LONDON: GILBERT AND RIVING70N, LIMITED, st. John’s house, clerkenwell road, e. TANIS. PART n. NEBESHEH (AM) AND EEEENNEH (TAHPANHES). BY W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE. WITH CHAPTERS BY A. S. MURRAY AND F. LL. GRIFFITH. FOUKT :th memoir of THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND. PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE OOMMITTEE. LONDON: TRUBNER & CO., 57 & 59, LTTDGATE HILL. 1888. TANIS PART II., 1886. BY W. M. FLINDEES PETEIE F, LL. GEIFFITH. FOURTH MEMOIR OF THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND. PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE COMMITTEE. LONDON: TRUBNER & CO., 57 & 59, LUDGATE HILL. 1838. CONTENTS 1. Altars, Shrines, and Stelae 2. Architraves and Columns 3. Fragments of Colossus, &c. 4. The later Ramessides 5. Monuments of Si-Amen 6. Pylon of Sheshonk ... 7. Stela of Taharka 8. Ptolemaic Stelae 9. Statues now at Bulak 10. The Wells . TRANSLATIONS. Bt F. Li. GEIFFITH. 11. Old Kingdom ... ... 15 12. Middle Kingdom ... 15 13. Hyksos 19 14. Rameses II. ... 20 15. Merenptah and his Successors ... 28 16. XXI.—XXII. Dynasties ... 29 17. Stela of Taharqa ... 29 18. The Ptolemies ... 30 19. Statues at Bulaq ... 31 20. Notes on Local Worship ... 32 21. Notes on Geographical Position ... 34 22. Notes on History ... 36 Addenda ... ... 38 Plan numbers ... . ... 39 Classified Index to the Inscriptions ... 40 General Index . ... 42 T ANIS. PART II. 1. As these pages are a continuation of the description of the monuments of Tanis, -which was begun in Part I., there is no need of any prefatory remarks before resuming the chronological descrip¬ tions, which it maybe remembered were laid aside in the midst of the monuments of Ramessu II. The numbering of the inscriptions here is continuous from Part I. The only work that I have done at Tanis, since writing the first part of this memoir, is the further clearing of the two stone-lined wells, of which an account will here be given. At the south end of the line of early statues he two altars or tables of offerings some little way apart (Plan, 105 and 115); they have the usual representations of cakes, vases, vegetables, &c., upon them, and the inscriptions Nos. 66 and 67; the interest of these is in the dedications, which are almost the only references to other places found at San, one naming Tahuti, lord of Hermopolis, and the other Menthu, lord of Thebes. Both are cut in a very hard white limestone, breaking with a splintering fracture, and No. 115 is considerably broken. On either side of the temple stood a large shrine of a deep form, cut in yellow sandstone (Plan, 80, and 81), see pi. xvi. 6; the southern shrine is broken into many pieces and several parts are missing, but the northern shrine has lost only a part of one side, and one block of this part still lies near to it. These shrines seem to have been placed facing each other on either hand of the axial roadway, and were each flanked on either side by two of the large granite obelisks; -while beyond these again stood on one side the sand¬ stone colossi of Ramessu II., and on the other the long line of early statues. Each shrine had three seated deities, carved all in the solid block, at the back of its recess; and these seem to be the same in both shrines, apparently Amen, with Ra on his left, and Turn on his right. The deities represented in the scenes of offering (inscrip. 68), however, are Khepera, Turn, and Haremlchuti on the sides, and Seb and Shu on the back. A similar shrine, but with a sphinx carved in it, was found at Tell-el-Maskhuta, and is now at Ismailiyeh (pi. xvi. 5). The great series of granite stelse at San have suffered severely ; every one of them having been used up for building material in later times, and all but one being broken. Their loss, however, is not so much due to this injury as to the severe weathering, which had before they were thus used up, scaled off the surface from most of them. For a statement of their dimensions see Part I., sect. 24, where the plan number of the largest is misprinted 161 for 164. The inscriptions, so far as they are legible, are given here in Nos, 69 to 82. No 78 bis I had supposed might be the missing piece of No, 78, but on comparing them together this is seen not to be the case for several reasons. The upper part of stele 196 (Plan) may be seen in the foreground of the photograph, pi. xiv. 5, in Part I. The fragments (inscrips. 83 to 86) appear to belong to large monuments such as B 10 TANIS. obelisks ; 83 and 84 are probably parts of one block, by the style and the thickness of the pieces. 2. Of the architraves of the temple (inscrip. 87 to 93) not much remains; of the large ones but four, and two smaller lintel blocks. These architraves are a double cubit square (41 to 42 in.); but No. 25, used up in building the pylon, is 48 in. wide,—perhaps it belonged to the pylon of Bamessu, and not to the temple. The unfinished figures in inscrip. 89 show the incompletion of the work as in parts of the Great Hall at Kamak. Of the sanctuary walls (described in Part I., sect. 23) but few pieces bear any continuous inscriptions (Nos. 94 to 101); the general ap¬ pearance of them may be seen by the block at the right hand of the photograph, pi. xiv. 5, in Part I. The block inscr. 94 is curious, as having a piece of disused sculpture on the joint surface ; sculpture which from its style can hardly be placed to any period before Bamessu II. This is another case of Bamessu II. cutting up his own work, like the change in the obelisk 77 (Plan), which was noticed in Part I., sect. 31. A third instance, perhaps, will be seen in the inscription 144, noticed below. The great columns of the avenue from the pylon (inscrs. 102 to 108) have been in course of appropriation apparently by Sheshonk III., in connection with his rebuilding of the pylon (Part I., sect. 19). But they have suffered even more than this apparently, for the cartouches in the first two lines of inscr. 102 have been entirely cut out, and then reinserted in their present form, before the erasure of the half cartouche by Sheshonk III. We might think that this was another freak of Bamessu himself, only he had no other standard cartouches to insert, the cartouche form and arrangement being scarcely ever varied. No later king would, however, have the piety to insert a predecessor’s cartouches, and so this must be credited to some vagary of the sculptors. The scenes around the lower part have been intentionally cut out, and specially the small cartouches, leaving the titles. The object of this again is not clear, as an appropriator would have used the previous figures without any demur ; and a mere defacer would have cut away the titles as well. We see here the only mention of the ram of Tattu, beside that on the pillar 64 a. One of the capitals of these columns has been curiously patched up, by inserting blocks of granite and pegging them on by metal pins; the hole for one of these has been drilled out by a tube drill, made of thin sheet bronze, and fed with loose cutting powder; the drill was J inch diameter, making a groove only inch wide, and a part of the core still remains in the hole, which is 1'7 inch deep. One of the few remains of doorways (Plan, 134) seems to have belonged to the entrance of a side court; it has the characteristic slope of the front, and bears figures of Ptah and Mut (inscr. 109). 3. Among the ruins of the granite pylon of Sheshonk III. are many pieces of the great colossus of Bamessu II., as have been described in Part I., (sect. 28); and beside these are several blocks, which though not bearing any surface of the statue itself, yet from the size of their hieroglyphics seem to have belonged to the inscribed pilaster of it, or to the built base on which it stood. The inscriptions of these are shown in Nos. 110 to 118. No. 110 bears evidently the beginning of the banner of Bamessu II., the bull, with part of the sign nelcht below, and the tip of the tail of the hawk above it. The large size of this banner, about 45 inches wide, is, however, paralleled by a part of a cartouche (No. 113, plan 29) which must have been about 38 inches wide. Such inscriptions are about proportionate to the size of the great colossus, as compared with the inscriptions on other colossi; and, moreover, the granite of some of these blocks is distinctively the same as that of the pieces of the great colossus. The sculpturing on block 110 is important to the history of the temple of San: the banner of Bamessu II., 110 b, is plainly the earliest piece of sculpture on this, TANIS. 11 since the legs on the adjoining side, 110 a, are on a curved surface which would not be exposed, and could notwell be built up, and that sidewould there¬ fore have been entirely dressed away if existing in Bamesside times. The dressing down of the face 110 a to build it in must be due to Sheshonk III., when he used this block, filling up the bull hieroglyph with mortar in laying it. The legs, therefore, which remain from a group of the two Niles, on 110 a, must belong to some work between Kamessu II. and Sheshonk III. Now Siamen did not execute large work, nor generally good work, to judge by the examples we have here, some of which are wretched; and yet there does not seem to be any other king to whom this can be ascribed. The sculpture being on a curved surface is very peculiar, and there is, perhaps, no similar instance of a large group on a curve. The fragments of inscriptions on various granite blocks (Nos. 119 to 135) are a selection from the many remains of the temple buildings; the blocks which only bore isolated signs, or some of the innumerable fragments of cartouches or titles of Bamessu, could be of no importance, except in an attempt at restoring the plans of the buildings; and such a task seems quite hopeless when such a small proportion of the material is left. No. 122 has a fragment of early inscription on it, already given as No. 24. No. 124 has an unusual arrangement of the sarn and lotus. Nos. 123 and 127, with the pieces mentioned on the plate, show at least four Bamesside lintels, as the heights preclude our supposing any to belong together, except perhaps the first two pieces mentioned, Nos. 124 and 129 on the plan. Inscription 129 is an instance of almost complete erasure in later times. No. 130 has part of a group of Bamessu fighting, accom¬ panied by his lion, as at Abu Simbel. No. 132 is a portion of Bamesside inscription on the under¬ side of the south of the pair of bases of columns placed by Siamen in front of the sanctuary; this shows that Siamen did not merely inscribe existing bases, but had cut these out of ruined blocks of the buildings of Bamessu. 4. Merenptah placed two fine statues of himself in the temple here (inscrs. 136, 137), one of grey, the other of pink granite. Both are now broken in two, and have lost the feet; but they are in fair condition, and worth preserving. The inscriptions are given in Nos. 136 and 137; and the many appropriations by Merenptah will be found before in Part I., Nos. 3, 4, 5, 8, 14, 15, 25, 26, 27, 28, and 29. A piece of his work in limestone, No. 138 (Plan, 226), was used by Siamen in founding the colonnade in front of the sanctuary; while two other blocks, Nos. 139 and 140, show that he also worked here in granite. Seti II. has one block of his work remaining, No. 141. Of Bamessu III. are two kneeling statues, one bearing a table of offerings (inscr. 142) carved in sand¬ stone ; this has unfortunately lost the upper part of the figure. The other statue (inscr. 143) is in dark grey granite, and is much weathered; but the shrine it holds still clearly contains figures ol Ptah and Sekhet hand in hand. There remains one conspicuous block of the Bamesside period (No. 144) which is hard to attribute. By the inscription 144 b alone it would be at once supposed to belong to Bamessu II.; but on the adjacent side is a plainly Bamesside inscription 144 a, and this side is evidently the first cut, as it is much better work, and has had dovetailed cramp-holes made in its ends when used afterwards. Either, then, Bamessu II. broke up his own work, and had the pieces sculptured in a very inferior style, on a rough and irregularly curved surface, or else these must belong to a later Bamesside king, perhaps the twelfth. The inscription 88 (Plan, 262) is strikingly like this, but on a smaller scale; and the lower part of a somewhat similar arrangement remains at Abydos, only there the ra is placed immediately over the sotep as usual, and not—as here—to be read into place from the top. This would seem to show that the re-use of this block is due to Bamessu II. himself. 5. PI. viii contains all that can be attributed to Siamen at San, beside the appropriations given 12 TANIS. before in inscr. 15 b. Of these No. 145 is inscribed in one line, across what is now the underside of a great roofing block, Plan 236, but which was formerly the upper side. From the inscription being thus on a horizontal surface, and from the crab-hole cut into the top of it, it has evidently been re-used, perhaps by Pisebkhanu, since he built in the sanctuary. Of the inscrip¬ tions around the two bases of columns (186-7, Plan) enough remains (inscr. 146) to see the character, plainly borrowed from the Ramesside inscriptions. The lintel (inscr. 158) is very rudely cut, being merely marked in by a bruising away of the surface. The inscriptions 150 and 151 are two of the best examples of the work of Siamen, and should be preserved; the latter I found on clearing beneath the immense block, No. 236 in plan, and it had not been seen before. The block with inscription No. 152 is attributed to Siamen, because the style is too shallow and rough to be of Ramessu II.; and yet having crab-holes cut in it at a later time, it is probably before Sheshonk III., who built the pylon where this lies. No. 153 is a very rude and slight inscription, on the side of a base of an obelisk, the front of which is occupied with the usual decoration of Siamen, as on inscr. 150. The other fragments, 154-5-6, are attributed to Siamen from their style. 6. The great granite pylon built by Sheshonk III. out of earlier materials is more than half fallen. The most complete side is shown in Part I., pi. xv. 1, on which Sheshonk has been offering to some god, with Mut standing behind him. Many of the blocks of this pylon bear fragments of the figures with which it has been covered; but all the inscriptions remaining are given in pi. ix. No. 157 is on a piece of the back of the pilaster of the great colossus, and is a good piece of work of its age. No. 161 is remarkable, as it shows one stage of cutting an inscription; after painting it on the granite, particular signs were cut out first, apparently the easiest, such as neb ; and in this case the engraver got no further. 7. The stela of Taharka is broken in two pieces; the lower was found in Mariette’s clearance, and was copied and published by De Rouge, but—strange to say—no search seems to have been made for the upper part, which lay exposed. I arrived at the business from the opposite end; seeing the upper part of an in¬ scription lying face up on a block of granite, I examined the quality of the stone, and then searched around for any pieces of the same kind; turning one such over, I found the lower part of the inscription, which had been placed face down by Marietta The text here given is taken from a squeeze aided by a hand copy, but is of course rendered somewhat doubtful by the bad state of the stone. 8. Coming now to Ptolemaic monuments on pi. x., all of these were found during my excavations; only one inscription of this age was known here before, the great stele of San, now at Bulak. The value of these tablets mainly lies in their naming Am the capital of the nineteenth nome Am Pehu, and each of the deities represented is said to be of Am. This pointed to Am being at or near San, instead of at Buto or Pelusium, and the later discoveries at Tell Nebesheh seem to point to that as the actual capital. This will be more fully considered in dealing with those monuments. Photographs of the two important tablets, No. 164 of Ptolemy IV. and Arsinoe III., and No. 165 of Ptolemy II. and Arsinoe II., will be seen in Part I., pi. xv. 2, 3, and these finds are fully described in Part I., secs. 38, 39. (Misprint p. 32, line 6, read except; line 8, read The.) The whole of these tablets are now in the British Museum, exhibited in one of the bays of the Egyptian Gallery. No. 167 is a fragment of the back of a basalt statue, found in digging between the avenue of columns and the sphinxes. No. 169 is a fragment of a statue in grey granite, which was found on the site of a Ptolemaic temple, on the southern slope of the mounds of San. A large square area had there been dug out through TANIS. 13 a great depth of artificial soil, and then filled with clean sand, to serve for the foundation of a Ptolemaic temple. A pylon of sandstone stood some way to the west of it, connected by an avenue, of which two rows of large blocks of red granite remain loose on the surface of the ground. Probably this part has been much denuded by weathering, and has thus exposed what were foundations originally. The inscription 170 is on a block of limestone, which I found in what appears to have been the great Ptolemaic temple of San, just outside the wall of Pisebkhanu on the south. 9. At the Bulak Museum are four statues with long inscriptions, found in Mariette’s clearance of San; beside the sphinxes, &c., with short titular inscriptions like those already published here. The most important of these statues is that of Nefert, the queen of Usertesen II., finely wrought in black granite. The wig is very full, in a broad lumpy mass, which descends on the shoulders in two spiral coils, quite unlike the later wig of many plaits. The eyes were inlaid originally. There is also a similar bust which may perhaps belong to some of the fragments still at San. This inscription shows how manifestly those on the front of No. 11, and on No. 12 (Part I.), belong to the twelfth dynasty; most probably all these similar statues (for that usurped by Eamessu II. for his mother was like the others originally) were a set of the family of Usertesen II. The standing statue of Eamessu II. at Bulak (inscrip. 172) is like that I found some distance in front of the pylon at San; it is one of the best pieces of work of his in red granite. It was probably made rather late in life, as Merenptah appears on the side, and not Kha- em-uas; indeed, four of the eight lines of inscrip¬ tion belong to Merenptah; and the arrangement, holding a baton or standard in each hand, is more usual in the reign of Merenptah than under Eamessu. The seated statue (inscrip. 173) has clearly been altered from an earlier statue, traces of the inscription of which may be seen in the front inscription. The head has been reworked, a pectoral carved on the chest, the girdle cut away and a cartouche inserted, and the inscriptions changed. Still it is a fine work, and the two hawks, cut in half round, standing face to face behind the head are unusual. There is no trace of any Hyksos appropriation on the shoulders. The other statue (inscrip. 174) is as plainly an original work of Eamessu. It is much poorer work—more clumsy, thick, and skew—than any statue before that age that I know, and most like a worse copy of the sandstone statues of Eamessu; the stripes of the kalantika are far wider than in early statues, and are unpolished in the hollows; it wears the pschent; the name on the girdle is not over any erasure, but on a place left for it in the carving, nor is there any sign of erasures; and it has a collar on. It was recognized by Mariette as an original of Eamessu II., but seems since then to have somehow gained the rank of an early statue undeservedly. These two statues are placed one on either side of the entrance to the Bulak Museum. 10. Having now noticed the inscriptions of San, we will turn lastly to the large stone well which I found there, and which is shown in pi. xii., and marked 40 in the general plan, Part I. This seems to be of the later Ptolemaic or Eoman period, as the pottery found low down in it is distinctly of the second century a.d. It is a fine piece of work, and is of value to us as bearing on the question of the change of water- level in the country, which is probably equivalent to the rise in level of the inundated parts and river beds. The present water-level (and nearly the lowest, being in May) is marked in it, and covers half of the spiral staircase. When we had by active work baled and dug it clear down to the lowest step in the middle of the well, the flow of water was so strong, streaming up from below, and pouring in at the joints of the stones, that it was impossible to go to the base of 1 i TANIS. the wall; indeed, it rose an inch in five minutes. Prom this it is at first manifest that the water- level must have been much lower, when they could excavate a much wider hole to build the well in, for the stones certainly extend 3 feet below our lowest water-level. Further, there would be no object in having steps descending 7 feet below the water, or in having the well so deep. It seems most likely that the well was planned anticipating that the end of the spiral staircase would reach the water, and then (per¬ haps in a drought), finding that it was not low enough, two additional steps were placed in the middle. Thus the lowest step would probably represent the lowest water-level. Moreover, there are holes cut in the ends of three steps, evidently to hold the peg-bottomed amphorae upright; and these would he somewhat above water-level, as the use of them would be to enable a drawer of water to sit on the step and lay hold of the am¬ phora to carry on the back. That these amphorae must have been carried on the back is evident from their shape; probably a loop of rope was slipped round the peg-bottom, and kept from rising by the rim which surrounds the peg ; then holding up the rope over one shoulder, and steadying the top with the other hand, the swell of the body of the amphora would rest on the shoulders and in the neck of the carrier. Look¬ ing then at these holes we should suppose that the water ranged from about the lowest step to about the level of the lowest hole. This would imply a rise of water-level of about 7 feet in 2000 years (4J in. per century). The Nile levels are of course lower than the country water-level, as all the rain which soaks into the ground cannot percolate but very slowly through the tenacious fine mud soil; and the high Nile during some months tends to raise the water-level to its own. But probably a change in the country water-level is attendant on a similar change in the Nile water- levels. The result here agrees very nearly with evidences of deposit elsewhere. At Naukratis the rise has been about 9 feet in 2500 years (4J in. per century), and the well-known data of Helio¬ polis and Memphis are not very different, though more accurate information as to the time of deposit is needed in those cases. Some further notes on the changes in the country will be found in the account of Nebesheh and Defenneh, in secs. 2, 3, &c. Another large stone well was discovered about a furlong south of the pylon. This well had a square shaft to light the stairs; and, therefore, probably the stairs were a long flight, and the well was roofed over to keep out blown dust. This well is now about 20 feet beneath accu¬ mulated dust, and we needed to dig out a very large hole to work at it. Unfortunately, the water rose too rapidly for the men to be able to clear even to the base of the doorway in the well- side ; and it was hopeless to examine it fully, without force pump and hose to throw the water and mud up about 40 or 50 feet. The levels observed here will be found in Part I., p. 51. TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS IN “TANIS,” PARTS I. AND II. By F. Ll. Griffith . 1 The Inscriptions from 1 to 65 are published in “ Tanis I.” 11. No. 1. Block of red granite from a doorway showing part of prenomen Pep! I., sixth dynasty. 2. Block of red granite from a doorway, 2 published also by De Rouge, Insc. pi. lxxv. 3 The two copies agree. “ King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Hu mer~i (beloved of Ra), wearing the two diadems, loving the body (?), triple golden Horus, 8a Hather nebt ant Pepi (son of Hathor, mistress of Tentyra Pepi), giver of all life, all stability . . .” The connection of Pepi I. with Tentyra (Denderah) is shown by the tradition recorded in the Ptolemaic temple of the finding of a plan of the temple in the palace during his reign. The alabaster lid, pi. xii. 5, bears the same cartouche, and was bought at Qeneh, op¬ posite Denderah, by Professor Sayce. The cartouche of Pepi, beloved of [Hathor], of Ant and [Turn] of Anu, found in the temple of Bubastis, shows that he was a builder in the 1 M. Naville has corrected the plates of inscriptions, before publication, throughout the two volumes of “ Tanis,” together with those of Nebesheh, Qantarah, and Defeneh, by reference in part to the originals, in part to photographs and squeezes. He has also looked through proofs of the whole of my translations. His notes to this chapter are distin¬ guished by the letter N. He kindly drew my attention to the publication of some of the inscriptions in Burton’s “ Excerpta Hieroglyphica,” and especially to the name of Usertesen I., that appears there on the statue numbered 5 in this work; as well as to an interesting discussion of the monuments which appeared in the “ Melanges d’Archeologie,” p. 280, &c., from notes taken at De Rouge’s lectures in 1869, by M. F. Robiou. 2 Cf. De Rouge, “ Melanges,” l.c. 3 Discovered by Burton, cf. Rouge, “ Etudes sur les Six Premieres Dynasties,” pp. 115 and 116.—N. temple of On, probably at a later date. He seems, therefore, to have built temples succes¬ sively at Tentyra, Tanis, Heliopolis, and Bubastis, in chronological order during his important reign. 12. No. 3. Statue red granite, Amenemhat I., cf. 23. Front of throne; right side, 3d. “ Be¬ loved of Ptah Seker, lord of the crypt , . . living for ever.” Left side, 3c, “the beloved of Ptah Res Anbuf (Ptah south of his wall (?)), lord of the two lands, son of the Sun, Amenemha[t], living for ever.” Back support, 3a, “beloved of Ptah Res Anbuf, lord of the life of the two lands,” * followed by the standard name nem mesu , “ renewing births,” and throne name shetep all ra, “pacifying the heart of Ra.” Back of base, rows of cartouches of Meren- ptah, “ giver of all life, all stability and purity, all health, all joy (or fatness ?).” Side of throne, 3 b, cartouches of Merenptah. Side of base, 3b, “ the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, mer amen ba n ra, son of the Sun, Merenpteh hetep her mau, beloved of Uatl ap taui. All the gods named in the early inscriptions of Tanis, except those on 2, 13, and 19, are Memphite forms of Ptah, Osiris, and of the * M. Naville reminds me that q- ' is the name of the temple of Memphis. But did not the phrase obtain its geographical significance at a later period, when even [j, jj is found, like as a geo- graphical expression formed from the local title of Ptah 1 was also a title of the Memphite Bast. 16 translations of the inscriptions. tomb gods. TTatl ap taui, in tlie inscription of Merenptah, is the form of Hat worshipped at Pe Dep, and may be considered as the repre¬ sentative goddess of the northern marshes. 4. Statue black granite, Usertesen I., cf. 5 and 8. Front, 4c, and 4b, similar, "good god, lord of gladness, King of Upper and Lower Egypt. Ba yeper ka, son of the Sun [Usertesen], beloved of Anubis, chief of his hill, giver of life, like Ra, eternally.” Back support, 4a, "King of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Ba n ra mer neteru, son of the Sun, lord of diadems, Merenptah hetep her maa, beloved of the most valiant Set for ever.” This line belongs entirely to the usurper. Back of base, 4a, 1. 1 “ [prince on the two thrones of] Seb, may he inherit the monarchy of 1 the two lands, prince of . . . (2) . . . administrator of the two countries, the royal scribe, general in chief, royal son Merenptah justified (sic).” (3) The offering is made to “ Set, the very valiant . . .” by “ his loving adorer, the here¬ ditary chief of the two countries, the royal scribe, keeper of the seal, the commander of the troops, the king’s son Merenptah justified,” Beneath : “ an offering of incense and liquid.” This inscription and scene were added on behalf of Merenptah when heir-apparent. He appears also on the statue No. 172 of his father Rameses II., and is there also called "justified.” 5. Black granite statue, supposed by Mr. Petrie to represent Amenemhat II., but the copy of the front inscription, 5c, in Burton’s “ Esc. Hierog.,” xl. 5, shows the full titles of Usertesen I. partly erased and partly usurped by Merenptah. Original scene of Niles, 5a, on left, partly repeated from other side, 5b. “ He says I give to thee all life, stability, and purity, all health, all joy (N.), like Ra, for ever.” Front (original), 5c (see the copy in Burton, l.c.), “ The life of (?) Horus [life] of births, lord of the two diadems, life of births, the golden Horus, life of births, the king of Upper and Lower Egypt . . . Tea (Usertesen I.) son of the Sun (Merenptah), beloved (?) of Anubis in his localities, lord of heaven, giver of life, stability, and purity, like Ka, for ever. Back (usurped), 5c. Full titles of Meren¬ ptah twice repeated. “Life of Horus, strong bull, rejoicing in truth : King of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Bei u ra mer neteru (soul of Ra, loving the gods): son of the sun, lord of diadems, Mernptah hetep hr maa (Merenptah resting on truth), giver of life for ever: Merenptah, beloved of Set.” Line round base (usurpation); onleft, “Meren¬ ptah, beloved of Set, lord of Hat uart (Avaris), giver of life, stability, and purity, like Ka, for ever;” right, similar, but “ beloved of Set, the very valiant, aa pehti.” 