specimen has been sent to the Museum of 
 Sydney. When we raised it, the lips were still 
 covered with a vivid red paint. 
 
 Those two varieties of Hathor capitals are at 
 present unique in their kind, especially the 
 larger ones. The only capital which may be 
 said to have some similarity, is found in Upper 
 Nubia at Scdeinga. 5 ]t crowns a column 
 the single remnant of an extensive colon¬ 
 nade. As at Bubastis the head of the goddess 
 is only on two sides, and there seems to be an 
 attempt to figure the plant of the North on 
 the other faces. The workmanship of the 
 
 capitals of Bubastis is admirable; but in order 
 that it may be rightly appreciated the capitals 
 must be seen some way off. Looking at 
 them close by, they seem flat, and destitute of 
 expression; whereas at a distance, the features 
 come out with a striking liveliness. In fact, 
 they were meant to be placed at a height 
 equal to that of the neighbouring columns. 
 We are in a complete uncertainty as to the 
 exact distribution of the hall and to the manner 
 in which the capitals were disposed. But I 
 cannot help thinking that the Ilatliors were on 
 the top of square pillars, standing alternately 
 with the columns, so that the arrangement was 
 quite analogous to the small temple in Heir el 
 Medineh. 6 
 
 As to the inequality in height of the two 
 groups of columns, we often see in Egyptian 
 temples contiguous colonnades differing in 
 height, and following each other either in 
 the length of the edifice as at Luxor, or in its 
 width as at Karnak, in the great hall. Judging 
 from the bases of the large columns, I believe 
 that close to each of them, on the outside, stood 
 a square pillar bearing a Hathor capital, on the 
 top of which lay the architrave. Right and 
 left of the eight huge fulcrums probably stood 
 two columns with palm-leaf capitals, and two 
 smaller Hathors, so that the central construc¬ 
 tion being the highest, had two lower wings, 
 as may be seen at Karnak. 7 Or the lower 
 construction was put as a prolongation to the 
 higher, to which it might serve as a western 
 entrance, and the whole had an appearance 
 similar to that of the Ramesseum or that of the 
 temple of Luxor. 8 I must add that north of the 
 temple, and quite outside, at a distance of about 
 fifty yards, we met with the two same styles of 
 columns, lotus-bud. and palm-leaf, but on a much 
 smaller scale. They seem to have belonged to 
 
 6 Leps. Denkm. i. 88. 
 
 7 Maspero, L’archeol. egypt. vign. 70. 
 
 8 Maspero, 1. 1. vign. 77. Perrot et Cliipiez, Egypte, vign. 
 213. 
 
 6 Leps. Briefc, p. 257. Denkm. i. 114, 115. 
 
THE TWELFTH DYNASTY. 
 
 a doorway giving access to a road which led to 
 the western entrance of the temple. 9 
 
 The reader will ask for the grounds which 
 induce me to attribute these columns and 
 Hathor capitals to the twelfth dynasty. I 
 admit that there is not absolute certainty, and 
 that this attribution may be questioned, particu¬ 
 larly as regards the Hatliors and the palm-leaf 
 columns. But if these be not the work of 
 the twelfth dynasty, they are that of the 
 eighteenth. It is certain that the two styles of 
 columns above described were the favourite 
 types ’ of the kings of the eighteenth dynasty. 
 Thothmes III. used the lotus-bud at Karnak; 
 a large column of the same style lying on the 
 ground at the entrance of the temple of Phthah 
 in Memphis belongs also to him. Amenopliis 
 III. seems to have had a special liking for it, as 
 we may see at Thebes, at Elephantine, and 
 especially in the temple of Soleb in Nubia. 
 For him were made the palm-leaf columns which 
 were considered as the oldest, at least, if we 
 can trust the inscriptions engraved upon them. 
 They are also in Soleb, where both styles are 
 found together as at Bubastis. Besides, it can¬ 
 not be denied that the Hathor capital with two 
 faces of the goddess is met with in temples of the 
 eighteenth dynasty, at Deir el Bahari, where it 
 dates probably from Hashepsu or Thothmes III., 
 at El Kab and Sedeinga, where it dates from 
 Amenophis III. In the last two instances there 
 is another similarity with the Hathors of 
 Bubastis, the two sides which have not the 
 face of the goddess bear the emblematic plants 
 of North and South. Under such circumstances 
 it may well be asked whether the colonnade of 
 Bubastis is not the work of the eighteenth 
 dynasty, and of Amenophis III., whose name 
 is preserved on several statues discovered in 
 the excavations. 
 
 In answering this question, a difference must 
 bemade between the great lotus-bud columns and 
 
 1 *> 
 I o 
 
 the others. In reference to the first, the column 
 of the Labyrinth, absolutely similar to that 
 of Bubastis, seems to me convincing evidence. 
 The Labyrinth belongs to the twelfth dynasty. 
 Both columns must be contemporaneous; in 
 both of them there is the same simplicity and 
 elegance of workmanship ; besides, the column 
 of Bubastis has preserved the beautiful polish 
 which appears also on the architraves of 
 Usertesen III., wherever they have not been 
 erased by Rameses II. The architraves be¬ 
 longing to Usertesen III. must have had some¬ 
 thing to rest upon; I believe therefore that 
 there can be no doubt as to the age of the 
 larger columns. If these only are the work of 
 the twelfth dynasty, they must have formed the 
 entrance to the two halls which existed before. 
 But I see also a great difficulty in attributing 
 the palm-leaf capitals and the Hathors to the 
 eighteenth dynasty, as one might be tempted to 
 do at first sight. There is absolutely no in¬ 
 scription of those kings mentioning constructions 
 of that kind, there are no traces of the great 
 architraves which should have been on these 
 pillars, and on which undoubtedly Amenophis 
 III. would have recorded his high and pious 
 deeds. His inscriptions would less likely have 
 been usurped by Rameses II. than those of the 
 twelfth or thirteenth dynasty, which, neverthe¬ 
 less, have been preserved. All the monuments 
 bearing the name of Amenophis III. at Bubas¬ 
 tis are statues of priests and priestesses, the 
 inscriptions of which do not speak of construc¬ 
 tions, and which are no integrant part of the 
 building. These are the reasons why I attribute 
 to the twelfth dynasty the Hathor heads and the 
 palm-leaf columns which, as we saw before, are 
 older than Rameses II. 
 
 The more excavations are made in Egypt, 
 the better we shall know the twelfth dynasty— 
 one of the most powerful which occupied the 
 throne. Usurpation has been practised in the 
 New Empire on a much larger scale than was 
 supposed. Every temple is like a roll of vellum 
 
 One of the lotus-bud columns is now in the Louvre. 
 
14 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 on which, several successive texts have been 
 written, one over the other. In the Delta, 
 where the distance from the quarries was con¬ 
 siderable, the temptation must have been very 
 great. As the temples of the twelfth dynasty 
 had inscriptions only on the architraves and 
 the doorposts, but not on the walls or the 
 columns, it was easy for Amenophis or Raineses 
 to use these flat and well polished surfaces for 
 celebrating his own glory, and thus attributing 
 to himself the work of former generations. 
 
 The statues have not fared better. They 
 have not been spared more than the temples. 
 It is evident that we shall have to change the 
 names of a great many statues exhibited in our 
 museums where they have been labelled from 
 the last name inscribed upon them. The his¬ 
 tory of Egyptian sculpture has been thrown 
 into a great confusion. It is at present a field 
 which has hardly been cleared. If most of 
 the royal statues, or at least their casts, could 
 once be put together, and a careful study be 
 made of them, it would be astonishing to see 
 how many statues engraved with the cartouche 
 of Rameses II. were never made for him, and 
 are older works of which he took possession. 
 In so doing, he followed the example which 
 Thothmes III. and Amenophis III. had given 
 him, as we may ascertain in collections like 
 that of Turin. If now it be asked who was 
 chiefly set aside by such usurpations, I have no 
 doubt that this comparative study will show 
 that it was chiefly the thirteenth dynasty, 
 especially in all cases when Rameses did not 
 leave any name except his own. 
 
 I have no hesitation in putting among the 
 monuments of the twelfth dynasty the statue 
 the head of which is in the museum of Sydney, 
 while the base has been left on the spot, being 
 too much damaged to be carried away (pi. 
 xxv. c). The head, which has the flat type of 
 the Middle Empire, wears the white diadem of 
 Upper Egypt, like Amenemha I. and Usertesen 
 I. at Tanis. 
 
 There was thereon a smaller figure, probably 
 a woman, standing on the throne, and holding 
 the headdress of the king with her hands. The 
 two inscriptions, which are generally engraved 
 on the edges of the throne, along the legs, are 
 destroyed. If they were the name of a king 
 of the twelfth dynasty, Rameses II. may have 
 preserved them. It is possible also that we 
 must assign the same date to two standing 
 colossi, the fragments of which are scattered 
 here and there. They both wear the southern 
 headdress, and one of them had the eyes 
 hollowed out like the Hyksos statues. 
 
 No monuments of this epoch give us the 
 name of the locality. However, the goddess 
 Bast is mentioned in the inscription of Amen¬ 
 emha (pi. xxxiii. a). With the name of User¬ 
 tesen is quoted the god Sokaris, a divinity of 
 Memphis, and one of the forms of Plithah (pi. 
 xxxiii. r). It is to be noticed that at Tanis, 1 
 where the statues of the kings of the twelfth 
 dynasty are numerous, the gods whose 
 worshippers they call themselves, are the gods 
 of Memphis, and they frequently mention the 
 sanctuary of that city, ' anhh toui. 
 
 The small number of inscriptions preserved at 
 Bubastis does not allow us to ascertain to what 
 god the sanctuary was dedicated ; whether it 
 was to the local divinity, Bast, or to the great 
 gods of Egypt as in the time of Rameses II. 
 I should think it was to the last, and that the 
 worship of Bast became prevalent only much 
 later. One of the sculptures of Usertesen III. 
 represented a procession of nome gods (pi. 
 xxxiv. c). Only one emblem remains, and the 
 sign is not very distinct, it looks like a different 
 reading of the nome of Heliopolis, to which 
 Bubastis then belonged, as under Seti I., and 
 even much later, it was not yet a separate nome. 
 The Ptolemaic name of the province does not 
 occur anywhere in all the inscriptions dis¬ 
 covered. 
 
 1 
 
 Putric, Tanis i. pi. 1, 3 a, 3 c, 3 d, iii. 16 a, 16 b, 17 b. 
 
THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY. 
 
 15 
 
 THE THIRTEENTH DYNASTY. 
 
 "With the thirteenth dynasty we enter one of the 
 most obscure periods of Egyptian history. The 
 monuments become more and more scarce, and 
 the obscurity lasts as far as the beginning of the 
 New Empire. We do not know the transition 
 from the thirteenth to the fourteenth dynasty, 
 nor can we fix exactly the epoch when the 
 invasion of the Hyksos took place. Neverthe¬ 
 less, it remains a well established fact that in the 
 thirteenth dynasty, the Sebekhoteps and Nefer- 
 hoteps ruled over the whole of Egypt, not only 
 of Egypt proper, north of the first cataract, 
 but much farther south, as far as Upper Nubia. 
 
 Professor Wiedemann has given a list of one 
 hundred and thirty-six kings quoted by the 
 Turin papyrus between the twelfth dynasty and 
 the Hyksos. It agrees nearly with the number 
 given by Manetho for the thirteenth and the 
 fourteenth put together. The Sebennyte priest 
 assigns Thebes as the native place for the 
 thirteenth dynasty, and Xois for the fourteenth, 
 while the anonymous writer called Barbarus 
 Scaligeri calls them Bubastites and Tanites. 
 It is not impossible that both may be right in so 
 far as both dynasties came out of the Delta, and 
 that we have to interpret the name of Dios- 
 polites, given by Manetho to the thirteenth 
 dynasty, as signifying natives not from 
 Thebes, but from one of the cities of the Delta 
 dedicated to Amon, whether it be the city 
 called later Diospolis Parva or another. 
 
 In the list of the papyrus of Turin we find as 
 the sixteenth the cartouche given on pi. xxxiii. 
 i, G. In other texts it accompanies the prenomen 
 of Sebekhotep. It occurs twice at Bubastis, in 
 one case it is complete, in the other, two- 
 thirds of it have been erased. I found also 
 other fragments of the architrave, which gave 
 
 part of the titles of the king The in¬ 
 
 scription must have been hidden in the wall in 
 the reconstruction of the temple, but the size of 
 
 j the characters and of the architrave on which 
 they are engraved, indicates that it must have 
 rested on pillars of large dimensions, another 
 proof that the great columns already existed 
 at that remote epoch. This cartouche has 
 generally been considered as belonging to 
 Sebekhotep I., a king known to us through the 
 inscriptions which he left on the rocks of 
 Semneh in Nubia, and which record the height 
 of the Nile in the three first years of his reign. 
 Until now his name had never been discovered 
 on a temple, nor even on a monument of large 
 size. Judging from what was found at 
 Bubastis, he must have been a builder. 
 
 It seems that the kings of the thirteenth 
 dynasty, far from being Hyksos as Lepsius 
 believed, at first endeavoured to follow the 
 traditions of their glorious predecessors of the 
 twelfth. They gave a great value to the 
 possession of Nubia, and probably they made 
 military expeditions into that country, since 
 monuments of one of them have been found not 
 far from Mount Barkal, in the island of Argo. 2 
 They belong to Sebekhotep III., who seems to 
 have been the most powerful, and of whom there 
 are several statues. One of them is at the 
 Louvre ; it is nearly certain that it comes from 
 Tanis, where its duplicate still exists, 3 and one 
 was discovered by Lepsius in the island of Argo. 
 Looking at those monuments, one is struck 
 at first sight by their great resemblance with the 
 works of the twelfth dynasty. This likeness 
 appears in the whole attitude, in the manner in 
 which the hands are stretched quite flat on the 
 legs, and chiefly in the style in which the lower 
 part of the body, and especially the knees, have 
 been worked. The sculptor has applied all 
 his skill to the head, which was to be a portrait; 
 but the legs are coarse, made with a kind of 
 clumsiness, as it were, by a second-rate artist; 
 the knee-pan is rudely indicated, the ankle is 
 
 2 Lops. Denkm. ii. 120-151. Rouge, Notice des monu¬ 
 ments, pp. 15 et 16. 
 
 3 Rouge, Inscr. pi. 76. Petrie, Tanis i. pi. iii. p. 8. 
 
16 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 thick and roughly marked. These character¬ 
 istics remind us not only of works of the twelfth 
 dynasty, but also of statues several of which 
 have been preserved, bearing the name of 
 Bameses II. I shall mention only two. One 
 is at Boston, and was discovered by Mr. Petrie at 
 Nebeslieli; the other comes from Bubastis, and 
 is now in the museum of Geneva (pi. xiv.). 4 If 
 is evident that this last one is not Eameses II.; 
 the type of the face is quite different from the 
 Eamessides, and in addition to other erasures, 
 the sides of the throne have been diminished 
 in order to engrave the name of the king. 
 The head-dress is the same as on the Sebekhotep 
 of the Louvre. The statue is in a remarkable 
 state of preservation, there is only a slight 
 piece of the nose which is wanting. It was 
 broken in two at the waist. The base 
 appeared already in my first excavations in 
 1887; but it was sunk deep in water, and I 
 left it until I should have discovered the upper 
 part. The inundation of the following sum¬ 
 mer carried off the earth which covered the 
 head; it had fallen forward close to the base, 
 with the face in the soil. When it was raised 
 and turned, the colours were seen quite fresh. 
 The stripes of the diadem were painted alter¬ 
 nately blue and yellow, and there were traces of 
 red on the face. The colours soon vanished 
 after they had been exposed to the air two or 
 three days ; but we had here a good example 
 of the use which the Egyptians made of poly- 
 chromy. They painted their statues even 
 when they were made of black granite. 
 
 Thus I should attribute the Eameses of 
 Geneva to a king of the thirteenth dynasty. 
 The statue has a curious peculiarity. Seen 
 from the side, in profile, the head seems dispro¬ 
 portionate, and much too large for the torso, 
 while the chest is somewhat hollow. This 
 singularity may be seen also in a statue 
 
 1 Another monument of the same kind is the Ramoses of 
 the Louvre, vid. Rouge, Notice des monuments, p. 19 and 
 20 . 
 
 which has the greatest likeness to the Eameses 
 of Geneva ; it is at the British Museum, where 
 it has been labelled Amenophis III., though it 
 bears no hieroglyphical name. 
 
 If the kings of the thirteenth dynasty have 
 been so powerful, and if they have carried their 
 conquests so far as Upper Nubia, it is astonish¬ 
 ing that they left so few monuments, and that 
 their cartouches occur much more seldom than 
 those of the twelfth. The reason of it seems 
 to me that the thirteenth dynasty has been the 
 object of a peculiar malevolence from the 
 kings of the nineteenth. For a cause which 
 we do not know, neither Seti I. nor his son 
 Eameses considered the Sebekhoteps as legiti¬ 
 mate kings, and they did not admit them in the 
 royal lists which were engraved at Abydos and 
 Sakkarah, no more than the Hyksos. The 
 eighteenth dynasty, and especially Thothmes 
 III., did not share the same feeling, as he 
 mentions them in his list of Karnak. The 
 hatred of Eameses and his family against the 
 thirteenth dynasty may explain why its monu¬ 
 ments are so scarce. From the destruction 
 practised by the Eamessides, we possess only 
 what has been saved either because the island of 
 Argo was very far off, or because the in¬ 
 scription was hidden in a wall as in Bubastis, 
 or because the old name had been thoroughly ex¬ 
 punged, We must attribute to a fortunate 
 neglect the good preservation of the statues of 
 the Louvre and of Tanis. The result is that 
 the thirteenth dynasty, which has played an 
 important part in the history of Egypt, is among 
 the least known. But we can hope to derive 
 more information about it from careful re¬ 
 searches among the materials with which the 
 later temples were built, especially those of the 
 nineteenth dynasty. 
 
 THE HYKSOS. 
 
 Josephus, quoting Manetho, gives the following 
 version of the invasion of the Shepherds and of 
 
THE HYKSOS. 
 
 17 
 
 their conquest of Egypt:— 44 The so-called Ti- 
 maos became king. Egypt during his reign lay, 
 I know not why, under the divine displeasure, 
 and on a sudden, men from the east country, of 
 an ignoble race, audaciously invaded the land. 
 They easily got possession of it, and established 
 themselves without a struggle, making the rulers 
 thereof tributary to them, burning their cities, 
 and demolishing the temples of their gods. All 
 the natives they treated in the most brutal 
 manner; some they put to death, others they re¬ 
 duced to slavery with their wives and children. 
 
 44 Subsequently, also, they chose a king out of 
 their own body, Salatis by name. He estab¬ 
 lished himself at Memphis, took tribute from 
 the Upper and Lower country, and placed 
 garrisons in the most suitable places. He 
 fortified more especially the eastern frontier, 
 foreseeing, as he did, that the Assyrians, whose 
 power was then at its height, would make an 
 attempt to force their way into the Empire from 
 that quarter. He found in the Sethroite nome 
 a city particularly well adapted for that purpose, 
 lying to the east of the Bubastite arm of the 
 Nile, called Avaris , after an old mythological 
 fable. This he repaired and fortified with 
 strong walls, and placed in it a garrison of 
 240,000 heavy-armed soldiers. In summer he 
 visited it in person, for the purpose of recruiting 
 them with a fresh supply of provisions, paying 
 their salaries, and practising military exercises, 
 by which to strike terror into the foreigners. 
 
 44 He died after a reign of nineteen years, and 
 was succeeded by another king, Beon by name, 
 who reigned forty-four years. After him 
 Apachnas reigned thirty-six years and seven 
 months; then Apophis , sixty-one years; then 
 Ianias, fifty years and one month; and lastly 
 Assis, forty-nine years and two months. 
 
 44 These six were their first rulers. They 
 were continually at war, with a view of utterly 
 exhausting the strength of Egypt. The general 
 name of their people was Hyhsos, which means 
 4 Shepherd Kings; ’ for Hyh signifies, in the 
 
 sacred language, a king, and 86s , in the 
 demotic, is Shepherd and Shepherds. Some 
 say they were Arabs.” 
 
 This is all that Manetho states, but Josephus 
 adds :— 44 It is mentioned in another work that 
 the word Hyh does not signify kings, but 
 shepherd prisoners. Hyh or Hah , signifies in 
 Egyptian, prisoners , and this seems to me more 
 likely, and more in conformity with ancient 
 history.” 5 
 
 It is useless to repeat here all the opinions 
 which have been expressed on this important 
 and much controverted passage. Few texts 
 have been the object of so much discussion. I 
 shall only state what seems to be most plausible 
 in the conflict of diverging views to which this 
 part of the history of Egypt has given rise. 
 
 We do not know when the inroad took place ; 
 it is certain, however, that under the thirteenth 
 dynasty, Egypt was still her own master ; if the 
 strangers had already entered the land, it was 
 not as invaders nor as conquerors. In the 
 obscure period of the fourteenth dynasty, when, 
 according to the papyrus of Turin and Manetho, 
 the kings succeeded each other at short 
 intervals, after reigns which had not even the 
 duration of one year, these 44 men from the east 
 country, of an ignoble race, audaciously in¬ 
 vaded the land.” The contemptuous qualifica¬ 
 tion applied by Manetho to the strangers, shows 
 that they were not a distinct nation, whose 
 name and original settlement were well known. 
 They were more or less barbarous hordes driven 
 from their native country, and over-running 
 Egypt as the barbarians over-ran the Roman 
 Empire. Their name has not been preserved ; 
 neither the Egyptian inscriptions nor the Greek 
 writers mention it, although the Egyptian 
 texts are most minute when they describe the 
 adversaries of Rameses II. musterino’ at 
 Kadesh, or the invaders who threatened the 
 empire under Merenphthah or Rameses III. 
 
 5 Bunsen, Egypt’s Place, vol. ii. p. 424. 
 
18 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 Whenever the Hyksos are spoken of it is 
 not by their name, they are described in vague 
 words or even abusive epithets. They are the 
 
 
 1 Asiatic shepherds, or 'j ! 
 
 the Aamu, the nomads of the East, 
 
 ^ ^ the shepherds , or even j the 
 
 plague or the 'pestilence. If therefore they had 
 been a distinct nation or a confederacy such as 
 Rameses II. had to fight, it would be strange 
 that no specific name should be applied to them, 
 and that nothing should connect them with a 
 definite country known to the Egyptians. We 
 are compelled to admit that they were an 
 uncivilized multitude, under the command of 
 
 chiefs, called in Egyptian J n liilc. They did 
 
 not belong to the Semitic or to the Turanian 
 stock alone ; to class them exclusively in one of 
 these two races seems to me an error; they 
 must be considered as a crowd of mixed origin, 
 in which the two elements may be recognized. 
 Their inroad into Egypt was probably not 
 spontaneous, they were driven to the valley of 
 the Nile by great events which took place in 
 eastern Asia and led to the conquest of Egypt. 
 It is in eastern Asia that we must look for the 
 cause of the invasion of the Hyksos, and on this 
 obscure point an unexpected light has been 
 thrown by Assyriology. 
 
 The Assyriologists agree in stating that, from 
 a remote epoch, Chaldaea received in succession 
 and retained on her productive soil ethnical 
 elements of various origins, 6 which in the end 
 were mingled together. Semites, Kuschites or 
 Kossaeans have met in this region; they 
 quarrelled for the dominion ; each in turn 
 reigned over the other ; and at last they formed 
 a population of a mixed character. It is a 
 matter of discussion which of the races has 
 been the oldest, and which has brought the 
 civilization to the other. The question has 
 
 not yet been solved; but the fact is undisputed 
 that Chaldaea is one of the countries where the 
 different races have been fused together at the 
 earliest epoch. 
 
 There is a remarkable coincidence between 
 the events which took place in Mesopotamia 
 and the invasion of the Hyksos. In the year 
 2280, the King of the Elamites, Khudur 
 Nakhunta, over-ran Chaldaea, which he con¬ 
 quered and pillaged. As a trophy of his 
 victory, he carried to his capital the statue of 
 Nana, the goddess of the city of Urukh. To 
 this act of sacrilegious robbery we are indebted 
 for the knowledge of the campaign of Khudur 
 Nakhunta. For, 1635 years later, Assurbanipal 
 conquered Susa, and restored the statue to the 
 temple from which it had been taken. It must 
 have been one of the high deeds of the campaign 
 in which Assurbanipal took pride, for in the in¬ 
 scription which relates the defeat of Elam, he 
 twicerefers to the sacrilege of Khudur Nakhunta, 
 “ who did not worship the great gods, and who 
 in his wickedness trusted to his own strength.” 7 
 We see here, what we shall notice also in reference 
 to the Hyksos, that the chief cause of hatred and 
 antipathy between the two nations was diversity 
 of religion. They did not worship the same 
 gods ; it was enough to make them enemies, 
 and more than 1600 years afterwards, the people 
 of Accad had not lost the tradition of the mis¬ 
 deeds of the Elamites against their gods. 
 
 If Mesopotamia was twenty-two centuries 
 B.C. the scene of great wars and bloody 
 invasions, it is not unreasonable to suppose 
 that the effect was felt as far as the banks of 
 the Nile. The waves raised by the storm 
 which came from Elam overflooded Egypt. In 
 Mesopotamia there have always been nomads 
 as well as a settled population. From there a 
 multitude, not much advanced in civilization, 
 and of mixed origin, thus justifying to a certain 
 degree the predicate of “ ignoble ” given them by 
 
 Perrot et Chipiez, Assyrie, p. 17. 
 
 7 Lenormant, Hist. anc. iv. 92. 
 
THE HYKSOS. 
 
 19 
 
 Manetho, was driven out by the mountaineers of 
 Elam, and it pushed on as far as Egypt. It is 
 evident that here we launch out into con¬ 
 jecture ; but this hypothesis seems to me to 
 account in the best way for the few facts on 
 which we can argue. “Phoenicians” or “Arabs ” 
 are the geographical names assigned to the 
 Hyksos by Manetho and Josephus ; “ Phoeni¬ 
 cians ” meaning, in my opinion, invaders 
 coming through Palestine, which was the natural 
 way; as for the term “ Arabs,” it may be 
 synonymous with that of “ nomads.” One fact 
 remains, the absence in the Egyptian inscrip¬ 
 tions of a specific name connecting the Hyksos 
 with a definite country, while they are always 
 mentioned by vague and general epithets— the 
 eastern shepherds, the nomacls, and the like. 
 Such qualifications may very well apply to a 
 wandering crowd without fixed residence, which, 
 after having perhaps made several intermediate 
 stations, came down upon Egypt and conquered 
 it without great difficulty. 
 
 The name Hyksos, given them by Manetho, 
 is of recent formation, and certainly later than 
 the campaigns of Seti I. and Rameses II. in 
 Syria. It does not occur in this form in the 
 Egyptian inscriptions ; but it is certain that it is 
 formed in a regular way, and it reminds one of 
 other words of the same kind. Egyptologists 
 are divided with respect to the interpretation 
 to be given to the name. Some, like Prof. 
 Krall, 8 adopt the translation of Josephus, and 
 
 derive it from the word 
 
 A 
 
 ^ j! hah, meaning 
 
 a prisoner. It would thus be a term of contempt, 
 
 A 
 
 such as we often meet with. 
 
 ( U 
 
 j hah n Shasu, the Shasu 
 
 prisoners, or hound with chains, al^pdXcjToi i tol- 
 fjLeves, would be like the vile Klieta , and other 
 expressions of the same nature. It may be 
 
 objected that the word 
 
 A 
 
 . k —A 
 
 hah is not 
 
 8 Aeg. Studien, ii. p. 69 et seq. De Cara, Gli Hyksos, 
 
 p. 212 et seq. 
 
 employed as an epithet, but always applies to 
 actual prisoners. Once, for instance when it 
 precedes the name of the Shasu, we see on the 
 sculpture the captives tied by the elbows and 
 brought to Egypt. I believe, with the majority 
 of Egyptologists, that the other interpretation 
 is the best, and that the first syllable of the 
 word Hyksos must be derived from the 
 
 Egyptian | A ^ a prince or a chief. There is 
 
 nothing extraordinary in the fact that the 
 whole nation is called the chiefs of the Shasu. 
 We have an expression quite parallel in a 
 papyrus of the twelfth dynasty. 9 The wanderer 
 Saneha, after having settled in the land of 
 Tennu, is obliged to repel the chiefs of the 
 
 mountains , J hihu setu. There 
 
 the word chief evidently refers to the whole tribe 
 
 of liiq-hlanders. Let us replace the word 
 
 i <=> m 
 
 setu, j Shasu, and we have 
 
 the expression Hyksos. As for the second 
 part of the word, it clearly comes from the 
 
 word I the best translation of 
 
 which is nomad or shepherd, and which became 
 the Coptic cyuuc, a shepherd. The Shasu were 
 vagrants, the Bedouins of the present day, 
 wandering over the eastern portion of Egypt, in 
 the desert, the crossing of which they en¬ 
 dangered. If the word n0 ^ 
 
 very ancient in Egypt, as Prof. Krall observes, 
 it is because of its Semitic origin. It is 
 connected with the word to pillage, and 
 it was introduced into Egypt under the New 
 Empire, when the Semitic words were adopted 
 in abundance. 
 
