■zr d. ^ / ' / '/6~Z-t-^r//sZ~ S/ y ifc~L- l, a^i~~ y S^ZL- cTl^ S~L^- J- ilc.f/. /SSS HISTORICAL AND LEGENDARY TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. 'BaTTantgne -press BALI.ANTYNE, HANSON AND CO. Edinburgh and London SIR WALTER SCOT'!’. Historical, Legendary AND Romantic Tales FROM THE WORKS OF SIR WALTER SCOTT SELECTED AND ARRANGED By WILLIAM T. DOBSON WITH TWELVE ILLUSTRATIONS IN PERMANENT PHOTOGRAPHY. LONDON BICKERS & SON, i LEICESTER SQUARE 1886 CONTENTS. B attle of the standard i BRUCE AND BANNOCKBURN.7 DOUGLAS AND THE HEART OF BRUCE . . 1 6 THE DOUGLAS LARDER.31 LEGEND OF THOMAS THE RHYMER. 36 HENRY WYND.44 WAR-SONG OF LACHLAN. 48 ARCHIBALD BELL-THE-CAT.49 THE FORAY.52 THE DISASTER OF FLODDEN.53 FEUD OF BUCCLEUCH AND KERR.71 MURDER OF RIZZIO AND DEATH OF DARNLEY ... 77 FEUD OF MAXWELL AND JOHNSTON. 90 ASSASSINATION OF REGENT MURRAY.99 THE GOWRIE CONSPIRACY.IO 3 BATTLE OF TIPPERMUIR.Il 6 EXECUTION OF MONTROSE.1 23 WATT TINLINN. . . -130 LEGEND OF LITTLECOTE HALL. 131 VI CONTENTS. PAGE MURDER OF ARCHBISHOP SHARPE.I38 THE LAIRD’S JOCK.I46 DONALD THE HAMMERER.152 MASSACRE OF GLENCOE . . . . . . , . 163 KINMONT WILLIE AND BUCCLEUCH.182 ROB ROY MACGREGOR.l88 ALLAN-A-SOP.215 THE DEADLY FEUD OF AUCHINDRANE. 22 "J THE MAID OF NEIDPATH.24O CAMERON OF LOCHIEL.242 BATTLE OF BOTHWELL BRIDGE.251 TORTURE OF THE COVENANTER PRISONERS .... 262 JACOBITE ATTEMPT TO SEIZE EDINBURGH CASTLE . . . 276 DEATH OF COLONEL GARDINER AT THE BATTLE OF PRESTON 286 HIGH JINKS.299 FIELD-SPORTS ON THE BORDER IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.313 MASANIELLO.321 ALARM OF FRENCH INVASION.334 [The above have been selected and adapted from Tales of a Grandfather, Lord of the Isles (notes), Castle Dangerous, Marmion (notes), Border Minstrelsy, Lay of the Last Minstrel (notes). Legend of Montrose, Tales of My Landlord, Rob Roy, Dramatic Works, Old Mortality, Waverley, Guy Mannering, Essays in Foreign Quarterly Review, The Antiquary, <5r=£.] LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. IR WALTER SCOTT . HEROISM AND HUMANITY THE MURDER OF RIZZIO ASSASSINATION OF REGENT MURRAY LAST SCENE IN THE LIFE OF MONTROSE MURDER OF ARCHBISHOP SHARPE . ESCAPE OF ALASTER MACDONALD FROM GLENCOE . A DROVE OF HIGHLAND CATTLE BOTHWELL BRIDGE. THE COVENANTERS. DEER-STALKING. Frontispiece page 17 . 82 . 100 . 128 • 143 THE MASSACRE AT • 175 . I90 . 251 . 264 . 278 DEATH OF COLONEL GARDINER 297 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. BATTLE OF THE STANDARD. ALCOLM CANMORE was a brave and wise prince, though without education. He often made war upon King William the Conqueror of England, and upon his son and successor William, who, from his complexion, was called William Rufus, that is, Red William. Malcolm was some¬ times beaten in these wars, but he was more frequently successful; and not only made a complete conquest of Lothian, but threatened also to possess himself of the great English province of Northumberland, which he frequently invaded. In Cumberland, also, he held many possessions. But in the year 1093, having assembled a large army for the purpose, Malcolm besieged the border fortress of Alnwick, where he was unexpectedly attacked by a great Norman baron, called Robert de Moubray, who defeated the Scottish army completely. Malcolm Canmore was killed in the action, and his eldest son fell by his side. There is a silly story told of Malcolm being killed by one of the garrison of Alnwick, who, pretending to surrender the *keys of the castle on the point of a spear, thrust the lance- A 2 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT.' point into the eye of the King of Scotland, and so killed him. They pretend that this soldier took the name of Pierce-eye, and that the great family of the Percies of Northumberland were descended from him. But this is all a fable. The Percies are descended from a great Norman baron, who came over with William, and who took his name from his castle and estate in Normandy. Queen Margaret of Scotland was extremely ill at the time her husband marched against England. When she was lying on her death-bed, she saw her second son, who had escaped from the fatal battle, approach her bed. “ How fares it,” said the expiring Queen, “with your father, and with your brother Edward ? ”—The young man stood silent. —“ I conjure you,” she added, “ by the Holy Cross, and by the duty you owe me, to tell me the truth.” “Your husband and your son are both slain.” “The will of God be done,” answered the Queen, and expired, with expressions of devout resignation to the plea¬ sure of Heaven. This good princess was esteemed a Saint by those of the period in which she lived, and was called Saint Margaret. After the death of Malcolm Canmore, the Scottish crown was occupied successively by three princes of little power or talent, who seized on the supreme authority because the children of the deceased sovereign were under age. After these had ended their short reigns, the sons of Malcolm came to the throne in succession, by name Edgar,—Alex¬ ander, called the First,—and David, also called the First of that name. These two last princes were men of great ability. David, in particular, was a wise, religious, and powerful prince. He had many furious wars with England, and made dreadful incursions into the neighbouring provinces, which were the more easy that the country of England was then disunited by civil war. The cause was this :— BATTLE OF THE STANDARD. 3 Henry I., the youngest son of William the Conqueror, had died, leaving only one child, a daughter, named Matilda, or Maud, whose mother was a daughter of Malcolm Canmore, and a sister, consequently, of David, King of Scotland. During Henry’s life, all the English barons had agreed that his daughter should succeed him on the throne. Upon the King’s death, however, Stephen, Earl of Mortagne, a great Norman lord, usurped the government, to the exclusion of the Empress Matilda (so called because she had married the Emperor of Germany), and caused himself to be pro- laimed King. Many of the English barons took arms against Stephen, with the purpose of doing justice to the Empress Maud and her son Henry. It was natural that David, King of Scotland, should join the party which favoured his niece; but he also took the opportunity to attempt an extension of his own dominions. He assembled from the different provinces of Scotland a large but ill-disciplined army, consisting of troops of different nations and languages, who had only one common principle—the love of plunder. There were Normans, and Germans, and English; there were the Danes of Northum¬ berland, and the British of Cumberland, and of the valley of Clyde; there were the men of Teviotdale, who were chiefly Britons, and those of Lothian, who were Saxons; and there were also the people of Galloway. These last were almost a separate and independent people, of peculiarly wild and ferocious habits. Some historians say they came of the race of the ancient Piets; some call them the wild Scots of Galloway—all agree that they were a fierce, un¬ governable race of men, who fought half naked, and committed great cruelty upon the inhabitants of the in¬ vaded country. These men of Galloway were commanded by several chiefs. Amongst others, was a chief leader called William MacDonochy, that is, William the son of Duncan. 4 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT The barons of the northern parts of England, hearing that the King of Scotland was advancing at the head of this formidable army, resolved to assemble their forces to give him battle. Thurstan, the Archbishop of York, joined with them. They hoisted a banner, which they called that of Saint Peter, upon a carriage mounted on wheels; from which circumstance the war took the name of the Battle of the Standard. The two armies came in sight of each other at Cuton Moor, near Northallerton, and prepared to fight on the next morning. It was a contest of great importance; for if David should prove able to defeat the army now opposed to him, there seemed little to prevent him from conquering England as far as the Humber. There was in the English army an aged baron named Robert Bruce, father of a race afterwards very famous in Scottish history. He had great estates both in England and Scotland. He loved King David, because he had been formerly his companion in arms, and he resolved to make an effort to preserve peace. He went, therefore, to the Scottish camp, and endeavoured to persuade King Davki to retreat, and to make peace—re¬ monstrated with him on the excesses which his army had committed—exaggerated the danger in which he was placed; and finally burst into tears when he declared his own purpose of relinquishing his allegiance to the King of Scotland, and fighting against him in battle, if he persevered in his invasion. The King shed tears at this exhortation; but William MacDonochy exclaimed, “ Bruce, thou art a false traitor! ” Bruce, incensed at this insult, left the camp of the Scots, renouncing for ever all obedience to David, and giving up the lands he held of him in Scotland. A dispute arose in the Scottish council of war. The Galloway men, who had gained a considerable battle in their advance into England, were intoxicated with their own BATTLE OF THE STANDARD. 5 success, and demanded peremptorily that they should lead the van in the battle of the next day. King David would fain have eluded the request. He had more confidence in the disciplined valour of the men-at-arms in his service, than in those brave but tumultuous barbarians. A chief, called Malise, Earl of Strathearn, saw, and was angry at David’s hesitation. “Why so much confidence in a plate of steel, or in rings of iron?” said he. “I, who wear no armour, will go as far to-morrow with a bare breast as any one who wears a cuirass.” “Rude earl,” said Allan de Percy, a Norman knight, “ you brag of what you dare not do.” The King interposed, and with difficulty appeased the dispute. He granted with reluctance the request of the men of Galloway. In the morning [August n, 1138] David prepared for the eventful contest. He drew his army up in three lines. The first, according to his promise, consisted of the Galloway men, who were commanded by William MacDonochy, and Ulrick, and Dovenald. The second line consisted of the men-at-arms, the Borderers of Teviotdale, with the archers of Cumberland and Strathclyde. They were headed by Henry, Prince of Scotland, a brave and amiable youth. The King himself, surrounded by a guard consisting of English and Norman men-at-arms, commanded the third body of troops, who were the men of Lothian, with the Northern Scots, properly so called. The English were formed into one compact and firm battalion, in the midst of which the consecrated Standard was displayed. The Bishop of Orkney, as deputed by the aged Thurstan, mounted the carriage of Saint Peter’s Standard, and proclaiming the war was a holy one, assured each English soldier that those who fell should imme¬ diately pass into Paradise. The English barons grasped 6 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. each other’s hands, and swore to be victorious, or die in the field. The armies being now near each other, the men of Galloway charged, with cries which resembled the roar of a tempest. They fought for two hours with the greatest fury, and made such slaughter amongst the English spear¬ men, that they began to give way. But the archers supported them, and showered their arrows so thick upon the Galloway men, that, having no defensive armour to resist the shot, they became dismayed, and began to retreat. Prince Henry of Scotland advanced to their support with the men-at-arms. He rushed at full gallop on that part of the English line which was opposed to him, and broke through it, says a historian, as if it had been a spider’s web. He then attacked the rear of the English ; the men of Galloway rallied, and were about to renew the contest, when an English soldier showed the head of a slain man on a spear, and called out it was the King of Scots. The falsehood was believed by the Scottish army, who fell into confusion and fled. The King in vain threw his helmet from his head, and rode bare¬ faced among the soldiers, to show that he still lived. The alarm and panic were general, and the Scots lost a battle which, if they had won, must have given them a great part of England, and eventually, it may be, the whole of that kingdom, distracted as it was with civil war. Such was the famous Battle of the Standard. It forced David to make peace with England, but it was upon the most favour¬ able terms; since, excepting the fortresses of Newcastle and Bamborough, the whole of Northumberland and Durham was surrendered by Stephen to the Scottish monarch. BRUCE AND BANNOCKBURN . HE arrangements adopted by King Robert for the decisive battle of Bannockburn are given very distinctly by Barbour, and form an edifying lesson to tacticians. Yet, till com¬ mented upon by Lord Hailes, this important passage of history has been generally and strangely mis¬ understood by historians. I will here endeavour to detail it fully. Two days before the battle, Bruce selected the field of action, and took post there with his army, consisting of about 30,000 disciplined men, and about half the number of disorderly attendants upon the camp. The ground was called the New Park of Stirling; it was partly open, and partly broken by copses of wood and marshy ground. He divided his regular forces into four divisions. Three of these occupied a front line, separated from each other, yet sufficiently near for the purpose of communication. The fourth division formed a reserve. The line extended in a north-easterly direction from the brook of Bannock, which was so rugged and broken as to cover the right flank effectually, to the village of Saint Ninians, probably in the line of the present road from Stirling to Kilsyth. Edward Bruce commanded the right wing, which was strengthened 8 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. by a strong body of cavalry under Keith, the Mareschal of Scotland, to whom was committed the important charge of attacking the English archers; Douglas, and the young Steward of Scotland, led the central wing; and Thomas Randolph, Earl of Moray, the left wing. The King himself commanded the fourth division, which lay in reserve behind the others. The royal standard was pitched, according to tradition, in a stone, having a round hole for its reception, and thence called the Bore-Stone. It is still shown on the top of a small eminence, called Brock’s-brae, to the south¬ west of Saint Ninians. His main body thus disposed, King Robert sent the followers of the camp, fifteen thousand and upwards in number, to the eminence in rear of his army, called from that circumstance the Gillies' ( i.e. the servants’) Hill. The military advantages of this position were obvious. The Scottish left flank, protected by the brook of Bannock, could not be turned; or, if that attempt were made, a movement by the reserve might have covered it. Again, the English could not pass the Scottish army, and move towards Stirling, without exposing their flank to be attacked while in march. If, on the other hand, the Scottish line had been drawn up east and west, and facing to the southward, as affirmed by Buchanan, and adopted by Mr. Nimmo, the author of the “ History of Stirlingshire,” there appears nothing to have prevented the English approaching upon the carse, or level ground from Falkirk, either from turning the Scottish left flank, or from passing their position, if they preferred it, without coming to an action, and moving on to the relief of Stirling. And the Gillies’ Hill, if this less probable hypothesis be adopted, would be situated, not in the rear, as allowed by all the historians, but upon the left flank of Bruce’s army. The only objection to the hypothesis above BRUCE AND BANNOCKBURN. 9 laid down, is, that the left flank of Bruce’s army was thereby exposed to a sally from the garrison of Stirling. But, ist, the garrison were bound to neutrality by terms of Mow¬ bray’s treaty; and Barbour even seems to censure, as a breach of faith, some secret assistance which they rendered their countrymen upon the eve of battle, in placing temporary bridges of doors and spars over the pools of water in the carse, to enable them to advance to the charge. 2ndly, Had this not been the case, the strength of the garrison was probably not sufficient to excite apprehension. 3rdly, The adverse hypothesis leaves the rear of the Scottish army as much exposed to the Stirling garrison as the left flank would be in the case supposed. It only remains to notice the nature of the ground in front of Bruce’s line of battle. Being part of a park, or chase, it was considerably interrupted with trees; and an extensive marsh, still visible, in some places rendered it inaccessible, and in all of difficult approach. More to the northward, where the natural impediments were fewer, Bruce fortified his position against cavalry, by digging a number of pits so close together, says Barbour, as to resemble the cells in a honeycomb. They were a foot in breadth, and between two and three feet deep, many rows of them being placed one behind the other. They were slightly covered with brush¬ wood and green sods, so as not to be obvious to an impetuous enemy. All the Scottish army were on foot, excepting a select body of cavalry stationed with Edward Bruce on the right wing, under the immediate command of Sir Robert Keith, the Mareschal of Scotland, who were destined for the important service of charging and dispersing the English archers. Thus judiciously posted, in a situation fortified both by art and nature, Bruce awaited the attack of the English. Upon the 23rd June, 1314, the alarm reached the Scottish IO TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. army of the approach of the enemy. Douglas and the Mare- schal were sent to reconnoitre with a body of cavalry. The two Scottish commanders were cautious in the account which they brought back to their camp. To the King in private they told the formidable state of the enemy; but in public reported that the English were indeed a numerous host, but ill commanded, and worse disciplined. The English vanguard, commanded by the Earls of Gloucester and Hereford, came in sight of the Scottish army upon the evening of the 23rd of June. Bruce was then riding upon a little palfrey, in front of his foremost line, putting his host in order. It was then that the personal encounter took place betwixt him and Sir Henry de Bohun, a gallant English knight, the issue of which had a great effect upon the spirits of both armies. The Scottish leaders remonstrated with the King upon his temerity. He only answered, “ I have broken my good battle-axe.” The English vanguard retreated after witnessing this single combat. Probably their generals did not think it advisable to hazard an attack while its unfavour¬ able issue remained upon their minds. While the van of the English army advanced, a detached body attempted to relieve Stirling. Lord Hailes gives the following account of this manoeuvre and the result, which is accompanied by circumstances highly characteristic of the . chivalrous manners of the age, and displays that generosity which reconciles us even to their ferocity upon other occa¬ sions. Bruce had enjoined Randolph, who commanded the left wing of his army, to be vigilant in preventing any advanced parties of the English from throwing succours into the Castle of Stirling. “Eight hundred horsemen, commanded by Sir Robert Clifford, were detached from the English army; they made a circuit by the low grounds to the east, and approached the BRUCE AND BANNOCKBURN. n % Castle. The King perceived their motions, and, coming up to Randolph, angrily exclaimed, ‘ Thoughtless man ! you have suffered the enemy to pass.’ Randolph hastened to repair his fault, or perish. As he advanced, the English cavalry wheeled to attack him. Randolph drew up his troops in a circular form, with their spears resting on the ground, and protended on every side. At the first onset, Sir William Daynecourt, an English commander of distinguished note, was slain. The enemy, far superior in numbers to Randolph, environed him, and pressed hard on his little band. Douglas saw his jeopardy, and requested the King’s permission to go and succour him. ‘ You shall not move from your ground,’ cried the King; ‘ let Randolph extricate himself as he best may. I will not alter my order of battle, and lose the advantage of my position.’—‘ In truth,’ replied Douglas, ‘ I cannot stand by and see Randolph perish; and therefore, with your leave, I must aid him.’ The King unwillingly consented, and Douglas flew to the assistance of his friend. While approaching, he perceived that the English were falling into disorder, and that the perseverance of Randolph had prevailed over their impetuous courage. ‘Halt,’ cried Douglas, ‘those brave men have repulsed the enemy; let us not diminish their glory by sharing it .’”—Dalrymplds Annals of Scotland. Upon the 24th of June, the English army advanced to the attack. The narrowness of the Scottish front, and the nature of the ground, did not permit them to have the full advantage of their numbers, nor is it very easy to find out what was their proposed order of battle. The vanguard, however, appeared a distinct body, consisting of archers and spearmen on foot, and commanded, as already said, by the Earls of Gloucester and Hereford. Barbour, in one place, mentions that they formed nine battles or divisions; but from the following passage, it appears that there was no room 12 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. or space for them to extend themselves, so that, except the vanguard, the whole army appeared to form one solid and compact body:— “The English men, on either party, That as angels shone brightly, Were not array’d on such manner : For all their battles samyn 1 were In a schiltrum . 2 But whether it was Through the great straitness of the place That they were in, to bide fighting; Or that it was for abaysing ; 3 I wete not. But in a schiltrum It seemed they were all and some ; Out ta’en the vaward anerly, That right with a great company, Be them selwyn, arrayed were. Who had been by, might have seen there That folk ourtake a mekill feild On breadth, where many a shining shield, And many a burnished bright armour, And many a man of great valour, Might in that great schiltrum be seen, And many a bright banner and sheen.” — Barbour's Bruce. The English archers commenced the attack with their usual bravery and dexterity. But against a force, whose importance he had learned by fatal experience, Bruce was provided. A small but select body of cavalry were detached from the right, under command of Sir Robert Keith. They rounded, as I conceive, the marsh called Milntown Bog, and, keeping the firm ground, charged the left flank and rear of 1 Together. 2 This word is used by Barbour here to express an irregular mass, into which the English army was compressed by the unwieldiness of its numbers, and the carelessness or ignorance of its leaders. 3 Frightening. BRUCE AND BANNOCKBURN. 13 the English archers. As the bowmen had no spears nor long weapons fit to defend themselves against horse, they were instantly thrown into disorder, and spread through the whole English army a confusion from which they never fairly recovered. It is generally alleged by historians, that the English men- at-arms fell into the hidden snare which Bruce had prepared for them. Barbour does not mention the circumstance. According to his account, Randolph, seeing the slaughter made by the cavalry on the right wing among the archers, advanced courageously against the main body of the English, and entered into close combat with them. Douglas and Stuart, who commanded the Scottish centre, led their division also to the charge, and the battle becoming general along the whole line, was obstinately maintained on both sides for a long space of time; the Scottish archers doing great execution among the English men-at-arms, after the bowmen of England were dispersed. When the engagement between the main bodies had lasted some time, Bruce made a decisive movement, by bringing up the Scottish reserve, fit is traditionally said, that at this crisis he addressed the Lord of the Isles in a phrase used as a motto by some of his descendants, “ My trust is constant in thee.” Barbour intimates, that the reserve “ assembled on one field,” that is, on the same line with the Scottish forces already engaged; which leads Lord Hailes to conjecture that the Scottish ranks must have been much thinned by slaughter, since, in that circumscribed ground, there was room for the reserve to fall into the line. But the advance of the Scottish cavalry must have con¬ tributed a good deal to form the vacancy occupied by the reserve. The followers of the Scottish camp observed, from the Gillies’ Hill in the rear, the impression produced upon the H TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. English army by the bringing up of the Scottish reserve, and, prompted by the enthusiasm of the moment, or the desire of plunder, assumed, in a tumultuary manner, such arms as they found nearest, fastened sheets to tent-poles and lances, and showed themselves like a new army advancing to battle. The unexpected apparition, of what seemed a new army, completed the confusion which already prevailed among the English, who fled in every direction, and were pursued with immense slaughter. The brook of Bannock, according to Barbour, was so choked with the bodies of men and horses, that it might have been passed dry-shod. The followers of the Scottish camp fell upon the disheartened fugitives, and added to the confusion and slaughter. Many were driven into the Forth, and perished there, which, by the way, could hardly have happened, had the armies been drawn up east and west; since, in that case, to get at the river, the English fugitives must have fled through the victorious army. About a short mile from the field of battle is a place called the Bloody Folds. Here the Earl of Gloucester is said to have made a stand, and died gallantly at the head of his own military tenants and vassals. He was much regretted by both sides; and it is said the Scottish would gladly have saved his life, but, neglecting to wear his surcoat with armorial bearings over his armour, he fell unknown, after his horse had been stabbed with spears. Sir Marmaduke Twenge, an English knight, contrived to conceal himself during the fury of the pursuit, and when it was somewhat slackened, approached King Robert. “ Whose prisoner are you, Sir Marmaduke ? ” said Bruce, to whom he was personally known. “ Yours, sir,” answered the knight. “ I receive you,” answered the King, and, treating him with the utmost courtesy, loaded him with gifts, and dismissed him without ransom. The other prisoners were all well BRUCE AND BANNOCKBURN . 15 treated. There might be policy in this, as Bruce would naturally wish to acquire the good opinion of the English barons, who were at this time at great variance with their King. But it also well accords with his high chivalrous character. Edward II., according to the best authorities, showed, in the fatal field of Bannockburn, personal gallantry not un¬ worthy of his great sire and greater son. He remained on the field till forced away by the Earl of Pembroke, when all was lost. He then rode to the Castle of Stirling, and de¬ manded admittance; but the governor, remonstrating upon the imprudence of shutting himself up in that fortress, which must so soon surrender, he assembled around his person five hundred men-at-arms, and, avoiding the field of battle and the victorious army, fled towards Linlithgow, pursued by Douglas with about sixty horse. They were augmented by Sir Lawrence Abernethy with twenty more, whom Douglas met in the Torwood upon their way to join the English army, and whom he easily pursuaded to desert the defeated monarch, and to assist in the pursuit. They hung upon Edward’s flight as far as Dunbar, too few in number to assail him with effect, but enough to harass his retreat so constantly, that whoever fell an instant behind, was instantly slain or made prisoner. Edward’s ignominious flight terminated at Dunbar, where the Earl of March, who still professed allegiance to him, “ received him full gently.” From thence, the monarch of so great an empire, and the late commander of so gallant and numerous an army, escaped to Bamborough in a fishing vessel. DOUGLAS AND THE HEART OF BRUCE. BOUT 1315, when Ireland had been almost fully conquered by the English, the Irish chiefs, or at least a great many of them, becoming weary of their conquerors, invited Edward Bruce to come over, drive out the English, and become their king. He was willing enough to go, for he had always a high courageous spirit, and desired to obtain fame and dominion by fighting. Edward Bruce was as good a soldier as his brother, but not so prudent and cautious; for, except in the affair of killing the Red Comyn, which was a wicked and violent action, Robert Bruce, in his latter days, showed himself as wise as he was courageous. However, he was well contented that his brother Edward, who had always fought so bravely for him, should be raised up to be King of Ireland. Therefore King Robert not only gave him an army to assist in making the conquest, but passed over the sea to Ireland himself in person, with a considerable body of troops to assist him. The Bruces gained several battles, and penetrated far into Ireland; but the English forces were too numerous, and so many of the Irish joined with them rather than with Edward Bruce, that King Robert and his brother were obliged to retreat before them. DOUGLAS AND THE HEART OF BRUCE. 17 The chief commander of the English was a great soldier, called Sir Edmund Butler, and he had assembled a much greater army than Edward Bruce and his brother King Robert had to oppose to him. The Scots were obliged to retreat every morning, that .they might not be forced to battle by an army more numerous than their own. King Robert the Bruce was a wise' and a good prince; but a circumstance happened during this retreat, which showed he was also a kind and humane man. It was one morning, when the English, and their Irish auxiliaries, were pressing hard upon Bruce, who had given his army orders to con¬ tinue a hasty retreat; for to have risked a battle with a much more numerous army, and in the midst of a country which favoured his enemies, would have been extremely imprudent. On a sudden, just as King Robert was about to mount his horse, he heard a woman shrieking in despair. “What is the matter?” said the King; and he was in¬ formed by his attendants, that a poor woman, a laundress or washerwoman, mother of an infant who had just been born, was about to be left behind the army, as being too weak to travel. The mother was shrieking for fear of falling into the hands of the Irish, who were accounted very cruel, and there was no carriage, nor means of sending the woman and her infant on in safety. They must needs be abandoned if the army retreated. King Robert was silent for a moment when he heard this story, being divided betwixt the feelings of humanity, occasioned by the poor woman’s distress, and the danger to which a halt would expose his army. At last he looked round on his officers, with eyes which kindled like fire. “ Ah, gentlemen,” he said, “ never let it be said that a man who was born of a woman, and nursed by a woman’s tenderness, should leave a mother and an infant to the mercy of barbarians! In the name of God, let the odds B i8 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. and the risk be what they will, I will fight Edmund Butler rather than leave these poor creatures behind me. Let the army, therefore, draw up in line of battle, instead of retreating.” The story had a singular conclusion; for the English general, seeing that Robert the Bruce halted and offered him battle, and knowing that the Scottish King was one of the best generals then living, conceived that he must have received some large supply of forces, and was afraid to attack him. And thus Bruce had an opportunity to send off the poor woman and her child, and then to retreat at his leisure, without suffering any inconvenience from the halt. But Robert was obliged to leave the conquest of Ireland to his brother Edward, being recalled by pressing affairs to his own country. Edward, who was rash as he was brave, engaged, against the advice of his best officers, in battle with an English general, called Sir Piers de Bermingham. The Scots were surrounded on all sides, but continued to defend themselves valiantly, and Edward Bruce showed the example by fighting in the very front of the battle. At length a strong English champion, called John Maupas, engaged Edward hand to hand; and they fought till they killed each other. Maupas was found lying after the battle upon the body of Bruce; both were dead men. After Edward Bruce’s death, the Scots gave up further attempts to conquer Ireland. Robert Bruce continued to reign gloriously for several years, and was so constantly victorious over the English, that the Scots seemed during his government to have acquired a complete superiority over their neighbours. But then we must remember that Edward II., who then reigned in England, was a foolish prince, and listened to bad coun¬ sels ; so that it is no wonder that he was beaten by so wise and experienced a general as Robert Bruce, who had DOUGLAS AND THE HEART OF BRUCE. 19 fought his way to the crown through so many disasters, and acquired in consequence so much renown, that he was generally accounted one of the best soldiers and wisest sovereigns of his time. In the last year of Robert the Bruce’s reign, he became ex¬ tremely sickly and infirm, chiefly owing to a disorder called the leprosy, which he had caught during the hardships and misfortunes of his youth, when he was so frequently obliged to hide himself in woods and morasses, without a roof to shelter him. He lived at a castle called Cardross, on the beautiful banks of the river Clyde, near to where it joins the sea; and his chief amusement was to go upon the river, and down to the sea in a ship which he kept for his pleasure. He was no longer able to sit upon his war-horse, or to lead his army to the field. While Bruce was in this feeble state, Edward II., King of England, died, and was succeeded by his son, Edward III. He turned out afterwards to be one of the wisest and bravest kings whom England ever had; but when he first mounted the throne he was very young, and under the entire management of his mother, who governed by means of a wicked favourite called Mortimer. The war between the English and the Scots still lasting at the time, Bruce sent his two great commanders, the Good Lord James Douglas and Thomas Randolph, Earl of Murray, to lay waste the counties of Northumberland and Durham, and distress the English as much as they could. Their soldiers were about twenty thousand in number, all lightly armed, and mounted on horses that were but small in height but excessively active. The men themselves carried no provisions, except a bag of oatmeal; and each had at his saddle a small plate of iron called a girdle, on which, when they pleased, they could bake the oatmeal into cakes. They killed the cattle of the English, as they travelled through the 20 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. country, roasted the flesh on wooden spits, or boiled it in the skins of the animals themselves, putting in a little water with the beef, to prevent the fire from burning the hide to pieces. This was rough cookery. They made their shoes, or rather sandals, in as coarse a way; cutting them out of the raw hides of the cattle, and fitting them to their ankles, like what are now called short gaiters. As this sort of buskin had the hairy side of the hide outermost, the English called those who wore them rough-footed Scots, and sometimes, from the colour of the hide, red-shanks. As such forces needed to carry nothing with them, either for provisions or ammunition, the Scots moved with amazing speed, from mountain to mountain, and from glen to glen, pillaging and destroying the country wherever they came. In the meanwhile, the young King of England pursued them with a much larger army; but as it was encumbered by the necessity of carrying provisions in great quantities, and by the slow motions of men in heavy armour, they could not come up with the Scots, although they saw every day the smoke of the houses and villages which they were burning. The King of England was extremely angry; for, though only a boy of sixteen years old, he longed to fight the Scots, and to chastise them for the mischief they were doing to his country ; and at length he grew so impatient, that he offered a large reward to any one who would show him where the Scottish army were. At length, after the English host had suffered severe hardships, from want of provisions, and fatiguing journeys through fords and swamps and morasses, a gentleman named Rokeby came into the camp, and claimed the reward which the King had offered. He told the King that he had been made prisoner by the Scots, and that they had said they should be as glad to meet the English King as he to see DOUGLAS AND THE HEART OF BRUCE. 