6, Fragments sandstone statue, Usertesen II. (?), (Ba ya yeper ), cf. 171. 6a, part of the Nile formula; 6b, part of cartouche. Ba ya . . . 7, Fragment pink granite architrave, User¬ tesen III. " Ba ya hau (brightness of the images of Ra), beloved of Osiris. Rouge, Mel., l.c,, mentions also a large limestone block with the name of this king. Burton publishes an inscription from Tanis of " Usertesen III., beloved of Khent amenti (a form of Osiris, ‘chief of the West’).” 8, Base of grey granite colossus. Upper line original; cartouche only altered, “ Life of Horus, any mestu (life of births), good god, lord of activity, King of Upper and Lower Egypt (Merenptah inserted), beloved of Osiris, lord of ankh taui.” 8 2 For tlie hieroglyphic name of Tanis, see pp. 34, 35. 3 The ^ was carved by mistake in the middle of the line, as if for a group jj , but not fitting the gap, a second v_y was added. 1 “ His heir before.”—N. TRANSLATIONS OP THE INSCRIPTIONS. 17 Second line (usurpation). “ Life of Horus, strong bull, rejoicing in equity, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Ba n ra mer neteru (Merenptah).” Mr. Petrie must have overlooked the standard name anhh meslu which fixes the statue to Usertesen I. This king seems to have had a pair of statues in black granite and a third in red granite iu the temple. The leg of another ? is at Berlin. 9. Block grey granite, apparently twelfth dynasty, “ giver of life, stability, and purity, like Ra.” 10. Fragment foot, twelfth dynasty. 10a (original), “like Rii, eternally.” 10b (usur¬ pation), beginning of cartouche “ Ba . . 11. Black granite statue of a twelfth ? dynasty queen, altered for the mother of Rameses II. Front (original), left side, “the hereditary princess, the great favourite (N.), the very gracious, the consort . . right side, same title, followed by others difficult to understand. 1 Back (inscribed by Rameses II.), “ the royal mother who bare the strong bull, Ba user mati setep n ra, son of the Sun 2 (Rameses II.). Side and back of throne (altered by Rameses II. ), and inscribed with titles of his mother, imitating those of the earlier princesses. Left side 1. 1 = right 1. 1, “the hereditary princess, the great favourite, the very gra¬ cious ...” 1. 2, “ the royal mother, the mistress . . .” 1. 3, i “ the divine wife, the chief royal Back 1. 1, J wife . . .” 1. 3,“ the chief wife of the king, loving rt. side 1. 1, / him.” 1. 2, “ the divine wife, the royal mother . . .” 1. 3, “ the hereditary princess, the great favourite, the very gra¬ cious . . .” 12. Black granite statue; inscription in front, titles of a queen of the middle kingdom, “ the hereditary princess.” 13. Part of red granite obelisk of middle kingdom, altered by Rameses II.; see also No. 60. The part shown is all original except the cartouches. Apex, early cartouche erased and replaced by Rameses II. It was “ supported ” in a unique manner by two hawks wearing the lower crown, possibly a symbol of the Horus which appears iu the name of the nineteenth nome. Beneath, scene of a king (?) offering to a hawk-headed god crowned with shu feathers; at the top is the vulture called “ Nekhebt, lady of heaven.” Then follows an erasure of the king’s (?) name (replaced by Rameses II.), “ beloved of Horus, lord of the desert hills (or of the foreigners), 3 giver of life eternally.” The attitude of the king offering is explained as “ taking or offering (a vessel of peculiar shape) as a drink-offering.” 14. Red granite sphinx, now in the Louvre. On chest, 14 d , erased standard possibly of Amenem- liat II. (cf. Tan. I., p. 7); over it is the name of Merenptah; on base, right side, 14 f , part of royal titles of Apepi (?). N.B.—The usual titles beginning with Set and ending with meri, i.e. “ Apepi, beloved of Set,” seem to have been on the right shoulder. On left shoulder, 14c, titles of “ Merenptah, giver of life for everon right, 14 e , “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, het' \eper ra setep n ra (the upper crown, offspring of the Sun, chosen of the Sun), son of the Sun, 1 M. Naville’s copy reads, “The duat of the favourites of the palace ” : the 'favourites’ are women of the royal household, so also, very likely, is the nest. —hT. ^ * 2 The wife of Set! I. and mother of Rameses II. was named Tua. 3 In the chapter on the Nehesheli inscriptions I have endeavoured to show that Horus neb xasx^t, or neb setu, is the god who was gradually developed in the course of Egyptian history into Khem as the god either of the desert portion of the nineteenth nome, or of the foreign people settled in the north-east portion of Lower Egypt. 0 18 translations on Amen mer Sasanq (Shashanq, beloved of Amen), giver of life like the Sun.” Round base, standard inscription of Shashanq I.; begins apparently at right end of 14b and continues round corner of 14 a , where a shorter inscription meets it from the left . . lord of the two lands, Bd het' x e P er sete P n Td,^son of the Sun, lord of diadems, Amin mer Sasanq, wearer of the two diadems, crowned with the pschent like Horus son of Isis, pacifying [the gods] with (?) justice, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, the very mighty? (ur next (?)), lord of action, Bd het x?P er setep n rd, son of the Sun, lord of diadems, Amen mer Sasanq, beloved of Amen ra, lord of the thrones of the two spheres [dwelling in ?] ( 14 a ) Apt (East Thebes), lord of heaven . . . the very mighty in [all ?] lands ” (or “ in the land of . . .”). The early part of the twenty-second dynasty seems to hav'e had much more connection with Thebes than with Bubastis. Thebes was the unquestioned capital of the country and Amen supreme in the dedications. 15. Red granite sphinx. 15 a, part of early erased titles near base, “ giver of life, stability, and purity for ever . . .” On side, 15 b, titles of Merenptah; seel4o above. Inscription of Saamen, “lord of the two lands, mer Amen sa Amen (beloved of Amen Saamen), beloved of Amen ra, king of the gods.” Inscription round base, 15o, standard inscrip¬ tion of “ Shashanq I., [golden] Horus, wielder of might, smiting the nine [bows], very vic¬ torious in all lands.” 16. Brown-pink granite statue, Sebekhetep III. Eront right side, 16 a, “ the good god, lord of the two lands, lord of activity, Bd nefer (the beautiful brightness of the sun), son of the Sun, of his body, loving him, Sebelchetep, beloved of Ptah of the fair face on his great throne (or ‘sanctuary,’ N.).” Left side, 16b, same as last, but “ beloved of Ptah res anbuf, lord of Ankh taui.” THE INSCRIPTIONS. 17. Black granite statue of Mermes bah. 17e, “ The good god, lord of the two lands, lord of activity, King of Upper and Lower Egypt; Smenx lea rd (perfecting the soul of Ra), son of the sun, of his body, loving him; Mer mesdu, beloved of Pteh res anbuf, lord of the life of the two worlds.” The name mer mesdu means “ chief of the infantry.” It is the commonest military title, and was also the name of the high priests of Mendes. The cartouche occurs only on these statues at Tanis, and doubtfully in the Turin Papyrus in the thirteenth dynasty. The style of inscription and the dedication agree with this date. On shoulder, inscription of Apepi II. 17o, “ Good god Bd da qenen( ?) (very victorious Ra), son of the Sun, Apepa, giver of life, beloved of [Set].” The god’s name beginning the inscription of Apepi (but read at the end) is erased. The reading of the throne name is not very clear on any monument and most indistinct on this. Side of throne (usurpation of Rameses II.). At the top the serpent goddess TJat of the north with the symbol of eternal purity faces the vulture Nexeb (?) of the south with the symbol of eternal life. Beneath these are the Niles of Upper and Lower Egypt and the hieroglyphs, “ She (i.e. Nekheb and Uat respectively) gives life and purity like Ra.” The Niles are binding the hieroglyph sam, unity, with water-plants, symbolizing the union of Upper and Lower Egypt. Above the sam are the cartouches of Rameses II. On back, standard and cartouches of Rameses II.; cf. 43 b. At base, “ Rameses II., beloved of Sutekh.” 18. From front of a similar statue ? “ as ruler of the two lands for ever.” 19. Fragments of one or more obelisks. 19 a, 1. 1 on right, “ . . . royal son Nehesi;” 1. 2, “ . . . [made it as] his memorial to Set, lord TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 19 of Re ahtu, who directs his countenance (i.e. counsels him (?));” 1. 3, The eldest [royal] son Nehesi, beloved of Set, lord of Re ahtu. I cannot make any connected sense out of the other fragments, but 19n should probably be placed over 19b. 19b, the pyramidion of a broken obelisk, is important. The hieroglyphs read, “ beloved of Hershef ” (no t). The squeeze brought home by Mr. Petrie shows the head, high feathers, and ram’s horns of the figure of Hershef apparently with both hands raised behind the back, one holding the whip. The rest is lost. For the date, &c., of the obelisk, see p. 32, note. 20. Pillar (2 and 3), “ good god, lord of the two lands, lord of activity, Ra aa arq, son of the Sun . . .(1 and 4) “ he made it as his monument to his mother Per . . .” The style seems late, and Wiedemann may be right in attributing it to the twenty-first dynasty. Mr. Petrie unfortunately did not find the original, which had been hidden by Mariette. 21a. Part of early obelisk altered by Rameses II., a portion of whose standard is shown. 21b. Part of early obelisk altered by Rameses II., part of whose standard appears. The remains of original inscription do not admit of translation. 22. False door, red granite, thirteenth dynasty ? 23. False door, red granite, with remains of a cartouche. On the squeeze I could recognize the name of Ra sehetep ab, i.e. Amenemhat I., the first king of the twelfth dynasty. It may have formed part of a chapel in which his statue 3 was placed. It is not unlikely that the king had a special chapel in which offerings were made to his statue. 24. Block of granite with early inscription on a large scale, reversed and re-used by Rameses II. 25. Sphinx in the Louvre from Tanis. 25o, name of Rameses II. in front over erasure; 25d, name of Merenptah on shoulder; inscription of Rameses II. round base, 25a and 25b, running in two ways. Bach starts from the crux ansata near the left end of 25b ; that running from right to left may be completed by reference to the fragment 28b, “ Life of Horus, strong bull, beloved of Maa, lord of Sed festivals (panegyrics of thirty years) like his father Ptah Tathnen (?), the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands; Ra user maa setep n Ra, son of the Sun, lord of diadems; Amen mer Ramessu, giver of life, beloved of Set.” Inscription from left to right, “Life of Horus, mighty bull, giving birth to the gods, possessing the two lands [King of Upper and Lower Egypt]; Ra user maa setep n ra, son of the Sun, of his.body, loving him, lord of diadems ; Amen mer Ramessu, giver of life, beloved of Set.” The inscriptions on the base are completed by two shorter ones, “ Rameses II., giver of life, stability, and purity, (seated) on the throne of Ra for ever,” and “ Rameses II., giver of life, stability, and purity, image of all living (?) (or health of all living).” 13. No. 26. Hyksos sphinx, unfinished in¬ scription of Rameses II. on base, completed by Merenptah, who erased his father’s cartouche. “ Mer Amen Ramessu (erased), giver of life, like Ra, for ever, [giver of] life upon the throne of Turn ” and “ . . . son of the Sun, Merenptah hetep tier maa.” On the chest, 2b, part of cartouche of Paseb- khanen. 27. Fragments of one or more Hyksos sphinxes. 27b, 0, on one fragment; 27b, “ giver of life upon the throne of Ra,” “ giver of life, stability, and purity like Ra.” 27c, part of name of Rameses II. 27d, is, e on another fragment to which 27g also belongs. Right shoulder, 27n and 27g, shows erased inscription of ApepI (?) and 2 portion of cartouches of Merenptah. 27e, on left shoulder, portion of inscription of Meren¬ ptah. 27s. On chest, cartouche, Amen mer Pa seb yanen Pisebkhanu of the twenty-first dynasty. 27a, on base, “ like his father Ptah, King Rameses II.” 28. Pore part Hyksos sphinx ; on chest, 28o, “ Son of the Sun, beloved, Pisebkhanu, beloved of Amen ra, king of the gods, 1 giving life for ever.” On right shoulder, 28d, erased Hyksos in¬ scription with cartouches of Merenptah. On left shoulder, 28e, inscription of Meren¬ ptah. On front of base, 28 b, inscription of Rameses II. Side of base 28f, “ Horus, mighty bull, be¬ loved of Maa lord of Sed festivals like his father Ptah, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Ra . . . (Rameses II.).” 29. Fore part of Hyksos sphinx; on chest, 29b, same as 28c, but begius “ good god ” in¬ stead of “ son of the Sun.” Right shoulder, 29a, same as 28d, but “good god ” visible in the Hyksos inscription. On base, 29o, inscription of Rameses II. same as 28 f. 30. Base of forequarters of Hyksos sphinx; front same as 28b, chest same as 28o, left side, 30b, “possessing the two lands, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Rameses II.” 31. Hindquarters of Hyksos sphinx; inscrip¬ tion of Rameses II. on base, 31a. 14 No. 32. Portion of great colossus of Rameses II. 33. North colossus of Rameses II. at the Pylon. Inscription on back: 1. 1, “Lord of Sed festivals like his father Ptah . . . very mighty like Menthu (?) in . . .;” 1. 2 “. . . Ra giving birth to the gods, possessing the two lands, . crowned with the double king 1. 3 1 This makes it probable that Pisebkhanu, like Siai was a Theban king. diadem, protecting Egypt, binding foreign lands (part of standard inscription) . , .;” 1.4, “ golden (victorious) Horus, strong in years 1. 5 “. . .” Side inscriptions “. . . prince, lord of might, subduing the Sati (Asiatics), King Rameses II. overthrowing the strength of the foreign lands ; none can stand before him.” 34. South granite colossus at Pylon; back, 1. 1 “. . . [emblem] of the universal lord, Rameses II., giver of life;” 1. 2 “.;” 1. 3, “ what is pleasing to Harmachis . . . ;” I. 4, “ doing pious acts 1. 5, “ of the universal lord, given by (?) the lord of the two lands, the lord of diadems, giver of life, stability, and purity, like Ra, for ever and ever.” 35. Sandstone colossus. 35 a. Throne name of Rameses II. 35 b. Personal name Rameses II. 35o. Personal name Rameses II. with ad¬ dition ur mennu, “ great in monuments.” 35 d. “ The daughter of the king, loving him ( merert f, N.), the royal wife Amen (?) merit living.” ^35e. “. . . the royal [wife] Ban-ta ant living.” 35f. Names of Rameses II. Amen merit and Banta ant were daughters of Rameses II. raised to the 'position of queens. M. Naville’s copy (1882) reads Pa ... if in 35d, and . . . sat hmt Ban-tau antin 35 e. 36. Sandstone colossus. 36a. Throne name of Rameses II. with the addition “ beloved of Maa.” 36c. Names of Rameses II. 36b. “ The great royal wife, mistress of the two lands Pa mat neferu (seeing the beauties of Ra), daughter of the great chief of the land of Kheta.” Mr. Petrie informs me that the bird in this name is an eagle as in De Rouge’s copy, Inscr. pi. cxxiv., which agrees throughout with Mr. Petrie’s. M. Naville’s copy also has the eagle. The reading in the plate is also confirmed by an interesting plaque found at Tell el Yahudiyeh, in which, however, the bird appears to be a hawk. The name was misread Pa maa ur neferu by Lepsius at Abusimbel ? He mistook the eye of TEANSLATIONS OE THE INSCBIPTIONS. 21 mat for the cubit, the eagle a for the wagtail iir, and the semicircle t for the mouth r. He also read ta instead of da in the title of her father. The name is entirely Egyptian. Ra neferu is the name of an Egyptian queen, daughter of the prince of Bekhten, in the mythical story of the possessed princess, which seems to refer to the times of Rameses II. 37. Sandstone colossus. 37b. Throne name of Rameses II. 37a. Ra user maa, taken from the throne name. 37c. “ The daughter of the king, the great royal wife Ba[n-tau ? an]t living.” 38. Grey granite statue Rameses II. 38b. Throne name Rameses II. 39. Black granite statue Rameses II. 39a, b. Names of Rameses II. and portion of standard inscription, “mighty bull,beloved of Maa(p), lord of the two lands . . . crushing every foreign people . . . mighty king . . . strong in years.” 39a. Personal name of Rameses II. 40. Standing statue. Ovals of Rameses II. three times -repeated, twice horizontally and once vertically, with “ giving life for ever ■and giving life like Ra also twice repeated, “ be¬ loved of Anubis (or Reshpup), lord of the papyrus marshes. 1 41. Grey granite statue, attributed by Mr. Petrie to Rameses II. (Mr. Petrie agrees that this is probably of Osobkon II.) 41b. Cartouche on shoulder, “Amen mer sa Bast Uasadrlcen Osorkon (II.) beloved of Amen, son of Bast.” 41 a, 0 , D. Portions of standard inscription round base resembling that of Sliashanq I. on the sphinx 15c, and therefore probably Bubas- tite, and of Osorkon II. 41 d. “ [Live the Horus, 1 M. Xaville read tlie combination of signs following I] | in the last word as a fish caught by a snare, and taking 3=i as part of the geographical name, translated “ Anubis, lord of the lake of the net, of the fishing lake.” This was from the original, but the squeeze, which so often proves clearer, seemed to me to show plainly a monogram of < • , (b and and Mr. Petrie agreed with me about the reading. I fear, therefore, that M. Aaville’s interpretation must be given up, in spite of its interest, and appropriateness to Lake Menzaleh. strong bull.] crowned in Thebes ? lord of the two lands [Osorkon II.].” 41a. “ Wearer of the two diadems, uniting the two portions (i.e. Upper and Lower Egypt, the portions of Set and Horus), like the son of Isis, pacifying the gods. . . .” 41c. A squeeze of this shows that the fragment begins with JJ and ends with 2L . . the two lands [golden] Horus, wielder of might, smiting his enemy (singular), strong, spreading wide [his] terror . . . .” These titles of Osorkon II., I believe, do not occur elsewhere. 42. Fragment of red granite statue, portion of cartouche, and title “ Lord of the two lands.” 43. Granite triad. 43a. Side inscription, Rameses II., “beloved of Ptah Tathnen.” In the horizontal line Tathnen is phonetically spelt. In the vertical line it appears to be implied by the determinative, as elsewhere. Inscription on back, 43b. The four centre lines are taken up with the titles of Rameses II. “beloved” of Turn, of the moon god Aah, of Khepra, and of Turn again. On the right side, “ Harkhuti gives all happiness to the king Rameses II., beloved of Harkhuti,” and on the left “ Ptah gives all life and purity to the king Rameses II., beloved of Ptah Tathnen (?),” Ptah and Harmachis therefore, with Rameses, formed the triad represented on the monument. They were the two chief gods of Lower Egypt, Ptah of the civil metropolis of Lower Egypt, Memphis, and Harmachis the royal deity of the religious capital, Heliopolis. The latter half of the standard name in these lines besides the usual “ beloved of Maa ” varies to “ son of Amen (god of Thebes),” “ son of Ptah (god of Memphis),” “beloved of Ra (god of Heliopolis).” Such variations occur not uncommonly, but seldom cause any trouble in identifying a king. 44. North obelisk of the Hall; on Pyramidion, Rameses, Harkhuti (Harmachis), lord of heaven, and Turn, lord of the two lands [of On]; vertical lines, “ Rameses II. (in standard Maa mer, Sa 22 TRANSLATIONS Turn, and . . .), smiting the lands of the Sati, crushing the nine bows, reducing every foreign land to non-existence; strong of heart in war, a very Menthu in conflicts, a maker of Antha, bull of . . ., lord of diadems, . . . youth . . . valiant in arm . . . Amen mer Ramessu , like the sun.” Maher would seem to be a tech¬ nical Semitic term for some grade in the college of devotees to Anaitis ( An6a ). There were male and female slaves devoted to Anaitis, with which one may compare Maker AnOa, and Bantu Ant. Maher was adopted into the Ramesside vocabulary as a proverbial expression for a man trained to hardship, a courageous warrior or pioneer, a “ brave.” 45. South obelisk (Rouge, Inscr. ccxcvi., gives the fourth side, but omits the middle line). On pyramidion, Rameses II., Ptah nefer[her] and Ptah res anbuf (or Tathnen ?), “ the very valiant.” Vertical lines “ Rameses II. (in standard name “ strong bull with horns ready,” “beloved of Ptah” and “beloved of Maa”), valiant like Menthu, bull, son of a bull, sub¬ duing every foreign land, slaying their chiefs, directing his face (boldly) in battle, he is first in the combat; he conquers the land of Kens (Nubia) with his valour, he spoils the Thehennu (Libyans); very valiant like . . ., bull in the land of the Retnu (Syria); he conquers every land with his strength (?), he brings them to Egypt, (he) the lord of the two lands, Rameses II.” 46 and 47. West pair of obelisks in the temple. 46. (Northern) on pyramidion, Ra¬ meses II. offering to “ Turn, lord of the two lands, and? [of On],” “ to Har[khuti ?],” “he gives wine to his father” and to “[Ptah Tathjnen ?” Vertical lines, Rameses II. (in standard son of Ptah, beloved of Maa, and ...)... mighty, strong of heart like Menthu in the conflicts, (protecting) his soldiers, making a mighty overthrow of . . . South obelisk 47. On pyramidion Rameses OR THE INSCRIPTIONS. II., Harmachis, “ Shu son of the Sun,” and “Amen . . .” Vertical lines, “Rameses II. (in standard “ ... of Ra,” “ beloved of Maa ” and “. . . of the two lands”), strong bull, wearing the two diadems, protector of Egypt, binding foreign countries, golden Hof us, master of times (mighty in years, N.), great in victories (so far Standard inscription), carrying away the chiefs of the Rethenu (Syrians) as living prisoners, crushing the land of the Hittites.” 48, 49. Middle pair of obelisks in temple. 48. North obelisk. Vertical lines; centre line, usual title and standard inscription of Rameses II. as on 47 with the addition “beloved of Amen ra, king of the gods.” Other lines, “ Rameses II. (in standard “strong bull, mighty and valiant” and “ strong (?) bull, beloved of Menthu ?),” he . . . the foreign lands, he penetrates them, he makes them bring the produce of their work to his palace . . . very terrible?; extending his boundaries to the ends of the waters ? (mouths of the rivers?); none can turn his arm from his desire; . . . foreign land, opening its roads, he subdues it with his might (and brings it) to Ta mera (Egypt), Rameses II., giver of life, like Ra, for ever.” Scenes of offering beneath these lines. 49. South obelisk. On pyramidion, Rameses offering to Turn, lord of Heliopolis . . . , and Amen ra suten neteru. Vertical lines. First line, standard inscrip¬ tion of Rameses II., beloved of Harmachis. Other lines, “ Rameses II. (in standard “ be¬ loved of Ra” and . . .) opening the land . . . the land of Kheta, conquering it with his might, making a great overthrow in his victories: . . . the well-beloved, like Turn, making bright the two lands, shining like the two horizons, image (N.) of the universal lord, reigning in Heliopolis, lord of duration like the sun, Ra in heaven, Rameses II., living for ever.” TRANSLATION'S OS’ THE INSCRIPTIONS. At the base, “ The life of Horus, the good god Rameses II.,” “ gives white bread to his father, performing the service of giving life ” before “Amen ra, king of the gods, who gives all pure life, like Ra, every day.” 50. Western obelisk in temple. On pyra- midion, Rameses II. offers to “ Shu, son of Ra, the great (?) god.” Vertical lines. “ Rameses II. (in standard, “ beloved of Ra,” “ strong and valiant,” and “bull, son of Khepra?” or “bull Khepra?”), strong of arm, lord of the scimitar (?), protect¬ ing his soldiers; all lands are bowing before his terrors, king placing his boundaries at his will; none can stand before him; his scimitar (?) is victorious. Turn magnifies him as king of the two lands; he causes Egypt and Deshert (Arabia) to submit to him (N.); he gives him valour like his creator (N.).” At the base, Rameses II. “ offers a tray ” or cake ? to “ Turn, lord of Heliopolis, great god, lord of heaven.” In a second scene the king “ gives wine ” to “ Shu, son of Ra, great god, lord of heaven, lord of earth, giving all life and stability.” In a third the king “ gives a tray ” or cake to “ Seb, father [of the gods].” 51, 52. East pair of obelisks in middle of temple. 51. North obelisk. On pyramidion names of Rameses II. without cartouches in the boat of Ra over scenes of the king offering to Turn, lord of the two lands (and of ?) On to “ Ptah ur dmay^f,” to “Har khuti,” and to “Ptah neb maat.” Vertical lines, “ Rameses II. (in one stan¬ dard “beloved of Menthu”) Menthu among the kings, repelling millions, valiant like (Set ?) when he enters the conflict; mighty king, smiting every land, spoiling the land of the Nahsi (Negroes), harrying (seizing) all lands with the strength of victory, possessing the land anew as at the first.” 52. South obelisk. Pyramidion similar to 51, 21 Rameses offers to “ Harkhuti, great god, lord of heaven,” to “Turn, lord of On,” to “Ptah Tathnen,” and to “ Ptah neb maa (lord of truth), father of the gods.” Vertical lines, “ Rameses II. (in one standard name called “ son of Ptah ”), king, son of Turn, mighty and valiant, smiting every land with his scimitar, bringing them to Egypt: King with victorious scimitar, striking the Sati, strong in arm and valiant, saviour of his soldiers . . . victorious . . . upon (their ?) horses . . .” 53. 54. Eastern obelisks. 53 North (Rouge, ccxcvii., gives all four sides). On pyramidion, titles of Rameses II. Vertical lines, “Rameses II., royal child of Turn, the much beloved, warrior mighty with the scimitar, rescuing his soldiers : . . . uniting his limbs, beloved like the sun’s disk, going forth in heaven . . . Kash (Ethiopia), subduing the land of the Shasu, valiant like (Set?), a bull in the land of Rethenu.” 54. South obelisk similar to 53. Vertical lines, “ Rameses II. (in one standard “ beloved of Ra ”) . . . strong in his arms, bull, son of a bull: sacred (or mighty) . . . of Ra coming forth from the horizon ?; he puts all lands beneath thy ? feet . . . battlefields (N.), none can stand before him in any land.” 55. Refaced obelisk in temple (see 21). On pyramidion Rameses offers to “ Har khuti ” and “ Har neb setu ” or “ khaskhet.” Vertical lines, “ Rameses II. (in standard be loved of Seb, Ra, and Maa), king, very mighty, valiant and mighty with the scimitar, beloved of Menthu, overthrower; he hits his mark ? always in a moment, he is courageous ... he is the offspring of Turn ? issuing from his limbs JJ The occurrence of the god “ Horus of the foreigners ” again is interesting. 56. Sandstone obelisk in wall of Pylon. “ Rameses II. (in one standard called “ son of Tam”), great ruler of . . .” £t TRANSLATIONS OF 57. Fragment of obelisk. On pyramidion, Rameses II. and Shu. 58. Fragment of obelisk. On pyramidion, Eameses II. “gives wine” to « Turn, ruler of On,” and “ Shu, son of Ra.” 59. Fragment of obelisk. On pyramidion, “RamesesII. gives wine” to “ [Harmachis], great god, lord of heaven,” and “ a figure of Maa to [Turn of] Heliopolis.” 60. On pyramidion, Eameses II. offers to “ Set . . .” “ Har khuti,” “ Turn, lord of On,” and “ Horus. . . .” Yertieal lines, standards of Eameses II., “very valiant,” “son of Turn,” “beloved of Maa,” “ beloved of Ra.” 61. Eefaced obelisk; of. also No. 13. On pyramidion, names of Rameses II.; in vertical lines, “Rameses II.” in standard called “be¬ loved of Maa,” “beloved of Ra,” “son of Amen.” 62. Part of obelisk, with names of Eameses II. in standard, also “ beloved of Amen ? (or Menthu) ” and “ Ea.” 63a, b. Fragments of inscription on base of obelisk, usual titles of Eameses II. 64. Pillar, with sixteen scenes of Ramessu offering (1) to “ Ptah nefer her,” (2) “ Ba neb Dadat (Mendes),” (3) “Sepdu nefer ba n rd, the beautiful mummied hawk Sepdu, the soul of Ra” (god of the city of Goshen), (4) “Set, the most valiant, son of Nut,” (4) . . ., (5) “ Shu, son of Ea,” (6) “ Seb, father of the gods,” (7) “ Set, great god, lord of heaven, the most valiant.” (The rest are illegible.) 65. Pillar. Inscriptions of Eameses II. of the usual style, mentioning the Tliehenu (Libyans); the second line from the left contained the standard inscription: in the last line it is said that “ he reduced the land of Kheta to non-existence.” Note also in “Tanis,” I., pi. xii. No. 5. Alabaster lid from Qeneh with name of Pepi, son of Hathor, mistress of Ant (Den- derah) (see p. 15). THE INSCRIPTIONS. No. 25. Blue pottery disk with name Rd nefer kb of Psammetichus II. No. 32. Seal from South Tell of Zuwelen “. . . singing priestess of Mut . . . perfected.” The rest of the inscriptions are in the plates of the present volume. 66. White limestone altar, Eameses II. “Live? the (the living, N.) King of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands; Rd user mad setup n rd, son of the Sun, lord of diadems; Amen mer Ramessu, giver of life like the sun every day, beloved of Thoth, lord of Sesennu (Hermopolis in Upper Egypt), great god, lord of heaven,” repeated inscription run¬ ning both ways. Thoth of Hermopolis was a very important god, and it is not surprising to find an altar dedicated to him at Tanis. 67. White limestone altar, Rameses II. “ Live the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Rd user mad setep n rd, son of the Sun, lord of diadems ; Amen mer Ramessu, giver of life . . . beloved of Menthu, lord of Uast (West Thebes), great god, lord of heaven.” 68. Two sandstone shrines, almost identical. On outside of roof vultures alternate with names of Rameses II. Down the middle “ . . . the dignity of (N.) Turn as lord of eternity, lord of diadems, Amen mer RRmessu upon the throne of Horus, like Ra.” On edge of roof “as exists the sky, so (N.) are thy memorials established, 0 King Rameses II. . . . Ra in his? rising; thou art like (N.) the circuit of the disk, lord of diadems; Amen mer Ramessu da dnhh.” On right side, “. . . Turn resting upon thy handiwork, King Rameses II. Thou dost flourish as king for ever and ever.” Back of shrine. Upper scene. Beneath the winged disk Turn and Harmachis give the sign of life to the hawk upon the standard name of the king. “ He gives all life, all stability, and purity, all health, all happiness to King Rameses II.” Lower scene. Rameses II., “ beloved of Seb TBANSLATIONS OF THE INSCEIPTIONS. 