 Thus in the 23rd century B.C. nomad tribes 
 coming from Mesopotamia, and ruled by J A 
 G ^ | chiefs, overran Egypt, and took possession 
 of the Delta. The conquest was facilitated, if 
 not by anarchy, at least by the instability and the 
 
 d 2 
 
 Pap. de Berlin, i. 1. 98. Leps. Koenigsb. pi. 26. 
 
20 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 weakness of tlie royal power. They advanced 
 probably as far as Memphis. Undoubtedly the 
 invasion was marked by the acts of savagery 
 and the depredations with which Manetho 
 reproaches the Hyksos. It has always been 
 the case in eastern wars, especially when an 
 uncivilized nation fell upon a land like Egypt, 
 the wealth and fertility of which contrasted 
 with the neighbouring countries, and still more 
 with the desert. But the superiority of the 
 civilized race was not long before becom¬ 
 ing prevalent. The Egyptians compelled 
 their conquerors to submit to their habits 
 and customs. The invaders adopted the 
 civilization of their subjects in all but the 
 religion. We may even suppose that when 
 they settled in the land, the Hyksos maintained 
 the Egyptian administration. The officials, 
 who were always very numerous in Egypt, and 
 
 who in their inscriptions take as first title '{j°j 
 scribe or writer, must necessarily have been 
 natives, as they alone knew the language, the 
 writing, and the customs of the country. It 
 was so at the time of the Arab conquest; the 
 officials remained the same as before, they were 
 Copts. 1 But we have a more striking example, 
 which proves that it was usual with Oriental 
 conquerors to do so. The cuneiform tablets 
 newly discovered at Tell el Amarna, contain 
 reports directed to the King of Egypt by the 
 governors of the cities of Syria and Palestine, 
 which had been subdued by the kings of the 
 eighteenth dynasty, and which were thus under 
 Egyptian dominion. These reports are written 
 in Babylonian, a language then current in 
 Eastern Asia, and which the King of Egypt 
 understood but imperfectly, as he was obliged 
 to have recourse to a dragoman who inter¬ 
 preted the letters of the kings of Mesopotamia. 
 It is clear that the governors who wrote the 
 reports were not Egyptians, they -were natives 
 to whom Thothmes or Amcnophis had left their 
 
 1 I’etrie, Tania ii. p. 16. 
 
 appointment. In the same way we see that 
 the Assyrian kings, who conquered Egypt, gave 
 native princes as governors to the great cities. 
 It was not different at the time of the Hyksos 
 invasion. After a time of warfare and dis¬ 
 turbance, the length of which we cannot 
 appreciate, the country settled down and 
 resumed an appearance very similar to what 
 it had been before. The worship alone was 
 different. Thus the continuity was preserved 
 in the progress of Egyptian civilization. There 
 is only a slight difference between the New 
 Empire and the Middle, for the Hyksos had 
 not put an end to the former state of things. 
 Under their rule there was a weakening in the 
 life of the nation, a kind of temporary pause in 
 its artistic and intellectual growth ; but as the 
 root of the tree had not been cut off, it very 
 soon shot forth new branches. At the same 
 time, as the chief discrepancy between the 
 Hyksos and their subjects lay in religion, it 
 explains the persisting hatred of the Egyptians 
 against the invaders, who were always con¬ 
 sidered as impure and barbarians, because 
 they were hostile to the gods of the land. 
 
 Manetho, quoted by Josephus, informs us 
 that the Hyksos reigned over Egypt 511 years, 
 and that their kings formed the fifteenth and 
 sixteenth dynasties. Africanus 2 assigns to 
 their dominion a duration of 518 years. It is 
 hardly possible to reconcile the dates supplied 
 by the various chronographers at this obscure 
 period. The two sources from which we derive 
 the most extensive information are Josephus 
 and Africanus, who establish in the following 
 way the list of the kings. 
 
 Josephus. 
 
 Africanus. 
 
 Salatis. 
 
 Saites. 
 
 Beon. 
 
 Bnon. 
 
 Apachnas. 
 
 Paclman. 
 
 Apophis. 
 
 Staan. 
 
 Ianias or Annas. 
 
 Archies. 
 
 As sis. 
 
 Apliobis. 
 
 2 Erman, Zeitsclir. 1880, p. 125. 
 
THE HYKSOS. 
 
 21 
 
 In both authors these kings are indicated 
 as being the first; they are called by Africanus 
 the fifteenth dynasty, to which another, the 
 sixteenth, is said to have followed. But, not to 
 speak of the fact that other authors, like 
 Eusebius or the Old Chronicle, do not mention 
 this subsequent dynasty, the statement of the 
 two chronographers is contradicted by the 
 Egyptian texts ;• for we shall see that the king 
 called here Apophis or Aphobis is one of the 
 last, perhaps even the very last Hyksos king, 
 who had to fight the native princes of the 
 seventeenth dynasty. We are thus compelled to 
 admit that there is an inversion in the statement 
 of the chronographers, and we consider the 
 kings of whom they give a list as the sixteenth 
 dynasty. 
 
 It is in a papyrus of the British Museum, 
 called Sallier I., that the mention of a Hyksos 
 king has first been discovered. This dpcument, 
 which was translated by Brugsch, E. de Rouge, 
 Goodwin, Chabas, has been the object of much 
 discussion. Quite recently it has been trans¬ 
 lated anew by Maspero, who denies to the 
 narrative it contains, a historical character, and 
 considers it as a tale or a legend, the end of 
 which has unfortunately been lost. It probably 
 related the beginning of the war between the 
 Hyksos king and his native rival, the prince of 
 Thebes. In spite of its legendary appearance 
 we gather from the document important 
 information. We see that the strangers are 
 
 called by the offensive epithet of 
 
 the impure, or the plague ; they are governed by 
 
 n “ 
 
 the king, Apepi, who resides in Avaris , ^ 
 ^ and who adopted for his god 
 
 >S-A Sutekh, exclusive of all others. His ad¬ 
 
 versary is King Sekenen-Ba, I ^ f o P /WW\A wn 
 
 I /WWVA V____ J\ 
 
 who resides in the city of the south , 
 
 Thebes. 
 
 A further step in the knowledge of the 
 Hyksos was made by the discoveries of Mariette 
 
 in his excavations at San (Tanis) in 1860. On 
 the arms of two colossi representing a king of 
 the thirteenth or fourteenth dynasty, he found 
 engraved the cartouches of Apepi, which he at 
 first deciphered incorrectly, but which must be 
 read as follows :— 
 
 god, Baakenen, the son of Bcl, Apepi. 
 
 the good 
 
 This inscription alone is sufficient to show 
 that in his time the Hyksos were no more the 
 fierce conquerors described by Manetho. They 
 did not destroy the temples, since they wrote 
 their names on the statues made for their native 
 predecessors, and dedicated to the native gods. 
 Besides, though they were worshippers of Set 
 or Sutekh, they considered themselves as sons 
 of Ra, the solar god. 
 
 At the same time as the cartouches, Mariette 
 discovered other monuments to which the name 
 of Hyksos has since been applied. They 
 consist of four sphinxes, originally placed on 
 both sides of the avenue leading to the centre 
 of the temple. These sphinxes have a human 
 head surrounded by a very thick and tufted 
 mane. As for the face it has a type quite 
 different from the Egyptian. The nose is wide 
 and aquiline, the cheek-bones are high and 
 strongly marked, the mouth projecting, with 
 stout lips and fleshy corners. At first sight it 
 is impossible not to be struck by the fact that 
 we have here the image of a foreign race, and 
 an art which is not purely Egyptian. Ho 
 doubt the artist who sculptured them was 
 Egyptian, the workmanship has all the charac¬ 
 teristics of native art; but on the faces, which 
 are portraits, we see that the originals belonged 
 to another race, and they clearly betray a 
 foreign element. 
 
 Mariette from the first attributed them to 
 the Hyksos, and he was confirmed in his 
 opinion by the fact that on the right shoulder 
 of each sphinx is an inscription hammered out, 
 but where he could decipher the sign of 
 
22 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 the god Set, and the words 
 
 The whole was so like the inscriptions of 
 Apepi that he did not hesitate in reading his 
 name on the sphinxes, and even in attributing 
 their execution to his reign. Since then these 
 monuments have always been called Hyksos. 
 Several others of the same style have been 
 added to the sphinxes ; viz. at San a group of 
 two standing figures with long hair, and 
 holding offerings of fishes and lotus-flowers ; 
 the bust of a king discovered in the Fayoom, 
 and another which Lenormant found in a 
 collection at Rome. 
 
 The opinion of Mariette which was admitted 
 at first with great favour, has not remained 
 uncontradicted. It is beyond dispute that 
 these monuments are at least' as old as the 
 Hyksos, in spite of the numerous usurpations 
 which they have undergone, even as late as 
 the twenty-first dynasty, and of which they 
 still bear traces. But are they really Hyksos ? 
 The question is very much debated, and we 
 shall revert to it presently. It is nearly certain 
 that Apepi was not the author, but the first 
 usurper of the sphinxes. The king who 
 dedicated the monuments would not have 
 engraved his name on the shoulder ; the in¬ 
 scription would not be in lightly cut characters 
 at a place where it more or less defaces the 
 statue. However, the usurpation may have 
 been made on the work of another Hyksos. 
 The fact that it was not for Apepi that the 
 sphinxes were sculptured does not imply that 
 it was not for another king of the same race. 
 
 11 a aa Kenen is not the only Hyksos ruler who 
 had the prcnomen of Apepi. There is another 
 whose coronation name is 
 
 Ra aa user, and who is known through the 
 mathematical papyrus of the British Museum. 3 
 W e are compelled to admit that there are two 
 Apepis, unless this last coronation name be 
 only a variant of the first, which would not be 
 
 3 Eisenlohr. Proc. Bibl. Arch. 1881, p. 97. 
 
 impossible, since they differ only by the last 
 word 1 H instead of /viL t n . power instead of 
 
 I I /WWVA 
 
 strength, the sense of both words is nearly 
 identical. 
 
 In order to complete the list of Hyksos 
 kings, known or supposed to be so, before the 
 excavation of Bubastis, I have to mention the 
 
 Set Nubti of 
 
 the famous tablet of the year 400; and the name 
 which Deveria read on the Bagdad lion now at 
 
 the British Museum, 0 1 ^ Ra Set noub. 
 
 The first is probably not a historical king, but 
 only the god Set; as for the second name, it is 
 a false reading, and we shall see further that 
 this sovereign must be struck out of the list 
 of the Egyptian rulers. 
 
 Until now the city which was pre-eminently 
 called Hyksos, was Tanis. There the name of 
 Apepi had been discovered as well as the 
 sphinxes, there also we know that Rameses II. 
 dedicated monuments to Set or Sutekh, the 
 god of the foreign invaders. Thus we could 
 justly consider Tanis as their capital. E. de 
 Rouge even suggested that Tanis was another 
 name for Avaris, the fortified city mentioned by 
 Manetho in his narrative. We did not expect 
 that the result of our excavations would be to 
 reveal the greatest likeness between Tanis and 
 Bubastis. This last city has also been an 
 important settlement of the stranger kings; 
 they raised there constructions at least as large 
 as in the northern city ; there also Rameses II. 
 preserved the worship of the alien divinity. 
 
 On the way from the second hall to the 
 hypostyle, close to the place of the first columns, 
 I discovered a fragment of a doorpost in red 
 granite, on which originally stood an inscription 
 in two columns. PI. xxii. a gives an idea of the 
 size of the inscription, which is in quite different 
 proportions from that of Tanis. It has been 
 hammered out; nevertheless, it is quite legible. 
 Close by was a second fragment, which 
 
THE HYKSOS. 
 
 23 
 
 evidently was the coronation name, but the 
 erasure is so complete, that there is only 
 a part of the line left which surrounded the 
 cartouche. On one side of the inscription we 
 read (pi. xxxv. c), the son of Ra, Apepi , and on 
 the other, he raised pillars 4 in great numbers, and 
 bronze doors to this god. We do not know who 
 is meant by this god; we cannot even assert 
 that it is Set. On another stone walled in the 
 first hall we found the beginning of the titles 
 of Apepi (pi. xxxv. b), such as they are indicated 
 on an altar in the museum of Ghizeli. 5 We 
 learn from these two texts that Apepi made 
 constructions in his reign. It is not a mere 
 usurpation as we found on the monument of 
 Tanis ; it is a document inscribed with his 
 name and recording that he increased the 
 temple of Bubastis. The size of the inscrip¬ 
 tion which relates it shows that his work must 
 have been of importance. Once more we 
 recognize the entirely Egyptian form of the 
 work made by the foreign rulers. They have 
 quite assumed the garb of the native Pharaohs. 
 They are called sons of Ra ; the epithet of ^ -f- 
 giving life or everlasting follows their cartouches, 
 and the titles of Apepi are similar to those of 
 the twelfth dynasty. 
 
 Close to the doorpost, and nearly touching 
 it, stood, a little lower, the base of a statue in 
 black granite, of natural size(pl.xii.). Thestatue, 
 which is sitting, is broken at the waist; the 
 two hands are stretched on the knees as in the 
 statues of the twelfth and thirteenth dynasties; 
 a narrow band falls between the legs. The 
 style is vigorous ; the muscles of the knee are 
 strongly marked, but worked with care; the 
 workmanship reminds us either of the great 
 statues of which we shall speak further, or of 
 the statues of Turin bearing the name of 
 
 4 Brugseh, Diet. hier. p. 1068, gives the word 
 
 which he translates masts. I give here to the word ||| 
 a wider sense— pillars. There Avas in the temples of Pano- 
 polis and Memphis a hall called ||| ©. 
 
 5 Mar. Mon. divers, pi. 38. 
 
 Thothmes III., which undoubtedly are usurped. 
 The feet rest on the nine bows. In spite of 
 the most active and persevering researches 
 we could not find the upper part of the statue. 
 If it has not been destroyed it may be in some 
 European collection. Fortunately both sides 
 of the throne, along the legs, are nearly intact, 
 and have preserved the name of a king at 
 present unknown (pi. xxxv. a). This king, who 
 styles himself the Horus crowned with the schent, 
 
 does not take the title of King of Upper and 
 
 CTi ZTA 
 
 Loiver Egypt, like the kings of the twelfth 
 dynasty. He is simply ^ J the good god, and 
 
 the son of Ra. The standard is [ 
 
 A 
 
 he who embraces territories. It is followed by 
 the two cartouches. 
 
 The first must be read User en 
 
 Pi 
 
 
 Ra. The sign, which is usually 
 written ~\ has here a peculiar form. 
 Its reading is assured, because it 
 V —Z V —d occurs as a variant in the first 
 cartouche of Baineses II. 6 
 
 The second must in my opinion be read 
 Ra-ian or rather Ian-Ra. Mr. Petrie 7 has 
 proposed the reading Khian, taking the upper 
 disk as a ® and not as a solar disk, and laying 
 stress upon the fact that in this cartouche the 
 disk is entirely hollowed out, which it is not in 
 the other, and in the expression 1^. It may 
 
 be answered that on the same side, just above 
 the second cartouche, the solar disk which 
 accompanies the hawk is also hollowed out, 
 and made exactly like that of the cartouche. 
 Moreover, there is a manifest intention of 
 making the solar disk conspicuous at the top 
 
 6 Wilkinson, Mat. Hier. ii. pi. 2. Leps. Koenigsb. pi. 33. 
 
 7 Mr. Petrie quotes two cylinders, one of Avhicli is in Athens, 
 the other belongs to Prof. Lanzone. The paper impressions 
 of the cylinder of Athens, Avhich Mr. Griffith kindly sent to 
 me, show a flattened disk, or even an<^>, but not a As 
 for the cylinder of Prof. Lanzone, I have seen it and examined 
 it carefully with the OAvner. It bears a totally different name, 
 much longer, in which occurs an <rz> besides several indis - 
 tinct signs. 
 
24 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 of tlie cartouche, as is always the case, so that 
 there may be a perfect symmetry between both 
 cartouches as in the name of Apries. The 
 sign [J[j is clearly too short, the sculptor was 
 obliged to put it in as he could. It seems 
 that the artist began to engrave the cartouche 
 in the lower part, with the eagle, to which he 
 allowed too large a space, so that there was not 
 sufficient room left for the signs [j 0 [j in regular 
 
 proportions. If he had not been bound to put 
 O at the top of the cartouche, isolated as must 
 be done for the name of Ra—in other words, 
 if the disk had been a <§ Ich instead of Ba o 
 nothing prevented him from writing the ® on 
 the side of the [](), and beginning the cartouche 
 
 with ®[j(j as is always the case with the 
 cartouche of Xerxes. 
 
 Another curious peculiarity to be noticed is 
 the dedication of the statue. Ian-Ra has 
 dedicated it to himself, to his double or to his 
 image. He is himself his own worshipper. 
 Where is the place of king Ian-Ra ? In which 
 dynasty are we to classify him ? Is he a 
 Hyksos, or does he belong to a native family ? 
 The first cartouche is very like a well-known 
 one, if we do not take into consideration a 
 
 graphic detail. The letter jl s, which we 
 should take as a complement of the sign | is 
 
 written before, as if we had here an intensitive 
 verb, and that the word should be read suser. 
 We might take it as a mere caprice of the 
 artist, if the same peculiarity did not occur on 
 the other monument where this cartouche is 
 written, the Bagdad lion. I believe, therefore, 
 that we cannot identify it with the cartouche 
 User enBa, whichbelonged to two kings of 
 very different epochs. It is found in the 
 list of Karnak, the exact order of which 
 V J is difficult to establish, among kings ex¬ 
 tending from the eleventh to the eighteenth 
 dynasty. 8 It is also the coronation name of 
 
 8 Lepsius classified it in the eleventh. 
 
 king An, f ^ of the fifth dynasty, 9 who seems 
 
 to have 
 ence of 
 after his 
 
 <1 
 
 /vww\ 
 
 had special titles to the rever- 
 posterity, since, many centuries 
 reign, the king Usertesen I. of 
 the twelfth dynasty dedicated to him a statue 
 now in the British Museum. In both cases the 
 graphic variant of the cartouche of Bubastis 
 does not exist, and we cannot identify our king 
 with any of those two, especially not with the 
 king of the fifth dynasty. 
 
 As it liasbeen pointed out, first by Mr. Griffith, 
 it is impossible not to recognize the cartouche 
 of Bubastis in the inscription engraved on the 
 chest of the small lion from Bagdad, now at 
 the British Museum. 1 It has been slightly 
 hammered out, but since we can compare the 
 cartouche to another which is quite legible, 
 the identity of both is striking. The P is easily 
 recognizable, as well as the head, and the 
 
 lower part of the jj equally. As the form of 
 
 the sign is unusual, one could suppose it was 
 the god Set "jXj, though the head is not that 
 of the god. The /VWM below has been widened 
 by the erasure, and was interpreted as nub. 
 The result is that the king Ba Set nub , whom 
 Deveria believed he had discovered on the 
 lion, rests only on an erroneous reading, and as I 
 said must be struck out of the lists of the kings. 
 
 The cartouche of the Bagdad lion is not 
 engraved on the shoulder as with the sphinxes 
 of Tanis, but on the chest, in the place 
 where according to all probabilities the king 
 for whom the monument was made would have 
 had his name written. We may therefore 
 safely conclude that it was under Ian-Ra’s 
 reign, and for him that the lion was sculptured. 
 This lion is particularly interesting to us, 
 because it is a monument of the Hyksos style. 
 The head is not human, it is that of the animal, 
 but the mane is exactly similar to the sphinxes 
 
 0 Lepsius, Answahl, pi. ix. 
 
 1 Vid. Deveria, liev. Arch. 1861, ii. p. 256. Tomkins 
 Abraham, p. 160. Maspero, Introd. aux mon. divers de 
 Marietto, p. 21. 
 
THE HYKSOS. 
 
 25 
 
 of Tanis. Thus we have at last a Hyksos 
 monument, the author and dedicator of which 
 is well established. Ian-Ra had monuments 
 made for him in the foreign style which has 
 been considered as the work of the Hyksos. 
 This very important fact induces us to make a 
 step farther. Is Ian-Ra not the author of 
 the sphinxes of Tanis, which Mariette contended 
 to have belonged to Apepi, but which existed 
 before this king ? Apepi inscribed his name on 
 the shoulder, in a place indicating that the monu¬ 
 ment had on the chest another name which 
 he did not wish to erase, and which we do not 
 see now, because a later king, of the twenty- 
 first dynasty, Psusennes, destroyed it altogether 
 and replaced it by his own. It is natural to 
 suppose that the name which Apepi respected 
 was Ian-Ra, since we have another monument 
 of the same style as the sphinxes bearing it at 
 the regular place. 
 
 Another curious feature of this important 
 inscription is the dedication. It is well known 
 that on statues or obelisks the name of the 
 god in honour of whom the monument is made, 
 is found at the end, after the name of the 
 
 dedicator, and followed by the word who 
 
 loves , who worships. It is useless to quote 
 here instances of which there are hundreds. 
 But here occurs the extraordinary circum¬ 
 stance that Ian-Ra is worshipper of his own 
 
 person : J=^~ ((, he loves , he worships his 
 
 double , his own image. It reminds us of what 
 is related in several texts, of the ungodliness of 
 the Hyksos. The inscription of Stabl Antar 
 
 says (1. 3), j 
 
 A 
 
 n 
 
 ! I I 
 
 AAAAAA 
 ^ AAAAAA 
 AAAAAA 
 
 G i 
 
 they 
 
 reigned , ignoring Ra, meaning hereby in 
 hostility against Ra, although the god 
 appeared in their names and titles. The 
 Sallier papyrus is still more explicit in its state¬ 
 ment. It relates that with the exception of 
 Sutekh, none of the gods of Egypt received 
 the worship which was due to them, while the 
 king Apepi was a fervent adorer of the foreign 
 
 divinity. Clearly there was a great difference 
 as to religion between the Hyksos and the 
 Egyptians, who considered the strangers as 
 impious and as enemies of their own gods. 
 
 Since Set or Sutekh was the divinity of the 
 foreign dynasty, it is extraordinary that his 
 name does not appear on the statue of Ian-Ra, 
 who seems to have had no other god than him¬ 
 self. This circumstance corroborates the idea 
 recently put forward by the Rev. Father De 
 Cara. The learned Jesuit suggests that the 
 worship of Set was instituted by Apepi, and 
 that from this important event of his reign 
 dates the era mentioned on the famous tablet 
 of the year 400, dedicated by Rameses II. It 
 would explain why the name of Set is absent 
 from the statue of Ian-Ra while it exists in 
 the inscriptions of the sphinxes of Tanis. 
 Perhaps Apepi had not yet achieved his great 
 religious reform when he erected at Bubastis 
 the great constructions, the mention of which 
 has been preserved. They were made in 
 honour of = 0 this god, we do not know which, 
 for it would be rash to draw any conclusion 
 from the spot where the stones have been 
 unearthed. In a temple which has been over¬ 
 thrown so often and so completely as Bubastis, 
 no conclusive evidence may be derived from 
 the vicinity of two stones. Because the door¬ 
 post with the name of Apepi and dedicated to 
 1=1 this god, was close to the statue of Ian- 
 Ra, the worshipper of himself, we cannot infer 
 that the divinity which Apepi had in mind was 
 the same Ian-Ra, whom he might have wor¬ 
 shipped as his ancestor or as a deified pre¬ 
 decessor. This hypothesis, without being 
 impossible, is not very probable. Nevertheless, 
 in this strange dedication of the statue of 
 Ian-Ra, there is a characteristic feature which is 
 not in conformity with what we usually see in 
 the truly Egyptian statues ; and in my opinion 
 it is another proof that Ian-Ra was a Hyksos. 
 I believe even that Ian-Ra is one of the 
 kings mentioned by Josephus as ’Janas 
 
 E 
 
26 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 or 'Aw as, Tsliicli must perhaps be read 
 Iavpas. 
 
 To the epoch of the Hyksos belong the two 
 finest monuments discovered at Bubastis—one 
 of -which is at the museum of Ghizeh, and the 
 other at the British Museum—I mean the two 
 colossal sitting statues in black granite which 
 were placed near each other on the east side of 
 the temple at the entrance of the first hall, 
 and both on the same side of the great columns 
 which adorned the doorway. Unfortunately 
 they are in pieces. It has been impossible to 
 find even one of them complete. The first frag¬ 
 ment which appeared was the top of a head¬ 
 dress, wearing the royal asp; the forehead was 
 attached to the diadem, and the head had been 
 broken horizontally, at the height of the eyes, 
 which were hollowed out. A few strokes on the 
 eyelids look like lashes, and they may have pro¬ 
 duced the illusion when seen from below, for it 
 is not certain that the hollow of the eyes was 
 inlaid with other material. A few days after¬ 
 wards the lower part of the head was un¬ 
 earthed (pi. xi.), and we recognized directly 
 the type of the sphinxes of Tanis—the same 
 high and strongly marked cheek-bone, while 
 the cheeks are rather hollow, the projecting 
 mouth with stout lips and the fleshy protuber¬ 
 ances at the corners. The nose, which has 
 been preserved nearly in its whole length, is 
 wide, strong at its origin, and aquiline. This 
 time it was not a sphinx which had been found, 
 it was a royal head, dressed as we often see 
 the kings of the twelfth or the thirteenth 
 dynasty. 
 
 At a fewfeet distancewecame across the lower 
 part of the legs of a colossal statue in black 
 granite, which evidently was part of the same 
 monument (pi. iv. and xxv. d). But when, the 
 infiltration water having receded, we were able 
 to excavate, we quite unexpectedly came upon 
 the lower part of the torso and the knees which 
 belonged to this base, besides another base of the 
 same size and of the same workmanship, lying 
 
 on its side (pi. xxvi. b). It was clear that there 
 were two twin statues, and as we had the head of 
 one, we could reasonably hope to find the other. 
 It happened two days afterwards. The second 
 head was discovered in a much better state of 
 preservation than the first ; it is now in the 
 British Museum (phi. and x.) Thus the entrance 
 of the temple of Bubastis was adorned with two 
 colossal statues of the same size exactly, which 
 had been most wantonly destroyed, so that it 
 was not possible to reconstitute one of them, in 
 spite of the most careful researches. PL xxvi. b 
 exhibits the manner in which the fragments 
 were placed when they were first exposed to 
 light. It shows two fragments of the statue 
 of the British Museum, the lower part of the 
 torso and the knees, which are one block, and 
 the extremity of the legs, which had been seen 
 first. The head was a little deeper, close to the 
 knees, and deeper still the toes ; but the statue 
 could not be completed, the upper part of the 
 torso from the waist to the neck has dis¬ 
 appeared. The other base was lying on its 
 side. When it was dragged out of the mud, 
 we found that it had been split in two from 
 top to bottom, so that there is only one leg left. 
 The fragment has been carried to the museum 
 of Ghizeh, with the head first discovered; it is 
 all that remains of that statue. PI. xxiv. d shows 
 the base after it had been raised. There is the 
 greatest likeness in the workmanship between 
 this base and the statue of lan-Ra. Unfor¬ 
 tunately on neither of the two colossi have we 
 been able to discover the name of the king 
 whom they represent. 
 
 Looking at the two heads together one 
 notices that the type is the same ; the foreign 
 characteristics which belong to the Hyksos 
 face are marked as much in one as in the other ; 
 but there is not identity between the two 
 faces. The head of the British Museum is 
 the image of a younger man. It is not so full 
 as that of Ghizeh ; jon the whole it has a more 
 juvenile appearance. It may be that they are 
 
THE HYKSOS. 
 
 27 
 
 the portraits of two different men, for instance 
 a father and a son ; but it is possible also that 
 it is the same man at two epochs of his life, 
 one young, perhaps, when he had but shortly 
 ascended the throne, the other when he was 
 more advanced in years. Notwithstanding 
 minute examinations of the two statues, we 
 could not find out the name of the king or the 
 kings whose likenesses they are. The photo¬ 
 graph of the base of Grhizeh shows two successive 
 erasures (pi. xxiv. d). The group of the two 
 Niles is of the style of the twelfth or thirteenth 
 dynasty, and such as we recognized before on 
 monuments of that time. Above it Raineses II. 
 had engraved his name. His standard is still 
 extant; it was adopted later by Osorkon II. The 
 part which was hammered out most deeply was 
 the place of the cartouches, which were trans¬ 
 formed or engraved with the name of Osorkon 
 II. This king usurped both statues. His name 
 and his titles may be seen on the base of the one 
 at the British Museum. The place where the name 
 of the king who erected the statues must have 
 stood, is the edge of the throne, along the legs 
 on both sides. There the base of the British 
 Museum shows a very deep erasure, where we 
 
 can still distinguish at the top and 
 
 between the cartouches. At Gliizeh the signs 
 of the coronation name of Rameses II. are neaidy 
 all discernible, but so deep that it cannot have 
 been the original inscription. 
 
 It is only conjecturally that we can assign a 
 name to these statues; and what seems most 
 natural is to give them the same as to the 
 sphinxes of Tanis. It may be either Apepi or 
 Ian-Ra. Apepi, we know through his inscrip¬ 
 tion, made such large constructions at Bubastis 
 that he may well have desired to leave his 
 portrait in the temple. As for Ian-Ra we 
 have no proof that he built much, but we know 
 that he had monuments of the same kind 
 sculptured for him. 
 