21 them. Accordingly, Rokeby guided the English army to the place where the Scots lay encamped. But the English King was no nearer to the battle which he desired; for Douglas and Randolph, knowing the force and numbers of the English army, had taken up their camp on a steep hill, at the bottom of which ran a deep river, called the Wear, having a channel filled with large stones, so that there was no possibility for the English to attack the Scots without crossing the water, and then climbing up the steep hill in the very face of their enemy—a risk which was too great to be attempted. Then the King sent a message of defiance to the Scottish generals, inviting them either to draw back their forces, and allow him freedom to cross the river, and time to place his army in order of battle on the other side, that they might fight fairly, or offering, if they liked it better, to permit them to cross over to his side without opposition, that they might join battle on a fair field. Randolph and Douglas did nothing but laugh at this message. They said, that when they fought it should be at their own pleasure, and not because the King of England chose to ask for a battle. They reminded him, insultingly, how they had been in his country for many days, burning, taking spoil, and doing what they thought fit. If the King was displeased with this, they said, he must find his way across the river to fight them the best way he could. The English King, determined not to quit sight of the Scots, encamped on the opposite side of the river to watch their motions, thinking that want of provisions would oblige them to quit their strong position on the mountains. But the Scots once more showed Edward their dexterity in marching, by leaving their encampment, and taking up another post, even stronger and more difficult to approach than the first which they had occupied. King Edward 22 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. followed, and again encamped opposite to his dexterous and troublesome enemies, desirous to bring them to a battle, when he might hope to gain an easy victory, having more than double the number of the Scottish army, all troops of the very best quality. While the armies lay thus opposed to each other, Douglas resolved to give the young King of England a lesson in the art of war. At the dead of night, he left the Scottish camp with a small body of chosen horse, not above two hundred, well armed. He crossed the river in deep silence, and came to the English camp, which was but carelessly guarded. Seeing this, Douglas rode past the English sentinels as if he had been an officer of the English army, saying,—“ Ha, Saint George ! you keep bad watch here.”— In those days, you must know, the English used to swear by Saint George, as the Scots did by Saint Andrew. Presently after Douglas heard an English soldier, who lay stretched by the fire, say to his comrade,—“I cannot tell what is to happen to us in this place; but, for my part, I have a great fear of the Black Douglas playing us some trick.” “You shall have cause to say so,” said Douglas to him¬ self. When he had thus got into the midst of the English camp without being discovered, he drew his sword, and cut asunder the ropes of a tent, calling out his usual war- cry,—“ Douglas, Douglas! English thieves, you are all dead men.” His followers immediately began to cut down and overturn the tents, cutting and stabbing the English soldiers as they endeavoured to get to arms. Douglas forced his way to the pavilion of the King himself, and very nearly carried that young prince prisoner out of the middle of his great army. Edward’s chaplain, however, and many of his household, stood to arms bravely DOUGLAS AND THE HEART OF BRUCE. 23 in his defence, while the young King escaped by creeping away beneath the canvas of his tent. The chaplain and several of the King’s officers were slain; but the whole camp was now alarmed and in arms, so that Douglas was obliged to retreat, which he did by bursting through the English at the side of the camp opposite to that by which he had entered. Being separated from his men in the confusion, he was in great danger of being slain by an Englishman who encountered him with a huge club. This man he killed, but with considerable difficulty; and then blowing his horn to collect his soldiers, who soon gathered around him, he returned to the Scottish camp, having sustained very little loss. Edward, much mortified at the insult which he had re¬ ceived, became still more desirous of chastising those audacious adversaries; and one of them at least was not unwilling to afford him an opportunity of revenge. This was Thomas Randolph, Earl of Murray. He asked Douglas when he returned to the Scottish camp, “What he had done?”—“We have drawn some blood.”—“Ah,” said the earl, “had we gone all together to the night attack, we should have discomfited them.”—“ It might well have been so,” said Douglas; “ but the risk would have been too great.” —“ Then will we fight them in open battle,” said Randolph, “for if we remain here, we shall in time be famished for want of provisions.”—“Not so,” replied Douglas; “we will deal with this great army of the English as the fox did with the fisherman in the fable.”—“And how was that?” said the Earl of Murray. Hereupon the Douglas told him this story:— “A fisherman,” he said, “had made a hut by a river side, that he might follow his occupation of fishing. Now, one night he had gone out to look after his nets, leaving a small fire in his hut; and when he came back, behold there 24 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. was a fox in the cabin, taking the liberty to eat one of the finest salmon he had taken. ‘ Ho, Mr. Robber! * said the fisherman, drawing his sword, and standing in the door-way to prevent the fox’s escape, ‘you shall presently die the death.’ The poor fox looked for some hole to get out at, but saw none; whereupon he pulled down with his teeth a mantle, which was lying on the bed, and dragged it across the fire. The fisherman ran to snatch his mantle from the fire—the fox flew out at the door with the salmon;—and so,” said Douglas, “ shall we escape the great English army by subtilty, and without risking battle with so large a force.” Randolph agreed to act by Douglas’s counsel, and the Scottish army kindled great fires through their encampment, and made a noise and shouting, and blowing of horns, as if they meant to remain all night there, as before. But in the meantime, Douglas had caused a road to be made through two miles of a great morass which lay in their rear. This was done by cutting down to the bottom of the bog, and filling the trench with faggots of wood. Without this con¬ trivance it would have been impossible that the army could have crossed; and through this passage, which the English never suspected, Douglas and Randolph, and all their men, moved at the dead of night. They did not leave so much as an errand-boy behind, and so bent their march towards Scotland, leaving the English disappointed and affronted. Great was their wonder in the morning, when they saw the Scottish camp empty, and found no living men in it, but two or three English prisoners tied to trees, whom they had left with an insulting message to the King of England, saying, “ If he were displeased with what they had done, he might come and revenge himself in Scotland.” The place where the Scots fixed this famous encampment, was in the forest of Weardale, in the bishopric of Durham, DOUGLAS AND THE HEART OF BRUCE. 25 and the road which they cut for the purpose of their retreat is still called the Shorn Moss. After this a peace was concluded with Robert Bruce, on terms highly honourable to Scotland; for the English King renounced all pretensions to the sovereignty of the country, and, moreover, gave his sister, a princess called Joanna, to be wife to Robert Bruce’s son, called David. This treaty was very advantageous for the Scots. It was called the treaty of Northampton, because it was concluded at that town in the year 1328. Good King Robert did not long survive this joyful event. He was not aged more than four-and-fifty years, but, as I said before, his bad health was caused by the hardships which he sustained during his youth, and at length he became very ill. Finding that he could not recover, he assembled around his bedside the nobles and counsellers in whom he most trusted. He told them, that now, being on his deathbed, he sorely repented all his misdeeds, and particularly, that he had, in his passion, killed Comyn with his own hand, in the church and before the altar. He said that if he had lived, he had intended to go to Jerusalem, to make war upon the Saracens who held the Holy Land, as some expiation for the evil deeds he had done. But since he was about to die, he requested of his dearest friend and bravest warrior, and that was the Good Lord James Douglas, that he should carry his heart to the Holy Land. To make you understand the meaning of this request, I must tell you, that at this time a people called Saracens, who believed in the false prophet Mahomet, had obtained by conquest possession of Jerusalem, and the other cities and places which are mentioned in the Holy Scripture; and the Christians of Europe, who went thither as pilgrims to worship at these places, where so many miracles had been wrought, were insulted by these heathen Saracens. Hence 26 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. many armies of Christians went from their own countries out of every kingdom of Europe, to fight against these Saracens; and believed that they were doing a great service to religion, and that what sins they had committed would be pardoned by God Almighty, because they had taken a part in this which they called a holy warfare. You may remember that Bruce thought of going upon this expedition when he was in despair of recovering the crown of Scotland; and now he desired his heart to be carried to Jerusalem after his death, and requested Lord James of Douglas to take the charge of it. Douglas wept bitterly as he accepted this office,—the last mark of the Bruce’s confidence and friendship. The King soon afterwards expired, and his heart was taken out from his body and embalmed, that is, prepared with spices and perfumes, that it might remain a long time fresh and uncorrupted. Then the Douglas caused a case of silver to be made, into which he put the Bruce’s heart, and wore it around his neck, by a string of silk and gold. And he set forward for the Holy Land, with a gallant train of the bravest men in Scotland, who, to show their value and sorrow for their brave King Robert Bruce, resolved to attend his heart to the city of Jerusalem. It had been much better for Scotland if the Douglas and his companions had stayed at home to defend their own country, which was shortly afterwards in great want of their assistance. Neither did Douglas ever get to the end of his journey. In going to Palestine, he landed in Spain, where the Saracen King, or Sultan of Grenada, called Osmyn, was invading the realms of Alphonso, the Spanish King of Castile. King Alphonso received Douglas with great honour and distinc¬ tion, and people came from all parts to see the great sol¬ dier, whose fame was well known through every part of the Christian world. King Alphonso easily persuaded the DOUGLAS AND THE HEART OF BRUCE. 2 7 Scottish earl, that he would do good service to the Christian cause, by assisting him to drive back the Saracens of Grenada before proceeding on his voyage to Jerusalem. Lord Douglas and his followers went accordingly to a great battle against Osmyn, and had little difficulty in defeating the Saracens who were opposed to them. But being ignorant of the mode of fighting among the cavalry of the East, the Scots pursued the chase too far, and the Moors, when they saw them scattered and separated from each other, turned suddenly back, with a loud cry of Allah illah Allah , which is their shout of battle, and surrounded such of the Scottish knights and squires as had advanced too hastily, and were dispersed from each other. In this new skirmish, Douglas saw Sir William St. Clair of Roslyn fighting desperately, surrounded by many Moors, who were hewing at him with their sabres. “ Yonder worthy knight will be slain,” Douglas said, “ unless he have instant help.” With that he galloped to his rescue, but presently was himself also surrounded by many Moors. When he found the enemy press so thick round him, as to leave him no chance of escaping, the earl took from his neck the Bruce’s heart, and speaking to it, as he would have done to the King had he been alive,—“Pass first in fight,” he said, “as thou wert wont to do, and Douglas will follow thee, or die.” He then threw the King’s heart among the enemy, and rushing forward to the place where it fell, was there slain. His body was found lying above the silver case, as if it had been his last object to defend the Bruce’s heart. The Good Lord James of Douglas was one of the best and wisest soldiers that ever drew a sword. He was said to have fought in seventy battles, being beaten in thirteen, and victorious in fifty-seven. The English accused him of being cruel; and it is said that he had such a hatred of the English 28 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. archers, that when he made one of them prisoner, he would not dismiss him until he was either blinded of his right eye, or had the first finger of his right hand struck off. The Douglas’s Larder also seems a very cruel story; but the hatred at that time betwixt the two countries was at a high pitch, and Lord James was much irritated at the death of his faithful servant Thomas Dickson; on ordinary occasions he was mild and gentle to his prisoners. The Scottish historians describe the Good Lord James as one who was never dejected by bad fortune, or unduly elated by that which was good. They say he was modest and gentle in time of peace, but had a very different countenance upon a day of battle. He was tall, strong, and well made, of a swarthy complexion, with dark hair, from which he was called the Black Douglas. He lisped a little in his speech, but in a manner which became him very much. Notwithstanding the many battles in which he had fought, his face had escaped without a wound. A brave Spanish knight at the court of King Alphonso, whose face was scarred by the marks of Moorish sabres, expressed wonder that Douglas’s countenance should be unmarked with wounds. Douglas replied modestly, he thanked God, who had always enabled his hands to guard and protect his face. Many of Douglas’s followers were slain in the battle in which he himself fell. The rest resolved not to proceed on their journey to Palestine, but to return to Scotland. Since the time of the Good Lord James, the Douglasses have carried upon their shields a bloody heart with a crown upon it, in memory of this expedition of Lord James to Spain with the Bruce’s heart. In ancient times men painted such emblems on their shields that they might be known by them in battle, for their helmet hid their face; and now, as men no longer wear armour in battle, the devices, as they are called, belonging to particular families, are engraved upon DOUGLAS AND THE HEART OF BRUCE. 29 their seals, or upon their silver plate, or painted upon their carriages. Thus, for example, there was one of the brave knights who was in the company of Douglas, and was appointed to take charge of the Bruce’s heart homewards again, who was called Sir Simon Lockhard of Lee. He took afterwards for his device, and painted on his shield, a man’s heart, with a padlock upon it, in memory of Bruce’s heart, which was padlocked in the silver case. For this reason, men changed Sir Simon’s name from Lockhard to Lockheart, and all who are descended from Sir Simon are called Lockhart to this day. Well, such of the Scottish knights as remained alive returned to their own country. They brought back the heart of the Bruce, and the bones of the Good Lord James. These last were interred in the church of St. Bride, whilst the Bruce’s heart was buried below the high altar in Melrose Abbey. As for his body, it was laid in the sepulchre in the midst of the church of Dunfermline, under a marble stone. But the church becoming afterwards ruinous, and the roof falling down with age, the monument was broken to pieces, and nobody could tell where it stood. But when they were repairing the church at Dunfermline [in 1818], and removing the rubbish, they found fragments of the marble tomb of Robert Bruce. Then they began to dig farther, thinking to discover the body of this celebrated monarch; and at length they came to the skeleton of a tall man, and they knew it must be that of King Robert, both as he was known to have been buried in a winding sheet of cloth of gold, of which many fragments were found about this skeleton, and also because the breastbone appeared to have been sawed through, in order to take out the heart. So orders were sent from the King’s Court of Exchequer to guard the bones carefully until a new tomb should be pre- 30 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. pared, into which they were laid with profound respect. A great many gentlemen and ladies attended, and almost all the common people in the neighbourhood; and as the church could not hold half the numbers, the people were allowed to pass through it, one after another, that each one, the poorest as well as the richest, might see all that remained of the great King Robert Bruce, who restored the Scottish monarchy. Many people shed tears; for there was the wasted skull, which once was the head that thought so wisely and boldly for his country’s deliverance; and there was the dry bone, which had once been the sturdy arm that killed Sir Henry de Bohun, between the two armies, at a single blow, on the evening before the battle of Bannock¬ burn. THE DOUGLAS LARDER. U know, I must presume, that the Douglas hath, by various devices, already contrived to make himself master of this Castle of Douglas three several times, and that Sir John de Walton, the present governor, holds it with a garrison trebled in force, and under the assurance that if, without surprise, he should keep it from the Scottish power for a year and a day, he shall obtain the barony of Douglas, with its extensive appendages, in free property for his reward; while, on the other hand, if he shall suffer the fortress during this space to be taken, either by guile or by open force, as has happened successively to the holders of the Dangerous Castle, he will become liable to dishonour as a knight, and to attainder as a subject; and the chiefs who take share with him, and serve under him, will participate also in his guilt and his punishment ? ” “All this I know well,” said Sir Aymer; “and I only wonder that, having become public, the conditions have, nevertheless, been told with so much accuracy; but what has this to do with the issue of the combat, if the Douglas and I should chance to meet ? I will not surely be disposed to fight with less animation because I wear my fortune upon my sword, or become coward because I fight for a portion 32 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. of the Douglas’s estate, as well as for fame and for father- land ! And, after all ”- “ Hear me,” said the minstrel; “ an ancient gleeman has said, that in a false quarrel there is no true valour, and the los or praise won therein, is, when balanced against honest fame, as valueless as a wreath formed out of copper, com¬ pared to a chaplet of pure gold ; but I bid you not take me for thy warrant in this important question. Thou well knowest how James of Thirlwall, the last English commander before Sir John de Walton, was surprised, and the castle sacked with circumstances of great inhumanity.” “Truly,” said Sir Aymer, “I think that Scotland and England both have heard of that onslaught, and of the dis¬ gusting proceedings of the Scottish chieftain, when he caused transport into the wild forest gold, silver, ammunition, and armour, and all things that could be easily removed, and destroyed a large quantity of provisions in a manner equally savage and unheard-of.” “ Perhaps, Sir Knight,” said Bertram, “ you were yourself an eye-witness of that transaction, which has been spoken of far and wide, and is called the Douglas Larder ? ” “ I saw not the actual accomplishment of the deed,” said De Valence; “ that is, I witnessed it not a-doing, but I beheld enough of the sad relics to make the Douglas Larder never by me to be forgotten as a record of horror and abomination. I would speak it truly, by the hand of my father and my honour as knight! and I will leave it to thee to judge whether it was a deed calculated to secure the smiles of Heaven in favour of the actors. This is my edition of the story :— “ A large quantity of provisions had during two years or thereabouts been collected from different points, and the Castle of Douglas, newly repaired, and, as was thought, carefully guarded, was appointed as the place where the said provisions were to be put in store for the service of the King THE DOUGLAS LARDER . 