25 and Shu,” offers to “ Seb, father of the gods, and Shu, son of Ra.” In a general way at the sides Raineses II. is styled “ beloved of Turn, lord of Heliopolis,” and “ of Harmachis.” On sides of shrines in centre Rameses II., “ beloved of Turn, lord of On ” (var. “ of the two lands of On, great god”), “offers white bread and performs the service of giving life ” to “ Turn, lord of Heliopolis.” On right, the king, “ beloved of Harmachis,” “ gives wine, performing the service of giving life ” to Harmachis, great god, lord of heaven (var. “lord of the great temple of Heliopolis ”). On left, the king, “ btloved of Khepra (var. Khepra in his boat) ” gives incense ? to “ Khepra in his barge.” Inside shrine. On right side, “ the king,,of pious actSjRamesesII.” “ gives wine ” to “ Turn, lord of the two lands of On,” also called “ Turn lord of the two lands of On, great god, lord of the great temple of Heliopolis,” who “gives all life and all health.” On left much broken, apparently the same scene with “ Khepra, great god,” instead of Turn. 69. Fragment of scene from top of stela. Rameses II. “ offers incense to his father Har- machis,” or Ptah (?). 70. Fragment similar to last. Rameses II. offers to “ Harmachis, lord of heaven.” 71. Fragment of commencement of inscrip¬ tion on granite stela. “Horns, mighty bull, beloved of Maa -(Rameses II.) . . . many, sub¬ duing . . . Rameses II.” 72. Fragment granite stela. “ All [lands] beneath his sandals.” 73. Fragment granite stela. 1. 1, “ . . . Ra¬ ineses II. giving life . . .” 1. 2, . . . ye . . . making you guardians upon the road . . . 1. 3, “ every day ” 1. 4, “give to me” 1. 5, “ my spirits . . .” 74. Fragment granite stela. 1. 1, R ameses II. 1. 2, . . . (Cf. 44, middle line, N.) 1. 3, “. . . bearing their labours. . . .” 75. Fragment granite stela. 1. 1, “slaying.” 1. 2, Rameses II. 1. 3, . . . 76. Obverse. 1.1,“. . . mighty, strong in valour ... his arm.” 1. 2, “. . . Menthu, done by his arm, fighting, preserving his might, bull of Baal?” 1. 3, “. . . King Rameses II.” 1. 4, “. . . The great chiefs of all lands at home and abroad felt reverence for him. (When) his spirits came they bowed their heads ? ” Reverse. 1. 2, King Rameses II. 1. 3, “. . . than millions of soldiers united in destruction (Nf).” 1. 4, King Rameses II. 77. Portion of granite stela. 1. 1, “. . . with his strength ? upon the foreign land, sallying forth ...” 1. 2, “son of the sun, mer Amen Ramessu, king, wielding power, subduing . . .” 1. 3, “all lands fighting, with him, King Rameses II.” 1. 4, “ The very valorous upon horses. He seized his bow, he shoots . . .” 1. 5, “. . . tens of thousands by his own might, he was stronger than thousands, he was at its head (N.), he knew . . .” 1. 6, “ King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Rameses II., great ruler, rampart of Egypt, remembered by . . .” 78. Granite stela; cf. De R. (Inscr. pi. lxviii.), from whose copy this translation is made. “ Live ? the Horus, mighty bull, beloved of Maa, trampling [every land beneath his feet, bringing away] their chiefs? King of Upper and Lower Egypt; Rameses II., giver of life for ever. (2) mighty king, strong in battles, valiant in fight against 10,000, overthrowing on his right, slaying upon his left like Set in his time of fury (N.). (3) mighty bull, repelling every foreign D TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. people, opposing tliem with the might of his arms; defending Egypt, smiting the nine bows; every land trembles before him; he? is as a (4) lion who hath tasted battle; no land can stand before him; King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Rameses II.; entering the com¬ bats. (5) he doth not turn back: he marches at the head of his warriors, strong upon his horses; he seizes his bow, he shoots on his right, he does not miss; he stands firm on the ground, mighty, valiant. (6) and victorious; his arm holds the mace and the shield; he dashes the chiefs beneath his sandals, (they) know not how to receive the onset; every foreign land flees before him, his terrors are like fire pursuing them. (7) King Rameses II. living for ever. He spoiled the lands of the Sati with his might; he brings their chiefs as living prisoners. (8) . . . With the strength of his might, a youth, mighty . . . victorious like Menthu, strength of the plains (?) (this half-line is omitted in Rouge, and the end of the next misplaced). (9) husband of Egypt, protecting her from every foreign land, his spirits are courageous. . . the negroes with his might; he slays the Anu of the vile Kush. (10) by the might of his arms victorious, he makes Egypt rejoice, Ta Mera to be glad of heart, king [Rameses II.]. (11) spoiling the chiefs of the Sati in their lands, he destroys their inheritance ? ... he makes them . . . (12) slain beneath his sandals he makes (read secern in R. after P.) his onslaughts upon them, he harries the western desert, making it . . . (13) . . . Menthu upon his right fighting, King Rameses II. he travels . . . ( 14 ) to him with their products, he opens . . . the Sharutaui failing in (N.) heart. (15) them he seizes.the ships fighting in the midst of [the sea] . . . (16) before them . . Other side, not in Roug<§. (1. 1) “Live the Horus, mighty bull, beloved of Maa, carrying away all lands with the force of his might, King Rameses II. (2) king, strong in arm, mighty in valour, prince, victorious, watchful, smiting every land, great in spirits, mighty in valour, smiting the nine bows, reducing the foreign lands to non¬ existence. (3) ruler . . . bold warrior, protecting Egypt with his scimitar ; the land is possessed with fear of him, the mighty ones yield (? rare word) before him, their limbs fail. (4) fear is within their hearts (N.), their bellies . . . King Rameses II., every land trem¬ bles . . . (5) making their hearts firm, their spirits . . . calling upon the gods when he comes and rescues them ? . . . (6) which no light shines . . . upon their horses ; he smites the foreign lands, he overruns them. (7) making a great overthrow in the land of the Hittites . . . fighting in the plains (N.), namely, the king, Rameses II. (8) . . . smiting the foreign lands, marching at the head of his soldiers. (9) . . . bull. . . Menthu on his right hand. .. (10) Rameses II., giver of life, smiting every foreign land beneath his feet.” 78 Ms. “1. 1. 1. 2, I will provide you . . . 1. 3, Rameses II. he said to his messengers. . . 1. 4, camping-station provided with every¬ thing . . .” 79. Granite stela, scene Rameses II. and Ptalx neb maa, “who says I give to thee all offer- ings (?), all happiness.” On the other half, RamesesII.and Set aapehti, “ who says I give thee all pure life and victory.” Behind the king, “ preserving life behind him like Ra.” 80. Portion of granite stela. TRANSLATIONS OR THE INSCRIPTIONS. 27 81. Granite stela (of. De Rouge, Inso. pi. lxvii., from which this translation is made), scene a. Raineses II. and Set aa pehti, lord of heaven, making him live. b. the king, beloved of Seb. Inscription, “(1) the Homs, strong bull, beloved of Ra, trampling all [foreign countries beneath] his [feet], King Rameses II. master? of victory, setting a watch, mighty and valiant, harrying all lands with victory. Strong, mighty in valour like Set, strong of arm, King Rameses II., giving life, smiting every land with his scimitar, carrying them to Egypt. He smites the inhabitants of the South land, he slays their chiefs, reducing the rebellious countries to non¬ existence. Great of spirit, wielding courage, smiting the Sati, King Rameses II. Prince whose fame reaches to heaven, making a great overthrow in the land of the Shasu. King Rameses II., giver of life. The chiefs bring their works to [his palace].” 82. Stela of Rameses II. with defaced inscrip¬ tion. In one of the scenes Rameses offers to “ Turn, lord of the two lands of? On. 83. 84. Portions of one obelisk of Rameses II. 84 should be placed immediately above 83. 83a, 84a, line 1, standard inscription of Rameses II. 1. 2, “. . . he came, he celebrated a festival }> 83ji, 1. 2, “. . . the camp of his soldiers . . .” 85. Portion of obelisk, “like Turn? lofty in station (duration, ST.) like the sun’s disk.” 86. Portion of obelisk of Rameses II. 87. Portion of granite architrave with name of Rameses II. 88. Portion of granite architrave, cartouches of Rameses II. alternating with a kind of mono- grammatic, Ra user maa setep n (?) ra. 89. Portion of granite architrave with name of Rameses II., “beloved of Turn, lord of On.” 90. Portion of unfinished granite architrave with name of “ Rameses, beloved of Turn P 1 apparently the temple is compared to “ the horizon in heaven” in which Turn rested. 91, 92, 93. Portions of granite architrave with name of Rameses II. 94. Portion of granite sanctuary with name of Rameses II. 95. Portion of the same; “ giving wine to his father, performing the service of giving life.” 96. Portion of the same, the god is named “. . . Ra of the East, Turn.” 97. Portion of the same. 98. Portion of the same. “ Offering of wine as a gift of Rameses II. j” the god says “ I give to thee the festivals of thirty years of Ra.” 99. Similar. 100. Portion of the same. Rameses II., be¬ loved of Harkhuti and other gods. 101. Portion of the same. Rameses II., “ beloved of Turn, lord of the two lands of On.” The inscription at the side begins with Unn, a strong form of is. “ Thus it is : the king, &c.” Rameses II. “offers a figure of Maat.” 102. Granite column. Upper inscription, “ (1) good god, mighty in rule, like his father Ra in heaven, brightening the two lands like his horizon. (2) Rameses II. . . . lord of Bed festivals like his father Ptah Tathnen ? (3) Standard inscription. Middle inscription, Rameses II., “ may he be joyful (N.) together with his ka.” Rameses II., “ beloved of Amen ra, lord of the thrones of the world, lord of heaven, and of Turn the lord (?). Harkhuti, great god, lord of heaven,” Lower inscription, “ son of the sun, of his body, loving him; Rameses II., beloved of Ptah, lord of heaven, king of the two lands,” and “ son of the sun, of his body, loving him ; lord of tho scimitar Rameses II., beloved of Ba neb Dada (Ram Ba, lord of Mendes),” At the side of the erased scene “ his admirer, who loves him, his son coming forth from . . .” The latter half of the personal name of Rameses II. is erased, probably to make way for Sa Bast 2 23 translations of ' Uasaarken (Osorkon II.) or for Shashanq Ilf., both of whom would also alter the Ea to Bast by changing the hawk’s head to that of the lion. 103. Granite column, with fragments of similar inscriptions, “hemade it as his memorial to his father . . . Eameses II., beloved of Harkhuti. 104. Portion of granite column. “ Good god, likeness of Ea, avenging (fabricated by hi.) Harkhuti, making the lower crown of Turn.” This perhaps refers to the myth of Horbehud crushing the rebellion against his father Har¬ khuti. On the other side is part of the standard inscription, “golden Horus” being written in a curious way more frequent on papyri than on stone monuments. 105. 106, 107, 108. Fragments of column inscriptions. 109. Part of doorway, names of “ Eameses II.,” “ Ptah, lord of heaven,” and “ Mut, lady of heaven.” 110—118. Fragments probably of the great colossus. 112. “ (says) the Nile god Hiipi.” This inscription, no doubt, belongs to the scene of the Niles, a portion of which appears in 110 a. See p. 10, col. 1, for Mr. Petrie’s note on 110; but the columns of small inscription on 112 being parallel to the large ones make it probable that they are contemporary and Eamesside, the scene to which they belong being placed at right angles on the curved surface of the statue ? 114. “ [Amen] ra, king of the gods dwelling in . . .” The name of the city is unfor¬ tunately lost. 119—122. Miscellaneous granite blocks, in¬ scriptions of Eameses II. 123. Portion of the lintel with title of the winged disk. “ The Behud, great god, the ray, lord of heaven, coming forth.” 124. Granite block with name of Eameses II. 125. Granite block with traces of historical inscription relating to the building of the temple by Eameses II. ? “. . . with good stone of An: north . . HE INSCRIPTIONS. 126. “ He places Mail upon his hands.” 127. Portion of lintel. 128. “ The Behud, great god, ray coming forth from the horizon.” 129. Erased inscription of Eameses II. 130. 131. “. . . as ruler, happiness, upon the throne of Horus.” 132. Inscription of Eameses II. on block re-used by Siamen. 133. “ I am lord of the scimitar to every land.” 134. 135. Granite blocks with names of Eameses II., “ beloved of Seb, father of the gods.” For other inscriptions of Eameses II., see Nos. 172, 173, and 174. 15. No. 136. Standing statue, Meeenptah. Beginning from right side, 1. 1, “ Live the Horus, strong bull, son of Amen, King of Lpper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands; Mer Amen ban vu (beloved of Amen, soul of Ea), son of the Sun, lord of diadems; mcr Ptah hetep her maa (Merenptah resting on Maa), beloved of Amen, lord of the diadems ? of the world.” 1. 2, Same as last, but “ son of Ptah Tath- nen” in standard, and “beloved of Ptah Tathnen.” 1. 3, “ Son of Amen” in standard, “prince strong in years.” 1. 4, “ (great) in rule, Ea as king.” 1. 6, “ Ea as king of the two lands.” 1. 7, Merenptah, son of the Sun, beloved of Amen; lord of the diadems and crowns, giver of life, like the Sun, the first for ever and ever twice over.” Eound capital of sceptre Merenptah, “be¬ loved of Amen, lord of the diadems (?), of the two lands.” The usual title of the standard of Merenptah is had m madt, “ rejoicing in truth,” as on the other statue. 137. Standing statue Merenptah. Side of sceptre. Translation doubtful, “ giving TRANSLATIONS OP THE INSCRIPTIONS. 23 truth? to Ba daily? King Merenptah, beloved of Ptah Tathnen (the god) whose feathers are high, who is furnished with horns.” 138. Name of Merenptah on limestone block re-used by Siamen. 139. Granite block, Merenptah and Turn nefer “the hawk.” (The name of Nefer Turn is determined by the feather crown that he wears and by the seated figure of a god.) 140. Granite block, Merenptah and . . . 141. Block of Seti II., “lord of the two lands, Ra user yeperu mer amen, Ba, strength of all creatures, beloved of Amen, lord of diadems, Seti Merenptah ” and “ Turn . . .” 142. Sandstone kneeling statue of Bameses III. holding table of offerings. “ Live the Horus, strong bull, great in rule. King of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands; Ra user mad mer Amen (the veritable strength of Ba, beloved of Amen), son of the Sun, lord of diadems, Bamessu haq An (ruler of Heliopolis) giver of life;” on table of offerings, “live the good god . . . Egypt? Bameses III.” 143. Grey granite statue, “ Bameses III., beloved of Amen ra . . .” 144. A. “. . . hundreds of thousands of Sed festivals (i.e. periods of thirty years each), tens of millions of years.” 16. No. 145. Block of Siamen, re-used by a later king. “ King of Upper and Lower Egypt, piety ? to his father, Ra netr yeper setep n amen, godlike, offspring of Ba, chosen of Ba, son of the Sun, lord of diadems ; mer amen sa amen (Siamen), beloved of Amen ra, lord of the thrones of the earth.” 146. Block with titles of Siamen, re-used by a later king. “ Live the Horus, mighty bull, beloved of Maa, son.of Amen, issuing from his limbs.” This fragment of the standard title of Siamen, from the base of a column, appears to be unique. 147. 148. 149, 150. Fragments with name of Siamen 151. Siamen and the god Kbem amen, who says, “ I give to thee the nine bows as thy property (N.).” 152. Name of vulture Nekhebt. 153. Fragment with cartouches of Siamen and illegible inscription. 154. 155, 156. Fragments. 157. Fragment of scene of Ra user mad setep n ra Amen mer sa Bast shashanq neter haq An. Shashanq III. 158. Simila.r to last. 159. Fragment of same- date with cow-headed goddess Hathor, of N . . h. 160. Fragment of same date with Moon god Thoth, lord of Hermopolis Magna. 161. Fragment of same date (?) with Khem- like god. 162. Fragment with Sekhet ? mer? Pteh aa . . . These inscriptions, from 157, are on blocks of the pylon built by Shashanq III. The scenes with which it was covered represented the king worshipping a number of divinities. 17. No. 163. Stela of Tahakqa. Latter half in Bouge, Insc. lxxiii.-iv. (trans¬ lated by Bouge, “Melanges cTArehdologie,” I. p. 21, and Birch, Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1880, p. 193). His copy is different in some places. The stela is much weathered. Mr. Petrie’s excellent copy was revised by M. Naville from the squeezes. 1.1. [says the king Taharqa, I was the younger son of my father ? . . .], he [gave] me a goodly field . , . 1. 2. . . . around it? he prevented the locusts from devouring . . . 1. 3. ... he took (as his share) of it the animals. I took as my share the harvest. 1. 4.all the flax ? and corn . . . 1. 5. [I was brought up ?] amongst the king’s children . . . 1. 6. [lo I was] loved by my father more than the (rest of) the royal children. 1. 7. TBANSLATIONS OP THE INSCBIPTIONS. SO 1. 8. 1. 9. [Now when] my father Amen [had placed] all lands beneath my feet. 1. 10. . . . [Eastward] to the sunrise (N.), westward to . . . 1. 11. . . . as sister of the king, palm of love, royal mother. 1. 12. . . . Behold I had parted from? her as a youth of twenty years. 1. 13. [For] he (that is king Taharqa ?) went to the north land. Now she descended the river to 1 1. 14. [and reaching this city] after many years she found me crowned . . . 1. 15. . . I had received the diadems of Ra, I had united the two uraei upon ? 1. 16. [my forehead ? the god . . .] was protecting my limbs. She rejoiced exceedingly, 1. 17. [looking upon] the beauties of his majesty, even as Isis views her son Horus crowned upon the throne 1. 18. [of Seb (Masp.)], after he had been as a youth in the marshes ( Ses ) of [Natho (or the papyrus beds). 1. 19. Then] all foreign lands bowed their heads to the earth, to this royal mother, [they] were 1. 20. ... to the earth (?), their great ones together with their little ones 1. 21. [were doing obeisance ?] to this [royal?] mother, saying, “as Isis received 1. 22. [Horus so the queen finds] her son the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Taharqa ( Tahc-lq) living for ever. 1. 23. . . . Thou art living for ever in prosperity. 1. 24. . . . he (the god Amen ?) loves him who knows his will, he causes to join 1. 25. . . . beautiful things that he (thy father ?) did to thee, thou mighty king, 1. 26. . . [as Horus . . .] to his mother Isis. Thou art crowned upon [the throne of Seb ?],” 1 Sec Addenda for the correct reading. 18. No. 164, 165, and 166. Tablets now in the British Museum. I have compared the plates with the originals and can guarantee the readings in the following, as far as they go. The inscriptions are carelessly cut. 164. Limestone tablet from shrine in Ptole¬ maic chapel. Above “Behud, the great god, lord of heaven.” On the right the “ lord of the two lands, An netrui men^ui setep n amen ra Ptali . . . an y, offspring of the gods Euergetes, chosen of Amen, Lord of diadems, Ptualmis a%x T'eta Ast mer, Ptolemy, living for ever, beloved of Isis (Ptolemy IV. ?),” and the “ lady of the two lands, Arsln sen mer Arsinoe Philadelphos,” stand before (1) “ Khem, lord of Amt, Horus, dwelling in Set haa.” (2) “Hor Sa Ast Sam taui, the prince (appears to have the crown of Lower Egypt), great god, dwelling in Amt.” (3) “ Uat of Amt, eye of Ra, lord of heaven, mistress of all the gods.” She says, “ I give to thee ( sic ) all pure life, all victory, all prosperity.” 165. Limestone tablet from a site south of the temple. Two scenes, (1) the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Ra user lea meri Amen, strength and ka of the Sun, beloved of Amen, son of the Sun, lord of diadems, Ptualmis (Ptolemy II. Philadelphos). Offers to ( a ) “ Khem, Lord of Amt.” (5) “ The Net, regent of the two lands, princess, lady of thrones (traces of same car- touches as in 166); Alsln mer senu ? (very indistinct), Arsinoe Philadelphos (loving her brother ?). (2) The same king offers to “ Hur sam taui pa x_red, dwelling in Amt, and Uat, lady of Amt, eye of Ra, lady of heaven, mistress of the gods.” 166. Limestone tablet from chapel. King Pto¬ lemy Philadelphos, “ son of the sun neb ta ” (so on original), and “Arsa (sic) sen mer” (Arsinoe TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 31 Philadelphos), whose second cartouche yyiern euten ? neteru mer is legible and may be trans¬ lated “ uniting the heart of the king, beloved of the gods.” She is again entitled (on the original) Net neb taui and Erpet. As to the title Net, her second cartouche has been found only in Lower Egypt, at San and Tell el Maskhuta. Thus Net must mean queen of Lower Egypt, and not simply “queen” or “queen bee” as might otherwise be supposed. At Tell el Mas¬ khuta the first oval of Arsinoe begins “ uniting the heart of Shu.” There is a squeeze of another tablet from the chapel without inscriptions, showing a Ptolemy in Egyptian dress, Philadelphos (?) offering to (1) Khem, (2) Homs, (3) Eat, and (4) a queen Arsinoe (?). 167. Back of basalt statue of the Ptolemaic or Roman period, from great temple. Inscrip¬ tion doubtful. 168. “ Hor neb mesen [dwelling in T’a]l.” For T’al, the capital of the fourteenth Sethroite nome, see the memoir on Qantarah. “ Khensu [pa] khred (the child), the very great, son of Amen.” Both of these gods appear on the statues of Teos, from Tanis, Brugsch, Z.F.A.S., 1872, p. 16 ff. 169. “King Ptolemy restoring the places (temples). . .” The cartouche corresponds best in Kgsb. with cartouche K of Ptolemy XI. 170. Limestone block. “Ptolemy (in the standard nem mesu “ renewing birth”) performs the ceremonies of . . . house of (?) writing ” before the goddess “Mer? or Mehit? Ast (Isis) raising high the offerings of the house of gold.” (The king holds a large paddle.) (She says) “ I am going at the head of the house of . . . my arms are warding off Shu and Tefnut (?), while there goes and brings . . . to me (?)... They place them in the hidden house.” Beneath is a bull galloping, called “ Horus in Bennut in his form of a black bull.” “ They bring ? him to ? the house of gold.” Upper lines: “ the water to ... in order to enrich the earth with products (N.). Horus dwelling in Bennut, bull with horns ready (to attack). Climbing he ascends the two Niles. He performs his wish, he searches out . . . that he made.” The standard name nem mesu does not occur in Lepsius. The cartouche belongs perhaps to Ptolemy IX. 19. No. 171. Statue from Tanis at Bulaq. On breast Ra kha kheper (Usertesen II.). “ The hereditary princess, the great favourite, the very gracious, the consort of Ra kha kheper, beloved mistress of the two lands, royal daughter . . .” “ The hereditary princess, the great favourite, the very gracious, the consort of the wearer of the two diadems, beloved, mistress of women, the lady, the king’s daughter, of his body, Nefert perfected.” 172. Statue of Rameses II. at Bulaq. On back, Rameses II., “ beloved of Hathor, lady of Mat'” and “ Apuat sekhem taui.” “ All life, stability, and purity, all health to the here¬ ditary (heir-apparent).” Front of right standard, Rameses II., “lord of Sed festivals like his father Ptah . . . beloved of the southern (?) Apuat regent of the two lands.” Front of left standard, Rameses II. "... subduing the foreign peoples; Ra, father of the gods, joining the two lands; beloved of Hathor, mistress of Mt'a, regent of the gods.” Other parts are prayers in behalf of the heir-apparent Merenptah. They are: “ all life, sam ( stability ), and health” (on left standard); “all power and victory” (on right standard); “ all life, stability, plenty and health for the hereditary chief of the two lands, the royal scribe, the chief general, the royal son, the Sam.Merenptah justified” (right side). The Apuat mentioned was god of Lycopolis 32 TKANSLATIOKS OF THE INSCRIPTION'S. (Siyut), and the Hathor of Mat' was worshipped in the Lycopolite or the Hypselite nome. 173. Seated statue altered by Rameses II. On back, Rameses, “ beloved by Set,” “ Turn- Kheper,” and “Nut”; and “conciliating the two hawk gods,” i.e. Set and Horkhuti (?). On the sides he is “ beloved of Turn lord of On, Horkhuti, Ptah lord of truth, Amen ra lord of heaven.” 174. Seated statue of Rameses II. “ The good god, son of Ptah, beloved of Sekhet-Bast, Rameses II. Thou art even as Ptah.” 20. The series of inscriptions translated above forms almost a corpus of the inscriptions of the great temple of Tanis. A few important ones are indeed omitted. The stela of 400 years, for instance, was re-buried by Mariette and could not be found. Some have been previously copied by the learned De Rouge, and his publi¬ cations of the stelae are scarcely to be surpassed. But there was still much to be gleaned by Mr. Petrie, and, except where an inscription was in¬ accessible by any ordinary contrivance, we now have a complete set of those remaining on the ground. Moreover, some entirely new discoveries were made in the Ptolemaic chapels and temples that are of great importance for the geography of the district. Now that the inscriptions are known en masse, it is worth while to see what conclusions may be drawn from them (1) as to the local worship of Tanis, (2) as to the position of Tanis in the political geography of Egypt, (3) as to the history of the kings, I therefore append a few notes on each of these questions. The local mythology of a city is to be learnt from the dedications of its temples and of the monuments adorning the temples. Often it is found that nearly every monument bears a dedi¬ cation or an expression of homage to a parti¬ cular god or goddess brought into connection with a particular geographical name, and the name of the city and its local worship can then be identified at once. At Tanis the case is very different, and nothing can yet be considered certain with regard to it. The dedications of the middle kingdom all, with only two exceptions, 1 relate to the deities of Memphis and those of the underworld. Ptah res anbuf neb aiikli taui, Ptah nefer her, Uasar neb shetalt are titles of the deities, which being the chief gods of the capital, were no doubt at that time representative of Lower Egypt. We only learn from this, that if the statues and architraves were originally dedicated in the temple of Tanis, 2 the mythological position of the city was not at that time prominent enough to force the Pharaohs of the period to venerate the local god by placing his name upon these monuments. 1 One exception is the obelisk of Nehesi, which I was inclined to attribute to the twenty-second dynasty, but Mr. Petrie has kindly communicated to me his reasons for the earlier attribution. They are (1) that the style of cutting iii the hieroglyphs, though rough, is like that of the thirteenth dynasty, and unlike the work of later times, the edges of the signs being sunk deeper than the central parts. (2) That it has been re-used at a later date, and bears no sign of usurping earlier work, as the later inscriptions usually do. (3) He quotes instances from which it seems certain that ^ was used for n in the thirteenth dynasty. (4) He has seen a scarab which bears the name, “royal son Nehesi,” in the style of that time. These arguments seem conclusive, and lead to the important result that Set was in some manner recognized at San before the Hyksos invasion. Harshef, the deity of Heracleopolis Magna, appears on the apex. This monument is distinctly dedicated to Set, lord of re ahtu, “the entrance of the fields,” which if not actually the name of the district round Tanis, was possibly a designation of the entrance of one of the roads from the eastern desert. The objection that Horus, the conqueror of Set, was more likely to be the guardian and lord of all these roads, does not perhaps apply to all periods of Egyptian history. The same myth may have different sides, and each side may have a time of popularity or of preference by the autocrat. However, re aliiu ma) r have been in Upper Egypt: cf. Br. Rec. I. vi. The other exception is the re-used obelisk of the middle kingdom, in which Hor neb khaskhet appears. 2 The large block of limestone inscribed with the name of Usertesen III., as De Rouge, who records it, points out, Mel. l.c., is strong evidence that the monuments of the early dynasties were originally at Tanis, and not brought there at a later period. TRANSLATIONS ON THE INSCRIPTIONS. 33 After the fall of the native dynasties the Hyksos have left memorials in the temple. The name of the king ApepI, beloved of Set, is the only one now legible. This dedication tells us nothing of value for the local mythology. Set was the especial deity of the Hyksos, and ap¬ pears on an altar of the period found in Cairo (and therefore, perhaps, from Heliopolis) as “ Lord of Avaris.” The nineteenth and twentieth dynasties bring in a flood of divinities. The god of Thebes, the capital of Egypt, holds perhaps the third place, the first being given to Ptah Tathnen, 1 with whom Bameses II. continually com¬ pares himself. This god was again, perhaps, a form of the Memphite god, and held a very high place in the worship of the king. On an almost equal footing appear the gods of Helio¬ polis, the emblems of living and conquering royalty. Turn and Harmachis with Shu are the gods to be attributed to the pre-eminent religious influence of that city. Uatl ap taui is brought in owing to her connection with the marsh lands of the Delta, and Horus of the foreigners, or of the desert hills, similarly occurs once in this dynasty. 