 Thus after having much hesitated myself, 
 
 E 
 
 1 am brought back by my excavations to the 
 opinion of Mariette, and I believe that the 
 monuments which he assigned to the Hyksos 
 are really the work of the foreign kings. It 
 seems well established that they are later than 
 the twelfth dynasty, with which they have no 
 likeness in the type. The same may be said 
 of the thirteenth; neither the Sebekhoteps, 
 nor Neferhotep, nor one of the least known 
 Mermashu of Tanis have the strange features of 
 the sphinxes or of the two statues of Bubastis. 
 There remains the fourteenth dynasty, the 
 history of which is nearly unknown, and the 
 Hyksos. But if the fourteenth is a dynast}*- 
 of native princes, as we hear from Manetho, 
 why should they have given to their statues 
 and sphinxes a decidedly strange character ? Is 
 it not more natural to suppose that the Asiatic 
 type was introduced into Egypt by the Asiatics 
 themselves ? Is the coincidence not suffi¬ 
 ciently striking that we may conclude that it 
 proceeded from a common origin? Now the 
 limits of the problem have been very much 
 narrowed. We have the choice only between 
 the fourteenth dynasty and the Hyksos. We 
 do not know when the fourteenth dynasty began, 
 nor can we tell when the thirteenth ended; 
 but the scanty information which we possess 
 does not point between the two-to an abrupt 
 and sudden change, such as would have been 
 produced by a foreign invasion. Admitting 
 even with Manetho that the first was Diospolite, 
 and the second Xoite, this circumstance does not 
 account for such a deep alteration in the type, 
 nor for such an obviously foreign character in 
 the features of the face. Therefore the con¬ 
 clusion to which Mariette had arrived seems to 
 me by far the most satisfactory, and I consider 
 that the group of monuments to which he gave 
 the name of Hyksos really belongs to them. 
 
 However, the share which they have con¬ 
 tributed in works such as the great statues, is 
 merely the type, the character of the face. All 
 that regards the execution, the technical side, 
 
 2 
 
28 
 
 BTJBASTIS. 
 
 is essentially Egyptian, even tlie attitude. The 
 Shepherd, kings employed native artists for 
 making their portraits. They had submitted to 
 the Egyptian civilization. They had yielded 
 to the ascendency which a superior race will 
 always exert on less civilized invaders; but 
 we may understand their desire that their 
 foreign origin should be recorded somewhere, 
 and nothing could skow it as well as a good 
 portrait. It is obvious that the artist en¬ 
 deavoured to give an exact likeness of the 
 king ; it is shown by the great difference which 
 exists between the head and the lower part of 
 the body, where the hand of a less clever 
 sculptor is easily traceable. Certainly under 
 the Hyksos Egyptian art had not degenerated. 
 The two heads of Bubastis are among the most 
 beautiful monuments which have been pre¬ 
 served. It is impossible not to admire the 
 vigour of the work as well as the perfection 
 with which the features are modelled. There 
 is something harder, even perhaps more brutal 
 than in the type of the Bamessides, whose 
 features are more refined and gracious ; but it 
 comes from the difference in the originals, which 
 did not belong to the same race. 
 
 After along circuit we thus return to our start¬ 
 ing point, and we inquire again, where was the 
 native of country the Hyksos ? consulting 
 instead of historical documents, the ethnologi¬ 
 cal characters which may appear on the monu¬ 
 ments. On this point we find a nearly complete 
 agreement between two of the most eminent 
 ethnologists of the present day—Prof. Flower 
 in England, and Prof. Virchow in Germany. 
 The illustrious German saw the head now 
 belonging to the British Museum on the spot, a 
 few days after it had been discovered, and he 
 published a drawing of it in a paper read at the 
 Berlin Academy. Prof. Virchow was struck at 
 first sight by the foreign character of the fea¬ 
 tures, but he added that it was very difficult to 
 give their precise ethnological definition. “ It 
 may be,” says lie, “ that the models of these 
 
 heads were Turanians, bub I should not be able 
 to say which.” Prof. Flower expresses himself 
 in a more positive way on the Mongoloid 
 affinities of the Hyksos. There is nothing in 
 these statements which is not in perfect 
 harmony with the historical facts which are 
 mentioned above, as having been the cause of 
 the invasion of the Hyksos. The presence of 
 a Turanian race in Mesopotamia at a remote 
 epoch is no more questioned by most Assyrio- 
 logists. It does not mean that the whole bulk 
 of the invaders, the entire population which 
 settled in Egypt, was of Turanian origin. It 
 would be contrary to well-established historical 
 facts. It is certain that all that remained in Egypt 
 of the Hyksos, in the language, in the worship, 
 in the name of Aamu, by which they were 
 called, everything points to a decidedly Semitic 
 influence. But the kings may very well not 
 have been Semites. How often do we see in 
 eastern monarchies and even in European 
 states a difference of origin between the 
 ruling class, to which the royal family 
 belongs, and the mass of the people. We need 
 not leave Western Asia and Egypt; we find 
 there Turks ruling over nations to the race of 
 which they do not belong, although they have 
 adopted their religion. In the same way as tbe 
 Turks of Bagdad, who are Finns, now reign over 
 Semites, Turanian kings may have led into 
 Egypt and governed a population of mixed 
 origin where the Semitic element was prevalent. 
 If we consider the mixing up of races which 
 took place in Mesopotamia in remote ages, 
 the invasions which the country had to suffer, 
 the repeated conflicts of which it was the 
 theatre, there is nothing extraordinary that 
 populations coming out of this land should 
 have presented a variety of races and origins. 
 Therefore I believe that though we cannot 
 derive a direct evidence from ethnological con¬ 
 siderations, they do not oppose the opinion 
 stated above that the starting point of the 
 invasion of the Hyksos must be looked for in 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY. 
 
 29 
 
 Mesopotamia, and that the conquest of Egypt 
 by the Shepherds was the consequence of the 
 inroads of the Elamites into the valley of the 
 Tigris and the Euphrates. 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY. 
 
 It is undoubtedly to the kings of the eighteenth 
 dynasty that we must give the credit of having 
 begun the war against the Hyksos, and having 
 embarked in a struggle which ended in the 
 deliverance of the country from the yoke of the 
 foreign dynasty. However, notwithstanding 
 their great and persevering efforts, Ahmes and 
 Sekenen-Ba did not succeed in achieving this 
 arduous task. The invaders were finally driven 
 out by the kings who followed, and who were 
 not their immediate successors. The writers 
 who have discussed this subject seem to me 
 to have attached too much importance to the 
 campaign related in the famous inscription of 
 Ahmes. The general tells us that under King 
 Ahmes I. the city of Avaris was besieged and 
 conquered, and that the expedition was pushed 
 as far as Sharohan, on the frontier of Palestine. 
 This narrative, engraved in his tomb, has often 
 been considered as describing the final deliver¬ 
 ance of Egypt, which, however, does not seem to 
 have been realized as early as the seventeenth 
 dynasty. It is probable that if the Delta had 
 been occupied in a stable and permanent manner 
 by the kings of the seventeenth dynasty, and by 
 the first sovereign of the eighteenth, some 
 traces of their dominion would have remained in 
 the country, whereas, on the contrary, it is a 
 remarkable fact that, before the excavations at 
 Bubastis, no monument of their time had been 
 discovered in the Delta. In every place where 
 excavations have been made, either by our 
 predecessors or by ourselves, if not statues or 
 larger monuments, at least names have been 
 discovered of the twelfth dynasty, of the 
 thirteenth, or even of much more ancient kings 
 
 belonging to the fourth or the fifth; but nothing 
 whatever of the seventeenth or of the eighteenth. 
 Except the serpent of Benha, now in the 
 museum of Ghizeh, and which dates from 
 Amenophis III.,before our discoveries at Bubas¬ 
 tis no monument of the Delta could be attributed 
 with certainty to those princes. It would be 
 extraordinary, however, that wherever an ex¬ 
 cavation has been made, at Tanis, Pitliom, 
 Nebesheh, Tell Mokdam, Khataanab, Tell el 
 Yahoodieh, Saft el Henneh, especially in the 
 localities where ancient monuments have 
 been discovered, precisely those of the seven¬ 
 teenth and eighteenth dynasties should have 
 disappeared. But we have discovered at Bu¬ 
 bastis Amenophis II., and two of his successors ; 
 and at the same time the fellaheen unearthed 
 at Samanood a large tablet bearing the names 
 of Amenophis IV. and Horemheb. 
 
 The explanation of these facts seems to me 
 quite natural. In an inscription at Stabl Antar, 
 which describes her high deeds, the queen 
 Hasliepsu , the sister and guardian of the 
 younger brother, Thothmes III., speaks in this 
 way : 1 I restored ivhat ivas in ruins, and I built 
 up again what had remained ( uncompleted ) when 
 the Aamu were in the midst of Egypt of the 
 North, and in the city of Eauar, and when the 
 
 Shepherds ^ ^ among them had 
 
 destroyed the ( ancient ) ivories. They reigned ig¬ 
 noring Ba, and disobeying his divine commands , 
 until I sat doivn on the throne of Ba. Making 
 allowance for the exaggeration which is usual 
 in an Egyptian inscription, the passage seems to 
 establish that order was far from being restored 
 in the Delta when the queen ascended the throne; 
 the edifices ruined by the Aamu, the subjects of 
 Apepi, had not yet been rebuilt, and probably 
 an administrative organization could hardly be 
 said to exist. However, before her reign, 
 Ahmes, Amenophis I., Thothmes I., had carried 
 
 1 Golenischeff, Kecueil de Ttavaux, vol. iii. p. 2, vol. vi. 1. 
 36 et suiv. De Cara, Hyksos, p. 271. 
 
30 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 war into Syria and even as far as Mesopotamia, 
 and could not have done it without marching 
 through the Delta. We must admit that their 
 wars had not been sufficient to overthrow and 
 finally destroy the Asiatics, who may have 
 had a party in Egypt. But it was different 
 with the conquests of Thotlnnes III., which had 
 a lasting result, since we know from the tablets of 
 Tell el Amarna,that under his successors Ameno- 
 pliis III. and Amenophis IV., Syria and part of 
 Mesopotamia were still tributary to Egypt. 
 
 The first campaign of Thothmes III. was 
 directed against the hereditary foes of his 
 empire, the Syrians and Asiatic nomads ; and in 
 order to assert his final triumph over his formid¬ 
 able enemies, and to perpetuate its remem¬ 
 brance, he built in the land of Bemenen a fort or 
 castle, which he called MenJcheperra ( Thothmes ) 
 subdues the nomads 
 
 This name is very significant when it is con¬ 
 nected with the information derived from the in¬ 
 scription of Iiasliepsu. Moreover, immediately 
 after Thothmes III. the monuments appear 
 again in the Delta, and the most ancient is the 
 stone discovered at Bubastis. These different 
 facts have led me to conclude with Lepsius that it 
 was Thothmes III. who finally delivered Egypt 
 from the Ilyksos, and who secured the country 
 against their invasions ; for it is certain that a 
 part of the people remained in the land and 
 accepted the dominion of the Pharaohs. 
 
 This opinion on the work of Thothmes III. 
 seems to me confirmed by the very corrupt 
 passage in which Manetlio, quoted by Josephus, 
 relates the expulsion of the Ilyksos. It is said, 
 that under a king whose name must be read 
 Misphragmuthosis, the Shepherds were driven 
 out of Egypt, and took refuge in the city of 
 Avaris. 3 I have suggested elsewhere 4 that the 
 
 . 1 Erugsch, Rec. pi. xliii. Aegypt. p. 328. 
 
 ' ’Kri 6e /3a<riAc<j)S o> oVo/z.a ilvai ’Micrc^pay/xoiAucris 
 ■p-iji/i tiois (firjal rots ttoi/iuus vtt clvtov ii< jJ.'tv tt/s uX\tj<; 
 AlyvTTTOv irdarjs KaTfi.KXairOrjvai S’ ets tottov . . . 
 
 Ai a(, iv. Muller, Fragm. ii. p. 507. 4 Zeitschr. 1883, p. 9. 
 
 word Misphragmuthosis consists in two different 
 names fused in on e—Misaphris or Mesphres 
 and Thouthmosis. Misaphris or Mesphres is a 
 Greek transcription, easily explained, of Men- 
 kheperra, the coronation name of Thothmes III. 
 The name quoted by Josephus and Eusebius is 
 only the two cartouches of Thothmes III. com¬ 
 bined in one word. 
 
 The stone of Amenophis II. (pi. xxxv. d) is a 
 slab in red granite with two panels. It was at 
 the entrance of the hall of Nekhtliorheb,the most 
 western in the temple. It was brought from 
 another part of the edifice; for though we rolled 
 many of the neighbouring blocks we did not find 
 anything else of that epoch. In turning over 
 the slab itself we saw the reason why it has 
 been preserved. It was put in later times as 
 a threshold, or rather as an upper lintel to a 
 door, and the slot-holes are still visible, in 
 which the hinges were inserted (pi. xxvi. a). 
 
 On the slab are two sculptured panels in 
 opposite directions to each other. In both of 
 them, the king Amenophis II. is seen standing 
 and making offerings to the god Anion, who sits 
 on his throne. The king promises him as a 
 reward, health, strength, happiness, courage, 
 according to the usual formulas. It is strange 
 that we find no mention of Bast, who at that 
 time seems not to have been the chief local 
 divinity; wdiereas the god whose worship was 
 prevalent was Amon-Pa , the Icing of the gods , 
 the great king , the lord of the sky. After his 
 name, comes the mention of the place where he 
 is worshipped, and where he is considered as 
 residing. We should expect to find here Bast , 
 the usual name of Bubastis. But that is not the 
 case, and we come across a totally different 
 name, he ivho dwells in Perunefer. This name 
 has only been met with once, by Brugsch, 6 who 
 discovered it on a tablet of the museum of 
 Ghizeh, which speaks of a controller of the work¬ 
 shops, in the city of Perunefer. We must infer 
 
 
 ft 2 
 
 5 Diet. Geog. p. 221. 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY. 
 
 1 
 
 from the inscription of Amenophis II., that 
 Perimeter is the oldest name of Bubastis. 
 Though we found a dedication to Bast as early 
 as Amenemha I., it is clear that under the 
 eighteenth dynasty, the worship of the goddess 
 was not the most important in the city, the 
 sanctuary of which was the abode of the Theban 
 god Amon. 
 
 We do not know in what consisted the con¬ 
 structions of Amenophis II., but they must have 
 had a certain importance, since a following king 
 thought it necessary to renew them. Between 
 the two panels is a vertical inscription in two 
 columns, which contains the following test:—- 
 The Icing of Upper and Loiver Egypt made the 
 renovation of the buildings of . . . The son of 
 Ba, Seti meri en Phthah caused to prosper the 
 house of his father lilce Ba. Thus Seti I. re¬ 
 newed the construction which had been raised 
 by his predecessor. The same fact occurs at 
 Thebes, 6 on the south pylon of the temple of 
 Karnak. There, a large sculpture represents 
 Amenophis II. striking a group of enemies, 
 whom he holds bound together by their hair, 
 before the God Amon. The god makes the 
 usual promise of victory over his enemies, and 
 before the god is an inscription nearly identical 
 
 to that of Bubastis, 3^ 
 
 ' m GOG A/WW\ Ok ^ 
 
 the renovation of the monuments 
 by the King Bamenma, everlasting. 
 
 It may be asked what reason induced Seti I. 
 to build up again or to restore the works of his 
 predecessor. I believe that when he renewed 
 the monuments of Amenophis II. he was 
 actuated by a religious motive, by the desire to 
 propitiate Amon, perhaps at the moment when 
 he entered on his Asiatic campaigns, for which 
 Bubastis must have been the starting point. 
 It was an offering which he made to the god in 
 order to court his favour, or as fulfilment for a 
 vow. It would be easy to quote kings or 
 
 G Leps. Denkm. iii. 61, 
 
 generals acting in a similar way during the 
 Middle Ages or even in modern times. Seti I. 
 had to fight the Shasu on the frontiers of his 
 empire. In passing through Bubastis he pro¬ 
 mised to Amon to repair the constructions 
 erected there by Amenophis II., and which had 
 perhaps suffered during the reign of the 
 heretical King Amenophis IV. ; nothing is 
 more in accordance with the religious ideas of 
 all times. 
 
 Amenophis II. was followed by an obscure 
 king, Tliotlimes IV., after whom one of the 
 most powerful sovereigns of Egypt, Amenophis 
 III., ascended the throne. He is the only one 
 whose monuments were known in the Delta 
 before our excavations ; these monuments were 
 scarabs which the fellaheen discovered in the 
 mounds of Tell Basta, and a stone serpent 
 deposited in the museum of Ghizeh, which is the 
 local form of Ilorus, worshipped in the city of 
 Athribis now called Benha. The monuments 
 of the time of Amenophis III. which we 
 discovered, are four in number, and are of the 
 following description :— 
 
 Two headless statues representing the same 
 men, a higher official also called Amenophis. 
 These statues (pi. xiii.), both of black granite, 
 are very unequal as to workmanship. That 
 which is on the left of the plate is in the museum 
 of Ghizeh, the other is in the British Museum. 
 The first was sculptured by a clever and skilled 
 artist: it is a fine piece of work, remarkable in 
 particular for the elaborate modelling of the 
 body, which is covered by a garment of very 
 thin material, a long gown tied at the neck by 
 two braces. The man is sittino; cross-le^o-ed, 
 in a position which is frequent with Orientals; 
 the legs, folded under the garment, are not 
 detached. He holds in the left hand a papyrus 
 which he unrolls with the right on his lap; 
 from the left hand hangs also a kind of purse 
 or bag, the use of which I cannot tell. On the 
 papyrus is an inscription to which we shall have 
 to revert. The date of the monument was 
 
 teas made 
 
32 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 furnished by a part of the garment (pi. 
 xxv. b). The two braces by which it is held 
 are tied together on the back by a kind of 
 broach or slide, on which is the following in- 
 
 |, the good god, Neb Ma 
 
 sen 
 
 iption Qj 
 
 o 
 
 Itci, beloved of Ma, which is the first cartouche 
 of Amenophis III. The same ornament and 
 inscription are found on the second statue, 
 which in addition has on the chest the cartouche 
 of the king. The other peculiarity of this statue, 
 which to my knowledge has not been met with 
 before, is the manner in which his title of scribe 
 or official is indicated. The sign is placed 
 on the left shoulder in such a way that the 
 reed and the inkstand are on the back, while 
 the purse is on the chest. It is to be regretted 
 that the head has disappeared; it must have 
 been slightly bent forward as if it were reading 
 the text of the papyrus. 
 
 The second statue is not quite so large, it is 
 below natural proportions ; the workmanship is 
 inferior to that of the other; the position is 
 nearly the same, but there is no papyrus, and the 
 titles of the man are inscribed on a vertical 
 column running along the middle of the body. 
 
 The following text is inscribed on the first 
 
 statue:— 7 (pi. xxxv. f) ™ | P 
 
 @1 BFFff 
 
 [UAA 
 
 /vwwv 
 
 
 u 
 
 I I I 
 
 T 7 TA 
 
 Htl "T* "T" 2 
 
 The making of laivs, the 
 establishing of Ma, the giving ordinances to the 
 friends, by the'prince,the first friend, who loves his 
 lard, the head of all the ivories of his Icing, and of 
 the provinces of pasture marshes, the chancellor, the 
 
 7 P ATT? 11 || lit. establish the truth or justice, indicates 
 legislative work. This expression, and the more frequent one 
 
 of 
 
 
 ra £ 
 
 which occurs in the titles of several 
 
 □ i i i 
 
 kings, must be translated legislator. 
 
 si m IM "?** "T* Tlie readin s of "T" "7^ 
 
 I consider to he which Goodwin translates 
 
 pasture, and Brugsch (Diet. Suppl. p. 490) level plain. 
 
 governor of the city, the general Amenophis the 
 beloved. This inscription must be compared 
 with that of the other statue: (PI. xxxv. e). 
 
 -<W>- 
 
 CPI 
 
 !>' 
 
 
 mi I ^-. 5 
 
 OYO ra J\ 
 
 © I w -J ol 
 
 II 
 
 era 
 
 i-0 
 
 .1 
 
 This one is more ob¬ 
 
 scure than the first, though it is clear that it 
 refers to the same man. But as the titles are 
 different, we must admit that he had the two 
 statues sculptured at two different epochs of 
 his life. As the other one is of better workman¬ 
 ship, and as it contains titles which on the whole 
 indicate a higher position than the second, we 
 may conclude that he began with the statue of 
 the British Museum, which was dedicated earlier 
 than the other. As far as we can make them 
 out, the titles of the second statue are merely 
 sacerdotal, while the first shows political and 
 civil employments, besides, here they are not so 
 numerous: the prince who takes care of the 
 domains of the temples, the chief of Nekhen who 
 
 8 is to be read atebu, and means cultivated land, 
 
 domains. It is met with also in an inscription of Rameses 
 
 II. (pi. xxxvii. c) in the expression ^ ^ P V37 the 
 
 domains of the Ionians (Brugsch, Diet, suppl. p. 171 et765). 
 1 do not know of any other instance where it follows the 
 word -< 2 >- which 1 translate here, who takes care of, ivho 
 looks after. 
 
 |jf| I cannot interpret this word, the great hall , other¬ 
 wise than the temple of Buhastis. ff lit. the chief 
 
 of Nekhen (Brugsch, Diet. Geog. p. 355). One does not 
 see the reason why the city of Eilithyiaspolis, or even Upper 
 Egypt, should be mentioned here. Brugsch quotes the 
 
 same title from an inscription of Esneh, □ ^ ^7©- 
 
 It refers to an employment in the great festivals of Horus 
 and Hatlior at Edfoo. There, it is natural that the chief of 
 a great neighbouring city should play an important part in 
 the festival. But at Buhastis, in Lower Egypt, it would be 
 extraordinary. In my opinion, the expression must be 
 considered as a mere title, and we must leave aside the 
 literal sense, which may be historically true, but which has 
 lost its original meaning, as is so often the case at the 
 present day with sacerdotal or royal titles. 
 
 <~> ^ lit. rvlio calms, who quiets his going, meaning of 
 
 r —i I 
 
 course, who stops, rvlio remains, another priestly right or 
 privilege analogous to what we find elsewhere P ^ P ^7 
 to go in and out. 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY. 
 
 33 
 
 stops his march in the holy place , the governor of 
 the city, the general Amenophis who lives again. 
 NeJchen is properly the name of the city of 
 Eilithyiaspolis, now called El Kab, which is often 
 taken as an emblem for Upper Egypt; but I be¬ 
 lieve that here we must entirely put aside the 
 geographical sense, and take the expression 
 chief of Nelchen as meaning a certain employ¬ 
 ment in the great religious festivals, as we know 
 from an inscription of late epoch in the temple 
 of Esneh, and as w T e may infer from the title 
 which follows. 
 
 This priest had important administrative 
 and civil duties . 9 He had to make laws and 
 ordinances which applied to the friends lXol , 
 
 i) of the kings, as he was the first in rank 
 
 among those officials who occur already in very 
 early inscriptions. We have to notice the absence 
 of precise geographical indications; there is 
 no name of a city or of a nome. Where 
 we expect to find Bubastis mentioned we find 
 
 only this : Sffi ~ M 'T* "T" T" %, tlie Pro¬ 
 vinces of the pasture marshes of the North. It is 
 spoken elsewhere of, TUJ AVWNA the marsh 
 
 of Bubastis. So there must have been pasture 
 land in the vicinity of Bubastis, and this re¬ 
 minds us of what is said in the great inscription 
 of Merenplithah, of the country around the city 
 of Bailos * I 2 (Belbeis), which was only at a short 
 distance, and belonged to the same nome as 
 
 9 Since this was written the museum of Ghizeh has 
 purchased a statue, the workmanship of which has the 
 greatest likeness with the first statue of Bubastis. It is made 
 of painted sandstone. The attitude is nearly the same, as 
 
 well as the characteristic ornament and the statue, is 
 
 complete. The brooch is not visible, because it is covered 
 by the long and thick hair. The statue comes from Gurnah, 
 one of the villages situate on the site of Thebes. I believe 
 it is the same man who had not yet been promoted to the 
 high dignities which he attained at Bubastis. His name 
 
 and title are : |Q] 
 
 I m -■ _/I MAMA 
 
 writer of the boohs of holy words of Amon, Amenophis. 
 
 1 Brugsch, Diet. Geog. p. 207. 
 
 2 Yid. Naville, Goshen, Appendix. The Mound of the 
 
 Jew, p. 22. 
 
 Bubastis. It is also close to this city that we 
 have determined the original site of the land of 
 Goshen . 3 The expression <e nomes of marshes,” 
 or “ of pasture land,” seems to point to a fact 
 which is confirmed by several other inscriptions, 
 that several of the nomes of Lower Egypt were 
 not yet organized as they were under the 
 Ptolemies, and had not yet the names given them 
 at a later epoch. They do not appear on the 
 list of Seti I., where we find in their stead names 
 of water districts. Under Amenophis III. the 
 administrative organization of the country could 
 not be so complete as it was many centuries 
 later, considering that it was not long since the 
 land had been wrested from the hands of the 
 foreign invaders. 
 
 Another monument of the time of Ame¬ 
 nophis III. was a double group, which must 
 have been very elegant. It represented a man 
 and his wife. The head of the woman alone 
 has been preserved, with a fragment of inscrip¬ 
 tion engraved on the back (pi. xxxv. g). It is 
 the priest who speaks and who describes all the 
 honours with which he has been overwhelmed. 
 He says that lie was raised to the dignity of 
 
 chief and that the king put him 
 
 above all his retinue. He adds that he reached 
 old age, having continually enjoyed the favour 
 of the king. The cartouche of Amenophis III., 
 engraved on the chest, gave us the date of 
 this beautiful fragment. 
 
 We must not omit the base of a small statue, 
 of which the feet alone have been preserved, as 
 well as the inscriptions engraved on both sides. 
 It was made for an official of the palace called 
 
 i Kherfu ( pi. xxxv. h, h) . The Berlin 
 
 museum 4 contains a kneeling statue of the same 
 man, with the name of Amenophis III., which 
 has furnished the date for the monument of 
 Bubastis. 
 
 Thus our excavations have yielded monuments 
 of several officers of Amenophis III. The state 
 
 3 Goshen, p. 14 and ff. 4 Catalogue, p. 61. 
 
 F 
 
 MAMA 
 
 the 
 
34 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 of destruction in which they have been found 
 shows that the temple may have contained more 
 of them, which have disappeared. Bnbastis 
 was a good starting point for a sovereign like 
 Amenophis III., who made both military and 
 hunting expeditions into Mesopotamia, and who 
 had contracted family ties with the kings of 
 Nciliara'in , as we learn from the tablets of Tell 
 el Amarna. The same documents show that 
 under Amenophis IV. the kings of Mesopotamia 
 who had been tributary to the father were also 
 vassals to the son. He must therefore have 
 been attracted to Bubastis for the same purposes 
 as Amenophis III. In fact, his presence there 
 has also been recognized. A thick slab of red 
 granite, which probably was the base of a 
 statue or of an altar, bears on its edge the 
 name of the particular god worshipped by 
 Amenophis IV. (pi. xxxv. i) after he had 
 made his religious reform, and adopted himself 
 the name of Khuenaten. The name of the god 
 has been preserved, as in many other instances, 
 because the stone was inserted in a wall; for, 
 the other side, where stood the cartouche of 
 the king, has been hammered out. The surface 
 on which lay the statue or the altar dedicated 
 by Amenophis IV. bears two large cartouches 
 of Bameses II. The stone is now in the 
 museum of Ghizeh. 
 
 The historical result derived from the inscrip¬ 
 tions of Bubastis, has been to show that the 
 eighteenth dynasty had left important traces in 
 the Delta; and this result has been confirmed 
 by the discovery made at Samauood of a great 
 tablet with the cartouches of Amenophis IV. 
 and Iloremheb. The eighteenth dynasty has 
 reigned over the Delta; but at present we do 
 not find it earlier than Thothmes III., the great 
 conqueror who subdued Syria, Palestine, and 
 part of Mesopotamia. The conclusion which we 
 are to-day compelled to draw, but which may 
 be upset to-morrow by further explorations, is 
 that the dominion of the Pharaohs over the 
 Delta was re-established only after Thothmes 
 
 III., and after he had by his successful wars 
 struck down and subjugated his Asiatic neigh¬ 
 bours. Before his reign, the consequences of 
 the struggle against the Hyksos were still felt. 
 Perhaps the foreigners had not yet been com¬ 
 pletely driven out, in spite of the victories of 
 Ahmes and the capture of Avaris ; perhaps, also, 
 the Pharaohs did not feel sufficiently strong to 
 occupy the whole land, and to restore over its 
 whole area the administration and the worship 
 which would have entailed upon them the re¬ 
 construction of considerable edifices. Taking 
 Hashepsu’s word, it was she who began this 
 difficult task. 
 