33 of England, or of the Lord Clifford, whichever should first enter the Western Marches with an English army, and stand in need of such a supply. This army was also to relieve our wants, I mean those of my uncle the Earl of Pembroke, who for some time before had lain with a con¬ siderable force in the town called Ayr, near the old Cale¬ donian Forest, and where we had hot wars with the insur¬ gent Scots. Well, sir, it happened, as in similar cases, that Thirlwall, though a bold and active soldier, was surprised in the Castle of Douglas, about Hallowmass, by this same worthy young James Douglas. In no very good humour was he, as you may suppose; for his father, called William the Hardy, or William Longlegs, having refused, on any terms, to become Anglicised, was made a lawful prisoner, and died as such, closely confined in Berwick, or, as some say, in Newcastle. The news of his father’s death had put young Douglas into no small rage, and tended, I think, to suggest what he did in his resentment. Embarrassed by the quantity of provisions which he found in the castle, which, the English being superior in the country, he had neither the means to remove nor the leisure to stay and consume, the fiend, as I think, inspired him with a contriv¬ ance to render them unfit for human use. You shall judge yourself whether it was likely to be suggested by a good or an evil spirit. “ According to this device, the gold, silver, and other trans¬ portable commodities being carried to secret places of safety, Douglas caused the meat, the malt, and other corn or grain, to be brought down into the castle cellar, where he emptied the contents of the sacks into one loathsome heap, striking out the heads of the barrels and puncheons, so as to let the mingled drink run through the heap of meal, grain, and so forth. The bullocks provided for slaughter were in like manner knocked on the head, and their blood suffered to c 34 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. drain into the mass of edible substances; and lastly, the flesh of these oxen was buried in the same mass, in which were also included the dead bodies of those in the castle, who, receiving no quarter from the Douglas, paid dear enough for having kept no better watch. This base and unworthy abuse of provisions intended for the use of man, together with throwing into the well of the castle carcasses of men and horses, and other filth for polluting the same, has since that time been called the Douglas Larder.” “ I pretend not, good Sir Aymer,” said the minstrel, “ to vindicate what you justly reprove, nor can I conceive any mode of rendering provisions arranged after the form of the Douglas Larder, proper for the use of any Christian; yet this young gentleman might perhaps act under the sting of natural resentment, rendering his singular exploit more ex¬ cusable than it may seem at first. Think, if your own noble lather had just died in a lingering captivity, his inheritance seized upon, and occupied as a garrison by a foreign enemy, would not these things stir you to a mode of resentment, which in cold blood, and judging of it as the action of an enemy, your honour might hold in natural and laudable abhorrence ?—Would you pay respect to dead and senseless objects, which no one could blame your appropriating to your own use, or even scruple the refusal of quarter to prisoners, which is so often practised even in wars which are otherwise termed fair and humane ? ” “You press me close, minstrel,” said Aymer de Valence. “ I at least have no great interest to excuse the Douglas in this matter, since its consequences were, that I myself, and the rest of my uncle’s host, laboured with Clifford and his army to rebuild this same Dangerous Castle; and feeling no stomach for the cheer that the Douglas had left us, we suffered hard commons, though I acknowledge we did not hesitate to adopt for our own use such sheep and oxen as the miserable THE DOUGLAS LARDER. 35 Scots had still left round their farm-houses; and I jest not. Sir Minstrel, when I acknowledge, in sad earnest, that we martial men ought to make our petitions with peculiar penitence to Heaven for mercy, when we reflect on the various miseries which the nature of our profession compels us to inflict on each other.” “ It seems to me,” answered the minstrel, “ that those who feel the stings of their own conscience should be more lenient when they speak of the offences of others : nor do I greatly rely on a sort of prophecy which was delivered, as the men of this hill district say, to the young Douglas, by a man who in the course of nature should have been long since dead, promising him a course of success against the English for having sacrificed his own castle to prevent their making it a garrison.” “We have time enough for the story,” said Sir Aymer, “ and methinks it would suit a knight and a minstrel better than the grave converse we have hitherto held, which would have beseemed—so God save me—the mouths of two travelling friars.” “ So be it,” said the minstrel; “ the rote or the viol easily changes its time and varies its note.” LEGEND OF THOMAS THE RHYMER . “ A tale of sorrow, for your eyes may weep; A tale of horror, for your flesh may tingle ; A tale of wonder, for the eyebrows arch, And the flesh curdles if you read it rightly.” —Old Play. UR honour must be informed, gentle Sir Aymer de Valence, that I have heard this story told at a great distance from the land in which it happened, by a sworn minstrel, the ancient friend and servant of the house of Douglas, one of the best, it is said, who ever belonged to that noble family. This minstrel, Hugo Hugonet by name, attended his young master when on this fierce exploit, as was his wont. “ The castle was in total tumult; in one corner the war- men were busy breaking up and destroying provisions; in another, they were slaying men, horses, and cattle, and these actions were accompanied with appropriate sounds. The cattle, particularly, had become sensible of their impending fate, and with awkward resistance and piteous cries, testified that reluctance with which these poor creatures look instinctively on the shambles. The groans and screams of men, undergoing, or about to undergo, the stroke of death, and the screeches of the poor horses which were in mortal agony, formed a fearful chorus. Hugonet was desirous to LEGEND OF THOMAS THE RHYMER. 37 remove himself from such unpleasant sights and sounds; but his master, the Douglas, had been a man of some reading, and his old servant was anxious to secure a book of poetry, to which he had been attached of old. This contained the Lays of an ancient Scottish Bard, who, if an ordinary human creature while he was in this life, cannot now perhaps be exactly termed such. “ He was, in short, that Thomas, distinguished by the name of the Rhymer, and whose intimacy, it is said, became so great with the gifted people, called the Faery folk, that he could, like them, foretell the future deed before it came to pass, and united in his own person the quality of bard and of soothsayer. But of late years he had vanished almost entirely from this mortal scene; and although the time and manner of his death were never publicly known, yet the general belief was that he was not severed from the land of the living, but removed to the land of Faery, from whence he sometimes made excursions, and concerned himself only about matters which were to come hereafter. Hugonet was the more earnest to prevent the loss of the works of this ancient bard, as many of his poems and predictions were said to be preserved in the castle, and were supposed to contain much especially connected with the old house of Douglas, as well as other families of ancient descent, who had been subjects of this old man’s prophecy; and accord¬ ingly he determined to save this volume from destruction in the general conflagration to which the building was about to be consigned by the heir of its ancient proprietors. With this view he hurried up into the little old vaulted room, called ‘ the Douglas's study/ in which there might be some dozen old books written by the ancient chaplains, in what the minstrels call the letter Mack. He immediately discovered the celebrated lay, called Sir Tristrem, which has been so often altered and abridged as to bear little resemblance to the 38 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. original. Hugonet, who well knew the value in which this poem was held by the ancient lords of the castle, took the parchment volume from the shelves of the library, and laid it upon a small desk adjacent to the Baron’s chair. Having made such preparations for putting it in safety, he fell into a brief reverie, in which the decay of light, and the preparations for the Douglas Larder, but especially the last sight of objects which had been familiar to his eyes, now on the eve of destruction, engaged him at that moment. “ The bard, therefore, was thinking within himself upon the uncommon mixture of the mystical scholar and warrior in his old master, when, as he bent his eyes upon the book of the ancient Rhymer, he was astonished to observe it slowly removed from the desk on which it lay by an in¬ visible hand. The old man looked with horror at the ' spontaneous motion of the book, for the safety of which he was interested, and had the courage to approach a little nearer the table, in order to discover by what means it had been withdrawn. “ I have said the room was already becoming dark, so as to render it difficult to distinguish any person in the chair, though it now appeared, on closer examination, that a kind of shadowy outline of a human form was seated in it, but neither precise enough to convey its exact figure to the mind, nor so detailed as to intimate distinctly its mode of action. The Bard of Douglas, therefore, gazed upon the object of his fear, as if he had looked upon something not mortal; nevertheless, as he gazed more intently, he became more capable of discovering the object which offered itself to his eyes, and they grew by degrees more keen to penetrate what they witnessed. A tall thin form, attired in, or rather shaded with, a long flowing dusky robe, having a face and physiognomy so wild and overgrown with hair, as to be hardly human, were the only marked outlines of the phan- LEGEND OF THOMAS THE RHYMER. 39 tom; and, looking more attentively, Hugonet was still sensible of two other forms, the outlines, it seemed, of a hart and a hind, which appeared half to shelter themselves behind the person and under the robe of this supernatural figure.” “A probable tale,” said the knight, “for you, Sir Min¬ strel, a man of sense as you seem to be, to recite so gravely ! From what wise authority have you had this tale, which, though it might pass well enough amid clanging beakers, must be held quite apocryphal in the sober hours of the morning ? ” “ By my minstrel word, Sir Knight,” answered Bertram, “I am no propagator of the fable, if it be one; Hugonet, the violer, when he had retired into a cloister near the Lake of Pembelmere in Wales, communicated the story to me as I now tell it. Therefore, as it was upon the authority of an eye-witness, I apologise not for relating it to you, since I could hardly discover a more direct source of knowledge.” “ Be it so, Sir Minstrel,” said the knight; “ tell on thy tale, and may thy legend escape criticism from others as well as from me.” “ Hugonet, Sir Knight,” answered Bertram, “ was a holy man, and maintained a fair character during his whole life, notwithstanding his trade may be esteemed a light one.” The vision spoke to him in an antique language, like that formerly used in the kingdom of Strath-Clyde, being a species of Scots or Gaelic, which few would have compre¬ hended. “‘You are a learned man,’ said the apparition, ‘and not unacquainted with the dialects used in your country formerly, although they are now out of date, and you are obliged to translate them into the vulgar Saxon of Deira or Northumber¬ land ; but highly must an ancient British bard prize one in 40 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. this “ remote term of time,” who sets upon the poetry of his native country a value which invites him to think of its pre¬ servation at a moment of such terror as influences the present evening.’ “‘It is, indeed,’ said Hugonet, ‘a night of terror, that calls even the dead from the grave, and makes them the ghastly and fearful companions of the living ! Who or what art thou, in God’s name, who breakest the bounds which divide them, and revisitest thus strangely the state thou hast so long bid adieu to ? ’ “‘I am,’ replied the vision, ‘that celebrated Thomas the Rhymer, by some called Thomas of Ercildoun, or Thomas the True Speaker. Like other sages, I am permitted at times to revisit the scenes of my former life, nor am I incap¬ able of removing the shadowy clouds and darkness which overhang futurity; and know, thou afflicted man, that what thou now seest in this woeful country, is not a general emblem of what shall therein befall hereafter, but in propor¬ tion as the Douglasses are now suffering the loss and destruc¬ tion of their home for their loyalty to the rightful heir of the Scottish kingdom, so hath Heaven appointed for them a just reward; and as they have not spared to burn and destroy their own house and that of their fathers in the Bruce’s cause, so is it the doom of Heaven, that as often as the walls of Douglas Castle shall be burnt to the ground, they shall be again rebuilt still more stately and more magnificent than before.’ “A cry was now heard like that of a multitude in the court-yard, joining in a fierce shout of exultation; at the same time a broad and ruddy glow seemed to burst from the beams and rafters, and sparks flew from them as from the smith’s stithy, while the element caught to its fuel, and the conflagration broke its way though every aperture. “ ‘ See ye that ? ’ said the vision, casting his eye towards LEGEND OF THOMAS THE RHYMER. 4i the windows and disappearing—‘ Begone ! The fated hour of removing this book is not yet come, nor are thine the destined hands. But it will be safe where I have placed it, and the time of its removal shall come.’ The voice was heard after the form had vanished, and the brain of Hugonet almost turned round at the wild scene which he beheld; his utmost exertion was scarcely sufficient to withdraw him from the terrible spot, and Douglas Castle that night sunk into ashes and smoke, to arise, in no great length of time, in a form stronger than ever.” The minstrel stopped, and his hearer, the English knight, remained silent for some minutes ere at length he replied. “It is true, minstrel,” answered Sir Aymer, “that your tale is so far undeniable, that this castle—three times burned down by the heir of the house and of the barony—has hitherto been as often reared again by Henry Lord Clifford, and other generals of the English, who endeavoured on every occasion to build it up more artificially and more strongly than it had formerly existed, since it occupies a position too important to the safety of our Scottish border to permit our yielding it up. This I myself have partly witnessed. But I cannot think, that because the castle has been so destroyed, it is therefore decreed so to be repaired in future, considering that such cruelties, as surely cannot meet the approbation of Heaven, have attended the feats of the Douglasses. But I see thou art determined to keep thine own faith, nor can I blame thee, since the wonderful turns of fate which have attended this fortress are sufficient to warrant any one to watch for what seem the peculiar in¬ dications of the will of Heaven; but thou mayest believe, good minstrel, that the fault shall not be mine, if the young Douglas shall have opportunity to exercise his cookery upon a second edition of his family larder, or to profit by the pre¬ dictions of Thomas the Rhymer.” 