2 Amongst the other gods, while Menthu is often made use of in warlike boasts of Eameses, the only one of any prominence in the dedica¬ tion is Set, who is called “ the very valiant,” and once, on a monument of Merenptah, “ lord of Avaris.” Set was the Hyksos divinity and an Asiatic god, and the kings of the nineteenth dynasty not only bore names compounded with that of Set, but also frequently dedicated monu¬ ments to him. It is not reasonable, therefore, from these occasional mentions of Set in the dedication, to conclude that Set was the especial god of the city. Set, lord of Avaris,, 1 Compare the decree of Ptah Tatunen or Tathnen at Ahusimbel (E. Naville, Trans. S.B.A., vol. vii. p. 119, etc.), and below, p. 34, note. 2 De Rouge, Mel. 1.0., also mentions Selchet nelt Ant, mistress of the valley, and Hor aa pehti, as occurring at San. appears also in a dedication by Merenptah at Tel Muqdam, Mar. Mon. Div. 63; while if Tanis were Avaris, and Set the especial deity, we should expect to find that the dedications of the nine¬ teenth dynasty in the temple, unless very strongly influenced by other causes, were mono¬ polized entirely by that god. In the twenty-first dynasty we find no special dedication beyond that to Amen ra as god of the Theban capital. In the twenty-second Amen ra continues. The only exception in or about this period is on the pillar of Aa arq ra, which is of doubtful period. Unfortunately it has not been seen by any one except Mariette; but it seems probable that it belongs to the time between the Eamessides and the Saites rather than to the middle kingdom. The dedication upon this to a goddess Per ... is hard to restore. I have examined a number of the objects found in the tombs at Zuwel&n by Mr. Petrie. The eyes, &c., are distinctly of the twenty-second dynasty in most cases, while some are twenty- sixth. A scarab from the town ? bears the throne name of Osorkon II., which was adopted also by other kings of the same family; and the bones from the jars have been identified as those of cats by Mr. O. Thomas, assistant in the Zoological Department of the British Museum. This throws some light on the condition and religion of Tanis at the period. The ushabti of the priestess of Amen Ankhsnast (see Nebesheh, p. 46) must also be of the twenty-first or twenty-second dynasty. There is a great blank after the twenty- second dynasty, and with the exception of a statue at Bulaq, the only materials for filling it up are the Ptolemaic remains found by Mr. Petrie. These point two ways. The monuments in the chapel are dedicated to the deities of Amt, the capital of the nineteenth nome; the block from the temple is concerned with a black bull, Horus in the city of Bennu. And Bennu was the name of the territory of the fourteenth nome. E 34 TRANSLATIONS ON THE INSCRIPTIONS. The monuments of the chapel must probably give way to the single block from the temple, especially as Amt seems to have been situated at Nebdsheh. The search for a local mythology and really local worship has not been successful. When we have sifted out the national gods who change with the dynasties (the Ptah, Osiris, and Sokar of the middle kingdom; Set of the Hyksos; Set, Harmachis, Turn, Tathnen and Amen of the Eamessides; Amen also of the Bubas- tites) there is no residuum left sufficient to certify a local worship. Set, TIati ap taui, and Horus of the foreigners, wear a semblance of localization. The preference perhaps should be given to the first on the strength of the obelisk of Nehesi and the strange monument called the stela of 400 years. * 1 Horus of the foreigners, on the pair of obelisks of the middle kingdom adopted by Eameses II., is probably local only in a general sense, and proves that the north-east of the Delta was at an early period full of non- Bgyptians. 21. The position of Tanis in the political geography of Egypt is not much easier to determine. The fact that there was no hard and fast local worship seems to prove that it 1 Does this not really allude to the victorious introduction of the Syrian Set into Lower Egypt by the Hyksos, rather than to the era of a king Nubti 1 The supposed Hyksos king has not the usual Ra in the name. If so it records the four hundredth anniversary of the conquest of Lower Egypt, by which Set (or Nubti) became king both of Upper and Lower Egypt. It was erected on the order of Raineses II. by Seti, who was governor of the foreigners and of the fortress of T'al where Horus of Mesen, the especial enemy of the Asiatic Set, was worshipped. It would thus be a sign of the tendency of Raineses II. to make a patronizing alliance with the Asiatics and their gods, and his desire to adopt the worship of the foreigners. It was Rameses II. and his father Seti that first raised the northern Delta from the disgrace into which it had fallen, probably as the seat of growth of the Hyksos, and restored its temples. The head-dress of Set on the monument is very curious. The cap is that of Upper Egypt with a lotus flower instead of the urteus, while from the apex hangs a long ribbon or cord, forked at the end which reaches below the knees. It is probably this ribbon that is seen behind the figure of Set on the statue of Merenptah, son of Pa mer kau, from Nebesheh. was not a capital city in the earliest times; the religion of a district or of a family must have fixed itself in their chief settlement in times of extreme antiquity, and the centre of a cult seems to have continued by a natural process as the centre of a district and the capital of a nome: although after the overthrow of old traditions at and before the Hyksos period, and the neglect of the temples of Lower Egypt by the succeeding native dynasty, the nineteenth dynasty seems to have made a new distribution to some extent, traces of which appear in the list of Eameses II. in the temple of Memphis, while other lists of the same period follow the earlier lines. It seems very probable that Brugsch was right in identifying Tanis with the royal city of Pa Eamessu mer amen. Its temple was filled with the name and monuments of Eameses II., who erected in it to represent himself the largest monolith statue in the world. No city but, perhaps, Thebes, Memphis, and Heliopolis can have shown such a monument of his reign as this temple itself formed. If this be granted, Eameses seems to have planted one of his capitals not in a religious centre, but in a position the importance of which had been noted by the Pharaohs of the middle kingdom, and close to the very centre of the Hyksos rule—a position which commanded the northern route to Syria and placed the king after the conquest of that country in easy communication with all his dominions. 1 There was no strong local cult, and Eameses in renewing the temple, which had no doubt been entirely neglected since the Hyksos rule, introduced the worship of the gods who pleased him most. Ptah Tathnen of Memphis, Harma¬ chis and Turn of Heliopolis, Amen of Thebes, 1 The inscription of Abusimbel (published by Ed. Naville, Trans. S.B.A., vol. vii. pi. i. p. 119, &c.) says appropriately that it was built “ to strengthen the two lands of Egypt ” (see 1. 16 of the stela), and it is evidently counted as one of the most important achievements of the king. TRANSLATION'S OJ? THE INSCRIPTIONS. 35 held the chief places. A chapel was given to Set aa pehti or Sutekh, the Hyksos god, and much honour shown to him. Thoth of Hermo- polis also probably had a chapel, and certainly an altar. We must recollect that the limestone walls have entirely disappeared, and that while occa¬ sionally limestone monuments were saved by being covered up with rubbish, we have only a portion of the decorations of the temple to assist us in our researches, and practically none of the temple itself. There is a fragment of a local name, no doubt of the name of Tanis, in Inscription 114. It perhaps preserves a portion of the sign ha, “ house,” i.e. of Eameses II. The name of the city of Eameses II. occurs on the Roman or Ptolemaic statues of Teos, from San, in the Bulaq Museum, and therefore remained to a very late period. 1 That Tanis was Avaris is not probable. As to the Biblical Eameses: the land of Eameses in which the Israelites were settled, Gen. xlvii. 11, was approximately the same as Goshen, v. 6. There is also the store-city Eameses or Eaamses, Ex. i. 11. If the land of Eameses, which was “ the best of the land,” means the district of the city of Eameses, then the latter must be sought for near Goshen. If, however, the district is not connected with the city, then Tanis—Pa Eamessu mer amen —Pa Barnes is probably Eaamses. Cf. M. Naville’s “ Goshen,” especially pp. 17 and 20. There is also the question whether Eameses, from which the Israelites started, was the city or the district. From Tanis to Tel el Mas- khuta (Pithom) the distance in a straight line is thirty miles, and would be at least two days’ journey for the mixed multitude. In all probability Tanis was the royal city in 1 The inscription mentions Amen of Rameses in Pa Rames (i.e. Pa ramessu mer amen). Other geographical names are Khent alt, name of the sixteenth nome. Tar its capital, Mesen nut aat, “ the great city,” aatu nu se^et t'an, “ villages in the fields of Zoan.” E the field of Zoan where, according to Exodus and Psalm lxxviii. v. 43, Moses performed the miracles before Pharaoh. That Tanis was considered to belong to the district of the fourteenth nome may be con¬ sidered nearly certain. In Eoman times it seems to have been the capital of a separate nome, the Tanite, with the worship of the same hawk god as the fourteenth. This separate nome has not been identified in the Ptolemaic lists, and on the blocks of the temple built by the Greek dynasty the city seems to have the name of Bennu, the name that the territory of the fourteenth nome bears in the lists. The capital, i.e. the religious centre, at that time was still Tal, which probably lay at Tell Belim. Tal remained a nome capita also in the Eoman period, but its district was then only the Sethroite nome, outside the arms of the Nile. There are still many questions to be settled in this region. Let us hope that the papyri of Tanis will help us out of some of the difficulties. 22. Historically, one looks for light from the sum total of these inscriptions on the question of the Tanite dynasties. But not much is to be obtained from the monuments. The evidence of the preference for Amen ra, king of the gods, is in favour of the hypothesis that the Theban and the Tanite kings of the twenty-first dynasty were identical, and that Thebes was their original home, Tanis being only adopted as their chief seat in Lower Egypt, as seems to have been the case with Bubastis under the succeed¬ ing dynasty. There is no trace at Tanis of the XXIII. dynasty, which Africanus calls Tanite. The earlymonuments of Tanis are provokingly suggestive of having been brought by Eameses II. to adorn his new capital. It has never been absolutely proved that this was not done. The truth about the age of Tanis can only be ascertained when deep excavations are made in the mound itself or a sufficient examination of the extensive cemeteries has been carried out. 2 36 TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. The latter are in danger of being entirely worked out by the Arabs before the explorer conies upon the ground. 1 The Saite kings may have built a separate temple in the city. Only one monu¬ ment later than Taharqa seems to have existed in the great, temple; but the site was at least inhabited then, for Mr. Petrie found the car¬ touche of Psammetikhus II. on a porcelain disk. The decree of Canopus must have been placed in a Ptolemaic temple on almost the same ground as the great temple. The stela of Taharqa is an important monu¬ ment, and it is very unfortunate that it is not more perfect. It is probable that the stela is not only a record of the visit of the queen- mother to Tanis, and of the submission of the people to her and her son, but is also intended to put forth the claims of Taharqa to the throne by recounting the king’s early favours to him, and then the nomination of his mother as queen-mother. The stela throws a good deal of light on the family of Taharqa. It is clear that he belonged to the royal stock, but was not in the direct succession, and no doubt he gained his throne chiefly through Shabatok’s defeat and his own success in the Assyrian war. A feud in the family is hinted at in the comparison of Taharqa to Horus, and the following genealogical table is probably not far from the truth :— I. Kashta, King of Thebes ? II. Shabako (King of Thebes, and of Lower Egypt by conquest). III. Shabatok, contemporary with Shabako, defeated by Sennacherib, and displaced by Taharqa ? IV. Ameniritis, claimed as daughter of Kashta : supported claim of Shabako and Shabatok, reigned also in her own right, and married Paankhi, who thus became nominally king; put down by Taharqa ? V. Shepenapt, daughter of Ameniritis and Paankhi, gave rights to her husband Psammetiohus I., in Lower Egypt, one year ? after death of Taharqa. Aqleq? succeeded to the rights of Ameniritis. i VI. Taharqa (Tirhaka) her son, King of Ethiopia and Egypt by force and conceded right of his mother. VII. Urdamane, stepson of Taharqa, king with Taharqa, and after Taharqa’3 defeat by Assurbanhabal remained King of Ethiopia. He invaded Egypt, but was driven back by Assurbanhabal. The same as Amen ta nuath of the hieroglyphic inscriptions ? That the five members of the families of Shabako and Ameniritis held together and reigned contemporaneously is rendered probable by their names being found upon one stela at Turin. Ameniritis is also found in conjunction with Shabako. Their monuments never mention the family of Taharqa, and those of Taharqa are silent about them. There is a point worth noting about the queen of Ptolemy Philadelphos. In Lower 1 In 1884, Mr. Petrie made some trials at Zuwelen at a time when he was taking the first steps in obtaining those dated series o£ .common objects which have already altered the whole aspect of an excavation to those who pursue the study. As long as the cemeteries of Tanis can wait, his method will attain greater precision year hy year; hut destruction of tombs for the sake of amulets to sell to dealers and travellers is going on at a terrible rate throughout Egypt. Egypt she appears to have had a second royal oval, and she bore in addition to the usual titles of the queens, the regal title Net, implying sovereignty over Lower Egypt. This adds another to the list of honours paid her by the king. The title Net was not found at Pithom, but appears plainly on the two stelae of San. It is important, now that the “ Livre des Eois ” of MM. Brugsch and Bouriant is in the hands of so many who take an interest in Egyptology, to point out that the king’s name, Sa Menthu, which is retained there, does not really exist. M. Naville (Insc, Historique de Pinodjem III., p. 16) showed that all the monuments on which Sa Menthu was supposed translations of to occur, really bore tlie name Saamen, and with Wiedemann drew the conclusion that Sa amen of Tanis and other places was the same as Herhor Saamen of Thebes. M. Naville, in a private letter to me, states that he finds it difficult to explain the discovery at San of the Ptolemaic tablets in the chapel, unless Tanis was in the nome of Am peh at that period; and since the blocks of the Ptole¬ maic temple, which bear the name of Bennu, may merely form part of a nome list, he thinks it is most probable that Tanis was a second principal city in the same nome with JSTebfisheh. I had considered this possibility before, but rejected it for two reasons. Of the supposed nome list, the only city name that has survived is Bennu, the territory and capital of a nome to which strong arguments point independently as being the Tanite. This would at least be a THE INSCRIPTIONS. 37 wonderful coincidence. Moreover, the capital of the fourteenth nome is referred to again under the name of T'al on the tablet No. 168, and of Mesen on the statue from the temple, 167, as well as on the statues of Teos, which omit all reference to the gods of Amt. M. Naville also makes the interesting remark that neither of the nomes of Am, that is, of Nebesheh and Bubastis, occur in the lists of Seti I. at Abydos, and suggests that these nomes may not have been organized at the time. It may be said, however, that the East of the Delta seems to have been more honoured by the early kings than the West. Possibly the architects of Seti I. lacked space for the full list, and had to be content to omit those nomes which, like Athribis and many of the Eastern nomes, came late in their arrangement of the list. In “ Tanis I.” the following corrections can now be made:— P. 6, col. 1,1. 5, the statue is of Usertesen I. (above, p. 16). P. 6, eol. 2,1. 18, the statue is also of Usertesen I. (above p. 17). P. 15, col. 2, 1. 10, for Ramessu II. read Osorkon II. (above, p. 21). P. 15, col. 2,11. 11 and 13 from below, for Amenemhat II. and Usertesen III. read Usertesen I. PI. xiii.j 3 and 4, Usertesen I. PI. xiv., 3, Osorkon II. PI. XV., 3, is of a later Ptolemy; so also p. 32, 1. 8 ('above p. 30). Index of PI. xii,, 1, Usertesen I.? ADDENDA TO THE TRANSLATIONS. M. Maspero has kindly written to me in reply to some questions about the stela of Taharqa. After some important remarks of which I have availed myself in correcting the genealogy, as well as a point which I have noted in the translation, he concludes by saying:— “ Kashta est roi de Thebes probablement mais non d’Egypte. II me parait certain qu’apres l’expedition de Piankhi Miamoun la Thebaide resta un fief de l’Lthiopie, independante de la dynastie qui regnait dans le Delta.” The squeezes of this stela, which had gone astray, have at the last moment been found. After a very careful examina¬ tion of them I can make the following corrections in the Plate (ix. Ho. 163) :— 1* 1- For read . 1) is very doubtful. l 4. iv fl t,.'' o ga Till B III o . 1. 5. There are several indistinct signs beneath --- . 1. 6. After ienu there is nothing distinct. 1. 7. Last part very indistinct. 1-9- Q m ^ , etc. 1. 11. The first parts looks like 1 . 12 . 1. 13. (sic). /WWW ^ r ta meli: 1. 18. c!±b M. I doubt whether the ends of all the lines /WWW 1 are not broken away. 1. 22. /w ^ vv . MWA 1.23. ^ _. A/WWA --- Some other slight alterations will suggest themselves as probable, although they cannot be confirmed by the stela. ( 39 ) NUMBERING OF PLANS AND INSCRIPTIONS. The general arrangements of the numbering have been fully stated in Part I. (see fly-leaf before the inscription plates); hence it is only needful here to give the list of numbers of blocks on the plan, with corresponding numbers of inscriptions on those blocks, so as to enable any one to find the inscription of any given stone. Plan. In¬ script. Plan. In¬ script. Plan. In¬ script. Plan. In¬ script. Plan. In 7 33 59 49 100 147 147 123 204 106 8 80 60 26 101 4 C 24 206 105 9 34 61 27 102 16 Lou t 122 208 19b 10 43 62 52 103 3 155 121 211 69 11 161 63 68 104 144 158 142 212, 213 101 12 157 65 134 105 66 159 120 214 82 13 158 66 135 106 137 160 150 215 77 15 162 68 35 108 131 163 60 217 19c 18 160 69 36 111 130 164 79 219 99 19 32 70 136 112 129 167 58 220 100 22 159 71 29 113 2 168 57 226 138 25 93 72 28 115 67 169 98 228 94 26 118 73 31 116 154 170 84 229 96 27 56 74 30 117 C 21 173 119 236 145 28 111 75 41 155 175 153 2380 29 113 76 48 118 139 176 107 239 £ 90 33 112 77 51 ]21 125 177 83 240 ) 34 110 79 63 122 149 179 97 241 62 36 114 80 68 124 (127) 180 22 242, 243, 81 38 152 81 38 125 128 183 23 244 64 39 103 82 39 128 (127) 186 146 247 89 42 102 86 17 ]29 (127) 187 132 248. 249, 65 43 45 87 8 130 127 190 76 r 13 44 104 89 163 134 109 194 73 261 [61 47 44 93 163 136 59 195 92 262 ‘88 49 50 95 9 138 148 196 78 264 87 51 15 96 1 139 126 197 19e 269 42 52 133 97 5 141 141 198 19a 271 53 54 37 98 17 142 140 200 92 276 54 57 46 99 11 144 124 202 78 b» 279 10 58 4,7 (Errata in plan numbers attached to plates of Tanis I. : Inscrip. 32 should read plan 19; Inscrip. 15 should read plan 43.) ( 40 ) CLASSIFIED INDEX TO INSCRIPTIONS. (a) Chronological Name List. (Some royal names and notices in [ ] are completed from other publications.) K. Pepi I., 2, PI. xii. 5. K. Amenemhat I., 3, [23] (text). Iv. Usertesen I., 4, [5] (text), 8. K. Usertesen II., 6 ? Q. Nefert, 171 (titles). K. Amenemhat II. ? sphinx, 14. K. Usertesen III., 7. K. Sebekhetep III., 16. K. Mermeshau, 17. P. Nehesi, 19. K. Apepa, partial usurpation, statue of Mermeshau, 17. (Hyksos) partial usurpation, XII. Dynasty sphinx, [14] ? Hyksos sphinx monuments and usurpation? 27, 28, 29. K. Rameses II. monuments, 32—135 and 172—174, including great colossus and [stela of 400 years]. K. Rameses II. usurpation, XII. Dynasty (none certain). XIII. Dynasty, Mermeshau (partial). Middle Kingdom, complete usurp., statues, 11, 173. obelisks, 55, 61. Hyksos sphinxes, almost complete, 25—31. Q. [Tua], 11 (titles). Q. Ra mat neferu, 36 (titles). Q. Ra merit or Amen merit (see text), 35 d. Q. Bantau ant, 35 e, 37 o. P. Merenptah (heir apparent), 172 (titles). usurpation, XII. Dynasty, statue, 4 (titles). K. Merenptah, monuments, 136—140. usurpations, XII. Dyn., statues, 3, 4, 5, 8 (partial), sphinxes, 14, 15 (entire). Hyksos sphinxes, 25—31 (entire). K. Soti H, 141. K. Rameses HI., 142, 143. K. Siamen monuments, 145—151 (titles, 146). usurpation, XII. Dynasty, sphinx, 15 b (partial). K. Pasebkhanu I. [bricks of temenos -wall]. usurpation, Hyksos sphinxes, 27—31 (partial). K. Ra aa arq, 20. K. Shashanq I., usurp., XH. Dyn., sphinxes, 14, 15 (partial). K. Osorkon H., 41 (titles, see correction in text)") usurpation ? K. Shashanq HE., 157, &c.1 column 102. K. Tahelq, 163 (stela). (his mother), 163. K. Psemthek H,, PI. xii. 25. K. Ptolemseus II., 165, 166. Q. Arsinoe, 165, 166. [K. Ptolemeeus III., decree of Canopus.] K. Ptolemseus IY. ? 164. Q. Arsinoe, 164. K. Ptolemzeus IX. ? 169, 170 (title). [Tether (Teos) statues.] Bakakhuiu (statue), Tanis I., Frontispiece. (5) Conquests of Rameses II. Anu n Kesh, 78. Deshert, 50. Kesh, 53. Kheta, 47, 49, 65 (cf. 36 b). Nehsi, 51, 78. Rethnu, 45, 47, 53 Sati, 33, 44, 52, 78. Set Amentet, 78 obv., 1. 12. Sharutani, 78 obv. (sea fight). Shasu, 53, 81. Ta Kenset, 45. Thehennu, 45, 65. (c) Deities. Aah, 43 b (R. II.). Amen ra, 163, addenda (Tahelq), 136 (Merenptah), 146 (Siamen). Amen ra, 173 (R. II.). Amen ra neb nes taui, 14 b (Sheshanq I.), 102 (R. II.), 136 (Merenptah). Amen ra suten neteru, 15 b, 145 (Siamen), 29 b (Piseb- khanu), 48, 114 (R. II.). Apuat res sekhem taui, 172 (R. II.). Aptaui, 3 b (Merenptah). Anpu tep tuf, 4 d (Usert. I.). [An ?] pu neb pa ahdu, 40 (R. II.). CLASSIFIED INDEX TO INSCRIPTIONS. 41 Antha, 44 (R. II.). Asar (Osiris), 7 (Usert. III.). Asar neb ankh taui, 8 a (Usert. I., adopted by Merenptab). Uat Aptaui? 3 b (Merenptah). Uat nebt Amt, 164, 165 (Ptol. II., IY.). Ba neb dadat, 64 a, 102 (R. II.). Per . . (goddess), 20 (Ra aa arq). Ptali, 102, 174 (R. II.). Ptah ur amakh? f, 51 (R. II.). Ptah neb maat, 51 (R. II.). Ptah nefer lier, 16 a, Sebekhetep III., 45 (R. II.). Ptah res anbuf neb taui 1 ? 3 o (Amenemhat I.), neb ankh taui, XII. and XIII. Dyn., passim. Ptah Seker neb shethit, 3 d (Amenemhat I.). Ptah Tathnen (in comparisons), 25 a et seqq. passim (in dedication), 43 b, 52 (R. II.), 137 (Merenptah), P. T. (?) aa pehti, 45 (R. II.). Menthu, 44 et seqq. (R. II.). Menthu neb uas, 67 (R. II.). Mert Ast, 170 (Ptolemaic). Met (Maut), 109 a (R. II.). Neb r ter, 34 (R. II.). Nut, 173 (R. II.). Ra, 25 a (R. II.). Hather, 159, Shashanq III. Hather neb Ant, 2, PI. xii. 5. Hather neb Mted, 172 (R. II.). Hapi, 112 (R. II.).' Her (hawk), two hawks, 173 (R. II.). with lower crown, 13 (Middle Kingdom). Her neb mesen, 168 (Ptolemaic). Her neb setu, 13,55 (Middle Kingdom, adopted by R. II.). Her her ab benu, 170 (Ptolemaic). Her her ab set haa, 164 (Ptolemaic). Her kliuti, 47, etc. (R. II.). Her sa Ast, 163 (Tahelq). Her sam taui her ab Amt, 164, 165 (Ptolemaic). Her shef, 19 b (Nehesi?). Khepra, 43 b, 68 (R. II.). Khern Amen, 151 (Siamen). Khem neb Amt, 164, 165 (Ptolemaic). Khensu, 168 (Ptolemaic). Sutekh, 17 b (R. II.). Seb, 4 a (Merenptah), 50, etc. (R. II.). Sepd, 64 a (R. II.). Sekhet Bast, 174 (R. II.). Set, 5 a (Merenptah), 17 b (Apepa), 25 a, 78, 173 (R. II.). Set aa pehti, 4 a (Merenptah). Set neb re alitu, 19 a (Nehesi). Set neb hat uart, 5 a (Merenptah). Set nefer ? pehti, 5 a (Merenptah). Shu, 47, etc. (R. II.). Ka qem (black bull), 170 (Ptolemaic). Turn, 26 a, 44, 58, etc. (R. II.), 141 (Seti II.), heq An, 59 (E. II.). Turn liefer, 139 (R. III.). Turn Kheper, 173 (R. II.). Thuti (Thoth) neb khemenu, 66 (R. II.). (d) Geographical Names. At Ament: 170 (Ptolemaic). Amt: Khem, Uat, Hor sam taui, 164, 165 (Ptolemaic). Anu (Heliopolis): Turn, 49, 50, etc., Turn neb taui Anu, 51, etc. (R. II.). Ant: Hathor, 2, XII. 5 (Pepi I.). re Ahtu: Set, 19 a (Nehesi). pa Ahdu: [An]pu, 40 (R. II.). hat Aat: Turn, Herkhuti, 68 (R. II.). re A mu (mouth of Nile ?), 48. An, 125. Ankh taui Ptah res anbuf, 3 a, etc. (XII., XIII. Dyn.), Asar, 8 a (Usert. I.) pa Arq, 151 (Siamen). hat Uart: Set, 5 a (Merenptah). Uast: Menthu, 67 (R. II.). Benu: Her, 170 (Ptolemaic). Mesent: 168, Hor, 170, 167? Ptolemaic, ha Nub, 170 (Ptolemaic). Set Haa: Khem = Hor, 164 (Ptolemaic). Sesenu: Thoth, 66 (R. II.). Shethit: Ptah Seker, 3 d (Amenemhat I.). Dadat (Mendes): Ba, 64 a, 102 (R. II.). Tal: Her neb mesent, 168 (Ptolemaic). ha? . . . (lost): Amen ra sutn neteru, 114 (R. II.). ( e ) Some Rare Words. -- f O A/WW AAAA/V\ T" 1 f 1 # i @ r u> 7i ’ 78 obT '’ 18 ' 78 (reverse). (title of queen), 165, 166. F ( 42 ) GENERAL INDEX. Abusimbel ... . PAGE 11, 33 (note), 34 (note) Abydos . ... .’. 11 Altars of R. II. . 9 Am, nome of . . 37 Amen in XXI. Dynasty . . 18, 20, 35 in XXII. „ . . 18, 35 in XXV. „ . . 30 priestess of . . 33 ra suten neteru (Amenrasonther, king of the gods) . 18,20,22,35 Amenemhat I. (inscr.). . 15—19 Amenemhat II. . 16 sphinx of (?) . . 17 Amen (?) merit . . 20 Amphora, method of raising and carrying, from well ... 14 Amt (Am), Nebesheh . . 12, 30, 33, 37 gods of . . 30 An, stone of (limestone) . . 28 Anaitis . . 22 Ankhsenast . . 33 Ankh taui, life of the two lands ... Antha . . 15 (note) . 22 Anu of Kush . . 26 Anubis . . 16, 16, 21 (?) Apepa . . 18 Aptaui (Uat) . . 15, 16 Apuat . . 31 Appropriation by Shashanq III. (?) . 10, 28 Arabia . . 23 Architraves of pylon (?) . . 10 of temple . . 10 of TJsertesen IIT. . 16 Arsinoe II. . 12, 30, 36 Arsinoe III. . 12, 30 Avaris . . 16, 33, 35 Banta ant . . 20, 21, 22 Basalt statue, fragment of . Bedawin (Shasu) . . 12, 31 . 23, 27 Bekhten, princess of . . 21 Bennut. PAGE 31, 33, 35 Berlin Museum . . 17 Blocks of Rameses II., uncertain. ... 9, 10, 11 raised by Shashanq III. and Siamen 11 British Museum . . 12 Building, inscription relating to . . 28 Bubastis . 18, 35, 37 Bulaq Museum . 13, 31, 33, 35 Bull (Horus). . 31 Burton, “Excerpta Hieroglyphica ” 15 (note), 16 Buto not Amt . . 12 Cartouches of Arsinoe II. ... 30, 31 Cat mummies . . 33 Cemetery of Tanis at Zuwelen . ... 33, 36 Chapel of Amenemhat I. . 19 Ptolemaic . 30, 31, 37 Eamesside. . 35 Colossus, great, of Rameses II., v. R. IT. Cramp-holes, dovetailed . . 11 Crypt, Ptah Seker, lord of the . . 15 Cubit measure in architraves . . 10 Denderah . . 15 Doorway, Ramesside . . 10 of Pepi .. . 15 Drilling in granite . . 10 Dynasty XXI., Theban—Tanite . 20 (note), 35 XXII., Theban—Bubastite ... ... 18,35 XXIII., Tanite ? . . 35 XXV., probable quarrel in . 36 Early monuments originally at Tanis ... 32 (note), 35 Edfu, myth of Horbehud at. . 28 Engraver’s mistake . . 16 Erasure, double, of cartouches on columns . 10 Errata in Part I. ... 12,37 Ethiopia (Kush) . ... 23,26 Eyes, inlaid, of early statue. . 13 Exodus . . 35 GENERAL INDEX. 43 PAGE False doors . 19 Goshen . ... 24, 35 Harmakhis .. . . 21 Hawks behind head of statue ..» . 13 supporting cartouche . 17 Hawk with lower crown . . 17 Heliopolis (Anu, On) . 22 Her shef . 19, 32 (note) Hittites (Kheta) . 22,26 Hor aa pehti. ... 33 (note) Horus . . 30 Horus of the foreigners . 17, 23, 32, 33 Hyksos sphinxes . 19, 20 33, 34 (note) Isis . . 30 Justified (Maa kheru). . 16 Ka. . 27 Ivalantika . ... ... 13 Karnak . . 10 Kaslita . . 38 Khem . 17 (note), 30 Khem Amen. . 29 Khensu. . 31 Khent Amenti . . 16 Khepra in his boat . . 25 Kheta (Hittites) ., ... ... 22, 24 Limestone altars . 9, 24 block of Merenptah . 11 of Usertesen III. 16, 32 (note) walls . . 35 wells . ... 13, 14 (stone of An) . . 28 Lintels of Rameses II. ... 10, 11 Lion in war . . 11 Louvre Museum . . 17 Lybia . ... 22, 24 Lyeopolis . ... 31, 32 Maher (Mohar) . . 22 Maskhuta, Tel el (Pithom), Arsinoe II. at ... . 31 distance from San. 35 shrine . 9 Maspero, Prof. . . 38 Memphis . ... 15, 32 Memphite gods . . 15 Mendes.. . ... 24, 27 Menthu. . 20 altar of . . 24 Merenptah, crown prince . 13, 16, 31 king, monuments . 11 inscriptions ... . 15—20, 28, 29 Mermeshau inscriptions . ... ... 18 Muqdam, Tell . . 33 PAGE Mut . 10, 12, 24 Natho . . 30 Naville, M. 15 (note), 37 Nefert, wife of Usertesen II. . ... 13, 31 Nefer Turn . . 29 Nehesi, obelisk of. 18, 32 (note) scarab of . 32 (note) Net, title of queen . . 36 Nekhebt. . 18 Niles, scene of . ... 18, 28 Nome list of Seti I. . 37 Nubia . . 22 Osorkon II., erasure by 1 . . 28 scarab of 1 . . 33 statue of . . 21 titles of . . 21 Paddle . . . 31 Pa ramessu mer amen . . 34 Patching imperfect columns. . 10 Pedep . . 16 Pelusium not Amt . . 12 Pepi I., buildings. . 15 inscriptions . ... 15, 24 Per . . (goddess) . ... 19, 33 Pisebkkanu, wall of . . 13 work of 1 . . 12 inscription . ... 19, 20 a Theban king. . 20 Pithom (see Maskhuta, Tell el). Psammetichus II. . 24 Ptah . . 21 Ptah nefer her, of the fair face . . 18 Ptah res anbuf . . 15 Ptah Tathnen, god of long life . 21, 29, 33 Ptolemaic avenue. . 13 chapels. 33, 34, 37 monuments .12, 30, 33, 35, 37 pylon . . 13 statue . . 12 temple on S. of mounds . . 12 S. of great temple ... 13, 34 Ptolemy II. ... 12, 30 IV. 1 . ... 12, 30 IX. ? unknown standard . . 31 Pylon, Shashanq III. . 12 blocks built into . 10, 11 Ptolemaic. . 13 Qeneh . . 