 Concerning the temple itself, I must recall 
 here what I said before as to the date of the 
 hypostyle hall, consisting of two sorts of columns 
 and two sorts of Hathor-capitals. I believe it 
 must be attributed to the twelfth dynasty, and 
 not to the eighteenth. It is difficult to under¬ 
 stand how no traces of the eighteenth should 
 have remained on the architraves where we dis¬ 
 covered traces of the twelfth. Surely the columns 
 must be of the same age as the architraves they 
 had to support. Future excavations alone will 
 solve the question of the origin of this style of 
 architecture. It is much to be regretted that 
 two of the most important temples bearing the 
 names of Amenophis III., Soleb and Sedeinga in 
 Nubia, are now inaccessible, owing to the dis¬ 
 turbed state of the country. Researches in 
 those localities would show whether it was really 
 Amenophis III. who raised those important 
 buildings, whether it was he who introduced in 
 Egyptian architecture the palm-leaf column and 
 the Hathor-capital, or whether, as I am inclined 
 to believe, he gave Rameses II. the example of 
 attributing to himself the work of the Amenem- 
 has, the Usertesens, and the Sebekhoteps. 
 
 I also attribute to the eighteenth dynasty a 
 strange monument of which I know no other 
 specimen, and which is now in the museum of 
 Ghizeh (pi. xxi. b and c). It consists of a large 
 disk against which two figures are leaning. 
 
THE NINETEENTH DYNASTY. 
 
 35 
 
 One of them is Homs as a child, the other 
 Amor. Eight and left, and in the interval 
 between the figures is sculptured the sign f* 
 hik, a prince. Behind the disk is its prop ; it 
 is not a pillar as in the statues ; it grows 
 thinner from the lower part to the top, so that 
 it presents an oblique surface, and has no thick¬ 
 ness at the top; its vertical section is a 
 triangle. The figures and the disk are on a 
 circular pedestal bearing ornaments like hiero¬ 
 glyphs : zigzags which are the letter n '«», and 
 the sh. They are still visible in front, 
 
 but on the sides they have been cut off, and the 
 surface has been levelled in order to engrave on 
 it the cartouche of Bameses II., followed by the 
 
 ■JO /WWW # 
 
 words J dda °f ^ ie princes. The lower 
 
 surface is concave so as to fit exactly on a 
 convex end, and to be strongly fixed. There 
 can be no doubt that it is older than Rameses 
 II., since this king destroyed part of the inscrip¬ 
 tions engraved under the figures. The nature 
 of the monument is obvious ; it is the head¬ 
 dress of a gigantic statue of the god Ea. 
 Supposing the headdress to be one-fourth of 
 the whole height, the statue was from 22 
 to 27 feet high. It was not one of the largest 
 in Egypt; suffice it to mention the colossus of 
 the Ramesseum at Thebes, or the other, traces 
 of which Mr. Petrie discovered at San, 5 and 
 which was 92 feet in height. The statue 
 which had this curious ornament was a statue 
 of Ra, as we learn from the inscription, Ra of 
 the princes. The prop which is behind the disk, 
 corresponded to the top of the square pillar 
 which is always found behind standing statues. 
 The usual headdress of Ra is a solar disk ; on a 
 statue it could not simply be placed on the head 
 as when the god is sculptured on a wall; it was 
 fixed to the skull by means of the circular base 
 which is under the disk, and which has the same 
 purpose as the crown of asps which we see in a 
 statue of Rameses II. wearing the atef (pi. xv.). 
 
 It is not at all extraordinary to find on the disk 
 two figures. Egyptian art did not like ex¬ 
 tensive level surfaces without any ornament; a 
 disk of such large dimensions and destitute 
 of anything ornamental, would have'produced a 
 bad effect, therefore they filled up the blank 
 space with the figures of Horus and Amon, two 
 divinities worshipped in the temple, besides the 
 three signs \ which were part of the name of 
 the god. We shall find again the god Ra on 
 the sculptures of Osorkon I. (pi. xxxix. n) ; 
 there is also a large architrave of early date 
 bearing the words \\ (|(|, ^ie adorer of 
 
 the spirits of On ( Heliopolis ), which implies 
 the worship of Ra. 
 
 It is probable that the statue had a hawk’s 
 head; there is no fragment which we may with 
 certainty recognize as having belonged to it, 
 except perhaps a shoulder (pi. xxiii. c), which 
 would have the right proportions. We have 
 here a very rare example of a statue made of 
 several pieces, in which the headdress was not 
 part of the monolith out of which the rest had 
 been carved. It is an exception to what has 
 been found till now. But we have another 
 similar instance in the same temple ; the four 
 architectural statues with the name of Rameses 
 II. where the top of the skull has been flattened 
 in order to support the headdress. One of 
 those diadems has been preserved, and is now 
 at the Berlin Museum. In the case of the disk, 
 the weight being considerable, and the statue 
 very high, it would not have been safe to put 
 it merely on a flattened surface of smaller 
 diameter; therefore the lower surface of the 
 headdress has been slightly hollowed out so as 
 to fit exactly on the curve of the skull, while 
 the base of the prop crowned the top of the 
 square pillar behind the statue. 
 
 THE NINETEENTH DYNASTY. 
 
 Seti I. restored the constructions of Ameno- 
 pliis II., but he does not seem to have built 
 
 5 Petrie, Tanis i. p. 22 . 
 
36 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 anything at Bubastis. On the contrary, his 
 son Bameses II., as he usually did, covered the 
 whole temple with his name. At first sight 
 it looks as if he alone and the Bubastites had 
 to be credited with the foundation of the 
 beautiful sanctuary, which was the object of the 
 admiration of Herodotus. But it is just the 
 reverse ; a careful study of each inscribed stone 
 has revealed that all the great architraves 
 which bear his name had been usurped; and 
 that nearly everywhere his inscriptions were 
 engraved on older texts. Sometimes part of 
 the original name has been preserved (pi. xxvi. 
 c), sometimes the old name has disappeared, 
 but all that surrounded the cartouche has 
 remained untouched (pi. xxiv. a) ; sometimes 
 nothing is left except indistinct traces of older 
 signs which are distinguished only by a very 
 close observation, so that seen from a distance 
 the inscription seems to belong to Bameses 
 
 II. 
 
 His name is found profusely in the three 
 first halls of the temple, the part of the 
 edifice which existed before his time; on the 
 walls, and on separate monuments, such as 
 tablets or statues. On the walls, unlike the 
 architraves, there are sculptures which un¬ 
 doubtedly were made for him, and must be 
 attributed to his reign. He had every facility 
 for engraving all he desired, for the custom of 
 the Pharaohs to cover the walls of the temples 
 with sculptured figures and inscriptions, is of 
 relatively late epoch. I believe that in this 
 respect the kings of the twelfth and the 
 thirteenth dynasties had preserved the tradition 
 of simplicity of the Old Empire. They had 
 inscriptions, and even sculptured figures on the 
 door-posts and lintels, perhaps also on the 
 basements; but we do not find any great 
 sculptures of those kings on the plain surfaces 
 of the walls, as is the case after the eighteenth 
 dynasty, and we have every reason to believe 
 that there were none. 
 
 Bameses II. certainly made some alterations 
 
 in the building; we recognize the fact from the 
 stones which have been displaced, like the block 
 bearing part of the cartouche of Usertesen III., 
 which was in a corner. He may even have 
 been obliged to build up anew a part of the 
 temple. We have shown that there were traces 
 of Khuenaten ; it is quite possible that either he 
 or the other heretical kings had more or less 
 damaged it out of hatred towards the god Amon 
 who was worshipped there. Perhaps, also, the 
 temple had been ruined from an earlier date. 
 We must imagine that in those remote ages 
 the character of the country and of the people 
 was not very different from what it is now. 
 How many lialf-ruined mosques are seen in 
 Cairo or elsewhere, which are still used for 
 worship, and which will go on decaying, until 
 they crumble to pieces, or until a pasha 
 takes a fancy to rebuild them. I believe it 
 was much the same three or four thousand 
 years ago. A Pharaoh ascending the throne, 
 and finding in his empire a number of temples 
 more or less ruined in consequence of wars or 
 religious quarrels, did not betake himself at 
 once to reconstruct them all ; he had other 
 occupations, especially if, like the princes of the 
 eighteenth dynasty, he had to defend himself 
 against numerous and formidable enemies. In 
 order to undertake this costly task, it required 
 a time of peace and tranquillity, and a prosper¬ 
 ous state. Therefore it necessarily happened 
 that in many localities the sacred buildings 
 remained in the condition in which war or the 
 fury of fanatics had left them. The worship, 
 however, was not given up, it was perhaps 
 restricted to a small part of the temple; and it 
 went on in the same way until an Amenophis, a 
 Bameses, or an Osorkon raised up again the 
 crumbling walls, enlarged the edifice, adorned it 
 with the works of his best artists, and recorded 
 his munificence towards the gods in high-flow¬ 
 ing inscriptions. This may be what Bameses 
 II. did for the temple of Bubastis, taking care 
 to avail himself as much as possible of what 
 
THE NINETEENTH DYNASTY. 
 
 37 
 
 had been done by his predecessors, and 
 endeavouring to give himself the credit of their 
 work. He erected a considerable number of 
 statues with liis name, the most important of 
 which were the following. 
 
 Beginning with those he usurped, I men¬ 
 tioned already one, the head of which is at 
 Sydney (pi. xxv. c), while the base remained 
 on the spot, being too much damaged to be 
 carried away. Near the king was another 
 figure, the foot of which is still visible, and one 
 of the hands holding the headdress. The 
 cartouches of Raineses are on the back, and on 
 the sides of the Nile gods. I attribute this 
 statue to the twelfth dynasty. 
 
 I believe the statue at Geneva (pi. xiv.) to 
 be later, and I classified it in the thirteenth 
 dynasty. A careful examination of the monu¬ 
 ment shows many traces of the chisel by which 
 older inscriptions were destroyed. The sides 
 of the throne are not so wide as they ought to be; 
 there is an erasure on the back below the words 
 
 ^ and on the slab under the feet. On 
 
 the sides are the cartouches of Rameses, and 
 also on the back in the two middle lines. 
 
 Right and left are the usual formulas, 
 
 aaaam 
 
 £ OOO /'AA/WS C=Z = . . . while lasts the shy, thy 
 monuments are firm. King Rameses, = 
 
 _ /WWW 
 
 33 1ft Sh 7 . . . while lasts the earth , thy 
 
 I Sill 
 
 monuments are prosperous, King Rameses. 
 
 An older date must be assigned also to two 
 colossal statues, which were erected on the 
 western side of the festival hall. They are 
 both of red granite, wearing the headdress of 
 Upper Egypt ; one of them has eyes hollowed 
 out like the Hyksos. They were usurped 
 after Rameses by Osorkon II. The same may 
 be said of the great Hyksos statues which were 
 described above. 
 
 Among the statues which may be attributed 
 to him, a great number are difficult to 
 recognize, because they were broken, and 
 
 employed by Osorkon II. in the reconstruction 
 of the Festival Hall. Sometimes, before they 
 were used as ordinary building stones, the 
 projecting parts of the statue were more or less 
 obliterated. Sometimes also, the fragments 
 have been walled in as they were; the 
 number of these was so large, that when we 
 turned the blocks of the Festival Hall, especially 
 those with which the southern wall had been 
 built, behind most of the fragments of the 
 sculpture of Osorkon, representing his great 
 festival, we discovered something which had 
 been part of a statue of Rameses II. Fre¬ 
 quently it was a group of two or three figures, 
 where the king was sitting between divinities. 
 Several heads discovered in that way have been 
 carried to European museums. 
 
 There were a great number of groups where 
 Rameses was associated to one or two gods ; 
 some of them were standing, others sitting ; 
 though several of them are of natural size, they, 
 generally speaking, are on larger proportions. 
 Rameses was very fond of putting himself 
 among divinities, and of worshipping his own 
 image, to which he presented offerings at the 
 same time as to Plithah or Amon, near whom 
 he was enthroned. Such groups abound in the 
 temples of Lower Egypt; for instance, there 
 were two at Tell el Maskhutah, and a great 
 number in Tanis, where they are more or less 
 ruined. Sitting groups are often placed out¬ 
 side the temples near the entrance, or on the 
 way leading to it. In localities like Pithom, 
 where the enclosure of the temple was made 
 of bricks and had no stone-wall or pylon where 
 inscriptions might be engraved, such groups 
 are invariably placed as substitutes for a 
 representation which never fails in the large 
 stone temples like Karnak, Edfoo, or Denderali, 
 and which is called the introduction of the Icing 
 into the temple. The texts which are engraved 
 on the backs of the groups are quite similar 
 to those of the temples. 
 
 There was a group outside of the temple on 
 
38 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 the east side near the road leading to the 
 entrance. It was threefold, and consisted of 
 Phthah, the king, and Ra. It is much 
 damaged, and the texts are nearly destroyed. 
 I could only read a few bits of sentences, such 
 
 as 
 
 Q0XI 
 
 i i 
 
 who puts all tliy 
 
 frontiers where thou desirest, 
 
 A 
 
 i m- 
 
 creator of thy beauties, and the like, with the 
 cartouche of Raineses often repeated. On the 
 north side of the temple stood several standing 
 colossal groups, one of them, representing the 
 king with the god Phthah, was near the lateral 
 entrance of the first hall (pi. xix.), the others 
 near the colonnade. Sitting groups of the 
 king and Ra have been broken and inserted in 
 the southern wall. 
 
 The statues of the king alone are of red 
 granite ; they are ornamental statues, having a 
 decorative purpose, and made for the embellish¬ 
 ment of the structure. I shall first mention a 
 head (pi. xv.), belonging to a body which has 
 disappeared, a head which is now in the museum 
 at Ghizeh. The statue was standing, and held 
 a standard with the left hand. The king wears 
 the headdress called in Egyptian atef ', and 
 which consists of two plumes supported by a 
 ram’s horns. Kings are often seen in religious 
 ceremonies wearing that headdress, for in¬ 
 stance, Rameses II. himself, in the sculptures of 
 the first hall (pi. xxxvi. a). It is .interesting to 
 compare the way the artist worked in both cases. 
 In a statue he was obliged to avoid all thin and 
 fragile projections. Having to use such hard 
 material as red granite, he could not detach 
 the details of the headdress—he followed in 
 this respect the traditions of Egyptian sculpture 
 in the working of hard stone. Therefore he 
 shortened the horns so that they might not 
 exceed the width of the plumes. Besides, 
 instead of connecting the skull with the head¬ 
 dress through a kind of stem, out of which the 
 horns seem to grow, as we see on the sculptures, 
 he made below the horns a regular crown, 
 
 fitting exactly to the head, and adorned with 
 asps wearing the solar disk. The composition 
 as a whole is elegant, and the conception of it 
 is well appropriated to the material out of which 
 the statue was carved. Moreover, in order 
 that on both sides the plain surface produced by 
 the thickness of the headdress should not re¬ 
 main void, thus producing a bad effect when the 
 monument was seen in profile, he sculptured on 
 both lateral faces of the headdress a hawk 
 opening his wings, which has a pleasing deco¬ 
 rative effect. The features have a type which 
 is quite conventional, without any likeness to 
 the characteristic face of Rameses II. 
 
 The same may be said of four great statues, 
 the heads of which we discovered, and which 
 must have adorned the entrance of the Festival 
 Hall (pi. xxi. A, xxiv. c). They were all four 
 absolutely similar, of equal size, of a height of 
 seven to eight feet, and holding a standard 
 in the left hand. Three of those four heads 
 have been carried away. One is in the British 
 Museum, another in Boston, another in Berlin. 
 They are all marked with the name of Rameses 
 II. The bases, which are generally much 
 weathered, have been left on the spot. On the 
 back of one of those statues, I read these two 
 fragments of a sentence, celebrating the high 
 
 deeds of the king : Rameses 
 
 A 
 
 , AA/WNA 
 
 £- 
 
 1 
 
 ••ftk 
 
 . . . who 
 
 Sill 
 
 makes prisoner the land of Nubia by his strength , 
 who despoils the land of the Shasu, the lord of 
 
 diadems, Baineses. ' <2> " ) 0 vUU— w ^° 
 
 ’ SFiSFf loo 
 
 annihilates the land of the Thehennu. These 
 heads are of a kind which is not rare in Upper 
 Egypt. They remind us of the colossus of 
 Tell el Yahoodieli, 6 and of other monuments 
 discovered at Ramleh or San. They are re¬ 
 markable for their thick hair, which is tied by a 
 band on the forehead and on the sides, and 
 the details of which are worked with great 
 
 0 The Mound of the Jew, frontispiece. 
 
THE NINETEENTH DYNASTY. 
 
 39 
 
 care. The top of the head is quite flat, as if 
 something had been placed oyer it. We might 
 think that they supported some piece of the 
 architecture, but the regular Caryatid, as we 
 find it in Greek art, is unknown in Egypt. It 
 is probable that this flattening of the head 
 was made in order to lay over it the headdress, 
 the schent , which did not form one body with 
 the statue, but was a separate piece. One of 
 the headdresses has been found; it had been 
 used as building stone. It is now in the Berlin 
 museum. These statues must have produced 
 an effect similar to the four sitting colossi 
 placed before the temple of Aboo Simbel. 
 
 We must not look for portraits in these 
 statues. The faces are flat, broad and short, 
 without any pretensions to picturing the type 
 of Raineses. There is nothing characteristic 
 in the features, they have neither individuality 
 nor expression. The modelling can hardly be 
 said to exist; and in that respect they are the 
 opposite of the Hyksos statues, where it is 
 admirable. The workmanship is far from being 
 perfect, and, especially when they are seen close 
 by, those heads cannot be called masterpieces; 
 it is second-rate art. In truth, rightly to 
 appreciate them, they should be replaced in 
 conditions analogous to those for which they 
 were intended. Let us suppose that the 
 statues are intact, that the heads are at a 
 height of nine or ten feet, seen from below 
 and at a distance, as when they adorned the 
 entrance, and struck the eyes of the people 
 approaching the temple ; and we shall under¬ 
 stand that those four colossi produced an im¬ 
 posing effect, of such a nature as suited Egyp¬ 
 tian taste. In this case, architecture was their 
 chief purpose; and we are likely to misappre¬ 
 hend the conception of the artist, when we 
 scrutinize those statues individually or from too 
 near a standpoint. I consider this ornamental 
 style, in which sculpture was an integrant part 
 of the structure, as being special to the nine¬ 
 teenth dynasty. The successors of Rameses II., 
 
 and in particular Merenpthah, have preserved 
 it. He liked statues wearing a more or less 
 complicated headdress, and holding a standard. 
 Several such specimens have been found at San 
 and elsewhere. 
 
 The conclusion to be derived from this 
 review is that among the numerous statues 
 found at Bubastis, inscribed with the name of 
 Rameses II., there is none having his type such 
 as the colossi of Mitrahenny and Luxor, or 
 the statue of Turin, which may be called 
 his image. Nevertheless, if we consider all 
 the broken statues, of which fragments alone 
 remain, we can boldly assert that the temple 
 of Bubastis was one of those containing the 
 greatest number of statues bearing his name. 
 
 The religious and historical inscriptions of 
 this king are but few in number, and are in a 
 bad state of preservation. In particular there 
 is no complete tablet of Rameses II., or of any 
 other sovereign. The reason of it is obvious. 
 A tablet is a slab which, generally speaking, 
 is not very heavy, and may be employed for 
 many uses. In a building which was so long 
 a quarry, and which was so unmercifully plun¬ 
 dered, the tablets could not be spared, and 
 must have soon disappeared with all the white 
 limestone. 
 
 PI. xxxvi. e reproduces what remains of a 
 great tablet of red granite, discovered near the 
 eastern entrance of the Festival Hall; it was an 
 eulogy of the king, celebrating his high deeds 
 in his wars against his neighbours. 1. 1., it is 
 said that he smote the chiefs of the Betennu with 
 his valiant sword. The Retennu are the 
 nations of Northern Syria. 1. 3., the Thehennu 
 are mentioned: the remembrance of his victories 
 remains among the remote nations, when he trod 
 under his feet all countries , by his valiance and 
 courage. 1. 4. speaks of prisoners brought 
 living to Egypt. 1. 5., of negroes and Khetas. 
 1. 9., he is celebrated as the valorous bull who 
 knocks down millions of countries. The nearly 
 complete loss of this tablet is not much to be 
 
40 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 regretted; it was a bombastic praise of the 
 king written in stereotyped sentences, and 
 mentioning victories which he may never have 
 gained, and nations against whom it is not 
 certain that he ever had to fight. 
 
 An interesting text, as regards history, is the 
 list of prisoners, representing conquered nations, 
 two fragments of which have been left, on blocks 
 of red granite (ph xvii. and xxxvi. b, d). The 
 sculpture is not very distinct, as the stone is 
 much weathered, but we can recognize that the 
 faces have all a Semitic type with pointed 
 beards; there are no negroes among them, 
 although some of the names engraved in the 
 ovals below refer to Africa. Most of the names 
 are well known, and mean countries of a con¬ 
 siderable extent. 
 
 fl AA /VWvVN < --— ^ 
 
 \ and rn /wwv ' Keti and Naliarain, 
 
 llw IU w 
 
 are often quoted together. 7 They are fre¬ 
 quently met with in the narratives of the cam¬ 
 paigns of the Pharaohs in Asia. According to 
 M. Maspero, 8 Keti is Flat Cilicia, and also 
 Hough Cilicia, a province of which was still 
 designated under the Romans by the name of 
 KtJti?. Nahara'm is the country between the 
 Orontes and the Balikli, south and west of the 
 Khetas, on each bank of the Orontes. 
 
 J- SenJcher. Whether or not it be 
 
 the Shinar of Genesis, it was certainly in Meso¬ 
 potamia, as well as WG Keshlcesh, which 
 is mentioned in another text of Rameses II. in 
 conjunction with names of Asia Minor. 
 
 1 jT.T.T C ( TbVF the Mashuash , are an African 
 
 population, tbc of Herodotus, who oc¬ 
 
 cupied what is now a part of Tunisia. 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 c 
 
 Afar, written elsewhere, 
 
 is jin African population mentioned after Kusch. 9 
 Mi iriette had compared it to the old Adults. 
 Rev. H. G. Tomkins 1 recognizes in the name 
 
 the region of Adel, which extends south of the 
 Gulf of Tajurra. 
 
 Concerning these two nations, as well as the 
 Thehennu , 2 quoted by the tablet, we have no in¬ 
 formation about the wars in which Rameses II. 
 may have subdued them; we do not know of 
 any campaign he made in Libya, or on the 
 Upper Nile against the negroes. And, how¬ 
 ever, if he had made them, and if they had 
 been successful, he would not have failed to 
 relate them repeatedly and in boastful words 
 on the walls of his temples, as he did for his 
 expedition against the Khetas. Such docu¬ 
 ments warn us to be cautious in dealing with 
 certain official inscriptions which the Pharaohs 
 ordered to be engraved, and which some¬ 
 times are our only means for reconstructing 
 their history. When these inscriptions can¬ 
 not be controlled by documents from neigh¬ 
 bouring nations, or by other texts of a dif¬ 
 ferent nature, we run the risk of being misled 
 by those official panegyrics. Few kings have 
 dazzled so strongly as Rameses II. the eyes 
 of the first Egyptologists, the pioneers who 
 first entered a field which had remained closed 
 for centuries ; there are few also, whose prestige 
 and glory have vanished so rapidly, after their 
 life and character had been studied more 
 closely. 
 
 Near the entrance of the temple, on the 
 northern side of the doorway of the first hall, 
 and not far also from the Hyksos statues, 
 was found a fragment of a tablet in black granite, 
 which has been carried to the museum of 
 Gliizeh. It may have served as back-part to a 
 group of figures, for it is very thick, and there 
 are two lines of vertical hieroglyphs on the 
 edge. The text of the tablet itself was hori¬ 
 zontal. It must have been erected on the 
 occasion of the dedication of a statue to the 
 goddess Bast, who addresses herself to the king 
 in the second part. It is to be noticed that 
 
 7 Okabas, Voyage, p. 109. 
 
 # Leps. Denkra. iii. 145. 
 
 8 Recueil, x. p. 210. 
 1 Recueil, x. p. 97. 
 
 2 Leps. Denkra. iii. 145, 17G. 
 
THE NINETEENTH DYNASTY. 
 
 41 
 
 every time the name of the king is mentioned, 
 it is followed by the predicate r —; g he 
 who possesses Egypt. This qualification seems 
 to be an integrant part of the name, since it 
 always precedes the usual giving life , or 
 everlasting (pi. xxxviii. b). 
 
 Vertical lines. Rameses, possessor of Egypt, 
 everlasting. Thou art on the throne of Ra; 
 festivals are made to thee as to him. 
 
 Rameses, etc. Thou art like Nefertum, 
 thou art beloved like Phthah. 
 
 1. 1. . . . Rameses, possessor of Egypt, 
 everlasting. 
 
 1. 2. ... to be the lord of the foreigners, 
 priest of Bast, born of Sekhet. 
 
 1. 3. . . . possessor of Egypt, everlasting, 
 nursed by Uoti, suckled by Sati, thou hast 
 chosen the city of Bast, their protection is 
 over it. 
 
 1. 4. ... of Egypt, like Nefertum. His 
 mother, the daughter of Ra, sends life, 
 stability, and purity, into his nostrils; the 
 inhabitants, 
 
 1. 5. . . . joining his limbs, the King Rame¬ 
 ses, possessor of Egypt, everlasting. 
 
 1. 6. . . . well made monuments in front of 
 her; she appears, and is well pleased in all 
 her festivals, magnifying what he has done, for 
 ever. 
 
 1. 7. . . . Rameses, etc. I take the timbrel, 
 and I rejoice at thy coming forth, for thou hast 
 multiplied my sacred things millions of times. 
 
 1. 8. . . . in order to enrich my altar every 
 day, my terrace abounds daily with all the 
 sweet flowers placed before me. 
 
 1. 9. . . . eternally like Ra. I am on thy 
 head, King Rameses, possessor of Egypt, ever¬ 
 lasting. 
 
 1. 10. . . . residing in its interior, with her 
 son ; the gods who are accompanying her are in 
 great joy. 
 
 This tablet is important in several respects, 
 and especially because of the information we 
 derive from it about the gods of Bast. 
 
 All around the first hall ran a basement 
 bearing geographical inscriptions, a list of 
 nomes, of which very little is left. It consists of 
 standing figures bringing an offering of two 
 vases, between which is the sign |; before each 
 figure are two columns of texts containing 
 promises made to the king. The emblems of 
 
 the nomes have disappeared, except the 
 
 nome of Libya, which ranks third in the 
 Ptolemaic lists, and eleventh in the much older 
 lists of Abydos of the time of Seti I. 3 The 
 nome of Libya was one of the most anciently 
 organized, long before the Bubastite, the 
 name of which does not occur anywhere in 
 the inscriptions of that epoch. The sentences 
 which accompany the figures are hackneyed 
 promises made to the king (pi. xxxvii.). 
 
 “ . . . I send thee all kinds of victories, for 
 thy sword, I overthrow for thee the strangers. 
 
 ... I give thee the lands of the sea, thou 
 art established as lord of the land, like Ra. 
 
 ... I bring them to thy house. 
 
 ... I give thee the festivals of thirty years of 
 Tonen; the land abounds in all kinds of goods. 
 
 ... all royalty, the territories of the 
 Ionians. 
 
 ... I give thee all the lands of thy 
 enemies. 
 
 . . . my prisoners; I overthrow for thee the 
 strangers.” 
 
 On the basement was also a sculpture, which 
 has some likeness with the list of nomes (pi. 
 xxxvii. j). We see there a Nile god holding a 
 kind of table of offerings, over which is the sign 
 J which means to join. Behind the god is the 
 goddess of the east, and opposite, there must 
 have been another Nile god, a hand of whom 
 only is seen. No cartouche indicates to what 
 date the sculpture must be assigned. I am 
 inclined to think that it is a remnant of the 
 twelfth dynasty. It is not unlike a table of 
 
 3 Duem. Geog. Inschr. i. pi. 91, 1. 11. 
 
 G 
 
42 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 offerings discovered by M. Petrie at Nebesheh, 4 
 and which belongs to that dynasty. 
 
 There are other representations in which 
 Raineses II. is shown making offerings to 
 various divinities. In reference to those repre¬ 
 sentations we must observe that Rameses is 
 never found worshipping Bast, nor does the 
 name of the goddess appear on the architraves 
 where usually it is said to whom the temple 
 had been dedicated. It is the same with 
 Bubastis as with Tanis. It was dedicated to the 
 great gods of Egypt. Those who occur most 
 frequently are Amon, Phtliali, and the Hyksos 
 god, Set. The last one seems to have been 
 the object of a special reverence from Rameses, 
 who gave him the most honourable place in the 
 temples of the Delta. It is he wdiose represen¬ 
 tations are most numerous. He is found on the 
 columns with palm-leaf capitals, especially on 
 the specimen of the British Museum; he is on 
 large architraves (pi. xxii. c), and on scenes 
 of worship (pi. xx.). We shall see further that 
 when the Bubastites changed the dedication of 
 the temple, they erased in many places the 
 name of Set, or they transformed it, without 
 destroying it completely. 
 
 A peculiarity which occurs at Bubastis, as 
 well as in other edifices of Rameses II., is the 
 habit which he had contracted of attributing 
 to himself a special claim to the protection of 
 the gods, in coupling his name with theirs. 
 Set becomes Set or Sutehh of Rameses , and the 
 same with Amon and Plithah (pi. xxxvi. c, g). 
 Set of Rameses is found on a vertical inscrip¬ 
 tion, where the head of the god has been slightly 
 hammered out (pi. xx., xxxvi. i). 
 