42 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. “ I do not doubt due circumspection upon your own part and Sir John de Walton’s,” said Bertram : “but there is no crime in my saying that Heaven can accomplish its own purposes. I look upon Douglas Castle as in some degree a fated place, and I long to see what changes time may have made in it during the currency of twenty years. Above all, I desire to secure, if possible, the volume of this Thomas of Ercildoun, having in it such a fund of forgotten minstrelsy, and of prophecies respecting the future fates of the British kingdom, both northern and southern.” The knight made no answer, but rode a little space forward, keeping the upper part of the ridge of the water, by which the road down the vale seemed to be rather sharply conducted. It at length attained the summit of an acclivity of considerable length. From this point, and behind a con¬ spicuous rock, which appeared to have been pushed aside, as it were, like the scene of a theatre, to admit a view of the under part of the valley, the travellers beheld the extensive vale, parts of which have been already shown in detail, but which, as the river became narrower, was now entirely laid bare in its height and depth as far as it extended, and dis¬ played in its precincts, at a little distance from the course of the stream, the towering and lordly castle to which it gave the name. The mist, which continued to encumber the valley with its fleecy clouds, showed imperfectly the rude fortifications which served to defend the small town of Douglas, which was strong enough to repel a desultory attack, but not to withstand what was called in those days a formal siege. The most striking feature was its church, an ancient Gothic pile raised on an eminence in the centre of the town, and even then extremely ruinous. To the left, and lying in the distance, might be seen other towers and battlements; and, divided from the town by a piece of LEGEND OF THOMAS THE RHYMER. 43 artificial water, which extended almost around it, arose the Dangerous Castle of Douglas. Sternly was it fortified, after the fashion of the middle ages, with donjon and battlements; displaying above others the tall tower, which bore the name of Lord Henry’s or the Clifford’s Tower. “Yonder is the castle,” said Aymer de Valence, extending his arm with a smile of triumph upon his brow; “thou mayest judge thyself, whether the defences added to it under the Clifford are likely to render its next capture a more easy deed than the last.” The minstrel barely shook his head, and quoted from the Psalmist^-“ Nisi Dominus custodietT Nor did he prosecute the discourse, though De Valence answered eagerly, “ My own edition of the text is not very different from thine; but methinks thou art more spiritually-minded than can always be predicated of a wandering minstrel.” “ God knows,” said Bertram, “ that if I, or such as I, are forgetful of the finger of Providence in accomplishing its purposes in this lower world, we have heavier blame than that of other people, since we are perpetually called upon, in the exercise of our fanciful profession, to admire the turns of fate which bring good out of evil, and which render those who think only of their own passions and purposes the executors of the will of Heaven.” HENRY WYND. HE eldest son of Robert II. was originally called John. But it was a popular remark, that the kings named John, both of France and England, had been unfortunate, and the Scottish people were very partial to the name of Robert, from its having been borne by the great Bruce. John Stewart, therefore, on ascending the Scottish throne, changed his name to that of Robert III. However, this poor king remained as unfortunate as if his name had still been John. The disturbances of the Highlands were one of the plagues of his reign. You must recollect that that ex¬ tensive range of mountains was inhabited by a race of men different in language and manners from the Low- landers, and divided into families called Clans. The English termed them the Wild Scots, and the French the Scottish Savages; and, in good truth, very wild and savage they seem to have been. The losses which the Low Country had sustained by the English wars had weakened the districts next to the Highlands so much, that they became unable to repress the incursions of the mountaineers, who descended from their hills, took spoil, burned and destroyed, as if in the country of an enemy. In 1392, a large body of these Highlanders broke down HENRY WYND. 45 from the Grampian mountains. The chiefs were called Clan-Donnochy, or sons of Duncan, answering to the clan now called Robertson. A party of the Ogilvies and Lindsays, under Sir Walter Ogilvy, Sheriff of Angus, marched hastily against them, and charged them with their lances. But notwithstanding the advantage of their being mounted and completely sheathed in armour, the Highlanders defended themselves with such obstinacy, as to slay the Sheriff and sixty of his followers, and repulse the Lowland gentlemen. To give some idea of their ferocity it is told that Sir David Lindsay, having in their first en¬ counter run his lance through the body of one of the Highlanders, bore him down and pinned him to the earth. In this condition, and in his dying agonies, the Highlander writhed himself upwards on the spear, and exerted his last strength in fetching a sweeping blow at the armed knight with his two-handed sword. The stroke, made with all the last energies of a dying man, cut through Lindsay’s stirrup and steel-boot, and though it did not sever his leg from his body, yet wounded him so severely as to oblige him to quit the field. It happened, fortunately perhaps for the Lowlands, that the wild Highlanders were as much addicted to quarrel with each other as with their Lowland neighbours. Two clans, or rather two leagues or confederacies, composed each of several separate clans, fell into such deadly feud with each other, as filled the whole neighbourhood with slaughter and discord. When this feud or quarrel could be no otherwise ended, it was resolved that the difference should be decided by a combat of thirty men of the Clan Chattan, against the same number of the Clan Kay; that the battle should take place on the North Inch of Perth, a beautiful and level meadow, in part surrounded by the river Tay; and that it should be 46 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. fought in presence of the King and his nobles. Now, there was a cruel policy in this arrangement; for it was to be supposed that all the best and leading men of each clan would desire to be among the thirty which were to fight for their honour, and it was no less to be expected that the battle would be very bloody and desperate. Thus, the probable event would be, that both clans, having lost very many of their best and bravest men, would be more easily managed in future. Such was probably the view of the King and his counsellors in permitting this desperate conflict, which, however, was much in the spirit of the times. The parties on each side were drawn out, armed with sword and target, axe and dagger, and stood looking on each other with fierce and savage aspects, when, just as the signal for fight was expected, the commander of the Clan Chattan perceived that one of his men, whose heart had failed him, had deserted his standard. There was no time to seek another man from the clan, so the chieftain, as his only resource, was obliged to offer a reward to any one who would fight in the room of the fugitive. Perhaps you think it might be difficult to get a man, who, for a small hire, would undergo the perils of a battle which was likely to be so obstinate and deadly. But in that fighting age, men valued their lives lightly. One Henry Wynd, a citizen of Perth, and a saddler by trade, a little bandy-legged man, but of great strength and activity, and well accustomed to use the broadsword, offered himself, for half a French crown, to serve on the part of the Clan Chattan in the battle of that day. The signal was then given by sound of the royal trumpets, and of the great war-bagpipes of the Highlanders, and the two parties fell on each other with the utmost fury; their natural ferocity of temper being excited by feudal hatred against the hostile clan, zeal for the honour of their own, HENRY WYND. 47 and a consciousness that they were fighting in presence of the King and nobles of Scotland. As they fought with the two-handed sword and axe, the wounds they inflicted on each other were of a ghastly size and character. Heads were cloven asunder, limbs were lopped from the trunk. The meadow was soon drenched with blood, and covered with dead and wounded men. In the midst of the deadly conflict, the chieftain of the Clan Chattan observed that Henry Wynd, after he had slain one of the Clan Kay, drew aside, and did not seem willing to fight more. “ How is this,” said he, “ art thou afraid ? ” “Not I,” answered Henry; “but I have done enough of work for half-a-crown.” “Forward and fight,” said the Highland chief; “he that doth not grudge his day’s work, I will not stint him in his wages.” Thus encouraged, Henry Wynd again plunged into the conflict, and, by his excellence as a swordsman, contributed a great deal to the victory, which at length fell to the Clan Chattan. Ten of the victors, with Henry Wynd, whom the Highlanders called the Gow Chrom (that is, the crooked or bandy-legged smith, for he was both a smith and saddler, war-saddles being then made of steel), were left alive, but they were all wounded. Only one of the Clan Kay survived, and he was unhurt. But this single individual dared not oppose himself to eleven men, though all more or less injured, but, throwing himself into the Tay, swam to the other side, and went off to carry to the Highlands the news of his clan’s defeat. It is said, he was so ill received by his kinsmen that he put himself to death. Some part of the above story is matter of tradition, but the general fact is certain. Henry Wynd was rewarded to the Highland chieftain’s best abilities; but it was remarked, 48 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. that, when the battle was over, he was not able to tell the name of the clan he had fought for, replying, when asked on which side he had been, that he was fighting for his own hand. Hence the proverb, “ Every man for his own hand, as Henry Wynd fought.” WAR-SONG OF LACHLAN, CHIEF OF MACLEAN. A weary month has wander’d o’er Since last we parted on the shore ; Heaven ! that I saw thee, Love, once more Safe on that shore again !— ’Twas valiant Lachlan gave the word : Lachlan, of many a galley lord : He call’d his kindred bands on board, And launch’d them on the main. Clan-Gillian is to ocean gone ; Clan-Gillian, fierce in foray known ; Rejoicing in the glory won In many a bloody broil: For wide is heard the thundering fray, The rout, the ruin, the dismay, When from the twilight glens away Clan-Gillian drives the spoil. Woe to the hills that shall rebound Our banner’d bagpipes’ maddening sound ; Clan-Gillian’s onset echoing round, Shall shake their inmost cell. Woe to the bark whose crew shall gaze, Where Lachlan’s silken streamer plays ! The fools might face the lightning’s blaze As wisely and as well ! ARCHIBALD BELL-THE-CAT. RCHIBALD DOUGLAS, Earl of Angus, a man remarkable for strength of body and mind, acquired the popular name of Bell-the-Cat , upon the following remarkable occasion:— James the Third, of whom Pitscottie com¬ plains, that he delighted more in music, and “policies of building,” than in hunting, hawking, and other noble exercises, was so ill advised as to make favourites of his architects and musicians, whom the same historian irreve¬ rently terms masons and fiddlers. His nobility, who did not sympathise in the King’s respect for the fine arts, were extremely incensed at the honours conferred on those persons, particularly on Cochrane, a mason, who had been created Earl of Mar; and, seizing the opportunity, when, in 1482, the King had convoked the whole array of the country to march against the English, they held a midnight council in the church of Lauder, for the purpose of forcibly removing these minions from the King’s person. When all had agreed on the propriety of this measure, Lord Gray told the assembly the apologue of the mice, who had formed a resolution that it would be highly advantageous to their community to tie a bell round the cat’s neck, that they might hear her approach at a distance; but which public 5o TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT . measure unfortunately miscarried, from no mouse being willing to undertake the task of fastening the bell. “I understand the moral,” said Angus, “and, that what we pro¬ pose may not lack execution, I will bell-the-cat .” The rest of the strange scene is thus told by Pitscottie :— “ By this was advised and spoken by their lords foresaid, Cochran, the Earl of Mar, came from the King to the council (which council was holden in the kirk of Lauder for the time), who was well accompanied with a band of men of war, to the number of three hundred light axes, all clad in white livery, and black bends thereon, that they might be known for Cochran the Earl of Mar’s men. Himself was clad in a riding-pie of black velvet, with a great chain of gold about his neck, to the value of five hundred crowns, and four blowing horns, with both the ends of gold and silk, set with a precious stone, called a berryl, hanging in the midst. This Cochran had his heumont borne before him, overgilt with gold, and so were all the rest of his horns, and all his pallions were of fine canvas of silk, and the cords thereof fine twined silk, and the chains upon his pallions were double overgilt with gold. “This Cochran was so proud in his conceit, that he counted no lords to be marrows to him, therefore he rushed rudely at the kirk-door. The council inquired who it was that perturbed them at that time. Sir Robert Douglas, Laird of Lochleven, was keeper of the kirk-door at that time, who inquired who that was that knocked so rudely? and Cochran answered, ‘ This is I, the Earl of Mar.’ The which news pleased well the lords, because they were ready boun to cause take him, as is before rehearsed. Then the Earl of Angus passed hastily to the door, and with him Sir Robert Douglas of Lochleven, there to receive in the Earl of Mar, and so many of his complices who were there, as they thought good. And the Earl of Angus met with the ARCHIBALD BELL-THE-CAT. 5i Earl of Mar, as he came / in at the door, and pulled the golden chain from his craig, and said to him, a tow would set him better. Sir Robert Douglas syne pulled the blowing horn from him in like manner, and said, ‘ He had been the hunter of mischief over long.’ This Cochran asked, ‘My lords, is it mows, or earnest ? ’ They answered, and said, ‘ It is good earnest, and so thou shalt find ; for thou and thy complices have abused our prince this long time; of whom thou shalt have no more credence, but shalt have thy reward according to thy good service, as thou hast deserved in times bypast; right so the rest of thy followers/ “Notwithstanding, the lords held them quiet till they caused certain armed men to pass into the King’s pallion, and two or three wise men to pass with them, and give the King fair pleasant words, till they laid hands on all the King’s servants, and took them and hanged them before his eyes over the bridge of Lawder. Incontinent they brought forth Cochran, and his hands bound with a tow, who desired them to take one of his own pallion tows and bind his hands, for he thought shame to have his hands bound with such tow of hemp, like a thief. The lords answered, he was a traitor, he deserved no better; and, for despight, they took a hair tether, and hanged him over the bridge of Lawder, above the rest of his complices.” Angus was an old man when the war against England was resolved upon. He earnestly spoke against that measure from its commencement; and, on the eve of the battle of Flodden, remonstrated so freely upon the impolicy of fight¬ ing, that the King said to him, with scorn and indignation, “ If he was afraid he might go home.” The Earl burst into tears at this insupportable insult, and retired accordingly, leaving his sons George, Master of Angus, and Sir William of Glenbervie, to command his followers. They were both 52 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. slain in the battle, with two hundred gentlemen of the name of Douglas. The aged Earl, broken-hearted at the calami¬ ties of his house and his country, retired into a religious house, where he died about a year after the field of Flodden. THE FORAY. The last of our steers on the board has been spread, And the last flask of wine in our goblet is red ; Up ! up, my brave kinsmen ! belt swords and begone, There are dangers to dare, and there’s spoil to be won. The eyes, that so lately mix’d glances with ours, For a space must be dim, as they gaze from the towers, And strive to distinguish through tempest and gloom, The prance of the steed, and the toss of the plume. The rain is descending ; the wind rises loud ; And the moon her red beacon has veil’d with a cloud ; ’Tis the better, my mates ! for the warder’s dull eye Shall in confidence slumber, nor dream we are nigh. Our steeds are impatient! I hear my blithe grey 1 There is life in his hoof-clang, and hope in his neigh ; Like the flash of a meteor, the glance of his mane Shall marshal your march through the darkness and rain. The drawbridge has dropp’d, the bugle has blown ; One pledge is to quaff yet—then mount and begone!— To their honour and peace, that shall rest with the slain ; To their health and their glee, that see Teviot again ! THE DISASTER OF FLODDEN. URING the season of tranquillity which follow¬ ed the marriage of James IV. and Margaret,* we find that the King, with his Parliament, enacted many good laws for the improvement of the country. The Highlands and Islands were particularly attended to, because, as one of the Acts of Parliament expressed it, they had become almost savage for want of justices and sheriffs. Magistrates were therefore appointed, and laws made for the government of those wild and unruly people. Another most important Act of Parliament permitted the King, and his nobles and barons, to let their land, not only for military service, but for a payment in money or in grain; a regulation which tended to introduce quiet peaceful farmers into lands occupied, but left uncultivated, by tenants of a military character. Regulations also took place for attendance on Parliament, and the representation of the different orders of society in that assembly. The possessors of lands were likewise called on to plant wood, and make enclosures, fish-ponds, and other improvements. All these regulations show that the King entertained a sincere wish to benefit his subjects, and entertained liberal views of the mode of accomplishing that object. But the 1 Daughter of Henry VII. of England. 