24 Queen, title of early . . 17 statue of early, altered . . 17 Ra aa arq . ... 19,33 Ra maa ur neferu, apparently does not exist . 20 Ra mat neferu . ... . 20 GENERAL INDEX. PAGE Ra (?) merit . ^ Rameses (city) . (district). 35 Rameses II. colossus, re-used by Sliashanq III. 10 conquers Sati (Asiatics), Shasu (Bedawin), Thehenu (Libyans), Kash (Ethiopia), Takens (Nubia), see Classified Index. early obelisks altered by.17, 19, 23, 24 early statue altered by fighting lion . great in monuments builds Pa ramessu mer amen re-cuts his own work block of, re-used by Siamen ... 13 ... 11 ... 20 ... 34 10 , 11 ... 11 Rameses III. . 29 Rameses XII. ? . . 11 Ra neferu . . 21 Re ahtu. 19, 32 (note) Reshpu 1 . . 21 Retknu, see Syrians. Roman? statue . . 12 Rouge de. 15 (note), 32 Saite kings . . 36 Sandstone colossi . .. 9, 20 obelisk. . 23 pylon . . 13 shrines ... . 9, 24 Sati (Asiatics) . 20, 22, 26, 27 Seb . . 16 Sebekhotep III. . 18 Sed festival (trigintenary, period of 30 years) . 20 Sekhet nebt Ant . . 33 Set. 16, 19, 34, and note at San before Ilyksos . ... 32 (note) of Hyksos . . 33 Sethroite nome . . 35 Seti I., nome list of . . 37 Seti II. ... 11, 29 Sharutani . . 26 Shashanq I., usurpation . . 18 Shashanq III., pylon . 10, 11, 12 erasure by ? . . 28 inscription . . 29 Shasu (Bedawin) . ... 23, 27 Shrines, Rameses II. . 9 at Tel el Maskliuta. . 9 held by statue of Rameses III. . 11 Siamen . 11, 11, 20, 28, 36, 37 a Theban king. 20 (of. 18) monuments . . 12 inscriptions . ... 18, 19 Simenthu . ... 36, 37 Sphinx, XII. Dynasty. . 19 Hyksos . . 20 in shrine. . 9 Standard (staff) . PAGE . 13 (name) . 17, 21, 31 inscription : Rameses II. . 22 Siamen . . 29 Shashanq I. . 18 Osorkon II. . 21 Statue, basalt (Roman). . 12 Stela, Rameses II. . 9 'of 400 years . 32 34, and note of Ptah Tathnen at Abusimbel. 33, 34 (note) of Taharqa. 29, 30, 36 of San (Decree of Canopus) . ... 12,36 “ Supporters ” of cartouche . . 17 Sutekh . . 18 Taharqa stela. 12, 29, 36 genealogy. . 36 Tal. . 31 Tanis, importance of the site . . . 36 mythology . ... 32—34 religion . ... 32—34 position in political geography of Egypt ... 34, 35 cemetery of, at Zuwelen . ... 33, 36 Tanis, Part I., corrections in . ... 12, 37 Tanite nome. . 37 Temple, great, arrangement. . 9 granite sanctuary of . . 10 Ptolemaic. . 12 foundation of. . 12 of Denderah . . 15 Teos, statues of, at Bulaq . 31, 33, 35 Thebes in XIX. Dynasty . . 33 capital of XXI. Dynasty. ... 20, 35 „ XXII. Dynasty. ... 18,35 Thoth, altar of . . 24 Triad . . 21 Tua, mother of Rameses II. ... 16 (note) Uat Ap taui, or Uat and Ap taui . ... 15, 16 Unfinished work, Shashanq III. . 12 Rameses II. . 10 Usertesen I. 16, 16, 17 Usertesen II. . 16 wife Nefert . . 13 Usertesen III. . 16 Water levels at San . . 14 Naucratis . . 14 Heliopolis and Memphis . 14 Weathering of granite stelse in early times ... . 9 Wells . ... 9, 13, 14 holes in steps of, for amphora . . 14 Wig of early queen . . 18 Work at Tanis in 1885 . . 9 Yahudiyeh, Tel el. . 20 Zuwelen. 24, 33, 36 SAN RAM ESSU II. I J.I2. /V h,-i te. Il me stont AL ta.rs . _ _ 66. ___ 67. «*■ v II 1 X 1 Pi i i E s A AMfsflmwws nrsn#y lie. ¥ MIX IS 1 El jpj ?A M _vy b la-n. /Of Ilf. | ' 2 5 " «S a, r\.cL S to ne rue. s. 68 . b/. M- r, p. cLaJ F. P. oLU. h/.M.r.p. del. ; \:io SAN XIX-XXDVN VII W. A7. r. p. Id . jisj^ru-tv A/VNAA n /yvv\ LttjZjtZA. SAN XXII-XXV DYN. tin a La. >1. 8J,J3. X MM.F.P.tUL. CONTENTS SECT. PAGE Chap. V. — Inscriptions. Preface ... ... ... V Introduction ... 1 By F. Ll. Gbiffith. PAGE 28? The City of Am . .. 28 NEBESHEH. 29. Inscriptions of the Xllth Dynasty .. 29 Chap. I. — Position and History. 30. Inscriptions of the XIXth Dynasty .. 29 1. Present State . 4 31. Ushabti before XXVIth Dynasty .. 31 2. Changes in the Country around 4 32. Inscriptions of XXVIth Dynasty .. 33 3. Changes elsewhere ; and loss of Ceme¬ 33. Sarcophagi of XXVIth Dynasty .. 35 teries 5 34. Ushabti of XXVIth Dynasty ... .. 36 4. The City Am, and nome Am-pehu 6 5. In Ramesside and later Times 7 Chap. VI. — Gemaiyemi. Chap. II. —Temples. 6. Discovery of the Temples . 8 7. Egyptian System of Foundations ... 8 8. Temenos . 9 9. Column and Propylon. 9 10. Pylon and Statues . 10 11. First Temple. 11 12. Second Temple . 12 13. Shrine . 13 14. Foundation Deposits, &c.14 15. Altar ... ... ••• 15 16. Government of the Hyksos . 16 Chap. III. —Cemetery. 17. Classes of Tombs . 11 18. Red Brick Tombs . 18 19. Tombs of the XXth Dynasty. 20 20. Cypriote Tombs . 20 21. Saitic Tombs. 21 22. Amulets . 22 23. Objects from Saitic and later Tombs ... 24 Chap. IV. —Town. 24. Destroyed Building with Deposits ... 25 25. Plan of Town.25 26. Ptolemaic Houses, Coins, &c. 25 27. Miscellaneous Objects.26 By F. Ll. Griffith. 35. Position . 37 36. Temenos 38 37. Inlaid Shrine. 39 38. Foundation Deposits ... 40 39. Glass-working. 42 40. History. 44 41. Sites near Nebesheh . 45 DEFENNEH. Chap. VII.— Position and History. 42. Position 47 43. Ramesside Period .. 47 44. The Camp of Psamtik I. . 48 45. The Jewish Migration ... 49 46. Hellenization of Jews. 49 47. “ The Palace of the Jew’s Daughter ”... 50 48. Pavement before the Entry 50 49. Removal of the Greeks . 51 50. Later Notices. 52 Chap. VIII.— The Kasr and Camp. 51. Nature of the Kasr . 52 52. Periods of Building . 53 53. Original Form. 54 54. Foundation Deposits ... 54 iv CONTENTS. BECT. PAGE Chap. XII.—The Weights. 55. Additions to the Kasr ... 55 SECT. PAGE 56. The Mastaba or Pavement .. 57 81. Numbers and Changes . 80 57. Buildings around the Kasr 58 82. Catalogue ... ... . 81 83. Notes on Catalogue ... 88 Chap. IX.—The Pottery, 84. Curves of Naukratite Weights 88 58. Earliest pottery 61 85. Archetypes shown by Curves ... 89 59. Comparison with Naukratite ... 61 86. Dafniote and Naukratite Weights 89 60. Classes of painted pottery 63 87. Curves similar from different Sources. 90 61. Classes of unpainted pottery. 64 88. Families of varieties of Standard 90 89. The Phoenician Standard . 91 Chap. X.—Remarks on some Vases. 90. The 80-grain Standard 91 By A. S. Murray. 91. Balance-errors of Egyptians 92 62. Bellerophon and Chim®ra 67 92. Weights found together 93 63. Nike 67 64 Boreas ... 68 Chap. XIII.—Levels and Measurements. 65. Agonistic 69 93. Ground Level... 94 66. Asiatic type . . 70 94. Buildins Levels 94 67. Panathenaic type . 70 95. Sizes of Bricks 95 Chap. XI.—The Small Antiquities. Egyptian Transliterations. 68. Archaic Figures 71 69. Sealings of Amphor® ... 72 Chap. XIV.— Qantara. 70. Stone Carvings and Scarabai ... 73 By F. Ll. Griffith. 71. Draught-boards, &c. 74 96. Sites and Mounds ... . 96 72. Glazed Ware, &c. 74 97. Latin Inscriptions, &c. 98 73. Gold Objects ... 75 98. Cemetery ... ... . 99 74 Gold Working ... 76 99. Pelusium 99 75. Silver Objects ... 76 100. Other Sites ... ... . 101 76. Bronze and Lead Objects 76 101. Monuments of Kantara 103 77. Iron-work, Military 77 102. The Position of T’al ... . 105 78. Iron-work, Civil 78 103. Stela of Defenneh 107 79. Later Stone and Glass Objects 79 80. Later Metal Objects . 80 Contents op some Plates. PLATES. NEBESHEH. I. Funereal Objects, XXth to XXVth Dynasty. II. Funereal Objects, XXth Dynasty. III. ,, ,, Cypriote Tombs. IV. Great Shrine of Uati. V. Foundation Deposits, Temple of IJati. VI. ,, ,, Plans. VII. Objects from House 100, &c. VIII. Beads, Scarabs, &c. IX. Inscriptions, Xllth and XXVIth Dy¬ nasty. X. Inscriptions, Xllth to XXVIth Dynasty. XI. „ XlXtli Dynasty. XII. „ XXVIth Dynasty. XIII. ,, Ushabti. XIV. Plan of Temple. XV. Plan of Cemetery. XVI. Plans of Tombs. XVII. Plan of Town, and General Plan. XVIII. Glass Mosaics. XIX. Foundation Deposits. XX. Bronzes. XXI. Plan of Temple of Gemayemi. DEFENNEH. XXII. Foundation Deposits of Ilasr. XXIII. „ „ Plans. XXIV. Greek Figures and Pottery, Vllth cent. b.c. XXV.—XXXI. Painted Greek Vases. XXXII. Lined Greek Vases. XXXIII.—XXXV. Plain Pottery. XXXVI. Lids and Sealings. XXXVII. Military Iron-work. XXXVIII. Civil Iron-work. XXXIX. Bronze Work. XL. Objects from Camp. XLI. Small Antiquities. XLII. Inscription of Stela. X LT TT . General Plan. XLIV. Plan of Ilasr. XLV. Plan of Eastern Buildings. XLVI. Types of Weights. XLVII. Types of Weights. XLVIH. Curves of Naukratite Weights. XLIX. Curves of Dafniote Weights. L. Curves of Weights compared. LI. Inscriptions of Kantara. it PREFACE. In placing before the public another record of explorations in Egypt, it seems a fitting opportunity to define the general principles which I have had in view in conducting and publishing these researches. The need of some such definition is apparent from certain misconceptions which I have observed; and as it may serve to some extent as an end in itself, as well as an explanation with regard to this work, I need not apologize for stating it. Just as one person has, for economy of time and means, to perform many different functions in carrying on such work ; so, in the same way, it is needful for one expedition to be made to serve many different ends, in such wise that the explorer in striving for one end should not disregard the rest. In working on any site the opportunities are many-sided, and our research should neglect none of them if we would use well our advantages. The collector, whose desire it is to see something beautiful in a museum, should remember the larger and more scientific interests; the student of art, who seeks to recover links in his dim pedigrees, must remember how much history can help him; the linguist, whose idea of Egyptology is restricted to hieroglyphics, may recollect that Egypt is not the name of a dead language, but the country of a grand civilization. To look to modern times, our own thoughts and doings will be found quite as well recorded by the homely Metropolitan Board of Works, as in the archives of the War Office. Our object then should be not only the discovery of an historical text, or a geographical identification, or a new construction in the language, or the development of an art, or the history of pottery, or the details of manufactures, or the mode of living, but all of these together—the Avhole body of archaeology. Archaeology is the history of men’s thoughts and works; it is to the history of vi PBEFACE. mind, what mineralogy, and geology, and palaeontology, are to matter.* Doubtless language and political history are the grand sciences within the domain of archaeology ; hut they are only sections, and not the whole. Another point not to he overlooked is that the condition of objects has little to do with their true value. Perfect and pretty things are no doubt very useful to serve as lures for attracting the public to the education prepared for them; hut it often happens that for real instruction a broken thing is worth more than one whole, and in no case should we neglect an injured specimen because it has been better originally. A Frenchwoman, it is reported, said on seeing the Parthenon sculptures, that she “ did not come there to see a hospital of crippleshut then she should rather have visited the Crystal Palace or a wax-work show. A museum is in the first place a treasure-house for systematic and scientific research, and in the second place an educational establishment for the public; in no case should it descend to the past indignity of a collection of curiosities or a place of amusement. To reject anything because it is not popularly attractive is a concession to mere showmanism. Let us suppose, in biology for instance, that a set of preparations illustrating each of the main discoveries of recent times were placed on one side of a gallery, and a row of execrably stuffed beasts on the other; does any one doubt which side would be worth most ? Or doubt that the populace would flock to the worthless side ? The lines, therefore, on which exploration should be conducted, are the ascertaining of all facts concerning the history and ways of the people Avhose remains we are examining. But a difficulty at once meets us in the discrimina¬ tion of what is accidental and what is general, in the immediate valuing of each isolated fact as it appears ; in short, in dealing with a larger amount than can he recorded or preserved, and abstracting from it as we go along what is intelligibly connected. A perfect excavator would need a perfect memory, since it is impossible to record or preserve a tenth or even a hundredth part of all that is seen and found. There is no more troublesome question than, What is worth keeping ? Sometimes one trifling chip of pottery may be worth * Nothing shows tetter the ignoring of true archaeology than the journalistic heading 1 ’I 86 TELL DEFENNEH. No. Material. Form. Present. Ch. Ancient. X Unit. No. Material. Form. Present. Ch. Ancient. X Unit. 983 Alabaster Basalt, gn. 20—33 33 70-0 23-85 71-5 23-85 1 3 A 143-0 1431 1057 1058 Basalt, br. Gneiss, gr. 40 33 1466*2 147-3 1471* 147-4 10 1 1471 147-4 40 1430*7 1430-7 10 143-1 1059 Basalt, br. 20—33 294-8 295-0 2 147"5 986 Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. 20—26 143*2 143-2 1 143-2 1060 Basalt, bk. 20—27 736-8 737-3 5 147-5 987 33 142-9 143-2 1 143-2 1061 Syenite, bk. 33—36 737-3 737-4 5 147-5 988 27—33 7160 716-0 5 143-2 1062 Syenite, gr. 14 24-6 — 24'6 6 147 "6 989 33—40 143-3 143-3 1 143-3 10^3 Syenite, bk.,wt. 14 241 — 24 - 6 6 147 "6 990 38—44 143-3 143 3 1 143-3 1064 Haematite 52 147 "6 14/(3 1 147 "6 991 2—79 143-3 143-3 1 143-3 1065 Basalt, br. 33 295 2 295-2 2 147'6 Syenite, gr. 33 239 23-9 A 143-4 1066 Basalt, br. 38—39 73790 7379-7 50 147-6 993 26 23-6 _ 23-9 A 143-4 1067 Syenite, bk. 20—27 294-9 295-4 2 147-7 Syenite, gr. 46 23-8 23-9 A 143-4 1068 Sandstone 32 73,830 73,830 500 147-7 995 33 143-4 143-4 1 143-4 1069 Syenite, bk. 33 73,790 73,850 500 147-7 996 2—41 143-6 143 6 1 143-6 1070 Basalt, br. 33—36 739-0 739-0 5 147-8 997 33—36 287-7 287-7 2 143-8 1071 Basalt, br. 26—33 72-6 74-0 a 148-0 998 32 24-0 _ 240 A 144- 1072 Gneiss, gr. 40 67-3 7- 74 a 148 999 19—27 47-2 48-0 l 144-0 1073 Hsematite 2—3 148‘0 148-0 1 148-0 1000 32—33 48-0 48-0 A 144-0 1074 Basalt, br. 33 146-2 148-0 1 148-0 1001 20—33 67-2 5 72* A 144- 1075 Basalt, br. 26—33 1402-2 80 1480 10 148-0 1002 high 33 669-6 50 720* 5 144 1076 Gneiss, gr. 38—43 148-1 1481 1 148-1 1003 26—33 1412-6 1440* 10 144-0 1077 Basalt, br. 38—43 49-3 49-4 148-2 1004 38—40 12,000* 2400 14,400 100 144- 1078 Syenite, bk. 17 49-4 49-4 A 1 148-2 1005 33 12,710 B 14,400 100 144 1079 Basalt, br. 39—44 296-5 2965 148-2 1006 33 1441-6 1442-8 10 144-3 1080 Basalt, br. 33 726-4 741- 5 148-2 1007 37—39 14,430 14,430 100 144-3 1081 Basalt, br. 38 1482-8 1482-8 10 148-3 1008 38—39 144-4 144-4 1 144-4 1082 Basalt, gn. 24—33 14-85 — 14-85 i 148-5 1009 17—24 14-45 — 14-45 1 144-5 1083 Gneiss, bk. 38 2962-5 2970 20 148-5 1010 32 282 — 28-9 A 144-5 1084 Silicate, gr. 21—44 24-7 — 24-8 A 148-8 1011 33 7227 7228 50 144-5 1085 Basalt, gr. 33 24-6 — 24-8 l 148-8 1012 14 24-1 _ 241 A 144-6 1086 Basalt, bk. 19 24-8 — 24-8 A 148-8 1013 27—33 481 48-2 A 144-6 1087 Diorite, bk. 21—42 24-6 — 24-8 A 148-8 1014 20-33 48-2 48-2 A 144^6 1088 Diorite, bk. 6—15 37-1 — 37-2 A 148-8 1015 Basalt, bk. 33 48-2 48-2 A 144-6 1089 Syenite,bk.,wt. 33 49-6 49-6 A 148-8 1016 Haematite 1 71-8 72-3 144-6 1090 Syenite, bk. 101 74-3 74-4 148-8 1017 Basalt, br. 19—40 14,350 14,460 100 144-6 1091 Basalt, br. 23—33 1487-6 1487-8 10 148-8 1018 Basalt, bk. 38—40 144-7 144-7 1 144-7 1092 Basalt, br. 27—33 14,800 14,880 100 148-8 1019 Alabaster 33—36 287-9 289-8 2 144-9 1093 Syenite, gr. 37—38 1486-9 1488*6 10 148-9 1020 Syenite, gr. 33 144 — 14-5 i 145-0 1094 Syenite, bk. 15—17 14-3 — 14-9 1 149- 1021 Basalt, br. 33 145-0 145-0 1 145-0 1095 Silicate, bk. 12—14 74-5 74-5 A 149-0 1022 Limestone 38—43 563-1 17 580 4 145- 1096 Basalt, br. 38—39 72-5 2- 74-5 A 149-0 1023 Basalt, br. 36—38 145-1 145-1 1 145-1 1097 Basalt, gr. 15 146-8 149-0 1 149-0 1024 Alabaster 24 23-9 — 24-2 A 145-2 1098 Limestone 38 290-1 8- 298- 2 149- 1025 Basalt, br. 33 47-5 48-4 A 145-2 1099 Haematite 16 24-85 _ 24-85 A 149-1 1026 Basalt, br. 38—40 290-3 290-4 2 145-2 noo Basalt, br. 33 745-7 745 7 5 149-1 1027 Syenite, gr.,wt 26 145-3 145*3 1 145-3 1101 Basalt, br. 39—44 24-9 _ 24-9 A 149-4 1028 Basalt, br. 20—33 48-5 48-5 A 145-5 1102 Basalt, bk. 33 74-7 74-7 A 149-4 1029 Gneiss, gr. 5—43 48-5 48-5 A 145-5 1103 Basalt, br. Alabaster 27—40 299-0 299-0 2 149-5 1030 Basalt, br. 33 2904-1 2911* 20 145-5 1104 43 747-5 747-5 5 149-5 1031 Gneiss, bk. 11—12 145-6 145"6 1 145-6 1105 Basalt, br. 33 2991-6 2994-5 20 149-7 1032 Bisalt, br. 33 291-2 291-2 2 145-6 1106 Syenite, gr. 33—36 149-8 149-8 1 149-8 1033 Sandstone 40 7250 7280 50 145-6 1107 Basalt, br. 33 299-8 299-8 2 149-9 1034 Basalt, br. 27—40 728-6 728-8 5 145-7 1108 Basalt, br. 26 150 _ 15-0 $ 150- 1035 Basalt, br. 26—33 24-3 — 24-3 A 145-8 1109 Basalt, br. Syenite, bk. 33 75-0 75 0 150-0 1036 Gneiss, gr. 26—33 24-0 — 24-3 145-8 1110 38—43 72-9 2 75* A 150 1037 Diorite, bk. 26—33 47*9 48-6 A 145-8 1111 Limestone 33—36 593-3 B 750 5 150 1038 Syenite, bk. 26—33 72-6 72-9 145-8 1112 Syenite, gr. 32 1125 B 1500 10 150 1031 Basalt, bk. 26—33 145-8 145*8 1 145-8 1113 Basalt, gr. 26—28 751-5 751-5 5 150-3 1040 Basalt, br. 40 7242 7300 50 146-0 1114 Alabaster 26—33 75-0 75*2 A 150-4 1041 Basalt, br. 20—33 1455-1 1461* 10 146-1 1115 Alabaster 26—33 750 75-2 l. 150-4 1042 Basalt, bk. 26—33 73-1 73-1 A 146-2 1116 Basalt, br. 26—33 49-5 50-2 A 150-6 1043 Basalt, br. 19—20 145-7 146-2 1 146-2 1117 Syenite, bk. 38 150-3 150-6 1 150-6 1044 Basalt 20—40 731-3 731 - 3 5 146-3 Hlb Syenite, bk. 12—20 50-2 50-3 A 150-9 1045 Basalt, bk. 33 146-6 146-6 1 146-6 1119 Basalt, br. 26—33 3003-5 3020 20 151-0 1046 Basalt, bk. 33 293-3 293*3 2 146-6 1120 Quartz, wt. 14 25-2 25-2 A 151-2 1047 Basalt, br. 33 293-7 293-8 2 146-9 1121 Basalt, bk. 33 25-2 25-2 i 151-2 1048 Basalt, br. 27 733-9 734-4 5 146-9 1122 Serpentine, bk. 21 151-2 151-4 1 151-4 1049 Haematite 1—47 24-5 — 24-5 i 147-0 1123 Diorite, bk. 2—38 25-25 25-25 A 151*5 1050 Silicate, bk. 52 31-9 B 49 A 147 1121 Limestone, gr. 10—42 23-2 B 25-3 A 151-8 1051 Basalt, br. 33 71-8 1-7 73-5 A 147* 1125 Basalt, br. 20—26 50-6 50-6 l 151-8 1052 Basalt, br. 26—33 73-5 20 73*5 A 147-0 1121 Sandstone 31—36 7596 7596 50 151-9 105c S} r enite, gr. 33 127-0 147* 1 147- 1127 Basalt, br. 33 76-0 76-0 A 152-0 1054 Basalt, br. 33 139-1 8 147* 1 147* 111-' Alabaster 26 50-7 50-7 152-1 1055 Basalt, br. 20—33 277-5 17- 294 2 147- 1129 Basalt, gr. 60—83 1527-0 1527-0 ib 152-7 1056 Basalt, bk. 39—44 731*5 735* 5 147-0 1130 Basalt, br. 33—40 3049-7 3055* 20 152-7 CHAP. XII.—THE WEIGHTS. 1131 1132 1133 1134 1135 1136 1137 1138 1139 1140 1141 1142 1143 1144 1145, 1146 J Haematite Silicate, bk. Basalt, gn. Basalt, gr. Basalt, bk. Diorite, bk. Haematite, bk. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Gneiss, bk. Basalt, bk. Syenite, bk. Flint, br. Basalt, br. Basalt, br. 3— 16 14—17 33 26—33 38—40 32—39 5 33 33 33 21—41 55 4— 19 38—43 38—39 26 51-0 25-55 51-1 307-3 76- 9 25-7 51-4 77- 2 77-2 1825 51- 9 1557T 52- 0 52-0 312-5 52-1 51-0 25 - 55 51T 307-3 77 P 25-7 51-4 77-2 77-3 3100 51- 9 1557-1 62-0 52- 0 312-5 52-1 Attic Dbachma Standaed (43). 153-0 153-3 153-3 153- 6 154 154- 2 154-2 154- 4 lo4"6 155- 155-7 155- 7 156- 0 156-0 156-2 156-3 Form. Present. Oh. Ancient. Assyeian Shekel Standaed (55). 1181 1182 1183 1184 1185 1186 1187 1188 1189 1190 1191 1192 1193 J194 1195 1196 1197 1198 1199 1200 1201 7 Basalt, bk. 15—16 19-45 19-7 a 8 Limestone, gr. 5—17 59-3 59-3 ? 9 Limestone, bk. 16 11-3 _ 11-9 2 1 0 Basalt, br. 23—26 59-5 59-8 i° - Syenite,bk.,wt. 115 19-95 _ 20-0 2 A Beryl 108 20-1 _ 20-1 A Limestone 9—11 1115-0 100 1210 10 Ii Basalt, bk. 15 18-85 1-5 20*3 A Mica slate 64 20-3 20-3 A Sandstone 20—33 43,950 43,950 360 Marble, wt., gr 33 122-2 123-0 1 Granite, pink 33 44,420 44,700 360 Sandstone 20—31 43,480 1000 44,500 360 Silicate, bk. 32 8-0 B 12-5 i Limestone, gr. 26—33 41-6 41-7 1 0 A Steatite, bk. 4—32 12-55 _ 12-55 l 1 Chlorite 20—22 8-3 _ 8-4 \° i Basalt, br. 36—38 121-5 4-5 126- 1 # Alabaster 26 118-1 8- 126- 1 Limestone 11 2462-8 60 2520 20 Limestone 32—40 62-9 63-2 A Diorite, bk. 16—21 12-65 _ 12-65 JL Basalt, br. 38—39 759-1 759-2 6° Limestone, wt. 19—21 15,200 15,200 120 Syenite, gr. 37—39 3807-3 3807-3 30 Silicate, bk.,wt. 59 12-7 __ 12-7 i Haematite 33 10-6 _ 10-6 1 0 1 i Basalt, gn. 33 12-75 _ 12-75 tV Syenite,bk., wt. 22—24 12-75 _ 12-75 Basalt, br. 33 7641 7649 60 Basalt, br. 18—40 1276-4 1276-4 10 Hornstone, gn. 16—17 10-65 _ 10-65 T2 Basalt, br. 37—38 3068 3068 24 Basalt, bk. 32—33 34,480 B 46,000 360 Alabaster 23—33 42-8 42-8 Alabaster 18—19 2491-7 80 2570 20 Alabaster 43 635-8 643 5 Silicate,bk.,wt. 11—81 42-9 42-9 i Basalt, br. 20—33 1274-5 1287* 10 Diorite P 22—35 12-8 — 12-9 To Basalt, br. 4—35 763-3 774 6 Granite, pink 43 1247-1 40 1290 10 Limestone 111 2585-8 2586-5 20 Basalt, gn. 5—16 42-85 43-2 Basalt, gn. 12—38 42-75 43-2 | Limestone high 33 1261 B 1560 12 Granite, gr. 33 21,320 B 26,000 200 Granite, gr. 33—40 33,070 B 39,000 300 Slate? gn. 16 43-6 43-6 i Syenite, bk. 33—36 15,720 15,720 120 Basalt, gn. 23 13-15 _ 1315 To Basalt, gr. 83—84 43-8 43 8 T Limestone, br. 20 44-1 44-1 T Basalt, br. 44 44-2 44-2 1 Basalt, bk. 36—40 2586 B 4000 30 118- 118-6 119 119- 6 120 - 120-6 121 121-8 121-8 122-1 123- 0 124- 124 125 1251 125- 5 126- 126- 126- 126- 126-4 126-5 126-5 126-7 126- 9 127 127- 2 127-5 127-5 127-5 127-6 127-8 127- 8 128 128- 4 128-5 128-6 128-7 128-7 1202 1203 1204 1205 1206 1207 1208 1209 1210 1211 1212 1213 1214 1215 1216 1217 1218 1219 1220 1221 1222 1223 1224 1225 1226 1227 1228 1229 1230 1231 1232 1233 1234 1235 1236 1237 1238 1239 1240 1241 1242 1243 1244 Quartz, wt. Basak, br. Limestone, pink Basalt, bk. Limestone Alabaster Alabaster Syenite, bk. Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. Alabaster Basalt, bk. Basalt, br. Basalt, bk. Basalt, bk. Alabaster Hornblende Basalt, br. Syenite, gr. Syenite, gr. Basalt, br. Limestone, gr.,wt. Basalt, bk. Syenite, gr. Syenite, bk. Basalt, br. Limestone Limestone Basalt, bk. Serpentine,gr.,wt. Haematite Syenite, bk. Alabaster Alabaster Alabaster Alabaster Basalt, br. Basalt, br. Sandstone Haematite, br. Basalt, br. 26—27 33? 15—16 17—20 15—16 81 24—33 5—59 12—83 26 37—38 40 29—43 36—38 20 39—45 20—26 33 59 21 109 8—40 32—33 20—33 20—33 14—19 19—35 33 19 19—21 10—38 26 44—45 110 26—33 10—35 33 33 33 19—40 26—32 2—41 77—110 131-0 6051 21- 85 1095 65- 7 11-0 21-8 22-0 131- 3 2587-0 66 - 1 264-6 1291-9 266-2 221 66-6 133- 2 65-3 33-4 262-5 667-8 67- 0 268- 4 22- 4 134- 6 134- 5 247-8 242-9 242-5 669-5 1349-9 135- 4 16-95 673-0 655-9 681-1 269- 8 135-7 132- 7 2743 6778 68- 3 275-8 . 500 33 100 25 131-0 6550 21- 85 10-95 65- 7 11-0 22-0 22-0 1320 2640 66 - 2 264-8 1325 266-2 222 66-6 133- 2 66- 7 33-4 268 670 67- 1 268-4 22- 4 134- 6 134- 8 270 270 270 676 1352 135- 5 16-95 679- 680- 682- 275- 136- 6 2 137 2 2744 20 100 68- 7 I 1 275-8 4 Phcenician Shekel Standaed (22). 65-5 65-5 65-6 65-7 65- 7 66 - 66-0 66-0 66-0 66-0 66-2 66-2 66-2 66-5 66-6 66-6 66-6 66- 7 66-8 67- 0 67-0 671 671 67-2 67-3 67-4 67-5 67-5 67-5 67-6 67-6 67-7 67-8 67- 9 68 - 0 68-2 68-2 68-3 68-5 68-6 68-6 68-7 68-9 1245 1246 1247 1248 1249 1250 1251 1252 1253 1254 1255 1256 1257 1258 1259 1260 1261 1262 1263 1264 1265 1266 Haematite 44 26-25 _ 26-25 A Sandstone 18—27 126,120 126,120 600 Syenite, gr. 23—33 26-15 — 26-3 A Syenite, bk. 33 26-4 — 26-4 A Limestone 9 834-0 849- 4 Felspar, red 7—18 26-75 — 26-75 A Syenite, gr. 38—39 963-4 110 1070 5 Basalt, br. 33 8606 8606 40 Quartz, clear 24 26-9 — 26-9 A Syenite, bk. 19—33 4364-3 4364-5 20 Silicate, bl.,wt. 28—30 9-0 — 91 i Basalt, gn. 5—44 27-5 — 27-5 A Alabaster 33 207-0 13 220 1 Limestone 111 829*2 B 1100 5 Basalt, bk. high 23 1974-7 230 2200? 10 Basalt, br. 20—23 220-4 223- 1 Basalt, br. 18 9010 9040 40 Sandstone 18—19 907-4 907-4 4 Basalt, gn. 16 9-45 — 9-5 Basalt, gn. 20—23 9-7 — 9-7 Tt Basalt, gn. 37—40 9-75 — 9-75 _A_ Limestone, bk. 24—33 9-95 — 9-95 * 210-0 210-2 210- 4 211- 2 212- 214- 214 215- 1 215-2 218-2 218-4 220 - 220 220 220 223- 226- 226-8 228- 232-8 234- 239- ii i f j; J J TELL DEEENNEH. I 88 iEGINETAN DbACHMA STANDAED (10). No. Material. Form. Present. Ch. Ancient. X Unit. 1267 Alabaster 16—23 89-8 90-0 1 90-0 1268 Hematite 57 15-65 — 15-65 93'9 1269 Basalt, br. 33 15-8 — 158 A 94"8 1270 Serpentine 16 15-75 ■— 15-8 A 6 94'8 1271 Syenite,bk.,wt. 14—22 15-85 — 159 95"4 1272 Basalt, gn. 33 15-85 — 15-9 A 95"4 1273 Basalt, br. 38—40 381-5 381-5 4 95'4 1274 Basalt, bk. 37—39 15-95 — 1595 A 95-7 1275 Basalt, br. | 20—26 2304-7 2400 25 96-0 1276 Limestone 1 122 949-3 40 990 10 99-0 Peesian Siglos Standaed (2). 12771 Basalt, gr. 2_ 5145-7 I 5145-7 60 85-76 1278| Syenite, gr. 20—33 164-2 10 174- 2 87- Eighty Geain Standaed (14). [1142 Basalt, bk. 55 1557-1 1557T 20 77-9] 1279 Basalt, br. 33 156-0 156-0 78-0 [1145 Basalt, br. 38—39 312-5 312 5 4 781] 1280 Basalt, br. 20—33 3151 3151 4 V8-8 1281 Basalt, br. 33 78-7 79-4 1 79-4 1282 Basalt, br. 26—31 7920 7960 100 79-6 1283 Basalt, br. high 33 804-1 804-1 10 80-4 1284 Basalt, br. 20—23 6123 B 6450 80 80-6 1285 Basalt, br. 26—38 3240 32 40 40 81-0 1286 Basalt, br. 33 8112 8116 100 81-2 1287 Syenite, bk. 36—40 811-6 811-8 10 81-2 1288 Gneiss, bk. 2—8 3251-8 3264 40 81-6 1289 Limestone 9—10 808-7 818 10 81-8 1290 Limestone 18—38 3281-8 3286 40 82-1 1291 Basalt, br. 33 328-3 328-3 4 82-1 1292 Basalt, br. 39—44 830-1 830-5 10 83-0 83.—NOTES ON THE WEIGHTS. 533. This has three small holes drilled in one side, and one in another side, apparently for plugging it; and the allowance of loss is by reckoning these holes to have been nearly filled with lead. 564. This seems least likely to be a kat weight from its appearance, yet it agrees to no other standard. The letters NAY retrograde on the top evidently refer to Naukratis. 602. This is drilled with one hole, like those above. 729. Very roughly cut in soft limestone. 762. The base of this is merely rough fractured. 767. An onyx-like limestone, with a white layer between two black ones. 782. This has had an iron handle, fixed in with lead, on the top of it; the tangs of the handle remain in. 793, 813, 814, 815. All these are rna ked with a cross on the top, lightly marked by a chisel cut; as the fractions of the shekel vary, and as also three others with crosses were attributed to the Phoenician shekel last year (Nos. 360, 383, 403), it seems that this mark denotes this standard; seven examples on one standard, and none on weights of any other standard, is a strong case. 883. May be a plummet; there is a patch of rust as from a piece of iron wire upon it (see figure). 885. Pound in Ptolemaic workshop in temenos. 889. Found in a large hosh at extreme S. of plain. 892. Pound with 885. 895. Prom Gemaiyemi. Those found together at Defenneh are stated in discussion of variations. 896, 899, 903, 908. These might well be Attic di oboli, but for two considerations; first, the proportion of |rds and .i.ths of the kat is generally about equal throughout, and as the .Ards cannot be tetroboli (at least in such numbers) and must be attributed to the kat, so the J-ths are required here to maintain the usual proportion; and, second, on turning to the Attic list it will be seen that dioboli are not common, and are very scarce in the higher range. The materials bear out this arrangement. 1142, 1145 may be doubtful, and might the rather rank as low examples of the 80-grain unit, as they are entered in the diagram, and bracketed in the list of 80-graiin units; the presence of many -|-rds of the kat is, however, somewhat in favour of the kat. 1147. It is impossible, perhaps, to disentangle the small fractions of. the low Assyrian and high Phoenician units, but there is a well-marked gap between the larger and certain examples; the highest Phoenician being 226-8, and the lowest Assyrian \ of 237 " 2 . 1195—1201. All these safely belong to the Assyrian unit, by their multiples, though they trench on the lowest range of the Attic. 1202. This may be attributed to the Attic, as there is no good Assyrian example anywhere higher than this; and the Attic begin lower than this at Naukratis. 1203 also is clearly Attic by the multiple. 1244. This is probably Attic by the ovoid form. The exact division between high Attic and low Egyptian is hard to fix, but -considering forms and materials the separation seems to be as here given. 84. We will now turn to tlie plates of curves in which, the whole results of these tables can be grasped by the eye. On pi. xlviii. we have a diagram exactly like that published last year, only the curves there published are here in dotted lines, and the total curves representing all the weights of Naukratis in both years are in full lines. First we must notice the remarkable way in which almost every sweep and bend in the curves of 1885 finds a repetition on an en¬ larged scale in the total curves. If all these small details of a curve (such as, for instance, the Egyptian curve) were but mere accidents of distribution—as indeed any one without a familiarity with curves and their teachings might well suppose them to be—it would be wholly unlikely that a fresh series collected another year should offer just the same 89 CHAP. XII.—THE WEIGHTS. peculiarities. A larger and more extended collection might just as likely have blotted out all these rises and falls in a dead level, or even reversed them, if they were but accidents of a chance distribution or selection; but when we see every one of these details still prominent, and even reinforced into more striking proportions, no one can doubt but that there is a distinct meaning in almost every turn and twist of the curves. In fact they represent a whole history of changes which have gone before, and to unravel which needs similar information of other ages. Looking at them in detail, we see that the 80-grain curve has lost the slight dip it had in 1885, and is carried rather lower. The Persian curve is precisely enlarged, though still very small. The iEginetan re¬ tains even more markedly the sudden division into two varieties, which we might distinguish perhaps as the monetary and the commercial. Some examples included in it last year should, I now think, be otherwise attributed; Nos. 415 and 416 to the Persian, and Nos. 419, 420, 427, 429, 431, 434, and 436 to the ^rd and ith kat, since more of these are now un¬ doubtedly found. These changes I have made in the curves. The Phoenician curve follows much the same irregular course, and the rises at 223 and 231 grains are well reinforced. The Assyrian, though rather irregular in the changes of the sparse beginning of it, shows the same characteristics generally strengthened and brought out. The Attic is a fine case of every feature being well reinforced. Lastly, the Egyptian is also bettered in a remarkable way; the slight pause in the dotted curve at 140 is deepened into a distinct separation in the general curve, the rises and falls of the curve beyond are heightened and deepened, and the hump in the old curve at 150 is developed into a distinct and second rise in the total curve. 