 On the column of the British Museum also 
 we see Sutehh of Rameses; there the lower part 
 of the cartouche has been usurped by Osorkon 
 II. The same habit may be observed in the 
 temple of Tanis. 5 The son of Rameses, who 
 
 was a fervent adorer of Set, remained faithful to 
 the tradition of his father; in his time Set is 
 styled Set of Merenphthah . 6 Phthah of Rameses 
 is met with at Bubastis. This divinity had a 
 large share in the worship celebrated in the 
 temple ; he is often represented, and there were 
 statues of him 7 (pi. xix.). It is quite possible that 
 it was on certain personifications only of the 
 divinity, that Rameses II. claimed a kind of 
 right of property or possession, for the same 
 god may be quoted in the same inscription 
 with his general and his particular form. Eor 
 instance, at the beginning of the treaty with 
 the Kheta, it is said that the king was in the 
 city of Rameses, making offerings “ to liis 
 father Amon-Ra, to Harmahhis, to Turn , the 
 lord of the two On, to Amon of Rameses, to 
 Phthah of Rameses, and to Set the very brave, 
 the son of Nut.” We have not found Amon of 
 Rameses at Bubastis, but it is probable that 
 his name stood there also. Amon, as we saw 
 before, was the god to whom Amenophis II. 
 had dedicated his constructions; large blocks 
 coming- from architraves bear after the name 
 
 of Rameses the words (j who worships 
 
 Amon-Ra. It is the same for Merenphthah, 
 and even Osorkon I. 
 
 Another god whose mention is frequent 
 under Rameses II. and afterwards, is Shu, the 
 son of Ra. On a doorpost of the second hall 
 
 we read : Rameses 
 
 i (2 
 
 O' 
 
 who 
 
 ivorships Shu, the son of Ra, the great god, 
 the lord of the shy. Merenphthah, who in these 
 respects seems to have followed entirely the 
 line of his father, was also a worshipper of Shu 
 (pi. xxxvi. k). 
 
 Three of the sons of Rameses have left their 
 names at Bubastis. It is probable there were 
 still more, for fragments of statues of “ royal sons 
 of Kush” (pi. xxxvi. n) must have belonged to 
 
 0 Petrie, 1.1. pi. ii. 5 a. 
 
 1 See pi. xxxviii. f., the inscription of a broken statue cf 
 Phthah. 
 
 4 Tetric, Tanis ii., iNebesheh, pi. ix. 
 
 5 Ibid. Tanis i ., pi. iv. 25a. 
 
THE NINETEENTH DYNASTY. 
 
 43 
 
 members of bis family. The first is the cele¬ 
 brated Khaemuas, who inscribed his name on 
 the side of a colossal statue in red granite of his 
 father; the signs which followed his name have 
 disappeared (pi. xxxvi. m). This prince is famous 
 for the religious offices which were conferred 
 upon him, for the great festivals in the celebra¬ 
 tion of which he took part, for the high sacer¬ 
 dotal dignities with which he was invested. 
 His name, like that of a saint, became legendary, 
 since we find it in the romance of Setna. It 
 would have been extraordinary, if in his 
 frequent journeys through the country in order 
 to inspect the temples, he had forgotten Bubas- 
 
 tis. He is called here ^ ie 
 
 joriest herseshta in the holy field. This last 
 word is the usual name of the country around 
 Bubastis, until the Ptolemies made a separate 
 nome of it. The sacerdotal title, which pro¬ 
 bably was that of the high-priest, was given 
 also to the goddess herself, who is styled in 
 the inscriptions of Osorkon I. and later, the 
 herseshta of Turn (pi. xli. e.). 
 
 The two others are military officers. One of 
 them is known, thanks to a crouching statue now 
 in the museum of Boston. It has been usurped, 
 for it had in front an inscription for which that 
 of the prince has been substituted, and on the 
 side is another which has simply been scraped 
 off without anything else being engraved 
 instead. The head has been diminished on one 
 side in order to sculpture the lock of hair which 
 is one of the distinctive marks of the princes of 
 royal blood. 
 
 The cartouche of Bameses II. on his shoulder 
 leaves no doubt as to his father ; otherwise we 
 might have taken him for the son of Bameses 
 III., who had the same name, and who died 
 when he was heir presumptive. 8 He is called 
 Menthuhershepshef (pi. xxxviii. c, c', c"), which 
 means, Menthu wields his sword. His titles are : 
 
 the first cavalry officer of his father, 'who looks 
 after the horses of the king, meaning also the 
 war chariots, for the word used here for horses 
 applies generally to horses drawing the chariots. 
 Menthuhershepshef was the fifth son of 
 Bameses II. Another whom we see in several 
 sculptured representations (pi. xxxvi. K, l), is 
 Merenphthah, who became king after Bameses 
 II. He wears also the lock of the royal princes, 
 and he makes offerings to Amon and Shu. 
 His titles, which are found also on a statue at 
 
 San, 1 are : the prince □ n the protector of Egypt, 
 
 ' the royal officer, the lord of the seal, 
 
 iSA the first general, Merenphthah, 
 
 ^=5 R - g CUI q 0US after his 
 
 < T" :> MMM /\ <3=a ^ 
 
 name the qualification of justified, which is 
 
 usually applied to the deceased, but it is seen 
 also after the name of Bameses in the royal list 
 of Abydos, where Seti I. is followed by his son. 
 
 Comparing the titles of these princes with 
 the inscriptions concerning them which were 
 known before, and especially with the lists of 
 the sons of Bameses II. at the Bamesseum 
 at Thebes or at Sebua, we can elucidate a 
 few facts concerning the history of the family < 
 When the inscription in the Bamesseum 
 was engraved, it was long before the monu¬ 
 ments of Bubastis were dedicated. At that 
 time the family was complete, the eldest 
 sons of Bameses were still living. The first¬ 
 born and heir presumptive was Amonher - 
 shepshef, Amon ivields his sword, a name easily 
 to be accounted for after the successes which 
 Bameses had obtained in his wars against the 
 Kheta, the credit of which he desired to give 
 to the god. This name was a favourite with 
 the Bamessides; it was given in succession to 
 two of the sons of Bameses III., who became 
 Bameses Y. and Bameses YI. The heir pre¬ 
 sumptive was plume-hearer at the right hand of 
 
 8 Zeitschr. 1885, pp. 55 and 125. 
 
 i Petrie, Tanis i. pi. i. 4a. 2 Brugsch, Diet, suppl. p. 829. 
 
44 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 the king, which was a common title ; tlie distinc¬ 
 tions wliicli were special to him were 
 
 prince, or ^^0°=^ fi r st general of 
 
 the infantry. The second son of Rameses was 
 only general of infantry, but not The 
 
 third, ^ Phraherunemef, Ba on 
 
 his right, was first Kennu, ^ of tlie 
 
 AAAAAA \f_ <[j> 
 
 infantry. The Kennu must have been some¬ 
 thing like a colonel, a rank which was evi¬ 
 dently lower than his brother’s, though at 
 the same time he was chief of the chariots 
 and first cavalry officer of His Majesty. As 
 such he accompanied his father in his ex¬ 
 pedition against Ivadesli. After him came 
 Khaemuas, who begins tlie series of the sons 
 wdio have no special title, then Menthuher- 
 shepslief. Merenphthah is only the thirteenth. 
 
 Let us now go over to Bubastis, and we 
 shall find that great changes have taken place 
 in the family. Khaemuas, the fourth son, has 
 become a priest, and performs the religious and 
 sacerdotal functions which have given him his 
 celebrity. The third son, Phraherunemef, is dead; 
 perhaps he was killed in battle, and he has 
 been replaced in his rank and his command, 
 not by the fourth son, Khaemuas, who is a 
 priest, but by Menthuhershepshef, the fifth, whose 
 statue we discovered at Bubastis. The next 
 changes may be traced in the tablets of 
 Silsilis. 3 Amonhershepshef, the heir presump¬ 
 tive, is dead, as well as the new chief of the 
 cavalry ; but the second son of Rameses is still 
 alive as well as Khaemuas, who is seen standing 
 between his elder brother Bameses and the 
 
 n AV'AAA Q 
 
 younger, V o Meveupldhah. Tlie 
 
 family of Itameses is already much thinned in 
 number, and the inscription of Silsilis must be 
 assigned to a late epoch of his reign. Later 
 still, evidently quite at the end, we come to the 
 inscriptions of Bubastis. MerenphthaJo has the 
 
 titles of the heir presumptive; he is □ ^ prince, 
 and first general of the infantry, but he is not 
 11(^ because he is not the first born, he is 
 
 also protector of the land, a very high title, 
 since it is given to Amon, 4 and lord of the 
 
 seal, lord chancellor. These two last titles might 
 indicate that he had been associated with the 
 throne, 5 which is the more probable, since 
 having reigned nearly sixty years, Rameses must 
 have been much weakened and incapable of 
 going to war. 
 
 The statue of Menthuhershepshef is dedicated 
 to Bast, called also J(j[jc l Uoti, the goddess of 
 Bubastis. The geographical name ^ ^ Bast 
 was used at this time, but it may have applied 
 only to the part of the sanctuary specially 
 dedicated to the goddess, for it is certain that 
 though Bast was worshipped in the temple as 
 early as the twelfth dynasty, she was not the 
 chief divinity of the place under the eighteenth 
 dynasty, nor under the Ramessides, who were 
 adorers of the great gods of Egypt, Amon, 
 Phthah, and Set. Here also we find the name 
 g the holy field, for the territory of Bu¬ 
 
 bastis, and also a city u which undoubtedly 
 must be read the present city of Belbeis. 6 
 
 This city, as well as Bubastis and its territory, 
 belonged at that time to the nome of Heliopolis. 
 Later, I think under the Ptolemies, when the 
 Bubastite nome was organized, Belbeis was 
 annexed to it ; one of the forms of Bast, 
 
 Sekhet had a temple there under the 
 
 thirtieth dynasty. 7 
 
 I attribute also to Rameses II. the statue of 
 Phthah, mentioned above (pi. xxxviii. r), which 
 gives us the usual titles of the god; besides two 
 broken statues of royal sons of Kush, in the 
 
 4 Leps. Denkm. iii. G. 
 
 6 Wiedemann, Aeg. Gesch. p. 440. 
 
 c Brugsch, Diet. Geog. pp. 264 and 546. 
 
 7 Naville, The Mound of the Jew, p. 22. 
 
 3 Leps. Denkm. iii. 174. 
 
THE TWENTIETH DYNASTY. 
 
 45 
 
 traditional costume, the long dress reaching 
 down to the feet. One of these statues, in a 
 fair state of preservation, has been carried to 
 America ; it has on the back the following titles : 
 (pi. xxxvi. n) the royal son [of Kush , the chief of 
 the southern countries, the governor . . . (the 
 proper name has disappeared). The other, 
 which is only a fragment, contains a dedication 
 to Bast , the lady of Bast ( Bubastis ), the queen 
 of the gods. Both statues were in black granite. 
 They close the list of the monuments of some 
 importance, or of the inscriptions of Bameses II., 
 to-which, must be added a considerable number 
 of cartouches left in spite of the usurpations of 
 Osorkon II. 
 
 Not far from Bubastis was settled a foreign 
 nation, the Israelites, who from a small tribe 
 had grown to be a large multitude, and who 
 had never amalgamated with the Egyptians. 
 As I stated in another memoir, the land of 
 Goshen was only a few miles distant; the 
 restricted limits of the original land had been 
 broken through, and the Israelites must have 
 spread in the south towards Heliopolis, and in 
 the east in the Wadi Tumilat, the road through 
 which foreign invaders would enter Egypt. 
 One may well conceive that Bameses, who in 
 spite of his great display, must have felt how 
 much his kingdom was weakened, grew anxious 
 at the presence of a great number of strangers 
 occupying the very gate of Egypt, and that he 
 desired to turn their presence to a benefit for 
 Egypt. Therefore he employed them to build 
 fortresses, Baamses and Pithom, destined to 
 protect the land against invaders. As we may 
 conclude from the discoveries at Bubastis that 
 this large city was a favourite resort of 
 Bameses and his family, it is quite possible 
 that at the time when the events preceding 
 the Exodus took place, the king was at 
 Bubastis, and not at Tanis, as was generally 
 admitted. 
 
 We have found Merenphthah as prince royal 
 and heir presumptive, holding an important 
 
 military command. He appeared also as king, 
 on a sitting statue in red limestone, of which 
 fragments only remain. They were discovered 
 on the north side, close to the entrance to the 
 hall of Nekhthorheb. Very little of the monu¬ 
 ment has been left, because red limestone has 
 been broken and carried away for building 
 purposes as much as the white. The statue 
 has on the side the name of Turn, the god of 
 Heliopolis (pi. xxxviii. d). I should think that 
 Set was in the inscription on the back. 
 
 On the throne we find also the name of the 
 ; prince , the royal officer, Seti Merenphthah. This 
 
 prince, who is called elsewhere ^ ^ royal son, and 
 ifi fi rs t~b° rn > s ascended the throne, 
 where he does not seem to have remained long. 
 He is the king usually called Seti II. 
 
 THE TWENTIETH DYNASTY. 
 
 It is in the hypostyle hall, near the entrance of 
 the hall of Nekhthorlieb, that we meet with all 
 the monuments of this dynasty. It seems that 
 these kings raised there a chapel or a sanctuary 
 for themselves. Nothing remains of the kings 
 who followed Seti II., and whose legitimacy is 
 doubtful. The state of anarchy into which the 
 country had fallen, and which is described by 
 Bameses III. in the great Harris papyrus, Avas 
 not favourable to raising large constructions, 
 and must have rather contributed to destroy 
 Avhat existed before. The first king we meet 
 with is Bameses III., on the base of a small 
 statue of which the feet alone have been pre¬ 
 served ; they are most elaborately worked, 
 they have sandals with the end turned upwards 
 according to the fashion of the nineteenth 
 dynasty. The monument must have been of 
 very good workmanship. Part of the inscrip¬ 
 tion is left on the back and on the base 
 
 8 Leps. Ivoenigsbuch, No. 476. Brugscli et Bouriant, Le 
 livre des Bois, No. 499. 
 
46 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 (pi. xxxviii. g) ; it sliows that the monument 
 was dedicated to Bast of the city of Bast. 
 
 Rameses III. raised many monuments in the 
 Delta, which was the theatre of his great wars ; 
 but we had not yet discovered north of 
 Memphis one of his successors who was also 
 his son, and who seems to have been the most 
 powerful of the series of the Ramessides, after 
 Rameses III., his father. No. VI. has been 
 given him in the list of the Rameses; his 
 prenomen was, like his elder brother, Amonher - 
 shepslief. We found three statues of this king. 
 
 1. A base of a sitting statue, in black 
 granite, of natural size, broken at the waist; 
 the upper part is lost (pi. xxv. a). It w r ears 
 a long dress, and on the sides, as well as on 
 the slab under the feet, are the names of 
 Rameses VI. (pi. xxxviii. 11'). As the engraving 
 is not deep, it may be usurpation. The monu¬ 
 ment has been left at Tell Basta. 
 
 2. Another statue, much smaller, in red lime¬ 
 stone, of which also the base alone remains, 
 has the names of Rameses VI. (pi. xxxviii. 
 h-h"). It is now in the museum of Ghizeh. 9 
 
 3. The largest and most important is the 
 upper part of a statue in red granite, now at 
 the museum of Ghizeh (pi. xvi.). It is above 
 natural size, standing, and wearing the double 
 crown. On the back is an inscription, of which 
 we have only the upper half (pi. xxxviii. k), the 
 good god raised statues to his father Amon, ivho 
 'puts him on his throne ; the lord of Upper and 
 Lower Egypt , Ba hilc Ma ... I am inclined 
 to think that this statue is really the portrait 
 of Rameses VI. The type is different from 
 Rameses II., the workmanship alone is the 
 same. The head has not the commonplace and 
 indifferent character of the statues made for 
 an architectural purpose. It is intended to be 
 a likeness. The nose is aquiline, and wide at 
 the end. The eyes are prominent, and the.lips 
 rather thick. 
 
 * It is the inscribed block which is seen on the left side 
 of pi. vi. 
 
 A short time before beginning the excava¬ 
 tions at Bubastis, I had procured at Benha, 
 from a fellah, a slab coming from a tomb, and 
 bearing also the name of Rameses VI. Thus 
 there are two places in the Delta where we 
 found this king. 
 
 THE TWENTY-SECOND DYNASTY. 
 
 The twenty-first dynasty, which has been 
 the object of so much discussion, has left no 
 trace at Bubastis. In particular, I did not find 
 the name of the King Si Amen, whose cartouche 
 is frequent at Tanis, and who was discovered 
 at Khataanah. 1 Therefore we pass without 
 transition from the twentieth to the twenty- 
 second, which, according to Manetho, is pre¬ 
 eminently the dynasty of the Bubastites. 
 
 Dr. Stern has proved that the Bubastites are 
 of Libyan origin, and not Asiatics, as it has 
 been admitted for a long time. They were the 
 hereditary commanders of a foreign guard, one 
 of whom, SheshonJc, the Shishah of the Bible, 
 succeeded in taking possession of the throne, and 
 legitimated afterwards his usurpation by giving 
 the daughter of his predecessor in marriage 
 to his own son. Sheshonk was the founder of 
 the dynasty; he was a warlike sovereign, and 
 made against Rehoboam, King of Judah, a suc¬ 
 cessful expedition, which he described in an 
 inscription of the great temple of Amon at 
 Thebes, in the part called “ the portico of the 
 Bubastites.” Bubastis being called his native 
 city, we should have expected that he would 
 have felt bound to adorn and embellish its 
 temple, and to record on its walls his victories. 
 It is just the reverse ; no inscription of Shishak 
 has been found except a small fragment of 
 limestone with part of his cartouches. It is 
 quite possible that when Sheshonk 
 ascended the throne, he, who was of 
 foreign origin and a native of Lower 
 Egypt, found some resistance at 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 /WWW 
 
 
 /WWNA 
 
 1 Goshen, p. 21. 
 
THE TWENTY-SECOND DYNASTY. 
 
 47 
 
 Thebes and in the upper part of the country, 
 and that it was in order to establish firmly his 
 dominion over Upper Egypt that he raised 
 there the greater number of his monuments. 
 
 With Osorkon I. we return to the sculptures 
 of large proportions, to the great representa¬ 
 tions accompanying important constructions (pi. 
 xxxix.). It is chiefly in the first hall that they 
 are met with in great number ; they adorned the 
 outward walls, and many fragments of them 
 have been preserved. It is impossible not to be 
 struck at first sight by the beauty of the work¬ 
 manship (pi. xviii.), which may be observed 
 in the specimens brought to the European 
 museums. The good traditions are not yet lost; 
 it may even be said that more care has been 
 taken with those sculptures than with many 
 works of Rameses II., made rapidly and with 
 negligence. The reason of it is that under the 
 Bubastites the centre of political life tends 
 more and more to go over to the Delta; Thebes 
 is abandoned to the high priests of Amon, 
 while the King lives in Lower Egypt, probably 
 because of the wars with which he was con¬ 
 stantly threatened by the Asiatics or the 
 Libyans. Judging from what Osorkon I. and 
 Osorkon II. made at Bubastis, which is not 
 seen in any other edifice of Egypt, I am in¬ 
 clined to think that this city was their capital 
 and their customary residence. 
 
 The sculptures of Osorkon I. are chiefly in 
 the first hall ; but several of his inscriptions 
 are engraved underneath the Hathor capitals, 
 in places where they could not be seen, and 
 where it was not possible to engrave them 
 unless the monument was lying on the ground 
 and had not yet been raised. It is exactly as 
 with the cartouches of Rameses II., which are 
 under the obelisks, on the surface touching the 
 ground. This circumstance leads us to imagine 
 in what state the temple of Bubastis must have 
 been at the time of Osorkon’s accession to the 
 throne. We cannot attribute to him the Hathor 
 capitals ; we have seen before, that, although 
 
 there is no positive proof, we must assign them 
 to the twelfth dynasty, to Usertesen III., 
 who enlarged the temple and built the hypostyle 
 hall. On the other hand, we cannot admit that 
 Osorkon I. displaced the capitals in order to 
 inscribe his name underneath. We are thus led 
 to conclude that in his time the temple was 
 ruined, and the pillars and columns had been 
 overthrown. It was not the hypostyle hall alone 
 which had been so badly treated; it was the 
 same with the two first halls ; for we see there 
 that a block which, under Rameses II., was 
 part of the basement and bore the lower part 
 of a sculpture, was placed under Osorkon I. in 
 the second or third layer of blocks, and was 
 engraved with the heads of large figures which 
 adorned the outward wall. The second hall, 
 which was reconstructed later by Osorkon II., 
 was in a similar condition, for I cannot admit 
 that it was deliberately that the king cut to 
 pieces or broke the statues of Rameses II. 
 which he employed for building his walls. 
 
 We are in doubt as to the epoch when those 
 devastations took place; it is not probable 
 that they were caused by a natural accident, 
 such as an earthquake; they were the result of 
 a war or an invasion. If we adopt this last 
 alternative, they must be attributed to the 
 wars which preceded the reign of Rameses III., 
 when a Syrian called Arisu usurped the power 
 and tyrannized over the country, persecuting 
 gods and men, until, as is related by Rameses 
 III., Setnelvht ascended the throne and re¬ 
 established the worship and the legitimate 
 dynasty. It is certain that Osorkon I. recon¬ 
 structed the temple, beginning with the eastern 
 hall, where most of his sculptures have been 
 found. With the rebuilding coincides the 
 change in the dedication, which was not com¬ 
 pleted under Osorkon I., but which was defini¬ 
 tive after Osorkon II. Bast, who had only a 
 secondary rank under the twelfth dynasty or 
 Rameses II.; to whom statues or tablets were 
 dedicated, but who was not yet the great 
 
48 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 goddess of Bubastis, takes precedence over the 
 other divinities of Egypt, and especially over 
 Set. Amon and other Egyptian gods may be 
 seen on the walls of the first hall, but Bast 
 occurs more frequently, and has taken a place 
 like Horus at Edfoo or Hatkor at Denderah. 
 
 The sculptured representations of Osorkon I. 
 have the same appearance as those made under 
 the nineteenth dynasty. With the figures are 
 sentences always the same. The gods men¬ 
 tioned may belong to other parts of Egypt, but 
 they are spoken of as residing in Bubastis; 
 thus we have Amon of Thebes, the lord of the shy, 
 who resides at Bast (pi. xl. d) ; the same with 
 Mut, Harmakliis, Phthah Anebresef, the lord 
 of Ankhtoui (Memphis), Turn, the lord of 
 Heliopolis, Shu, the son of Ba, and Menthu. 
 The promises made by the gods consist in a 
 long and successful reign, long life, strength 
 and health, and other stereotyped sentences. 
 The blocks of the ceiling mention also Sopt, the 
 divinity of the nome of Arabia, which at that 
 time was part of the nome of Heliopolis. 
 
 Bast, the great divinity of the city, which 
 derives its name from the goddess, is accom¬ 
 panied by the gods of her cycle or her triad. 
 She has also the name of Sehhet, she is said to 
 be the queen of the gods, the lady of Bubastis. 
 Her son, according to the form he assumes, is 
 called either Horhiken, or Nefertum, or Mahes. 
 Bast herself is considered as the herseshta, the 
 priestess of Turn. She has the same title as 
 Khaemuas, the son of Rameses II. 
 
 The intention of Osorkon I. to consecrate 
 the temple to Bast, and thus to change its 
 original dedication, is best shown by the three 
 inscriptions which are engraved underneath the 
 Hathor capitals (pi. xli. A, b, c). There Osorkon 
 comes forward as the worshipper of Bast, the 
 lady of Bubastis, who protects her father Ba ; the 
 formulas are those usually employed for the 
 dedication of a statue, an obelisk, or the hall 
 of a temple. It was to the goddess that he 
 wished to make an offering when he raised up I 
 
 again the magnificent building, the foundation 
 and first construction of which went up to a 
 very early date. 
 
 Another work of Osorkon I. was the small 
 temple which will be described further. The 
 inscriptions relating the gifts which he made 
 to the various temples of Egypt, the quantities 
 of precious metals with which he presented the 
 gods, show that in his reign the country must 
 have been much more prosperous and rich than 
 was generally supposed. 
 
 Osorkon II. was the son of Takelothis I., an 
 obscure king of whom we know only the name. 
 He took for his model Rameses II., and he 
 seems to have been actuated by a strong desire, 
 not only to imitate his predecessor as fully as 
 he could, but also to throw into the shade, if 
 possible, his memory. His name is found as 
 often as that of his pattern. In order that the 
 imitation should be complete he adopted the 
 same standard, the mighty bull, the friend of Ma, 
 and his two cartouches were as similar as possible 
 to those of Rameses II., making the usurpation 
 very easy. If the name and titles of Rameses 
 II. had to be transformed into those of Osorkon,., 
 the transformation was very simple. The 
 standard was the same. In the first cartouche, 
 instead of £—. sotep en Ba, the elect of Ba, 
 
 the scribe had to write 0 sotep en Amen. 
 
 the elect of Amen. It was made in this way. 
 Under the sign "] user, there was room for the 
 letter Ij the first of the name of Amen, the disk 
 O was made into a rectangle, over which were 
 added small strokes so as to make the sign 
 men. Nowhere can the whole process be 
 followed as well as on the column of the British 
 Museum. On the base of the Hyksos statue 
 which is at the museum of Ghizeh, the disk is 
 quite distinct under the sign even on the 
 photograph (pi. xxiv. d). 
 
 As for the second cartouche of Rameses, 
 
 where it is written in the usual form, the sign 
 
 Ba, the first syllable being opposite Amon, and 
 
THE TWENTY-SECOND DYNASTY. 
 
 49 
 
 the sign t=t mer, under both gods, the usurpa¬ 
 tion was made as follows : all the signs under¬ 
 neath the group just described were erased, 
 and the name of Osorkon substituted for them. 
 
 In the sign ^ Ba , the head was made into a 
 
 lion, so as to give the figure the appearance of 
 a sitting Bast, and the disk above widened and 
 made oval so as to look like an egg, which reads 
 si, and means son; so the sign which was 
 originally Ba became si Bast, the son of Bast, 
 a predicate which is part of the cartouche of 
 Osorkon. This kind of usurpation occurs 
 very often at Bubastis. All the degrees of it 
 are seen on the column of the British Museum. 
 It is obvious that this work was not done con¬ 
 scientiously ; it is often very imperfect. Some¬ 
 times the second cartouche only has been trans¬ 
 formed, or in this second cartouche the lower 
 part has been erased without the name of 
 Osorkon being substituted, or the name of 
 Osorkon has been engraved, but the engraver 
 forgot to change the sign Ra at the top of the 
 cartouche, so that the first syllable of Bameses 
 has been left, and the like. 
 
 The usurpations of Osorkon are found in the 
 whole temple, but chiefly in the hypostyle hall. 
 There his name is met with profusely, on archi¬ 
 traves, on capitals; but in most cases it is easy 
 to recognize that his is not the original name; 
 it has been substituted for that of Rameses II., 
 who was not himself the founder of the build¬ 
 ing, as may be seen on the column of the British 
 Museum. 
 
 The most important event to be noticed in 
 the history of the temple during Osorkon II.’s 
 reign is the final establishment of the worship 
 of Bast as the prevailing worship in the locality. 
 In this respect the Osorkons justify their name 
 of Bubastites, which is given them by Manetho. 
 Henceforth the name of the goddess occurs in 
 large characters, not on statues or tablets only, 
 but on the architraves of the hypostyle hall. The 
 king evidently desired to expunge the name of 
 
 Set; he ordered it to be hammered out; but, as 
 with the cartouches of Bameses II., the work 
 was done only in a very imperfect way. On 
 the top of the columns, Set was represented 
 sitting with the sign of life and a sceptre 
 
 in his hands ; in many places the head has been 
 widened so as to become a lion; the headdress 
 also has been modified, and the whole figure 
 has been turned into the god Mahes , 2 the son 
 of Bast, who, being a warlike divinity, could 
 endorse the epithets which originally followed 
 the name of Set, the very valorous, the lord of the 
 shy (pi. xlii. e, f, g). The alteration is plain on 
 several of the columns, especially on one of them 
 which was carried near the canal more than 
 fifty years ago, and which has since remained 
 on the spot where it is getting buried more and 
 more every day. It is visible also on the in¬ 
 scription of Set of Bameses, where, however, Set 
 is still traceable (pi. xx.). Sometimes, as on 
 the column of the British Museum, Set has 
 been forgotten. 
 
 A great number of the sculptures of Osorkon 
 II. in the temple have come down to us, but 
 apart from those which adorned the Festival 
 Hall or the colonnade, we find them on a build¬ 
 ing situate outside of the temple, on the north, 
 and which probably was a doorway or portico 
 (pi. xli. e—h) ; it was the beginning of a road 
 paved in basalt which led to the temple. Four 
 columns are all that is left of this construction ; 
 two of them are palm-columns, and two with 
 lotus-bud capitals. One of these last, which is 
 in a good state of preservation, has been sent 
 to the Louvre. Thus we find there the same 
 two styles as in the colonnade of the temple. 
 It is not possible to assign even an approximate 
 date to that building, which may have been an 
 imitation made in later times of the hypostyle 
 hall. On one of the columns Osorkon is men- 
 
 2 The reading Mahes is fixed by the inscriptions of the 
 naos of Saft-el-Henneh. Nav. Goshen, pi. ii. 6, pi. vii. 5. 
 Brugsch, Diet, suppl. p. 526. 
 