54 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. unfortunate country of Scotland was destined never to remain any long time in a state of peace or improvement; and accordingly, towards the end of James’s reign, events occurred which brought on a defeat still more calamitous than any which the kingdom had yet received. While Henry VII., the father-in-law of James, continued to live, his wisdom made him very attentive to preserve the peace which had been established betwixt the two countries. His character was, indeed, far from being that of a generous prince, but he was a sagacious politician, and granted, from an enlightened view of his own interest, what perhaps he would otherwise have been illiberal enough to refuse. On this principle, he made some allowance for the irritable pride of his son-in-law and his subjects, who were as proud as they were poor, and made it his study to remove all the petty causes of quarrel which arose from time to time. But when this wise and cautious monarch died, he was succeeded by his son Henry VIII., a prince of a bold, haughty, and furious disposition, impatient of control or contradiction, and rather desirous of war than willing to make any concessions for the sake of peace. James IV. and he resembled each other perhaps too nearly in temper to admit of their con¬ tinuing intimate friends. The military disposition of Henry chiefly directed him to an enterprise against France; and the King of France, on his part, desired much to renew the old alliance with Scot¬ land, in order that the apprehension of an invasion from the Scottish frontiers might induce Henry to abandon his scheme of attacking France. He knew that the splendour in which King James lived had exhausted the treasures which his father had left behind him, and he concluded that the readiest way to make him his friend was to supply him with sums of money, which he could not otherwise have raised. Gold was also freely distributed amongst the THE DISASTER OF FLODDEN. 55 counsellors and favourites of the Scottish King. This liberality showed to great advantage, when compared with the very opposite conduct of the King of England, who delayed even to pay a legacy which had been left by Henry his father to his sister the Queen of Scotland. Other circumstances of a different kind tended to create disagreements between England and Scotland. James had been extremely desirous to increase the strength of his kingdom by sea, and its commerce; and Scotland present¬ ing a great extent of sea-coast, and numerous harbours, had at this time a considerable trade. The royal navy, besides one vessel called the Great Michael , supposed to be the largest in the world, and which, as an old author says, “ cumbered all Scotland to get her fitted out for sea,” con¬ sisted, it is said, of sixteen ships of war. The King paid particular attention to naval affairs, and seemed never more happy than when inspecting and exercising his little navy. It chanced that one John Barton, a Scottish mariner, had been captured by the Portuguese, as far back as the year 1476. As the King of Portugal refused to make any amends, James granted the family of Barton letters of reprisals, that is, a warrant empowering them to take all Portuguese vessels which should come in their way, until their loss was made up. There were three brothers, all daring men, but epecially the eldest, whose name was Andrew Barton. He had two strong ships, the larger called the Lion , the lesser the Jenny Pirwen , with which it would appear he cruised in the British Channel, stopping not only Portuguese vessels, but also English ships bound for Portugal. Complaints being made to King Henry, he fitted out two vessels which were filled with chosen men, and placed under the command of Lord Thomas Howard and Sir Edward Howard, both sons to the Earl of Surrey. They found Barton and his vessels cruising in the Downs, being 56 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. guided to the place by the captain of a merchant vessel whom Barton had plundered on the preceding day. On approaching the enemy, the noble brothers showed no ensign of war, but put up a willow wand on their masts, as being the emblem of a trading vessel. But when the Scotsman attempted to make them bring to, the English threw out their flags and pennons, and fired a broadside of their ordnance. Barton then knew that he was engaged with the King of England’s ships of war. Far from being dismayed at this, he engaged boldly, and, distinguished by his rich dress and bright armour, appeared on deck with a whistle of gold about his neck, suspended by a chain of the same precious metal, and encouraged his men to fight valiantly. The fight was very obstinate. If we may believe a ballad of the time, Barton’s ship was furnished with a peculiar con¬ trivance, suspending large weights or beams from his yard¬ arms, to be dropped down upon the enemy when they should come alongside. To make use of this contrivance, it was necessary that a person should ascend the mainmast, or in naval language, go aloft. As the English apprehended much mischief from the consequences of this manoeuvre, Howard had stationed a Yorkshire gentleman, named Hustler, the best archer in the ship, with strict injunctions to shoot every one who should attempt to go aloft to let fal the beams of Barton’s vessel. Two men were successively killed in the attempt, and Andrew Barton himself, confiding in the strong armour which he wore, began to ascend the mast. Lord Thomas Howard called out to the archer to shoot true, on peril of his life. “Were I to die for it,” said Hustler, “ I have but two arrows left.” The first which he shot bounded from Barton’s armour without hurting him; but as the Scottish mariner raised his arm to climb higher, the archer took aim where the armour afforded him no THE DISASTER OF FLODDEN. 57 protection, and wounded him mortally through the arm- pit. Barton descended from the mast. “ Fight on,” he said, “ my brave hearts; I am a little wounded, but not slain. I will but rest a while, and then rise and fight again; mean¬ time, stand fast by St. Andrew’s Cross,” meaning the Scottish flag, or ensign. He encouraged his men with his whistle, while the breath of life remained. At length the whistle was heard no longer, and the Howards, boarding the Scottish vessel, found that her daring captain was dead. They carried the Lion into the Thames, and it is remarkable that Barton’s ship became the second man-of-war in the English navy. When the kings wanted to equip a fleet, they hired or pressed into their service merchant vessels, and put sol¬ diers on board of them. The ship called the Great Henry was the first built especially for war, by the King, as his own property,—this captured vessel was the second. James IV. was highly incensed at this insult, as he termed it, on the flag of Scotland, and sent a herald to demand satisfaction. The King of England justified his conduct on the ground of Barton being a pirate,—a charge which James could not justly deny, but he remained not the less heated and incensed against his brother-in-law. Another misfortune aggravated his resentment, though the subject of misunder¬ standing was of ancient date. While Henry VII. was yet alive, Sir Robert Ker of Fair- niehirst, chief of one branch of the clan of Ker, an officer of James’s household, and a favourite of that monarch, held the office of warden on the Middle Marches of Scotland. In exercising this office with rather unusual strictness, he had given offence to some of the more turbulent English Borderers, who resolved to assassinate him. Three of these, namely Heron, called the Bastard, because a natural brother of Heron of Ford, with Starhed and Lilburn, surrounded 58 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. the Scottish warden, at a meeting upon a day of truce, and killed him with their lances. Henry VII., with the pacific policy which marked his proceedings towards Scotland, agreed to surrender the guilty persons. Lilburn was given up to King James, and died in captivity; Starhed escaped for a time, by flying into the interior parts of England; the Bastard Heron caused it to be rumoured that he was dead of the plague, and made himself be transported in a coffin, so that he passed unsus¬ pected through the party sent to arrest him, and skulked on the Borders, waiting for a quarrel between the kingdoms, which might make it safe for him to show himself. Henry VII., anxious to satisfy James, arrested his legitimate brother, and Heron of Ford was delivered up instead of the Bastard. But when Henry VIII. and James were about to disagree, both the Bastard Heron and Starhed began to show them¬ selves more publicly. Starhed was soon disposed of, for Sir Andrew, commonly called Dand Ker, the son of the murdered Sir Robert, sent two of his dependants, called Tait, to accomplish his vengeance upon the English Bor¬ derer. They surprised and put him to death accordingly, and brought his head to their patron, who exposed it publicly at the cross of Edinburgh, exulting in the revenge he had taken. But the Bastard Heron continued to rove about the Border, and James IV. made the public appearance of this criminal a subject of complaint against Henry VIII., who perhaps was not justly responsible for it. While James was thus on bad terms with his brother-in-law, France left no measures unattempted which could attach Scotland to her side. Great sums of money were sent to secure the good-will of those courtiers in whom James most confided. The Queen of France, a young and beautiful princess, flattered James’s taste for romantic gallantry, by calling herself his mistress and lady-love, and conjuring him THE DISASTER OF FLODDEN. 59 to march three miles upon English ground for her sake. She sent him, at the same time, a ring from her own finger; and her intercession was so powerful, that James thought he could not in honour dispense with her request. This fantastical spirit of chivalry was his own ruin, and very nearly that of the kingdom also. At length in June or July, 1513, Henry VIII. sailed to France with a gallant army, where he formed the siege of Terouenne. James IV. now took a decided step. He sent over his principal herald to the camp of King Henry before Terouenne, summoning him in haughty terms to abstain from aggressions against James’s ally, the King of France, and upbraiding him, at the same time, with the death of Barton, the impunity of the Bastard Heron, the detention of the legacy of Henry VII. to his daughter the Scottish Queen, and all the subjects of quarrel which had occurred since the death of that monarch. Henry VIII. answered this letter, which he justly considered as a declara¬ tion of war, with equal bitterness, treating the King of Scots as a perjured man, because he was about the break the peace which he had solemnly sworn to observe. His summons he rejected with scorn. “The King of Scotland was not,” he said, “of sufficient importance to determine the quarrel between England and France.” The Scottish herald returned with this message, but not in time to find his master alive. James had not awaited the return of his embassy to com¬ mence hostilities. Lord Home, his Lord High Chamberlain, had made an incursion into England with an army of about three or four thousand men. They collected great booty; but marching carelessly and without order, fell into an ambush of the English Borderers, concealed among the tall broom, by which Millfield Plain, near Wooler, was then covered. The Scots sustained a total defeat, and lost near 6 o TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. a third of their numbers in slain and wounded. This was a bad commencement of the war. Meanwhile, James, contrary to the advice of his wisest counsellors, determined to invade England with a royal army. The Parliament were unwilling to go into the King’s measures. The tranquillity of the country, ever since the peace with England, was recollected, and as the impolitic claim of the supremacy seemed to be abandoned, little remained to stir up the old animosity between the kingdoms. The King, however, was personally so much liked, that he obtained the consent of the Parliament to this fatal and unjust war; and orders were given to assemble all the array of the kingdom of Scotland upon the Borough-moor of Edinburgh, a wide common, in the midst of which the royal standard was displayed from a large stone, or fragment of rock, called the Hare-Stone. Various measures were even in this extremity resorted to for preventing the war. One or two of them seem to have been founded upon a knowledge that the King’s temper was tinged with a superstitious melancholy, partly arising from constitutional habits, partly from the remorse which he always entertained for his accession to his father’s death. It was to these feelings that the following scene was doubtless addressed: — As the King was at his devotions in the church of Linlithgow, a figure, dressed in an azure-coloured robe, girt with a girdle or sash of linen, having sandals on his feet, with long yellow hair, and a grave commanding countenance, suddenly appeared before him. This singular-looking person paid little or no respect to the royal presence, but pressing up to the desk at which the King was seated, leaned down on it with his arms, and addressed him with little reverence. He declared, that “ his Mother laid her commands on James to forbear the journey which he proposed, seeing that neither THE DISASTER OF FLODDEN. 61 he, nor any who went with him, would thrive in the under¬ taking.” He also cautioned the King against frequenting the society of women, and using their counsel; “If thou dost,” said he, “ thou shalt be confounded and brought to shame.” These words spoken, the messenger escaped from among the courtiers so suddenly, that he seemed to disappear. There is no doubt that this person had been dressed up to represent Saint John, called in Scripture the adopted son of the Virgin Mary. The Roman Catholics believed in the possibility of the souls of departed saints and apostles appearing on earth, and many impostures are recorded in history of the same sort. Another story, not so well authenticated, says, that a proclamation was heard at the market-cross of Edinburgh, at the dead of night, summoning the King, by his name and titles, and many of his nobles and principal leaders, to appear before the tribunal of Pluto within the space of forty days. This also has the appearance of a stratagem, in¬ vented to deter the King from his expedition. But neither these artifices, nor the advice and entreaty of Margaret, the Queen of Scotland, could deter James from his unhappy expedition. He was so well beloved, that he soon assembled a great army, and placing himself at their head, he entered England near the castle of Twisell, on the 22d of August 1513. He speedily obtained posses¬ sion of the Border fortresses of Norham, Wark, Etall, Ford, and others of less note, and collected a great spoil. Instead, however, of advancing with his army upon the country of England, which lay defenceless before him, the King is said to have trifled away his time in an intercourse of gallantry with Lady Heron of Ford, a beautiful woman, who contrived to divert him from the prosecution of his expedition until the approach of an English army. 62 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. While James lay thus idle on the frontier, the Earl of Surrey, the noble and gallant knight who had formerly escorted Queen Margaret to Scotland, now advanced at the head of an army of 26,000 men. The Earl was joined by his son Thomas, the Lord High Admiral, with a large body of soldiers who had been disembarked at Newcastle. As the warlike inhabitants of the northern counties gathered fast to Surrey’s standard, so, on the other hand, the Scots began to return home in great numbers ; because, though, accord¬ ing to the feudal laws, each man had brought with him provisions for forty days, these being now nearly expended, a scarcity began to be felt in James’s host. Others went home to place their booty in safety. Surrey, feeling himself the stronger party, became desir¬ ous to provoke the Scottish King to fight. He therefore sent James a message, defying him to battle; and the Lord Thomas Howard, at the same time, added a message, that as King James had often complained of the death of Andrew Barton, he, Lord Thomas, by whom that deed was done, was now ready to maintain it with his sword in the front of the fight. James returned for answer, that to meet the English in battle was so much his wish, that had the message of the Earl found him at Edinburgh, he would have laid aside all other business to have met him on a pitched field. But the Scottish nobles entertained a very different opinion from their King. They held a council, at which Lord Patrick Lindsay was made president, or chancellor. He opened the discussion, by telling the council a parable of a rich merchant, who would needs go to play at dice with a common hazarder, or sharper, and stake a rose-noble of gold against a crooked halfpenny. “You, my lords,” he said, “will be as unwise as the merchant, if you risk your King, whom I compare to a precious rose-noble, against the English THE DISASTER OF FLODDEN. 63 general, who is but an old crooked churl, lying in a chariot. Though the English lose the day, they lose nothing but this old churl and a parcel of mechanics; whereas so many of our common people have gone home, that few are left with us but the prime of our nobility.” He therefore gave it as his advice, that the King should withdraw from the army, for safety of his person, and that some brave noble¬ man should be named by the council to command in the action. The council agreed to recommend this plan to the King. But James, who desired to gain fame by his own military skill and prowess, suddenly broke in on the council, and told them, with much heat, that they should not put such a disgrace upon him. “ I will fight with the English,” he said, “thoughyou all have sworn the contrary. You may shame yourselves by flight, but you shall not shame me; and as for Lord Patrick Lindsay, who has got the first vote, I vow, that when I return to Scotland, I will cause him to be hanged over his own gate.” In this rash and precipitate resolution to fight at all risks, the King was much supported by the French ambassador, De la Motte. This was remarked by one of our old acquaintances, the Earl of Angus, called Bell-the-Cat, who, though very old, had come out to the field with his sovereign. He charged the Frenchman with being willing to sacrifice the interests of Scotland to those of his own country, which required that the Scots and English should fight at all hazards; and Angus, like Lord Lindsay, alleged the differ¬ ence between the parties, the English being many of them men but of mean rank, and the Scottish army being the flower of their nobility and gentry. Incensed at his opposi¬ tion, James said to him scornfully, “ Angus, if you are afraid, you may go home.” The Earl, on receiving such an insult, left the camp that night; but his two sons remained, and 6 4 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. fell in the fatal battle, with two hundred of the name of Douglas. While King James was in this stubborn humour, the Earl of Surrey had advanced as far as Wooler, so that only four or five miles divided the armies. The English leader in¬ quired anxiously for some guide, who was acquainted with the country, which is intersected and divided by one or two large brooks, which unite to form the river Till, and is, besides, in part mountainous. A person well mounted, and completely armed, but having the visor of his helmet lowered to conceal his face, rode up, and then dismount¬ ing, knelt down before the Earl, and offered to be his guide if he might obtain pardon of an offence of which he had been guilty. The Earl assured him of his forgiveness, providing he had not committed treason against the King of England, or personally wronged any lady—crimes which Surrey declared he would not pardon. “God forbid,” said the cavalier, “ that I should have been guilty of such shameful sin: I did but assist in killing a Scotsman who ruled our Borders too strictly, and often did wrong to Englishmen.” So say¬ ing, he raised the visor of his helmet, which hid his face, and showed the countenance of the Bastard Heron, who had been a partner in the assassination of Sir Robert Ker, as you were told before. His appearance was most welcome to the Earl of Surrey, who readily pardoned him the death of a Scotsman at that moment, especially since he knew him to be as well acquainted with every pass and path on the eastern frontier, as a life of constant incursion and de¬ predation could make him. The Scottish army had fixed their camp upon a hill called Flodden, which rises to close in, as it were, the extensive flat called Millfield Plain. This eminence slopes steeply towards the plain, and there is an extended piece of level THE DISASTER OF FLODDEN. 