85. The meaning of all these fluctuations in the commonness of different value of the standard is that several archetypal standards existed; and these by more care being exer¬ cised in later times became fixed, and were transmitted in different proportions. Thus in the Attic group there were standards of 65*2, 66 3, 67*3, and 68*4 grains; and these were transmitted and all used contemporaneously in the same place. The lowest, 65*2, is the standard of the earliest coinage; later the coinage went over to the standard of 66*3, passing from a rather low 66*0 to a higher 66*6, but still distinctly belonging to this group, and not to that of 67*3 or 68*4, which seem to have been entirely commercial varieties. 86. Having then, by the close similarity of the results of the two different collections of weights from one place, proved the sub¬ stantial reality of their fluctuations of standards, we now turn to the Defenneh results to see how far such fluctuations ex¬ tend. Are they the results of local accidents of mixture, or are they general characteristics ? On pi. xlix. will be seen the Defenneh results shown in full line, and the Naukratite results in dotted line, which are reduced to half the height in the Assyrian, three-fourths in the Attic, and to one-third the height in the Egyptian standard, in order to bring them within the sheet and avoid confusion; this merely affects the height, without in the least altering the form or range of the curves. The results are most instructive. The ranges of the curves are almost unaltered, though in some cases (i.e. Hlginetan and Phoenician) certain groups are missing. The 80-grain has a main development high up at 81 grains. The fluctuations of the Phoenician are seen to be purely local. The Assyrian, though irregular in the scanty beginning of it, swells up at just the same point, 126 grains; and has a corresponding fall between this and the larger group at 129 grains, which N 90 TELL DEFEOTEH, may be called the monetary standard, the Darics all belonging to this group. The Attic entirely omits the earliest monetary variety of 65'2, and begins with the group of 66'3 ; but this and the next group of 67’3 are well de¬ fined; the last group extends higher at Defenneh, and this may be accounted for by the great use made here of Jrd and iths of the hat, which would incline the Greeks to stretch the Attic drachma to meet it by the oboli. In fact it is very possible that the low group of Jrd and -J-th kats may have been intended as amphibious weights, serving for these fractions of the kat or for tetroboli and dioboli of the Attic system. In the Egyptian kat curves, which are the most perfect owing to the large number of examples, we have the most com¬ plete accordance. Not a wave of theNaukratis curve is lost in the Defenneh curve ; two cases at 143 and 150 are smudged and reduced to mere humps, but still the same cause is plainly at work which produced the stable types of the Naukratis curves, which appeared in 1885, and in both years together. 87. Seeing then that the archetype varieties of Naukratis in the sixth century b.o. and on¬ ward are identical with the archetypes of Defen¬ neh, on the opposite side of the Delta but at the same time, there comes the still broader question, are these archetypes common to the whole of Egyptian weights ? Unfortunately existing collections are but scanty in compari¬ son with the large numbers we have been dealing with; and we are in almost entire ignorance of the site or age of a single example. Still, taking the whole of existing collections (including all published and half as much again of unpublished examples) without proper cor¬ rections for loss or changes, we have the curve shown in dotted line in the top diagram of pi. 1. Here we see the Naukratis curve of the kat, the Defenneh curve, and the curve of all pre¬ vious collections, given on the same scale. Here, after a little confusion of scanty exam¬ ples, there is, out of half-a-dozen waves and intermediate dips from 138 to 152 grains range, but one turn not fully shown in the general collection as in the Naukratite. The dip at 139 grains is filled up, but only two examples sur¬ plus here suffices to extinguish it. The correspondence is most remarkable; and the comparison of these three curves of the same nature, but from different sources, establishes more firmly than any reasoning could the decisive importance of even small turns in such curves of distribution, whenever the number of examples suffices to avoid casual errors. The numbers are never large in the general collections curve, never over 8, and usually but 3 or 4 in each grain space; and yet a change of omitting or including a couple more -weights at almost any point would impair the resem¬ blance between it and the Naukratite curve. As many of these weights come from Thebes and Upper Egypt, we are clear of the suspicion that they were all derived from Naukratis to begin with, though that is probably the case with some of them. 88. We are then face to face with the con¬ clusion that for the later periods of Egyptian history there were different families of kat weights, perpetuated and transmitted without their archetypes ever being quite masked in the process, and that these families were gene¬ rally diffused in somewhat similar proportions throughout the country. There is a close literary parallel to this in the history of manu¬ scripts; they can be traced into families of readings, any given MS. can be assigned to its general group, and yet often cases occur which are intermediate, just like those weights in the dips between the groups. These families of MSS. have come down from certain archetypes: such as, in the case of the New Testament, the Byzantine, the Alexandrine, and the Western families; and the versions, Italic, Syriac, Coptic, CHAP. XII.—THE WEIGHTS. 91 Yulgate, Gothic, Ethiopic, Armenian, &c., each leading off with their family of readings. In the case of manuscripts the varieties are far more perplexing, but there is also far more to work on; they vary, in short, in n dimensions, while weights vary but in one dimension. Still the parallel historically is very close ; and we can realize from it that what now needs to be done for each standard of weight, Egyptian, Assyrian, Attic, &c., is to determine what the pure archetype of each variety was as closely as we can (like the pure text of a version), then to settle when that archetype arose (the date of a version), and what its subsequent history and dispersion has been (like the history of a ver¬ sion) : in this way an approach to scientific metrology may be made. At present the study of weights is much where the study of MSS. was some centuries ago. 89. Having now seen the permanent and im¬ portant character of curves of distribution, we will turn to see what can be further learned from them. There are two theories of the derivation of the Phoenician standard, one through an uncertain relation between electrum, gold, and silver, deriving it from the iEginetan, as proposed by Brandis; unfortunately the un¬ certainty of the value of electrum, and indeed its variable composition, prevent this being accu¬ rately tested. But the other theory, that of Mr. Head, deriving the Phoenician drachm of silver from being of an equal value to the -sV Assyrian shekel of gold, is readily tested on the recognized basis of 40 of silver being worth 3 of gold. According to this the Assyrian shekel X V s should be equal to the Phoenician shekel. In the middle diagram, pi. L, we have the curve of the Assyrian unit so multiplied, both the Naukratite examples, and the curve of all the Asiatic examples (Syrian, Assyrian, and Babylonian) of the same unit; while the Waukratite Phoenician curve and the few examples of the same standard which I have N from Syria are compared with these. The general result is that the Asiatic Assyrian, though showing the same general range as the Naukratite, does not develop nearly so markedly in the higher values. In short the two great archetypes of the Haukratite were only general examples from Asia, without having much lead¬ ing importance there. The Assyrian standard at Naukratis was then established in the country, and developed in families on its own account, and was not merely dependent on stray examples washed in by waves of com" merce from Asia. This type is not nearly so strong at Defenneh, which seems therefore to have been more continuously supplied by the Syrian road. On looking to the Naukratite Phoenician, we see that though not in close conformity as to waves with either of the Assyrian curves, it is of just the same range and the same general position of the most frequent examples as those curves, which are here translated by X V s so as to meet it on its own ground. The results from this are that the connection between the Phoenician and Assyrian had been quite lost before the Hau- kratite families arose, or they would be repre¬ sented ; also even before the Asiatic Assyrian families and curves. In fact, though its source is strongly shown by the agreement in the general range of the curves, we are bound to carry back the derivation of the Phoenician standard to a time remote in the history of the Assyrian standard. This shows that though to all appearances originating in the relation¬ ships of metals, it yet is far earlier than the introduction of a coinage, which in Syria and the East did not take place until during and after the age of the weights which we are now studying. 90. We now turn to another point, the origin of the 80-grain standard, as I have provisionally called it. I had suggested that it was derived by a binary division of the Assyrian shekel, or 2 92 TELL DEFENNEH. a weight of 5 shekels, and supposed that it might he local to Naukratis. In classifying the Defenneh weights I refused to attribute to this standard any example, until it distinctly stood outside any other unit; and at last there was a collection outstanding, belonging clearly to this and not to any of the other standards. We therefore now see that it was more wide¬ spread, and we may well examine if it were a general standard. On comparing together in the lower diagram of pi. 1. the Naukratite Assyrian weights, and the Asiatic examples, with the 80-grain curve, it is seen that the general range agrees very nearly, and we are therefore warranted in attributing the origin of the 80-grain to the binarily divided shekel. But the 80-grain curve has none of the charac¬ teristics of the Naukratite Assyrian curve, pro¬ bably it was not therefore derived in Egypt; and it agrees much more nearly to the style of the Asiatic Assyrian curve, its lower varieties being probably cut off by being attributed to the kat instead. Can we then find any Asiatic connection with this standard ? We perhaps have some traces of it in a series usually smothered over as a low variety of the Persian unit: Kili- kian and Kypriote coins, and the Phoenician coins with a king’s head and ship attributed to Aradus are of 160 grains or a trifle over that. Further on, referring to the tribute lists of Thothmes III., we find from the Kats. Kats. Means. Asi, lapis lazuli 1100 — 2000 = -55 Naharaina, lead 11000 20000 = '55 > -556 Rutennu, gold 558 -7- 1000 = *558 ) Khita, gold rings, mean 376'2 -r- 720 = *523 Khita, gold tribute 31443 - 4 - 60000 = ‘524 1 .503 Assaru, silver dislies 1045 2000 = '522 | Assaru, block lapis lazuli 209 -7- 400 = -522 J And, in the offerings of Ramessu III., Electrum rings, mean •526 1 = -526 33 33 33 V84 -4- 3| = -526 33 33 33 6-66 121 _ .532 „ plates, 33 ■i -4- f = -533 Silver crater 1125 -f- 2000 = -562 ladle 277-4- 500 = -554 4 „ craters, mean 144- -4- 250 = -576 31 „ censers, „ 34-8-4 60 = -580 6 „ vessels, „ 50-5-4- 90 = -561 9 33 tablets, „ 2870-5-4- 5000 = -574 2 lapis lazuli blocks 140-5 -4- 250 = -562 Here we have a long series of quantities which are all irregular numbers of kats, but which are manifestly connected, and all agree to being simple multiples of a unit of about •55 kat, equal to about 80 grains. Taking the range of the kat as between 138 and 150 grains, the units found above will be respectively 76*6 to 83-2 grains. 72-1 „ 78-2 „ 72 8 „ 791 „ 78-0 „ 85'0 „ Hence if these are all one standard, rather variously reported owing to the variations of the kat, it would be fixed to between 78 and 79 grains. Probably the Asiatic standard also fluc¬ tuated, so that if we say that it was between 77 and 80 grains we cannot be far from the truth. Now this is just within the observed varieties of the 80-grain unit, as that ranges from 77 to 83 grains. Now it will be seen that this tribute is all Asiatic, and the silver vessels probably came from Asia, silver being the favourite metal of the Khita. Seeing that this comprises also the express tribute of the Khita, it might not be too bold to call the 80-grain unit in future the Hittite standard, and its presence in coinage attributed to Kilikia will the rather confirm this. This unit seems to have been known in later times as the Alexandrian drachma, on which was based the Alexandrian mina, and the Alexandrian “ wood ” talent; also a talent mentioned by iElian. 91. At Defenneh we have for the first time obtained many sets of weights together; the outer chambers of the Kasr mostly contained three or four weights apiece, and in one spot in the camp the large find of seventeen weights was obtained. Hence we can at last ascertain CHAP. XII.—THE WEIGHTS. 93 how far the variations we know of were not only contemporary, and in use in one town, but how much they were mixed together, and used side by side indifferently. Or, in other words, what amount of error was treated as negligable in ancient sets of weights. This is a question hitherto entirely untouched and unknown. The weights here referred to are all published in the preceding list, and hence it is needless to repeat their details; the list number, the true weight, the multiple and the unit is all that is required. The large find (numbered find 58) in the camp contained the following weights ; and as they are nearly all small, the balance errors will probably be more shown by them than the errors of standard (i.e. the absolute errors will be larger than the proportional variations); therefore the defections from a mean scale are stated, the mean (excepting the one heavy weight) being 144-5. No. Weight. X. Unit. Error. 900 45-2 1 3 135-6 3-0 936 69-9 1 2 139-8 2-3 956 35-3 1 4 141-2 •8 989 143-3 1 143-3 1-2 995 143-4 1 143-4 11 1014 48-2 1 3 144-6 0 1015 48-2 1 3 144-6 0 1039 145-8 1 145-8 1-3 1042 73-1 1 2 146-2 •9 1046 146-6 1 146-6 2-1 1057 1471 10 147-1 1086 24-8 1 6 148-8 •7 1102 74-7 1 2 149-4 2-5 1121 25-2 1 6 151-2 1-1 Mean 1-3 It follows, then, no matter whether these weights were derived from different archetypes or not, that a balance variation averaging T3 grain was tolerated. Probably all these were derived from one archetype, since only the lesser ones, and of those only one-third of the whole num¬ ber, fall outside of the important family shown in the curve by the rise from 143'5 to 146'5. If these weights had been miscellaneously collected together, their range of variation would have covered the whole kat range more widely; as it is, only a third of them fall outside one family, and those may well be due to balance errors, as their mean divergence is only If grains. The one larger weight agrees also more nearly to this family than to any other, since the critical division between this and the next family seems (at Haukratis at least) to lie at 147’3, looking to the marks representing the weights (pi. L). With these were found 1170 15200 120 126-7 of the Assyrian shekel standard, and 1217 66 6 1 66-6 1226 134-6 2 67'3 of the Attic standard, showing a balance varia¬ tion of much under a grain. 92. Of the weights found scattered in the camp there are two of a lower family, five of the same family as the above set, and three of the next higher family. They are— 897 45-0 1 3 135-0 963 1420-4 10 142-0 1002 720 5 144 1017 14,460 100 144-6 1026 290-4 2 145-2 1034 728-8 5 145-7 1048 734-4 5 146-9 1068 73,830 500 147-7 1069 73,850 500 147-7 1074 148-0 1 148-0 Besides these were four of three other stan- dards, 1176 7649 60 127-5 1246 126,120 600 210-2 1252 8606 40 215-1 1291 328-3 4 82-1 In the set of chambers at the N.E. and B. of the Kasr were the following weights, the bronze ones not being yet worked out. Eats. Others. Chamber 3 1103 299-0 2 149-5 1105 2994-5 20 149-7 1283 804-1 10 80-4 Deep in 2 Bronze In 2 or 3 1070 739-0 5 147-8 1091 1487-8 10 148-8 1214 1325 20 66-2 1218 133-2 2 66"6 In 19 a 1019 289 8 o 144-9 1046 293-3 2 146-6 94 TELL DEEENNEH. Bronze hat 1129 1527*0 10 152*7 1134 307*3 2 153*6 In 19 b 997 287*7 2 143*8 1041 1461 10 146*1 1066 7379*7 50 147*6 Kats. Others. In 19 c 988 716*0 5 1432 1185 1287 10 128*7 1287 811*8 10 81*2 In 27 971 1422*8 10 142-3 976 1427*5 10 142-7 1032 291*2 2 145-6 1109 75*0 1 2 150-0 In 17 926 138*8 . 1 138-8 1006 1442*8 10 144-3 1142 1557*1 20 77*8 1145 312*5 4 78*1 In 18 1028 48*5 n 145-5 1065 295*2 2 147-6 1113 751*5 5 150-3 1261 9040 40 226*0 At 25 920 1384 10 138-4 1107 299*8 2 149-9 Another 973 47*5 JL 142-5 chamber Bronze kat 1010 28*9 1 5 144-5 1116 50*2 1 3 150-6 Now reviewing these weights found thus connectedly, we see that in many oases there are close relations between them, not only of one family, but some almost identical in standard. In some cases two distinct families may be seen, as in 19 a, where there are the 145 and the 153 families together. On the later tell of Ptolemaic age were found together 1018 144*7 1 144*7 1081 1482*8 10 148*3 The other questions of forms and materials of different standards still remain to be examined after working out the 1600 bronze weights; but the present research has carried us forward a decisive step by proving the fixity and gene¬ rality of the variations shown us by the curves. CHAPTER XIII. LEVELS AND MEASUREMENTS. 93. The levels at Defenneh were taken by sighting to the horizon over the top of the highest point; this from a purely arbitrary datum level was called 500 inches, and the levels of all points were recorded in inches above the datum, which is 500 inches below the highest point. Here the levels are classified according to their subject. The original level of the sandy plain may be taken as about 227 inches above datum (i.e. 500 — 227 = 273 below the highest point at present); the sand beneath the walls in chambers 8 and 36 being at this level, the sand between the mastaba and the fort being 230, and the sand beneath the mastaba about 235, which probably was raised a little; again the base of the outlying west wall being 220, probably built a little below the surface. The foundations of the fort were naturally sunk in the ground. The present sea-level according to Lake Menzaleh in May, when scarcely any Nile water runs into it, is 212, but in high Nile it rises to 227. This is probably much higher than in ancient times, for as 15 feet of mud have been deposited in the Delta since the twelfth dynasty alone, it is clear that the country must have sunk as well, or else the parts near the sea would have then been under water; the 8-foot rise of water so close to the sea as at Tanis since Greek times shows that a sinking of the country must have taken place along with the rise by deposit of mud. The whole Delta has apparently been slowly depressed by the weight of superimposed deposits, at about the same rate as those deposits have grown. Hence this sea level relatively to the sandy desert has risen considerably, and in some centuries more it may cover large tracts. The level of the plain at the lowest point to the east of the Kasr now is 222, over a mass of remains, which is below the high Menzaleh level; while the foundation deposits of the fort were two feet below even sea level. Nothing but the evaporation over a flat plain almost at water level keeps the water down enough for these to be reached. In a CHAP. XIII.—LEVELS AND MEASUREMENTS. 85 few centuries more Tell Defenneh will be an island in Lake Menzaleh, like the many other tells which appear now in the water. 94. The ground level being 227, the founda¬ tions of the fort were sunk to 197 ISLE., 190 S.E., and 187 at N.W.; the bottom courses retreated, however, inward, so that the wall face ended at 210 JST.W., 209 1ST.E., and 197 S.E., or If to 2 \ feet below the ground. These and the deposit levels are shown in pi. xxiii. The sand beneath the mastaba is about 235, and the top of the mastaba varied from 268 to 272, mean 270, or 3J- feet above the general ground. The north wall of the mastaba reaches down to 199, being a retaining wall for the whole mass. The raised road along the west of the palace up to the entry is 277. The levels of the sand in different chambers, &c., is as follows :—In 36 and 8, beneath wall, 227; between mastaba and fort, 230; in 9, beneath wall, 251; in 42, 254; in 4, 259 ; in 41, 260; in 22, 260 beneath walls; in 43, from 275 at south to 340 at north end; and in 38, 299 inches: these are evidently the sand fillings in the latter instances, put in to fill up the chambers. The laid floors are in 45, 245; in 22, 265; threshold in the north of chamber 18, 269; in 4, 271; in 45, a higher pavement at 279; in 11, 283 ; in 10, 284 ; the stone sill of 11, and plastering on the walls of a later date, 331; the stone sill of the entry, 351; the mortared floor of the entry court and pas¬ sages, 368: this last is the only piece of true floor of the palace itself which remains. Thus the outlying offices stood at about 2 to 5 feet above the ground level, and the lowest passages of the palace at about 12 feet above the ground. The present highest points when I went to Defenneh, on the worn-away surface of the ruins, were rubbish on south of mastaba, 310; general level on west part of fort, 324; on east part of fort, 329; along south side of fort, 342; and in middle, 349; at the NYW. corner of the fort, 410; at the S.W., 414; at the E. of chamber 44, 425 ; at the JST.E. of the fort (period A), 448; at the S.E. of the fort, 498; and the highest point of all just west of chamber 22 was 500 inches above datum. Judging from the beginning of doming, to be seen in the highest parts of the cells of the fort, it seems probable that it rose originally to at least 500 in. before being closed over into a uniform platform, on which the buildings of the fort proper were placed. Those buildings were very probably 20 feet in height, at least to the watch tower, which would thus rise more than 60 feet above the plain. It would thus easily commu¬ nicate with Kantara, Tell Ginn, and Tell Sherig. 95. The sizes of the bricks were noted in different parts of the Kasr: they are, in the great square of the fort, period A, taking the mean of two or three examples, E.N.E. side .... 16-2 X 7*9 X 4-9 S.S.E. side .... 16-3 x 7-8 x 4*5 W.N.W. side .... 16'4 X 8'1 X 4-2 Mid-chamber .... 16*6 X 8'2 x 4-3 Above that .... 17'4 X 8-2 x 4-2 The mid-chamber is the deep square chamber below the large south chamber, and the bricks above that are those of the large south chamber itself. These are erratically long, and ex¬ cluding these, we may say for the Eort, period A . . . 16*4 x 8*0 X 4'4 Entry court, period B . 17*2 X 8*7 X 5*1 „ „ additions . 16-1 X 8*0 x 5*0 . . n ( 16*0 x 7*8 „ „ period C •[ 1 g.g x g. 0 „ „ period E . 16-1 x 8*0 x 4*2 N. of E., period E . . 16*1 X 7*8 X 4*1 "Wall round 19, period E 13*2 X 6*8 Chamber 8 (Psamtikl) . 14*2 X 7*1 X 3*5 Wall between 8 and fort 15*2 X 7*3 X 3*7 Walls S. of fort . . . 16*4 x 8*1 x 4*5 All of these are known to belong to the earlier part of the twenty-sixth dynasty, and show well how much variation may be expected in various lots of bricks of the same general period. The usual sizes of 16 - 4 agree closely to those of bricks of the same age at Kom Afrin 16*3, and Naukratis 16‘3, while those of Sais agree to 96 TELL DEEENNEH. the longer length of 17’3. The only erratic sizes are in chamber 8 and the walls by it, and in the wall aronnd 19 ; and these warn ns that the sizes, though generally a close indication of age, may be in a few cases rather below the standard. The walls of the building down by the caravan road are of bricks measuring 15-9 x 8'7 x 5-0 which seem to be therefore of the same age as the Kasr. The red baked bricks beneath the mastaba, of Ramesside age probably, are 12-5 X 6-2 X 31. NOTE. The transliteration of Egyptian words and names varies so much in the usage of the best scholars, that any single system which could be followed would be but in a small minority. The only system ever formally agreed to by authorities in general is perhaps less followed than any other. Persons not familiar with the literature of Egyptology readily suppose that some system must prevail, and may therefore be confused by finding a different name to what they happen to be familiar with. I have there¬ fore put together here some spellings used in the best authorities in recent years (and others that are familiar) for various of the names occurring in this volume ; premising that many writers use two or three forms of the same name according to the style of their subject. I usually follow the spelling most familiar to English readers, except in cases where it incurs the use of Greek perversions. The letters denote the authors : B, Birch ; Br, Brugsch; E, Ebers ; G, Gardner Wilkinson; L,Lepsius; M,Maspero; P, Pierret; R, Renouf; W, Wiedemann. Aabmes, B, E, G, R; Aalimas, L; Ahmos, M; Amasis, B, G; Ahmes, W; Ahmes, P. (Pre-nomen Ra-nem-ab, or Ra-knum-ab.) Amen, B, E, G, M, W ; Ammon, E, M, R; Amon, Cook ; Annin, L. Amenemhat, E, G; Amunemhat, G, L; Amenemhait, M; Amenemha, P ; Amenemha, W. Ameniritis, M, P; Ameneritis, G, W; Amuniritis, L; Amenartas, R. Hat hor, E, M, P, R; Athor, G, R; Hat hor, W. Horus, P, R; Hor, P, R ; Har, B, R; Hor, W. Hotep, B, L, P ; hetp, R; hotpou, M; hotep, E; hetep, "W. Khem, E, G, P, R; x em » P > Cliern, W; Min, M; Ames, R. Klinum, E; Khnoum, M, P; x num > P > Chmim, W, R; Knum, G. Khonsu; Ebons, B, E, G, P j x onsu , P i Chonsu, R; Chunsu, G; Khonsou, M; Khunsu, E ; Cbons, R. Khita, B; Cheta, W; x e ^ a , P- Merenptah, P, W ; Mineptab, M; Meneptab, E ; Mienptah, L ; Meneplitbab, R. Neklit-har-heb. Next-hor-heb, P; Hecbt-Hor-heb, W; Necbt-bar-beb, R; Hext-har-beb, L; Nakbt-bor-beb, E. Heit, P, W; Neith, G, R ; Nit, M; Net, Br. Nekau, L, R, W; Necbo, R; Neku, P ; Neko, M; Neqo, E. Nofer, E; Nofir, M; Nofre, R; Nefer, Br, P, R,W; Newer, P. Piankbi, E ; P-anxi, P ; Piancbi, W ; Pionkh, M ; Panxi, L. Psamtik; Psemtek, W ; Psametik, E, P; Psamitik, M ; Psammeticbus, G, R. Ptab, B, E, P, R; Phtab, M, R; Ptah, W. Siamen ; Siamoun, M ; Sih-, E; Se-, P ; Sa-, Br, W. Sekbet, E, R; Secbet, R, W; Sokhit, M. Sbeshank, P ; Sbesbonk, G, P, R ; Sbesbonq, E ; Sbisbonq, M; Scheschenk, W; sesanq, P; sesonk, L. Tabuti, L, R; Thoth, R ; Tahuti, E; Thuti, W. Turn, G ; Toum, M; Atum, G; Atmu, R; Tmu, R. Uab-ab-ra, P, R; Uahbra, G; Uababrii, E ; Uababra, W. Uati; Uat, R; TJat’i, W; Ueti, P; Uedji, P ; Bouto, M. Usertesen; Sesurtesen, L; IJsortesen, E; Usertsen, R ; Osirtasen, G ; Ousirtasen, M. Usbabti (or sbabti also in hieroglyphics), sbabti, R; usabti, sabti, usebti, suabti, P; uscbebti, W. The above will serve as a sample of what may be easily extended as to authorities, and carried throughout Egyptian words. CHAPTER XIV. QANTABAH. By F. Ll. Geiffith. 96. Eob four weeks from the middle of April I was at Qantarah, the village at which the caravan route to Syria crosses the Suez Canal. It is quite modern, dating from the time when the canal was begun. The houses and hospital run up at that time for the engineers, and built chiefly of materials obtained from the neighbouring tell, now stand deserted a quarter of a mile E. of the canal, the little village having grown up since on the E. bank. It is a wealthy little community, owing its existence to the canal, and its comparative prosperity to the crossing of the caravan route. It consists of government 07 CHAP. XIV.. offices, a mosque, and a well-furnished Arab market, together with, such huts and houses as are necessary for those who keep them going. On all sides is the desert with its meagre vegetation, or the salt marshes which support no life but wild fowl. The inhabi¬ tants, with characteristic indolence, which'has spread also to the Europeans amongst them, have never looked into the desert; their interest lies solely in the market-place and along the canal. It is therefore impossible to obtain information from them of any value either as to the geography or to the past history of the district round. A telegraph wire is carried along the Arish road to Syria, but although an engineer has continually to pass backwards and forwards between El Arish and Qantarah, no survey was made for it,, and little or no information can be obtained in this direc¬ tion. Maps of this district are not to be trusted. The scanty Bedawin are the best guides, and except where otherwise stated, I have seen everything that I record with my own eyes. In Qantarah, near the west end of the old Canal Company’s buildings, stands a peculiar monument of sandstone, inscribed with the name of Rameses II., his father Seti I., and his grandfather Rameses I., and dedicated in the “ house of Horus.” On walking to the mound two miles E. one finds remains of a similar monument, likewise mentioning Rameses II. and Horus, Lord of Mesen. On this spot then was a temple of Ramesside epoch. How¬ ever, a fortnight spent in trenching the mound produced nothing further that was certainly of a period earlier than the later Ptolemies, nor were any more hieroglyphic inscriptions dis¬ covered. The rubbish was exceedingly shallow; a few trenches reached a depth of three metres ; 1 to 1J metre was sufficient to bring up desert sand in most parts, and often even near the centre the sand was practically at the surface. This proves a short occupation; nearly all is ■QANTARAH. Roman, so the previous occupation must have been very short indeed. 