 H 
 
to 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 tioned as a worshipper of Mahes. Besides the 
 columns, there must have stood there a con¬ 
 struction of some importance, for close by lies 
 a corner-block bearing the top of a sculpture 
 of natural size and of very good workmanship. 
 On one of the sides is seen Osorkon offering 
 the holy eye, the ui’a, to Bast, who answers that 
 she gives him all lands of which she multiplies 
 the number, and all gallantry as to Ba (pi. xli. e). 
 The goddess is called here the priestess her - 
 seshta of Turn. On the other side, the son 
 of Bast, Eorhilcen, is represented giving life to 
 Osorkon (pi. xli. h). 
 
 We saw before that, according to all proba¬ 
 bilities, when Osorkon I. ascended the throne, 
 the temple was more or less ruined. He set to 
 work rebuilding it, but he did not finish the con¬ 
 struction, which was continued and completed 
 by Osorkon II., who raised in particular the 
 part of the edifice to which he chiefly attached 
 his name, the second hall, or, as he called it, the 
 Festival Hall. It was not a new addition to the 
 temple; it had existed long before Osorkon. 
 Its date goes back to the Old Empire ; there 
 we found the cartouches of Pepi and most of 
 those of the twelfth dynasty. It may be the 
 oldest part of the temple. Later on, Baineses 
 II. had stored there a great number of his 
 statues, as well those which were made for 
 him as those he usurped. I stated above the 
 reason's which led me to think that it was 
 during the wars which preceded the reign of 
 Rameses III. that the temple was partially 
 pulled down, for I cannot believe that 
 Osorkon II. intentionally caused the destruc¬ 
 tion, which is testified by the manner in which 
 the walls of his hall have been built. If he 
 wished to supersede Rameses, it was quite 
 sufficient to usurp his name, as he had done in 
 many cases. Why should he have broken the 
 large statues, the plain surfaces of which, such 
 as the base under the feet, were employed for 
 engraving the sculptures of his festival? Can 
 we imagine that, in order to procure more easily t 
 
 the necessary material for building his walls, 
 he voluntarily cut to pieces groups of two or 
 three divinities, fragments of wdrich were in¬ 
 serted into the structure. It is more probable 
 that he found the temple already in a pitiable con¬ 
 dition, and that he made use only of what was 
 ruined, respecting what had escaped intact, such 
 as the four architectural statues of Rameses II., 
 though they were of red granite, the material he 
 employed; or the statues in black granite, such 
 as that of Sydney or that of Geneva. 
 
 The reconstruction of this hall took place on 
 the occasion of an event which he considered 
 as the most important of his reign, a great 
 festival which was described at great length on 
 the walls of the hall. Although one half, or 
 even one-third only, of the sculptures have been 
 preserved, it is sufficient to give an idea of the 
 whole. The festival will be the object of a 
 special volume ; at present we shall speak of it 
 only from a historical point of view, mentioning 
 the facts which we gather from the inscriptions, 
 and keeping for another work the religious 
 part, as well as the publication of the sculptures. 
 
 A small rectangular block with four lines of 
 text gives us the date of the festival, (pi. xlii. b). 
 “Year 22, on the first day of Choiak, the” 
 “ coming forth of Amon out of the sanctuary,” 
 “ which is in the Festival Hall, resting on his” 
 “ litter ; the beginning of the consecrating of ” 
 “ the two lands by the king, of the consecrat- ” 
 “ ing of the harem of Amon, and of the conse- ” 
 “ crating of all the women who are in his city,” 
 “ and who act as priestesses since the days ” 
 “ of the fathers.” 
 
 These lines are obscure in the details ; how¬ 
 ever, the general sense is clear. In the year 22, 
 on the first day of the month called Choiak, 
 took place the apparition or the coming forth Q 
 of Amon. The word Q to appear, or to come 
 forth, is usually applied to the great festivals 
 in which the sacred emblem was taken out of the 
 sanctuary and put in an ark, which was carried 
 round the temple on the shoulders of the 
 
THE TWENTY -SECOND DYNASTY. 
 
 51 
 
 priests. I translated literally tlie words 
 which, has several meanings : ggC 
 is sometimes to receive , or taken as equivalent 
 to f to begin, may mean to sanctify , 
 
 or io protect the tivo lands. It is obvious that 
 in thus translating literally each word by 
 itself, we deviate from the true sense of the 
 expression, which must be taken as a whole. 
 
 must be some religious act, the nature 
 of which we do not clearly understand, or if 
 not the act itself, it is something connected 
 with it, such as an offering. It is the same 
 
 with the word which is applied to the 
 
 harem of Amon, and to the women who are 
 said to be priestesses of the Gods since the days 
 of the fathers. 
 
 According to this inscription, the most 
 dignified functions in the festival devolved 
 on women. The king, however, plays a most 
 important part in it, lie seems even to be the 
 object of a kind of deification, since the first act, 
 mentioned immediately after the four lines of 
 the date, is : “ the carrying of the Icing on a 
 litter y The celebration of this great festival 
 reminds us of the famous assembly at 
 Bubastis, 3 described by Herodotus, which 
 according to the Greek writer took place every 
 year. It is possible that both coincided; 
 however, in the year 22 of Osorkon there 
 must have been a special solemnity. Perhaps 
 Osorkon II. wished to imitate Raineses II. and 
 Rameses III., who had both of them celebrated 
 during their reign a memorable festival, the de¬ 
 scription of which was engraved on temples, and 
 which may have recalled either some astro¬ 
 nomical phenomenon or an important date in the 
 calendar. Whatever may have been its purpose, 
 we see from the last line that Osorkon followed 
 an old tradition, which went back to the time “of 
 the fathers.” A circumstance which indicates 
 that Osorkon intended to comply with an old 
 custom, is that the festival is celebrated in 
 
 honour of Amon, although the king himself had 
 established the worship of Bast in the temple, 
 and given the pre-eminence to the goddess. She 
 has not been forgotten, since in every one of 
 the panels into which the sculpture is divided, 
 she is seen standing before the king. Besides, 
 a figure with a lion’s head is one of the most 
 frequent forms of the consort of Amon, Mut, 
 in whose temple at Thebes there was a 
 collection of statues with lions’ heads exactly 
 similar to those of Bast. Nevertheless, it is 
 Amon, the lord of the throne of the two lands , 
 
 0 _ # . T, T . T . ^ 
 
 i viz., W1 ^ ^is qualifications 
 
 such as they are met with at Thebes, who is 
 the object of the festival, showing that the tradi¬ 
 tion connected it with the great Theban kings. 
 
 It is possible that under Osorkon II. Thebes 
 was more and more relinquished, and that 
 Bubastis assumed the rank which had been 
 held before by the city of the Amenophis and 
 the Ramessides. The political influence of the 
 city had been thrown into the background 
 by its religious importance. Thebes was the 
 residence of the high priests of Amon, who 
 enjoyed a certain independence, but the centre 
 of gravity of the Empire was removed to the 
 Delta. Osorkon had to make war against the 
 Asiatics. In the inscription of the festival it 
 is said that all countries, the Upper and Lower 
 Betennu have been thrown under his feet. 
 Without giving too much importance to those 
 official formulas, we may infer from the 
 special mention of the Retenmi, the Syrians, 
 that he made a campaign against Syria and 
 Palestine; this would confirm the opinion 
 of several authors that Osorkon II. was the 
 king called by Scripture Zerah , iTTfi Zapef 
 against whom Asa fought a battle, which ended 
 in the complete defeat of the invader. But the 
 identification is far from being proved; we 
 should not understand, for instance, why 
 Osorkon would be called Zerah the Ethiopian. 
 
 h 2 
 
 3 Her. ii. 60. 
 
 4 2 Cliron. xiv. 8. 
 
52 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 Osorkon II. has left monuments in other 
 parts of the Delta. Apart from usurpations of 
 statues and pylons at Tanis, he built at Pithom, 5 
 where I found cornices with his name painted 
 in red, indicating that the construction had 
 not been completed, and also the statue of one 
 of his chief officers, the controller, Anlchrenpnefer, 
 which is now in the British Museum. But his 
 capital was Bubastis. The two Osorkons may 
 be called pre-eminently the Bubastites ; they 
 both deserve this name, in regard to what they 
 did for the temple, which they both recon¬ 
 structed, one of them adding to it the small 
 temple with its treasury, and the other cele¬ 
 brating there the great festival to Anion. 
 
 In the inscriptions of the Festival Hall we 
 found some information concerning the family 
 of the king. His queen was called Karoama. 
 She was his legitimate wife, and she is 
 frequently seen accompanying the king in the 
 ceremonies of the festival. Her cartouche 
 always appears in this form : ^ g 
 The inscriptions of Thebes give 
 11 s the names of two other 
 wives of Osorkon II., one of 
 whom was the mother of a high 
 
 U i 
 
 the royal 
 wife 
 
 Karoama 
 
 priest of Amon. This fact cor- ——— (P^- x ^- A ) 
 roborates Professor Maspero’s opinion, who sug¬ 
 gests that “ the Bubastite kings, like the Sai'tes, 
 may have had one or several Theban wives, 
 spending at Thebes the greater part of their life, 
 the possession of whom secured to the king a 
 rightful authority over Thebes, and whose 
 male heirs were destined eventually to be in¬ 
 vested with the dignity of high priests.” 0 
 Karoama was probably Theban, and may have 
 been buried there; but in the inscriptions of 
 Bubastis she bears no title similar to those of 
 the queen-priestesses, of whom, however, she 
 may have been one. At Bubastis she is merely 
 styled the royal wife. Her daughters have 
 nothing connecting them with the Theban 
 
 The Store City of Pithom, 3rd ed. p. 15. 
 
 0 Maspero, Moinies do Deir cl Bahari, p. 751. 
 
 worship of Amon, in which the life of Thebes 
 seems to have centred under the twenty- 
 first and the twenty-second dynasty, nor with 
 the sacerdotal hierarchy which was then the 
 government of Thebes. That does not mean 
 that at Thebes they did not belong to the 
 hierarchy of the priests, for Bubastis was far 
 distant from the city of Amon, and its chief 
 divinity was Bast. 
 
 In the very difficult reconstruction of the 
 twenty-first dynasty, that of the king-priests, 
 we must not be astonished if the same man 
 bears names, titles, or even cartouches which 
 at first sight seem very different. According 
 as the inscriptions mentioning them have been 
 found at Thebes or at Tanis, or at any other 
 place, the dignities connected with the worship 
 of Amon may be stated in full, or they may be 
 totally deficient; the first cartouche may be the 
 indication of a religious office, or it may be a 
 regular coronation name, there may be two 
 cartouches or only one. The great majority of 
 the inscriptions concerning the king-priests 
 having been found at Thebes, we have been led 
 to give an exaggerated importance to all that 
 refers to them. In their time, the Delta, not 
 Thebes, is the fountain-head of Egyptian 
 political history. 
 
 A block, which was part of the inscriptions 
 of the Festival Hall, has preserved the names of 
 three of the daughters of Osorkon, who are 
 seen marching in procession behind their 
 mother (pi. xlii. c). The eldest*was called the 
 beginner, the firstborn, ta Shalcheper ; the second 
 was named like her mother Karoama; as for the 
 third, it is possible that a sign is lost at the 
 beginning of the name, it reads now Armer. 
 
 THE CEMETERY OF CATS. 
 
 The Osorkous made Bubastis the sanctuary 
 of Bast, the temple being dedicated to the 
 goddess. It is natural to assign to their 
 
THE CEMETERY OF CATS. 
 
 53 
 
 reign, if not the special reverence of which cats 
 were the object, which can be traced to a very 
 early date; at least the custom of giving those 
 animals a sacred burial. I consider therefore the 
 twenty-second dynasty as havingfirst established 
 the cemetery of cats. Standing on the western 
 part of the mounds of Tell Basta, and looking 
 towards Zagazig, the visitor has before him an 
 area of several acres, which has been dug out 
 thoroughly. Near the numerous pits by which 
 the place is honeycombed, are seen heaps of 
 white bones of cats. This spot has been one 
 of the most productive mines which the 
 fellaheen had at their disposal. There tlie} T 
 found the numerous bronze cats which fill the 
 shops of the dealers at Cairo, and also the 
 standing statuettes of a divinity crowned with a 
 lotus flower, out of which issue two plumes, 
 the god Nefertum , the son of Bast. 
 
 Although the cemetery was considered 
 as exhausted, I made an attempt at excava¬ 
 tions in order to find bronze cats, and to 
 ascertain the manner in which the animals are 
 buried. We emptied completely several of 
 the large pits in which they had been deposited. 
 The work was superintended chiefly by Dr. 
 Goddard, who took part in the excavations 
 during the winter of 1889. The fellaheen, when 
 they dug for bronze cats, began with the 
 upper pits ; we had to go much deeper than 
 they had done, and we reached older pits, 
 which the water of the inundation reaches 
 every year, so that the bronzes are in a very 
 bad state of preservation. We discovered 
 a few of them—sitting cats, heads, the inner 
 part of which is empty ; a good specimen 
 representing Bast standing under the form of 
 a woman with a slender body and a cat’s head, 
 wearing a long dress and holding in her hands 
 a sistrum and a basket, and having at her 
 feet four crouching kittens. 
 
 The bones are heaped up in large subter¬ 
 raneous pits, the walls and bottom of which are 
 made of bricks or hardened clay. Near each 
 
 pit is seen the furnace in which the bodies of 
 the animals were burnt; its red or blackened 
 bricks indicate clearly the action of the fire, 
 which is confirmed by the circumstance that 
 the bones often form a conglomerate, with 
 ashes and charcoal. This cremation accounts 
 also for the difficulty we had in finding unbroken 
 bones or complete skulls; indeed, when handled, 
 they nearly always fell to pieces. Here and there 
 among the bones have been thrown bronze cats 
 or statuettes of Nefertum, which are but rarely 
 intact; the feet are generally broken off. 
 Some of the pits were very large ; we emptied 
 one containing over 720 cubic feet of bones. 
 This gives an idea of the quantity of cats 
 necessary for filling it. 
 
 At Professor Yirchow’s request we gathered 
 skulls which could stand the transport, and we 
 sent them to the illustrious naturalist in Berlin. 
 We had been struck at first sight by the fact 
 that several skulls were too large to be cats ; 
 the Arab diggers called them rabbit heads. 
 According to the researches of Professor Vir¬ 
 chow these skulls belonged to ichneumons, 
 which were buried with the cats because they 
 also were sacred animals. As for the cats 
 themselves, the interesting discussions which 
 have taken place at the Anthropological Society 
 of Berlin have shown that they belonged to 
 several species of the cat-tribe, but not to the 
 domestic cat, which probably the Egyptains 
 had not. The majority of the bones of 
 Bubastis are those of the African type called 
 Fells maniculata, which, according to Dr. 
 Hartmann, is the original stock of our 
 domestic cat, and abounds in Ethiopia and on 
 the Upper Nile. There we are to look for the 
 primitive resort of our cat, the domestication of 
 which goes back only to a recent epoch, much 
 later than the pictures of the Egyptian tombs. 
 It is probable that the Egyptians had succeeded 
 in taming the cat, as is done to-day with the 
 ichneumon, and that they used it for hunting 
 purposes, or otherwise, but it seems well 
 
54 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 established that they bad not gone so far as 
 a regular domestication of the animal. 
 
 Professor Virchow and the Berlin naturalists 
 who discussed the question, do not admit that 
 the bones discovered at Bubastis belonged to 
 animals that had been burnt. I believe that this 
 opinion is in consequence of the fact that we 
 sent only bones which were in a fair state of 
 preservation, because in the furnace where the 
 animals were heaped up, the burning had not 
 been complete, and some of the skeletons may 
 have escaped the action of the fire. I think 
 that the presence of furnaces in the cemetery, 
 and the contents of a pit, where the bones 
 are mixed up with ashes and charcoal, is a 
 decisive argument in favour of the cremation 
 of the bodies. Besides, there are no traces 
 whatever of embalming ; once only we found 
 little bits of gold paper which may have been 
 on the cartonnage of the mummy, or on the 
 wrappings which covered the body of an 
 animal, which for some reason or other did not 
 share the same fate as the others. If there has 
 been a mummification of cats at Bubastis, it was 
 of very rare occurrence, while it is the rule in 
 other cemeteries like Beni-Hassan. 
 
 Brugscli has observed that the sculptured 
 representations of the goddess or the statues 
 are always lion-headed, 7 while the bronzes are 
 cats. The Egyptian word is the same for both ; 
 the Egyptians seem to have considered the 
 smaller animal as a diminutive of the other, as 
 its reduced image, which was presented to the 
 uoddess as an offering. It is the same with 
 the hippopotamus and the pig, which are 
 also designated by one word. Bast is a 
 form of Mat, the mother-goddess, and also 
 of JIathor, the goddess of Denderali. She 
 assumes the names of Uot’i , and also of Selcliet, 
 when she appears as a warlike divinity and as 
 a destructive power. AVe read in a text of 
 
 : I know of ones exception at Behbeit-el-Hagar. See 
 The Mound of the Jew, pi. vi. 
 
 Pliilas, 8 she is furious as Selcliet, and she is ap¬ 
 peased as Bast. In the text of the destruction of 
 mankind, which I found in the tomb of Seti I., 
 Hathor takes the form of Sekhet when she 
 slaughters the men and tramples on their blood. 
 Sekhet is the Bovfidcms dypia of the Greeks. 
 
 The most frequent qualifications of Bast at 
 Bubastis are : the great goddess of Bubastis, the 
 queen of the gods, the eye, or perhaps, the 
 daughter of Ra, the mighty, the queen of the shy , 
 and also, as we saw in several instances, the 
 priestess herseshta of Turn, an obscure title 
 which was never found before. The name of 
 Bast, as is pointed out by Brugsch, is derived 
 from the root J P 7\ which means impulse, motion, 
 and which according to the cases may be to intro¬ 
 duce or to bring out. Brugsch connects the idea 
 of motion with the fructifying and fertilizing 
 action of heat, which would be Bast, while on 
 the contrary, when, as is often the case in a 
 climate like Egypt, the heat becomes a nuisance 
 and an evil, it would be Sekhet. Brugsch con¬ 
 siders also Bast as a form of the moon, to which 
 fertility is often attributed in the Egyptian 
 mythology. 
 
 The name of Bast is a feminine form of Bes, 
 the god of the East, a warlike divinity, whose 
 chief sanctuary was also very near Bubastis, in 
 the neighbouring nome of Arabia, the capital of 
 which was Fhacusad There he was called Sopt, 
 and he took several forms and different names ; 
 one of them is Sopt Shu, a god who is armed like 
 Bes. Comparing the inscriptions of the great 
 shrine of Saft-el-Henneh with the inscriptions 
 of Bubastis, we find that the divinity accom¬ 
 panying Bast most frequently, and considered 
 as her son, is called Horhilcen, a god with a 
 hawk’s head, like all forms of Eorus ; or Nefer- 
 turn, a god with a human head wearing a lotus 
 flower, out of which issue two plumes, or Menthu, 
 a god with a hawk’s head, and lastly Mahes, 
 who at Saft el Henneh is represented as a lion 
 
 8 Brugsch, Diet. p. 810. 
 
 9 Goshen, p. 10. 
 
DYNASTIES TWENTY-THREE TO TWENTY-NINE. 
 
 55 
 
 devouring the head of a human being, and who 
 often wears the emblems of Nefertum. 1 The 
 triad 2 of Bubastis consists of Turn, Bast, and 
 Makes, called also Nefertum or Horhilcen. As 
 we know that the ichneumon was an emblem of 
 Turn, 3 there is nothing extraordinary in the 
 fact that those animals should be mixed in the 
 cemetery with the cats which represented Bast 
 and Mahes. 
 
 DYNASTIES TWENTY-THREE TO 
 TWENTY-NINE. 
 
 After the Osorkons it seems that Bubastis 
 soon began to decline, we find no more impor¬ 
 tant monuments, and hardly any traces of the 
 kings who preceded Nekhthorheb. We must 
 remember that the country went through 
 troubled times which were not favourable to 
 the execution of great works, for which peace 
 and prosperity are necessary. Egypt had to 
 undergo several invasions, of the Ethiopians 
 first, and afterwards of the Assyrians, to whom 
 she was long tributary. The dynasty which re¬ 
 stored to Egypt part of her former splendour, 
 under whose reign there was a kind of revival 
 both in art and in political life, the twenty- 
 sixth, does not seem to have taken much interest 
 in Bubastis, but to have concentrated its works 
 on other localities, like Sais, its native city, or 
 the north-eastern part of the Delta. 
 
 However, two small monuments of that 
 dynasty have been preserved; one of them 
 bearing its date, and which is the forepart 
 of a crouching statuette in basalt, of very 
 fine workmanship, with Bast sculptured in 
 the middle, and an inscription on each side 
 (pi. xliii. d). On the arms are the car- 
 
 1 Goshen, pi. iii. 3, vi. 6, vii. 5. 
 
 2 See Goshen, pi. ii. 6, the three members of the triad 
 under their various forms standing before Sopt. 
 
 3 Goshen, pi. vi. 6. 
 
 touches of the king Uahabra, Apries, Hophra, 
 under whose reign the man lived. He was un¬ 
 doubtedly a high dignitary, for his titles are : 
 prince of the first order, chancellor, and chief of 
 the friends of the Icing. His name was Nes- 
 pahor, and his surname Neferabraanlch, the living 
 Neferabra, the image of Neferabra, who was king 
 Psammetik II., under whose reign he was born. 
 His father was a prophet, and was called 
 Menhor, the image of Horns. 
 
 Another monument, the style of which is 
 Saitic, is a much obliterated group, in limestone, 
 of a priest and priestess, now in .the British 
 Museum. The inscription engraved on the back 
 contains the remainder of the titles of the two 
 persons, with the usual formulas. It is divided 
 in two, the right side referring to the priestess, 
 and the left to the priest, whose name has dis¬ 
 appeared. There was also some text inscribed 
 on the edge of the monument (pi. xliii. a, a'.) 
 
 We see there that the title of herseshta was 
 
 special to Bubastis; we saw it given to the 
 goddess herself, we saw also that Ivhaemuas, the 
 son of Rameses II., had been invested with the 
 
 same dignity as the Saitic priest, who is 
 
 fll herseshta selclietnuter, priest of the holg 
 
 field, the usual name of the territory of 
 Bubastis. It is the first time that we find the 
 
 name of the goddess written 
 
 Selclietnuter, which I consider to be the 
 Egyptian name corresponding to the Greek 
 BovfidcrTis dypiad 
 
 In the same inscription also we come across 
 an unknown geographical name hid ^ 'vA 1 the 
 
 garden or the field or the marsh of Horns, as we 
 saw before that there was one of Bast. It must 
 have been a locality in the neighbourhood of the 
 temple, or at least in the territory of the city, for 
 the man says that he received for his hereditary 
 share the house of his father in the garden of 
 
 4 The Mound of the Jew, p. 23. 
 
56 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 Horus. Tlie name of the priestess, which alone 
 has been preserved, is ^ ^ ^ ^ Honttuui. 
 
 I assign also to the Saitic epoch a fragment 
 of a statue in black granite; part of the 
 inscription of the sides and of the back has 
 been preserved. The monument was dedicated 
 to Bast of Bubastis. The fragments of lines of 
 the lateral inscription are not destitute of 
 interest; they speak of the child of Tep, with its 
 pleasant face, who is in the garden of Bast 
 (pi. xliii. c). 
 
 I saw also in the shop of a dealer at Zagazig 
 a small fragment of green basalt, of the same 
 date. The deceased, as usual, addresses the 
 priests who pass by going into the temple, 
 
 G 
 
 n 
 
 every priest 
 
 entering the sanctuary of the lady of Bast. 
 
 Following the chronological order, we come 
 to a small statue in limestone, the middle part 
 of which only has been preserved (pi. xliii. is). 
 It is a dedication of the king Hakoris, of the 
 twenty-ninth dynasty, to the goddess Bast of 
 Bubastis. It is the first time that a monument 
 of this king has been found in the Delta. The 
 fragment is now in the British Museum. 
 
 THE THIBTIETH DYNASTY. 
 
 I noticed in another work 5 the considerable 
 number of constructions which have been raised 
 in the Delta by the thirtieth dynasty, and 
 especially by the first king, Nekkthorheb. 
 Bubastis is one of the localities where he dis¬ 
 played the greatest activity ; for he added to 
 the temple a hall which he intended to be the 
 largest. It prolonged the temple on the west, 
 and was 160 feet square. All around the walls, 
 on the top, ran a cornice adorned with large 
 projecting asps ; a fragment of it was visible at 
 the end of last century, and has been repro¬ 
 
 duced in the work of the French Expedition; 
 we discovered a few more. 
 
 The hall of Nekhthorheb, like the others, is 
 only a heap of blocks; the granite alone has 
 been left. A great part of the building was 
 made of red limestone from Gebel Ahmar, chips 
 of which cover the ground, so that, more than 
 any other spot in the temple, this hall has the 
 appearance of a quarry. I think the hall never 
 was finished ; the walls were to be covered with 
 sculptures, a part of which only has been 
 executed. Nekhthorheb frequently employed 
 in his structure materials taken from the older 
 halls. Thanks to his unscrupulousness, we have 
 preserved the block of Amenemha I., and that of 
 Amenopliis II., which was used as a door lintel, 
 so that the inscription remained unhurt. Agreat 
 many inscriptions have been completely erased, 
 and it is impossible to assign a date to them. 
 
 Nekhthorheb followed the traditions of the 
 Bubastites; he dedicated his structure to Bast, 
 and even, in order to show better how devoted 
 he was to the goddess, he changed his cartouche, 
 and instead of calling himself the son of Isis, as 
 he does elsewhere, he styles himself the son of 
 Bast. When he made the great constructions 
 of Bubastis, he had already erected the temple 
 of Eeb; his cartouche contained already the 
 name of that city; however, we discovered a 
 fragment of a statue dedicated at the beginning 
 of his reign, when he had not yet built the 
 
 temple of Isis. He is called there 
 (pi. xliii. e) Nehhthorneb, or Eornebnelcht, 
 as on the large cartouches of Sama- 
 nood. 6 
 
 
 
 Nekhthorheb was not satisfied with building 
 the great hall, he put in it a shrine of polished 
 red granite ; the workmanship is so perfect that 
 it must rank among the finest remains of 
 Egyptian art. The sculptures are not very 
 deep, but engraved with the most minute 
 details (pi. xlvii. and xlviii.). Most of the frag- 
 
 6 Goshen, p. 3. 
 
 0 See The Mound of the Jew, pi. vi. 2, p. 25. 
 
THE THIRTIETH DYNASTY. 
 
 57 
 
 ments have beeu carried away and sent to the 
 museum of Ghizeli or to the British Museum. 
 We cannot make even an approximate recon¬ 
 struction of the monument; too many fragments 
 have disappeared. It is not impossible even 
 that there were two of them. In the cartouches, 
 which are regularly repeated, and which are the 
 ornament of the cornice, Nekhthorheb is always 
 styled the son of Bast, the goddess with a lion’s 
 head being substituted for Isis, who is generally 
 seen in cartouches found in other places. It is 
 not possible to translate even one sentence from 
 the inscriptions which were engraved on the 
 walls of the hall, which the king had built to his 
 mother. Bast; there are only short fragments 
 left (pi. xliv.—xlvi.). The peculiar character of 
 those sculptures, as of most of those which are 
 the work of Neklithorheb or his successor, is the 
 strange religious representations of which they 
 consist. Nekhthorheb erected the tablet now 
 called from the name of its owner the “ Metter- 
 nich tablet,” which is covered with religious texts 
 of the greatest interest ; under Nectanebo’s 
 reign the shrine of Saft el Henneli was en- 
 graved, the partial destruction of which is 
 much to be regretted, and which has the 
 greatest likeness to the monuments of Nekli- 
 thorheb. At that time it seems that the 
 sovereigns wished to give their monuments a 
 more religious stamp ; the texts which accom¬ 
 pany the figures are no mere commonplace 
 sentences; they are much more developed; 
 as for the divinities, they are more numerous, 
 and are seen under the most various appear¬ 
 ances. The god to whom a monument is 
 dedicated appears followed by a train of 
 divinities, who are nearly the whole Egyptian 
 pantheon. 
 
 From the larger fragments which have been 
 preserved, we may infer that the representations 
 were divided into successive panels, between 
 which stood a huge serpent (pi. xlvi. d, e). In 
 each panel appear several divinities, the names 
 of which are given ; but though the god alone is 
 
 represented, it seems that the text was intended 
 to be a catalogue of temples, for the text always 
 
 begins with the words : 
 
 the sanctuary of; thus we have, 
 
 AAAAAA AAAAAA (?) 
 