65 ground on the top, where the Scots might have drawn up their army, and awaited at great advantage the attack of the English. Surrey liked the idea of venturing an assault on that position so ill, that he resolved to try whether he could not prevail on the King to abandon it. He sent a herald to invite James to come down from the height, and join battle in the open plain of Millfield below—reminded him of the readiness with which he had accepted his former challenge— and hinted, that it was the opinion of the English chivalry assembled for battle, that any delay of the encounter would sound to the King’s dishonour. We have seen that James was sufficiently rash and impru¬ dent, but his impetuosity did not reach to the pitch Surrey perhaps expected. He refused to receive the messenger into his presence, and returned for answer to the message, that it was not such as it became an earl to send to a king. Surrey, therefore, distressed for provisions, was obliged to resort to another mode of bringing the Scots to action. He moved northward, sweeping round the hill of Flodden, keep¬ ing out of the reach of the Scottish artillery, until, crossing the Till near Twisell Castle, he placed himself, with his whole army, betwixt James and his own kingdom. The King suffered him to make this flank movement without interruption, though it must have afforded repeated and advantageous opportunities for attack. But when he saw the English army interposed betwixt him and his dominions, he became alarmed lest he should be cut off from Scotland. In this apprehension he was confirmed by one Giles Musgrave, an Englishman, whose counsel he used upon the occasion, and who assured him, that if he did not descend and fight with the English army, the Earl of Surrey would enter Scotland, and lay waste the whole country. Stimulated by this apprehension, the King resolved to give signal for the fatal battle. E 66 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. With this view the Scots set fire to their huts, and the other refuse and litter of their camp. The smoke spread along the side of the hill, and under its cover the army of King James descended the eminence, which is much less steep on the northern than the southern side, while the English advanced to meet them, both concealed from each other by the clouds of smoke. The Scots descended in four strong columns, all marching parallel to each other, having a reserve of the Lothian men commanded by Earl Bothwell. The English were also divided into four bodies, with a reserve of cavalry led by Dacre. The battle commenced at the hour of four in the afternoon. The first which encountered was the left wing of the Scots, commanded by the Earl of Huntly and Lord Home, which overpowered and threw into disorder the right wing of the English, under Sir Edmund Howard. Sir Edmund was beaten down, his standard taken, and he himself in danger of instant death, when he was relieved by the Bastard Heron, who came up at the head of a band of determined outlaws like himself, and extricated Howard. It is objected to the Lord Home by many Scottish writers, that he ought to have improved his advantage, by hastening to the support of the next division of the Scottish army. It is even pretended, that he replied to those who urged him to go to the assistance of the King, that “ the man did well that day who stood and saved himself.” But this seems invented, partly to criminate Home, and partly to account for the loss of the battle in some other way than by the superiority of the English. In reality, the English cavalry, under Dacre, which acted as a reserve, appear to have kept the victors in check; while Thomas Howard, the Lord High Admiral, who commanded the second division of the English, bore down, and routed the Scottish division commanded by Crawford and Montrose, THE DISASTER OF FLODDEN. 67 who were both slain. Thus matters went on the Scottish left. Upon the extreme right of James’s army, a division of Highlanders, consisting of the clans of MacKenzie, MacLean, and others, commanded by the Earls of Lennox and Argyle, were so insufferably annoyed by the volleys of the English arrows, that they broke their ranks, and, in despite of the cries, entreaties, and signals of De la Motte, the French ambassador, who endeavoured to stop them, rushed tumul¬ tuously down hill, and being attacked at once in flank and rear by Sir Edward Stanley, with the men of Cheshire and Lancashire, were routed with great slaughter. The only Scottish division which remains to be mentioned was commanded by James in person, and consisted of the choicest of his nobles and gentry, whose armour was so good that the arrows made but slight impression upon them. They were all on foot—the King himself had parted with his horse. They engaged the Earl of Surrey, who opposed to them the division which he personally commanded. The Scots attacked with the greatest fury, and, for a time, had the better. Surrey’s squadrons were disordered, his standard in great danger, Bothwell and the Scottish reserve were advancing, and the English seemed in some risk of losing the battle. But Stanley, who had defeated the High¬ landers, came up on one flank of the King’s division; the admiral, who had conquered Crawford and Montrose, assailed them on the other. The Scots showed the most undaunted courage. Uniting themselves with the reserve under Both¬ well, they formed into a circle, with their spears extended on every side, and fought obstinately. Bows being now useless, the English advanced on all sides with their bills, a huge weapon which made ghastly wounds. But they could not force the Scots either to break or retire, although the carnage among them was dreadful. James himself died 68 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. amid his warlike peers and loyal gentry. He was twice wounded with arrows, and at length despatched with a bill. Night fell without the battle being absolutely decided, for the Scottish centre kept their ground, and Home and Dacre held each other at bay. But during the night, the remainder of the Scottish army drew off in silent despair from the bloody field, on which they left their King and their choicest nobles and gentlemen. This great and decisive victory was gained by the Earl of Surrey on 9th September 1513. The victors had about five thousand men slain, the Scots twice that number at least. But the loss lay not so much in the number of the slain, as in their rank and quality. The English lost very few men of distinction. The Scots left on the field the King, two bishops, two mitred abbots, twelve earls, thirteen lords, and five eldest sons of peers. The number of gentlemen slain was beyond calculation;—there is scarcely a family of name in Scottish history who did not lose a relative there. The Scots were much disposed to dispute the fact, that James IV. had fallen on Flodden Field. Some said, he had retired from the kingdom, and made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Others pretended, that, in the twilight, when the fight was nigh ended, four tall horsemen came into the field, having each a bunch of straw on the point of their spears, as a token for them to know each other by. They said these men mounted the King on a dun hackney, and that he was seen to cross the Tweed with them at night-fall. Nobody pretended to say what they did with him, but it was believed he was murdered in Home Castle; and I recollect, about forty years since, that there was a report, that in cleaning the draw-well of that ruinous fortress, the workmen found a skeleton wrapt in a bull’s hide, and having a belt of iron round the waist. There was, however, no truth in this rumour. It was the absence of this belt of iron which the THE DISASTER OF FLODDEN. 69 Scots founded upon to prove that the body of James could not have fallen into the hands of the English, since they either had not that token to show, or did not produce it. They contended, therefore, that the body over which the enemy triumphed, was not that of James himself, but of one of his attendants, several of whom, they said, were dressed in his armour. But all these are idle fables, invented and believed because the vulgar love what is mysterious, and the Scots readily gave credit to what tended to deprive their enemies of so signal a trophy of victory. The reports are contrary to common sense. Lord Home was the chamberlain of James IV., and high in his confidence. He had nothing whatever to gain by the King’s death, and therefore we must acquit him of a great crime, for which there could be no adequate motive. The consequence of James’s death proved, in fact, to be the Earl’s ruin. It seems true, that the King usually wore the belt of iron in token of his repentance for his father’s death, and the share he had in it. But it is not unlikely that he would lay aside such a cumbrous article of penance in a day of battle; or the English, when they despoiled his person, may have thrown it aside as of no value. The body which the English affirm to have been that of James, was found on the field by Lord Dacre, and carried by him to Berwick, and presented to Surrey. Both of these lords knew James’s person too well to be mistaken. The body was also acknowledged by his two favourite attendants, Sir William Scott and Sir John Forman, who wept at beholding it. The fate of these relics was singular and degrading. They were not committed to the tomb, for the Pope, being at that time in alliance with England against France, had laid James under a sentence of excommunication, so that no priest dared pronounce the funeral-service over them. The 70 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. royal corpse was therefore embalmed, and sent to the monastery of Sheen, in Surrey. It lay there till the Reformation, when the monastery was given to the Duke of Suffolk; and, after that period, the body, which was lapped up in a sheet of lead, was suffered to toss about the house like a piece of useless lumber. Stow, the historian, saw it flung into a waste room among old pieces of wood, lead, and other rubbish. Some idle workmen, “ for their foolish pleasure,” says the same writer, “hewed off the head; and one Lancelot Young, master-glazier to Queen Elizabeth, finding a sweet smell come from thence, owing doubtless to the spices used for embalming the body, carried the head home, and kept it for some time; but, in the end, caused the sexton of Saint Michael’s, Wood Street, to bury it in the charnel-house.” Such was the end of that King, once so proud and powerful. The fatal battle of Flodden, in which he was slain, and his army destroyed, is justly considered as one of the most calamitous events in Scottish history. FEUD OF BUCCLEUCH AND KERR. TRADITION preserved by Scott of Satchells, who published, in 1688, A true History of the Right Honourable name of Scott , gives the following romantic origin of that name. Two brethren, natives of Galloway, having been banished from that country for a riot, or insurrection, came to Rankleburn, in Ettrick Forest, where the keeper, whose name was Brydone, received them joyfully, on account of their skill in winding the horn, and in the other mysteries of the chase. Kenneth MacAlpine, then King of Scotland, came soon after to hunt in the royal forest, and pursued a buck from Ettrick-heugh to the glen now called Buckcleuch, about two miles above the junction of Rankleburn with the river Ettrick. Here the stag stood at bay; and the King and his attendants, who followed on horseback, were thrown out by the steepness of the hill and the morass. John, one of the brethren from Galloway, had followed the chase on foot; and now coming in, seized the buck by the horns, and, being a man of great strength and activity, threw him on his back, and ran with his burden about a mile up the steep hill, to a place called Cracra-Cross, where Kenneth had halted, and laid the buck at the sovereign’s feet. “ The deer being cureed in that place, At his Majesty’s demand, 72 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. Then John of Galloway ran apace, And fetched water to his hand. The King did wash into a dish, And Galloway John he wot; He said, * Thy name now after this Shall ever be called John Scott. “ ‘The forest and the deer therein, We commit to thy hand ; For thou shalt sure the ranger be, If thou obey command ; And for the buck thou stoutly brought To us up that deep heuch, Thy designation ever shall Be John Scott in Buckscleuch.’ In Scotland no Buckcleuch was then, Before the buck in the cleuch was slain ; Night’s men at first they did appear, Because moon and stars to their arms they bear. Their crest, supporters, and hunting-horn. Show their beginning from hunting came ; Their name, and style, the book doth say, John gained them both into one day.” — Walt's Bellendett. The Buccleuch arms have been altered, and now allude less pointedly to this hunting, whether real or fabulous. It is said the motto was Best riding by moonlight , in allusion to the crescents on the shield, and perhaps to the habits of those who bore it. The motto now given is Amo> applying to the female supporters. Sir Walter Scott of Buccleuch succeeded to his grandfather, Sir David, in 1492. He was a brave and powerful baron, and Warden of the West Marches of Scotland. His death was the consequence of a feud betwixt the Scotts and Kerrs, the history of which is as follows :— In the year 1526, in the words of Pitscottie, “the Earl of FEUD OF BUCCLEUCH AND KERR. 73 Angus, and the rest of the Douglasses, ruled all which they liked, and no man durst say the contrary; wherefore the King (James V. then a minor) was heavily displeased, and would fain have been out of their hands, if he might by any way : And, to that effect, wrote a quiet and secret letter with his own hand, and sent it to the Laird of Buccleuch, beseeching him that he would come with his kin and friends, and all the force that he might be, and meet him at Melross, at his home passing, and there to take him out of the Douglasses hands, and to put him to liberty, to use himself among the lave (rest) of his lords, as he thinks expedient. “This letter was quietly directed, and sent by one of the King’s own secret servants, which was received very thankfully by the Laird of Buccleuch, who was very glad thereof, to be put to such charges and familiarity with his prince, and did great diligence to perform the King’s writing, and to bring the matter to pass as the King desired: And, to that effect, convened all his kin and friends, and all that would do for him, to ride with him to Melross, when he knew of the King’s homecoming. And so he brought with him six hundred spears, of Liddesdale, and Annandale, and countrymen, and clans thereabout, and held themselves quiet while that the King returned out of Jedburgh, and came to Melross, to remain there all that night. “But when the Lord Hume, Cessfoord, and Fernyherst (the chiefs of the clan of Kerr), took their leave of the King, and returned home, then appeared the Lord of Buccleuch in sight, and his company with him, in an arrayed battle, in¬ tending to have fulfilled the King’s petition, and therefore came stoutly forward on the back side of Haliden hill. By that the Earl of Angus, with George Douglas, his brother, and sundry other of his friends, seeing this army coming, they marvelled what the matter meant: while at the last they knew the Laird of Buccleuch, with a certain company of the 74 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. thieves of Annandale. With him they were less affeared, and made them manfully to the field contrary them, and said to the King in this manner, ‘Sir, yon is Buccleuch, and thieves of Annandale with him, to unbeset your Grace from the gate ’ (i.e. interrupt your passage). ‘ I vow to God they shall either fight or flee; and ye shall tarry here on this knowe, and my brother George with you, with any other company you please; and I shall pass, and put yon thieves off the ground, and rid the gate unto your Grace, or else die for it/ The King tarried still, as was devised; and George Douglas with him, and sundry other lords, such as the Earl of Lennox, and the Lord Erskine, and some of the King’s own servants; but all the lave {rest) past with the Earl of Angus to the field against the Laird of Buccleuch who joyned and countered cruelly both the said parties in the field of Darnelinver, either against other, with uncertain victory. But at the last, the Lord Hume, hearing word of that matter how it stood, returned again to the King in all possible haste, with him the Lairds of Cessfoord and Ferny hirst, to the number of fourscore spears, and set freshly on the lap and wing of the Laird of Buccleuch’s field, and shortly bare them backward to the ground; which caused the Laird of Buccleuch, and the rest of his friends, to go back and flee, whom they followed and chased; and especially the Lairds of Cessfoord and Ferny hirst followed furiouslie, till at the foot of a path the Laird of Cessfoord was slain by the stroke of a spear by an Elliot, who was then servant to the Laird of Buccleuch. But when the Laird of Cessfoord was slain the chase ceased. The Earl of Angus returned again with great merriness and victory, and thanked God that he saved him from that chance, and passed with the King to Melross, where they remained all that night. On the morn they past to Edinburgh with the King, who was very sad and dolorous of the slaughter of the Laird of Cessfoord, and many other FEUD OF BUCCLEUCH AND KERR. 75 gentlemen and yeomen slain by the Laird of Buccleuch, containing the number of fourscore and fifteen which died in defence of the King, and at the command of his writing.” In consequence of the battle of Melrose, there ensued a deadly feud betwixt the names of Scott and Kerr, which, in spite of all means used to bring about an agreement, raged for many years upon the Borders. Buccleuch was im¬ prisoned, and his estates forfeited, in the year 1535, for levying war against the Kerrs, and restored by Act of Parliament, dated 15th March 1542, during the regency of Mary of Lorraine. But the most signal act of violence to which this quarrel gave rise, was the murder of Sir Walter himself, who was slain by the Kerrs in the streets of Edinburgh in 1552. The feud between these two families was not reconciled in 1596, when both chieftains paraded the streets of Edinburgh with their followers, and it was expected their first meeting would decide their quarrel. But, on July 14th of the same year, Colvil, in a letter to Mr. Bacon, informs him, “ that there was great trouble upon the Borders, which would continue till order should be taken by the Queen of England and the King, by reason of the two young Scots chieftains, Cesford and Baclugh, and of the present necessity and scarcity of corn amongst the Scots Borderers and riders. That there had been a private quarrel betwixt those two lairds on the Borders, which was like to have turned to blood; but the fear of the general trouble had reconciled them, and the injuries which they thought to have committed against each other were now transferred upon England : not unlike that emulation in France between the Baron de Biron and Mons. Jeverie, who, being both ambitious of honour, undertook more hazardous enterprises against the enemy than they would have done if they had been at concord together.” 