1 The mound lies two miles E. of the Suez Canal, slightly N. from Qantarah, and three-quarters of a mile S. of the present caravan road. The southern side is bounded by the dry bed of Lake Balah, and the dry bed of Menzaleh on the N. and W. is less than two miles away. Thus there were marshes on three sides, and the title “Lord of Seshu,” or the marshes, given to the local god on one of the monuments, is not an inappropriate one, notwithstanding the dry and desert appearance of the district at the present time in spring. 2 On the whole of the eastern side from H. to S. the desert hills rise conspicuously, skirting the Balah lake and the marshes of Pelusium. The mound measures from N. to S. 500 yards, from E. to W. 700. The Ramesside blocks lie near the centre, and close to them I found the square limestone base upon which one of the monuments had been raised. It measured 58J inches square, and was built up of separate blocks. Round it at two levels were traces of pavements, made of small chips and fragments of limestone cemented together. The lower pavement was 40 inches below the top of the base. Seventy-nine feet E. of this I found a recumbent lion, natural size, in limestone, the head turned eastward to the right, the left paw crossed over the right. It was in bad condition, and without inscriptions. There were also considerable remains of rubble pavement, with occasional 1 It is not necessary to suppose that the Ramesside monu¬ ments were brought here to adorn the Roman camp. The early settlement, which probably existed only for a short time, may have been entirely destroyed, and being abandoned for seven or eight centuries, the brick foundation in the sand, even if not removed to clear the ground when new buildings were erected, might itself be carried away by wind and rain. The bricks everywhere were small, 13 inches being the largest measurement. 2 The cutting of the Suez Canal below sea level having drained considerable tracts on the E. side. O 08 QANTAKAH. squares of fine limestone measuring about 80 inches, apparently bases of monuments. The mound had been much trenched at the time of the excavation of the canal, partly perhaps for antiquities, partly for the sake of the limestone and burnt brick. A large well, which doubtless supplied the settlement with brackish water, was at that time completely excavated and stripped of its limestone lining : this was S.W. of the sandstone blocks, which were discovered at the same time. 97. Near the well I found fragments of a lime¬ stone slab which had been broken up and used for paving-stones. Upon it was a Latin inscrip¬ tion dating from the joint reign of Diocletian and Maximian, and recording the dedication by these emperors of the camp of the first ala of the Thra¬ cian cavalry, termed the Mauretanian on account of some honourable service in North Africa, 1 to Jupiter, Hercules, and Victory. Latin inscrip¬ tions are rare in Egypt, and it is curious to find published in the 0.1. L., vol. iii. p. 8, an inscrip¬ tion from a basalt block built into a Coptic church near Manfalut, 2 in which the camp of the first cohort of the Lusitanians, distinguished as the Augustan praetorian (Oohors I. Aug. prset. Lusitanorum), was dedicated in the same year by the same emperors to the same deities. The explanation may be found in history. It is well known that when Diocletian had raised Maximian to the position of his colleague in the Empire, and had entrusted him with the western part of it, he turned his own attention 1 This ala is also mentioned in an inscription of the year 199 A.D., found at Ramleh near Alexandria. The de- curiones alares of the Ala veterana Gallica and the Ala I. Thxac. Mauret. dedicated a statue to Septimius Severus. The first of these was stationed at Rinocolura (El Ansh) when the Notitia Imperii was drawn up. Perhaps one may sup¬ pose that these garrisons were not changed for a century, and that the officers of the two frontier stations on the land route between Egypt and Syria clubbed together to set up the statue of Septimius. The Notitia places the Ala I. Aigyptiomm at Sella (Sile). 2 Der el Gebrawi, Murray’s Egypt, 1880, p. 422. especially to strengthening the eastern frontier. Ve find this aim referred to in the inscription in the words providentid sum majestatis (in fore¬ thought for the safety of their majesty). And as to the dedication, we know that Diocletian styled himself Jovius, as being supreme in council, and Maximian Herculius, as being a brave soldier. Thus it is clear that we have here the settled form of dedication in that year in Egypt. The inscription is dated in the third consulship or year of Diocletian, giving the approximate date of 288 a.d. The revolt of Egypt under Achilleus had to be suppressed eight years later. Erom the largest fragment it appears that the inscription was painted red. The forms of the letters are mixed. The A is distinctly Greek, except in one case where the engraver has followed his Latin model more closely. I have completed the inscription in the plate by dotting in words from the Manfalut inscription. Where the two can be compared they agree exactly, except in the abbreviations and the name of the garrison. The inscription does not give us much assistance in determining the classical name of the place. The dedication being a fixed one can have no bearing on the local worship; and as to the garrison, the Notitia Dignitatum, enumerating the imperial offices in the time of Constantine, mentions Pelusium, Sella (Sile of the Itinerary), Thaubastus, and perhaps other posts on this line as occupied by cavalry; but the Thracians are not named amongst them. The fact of a garrison being stationed here does, however, strengthen the proof of its being Sile. In the mound itself there were remains of a thick wall of unbaked brick that seemed to be continuous for more than a hundred yards on the north of the centre. This may have been part of the camp enclosure of Diocletian. Besides this inscription, I found a fine bronze vase in the form of a female head with inlaid eyes of glass, of good Homan work, kept at 99 CHAP. XIV.— the Bulaq Museum. Also of bronze, a slender knife, a figure of Osiris, a small bell (for horse’s trappings ?), a girdle-fastener (hollow triangle with button at the apex), cylindrical socket with traces of wood inside, perhaps the ferrule of a standard. Of glass, fragments of a large bottle ? in the form of a bird of dark blue, and a Roman bottle of clear glass. Several disks of porcelain and rings for bronze rods. Earthen¬ ware moulds for glass hieroglyphs, knotted cord 6, and cynocephalus. Large mould for earthenware, of limestone. Large porcelain feather maa. Several pieces of limestone squared for sculpture, on one a lotus flower was delicately drawn in black ink. CoiDS of the latest Ptolemies were abundant. 98. Amongst the deserted houses of Qantarah are to be seen several limestone coffins of the usual Roman type. The cemetery from which they were taken is very extensive, stretching N.E. from the old hospital at the eastern end of these houses, where there is also the modern cemetery, for about half a mile. The more distant half of this is full of inter¬ ments. Some of the bodies, none of which are mummified, have been enclosed in coffins formed of two jars joined in the middle, measuring 6 feet in length, with blunt ends, wide in the middle; some in terra-cotta coffins rounded at the ends with flat base and cover. Some are laid at length in the sand, some apparently in a crouching position, some again gathered under half a large jar broken longitudinally. Others again were laid either with or without stone or terra-cotta coffins in constructed chambers of brick or stone rubble. The bricks are both burnt and unburnt, measuring 5 x 10 inches. All these seem to belong to a very late period, and are apparently without anti¬ quities. I trenched in all parts of the ceme¬ tery without finding anything more than the interments, which were always undisturbed except where M. Paponot had excavated pre- o QANTAKAH. viously, or where the limestone had induced the Arabs to dig for building materials. This cemetery in fact, from its size and position, would seem to belong to the caravan route as much as to the town, from which it is three- quarters of a mile distant at its nearest point. 99. I proceed to give a list of sites 1 in the neighbourhood. Tel Parama (F. 2 gives a good idea of the form and position of the mounds, Eng. quite wrong), the ancient Pelusium, consists of two principal mounds, about three-quarters of a mile from the edge of the desert on the B., but com¬ pletely surrounded by marsh. The mounds are narrow, stretching 1-J miles or more from E. to W. in a straight line. The E. mound is small, but high ; an Arab fort 120 yards square completely occupies the summit. Details of the plan of this building could probably be easily made out by excavation, as the lower part is well preserved. Between this and the W. mound a consider¬ able space intervenes, through which a canal or perhaps the main stream of the Pelusiac branch ran. The second mound is long and narrow, well defined, but sloping gradually down on all sides to the marsh level, except where the Arab citadel (see French map) in the centre of the N. side rises abruptly from the edge. The N. and S. walls of this measure about 360 yards, the E. and W. about half as much. The principal gateway is on the 1ST., near the E. end, where a narrow mound (not 1 Place names are always difficult to collect, and at Qantarah. they are particularly so, since the population is very scanty, and the sites are often at a distance from the beaten tracks, and seldom passed even by the Bedawin. Tell Dahab and Tell Fadda, which were the names applied to the mounds of Pelusium by Mr. Chester’s guide, who came from Salhiyeh, 1 often heard of at Nebesheh. But they were semi-mythical names, and the Bedawin about Qantarah only once mentioned Tel el Fadda, by which the mound E. of Pelusium was perhaps intended. Tel Farama was known by report to every one at Qantarah. Tel el Dahab I never heard mentioned there. 2 u f ” refers to the Atlas Geographique of the French “Description f “Eng.” to the Map of Lower Egypt issued by the English War Office. 2 QANTARAH. marked in F.) runs out northward nearly 300 yards, perhaps for quays. Starting now from the extreme W. end of the principal mound, we first travel along a narrow projection 800 yards in length, of uniform breadth, and only 30-90 inches above lake level. This seems entirely with¬ out Arab remains, but Homan red brick occurs •at the extreme end. On it may have been built the quays and warehouses of earlier times. No large blocks of stone are visible upon it. At the E. end of this tail the mound widens and rises much higher with Arab walls and forts. At the junction there seems to be a gateway. Immediately W. of the citadel is a large depression, in the centre of which lie several columns of granite, making three sides of a rectangle, probably having been rolled against the sides of a building which has now vanished. They lie half buried, probably three metres above lake level. They are all of red granite, and so much weathered as to make it difficult to decide their original form. Outside the citadel gate lie two granite blocks about the centre of the projecting arm. E. of the citadel about 150 yards are two groups of grey granite blocks. Beyond on the N. side of the mound lie four red granite columns parallel and close to each other, evidently rolled together by the mediaeval in¬ habitants in some open space in the town (as one sees them now at Bosetta), and after its desertion denuded by wind and rain, and left lying high and exposed. They are large, but apparently of Roman date. S. of these is a depression with columns and blocks of grey and red granite almost buried, scattered over a space of 150 yards square. This is evidently the site of the principal temple. Further E., near the end of the mound, are small blocks of a basalt similar to that used in the pavement of the great pyramid. In a depression on the N. are two small columns. 1 It is much to be regretted that no inscriptions remain on the surface. The numerous granite blocks are so weathered that not a trace of “ working ” remains, except where a column or square block has been polished with an even face. The level of the country has no doubt changed greatly, and remains would be found far below the level of the marsh, which now dries in spring. Another reason of the low level of the mound lies in the denudation by rain, which must go on here to a greater extent even than at San and Defeneh. It would be of great value to learn the ancient name 2 and earlier history of Pelusium, the frontier city in which Phoenicians, Persians, Cypriotes, Carians, and lonians met with the Egyptians in peace or war a thousand times. Perhaps, too, the Hyksos and Assyrians may be added to the catalogue of Eastern nations who struggled for the possession of this “ key of 'Egypt,” but classical historians can take us back with certainty only as far as the begin¬ ning of the Saite dynasty, and then Daphnas was made the frontier fortress, garrisoned, as it appears from the remains, by Greeks and Carians. The notices of Pelusium as the chief object of attack before this time may be due to misconception of the condition of the times or inaccuracy. This is one of the questions which would be solved by excavation. There is no doubt of N. winds, and the marshes are almost dry, but there is a heavy dew, and occasionally rain. The distance can easily he accomplished in a day with a camel, passing Tel el Her. A supply of water should he taken, as none can he obtained on the journey fit to drink. The place is quite deserted. In the desert E. of Tel el Her the Bedawin pasture large herds of breeding camels with their young, hut no milk can he ob¬ tained. Only in the date season do Arabs pass Tel Earama on their way between Port Said and the scanty groups of palm-trees in the desert. There was only one camel to be hired this year at Qantarah. 2 The Coptic name of Pelusium, nEpEfUtOYIT, was perhaps the source of the Arabic name Earama, and possibly represents the hieroglyphic (p-fni-men. Nothing, however, is known of this Prumen, except that it was situated in this part of the Delta, and even the reading of the name is uncertain. 1 Tel Farama is probably best visited from Qantarah at end of April or beginning of May. The air is then cool with 101 CHAP. XIV.- the importance of the city as early as Hero¬ dotus (Iidt. ii. 141). Along the coast H. of Pelusium is a strip of sand with vegetation. A fort N.W. is caUed by the Arabs El Belaha (Qala'et et Tineh of the French map). N.E. are two or three low mounds, in the lake. There is a very small mound about 1 mile S., covered with Arab brick, evidently a guard-house on the river or canal, which passed between the two main mounds. 100. Tel el Fadda is said to be the name of an insignificant mound 30 yards square in the desert opposite Tel Farama, situated where the hills begin to rise from the marsh level. 1 Tel el Her (F. Her; Eng.), a small shallow mound next in point of size to that at Qantarah. It stands on the S. side of a spit of sand run¬ ning westward into the bed of the lake. Mr. Greville Chester’s map shows its position most correctly. It is conspicuous for a high medi®val fortress of red brick at its E. end, about 100 yards square. Tel Farama is partly visible from it, partly shut off by intervening sand heights. Tel Habwe, on the S. side of the caravan route ; a small heap of red brick on the sand, 20 yards square, and very unimportant in itself. However, it is a landmark from its colour to the caravans, and is worth noting, as it occupies the place of the “Tel Semut ” of the maps, which has been the subject of several identifi¬ cations. The latter name is quite unknown here, as it was to the French expedition, who only dot in surface ruins here on the map. A mound on the road between Qantarah and Salhiyeh, as well as the name of Qantarah, “ the bridge, ” is connected by the natives with Ibrahim Pasha’s expedition to Syria (inf.). Both of these mounds, however, I suspect, are guard¬ houses of an earlier date. 1 Mr. Chester, when he visited this part of the country in 1880, was informed that this was the name of one of the great mounds of Pelusium. This is much more probable. -QANTARAH. Tell abu Sefe, called “Old Qantarah” (Q. el Qadime) by the inhabitants of the modern village, is the mound E. of Qantarah. It is not marked in the French map in its proper place. The large mound (marked Baines), 3 or 4 miles S. of its true position, is perhaps intended for it. Qantarah “bridge” (F., Qanatir), is called invariably Qanatir “bridges ” by the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages on the W. This must therefore have been the old name of the crossing, which seems to have been only a few hundred yards S. of the modern village. 2 As Tell abu Sefe lay on the S. side of the H.E. end of the isthmus between the lakes, so a small station represented now by a low nameless mound on the northern edge seems to have guarded the south-west end. It is difficult to reconcile the details of the French map with the present appearance of the place. If the place is carefully gone over map in hand, it will, I think, appear that much that is marked as marsh was really sand. About a mile farther along the road is the heap known as Qahwet Ibrahim Bala, “ Ibrahim Pasha’s coffee-house.” The road then passes by a southern outlier of Defeneh (F., Tell Defe'inek) to Salhiyeh. This succession, T. Farama, T. el Fadda, T. el Her, [T. Habwe,] Tell abu Sefe, Qanatir, the nameless mound, [Qahwet Ibrahim Basha,] Defeneh, seems to mark the land route from Pelusium. It seems strange that so important a point as the passage between Lakes Balah and Menzaleh should have been ■ left unguarded from the time of Bameses almost to the Homans, but the history of his important corner of the Delta and of the desert E. of it, as well as the whole question of the ancient routes, is as yet too little known for one to venture on much speculation. There is nothing of importance S.E. of this line. 2 This is confirmed by the name Qanatir in the French map, where two channels from Menzaleh to Balah are marked as crossed by - the caravan road. Abu Asab is the name of a conspicuous hill, visible even from Defeneh, and lying perhaps 15 miles on the caravan road from Qantarah. 102 QANTAEAH. Only S.E. of Tel Habwe, by the side of half-a- dozen palm-trees, there are the remains of a few red-briek and other buildings. On the other hand, N. and N.E. of Qantarah the ground is frequently strewn with fragments of pottery. The occurrence of large stones for corn-grind¬ ing, &c., shows that there must have been in some eases settled villages. These remains often stretch far into the dried-up marsh. A difficulty in ascertaining the course of the ancient canals and river-beds in this region lies in the complete silting up of the lake. We know from the fact of village remains occurring in abundance in places which have evidently been under water all the winter, as well as from other indications, either that the drainage of the land has been stopped, or that the surface has sunk. We know also from classical authors that there were lakes and swamps all over the district in early times. The canals of such a district would require continual attention to keep them open. We know even that a navigable branch of the river passed this way, and yet in spring the whole is a stretch of barren salt sand, the level of which to the eye is absolutely uniform, although a difference in consistency betrays slight varia¬ tions of level to the foot: for instance, round the edges of Tel Farama the cui'rent formed by the obstruction has left a space of 20 yards in breadth, perhaps 3 inches lower than the rest. Under such circumstances it is hopeless to look for channels. * 1 The only method is to seek for lines of mounds, natural or artificial, which would exclude a channel or would mark sites upon its banks. Thus, I think, a channel may be traced past the low mounds N.E. of Tel Farama, and between the eastern and western mound, past the small red-brick mound S.W., past another low mound visible from Tel el Her, past a sand island, and another low mound 1 The French map, however, marks a distinct channel W. of the Pelnsiac month. Some traces of this may exist. I did not visit that part. 4 miles N.W. of Qantara, 2 and into the canal that skirts the N. edge of Defeneh. This canal, now known as the Bahr el Baqar, or “ canal of the cow,” is certainly artificial, as may be gathered from its running through sand for at least 9 miles near Defeneh. The Pelusiac branch, on the other hand, running W. of Heracleopolis, seems to have turned to the N. a little before reaching Defeneh. In the Itinerary of Antoninus, from Pelusium to Memphis, Daphno is the first station mentioned. It therefore followed this channel or “ short cut,” by the side of which a road probably ran through the marshes at that time. The road from Serapiu (at the E. end of the Wadi Tumilat) to Pelusium is given as a Serapiu Pelusio, lx. (xl.). Thaubasio (Thausasio), viii. (viiii.). Sile, xxviii. Magdolo, xii. Pelusio, xii. (xv.). Thaubasion, a place of some importance in Roman times, has not been identified, and no likely place is marked on the maps. The identi¬ fication of Sile with Tell abu Sefe may remain. Magdolon was formerly identified with Tel Semut. The latter, however, does not exist. Tel el Her is more probable. It stands on the direct road, 11 or 12 miles from Tell abu Sefe, and 6 from the E. end of Pelusium, which is 2 From this mound there is still observable a peculiar line (an artificial roadway 1) strewed with pottery, running 8.1V ., and cutting the Suez Canal close to a group of deserted houses. I picked up on the mound a late Ptolemaic coin. I found also two double corn-grinder stones of a peculiar form, being shaped like a doubly-concave vertebra and pierced: diameter 18 inches, length 14 inches. On each side is a hollow handle forming a square socket, the sides of which are pierced with a small hole parallel to the circum¬ ference of the stone. The socket must have been for the insertion of a wooden lever fixed by a thin rod or wire through the hole. It was then evidently worked on a convex stone, the upper bowl being kept full of corn. The material resembles slag. One of the convex stones for a similar mill lies on the mound N. of the canal at Defeneh. (See Plate li.) No doubt these are Homan, and the material is perhaps trachyte from Syria. CHAP. XXV.—QANTAEAH. 103 tlie nearest on tlie desert road. These distances would be more correct than that given for Daphno (xvi., really about xxvi.) from Pelusium. The Arab fort at Tel el Her, which is by far the most important in appearance on the road, may very well stand on an earlier structure of the same kind, called by the Semitic name Magdolon (Migdol, 1 2 or “tower”), which would point to an early date. 3 * South of Qantarah I have nothing to record. There is said to be a ruin “ as of a single house 5 ’ near the canal W. of Lake Balah, but I could not find it, nor did I find any pottery on the sand in that direction. The name Tineh given to the mounds and neighbourhood of Pelusium in some maps I have never heard, but I am not sure that it does not exist. In an early Arabic dictionary the name is applied to a fort near Parama, and in the French map to the fort El Belahah. I heard of no more mounds in the W. portion of the lake cut off by the Suez Canal. 101. I will now proceed to describe the hiero¬ glyphic monuments at Qantarah and Tell abu Sefe. I saw in all five fragments of inscribed sandstone, belonging to two monuments. The first of these monuments, a large part of which now stands in Qantarah (see pi. li.), was copied 1 A makdr (migdol) of Seti I. in the neighbourhood is represented, on the route of his triumphal return from Canaan at Karnak. This seems to he the Migdol of the prophets, which they speak of with the town of Seveneh (Syene) as a boundary of Egypt. It was, no doubt, the first place in Egypt reached on the northern road from Syria. See Ez. xxix. 10 and xxx. 6 ; Jer. xliy. 1 and xlvi. 14. It probably differed from the Migdol of the Exodus, which must have been on the southern road through the Wadi Tumilat. 2 Another route from Pelusium is across the Delta past Tanis and Thmuis. Pelusio. Heraclius, xxii. Tanis, xxii. Thumuis, xxii. Tell Belirn (Tell esh Sherig, Eng.; Tell Sehrig, F.), visited by Mr. Petrie, is an important mound lying between Pelusium and Tanis, and must be Heraclius or Heracleopolis. This place was capital of the Sethroite nome, according to Ptolemy, and the nome and city lay outside the Delta, i.e. E. of the Pelusiac arm. by Prisse (or a friend of his) when it was in a much, more complete state, and with the help of his plate (Prisse, Monuments, pi. xix.) I have been able to make almost a complete restoration of it. 3 On an oblong rectangular base, 21^-inches high, 32 inches broad, and about 40 inches long, stood a kind of truncated obelisk, about 5 feet high, the faces sloping slightly inwards, and crowned by a cornice. On the top of this stood a colossal hawk, the figure of the god Horus. There were inscriptions on each face and round the base. Above the inscriptions were scenes of* offering. The details of these are as follows :— Front (Prisse, Monuments, xix. 3). Scene. Seti I., wearing uraeus, presents two vases to 3 Three fragments remain. The portion that stands in the village shows the back as in the plate. The front is completely broken away, but portions of the eight lines of inscription shown in Prisse remain on the right side, and seven on the left. The greatest length that remains is 35 inches. Prisse figures the front, back, and left side of the obelisk (the left side only repeating the inscription of the right), but omits the inscription on the left side of the base, which is necessary to complete the sense. His figure is misleading, as the monu¬ ment appears much more broken in the plate than it really was. Probably he had never seen it himself. His copy of the inscription is fairly correct, but is again misleading in the front of the base, where an# hor qa neyt mad mr and anx sut xbt Ed user mad sotep n rd should be read in the two lines, starting in the centre and running both ways. The top was lost in Prisse’s time, but fortunately one of the remaining small fragments on the mound shows part of the throne name of Rameses II. and part of the title of Horus in front of the double crown of a figure of the god, probably from the scene on the back. The sides of this fragment slope, and there is therefore no doubt of its belonging to the same monument. Above the titles is the cornice and a portion of the worked top, which is flat and polished for a few inches from the edge, after which is an irregular rise where something has been broken off. This is evidently the last trace of a figure upon the top, which from the shape of the base and from the dedication to Horus must have been a hawk. Thus we can restore the monument completely., The only question is whether Rameses II. did not take the place of Seti on the left side. Ho other monuments were visible in Prisse’s time (1840). “ Abou Seyfeh, l’ancienne Migdol ou Magdolum, ne presente plus aujourd’hui que des monticules couverts de tessons de poterie, parmi lesquels on voit les fragments d'une superbe monolithe. II est de gres ferrugineux et couvert de hieroglyphes bien failles.” The second monument was probably found by M. Paponot, one I of the engineers of the Suez Canal. * QANTAKAH. Horus, lord of Mesen, who stands on a low pedestal, and holds emblems of life and purity. Inscription. Titles of Seti I., beloved of Horus, lord of Mesen. “ He set up his image of good and enduring work. Behold, the desire of his Majesty was to establish the name of his father, King Rameses I., before this god for ever and ever.” Tlie scenes and inscriptions on the two sides appear to have been similar. Prisse gives the remains of the scene on the right, representing Rameses X. crowned with the dtef (ntr nfr i d men pJi) kneeling before a figure enthroned, of which the upper half is lost (perhaps Turn or Harmachis). Behind Rameses stands “ Horus, lord of Mesen, lord of heaven, hawk-headed, holding in his right hand the palm branch, symbol of many years, in a slanting position. Behind Horus is Uati, “mistress of heaven, regent of the gods,” crowned with the disk, horns, and uraeus. Prisse has evidently com¬ pleted some of this from the duplicate on the left. Below the scene were eight narrow vertical lines of inscription. The first two lines contain the name and titles of Seti I., “beloved of Horus, lord of Mesen, m des d.” 11. 3, 4. “ He made this as his monument to his father, Horus, lord of Mesen, m des d, setting up his image of a great stone (of Gebel Ahmar) 1 of excellent workmanship to last for. ever: acting as a son who does what is generous, and searches out what is fitting.” 2 The fifth line addresses Rameses I.; the last three are the grants to him from Harmachis, Turn, and Horus of Mesen. Harmachis promises health and happiness; Turn promises food of all kinds, and Horus of Mesen promises long life, with dominion over all countries. 