 (HQ 
 
 Bameses 
 
 the holy abode, 
 O 
 
 I 
 
 /WWW 
 /WW\A | 
 
 the divine abode of Ba, of 
 in the district: the water of Ba; 
 
 the 
 
 ||j P —H— j 
 
 9^ 
 
 I ^ 
 
 I 1 3=1 
 
 holy abode of Bhthah Tonen of Bameses, on the 
 bank of the river. The kind of property over the 
 gods which Rameses had assumed, and which 
 probably entitled him to a special protection, 
 persisted in the tradition as late as In ekhthorheb. 
 As for the localities indicated by those names, 
 the first may be the city called under the 
 Ptolemies Onias, 7 8 north of Heliopolis, the present 
 Tell el Yahoodieli. We do not know what is 
 meant by the second, which may be Memphis. 
 Several other sacred abodes are quoted; most of 
 them are much obliterated ; some of the most in- 
 
 1 
 
 terestmg are: 
 
 © the sacred abode 
 
 ofTeb, the god of Aphroditopolis in Upper Egypt; ' 
 
 
 
 AAAAAA id 
 
 /WWW ^ I & 
 
 the divine abode of Amon of 
 
 the Northern city, Diospolis parva, in the Delta; 
 
 i ^ i ; 
 
 — ® the divine 
 abode of Arsaplies, the Icing of the gods, the lord 
 of Hanes, Heracleopolis. 
 
 Very little remains of the inscription of the 
 basement, as well as of the upper cornice; one 
 of them contained a date, or something con¬ 
 nected with chronology, as we may conclude 
 from the fragment now in the museum of 
 Ghizeh, where we read (pi. xliv. E ),of the festival, 
 every one, fifty years. Is it the length of the 
 period after which the festival was celebrated 
 or did Uekhthorheb build the hall, as Osorkon 
 II. had done before, on the occasion of a great 
 solemnity? We can express only conjectures. 
 One thing is certain ; if there was any festival 
 at all, it was decidedly in honour of Bast, and 
 
 7 The Mound of the Jew, p. 12. 
 
 8 Brugsch, Diet. geog. p. 928. 
 
 I 
 
58 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 not of Amon, as under Osorkon. Among the 
 sacred animals sculptured on tlie walls, we find 
 the ichneumon (pi. xlv. f), which, as we said 
 before, being an emblem of Turn, was buried 
 with the cats. 
 
 At the end of the hall was a shrine of red 
 granite, perhaps even two,covered with religious 
 representations, and processions of gods. The 
 Avails were divided in horizontal registers, 
 separated by a band covered with stars, which 
 figures the sky, and Avhicli is supported by men 
 with raised arms. Shrines of the same kind 
 Avere made by Neklitkorkeb in several places ; 
 
 I found fragments of one at Saft el Henneh, and 
 of another at Belbeis, two cities where the wor¬ 
 ship had great similarity with that of Bubastis. 
 A particularly artistic fragment to be noticed, 
 contains the name of the king, followed by the 
 predicate ^ l © the living lord, lilce lia. 
 Name and predicate are arranged in such a 
 wav as to form two medallions of the same size, 
 and perfectly symmetrical. The name of the 
 king has not the shape of an oval; all the signs 
 are included in the sign Heb, so that the whole 
 reads, Nekhthorheb si Bast (pi. xlvii. a). 
 
 On a somewhat larger fragment Bast is seen 
 sitting, and the king is before her making 
 offerings. Bast is called the lady of tlie shrine, 
 the daughter of Homs, residing in the holy 
 field, the well-known name for the territory of 
 Bubastis (xlvii. g). 
 
 To the reign of Nekhthorheb belongs also a 
 statue, so much mutilated, that only a shapeless 
 fragment has been preserved. It probably 
 represented the king himself, sitting, with a 
 smaller figure standing near him. On the sides 
 and on the back of the throne Avas engraved a 
 procession of figures, and an inscription re¬ 
 ferring to festivals, the date of which was 
 given : 
 
 (PI. xliii. f f' f') ... 1. 3, towards the statues of 
 the temple of his mother, TJsert (the mighty ) Bast. 
 ... 1. 4, the lord of the diadems , Nekhthorheb, 
 in the festival of the first of the month, and of 
 
 the half month. . . . 1. 5, on the fifth of the month 
 of Tybi , the day when the statue ivas sculptured. 
 
 Judging from the style of the work Ave must 
 classify among the monuments of Nekhthorheb 
 a fragment of a statue of Bast, standing, of 
 beautiful workmanship (pi. xliii. g). In the 
 inscription are contained part of the titles of 
 the goddess, . . . the lady of Bast, the daughter 
 of Ra, the queen of the sky, who rules over all 
 the gods, . . . the great one, the lady of Bast, the 
 priestess herseshta of Turn, the only one, who has 
 no descent, the goddess of the North, who rules. 
 
 . . . The name of Melient, the goddess of the 
 North, identifies her Avith Uoti. 9 A text of the 
 same king, discovered at Behbeit el Hagar 
 (Heb, Iseum), speaks of her under the name of 
 Meht; 1 the determinative is a cat, and not a 
 lion. 
 
 To all the above described monuments, the 
 age of Avhich is pointed to either by a name or 
 by the style, we must add a few, the date of 
 which is uncertain. Two fragments of red 
 limestone have been found in the first hall, 
 both bearing very large inscriptions care¬ 
 fully engraved. One of them was horizontal 
 (pi. xlix. c); it accompanied probably a scene of 
 offerings. It mentions the great princess, who 
 may be Bast or any other goddess. The other 
 is vertical, and reads, the gods, by the art of 
 Shet another name of Bast (pi. xlix. d). 
 
 Immediately after came the name of a king, 
 entirely destroyed. A fragment of a pillar in 
 Avhite limestone, used by the Romans in a 
 very rude construction which they erected at 
 the entrance of the first hall, bears the following 
 words: the divine father, the herseshta in the 
 temple of the mighty goddess (pi. xlix. a). There 
 is an omission in the inscription, the sign 
 has been forgotten above the first <=>. The 
 signs are cut very deep. The pillar may be 
 Ptolemaic, and have been engraved for the 
 same man Avho had in his tomb a Canopic Autse, 
 
 !l Brugsch, Myth. p. 324, 329, 336. 
 
 ' The Mound of the Jew, pi. vi. 
 
THE PTOLEMIES AND THE ROMANS. 
 
 59 
 
 which we purchased from the sebakli diggers. 
 His titles and name were (pi. xlix. b), the 
 clivive father, the herseshta of Bast, the lady oj 
 Bast, the scribe of the treasury, Aba. 
 
 THE PTOLEMIES AND THE ROMANS. 
 
 At the entrance of the hypostyle hall, on two 
 blocks of red granite, which were bases of 
 statues, we found two Greek inscriptions, with¬ 
 out any remains of the statues which stood 
 above. The inscriptions are the following. 
 One of them is complete, and has been carried 
 to the museum of Ghizeli, the other is only half 
 preserved (pi. xlix. e, f). 
 
 AttoWwviov ®eu>vos tujv <£iA (idv) 
 tov / 3 acriAeu)S Kal St.ou<r]Tr]v 
 to v iavTov aSeXcfaov HroAe/xaios 
 AiroWwvtoti tvjv SiaSo^wv 
 evvolas evtKev rys els fiaa tAea 
 HroXefxouov Kal /jacnAicrcrai' 
 
 KAeo7rdrpat/ Oeovs emefravels Kal 
 ev^apterrovs Kai ra reKva avr<j>v. 
 
 BacriAea HroAe/xaiov 0 . . . 
 
 Kal ev^aplcrrov Kal to . . * 
 nroAejuaiov A , 7roAAa)(i'tos (Demvus) 
 
 Tcov 6 8101/07(7775 . . . 
 
 eveKev rrjs ets ra . . . 
 avrov kou ra re« . . • 
 
 Undoubtedly these inscriptions were dedica¬ 
 tions of statues; it is the rule to employ the 
 accusative alone in honorary inscriptions. 2 
 They acquaint us with a high official of the 
 reign of Ptolemy Epiphanes, the dioicetes, or 
 minister of finance, Apollonios, the son of Tlieon. 
 According to M. Lumbroso 3 we knew already 
 six of those officials, one of whom, Tlepolemos, 
 belongs to the reign of Ptolemy Epiphanes, 
 and is described by Polybius as a bad adminis¬ 
 trator. As Tlepolemos was in office in the 
 twentieth year of Ptolemy, he must have been 
 the successor of Apollonios, who was one of the 
 friends of the king, a very high dignity at the 
 court of the Greek kings. A statue is erected 
 
 2 Reinach, Epig. grecque, p. 380. 
 
 3 Econ. pol. p. 339. 
 
 to him by Ptolemy, one of the SiaSoyoi, the 
 life-guards, who probably were the successors of 
 the Macedonian soldiers. He calls himself the 
 brother, dSeXfos, of Apollonios, but as they 
 had not the same father, since Ptolemy was the 
 son of another Apollonios, and Apollonios the 
 son of Tlieon, the word aSeXfos must mean 
 either first cousin or uterine brother. 
 
 In the second inscription it is Apollonios, the 
 son of Theon, who writes the dedication, for I 
 do not think there can be any doubt as to the re- 
 I stitution,b47roA.A.dmos Oeuvos (1. 3). Heseemsto 
 have erected two statues, since he mentions first 
 the king and afterwards his brother Ptolemy. 
 It is natural that the high standing minister 
 should speak first of his sovereign. Both 
 brothers give a curious motive for making a 
 monument to each other, “ kindness towards 
 the king and queen.” It may have been a 
 present intended to court the good-Avill of the 
 sovereign, but if they had some favour to ask 
 for, it is strange that they both should have 
 done it by adorning the temple of Bast with 
 monuments which were testimonies of their 
 friendliness to each other. 
 
 Although they left no inscriptions, it is clear 
 that the Romans did not abandon the temple of 
 Bubastis. At the entrance of the liypostyle 
 hall, the place where the Greek inscriptions 
 were discovered, was the pedestal of a .statue 
 (pi. vi.), part of which we may have found, for 
 at a short distance was a headless torso in green 
 basalt, wearing a toga with an ornamental 
 fringe exactly similar to that of the Roman 
 statue in the museum of Ghizeh. The front 
 part of a fine torso in white stone, which was 
 used as a bridge over a ditch, and which we 
 purchased from a fellah, is also Roman work. 
 I think that the Romans used the temple for 
 military purposes, for they seem to have made 
 to it strong doors, the posts of which were 
 built of huge stones. On the west side, where 
 there was an entrance, was found a large block, 
 still in situ, with a cartouche of Nekhthorheb 
 
60 
 
 BUBASTIS. 
 
 turned upside down, showing that it had been 
 used after the king for a purpose quite different 
 from what he originally intended. On the 
 north side of the Festival Hall was also a 
 door, the hinge of which has been preserved 
 (pi. xxvii. and xxii. b). It is a cube of 
 one foot of solid bronze inserted into a stone, 
 and fastened underneath with a very hard 
 welding, and on the sides with stone wedges. 
 On the top is seen the slight hollow where the 
 pivot of the door turned ; the stone itself, which 
 was the threshold, and out of which we took 
 the hinge, bears a circular furrow produced by 
 the door in being opened and closed (pi. 
 xxii. b). 
 
 As the Egyptians sometimes buried their 
 dead in the enclosure walls of the cities, I made 
 some excavations in the very thick wall which 
 surrounded Bubastis, and two sides of which 
 have been preserved, on the west and the north 
 of the Tell. I even cut completely through it. 
 It did not give any interesting result; I found 
 only very late burials, in coffins of terra-cotta, 
 or made of raw bricks, such as may be seen 
 on plate xxviii. They contained mummified 
 bodies, but quite destitute of any amulet, in¬ 
 scription, or funereal object of any kind. I con¬ 
 sider them as being interments of poor people 
 of the end of the Roman period. 
 
 THE SMALL TEMPLE. 
 
 We hear from Herodotus that at a distance of 
 three furlongs from the temple of Bast, at the 
 end of a road which passed through the mar¬ 
 ket-place, and which was lined by trees of 
 an extraordinary height, was the temple of 
 Hermes. The direction of the road is still 
 traceable, although above its level there is an 
 accumulation of several feet of earth. At the 
 distance indicated by the Greek writer, the Tell 
 ends, and w r e reach cultivated fields where, when 
 I went there first, a few granite blocks were 
 
 scattered. After long and difficult negotiations, 
 I obtained from the owner, the sheikh of a 
 neighbouring village, the permission to excavate 
 in his field, with the condition that I should 
 not carry away anything which I might dis¬ 
 cover. 
 
 This excavation lasted a week. It brought to 
 light a small heap of broken stones jumbled 
 together, and which evidently were the remains 
 of a building smaller than the Temple of Bast. 
 The largest fragment was an architrave, bearing 
 the name of Rameses II. Except this one, all 
 the others had the name of Osorkon I., who had 
 certainly enlarged this small temple, if he did 
 not raise it completely. On plates 1. to lii. has 
 been reproduced all that remains of the in¬ 
 scriptions, which must have been numerous. It 
 is possible that the temple extended further, 
 and that there were other chambers around that 
 which I discovered; but the ill-will of the 
 fellah prevented me from searching for them, 
 and could not be conquered even by the high 
 pecuniary compensation which I offered for 
 more extensive excavations. In Egypt we 
 must always reckon with the innate feeling, of 
 which even highly situated persons are not 
 free, that the explorer looks only for gold and 
 treasures. 
 
 Herodotus seems to have made a mistake, 
 when be says that the small temple was dedi¬ 
 cated to Hermes. It must have been conse¬ 
 crated to the same divinities as the great 
 temple. In the few and badly preserved 
 remains of the representations which adorned 
 its wall (pi. h), we find the king making offer¬ 
 ings to the triad of Bubastis, Bast being seen 
 twice, once as Tefnut, the other time as Sekhet. 
 Also in the sacred barges which were sculptured 
 on the walls, and of which a few remains only 
 have been left, Bast is seen standing before a 
 man who must be the king. The reason which 
 induced Herodotus to consider the temple as 
 having been dedicated to Tlioth, is the frequent 
 occurrence of the god in the inscriptions, and 
 
THE SMALL TEMPLE. 
 
 61 
 
 probably in the sculptures which have been 
 destroyed, and where the Greek traveller, who 
 could not read hieroglyphs, might recognize the 
 ibis head of the god. The mistake of Herodotus 
 was perhaps suggested to him by the character 
 of the edifice, which I believe to have been a 
 treasury. Thoth was the “ lord of truth” from 
 whom wisdom and intelligence were thought to 
 proceed. It is natural that he should have the 
 treasures of Bubastis under his special pro¬ 
 tection, just as in other temples we see him 
 represented in sculptures or inscriptions con¬ 
 cerning measurements, accounts, and dates. 
 
 Notwithstanding the architrave with the 
 name of Baineses II., it is obvious from the 
 great number of cartouches of Osorkon I. dis¬ 
 covered there, that it is this king who mostly 
 contributed to the construction of the small 
 temple, which he intended to be a monument of 
 his wealth and of his munificence towards the 
 gods. A.11 the inscriptions which we found are 
 accounts of gold, silver, and precious stones, 
 especially lapis lazuli, offered to several divini¬ 
 ties. It is much to be regretted that there 
 are such scanty remains of these inscriptions, 
 which were engraved on four sides of a pillar. 
 The dates, of which there were several, the 
 valuations of sums, would be very interesting, 
 considering that they refer to a period of 
 Egyptian history which is nearly unknown. 
 There is only one fragment of a certain extent; 
 it contains parts of five lines of an horizontal 
 inscription which was engraved on one of the 
 faces of the pillar (pi. li.). The fragment is 
 broken in two. I made paper casts of the in¬ 
 scription, but I could not persuade the fellah to 
 sell me the stone, and to let me take it to the 
 museum of Ghizeh. Since my departure, it 
 has been carried away by a pasha of the neigh¬ 
 bourhood. 
 
 In this inscription the name of Thoth fre¬ 
 quently occurs. It is the god who suggested 
 to the king to make these generosities to the 
 temples. Osorkon even was Thoth himself 
 
 when he did it : 1. 2. “ He built tlieir abodes, 
 and he multiplied the vases of gold , silver , and 
 precious stones. The king gave his directions 
 in his form of the god of Hesert (Thoth), mean¬ 
 ing as being Thoth himself. We are struck here, 
 as on the other fragments, by the high amount 
 of the sums given. We find, for instance, the 
 following sums: 1. 3, gold, 5010 uten; 1 silver, 
 30,720 uten ; genuine lapis lazuli, 1600; black 
 copper, 5000; and something which looks like 
 a shrine or a vase, and has a weight of 100,000 
 uten. 2 * * 5 Turn Kheper of Heliopolis receives as his 
 share 15,345 uten of gold and 14,150 of silver. 
 According to Brugsch's latest researches, and 
 taking his estimate of the proportion of the 
 value of both metals at ten to one, the approxi¬ 
 mate value of the above sums would be in 
 English money 130,311k worth in gold and 
 12,827k of silver given to a single temple. If 
 it w r as so, we can understand that the last line, 
 where some of these gifts seem to have been 
 summed up, should mention a sum of 494,300 
 uten, taking only the signs which are distinct, 
 for on account of the erasure, the first figure 
 5 may have been much higher. On other 
 fragments of the same pillar we find sums of this 
 amount: gold and silver, 2,300,000 uten, and 
 elsewhere (pi. lii. c, 2) more than two millions 
 of uten of silver. We have no reason to think 
 that there is exaggeration in these statements, 
 considering that we have not here vague indi¬ 
 cations, but sums given correctly down to the 
 units. 
 
 It gives us a very high idea of what the 
 riches and the prosperity of the kingdom must 
 have been under Osorkon I. In this case, as 
 with the thirtieth dynasty, we have to reverse 
 the generally admitted opinion as to the con- 
 
 1 Brugscli assigns to the uten the weight of 90.9 grammes, 
 
 which differs only slightly from the 1450 grains assigned to 
 
 the uten by Mr. Petrie, vid. Brugscli, Zeitschr. vol. xxvii. 
 
 p. 85 & ff. 
 
 5 Prof. Brugsch in a private letter says he considers the 
 word as meaning a very high sum of money. 
 
62 
 
 BUB ASTIS. 
 
 dition of the empire under the Bubastites. It 
 is clear that it was only in a time of peace 
 and prosperity that such gorgeous liberalities 
 could be made to the temples. 
 
 Reverting to the horizontal inscription, it is 
 remarkable through several new words and 
 some unknown signs, which make the loss of 
 the greatest part of the text the more to be 
 regretted. L. 5 mentions the tributes of two 
 of the oases, El Khargeh and Dakhel. 3 This 
 tribute consists of several kinds of wine. 4 L. 3 
 there is a chronological indication, where un¬ 
 fortunately we have lost an important datum, 
 the name of the month : from the first year, the 
 7th of . . ., to the 4th year, the 25 th of Mesori, 
 which makes 3 years, 3 months, and 1 6 days . . . 
 Whatever name of the month is taken to fill up 
 the gap, it does not correspond exactly to this 
 number of months and days. 
 
 We end here the description of the antiquities 
 and of the texts discovered at Bubastis. As 
 we have shown, they extend from the fourth 
 dynasty to the Romans. Twenty-five kings are 
 mentioned, from Cheops to Ptolemy Epiphanes, 
 one of them, lan-Ra, being quite unknown 
 before. It is possible that other royal names may 
 be discovered on the small objects found by the 
 
 3 Brugsch, Reise nach der grossen Oase, pp. 66, 69. 
 
 4 Brugscl), 1. 1, p. 79. 
 
 fellaheen digging for “ sebakh.” There are 
 some, for instance, iu Mr. Hilton Price’s col- 
 lectiou, which comes chiefly from Tell Basta. 
 In my last visit to the place I purchased from 
 a fellah a small porcelain tablet, which I gave 
 to the museum of Gliizeh, and which bears on 
 
 one side 
 
 
 the 
 
 good god, the lord of Egypt, Darius, everlasting, 
 and on the other Mahes, the very 
 
 ZJ lJ >_n 7\»T n ^ 
 
 brave, the lord of (Bast). Large scarabs of 
 Amenophis III., even the so-called marriage 
 scarabs of the king, are not rare. They come 
 from the tombs which are under the Roman 
 houses, and are often met with by the fellaheen. 
 The discovery of these tombs was originally 
 the purpose which attracted me to Bubastis, but 
 I very soon gave them up for the great temple, 
 which has been excavated so thoroughly during 
 more than two winters, that in my opinion any 
 further excavation there would be entirely 
 devoid of result. I do not think there is any 
 more w r ork to be done in the great sanctuary of 
 Bast, which proved to be one of the richest 
 places of Lower Egypt, only to be compared 
 with Tanis. It is a striking example of the 
 archasological treasures which lie buried in the 
 Delta, and which only wait for the pick and 
 spade of the scientific explorer. 
 
LIST OF KINGS 
 
 Whose Names were Found in the Inscriptions of Bubastis. 
 
 Cheops .... 
 
 IYth Dy 
 
 nasty. 
 
 Rameses II. . 
 
 XIXth Dynasty. 
 
 Chefren 
 
 3> 
 
 33 
 
 Merenphthah 
 
 • 93 
 
 33 
 
 Pepil. .... 
 
 YIth 
 
 33 
 
 Rameses III. 
 
 XXth 
 
 33 
 
 Amenemha I. 
 
 Xllth 
 
 33 
 
 YI 
 
 33 v J * 
 
 • 33 
 
 33 
 
 Usertesen I. . 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 Sheshonk I. 
 
 XXIInd 
 
 33 
 
 i—i 
 i—i 
 i—i 
 
 *\ 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 Osorkon I. 
 
 • 3 3 
 
 33 
 
 Sebekhotep I. 
 
 XHIth 
 
 33 
 
 „ II. • 
 
 • 33 
 
 33 
 
 Ian-Ra . 
 
 Hyksos. 
 
 
 Psammetik II. 
 
 XXYIth 
 
 33 
 
 Apepi .... 
 
 33 
 
 
 Apries . 
 
 • 33 
 
 33 
 
 Amenophis II. 
 
 XYIIItk 
 
 33 
 
 Darius . 
 
 XXYIIth 
 
 33 
 
 „ III. . 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 Hakoris 
 
 XXIXth 
 
 33 
 
 „ IY. (Khu- 
 
 
 
 Xekhthorheb 
 
 XXXth 
 
 33 
 
 enaten 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 Ptolemy Epiphanes 
 
 Greek Kin 
 
 gs. 
 
 Seti I. . . . . 
 
 XIXth 
 
 3 3 
 
 
 
 
CONTENTS OF PLATES. 
 
 With references to the 
 
 plate page 
 
 I. Great Hyksos head found at the en¬ 
 
 trance of the temple on the east, now 
 in the British Museum, 1 see pi. x. . 26 
 
 II. Roman brick constructions, remains 
 
 of the old city. Phot. Rev. W. Mac¬ 
 Gregor ...... 3 
 
 III. General view of the excavations, 
 
 taken from the east, in February, 
 1887. In the foreground, headdress 
 of a colossal statue (pi. xxi. b, c). Ph. 
 Brugsch-Bey . . . . . 3, 4 
 
 IV. The same taken a month later. In 
 the foreground, base of the Hyksos 
 statue now in the British Museum. 
 
 Ph. Rev. W. MacGregor . . 2, 3, 26 
 
 V. Ilypostyle Hall taken from the south. 
 
 On the right, lotus-bud capital, now in 
 Boston Museum. Ph. Rev. W. Mac¬ 
 Gregor (pi. liii.) . . . 10—13 
 
 YI. Ilypostyle Hall taken from the north. 
 
 In the middle, Roman pedestal. On 
 the right, base of a statue of Nekh- 
 thorheb (p. 68). On the left, frag¬ 
 ment of a statue of Rameses YI. (p. 
 
 45), and base of the statue of Ian-Ra. 
 
 Ph. Rev. W. MacGregor . . 10 —13 
 
 YII. The same taken more to the west. 
 
 ' Wh crever no name is mentioned, the phototypes have 
 been made from photographs which I took myself. 
 
 pages of the Memoir. 
 
 PLATE PAGE 
 
 Lotus-bud columns and Hathor 
 capitals. Ph. Rev. W. MacGregor 10—13 
 III. Standard of Cheops, British 
 Museum. Ph. Rev. W. MacGregor . 5 
 
 IX. Great Hathor capital, Boston. Ph. 
 
 Brugsch-Bey. See the same in pro¬ 
 file, pi. xxiii. a . . . . .11 
 
 X. Great Hyksos head, the same as pi. i.. 26 
 
 XI. Great Hyksos head, first discovered. 
 
 Museum of Ghizeli. Ph. Brugsch- 
 Bey ....... 26 
 
 XII. Base of a statue of Ian-Ra. Ghizeh 23 
 
 XIII. Two statues of the official Ameno- 
 phis. The left one in the Ghizeh 
 Museum, the right one in the British 
 Museum. Ph. Rev. W. MacGregor. 
 
 See pi. xxv. b, the back of the statue 
 
 in Ghizeh...... 31 
 
 XIY. Statue bearing the name of Rameses 
 II., now in the Museum of Geneva. 
 
 Ph. Thevoz .... 16, 37 
 
 XV. Head of an ornamental statue wear¬ 
 ing the atef, and inscribed with the 
 name of Rameses II. Ghizeh. Ph. 
 Brugsch-Bey . . . . .38 
 
 XYI. Rameses VI. Ghizeh. Ph. Brugsch- 
 Bey. See the inscription on the back, 
 pi. xxxviii. K . . . .46 
 
 XVIT. Block bearing a list of conquered 
 
 countries, Ph, Rev, W, MacGregor. 40 
 
CONTENTS OF PLATES. 
 
 65 
 
 PLATE PAGE 
 
 XVIII. Osorkon I. making an offering to 
 
 Bast. Ph. Rev. W. MacGregor . 47 
 
 XIX. Group of Phthah and Rameses II. 
 
 In front block from the inscriptions 
 of the festival of Osorkon II. Ph. 
 
 Rev. W. MacGregor. . . .42 
 
 XX. Block bearing the name of Set of 
 Rameses. Two of our reises (Arab 
 overseers). Ph. Rev. W. MacGregor. 
 
 York Museum . . . . .42 
 
 XXI. a. Architectural head of Rameses 
 
 II. Ph. Count d’Hulst. See also pi. 
 xxiv. c. British Museum . . .38 
 
 b, c. Headdress of a colossal statue of 
 
 Ra. Ghizeh. . . . .34 
 
 XXII. a. Inscription of Apepi. British 
 
 Museum ..... 22 
 
 b. Stone in which a bronze hinge (pi. 
 
 xxvii.) was inserted . . .60 
 
 c. Architrave showing the dedication 
 
 of the temple to Set . . .42 
 
 d. False door of the Old Empire. 
 
 British Museum .... 7 
 
 XXIII. A. Profile of the Hathor capital in 
 
 Boston ...... 11 
 
 b. Hathor capital of the smaller type. 
 
 Sydney. . . . . .12 
 
 c. Shoulder of a colossal statue 
 
 usurped by Osorkon II. . . 14, 35 
 
 d. Part of an architrave of Rameses 
 
 II.9, 36 
 
 XXIV. a. Stone of the twelfth dynasty, 
 
 usurped by Rameses II. . . 36 
 
 b. Hathor capital. Louvre . .11 
 
 c. Architectural head of Rameses II. 
 
 (pi. xxi. a) .38 
 
 d. Base of a colossal Hyksos statue. 
 
 Ghizeh.9, 26, 48 
 
 XXV. a. Base of a statue of Rameses VI. 
 
 left on the spot . . . .46 
 
 b. Back of the statue of Amenopliis 
 
 (pi. xiii.) Ghizeh. . . .32 
 
 c. Base of a statue bearing the name 
 
 PLATE PAGE 
 
 of Rameses II., the head of which 
 is in Sydney, left on the spot. 9, 14, 37 
 
 d. Base of the Hyksos statue in the 
 British Museum, when first dis¬ 
 covered . . . . .26 
 
 XXVI. A. Upper lintel of a door. The 
 other side bears an inscription of 
 Amenophis II. (pi. xxxv. d). British 
 Museum . . . . .30 
 
 b. Fragments of the two Hyksos 
 
 statues, when first discovered . 26 
 
 c. Architrave usurped by Rameses II., 
 showing still part of the cartouche 
 
 of Usertesen III. British Museum 9, 36 
 
 d. Erased architrave showing traces 
 
 of the words: the chief of the 
 Retennu. The other side bears the 
 name of Rameses II. See pi. v., on 
 the left. . . . . .36 
 
 XXVII. Bronze hinge of Roman time. 
 Ghizeh. Ph. Rev. W. MacGregor. 
 
 See pi. xxii. b, the stone in which it 
 
 was inserted . . . . .60 
 
 XXVIII. Interment of late Roman time, 
 in the enclosure wall of the city. Ph. 
 
 Rev. W. MacGregor . . . .66 
 
 XXIX. Shayaleen dragging blocks. Ph. 
 
 Rev. W. MacGregor .... 4 
 
 XXX. Shayaleen carrying stones out of 
 
 the trenches. Ph. Rev. W. Mac¬ 
 Gregor ...... 4 
 
 XXXI. Gang of labourers. Ph. Rev. W. 
 MacGregor. 
 
 INSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 XXXII. a. Standard of Cheops. See pi. 
 
 viii.5 
 
 b. Standard and name of Chefren. 
 
 British Museum .... 5 
 
 c, d. Titles and name of Pepi I. 
 
 Ghizeh . . . ... 6 
 
 XXXIII. a. Inscription of Amenemha I. . 8 
 
 b — f. Usertesen III. . .9 
 
 K 
 
66 
 
 CONTENTS OF PLATES. 
 
 PLATE 
 
 PAGE 
 
 PLATE 
 
 PAGE 
 
 g —i. Cartouches of Sebekhotep I. . 15 
 
 XXXIY. a. Historical inscription . .10 
 
 b. Fragment of the twelfth dynasty . 
 
 c. List of nomes. Usertesen III. . 9 
 
 d, e. Xile gods. Usertesen I. . .9 
 
 XXXV. a. King Ian-Ra (pi. xii.) . . 23 
 
 b. Standard of Apepi . . .23 
 
 c. Inscription of Apepi . . .23 
 
 d. Stone of Amenophis II. (pi. xxvi. 
 
 a) .30 
 
 E. Smaller statue of Amenophis . 32 
 
 f. f". Larger statue of Amenophis . 32 
 
 g. Group of priest and priestess . 33 
 
 h. The official Klierfu. Ghizeli . 33 
 
 i. The god of Khuenaten. Ghizeli . 34 
 
 XXXYI. a. Rameses II. making offerings 38 
 
 b— n. Lists of captives . . . .40 
 
 e. Tablet of red granite . . .39 
 
 f, g. Phthah of Rameses . . .42 
 
 h. The god Menthu. Montreal. . 54 
 
 i. Set of Rameses . . . .42 
 
 k, l, o. Merenphthah as prince . . 43 
 
 m. The royal son Khaemuas . . 43 
 
 n. A royal son of Kush. Boston 42, 45 
 
 XXXVII. List of nomes. Rameses II. . 41 
 
 XXXVIII. a. Nile gods. Rameses II. 9, 37 
 
 b. Tablet of black granite. Ghizeli . 41 
 
 c, c". Statue of Menthuhershepshef. 
 
 Boston . . . . . .43 
 
 d. Statue of King Merenphthah . 45 
 
 e. Statue of a royal son of Kush . 45 
 
 f. Statue of the god Phthah . 42, 44 
 
 G. Statue of King Rameses ITT. 
 
 Ghizeli ...... 45 
 
 it, n". Statue of King Rameses YI., 
 red limestone. Ghizeli . . .45 
 
 i, i.' Statue of King Rameses VL, 
 black granite, left on the spot. . 45 
 
 k. Statue of King Rameses YI., red 
 granite (pi. xvi.). Ghizeli . . 45 
 
 XXXIX. and XL. Osorkon I. making 
 offerings to Bast and to various 
 divinities ..... 47, 48 
 
 XLI. a— c. Inscriptions under the Hathor 
 
 capitals .... 47, 48 
 
 р. Pedestal in black basalt for a statue 
 or a shrine ..... 
 
 e—h. Osorkon II. Inscriptions of 
 the gateway .... 49, 50 
 
 XLII. a. Osorkon II. and his queen, 
 
 Karoama. British Museum . . 52 
 
 b. Date of the festival of Amon . 50 
 
 с. Daughters of Osorkon II. . . 52 
 
 p—G. Set and Makes . . .49 
 
 h. Fragment of an usurped statue 
 
 XLIII. a. Saite priest and priestess. 
 
 British Museum . . . .55 
 
 b. Statue of Hakoris. British Museum 56 
 
 c. Unknown official . . . .56 
 
 р. Statuette of Nespalior. Ghizeli . 55 
 
 e. Unusual cartouche of Nekhthorheb 56 
 
 f. f'". Statue of Nekhthorheb . . 58 
 
 g. Statue of Bast . . . .58 
 
 XLIY.—YI. Hall of Nekhthorheb . . 57 
 
 XLVII., VIII. Shrine of Nekhthorheb . 58 
 
 XLIX. a. White limestone. Ptolemaic or 
 
 Roman . . . . .58 
 
 b. Canopic vase . . . .59 
 
 с, p. Red limestone, unknown epoch . 58 
 
 e, f. Greek inscriptions. Ghizeh . 59 
 
 L.—LII. Inscriptions of the small 
 
 temple ..... 60—62 
 
 LIII. Architectural drawing of the great 
 column now in Boston, made by M. 
 
 E. Cramer . . . . .11 
 
 LIY. Plan drawn by Count d’Hulst. . 13 
 
INDEX 
 
 Aamu 
 Aba, priest 
 Aboo Simbel 
 Abydos ... 
 
 Accad 
 Africanus 
 Ahnies, general ... 
 
 Ahmes I., King ... 
 
 Amasis ... 
 
 Amen, see Anion. 
 
 Amenemha I. 
 
 II . 
 
 III . 
 
 Amenophis, official 
 
 I . 
 
 II . 
 
 III . 
 
 IY. 
 
 Amon, god 15, 30, 31, 35, 37,42 
 
 of Rameses 
 Amonliershepshef 
 Amu 
 
 Amyrtaeos 
 
 An, King . 
 
 Ankhrenpnefer, official ... 
 Ankhtoui , sanctuary of Memphis 
 Apaclinas... 
 
 Apepi 
 
 Apbroditopolis ... 
 
 Apollonios 
 
 son of Theon 
 Apoph is, see Apepi 
 Apries 
 
 Arab, conquest ... 
 
 Arabia, nome of ... 
 
 Arabs 
 
 Architraves, usurped 
 
 Archies ... 
 
 Argo, island 
 
 Arisu, Syrian . 
 
 Armer, princess ... 
 
 PAGE 
 
 18, 28, 29 
 ... 59 
 
 ... 39 
 
 16, 41, 43 
 ... 18 
 20, 21 
 ... 29 
 
 29, 34 
 1 
 
 8, 14, 31, 56 
 
 . 8 
 
 . 9 
 
 . 31, 32 
 
 . 29 
 
 29-31,42,56 
 13, 14, 16, 20, 29—34, 62 
 ...29—31,34 
 —44,46-48, 50—52, 57, 
 58 
 
 ... 42 
 
 43, 44, 46 
 ... 6 
 2 
 
 ... 24 
 
 ... 52 
 
 14, 48 
 17, 20 
 
 21—23, 25, 29 
 ... 57 
 
 ... 59 
 
 ... 59 
 
 17, 20, 21 
 24, 55 
 1, 20 
 48, 54 
 17, 19 
 9, 36 
 ... 20 
 
 15, 16 
 
 ... 47 
 
 ... 52 
 
 K 
 
 Arsaphes, god 
 Asa 
 
 Asiatics ... 
 
 Assis 
 
 Assurbanipal 
 Assyrian kings ... 
 
 Assyrians 
 Atar, Adulis, Adel 
 Atef, headdress ... 
 Augustamnica, province 
 Avaris 
 
 Aven, Heliopolis... 
 
 Babylonian language 
 Bagdad lion 
 Bagoas 
 
 Bailos (Belbeis) ... 
 
 Balikh 
 
 Barbaras Scaligeri 
 Barkal, Mount ... 
 
 Bast, goddess ... 8, 14, 31, 
 
 name of the city 
 Basta, city of 
 Bastah, district of 
 Behbeit el Hagar 
 Belbeis 
 Benha 
 
 Beni Hassan, tombs at 
 Beon, King 
 Bes, god ... 
 
 Bnon, King 
 Boethos ... 
 
 BovfSdo'Tis aypla ... 
 
 Brugsch Profr. ... 
 
 Bnbastis, goddess 
 Burton ... 
 
 Canopic vase 
 Caryatids 
 Cats 
 
 bronze 
 
 cemetery of... 
 
 2 
 
 40—42, 
 
 PAGE 
 
 ... 57 
 ... 51 
 
 7, 30, 34, 47 
 17, 20 
 ... 18 
 ... 20 
 17, 55 
 ... 40 
 
 35, 38 
 1 
 
 17, 21, 22, 29, 30, 34 
 
 1 
 
 ... 20 
 ... 24 
 
 1 
 
 ... 33 
 
 ... 40 
 
 ... 15 
 
 ... 15 
 
 41—51, 54—58, 60 
 44—46, 48, 56 
 ... 1 
 1 
 
 4, 58 
 44, 58 
 29, 31, 46 
 11, 54 
 17, 20 
 ... 54 
 
 ... 20 
 4 
 
 54, 55 
 , 30, 54, 61 
 ... 3 
 
 ... 59 
 
 ... 39 
 52—55, 58 
 ... 53 
 
 52—55 
 
68 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Chabas ... 
 
 Chaldaean monuments ... 
 
 Chaldea ... 
 
 Chefren ... 
 
 Cheops ... 
 
 Choiak, month ... 
 
 Cilicia 
 
 Colossi of unknown date 
 Copts 
 
 Daphnae ... 
 
 Darius 
 
 De Cara, Eev. Father ... 
 
 Deir el Bahari ... 
 
 Medineh... 
 
 Denderah 
 Deveria ... 
 
 AiaSo'xoi, life guards 
 Diodorus Siculus... 
 
 Diospolis parva ... 
 
 Diospolites 
 
 East, goddess of the 
 Edfoo 
 
 Elam, Elamites ... 
 
 Elephantine 
 
 Elithyiaspolis (El Kah) ... 
 
 El Kab. 
 
 Esneh 
 Ethiopia ... 
 
 Ethiopians 
 Eusebius ... 
 
 Exodus ... 
 
 Ezekiel ... 
 
 Fayoom ... 
 
 Felis maniculata... 
 
 Festival celebrated at Bubastis ... 
 
 hall . 
 
 Flower, Professor 
 Friends of the king, title 
 
 Goddard, Dr. 
 
 Goodwin ... 
 
 Goshen ... 
 
 Griffith, F. LI. 
 
 Hadrianus 
 Hakoris, King ... 
 
 Hamamat, quarries of ... 
 
 
 PAGE 
 
 .. 21 
 
 ... 7 
 
 .. ... 18 
 
 ... 3, 5, 8—10 
 ... 3, 5, 6, 9, 10, 62 
 
 . 50 
 
 . 40 
 
 . 14 
 
 . 20 
 
 .. 4 
 
 . 62 
 
 .25 
 
 . 13 
 
 . 12 
 
 5,6,37,48,54 
 
 . 22, 24 
 
 . 59 
 
 1 
 
 . 15, 57 
 
 .; ... 27 
 
 . 41 
 
 . 37, 48 
 
 .. 18, 29 
 
 . 13 
 
 . 33 
 
 . 13, 33 
 
 . 33 
 
 . 53 
 
 . 9, 51, 55 
 
 . 21, 30 
 
 . 45 
 
 . 1 
 
 . 22 
 
 . 53 
 
 .. 1 
 
 4, 37—39, 49, 50—52, 60 
 
 . 28 
 
 . 32, 33, 59 
 
 . 53 
 
 . 21 
 
 . 33, 45 
 
 . 2, 24 
 
 . 1 
 
 . 56 
 
 . 7 
 
 Hanes (Heracleopolis) 
 Harmakhis, god ... 
 Harris papyrus ... 
 Hartmann, Dr. ... 
 Hashepsu... 
 
 . 57 
 
 42, 48 
 
 . 45 
 
 . 53 
 
 13, 29, 30, 34 
 
 Hathor 
 
 capitals ... 
 
 Hauar, see Avaris. 
 
 Heb (Iseum) 
 
 Heliopolis 
 
 nome of 
 
 Hermes (Mercury), temple of 
 Herodotus 
 
 Herseslita , sacerdotal title 
 Herusha ... 
 
 FLesert, mythological city 
 Hilton Price, collection of Mr. 
 Hinge of a door ... 
 
 Holy field, see Sekhet nuter. 
 Honttuui, priestess 
 Horemheb 
 Horhiken, god ... 
 
 Horus ... ... ... 5, 
 
 Howara, labyrinth of 
 Hua, height of ... 
 
 Hyksos ... 
 
 . 6, 48, 54 
 
 . 10—14, 34, 47, 48 
 
 .56 
 
 ... 1, 6,14,45,48,57,61 
 
 . 44, 48 
 
 .3, 60—62 
 
 1—3,36,51,60,61 
 ...43, 48, 50, 54, 55, 58, 59 
 
 . 6 
 
 .61 
 
 . 62 
 
 . 60 
 
 .56 
 
 . 29, 34 
 
 . 48, 50, 54, 55 
 
 6, 23, 31, 35, 48, 54, 55, 58 
 
 .. 11, 13 
 
 .10 
 
 .7, 15—29 
 
 sphinxes... 
 
 statues ... ... 3, 9, 14, 26—28, 
 
 the word... 
 
 Hypostyle hall, the construction of 
 
 ... 21 
 37, 39, 40, 48 
 
 . 17 
 
 .. 10, 49, 59 
 
 Ianias, see Ian-Ra 
 Ian-Ra ... 
 
 Ichneumon 
 lonians ... 
 
 Isis 
 
 Israelites... 
 
 John, bishop of Mkiou... 
 Josephus... 
 
 Ivadesh ... 
 
 Kalioub ... 
 
 Karnak ... 
 
 Karoama, queen ... 
 
 princess 
 Kennu, colonel ... 
 Keshkesh, land ... 
 
 Keti, land 
 
 Khaemuas .. 
 
 .17, 20, 25 
 
 ... 23—27, 62 
 
 . 53, 55, 58 
 
 .. ... 41 
 
 . 56 
 
 ..45 
 
 .. ... 1 
 
 16, 17,19,20,25,30 
 
 . ... 17,44 
 
 ... 1 
 
 ... 10, 12, 13, 16, 24, 31, 37 
 
 .. ... 52 
 
 ..52 
 
 . 44 
 
 .40 
 
 . ... 40 
 
 . 43, 44, 48 
 
INDEX. 
 
 69 
 
 KhasJchbt, Khaset, land ... 
 
 Khataanah 
 
 Kherfu, official ... 
 
 Kketa 
 
 Khian 
 
 Khudur N akhunta 
 
 Klmenaten 
 
 Kosseans... 
 
 Krall, Prof. 
 
 Kummeli... 
 
 Kush, royal son of 
 Kushites... 
 
 Lenormant 
 Lepsius ... 
 
 Libya 
 
 nome of 
 Libyan ... 
 
 Lotus-bud columns 
 Lumbroso, G. 
 
 Luxor ... 
 
 Ma, goddess 
 Macrisy ... 
 
 Mafek, Mafkat , mineral 
 Mafkat, region of 
 Makes 
 
 Malus, traveller ... 
 Manetho ... 
 
 Mariette... 
 
 Marsh of Bubastis 
 of Horus... 
 Marshes of the north 
 Mashuash, Md^ves 
 Maspero, Prof. ... 
 
 Meht, Mehent ... 
 Memphis... 
 
 Merihor, priest ... 
 Menkheperra 
 Menthu ... 
 
 Menthuh ershepshef, prince 
 Mentor ... 
 
 Merenphthah 
 Mermashu, King 
 Mesopotamia 
 Mesori, month ... 
 Metternich tablet 
 Misphragmuthosis 
 Mitrahenny 
 Mongoloid type ... 
 
 PAGE 
 ... 10 
 29, 46 
 ... 33 
 
 ... 19, 39, 40, 42, 43 
 ... 23 
 
 ... 18 
 34, 36 
 ... 18 
 ... 19 
 
 ... 9 
 
 42, 44, 45 
 ... 18 
 
 ... 22 
 7, 15, 30 
 ... 40 
 ... 41 
 
 46, 47 
 10—13, 49 
 ... 59 
 
 12, 39 
 
 ... 48 
 
 ... 1 
 ... 6 
 ... 6 
 ... 48, 49, 54, 55, 62 
 
 .1, 2 
 
 4, 15—17, 19—22, 27 
 ... 2,21,25,27,40 
 
 . 33 
 
 . 55 
 
 . 33 
 
 . 40 
 
 .21, 40, 52 
 
 . 58 
 
 Mut, goddess 
 
 Nahardin 
 
 Nana, goddess ... 
 
 Nebesheh 
 
 Neb Ma Ra 
 
 Nectanebo 
 
 Neferabra, Psammetik II. 
 
 Neferabraankh, official ... 
 
 Neferhotep 
 
 Neferkara 
 
 Nefertum... 
 
 Negroes ... 
 
 Nekhen ... 
 
 Nekhthorheb 
 Nekhthorheb, hall of 
 Nespahor , priest... 
 
 Nile gods 
 Nome gods 
 
 North, goddess of the ... 
 emblem of the ... 
 
 Nubia 
 
 Nut . 
 
 Old Chronicle 
 Old Empire, temples of the 
 On (Heliopolis) ... 
 
 Onias 
 
 Oppert, Dr. 
 
 Orontes ... 
 
 Osorkon I. ... 2, 3, 12, 35, 42, 43, 47, 48, 50, 
 
 II. 4, 8, 11, 12, 27, 37, 42, 45, 47, 48- 
 
 PAGE 
 
 . 48, 51, 54 
 
 . 34, 40 
 
 . 18 
 
 . 16, 29, 42 
 
 . 32 
 
 . 57 
 
 . 55 
 
 ... 55 
 
 . 15, 27 
 
 . 5 
 
 41, 48, 53—55 
 
 . 9, 39, 50 
 
 . 32, 33 
 
 2—4,55—59 
 
 8,45,56—58 
 
 . 55 
 
 8, 9, 27, 37, 41 
 
 . 14 
 
 . 58 
 
 9, 12, 13, 15, 16, 38 
 
 . 42 
 
 Padman ... 
 Palestine... 
 Palm-leaf columns 
 Pepi I. ... 
 
 13 
 
 14, 17, 
 
 20, 46 
 
 Pelusium... 
 
 . 4 
 
 
 
 ... 55 
 
 Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, of Art 
 
 .7, 11 
 
 
 
 ... 30 
 
 Perunefer 
 
 . 30, 31 
 
 
 ... 43 
 
 48, 54 
 
 Petrie, Flinders ... 
 
 5, 16, 23, 35, 42, 61 
 
 
 
 43, 44 
 
 Phacusa ... 
 
 . 54 
 
 
 
 ... 1 
 
 Philae 
 
 . 54 
 
 18, 
 
 33, 39, 
 
 42—45 
 
 Phocas, Emperor 
 
 .1, 4 
 
 
 . . r 
 
 ...9, 27 
 
 Phoenicians 
 
 . 19 
 
 18- 
 
 -20, 28- 
 
 -30, 34 
 
 Pliraherunemef , priest ... 
 
 .44 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 62 
 
 Phthah, temple of 
 
 . 13 
 
 
 
 ... 57 
 
 Phthah ... 
 
 ... 37, 38, 41, 42, 44 
 
 
 
 ... 30 
 
 Anebresef 
 
 . 4S 
 
 
 
 ... 39 
 
 Tonen of Kameses 
 
 . 57 
 
 
 ». • 
 
 ... 28 
 
 of Kameses 
 
 . 42 
 
 20, 29, 
 ...11—13, 34, 
 . 5- 
 
 .. 21 
 .. 7, 8 
 35, 42 
 .. 57 
 
 .. 7 
 
 .. 40 
 60, 61 
 ■52, 57 
 
 .. 20 
 34, 51 
 42, 49 
 -7, 50 
 
70 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Pi-Besetli 
 
 Pithom-Heroopolis 
 
 Pliny . 
 
 Polycliromy, use of 
 Pomponius Mela... 
 Psusennes 
 
 Ptolemaeus, geographer ... 
 Ptolemies... 
 
 Ptolemy, official... 
 
 Epiphanes 
 
 PAGE 
 
 . 1 
 
 ... 4,29, 37,45,52 
 
 . 6 
 
 . 16 
 
 . 1 
 
 . 25 
 
 . 1 
 
 ... 33, 43, 44, 57, 59 
 
 . 59 
 
 . 59, 62 
 
 Ea, solar god 8, 21, 23—25, 29, 31, 35, 38, 41, 42, 44, 
 
 48—50, 54, 58 
 
 of Rameses... ... ... ... ... ... 57 
 
 the water of, distric 
 Raaakenen 
 Raaauser 
 Eaamses, city 
 Rahil: Ma 
 Ra men Ma 
 Ra Set noub 
 Rameses, prince... 
 
 ... 57 
 
 21, 22 
 22 
 
 ... 45 
 
 ... 46 
 
 ... 31 
 
 22, 24 
 ... 44 
 
 Rameses II. 2, 8, 9, 11, 13, 14, 16—19, 22, 25, 27, 34— 
 
 51, 55, 60, 61 
 
 usurpations of ... ... ... ... 9 
 
 III. 
 
 V. 
 
 VI. 
 
 VI., statues of 
 
 Ramesseum 
 Ramleh ... 
 
 Red Sea, canal to the ... 
 
 Rehoboam 
 Remenen, land ... 
 
 Retennu ... 
 
 Romans... 
 
 Roman statues ... 
 
 Roug ,E.de 
 
 13, 43, 45—47, 50, 51 
 
 . 43 
 
 . 43, 46 
 
 . 46 
 
 12, 35, 43 
 
 . 38 
 
 . 1 
 
 . 46 
 
 . 30 
 
 . 39, 51 
 
 58, 59, 62 
 
 . 59 
 
 . 21 , 22 
 
 Saft el Ilenneh ... 
 
 Sais 
 
 Saites, King 
 
 Saites, twenty-sixth dynasty 
 
 Saitic 
 
 Sakkarah 
 
 Salatis 
 
 Sallier I., papyrus 
 Samanood 
 San (Tanis) 
 
 4—7, 16, 21—23, 25, 29, 35, 
 
 46, 
 
 29, 54, 57, 58 
 ... 55 
 
 ... 20 
 ... 52 
 
 55, 56 
 ... 16 
 17, 20 
 21, 25 
 29, 34 
 38, 42, 
 52, 62 
 
 Saneha ... 
 
 . 19 
 
 Sarzec, De, discoveries of 
 
 . 7 
 
 Sati, goddess 
 
 . 41 
 
 Schent , headdress 
 
 . 39 
 
 Sebekhotep 
 
 ... 15, 16, 27 
 
 Sebekhotep I. 
 
 . 15 
 
 III. . 
 
 . 15 
 
 Sebua 
 
 . 43 
 
 Sedeinga 
 
 ... 12,13,34 
 
 Sekenen Ra 
 
 21,29 
 
 Sekhet, goddess ... ... ... ...41, 
 
 44, 48, 54, 60 
 
 Sekhet nuter , name of Bubastis 
 
 43, 44, 55, 58 
 
 goddess 
 
 55 
 
 Semites ... 
 
 . 18 
 
 Semitic influence 
 
 . 28 
 
 words 
 
 . 19 
 
 Semneh ... 
 
 9, 15 
 
 Senkher , land 
 
 . 40 
 
 Set or Sutekli ... ... ... 21—25, 
 
 42, 45, 48, 49 
 
 of Rameses 
 
 42, 49 
 
 of Merenphthah ... 
 
 . 42 
 
 Nubti 
 
 22 
 
 Sethroite nome ... 
 
 . 17 
 
 Setil. 14,19,31,33, 
 
 35, 41, 43, 54 
 
 II. 
 
 . 45 
 
 Merenphthah, prince 
 
 . 45 
 
 Seti meri en Phtah 
 
 . 31 
 
 Setna, romance of 
 
 . 43 
 
 Setnekht 
 
 . 47 
 
 Sharolian 
 
 . 29 
 
 Shasu 
 
 19,31 
 
 Shayaleen 
 
 . 4 
 
 Shepherds, see Hyksos ... 
 
 . 16 
 
 Shepherd kings 
 
 . 17 
 
 Sheshonk 
 
 . 46 
 
 Shet, goddess 
 
 . 58 
 
 Shu . 
 
 42, 48 
 
 Si Amen ... ... ... ... 
 
 . 46 
 
 Silsilis ... 
 
 . 44 
 
 Sinai 
 
 .5, 6 
 
 quarries in ... 
 
 . 7 
 
 Snefru ... 
 
 . 5 
 
 Sokaris, god 
 
 9, 14 
 
 Soleb ... 
 
 13, 34 
 
 Sopt, god 
 
 48, 54 
 
 South, emblem of 
 
 . 12 
 
 Sphinx, temple of the ... 
 
 . 7 
 
 Sphinxes, Hyksos 
 
 . 21 
 
 S/aan, King ... ... ... * 
 
 ... 20 
 
 Stabl Antar 
 
 25, 29 
 
INDEX. 
 
 71 
 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Statues usurped ... 
 
 48,54 
 
 Stephanus Byzantinus ... 
 
 .. 1 
 
 Stern, Dr. 
 
 . 46 
 
 Strabo 
 
 . 1 
 
 Susa 
 
 . 18 
 
 Sutekh, see Set. 
 
 Syene 
 
 . 7 
 
 Syria 
 
 20, 30, 34, 51 
 
 Tahraka ... 
 
 . 9 
 
 Takelothis I. 
 
 . 48 
 
 Ta Shakheper, princess 
 
 . 52 
 
 Teb, city 
 
 . 57 
 
 Tefnut, goddess ... 
 
 . 61 
 
 Tell el Amarna, tablets of 
 
 ... 20,30,34 
 
 Tell el Maskhutah 
 
 . 37 
 
 Tell el Yaboodieh 
 
 ... 29,38,57 
 
 Tell Mokdam 
 
 . 29 
 
 Tennu, land of ... 
 
 . 19 
 
 Tep 
 
 . 56 
 
 Terra-cotta coffins 
 
 . 60 
 
 Thebes ... ... ... 15, 21, 
 
 31, 46—4S, 51, 52 
 
 Thehennu 
 
 38—40 
 
 Thoth, god 
 
 60,61 
 
 Thothmes I. 
 
 . 29 
 
 III. ... 5,9,10,13,14,16 
 
 20, 23, 29, 30, 34 
 
 IV. 
 
 . 31 
 
 Timaos ... 
 
 . 17 
 
 Tlepolemos 
 
 . 59 
 
 Tomkins, Rev. ... 
 
 . 40 
 
 
 ?AGE 
 
 Tonen, Phthah ... 
 
 . 41 
 
 Turn, god 
 
 6, 42, 43, 45,48, 50, 54, 55,58 
 
 Kheper 
 
 . 61 
 
 Turanians 
 
 . 18, 28 
 
 Turin papyrus 
 
 . 15, 16 
 
 Turks 
 
 . 28 
 
 Tybi, month 
 
 . 58 
 
 Uahabra, Hopbra 
 
 . 55 
 
 Una, general 
 
 . 6 
 
 Uoti, goddess 
 
 .41, 44, 54 
 
 Urukh 
 
 . 18 
 
 User en Ba 
 
 . 23, 24 
 
 Usertesen I. 
 
 . 8, 9, 14, 24 
 
 Ill. 
 
 . 8-14, 36, 47 
 
 Virchow, Prof. ... 
 
 . 28, 53, 54 
 
 Wadi Magharah 
 
 .5, G 
 
 Tumilat 
 
 . 5, 45 
 
 Wiedemann, Prof. 
 
 . 15 
 
 Wilkinson, Sir Gardener 
 
 *2 
 
 Xerxes ... 
 
 . 24 
 
 Xo'is . 
 
 . 15 
 
 Xo'ites 
 
 . 27 
 
 Zagazig ... 
 
 . 4, 53, 56 
 
 Zerah 
 
 . 51 
 
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Pl. L. 
 
Pl. LI. 
 
 
Pi.. LII. 
 
 
Pl. LIII. 
 
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 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
PL. LIV 
 
 PLAN OF EXCAVATIONS AT BUBASTIS 
 

 
 
 
 
 


EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND 
 
 PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 I. The Store-City of Pithoni and the Route of the Exodus. 
 
 By Edouard Naville. With Thirteen Plates and Two Maps. Third 
 Edition. 1888. 25s. 
 
 II. Tunis. Part I. By W. M. Flinders Petrie. With 
 
 Nineteen Plates and Plans. Second Edition. 1888. 25.?. 
 
 III. Naukratis. Part I. By W. M. Flinders Petrie. 
 
 With Chapters by Cecil Smith, Ernest A. Gardner, and Barclay 
 V. Head. With Forty-six Plates and Plans. Second Edition. 1888. 
 
 25^ 
 
 IV. Tanis. Part II., Nebesheh ( Am ) and Defenneh 
 
 ( Tahpanhes ). By W. M. Flinders Petrie. With Chapters by 
 A. S. Murray and F. Ll. Griffith. With Fifty-one Plates and 
 Plans. 1888. 25 s. 
 
 V. Goshen , and the Shrine of Saft-el-Henneh. By Edouard 
 Naville. "With Eleven Plates and Plans. Second Edition. 1888. z^s. 
 
 VI. Naukratis. Part II. By Ernest A. Gardner. With 
 
 an Appendix by F. Ll. Griffith. With Twenty-four Plates and Plans. 
 1889. 25*. 
 
 VII. The City of Onias , the Antiquities of Tell el Yahudiyeh, 
 
 and the Mound of the few. By Edouard N aville and F. Ll. Griffith. 
 With Twenty-six Plates and Plans. 1890. 25 s. 
 
 VIII. Bubastis. By Edouard Naville. With fifty-four Plates 
 and Plans. 
 
 EXTRA MEMOIR. 
 
 Two Hieroglyphic Papyri from Tanis. Translated by F. Ll. 
 Okh kith and W. M. Flinders Petrie. With Remarks by Professor 
 Heinrich Brugsch. With fifteen Plates. 1889. 51-. 
 
 Sir JOHN FOWLER, Bart., K.C.M.G., &c. 
 of tljc Jfunti. 
 
 17, Oxford Mansions, London, W.