1 m lat a at on one side. Mesen -with and without the n written, and Ra men peh = Ra men ph ph, are the most im¬ portant variants in the remains of the inscriptions on the •two sides. 2 t’dr lu agcr. Back (see plate). Scene, apparently, Rame¬ ses II. offering to Horus of Mesen. Inscription. “ The Horus, mighty bull, &c. Rameses II., beloved of Horus, lord of Mesen, carved (this) monument of his father, Seti I., making the name of his grandfather, Rame¬ ses I., live in the temple of Horus.” Inscription round base in two lines, begin¬ ning in the middle of the front, and running each way. Left side 1. Anx dor I cb ne X 1 ( TOa “ mr ‘ ne X el)t uat) male Qamt udfset, sut x bt Ed user mad stp n rd se rd Amen mri, Sfc., ma ra. Left side 2. An x sut xft Bad user mad, Sfc., (drnf m mennuf n) tef Jior neb mesen selid nef semf m an n ba dr f da anx • Right side 1. An X dor qa ne x t mad mri . . sut yebt hq but bb neb dr x ot Ed user mad, Sfc., se rd, fyc. Right side 2. An x sut xbt Rd user mad, fyc. . . ( hor ) neb mesen seha nef semf m an ba as6 qem n hn f met ? r Jibs m satu hnti rnpt dsaiu. The meaning of the last phrase is not clear. The monument was therefore a monolith figure of Horus as a hawk upon a pedestal, which Seti I. had intended to dedicate in the temple of Horus in memory of his father. Rameses II., like a dutiful son, completed the monument which was left unfinished at Seti’s death, and joined in the dedication. A parallel to this on a large scale may be found in the temple of Qurnah, dedicated to Rameses I. by Seti I., who is accompanied by Rameses II. The second monument was also of sandstone. The remains of it consist of two fragments from the upper part of the back, which fit together. They lie close together in the middle of the mound. The sides are straight, and are sur¬ mounted by a cornice, beneath which run three lines of inscription, terminating in the centre of the back. The top is flat and unpolished. Below the cornice the back measures 38 inches. Nearly 40 inches remain of the CHAP. XIV.-QANTARAH. 105 length. 1 It perhaps served, as the pedestal of a colossal hawk, made'in a separate block. The front is completely destroyed. Perhaps it was ornamented with a scene of offering, or with the titles of Rameses. The side inscrip¬ tions end in the middle of the back. First line; left: ( An% hor qa nc^t) mad mrl sut ybt Rd user mad, &c., da anx hor neb mesen mr da dnx ra ma. Right: (Anx) hor qa neyi mad mrl sut xft Rd user mad, &c., da an% (hor) her ab ^bt 2 mr, &c. Second line; left: (Nxbt uat' male) qemt udf set se rd Amen mrl, &o., rd ma hor nb sesu mr, &c. Right: (Hor nub) us rnpt da nyt se rd Rame¬ ses (sic) rd ma, hor Gem d mr, &c. Third line; left: (Ar nef m mennvf) ntf hor nb mesen sehd nef semf m an n bd dr n nef se rd Amen mr Rdmessu. Right: identical with the last. The name of the place in which these monu¬ ments were set up was the temple of Horns Pa hor, and the god of the temple was Horus, lord of Mesen. The same, form of Horus, the winged disk of the sun, was worshipped at Edfu under the name of Horbehud, and the inscrip¬ tions on the temple at Edfu relate the history of a war in which he drove out the enemies of his father Harmachis from Egypt. These rebels have the appearance in the sculptures of Asiatics. According to the legend, Horbehud and Harmachis, accompanied by other gods in the bark of Ra, attacked and defeated them four times in Upper Egypt. Driven thence the enemy fled eastward along the Pelusiac arm, and only stopped when they reached the heights afterwards called Tal. There the gods found them, and Horbehud, assuming the form 1 These 40 inches would oe sufficient to complete the inscriptions on the sides, and therefore are the original measurement. No portion, however, of the front face remains. s This title of Horus and the following one refer to his birthplace, Chemmis, near Buto, and the marshes in which he was hidden. of a lion with the face of a man and with its claws like knives, df met des, pursued them as they fled into the desert, and slew many, and took numerous prisoners. After this victory commemorative titles were given to the god, and the place was named Tal and Khent abt. 3 The gods then re-embarked, and sailed in pursuit of part of the fugitives that had taken to the water. They sailed upon the water of SqedI for several days, and then having reached Ethiopia, attacked and routed the last remnant of the enemy. In this text the expression df mi des evidently refers to the same thing as m des d of the Qantarah inscription. The exact construction of both of these expressions is difficult to see. The general meaning is clear, and would suit a hawk as well as a lion. From the shape of the Ramesside pedestals it is clear that they cannot have supported lions. But this same god was a lion, Tam m abt, the lion watching over Egypt, good guardian of the two lands, the protector of Egypt (Waville, Mythe d’Horus, pi. ii.); the form is repre¬ sented by the limestone lion that I found, and is perhaps referred to in the epithet Gem a of the second pedestal, which seems to be con¬ trasted with the epithet neb mesen. The former epithet is obscure, but might refer to the gathered up, sheathed claws of the victorious lion asleep, or resting, and watching at the gate of Egypt. Warlike kings are compared to this form of Horus. 102. This city of Tal, which Thothmes III. passed in his twenty - second year on his way to Syria, was capital of the fourteenth nome Xent abt (beginning of the East). The determinative of its name, and the account mentioning a hill in the Edfu texts, suggest that it was in the desert on the edge of the Delta. The waters of SqedI leading to E thiopia would, moreover, suggest a communication with 8 Mesen in this account is figured as a rectangular pedestal. P 106 QANTARAH. the Red Sea. All this points either to the region of Wadi Tumilat or to that about Pelusium as the situation of the nome. The former place is, however, excluded by the discovery that Pithom lay there, for neither space nor the order of the nomes will allow the fourteenth nome to be placed there as well. But there are no such reasons against con¬ cluding that the fourteenth nome was in the district which I have been describing. Perhaps the canal (?) of Sqedi had been successfully cut through the rocks of El Grisr and to the Red Sea, or perhaps the gods sailed up the Pelusiac branch, and then turned into the ancient canal cut by Sesostris in the Wadi Tumilat. But although we find a temple of the god of Tal at Tell abu Sefe, we must not immediately conclude that we have found the city of T’al itself. The name Sile or Sella with which the mound is now satisfactorily identified might correspond to T’al. But if we turn to the nome lists of Ptolemy, we find that the nome occupying that part of the N.E. corner of Lower Egypt which lay outside the Pelusiac branch was called the Sethroite, and the capital of the Sethroite nome was Heracleopolis. This city, as we have seen (p. 103, note 2), lay at or near Tell Belim, and cannot possibly have been Sile. And the name suggests the worship of a god victorious in many combats like Horus of Mesen, and very likely it is Tal itself, for there are ridges of sand leading up to Tel Belim in conformity with the Edfou account. T’al, determined with the sign of the desert or hill country, was also the ancient name of the half-desert district afterwards included in the Sethroite nome. In it was a fortress, Pax^tm n Tal or Pcixetm u nti m Tal, “ the fort of T’al ” or “ which is in T’al,” frequently men¬ tioned in the inscriptions and papyri of the nineteenth dynasty, and the history of this fort agrees exactly with the remains at Tel abu S6fe. It is first mentioned in a campaign of the first year of Seti I. against the Shasu, in which he drove them out of a number of fortresses, extending from this frontier fortress of Egypt to the fort of Kanana. It is clear from the context that the fort existed before that time. It is also mentioned in inscriptions and papyri of the time of Raineses II. and Merenptah, but certainly not after the nineteenth dynasty. The sculptures at Karnak representing the triumphal return of Seti show Paxetm n Tal as a large fort built on both sides of a fresh-water canal, Ta denat, filled with crocodiles and running northwards into a lake or sea filled with fish (Menzaleh?). There is a bridge across the canal, the larger part of the fort lying at the W. end of the bridge. The canal was cut perhaps between Lakes Balah and Menzaleh, and the fort guarded the point where the Syrian road crossed the canal and the frontier. The importance of the place, as lying on the isthmus between the lakes, and on the shortest route from Syria, must have engaged the attention of the monarchs of the twelfth dynasty, who left so many monuments in the east of the Delta. But nothing now can be traced of their work or of that of succeeding dynasties down to the Ptolemies, with the exception of the stone monuments of the magnificent Pharaohs, Seti I. and Rameses II., who founded and adorned a chapel to the hero- god of Mesen. Under Merenptah it was a station on the road from one part of his dominions to another. For a long period after the nineteenth dynasty it must have lain in ruins. The twenty-sixth dynasty no doubt learned a lesson from the Assyrian invasion, but with the growing importance of the naval powers of the Mediterranean and of intercourse with other countries by sea, it became of more importance to the kings of this and following dynasties to defend the sea coast and river mouth even than the land route. Thus, instead of finding extensive works of this period at Tel abu Sefe, we must look to Pelusium as the strongly fortified “ key of CHAP. XIV.-QANTARAH. 107 Egypt,” and instead of the little fort at the “ bridges,” we find a great camp established at Defeneh, from which all points that needed defence could be easily reinforced, while provi¬ sions could be obtained in sufficient abundance. When under the Ptolemies the place began again to be inhabited, the ancient walls had probably entirely disappeared, or if any founda¬ tions remained they were cleared out for new buildings. The settlement with its garrison flourished through the Roman period, but there is no trace of Arab occupation. If any Arab bricks have existed there, they have been carried off to Qantarah. With regard to the extent of the nome of Khent abt,, we have two points to help us in fixing it. The Sethroite nome under the Roman Empire lay on the E. of the Pelusiac branch. The south-western end of Khent abt lay perhaps between Defeneh and Menitgi ; at the latter place the Pelusiac arm touched the edge of the desert, and the nome goddess TJat of the nineteenth nome appears. 103. In connection with this nome, however, I must discuss one other place, and that is Defeneh, and the inscription which Mr. Petrie found there. The sandstone monument upon which the in¬ scription is cut has been a large stela. The upper part is entirely destroyed, and the rest, with the exception of the last six lines, is much mutilated. The date and king’s name, with which it undoubtedly began, are therefore lost. 1. . . . his Majesty . . . 2. . . . which is in Sais of Keith . . . 3. ... it was good. They said to his Majesty . . . 4. 5. . . . on this hill (Defeneh ?). His Majesty said . . . 6. . . . soldiers ? . . . cycle of years. He had not ascended . . . 7 . p 8. . . . rain of heaven . . . the 13th day of Pharmouthi. 9 ..to the sove¬ reign lord 10 .according to the measure of 11. . . . his Majesty. The heart of his Majesty was pleased with it more than any¬ thing. The soldiers began to adore his Majesty. 12. (saying) . . . thy spirits, 0 mighty king, chief beloved of all the gods, a great marvel took (?) place in thy reign. 13. such as had not been seen or heard of, the heavens rained upon the mount of Punt, rain being scanty in the fields of the south. 14 . . . in this month in which the rainfall took place at a time when rain was out of season even in the north land, 15. thy mother Keith of the temple of Sais came to thee to conduct to thee the Kile giving life to thy soldiers. 16. The king made a great sacrifice and a great offering to all the gods of this land, and performed (the service of) giving life Stability, purity, and eternity. 17. His Majesty commanded to set up this tablet of white bennu stone in the temple of Khem, lord of . . . Coptos (?) of Khem (?) making it stand there for ever ! There can be little doubt that the name of Coptos has to be restored in the last line. The remains of the name show the legs and tail of a hawk-like bird, therefore probably ti of Qebti. The date of the stela is given roughly by the prominent introduction of Sais and Keith. It must belong to the period of the twenty-sixth dynasty. The inscription is so fragmentary that but little can be certainly made out of its purport. Ko distinct reason appears for its being found at Defeneh. The last lines mention an extraordinary fall of rain in the Red Sea district, the land of Punt. Perhaps it was in commemoration of this that a copy of the stela, 2 108 QAUTARAH. if not this stela itself, was set up at the repre¬ sentative city of Coptos, which lay at the entrance of the road to Punt. The fifteenth line may refer to the opening of a canal at Defeneh. Perhaps the completion and formal “ opening ” of the palace and camp there was the event chiefly intended to be recorded, while the rainfall in the same month on the eastern mountains was taken as a sign of the favour of heaven upon the undertaking. On this view the stela would have been set up by Psam- metichus I. This will agree with the trace which Mr. Petrie thinks he discovered of the name of Psemthek upon a fragment of the stela. The name of Daphn® may be compared to one that is found in connection with the nome of Tab 1 In a geographical inscription at Phil® (cf. Ptolemaic block, Tanis II. pi. X.) Horus appears as the chief god of the fourteenth nome in a city called Bennut or Ta Bennut. This might well stand for Daphn®. But Bennut seems to be the capital of the nome, and the same as Tal, which certainly was not the same as Daphn®. In the 1 The name Tal may he pronounced Zal. present state of our knowledge it is perhaps impossible to settle absolutely the hieroglyphic equivalent of Defeneh, Daphn®, Tahpanhes. There are already several plausible identifica¬ tions. But I will offer a further suggestion. Bennu, “the phoenix,” was the name of the uu of the fourteenth nome, and it is quite possible that there was a Ta ha pa bennu Daphn® (“house of the phoenix”) in the desert portion of the nome. To distinguish it from the Ha bennu of Heliopolis, it may sometimes have been called Ta ha pa bennu her set, “ The house of the phoenix in the desert Ta-hapanhes ” The phoenix or bennu bird may possibly have some connection with the black ibises mentioned in Hdt. ii. 75, which met and de¬ stroyed the yearly flight of winged serpents in a narrow pass in the Arabian hills near Buto. This Buto cannot be the well-known city in the N.W. of the Delta, but must, if Herodotus’s account have any truth in it, be the other seat of the goddess at Nebesheh, which may there¬ fore be called the Eastern Buto, in the absence of any other known classical name. Since the above was printed I have received a notice of the Qantarah inscription by M. Mowat, inserted in the “Bulletin Epigraphique” (vol. vi. 1886, pp. 243—247). The learned author restores the text from the inscription of “ Hieraconpolis ” (meaning that of Manfalut, see p. 98), and quotes a diploma of Domitian (C. I. L. iii. dipl. 14, p. 857), which shows that the ala 1 Thracum Mauretana (of Qanta¬ rah) was in the year 86 in Judasa, together with the cohors 1 Aug. Prast. Lusit. of the Manfalht inscription. This proves satisfactorily that MAVRETANA there written out in full is to be restored in the Qantarah inscription. M. Mowat’s interpretation of the name of the ala differs slightly from that given in Marquardt and Mommsen, whose view of the meaning of such titles I had followed. He draws the following conclusions with regard to the history of the ala : It was originally formed in Mauretania of auxiliaries recruited in Thrace: thus at first it belonged to the army of Africa. It was then detached and despatched to Judsea to co¬ operate in the repression of the revolt of the Jews in the year 70. Later it is found in garrison at Alexandria, under Sep- timius Severus. This authoritative interpretation of the inscription mentioned in the note 1 on p. 98 must, I suppose, he accepted as the true one. Lastly, in a.d. 288, it was in garrison at Qantarah. [As to the citizen Lusitanian cohort, this is found again at Hieraconpolis at the time of the compilation of the .Nbtitia. Hieraconpolis was certainly not far from Der el Gebrawi and Manfalut.] F. Ll. G. Mr. B. Y. Head has kindly examined the coins which I picked np at Tell ahu S«e. They include a Ptolemaic coin, 146-122 B.O., another of Maximian, and two of the family of Constantine; with others of earlier Roman emperors not identifiable. An Arabic com which was in the packet was, I believe, from one of the neighbouring sites. It seems probable that the military station was given up soon after the Notitia was compiled. CONTENTS OE SOME PLATES. Plate VII. 1. Blue glazed pot. 2. Alabaster pot. 3. Bronze standard. 4. Bronze bell. 5. Pottery lamp. 6. Bronze bowl. 7. Bone figure. 8. Blue glazed flask. (All above from House 100, 230 b.c.). 9. Incised pottery. 10. Figure suckling apes. 11. Pottery sistrum-mould. 12. Figure holding breasts. 13. Incised pottery. 14. 15. Iron pruning hooks. 16. Small flask, pottery. 17. 19. Pottery heads of animals. 18. Disc of blue or of white paste. 20. Unusual pottery figure. 21. Piece of trachyte corn rubber. 22. Dark brown hard pottery bowl. 23. Figure with vase at side. Plate VIII. 1. Glass necklace of fourth century a.d. 2. Blue glazed plaque with deities. 3. Aegis of Bast, yellow on blue glaze. 4. Silver ring with Horus of Am. 5. Silver ring with gold foil bezel. 6. Lotus in blue paste, hard. 7. Amulet of green glaze; Kalantiha ? 8. Gold pendant. 9. Man bearing a lamb, green glaze. 10—15. Gold foil amulets from one tomb. 18, 19. Gold earring and scarab from tomb 26. 20—28. Amulets, bead, and scarabs found together. 29—83. Various scarabs. Plate XX. 1. One of the bronze sockets of the large shrine. 2. Lamp reflector. 3. Bronze Ptah. 3a. Hinges of shrine of Ptah. 3b. Capitals of shrine of Ptah. 4. Hind-quarters of animals from a stand; bronze. (1 to 4 from Gemayemi.) 5. Bronze pail and cover, twenty-sixth dynasty. Tomb 16. Plate XXIV. 1. Limestone horseman. 2. Pottery figure. 3. Limestone figure. 4. Pottery figure. 5. Whetstone with characters. 6. Piece of early pottery. 7. 8. Heads of warriors in red pottery. 9—13. Pottery found in plain east of Kasr. Plate XXXVI. 1. Seal of Psamtik I. 2. Seals of Nekau. 3. Seal of Psamtik II. 4. Seals of inspectors, on inner side. 5. Seals of Aahmes. 110 tell defenneh. Plate XXXVII. 1, 2. Horses’ bits. 3. Trident. 4. Lance-head. 5. 5a, 6. Pieces of horses’ bits. 7. Sword. 8—11. Helmet peaks ? 12—16. Arrow-heads. 17. Large knife. 18. Swivel ring. 19. 19a, 19b. Scale armour. 20. Large knife. Plate XX XVIII. 1. Pickaxe. 2. Chisel. 3. Socket of chisel. 4. Auger ? 5. Bident. 6. Large knife, chamber 19 a. 7. Sail needle ? or netting needle. 8. Razor. 9. 10. Cones of sheet iron, punched; rasps. 11. Chisel. 12. Poker. 13. Spring ? 14. Fish-hook. 15—20. Chisels. 21. Plough-iron. 22. Chisel. 23. Knife. 24. Axe. Plate XLI. (Objects from Defenneh and neighbouring tells, unless specified.) 1. Small gold finger ring. 2. Gold earring, hollow. 3—7. Gold earrings, solid. 8. Silver amulet case or shrine, with sliding lid partly drawn up and pressed in, as when found. Defenneh. 9. Gold statuette found in the shrine No. 8. 10. Gold handle of a tray, the long ends having been bent at right angles beneath the tray : the whole is cast, excepting the ribs of the petals for holding the inlay, which are strips soldered on. Found, evidently looted, along with lumps of silver, in the camp on the east of the Kasr. Defenneh. 11. Silver ram’s head, probably from a statuette of Khnum. Camp, Defenneh. 12. Gold earring, open work of soldered globules. 13. Part of gold earring, trihedral pyramid of soldered globules. 14. Gold bead of two pentagonal discs soldered together. 15. Gold foil, thick ribbed; from an earring ? 16. Gold foil, floret. 17. Gold bead, soldered globules. 18. Piece of gold chain, a pendant; probably a glass bead lost from end. 19—23. Gold foil ornaments. 24. Piece of gold chain with a band round each link. 25. Piece of gold chain with pendant. 26. Gold symbolic eye; hollow, sheet, same both sides, ribs soldered on. 27. Gold pendant, hollow, flat back. 28. Gold wire, square, twisted. 29. Gold setting of a gem. 30. Gold symbolic eye. 31. Dioptase in gold setting with row of globules. 32. Silver ring of a “ priest of Amen, Hon-Ra-ab- nefer-neb-teshert” (or “the slave ofPsam- tik II., lord of the red crown”). 33. Silver bezel of ring of “ Anch-hor-menkh-ab, first priest of Turn” (?). 33a. Silver bezel of Teta-nub-hotep. 34. Silver bezel of ring of a “ servant of Neit, Psamtik-se-N eit. ” 35. Silver bezel of ring of “ servant of Neit, Har- em-heb.” CONTENTS OP SOME PLATES. Ill 36. Silver bezel of ring, engraved with winged scarabseus. 37. Silver ring with silver scarab. 38. Star of lapis-laznli. 39. Lion-headed urseus of most delicate work. Lapis-lazuli. 40. Crystal of Iceland-spar (calcite),with cartouche of ee Ivet ” and “ nefrui'’ on reverse. 41. Part of bezel of violet glazed pottery. 42. Part of a scarab of dark green paste, imitating jasper. 43—54. Scarabs. 55. Scarab of Sheshonk IV. 56. Scarab of Psamtik I. or Haa-ab-ra. Dark green jasper. 57. Scarab of Ra-nefer-ankh, fourteenth dynasty? Obsidian. 58. Scarab of Ra-men; green jasper. 59. Scarab of Ra-ar ; green pottery. Twenty- fourth or twenty-fifth dynasty ? 60. Scarab of Psamtik; schist. 61—67. Scarabs. 68, 69. Scarabs of blue paste, probably made at Naukratis. 69 seems to have the winged sphinx walking, found on such scarabs. 70. Combination of Khnum,Ptah-sokar, and hawk. Chamber 2 or 3, Kasr. 71, 72. Eye plaque and Taurt. Chamber 7, Kasr, Defenneh. 73. Seal of green glazed ware. Chamber 7, Kasr, Defenneh. 74. Block for a seal, damaged in drilling. Pale green, translucent, calcite. 75. Block for a seal; white calcite. 76. Bronze seal of Aahmes. Chamber 19a, Kasr, Defenneh. 77. Amber-coloured glass, stamped with cupid on lion. Roman. 78. Baubo, clear light green glass. Roman. 79. Term, in clear dark blue glass. „ 80. Head of Anubis, stamped on clear green glass. Roman. 81. Amber-coloured glass, stamped with cupid driving goat. Roman. EKE AT A. The arrival of the monuments from Nebesheh enables me to correct some errors. PL x. 5a, 6 : The sign seps has disk and horns, and is apparently lion-headed. Pl.x. 5&. PL x. 7. Of. p, 30, col. 1, line 3. Mr. Petrie has pointed out to me that there is a bracelet on the arm of the statue : it must, therefore, be of a goddess. PL xi. 16a. The ^ww of is joined to the tail of . n £> The name is U I /WWW /w/w/w _ The figure on the right is certainly of a god. There seems to be a child behind Pl. xi. 1 6d. The erasure suggests Set. him. Pl. xii. 18. The figures of the genii should be represented walking. • ^ L - INDEX. Aahmes II.: deposits of. name of . policy of . seals of . bronze stamp of temple of. Abu Sefe, Tell Agonistic vase Altar, Nebesheb Am: fixed name occurs (see Nebesheh). Amenembat II., altar . Amenhotep, (private) statue of Amulets. found on mummies ... at Defenneb . Antoninus itinerary . Archaic stone figures . Armour scale. Arrowheads: bronze . Basalt sarcophagi . statuettes . Beads: carnelian . glass . lapis lazuli . silver. stones, various. pieces joined . Belim, Tell . Bellerophon and Chimsera vase Bes vases . Boreas vase . Brick: burnt, Bamesside sizes . Bronze arrowheads . figures, &c. smelted . Bronze tools. Bucket of bronze . Cake stamp . Camps of Karians and Ionians Captives, figures of (draughtsmen T) Cemeteries in Delta destroyed Cemetery: Nebesheh . Defenneh . Coffins, terra-cotta. Coins . Column, in advance of a building Coral at Defenneh. Corn rubbers. Curves of weights. Cylinders of Nebuchadrezzar Cypriote tombs . characters . Dedamun . Defenneh: present state . workers at. Kasr el Bint el Yehudi history of . pavement at . removal of Greeks names of . fort . camp . painted pottery . plain pottery . pottery made there gold work made there bronze and iron smelted archaic figures stela of Demotic inscriptions Denudation . Deposits in Delta. Dibgu, Tell . 114 INDEX. PAGE Diocletian, inscription of . 98 Dioptase at Defenneh . 76 Drains . . 10 57 60 Draught-boards . 74 Drill cores . 74 Egyptian words, spelling of. 96 Eighteenth dynasty in Delta 28 Erased inscriptions. 10, 11, 13, 15 ,16 34 Eadda, Tell . 101 Eakus . 45 Farama, Tell. 99 Forks of bronze . 21 Fort of Daphnaa ., 52 Foundations of buildings . 8 first temple, Nebesheh 11 deposits at Defenneh 55 Gemaiyemi 39 , 40 Nebesheh . 11 . 11 ,25 Gemaiyemi . 37- -44 enclosure . 38 foundation deposits 40 history of . 44 mosaic of glass . 39 Glass beads, &c. 79 mosaics. 39 moulds and working . 42- -44 Glaze, thick . 75 Gods: figures at Nebesheh . 27 Defenneh . 80 Gold work at Defenneh . 75 76 Greek garrison at Daphnaa . 48 51 pottery (see Yases) . 58- -64 Haa-ab-ra . 51 75 Habwe, Tell . 101 Handle of tray, gold . 74 Her, TeH. 101 Hieroglyphics, transliteration of ... 96 Honeysuckle ornament, age. 63 Horn bracelets . 24 Horus tep %as \et . 35 neb Mesen . 104 Hosh tombs, Nebesheh. 18 Houses, Nebesheh. 24 Hyksos, government of. 16 Ichneumon on scarabs of Psamtik II. 27 Inscriptions of Defenneh . 107 Qantara. . 97, 98, 103 Menagi. 46 Nebesheh . 28- -36 PAGE Iron tools at Nebesheh . . 27 pruning-hooks . . 25 tools at Defenneh . . 56, 78 weapons at Defenneh . . 77 smelting at Defenneh . . 79 Ivory at Defenneh. . 75 Jar sealings . 58, 66, 72 Jeremiah at Tahpanhes. . 50 Jews fleeing to Tahpanhes . . 49, 50 Hellenization of . . 50 tradition of, at Tahpanhes . 47, 50, 52 Joseph, position in Egypt . . 17 Kalantika, amulet. . 24 Kantara (see Qantara) . . 96 Kantir . . 45 Karian troops at Daphnaa . . 48, 51 Kasr el Bint el Yehudi. 47, 50, 52 Ket (spirit) on rhomb . . 73 Khatanah . . 45 Lakes, changes in. . 5 Lamp : tube type. .. 26 reflector of . . 41 Latin inscription at Qantara. . 98 Levels of buildings, Defenneh . . 95 of ground . . 5, 6, 94 of water . ... 5, 6, 11, 12 Limestone sarcophagi . 22, 35, 36 Magdolon . .102, 103 Menagi. . 46 Merenptah: column of. .9, 31 (private) statue of . . 12, 30 Migdol . . 102, 103 Models of vases in deposits . . 15 in plaster, for a sculptor . . 41 Mosaics of glass . 39, 42, 80 Moulds for glass . . 42 for cake . . 73 Mummies with amulets. . 22 Naukratis pottery not found at Daphnaa . 61, 62 work at . . 1 Nebesheh : people of . . 1 appearance of . . 4, 29 site of Am . . 6 history ., ... . 7 temples . . 8—16 shrine. . 8, 13 temenos . . 9 wall . . 9 INDEX. Nebesheh: pylon. PAGE . 10 foundation deposits . ... 14,25 altar . . 15 cemetery ... 17—24 town . ... 25—28 plan . . 25 inscriptions... ... 28—36 stela . . 34 Nebuchadrezzar’s invasion . 49 Nekau at Daphnse. 49, 54, 72 Nike on vase. . 67 Orientation of tombs . 18 Pail of bronze . . 24 Pavement at Defenneh ... ... 50, 57 Pelusium . . 99 Pentagon, incised. . 72 Phoenician characters ... . 74 Venus, figures . 26 Physical changes in Delta . 4 Pilgrim bottle type 21, 65, 75 Plaster models, Gemaiyemi . 41 Pottery of Defenneh ... 61—67 (see Vases), inscribed. . 74 Psamtik I.: founds fort ... 48, 53 deposits of ... . 55 jar sealings . 72 stela of 48, 59, 107 Psamtik II.: sealings of ... 51, 72 scarabs of . 27 Ptolemaic house and coins . 25 Qantara. ... 96—98, 101 monuments . 97 Ra, statuette, gold. . 75 Ramessu II. dedicates statue of Uati ... . 13 buildings by . 7, 29 statues . 10 head of (?) . 10 at Qantara . 97, 103 Ramessu III.: inscription 11,29,31 Ramesside tombs. . 18 Rasps . . 78 Saite tombs, &c. . 18, 21 Sand, denuded . . 5 Sarcophagi: basalt. . 22, 35 limestone. .22, 35, 36 Scale armour, iron. . 78 115 j Scarabs . 19 27 73 Sealings of jars . 58, 66 , 72 Semaneh. 45 Sethroite nome .103 106 Seti I. inscription.] q 3 Seti II. inscription . 44 Set-nekbt inscription . 11, 29, 31 Shell carving. 72 Shrine of Nebesheh . 43 with glass mosaic . 40 of Ptah, small . 41 silver, with statuette . 75 sae . 102 , 106 Silver cases for mummy hands . 24 beads . 24 rin gs . . 27, 76 shrine-box . 75 at Defenneh . 73 Sink jars . 57, 60 Skull, thick . 27 Spear-heads : Cypriote. 20 iron. 77 Spelling of Egyptian words. 96 Sphinxes, early . 10 29 Statuettes with name of Am . 44 Stone figures, archaic . 71 of captives . 73 objects . 73 Swords . 77 Tahpanhes (see Defenneh) . ... 49—52 T’al, city . ... 105, 106 Tanis, tablets of . . 28 Tat, double . . 24 Temenos walls . . 9 Temple: first, at Nebesheh. . 11 second . . 12 Tombs destroyed by denudation . . 6 at Nebesheh . ... 17—25 at Defenneh . . 61 Tools: bronze. . 77 iron . 25, 27, 78 Town plan . . 25 Tribute lists, Egyptian. ... ... 92 Tridachna shell . . 72 Uati: goddess of Am . . 6 festival inscription . . 13 statue of . ... 13, 14 Usertesen III., statues of . . 13 Ushabti. ... 19—21 varied, found together . . 20 varieties described . 31—33, 36 116 INDEX. Vases: painted . ages of . Agonistic type ... Asiatic style Bellerophon type black figured ... Boreas type Chimsera type ... Nike type. Panathenaic style pseudamphorse... PAGE . ... 58,61 59, 63, 68—71 .. 69 67, 70 .. 68 69, 70 68 67 67 70 71 Weights of Naukratis of Nebesheh of Defenneh changes in curves of archetypes of variations of derivation of sets of Whetstones . Water levels. 5, 6, 11, 12 Zuwelen. GILBERT & RIVINGTON LD., ST. JOHN’S HOUSE, CLERK.ES WELL ROAD, E.C. I’.4- NEBESHEH. FUNEREAL OBJECTS XX-XXV DYNASTY The. yy u. yyi 6 *. r~s fir to (fCt £or*.trS , IV. M.F. P-