76 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. Among other expedients resorted to for stanching the feud betwixt the Scotts and the Kerrs, there was a bond executed in 1529, between the heads of each clan, binding themselves to perform reciprocally the four principal pil¬ grimages of Scotland, for the benefit of the souls of those of the opposite name who had fallen in the quarrel. But either it never took effect, or else the feud was renewed shortly afterwards. Such pactions were not uncommon in feudal times; and, as might be expected, they were often, as in the present case, void of the effect desired. When Sir Walter Mauny, the renowned follower of Edward III., had taken the town of Ryol in Gascony, he remembered to have heard that his father lay there buried, and offered a hundred crowns to any who could show him his grave. A very old man appeared before Sir Walter, and informed him of the manner of his father’s death, and the place of his sepulture. It seems the Lord of Mauny had, at a great tournament, unhorsed, and wounded to the death, a Gascon knight of the house of Mirepoix, whose kinsman was Bishop of Cambray. For this deed he was held at feud by the relations of the knight, until he agreed to undertake a pilgrimage to the shrine of St. James of Compostella, for the benefit of the soul of the deceased. But as he returned through the town of Ryol, after accomplishment of his vow, he was beset and treacher¬ ously slain, by the kindred of the knight whom he had killed. Sir Walter, guided by the old man, visited the lowly tomb of his father; and, having read the inscription, which was in Latin, he caused the body to be raised, and transported to his native city of Valenciennes, where masses were, in the days of Froissart, duly said for the soul of the unfortunate pilgrim. MURDER OF RIZZIO AND DEATH OF DARN LEY. UEEN Mary’s brother, the Earl of Murray, was by far the most able and powerful of those who were displeased by Mary’s marriage [to Darnley]. Darnley and he were personal enemies; and besides, Murray was the prin¬ cipal of the Lords of the Congregation, who affected to see danger to the Protestant religion in Mary’s choice of Darnley for a husband, and in the disunion which it was likely to create betwixt Scotland and England. Murray even laid a plan to intercept Darnley, seize his person, and either put him to death, or send him prisoner to England. A body of horse was for this purpose stationed at a pass under the hill of Bennartey, near Kinross, called the Parrot-well, to intercept the Queen and Darnley as they returned from a Convention of Estates held at Perth; and they only escaped the danger by a hasty march, commenced early in the morning. After the marriage, Murray and his confederates, who were the Duke of Chatelherault, Glencairn, Argyle, Rothes, and others, actually took up arms. The Queen, in this emergency, assembled her subjects around her. They came in such numbers as showed her popularity. Darnley 78 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. rode at their head in gilded armour, accompanied by the Queen herself, having loaded pistols at her saddle-bow. Unable to stand their ground, Murray and his accomplices eluded the pursuit of the royal army, and made a sudden march on Edinburgh, where they hoped to find friends. But the citizens not adopting their cause, and the castle threatening to fire on them, the insurgents were compelled to retreat, first to Hamilton, then to Dumfries, until they finally disbanded their forces in despair, and the leaders fled into England. Thus ended an insurrection, which, from the hasty and uncertain manner in which the conspirators posted from one part of the kingdom to another, obtained the popular name of the Run-about Raid (or ride.) Elizabeth, who had encouraged Murray and his associates to rise against Mary, was by no means desirous to have the discredit of having done so, when she saw their attempt was unsuccessful. She caused Murray and the Abbot of Kilwinning to appear before her in presence of the am¬ bassadors of France and Spain, who, interfering in Mary’s behalf, had accused Elizabeth of fomenting the Scottish disturbances. “How say you,” she exclaimed, “my Lord of Murray, and you his companion ? Have you had advice or encouragement from me in your late undertaking?” The exiles, afraid to tell the truth, were contented to say, however falsely, that they had received no advice or assistance at her hands. “ There you indeed speak truth,” replied Elizabeth; “for neither did I, nor any in my name, stir you up against your Queen; your abominable treason may serve for example to my own subjects to rebel against me. Therefore get out of my presence; you are but unworthy traitors ! ” Mortified and disgraced, Murray and his companion again retired to the Border, where Queen Elizabeth, notwithstanding her pretended resentment, allowed them privately means of support, until times should RIZZIO AND DARNLEY. 79 permit them to return into Scotland, and renew disturbances there. Mary had thus overcome her refractory subjects, but she soon found that she had a more formidable enemy in the foolish and passionate husband whom she had chosen. This headstrong young man behaved to his wife with great disrespect, both as a woman and as a queen, and habitually indulged himself in intoxication, and other disgraceful vices. Although already possessed of more power than fitted his capacity or age, for he was but nineteen, he was importunate in his demands for obtaining what was called in Scotland the Crown Matrimonial; that is, the full equality of royal right in the crown with his consort. Until he obtained this eminence he was not held to be King, though called so in courtesy. He was only the husband of the Queen. This crown matrimonial had been bestowed on Mary’s first husband, Francis, and Darnley was determined to be possessed of the same rank. But Mary, whose bounty had already far exceeded his deserts, as well as his gratitude, was resolved not to make this last concession, at least with¬ out the advice and consent of the Parliament. The childish impatience of Darnley made him regard with mortal hatred whatever interfered with the instant execution of his wishes; and his animosity on this occasion turned against the Italian secretary, once his friend, but whom he now esteemed his deadly foe, because he supposed that Rizzio encouraged the Queen in resisting his hasty ambition. His resentment against the unhappy stranger arose to such a height, that he threatened to poniard him with his own hand; and as Rizzio had many enemies, and no friend save his mistress, Darnley easily procured instru¬ ments, and those of no mean rank, to take the execution of his revenge on themselves. The chief of Darnley’s accomplices, on this unhappy 8 o TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. occasion, was James Douglas, Earl of Morton, chancellor of the kingdom, tutor and uncle to the Earl of Angus (who chanced then to be a minor), and administrator, therefore, of all the power of the great house of Douglas. He was a nobleman of high military talent and political wisdom; but although a pretender to sanctity of life, his actions show him to have been a wicked and unscrupulous man. Although chancellor of the kingdom, and therefore bound peculiarly to respect the laws, he did not hesitate to enter into the young King’s cruel and unlawful purpose. Lord Ruthven, a man whose frame was exhausted by illness, nevertheless undertook to buckle on his armour for the enterprise; and they had no difficulty in finding other agents. It would have been easy to have seized on Rizzio, and disposed of him as the Scottish peers at the bridge of Lauder used the favourites of James III. But this would not have accomplished the revenge of Darnley, who com¬ plained that the Queen showed this mean Italian more civility than she did to himself, and therefore took the barbarous resolution of seizing him in her very presence. This plan was the more atrocious, as Mary was at this time with child; and the alarm and agitation which such an act of violence was likely to produce, might endanger her life, or that of her unborn offspring. Whilst this savage plot was forming, Rizzio received several hints of what was likely to happen. Sir James Melville was at pains to explain to him the danger that was incurred by a stranger in any country, who rose so high in the favour of the prince as to excite the disgust of the natives of the land. A French priest, who was something of an astrologer, warned the secretary to beware of a bastard. To such counsels, he replied, “ that the Scots were more given to threaten than to strike; and as for the bastard (by whom RIZZIO AND DARNLEY. 81 he supposed the Earl of Murray to be meant), he would take care that he should never possess power enough in Scotland to do him any harm.” Thus securely confident, he continued at court, to abide his fate. Those lords who engaged in the conspiracy did not agree to gratify Darnley’s resentment against Rizzio for nothing. They stipulated, as the price of their assistance, that he should in turn aid them in obtaining pardon and restoration to favour for Murray, and his accomplices in the Run-about Raid; and intimation was despatched to these noblemen, apprising them of the whole undertaking, and desiring them to be at Edinburgh on the night appointed for doing the deed. Queen Mary, like her father James V., was fond of laying aside the state of a sovereign, and indulging in small private parties, quiet, as she termed them, and merry. On these occasions, she admitted her favourite domestics to her table, and Rizzio seems frequently to have had that honour. On the 9th of March 1566, six persons had partaken of supper in a small cabinet adjoining to the Queen’s bedchamber, and having no entrance save through it. Rizzio was of the number. About seven in the evening, the gates of the palace were occupied by Morton, with a party of two hundred men; and a select band of the conspirators, headed by Darnley himself, came into the Queen’s apart¬ ment by a secret staircase. Darnley first entered the cabinet, and stood for an instant in silence, gloomily eyeing his victim. Lord Ruthven followed in complete armour, looking pale and ghastly, as one scarcely recovered from long sickness. Others crowded in after them, till the little closet was full of armed men. While the Queen demanded the purpose of their coming, Rizzio, who saw that his life was aimed at, got behind her, and clasped the folds of her gown, that the respect due to her person might 82 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. protect him. The assassins threw down the table, and seized on the unfortunate object of their vengeance, while Darnley himself took hold of the Queen, and forced Rizzio and her asunder. It was their intention, doubtless, to have dragged Rizzio out of Mary’s presence, and to have killed him elsewhere; but their fierce impatience hurried them into instant murder. George Douglas, called the postulate of Arbroath, a natural brother of the Earl of Morton, set the example, by snatching Darnley’s dagger from his belt, and striking Rizzio with it. He received many other blows. They dragged him through the bedroom and ante¬ chamber, and despatched him at the head of the staircase, with no less than fifty-six wounds. Ruthven, after all was over, fatigued with his exertions, sat down in the Queen’s presence, and, begging her pardon for the liberty, called for a drink to refresh him, as if he had been doing the most harmless thing in the world. The witnesses, the actors, and the scene of this cruel tragedy, render it one of the most extraordinary which history records. The cabinet and the bedroom still remain in the same condition in which they were at the time; and the floor near the head of the stair bears visible marks of the blood of the unhappy Rizzio. The Queen continued to beg his life with prayers and tears; but when she learned that he was dead, she dried her tears.—“I will now,” she said, “ study revenge.” The conspirators, who had committed the cruel action entirely or chiefly to gratify Darnley, reckoned themselves, of course, secure of his protection. They united themselves with Murray and his associates, who were just returned from England according to appointment, and agreed upon a course of joint measures. The Queen, it was agreed, should be put under restraint in Edinburgh Castle, or elsewhere; and Murray and Morton were to rule the state under the RIZZ10 AND DARN LEY. 83 name of Darnley, who was to obtain the crown matrimonial, which he had so anxiously desired. But all this scheme was ruined by the defection of Darnley himself. As fickle as he was vehement, and as timorous as he had shown himself cruel, Rizzio was no sooner slain than Darnley became terrified at what had been done, and seemed much disposed to deny having given any authority for the crime. Finding her weak-minded husband in a state between remorse and fear, Mary prevailed on him to take part against the very persons whom he had instigated to the late atrocious proceeding. Darnley and Mary escaped together out of Holyrood-house, and fled to Dunbar, where the Queen issued a proclamation which soon drew many faithful followers around her. It was now the turn of the conspirators to tremble. That the Queen’s conquest over them might be more certain, she pardoned the Earl of Murray, and those concerned in the Run-about Raid, as guilty of more venial offences than the assassins of Rizzio; and thus Murray, Glencairn, and others, were received into favour, while Morton, Ruthven, and his comrades, fled in their turn to England. No Scottish subject, whatever his crime, could take refuge there without finding secret support, if not an open welcome. Such was Elizabeth’s constant policy. Queen Mary was now once more in possession of authority, but much disturbed and vexed by the silly conduct of her husband, whose absurdities and insolences were not abated by the consequences of Rizzio’s death; so that the royal pair continued to be upon the worst terms with each other, though disguised under a species of reconciliation. On the 19th of June 1566, Mary was delivered of a son, afterwards James VI. When news of this event reached London, Queen Elizabeth was merrily engaged in dancing; but upon hearing what had happened, she left the dance, and sat down, leaning her head on her hand, and exclaim- 8 4 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. mg passionately to her ladies, “ Do you not hear how the Queen of Scots is mother of a fair son, while I am but a barren stock ? ” But next morning she had recovered her¬ self sufficiently to maintain her usual appearance of outward civility, received the Scottish ambassador with much seem¬ ing favour, and accepted with thanks the office of god-mother to the young Prince, which he proffered to her in Queen Mary’s name. After a splendid solemnity at christening the heir of Scotland, Queen Mary seems to have turned her mind towards settling the disorders of her nobility; and, sacrific¬ ing her own justifiable resentment, she yielded so far as to grant pardon to all those concerned in the murder of Rizzio. Two men of low rank, and no more, had been executed for that crime. Lord Ruthven, the principal actor, had died in England, talking and writing as composedly of “the slaughter of David,” as if it had been the most indifferent, if not meritorious, action possible. George Douglas, who struck the first blow, and Ker of Faldonside, another ruffian who offered his pistol at the Queen’s bosom in the fray, were exempted from the general pardon. Morton and all the others were permitted to return, to plan new treasons and murders. We are now come to a very difficult period in the history of Scotland. The subsequent events, in the reign of Queen Mary, are well known; but neither the names of the principal agents in those events, nor the motives upon which they acted, are at all agreed upon by historians. It has, in particular, been warmly disputed, and will probably long continue to be so, how far Queen Mary is to be con¬ sidered as a voluntary party or actor in the tragical and criminal events of which I am about to tell you; or how far, being innocent of any fore-knowledge of these violent actions, she was an innocent victim of the villany of others. RIZZIO AND DARNLEY. 85 James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell, a man in middle age, had for several years played a conspicuous part in those troubled times. He had sided with the Queen Regent against the Reformed party, and was in general supposed to be attached rather to the reigning Queen, than to any of the factions who opposed her. He was head of the powerful family of Hepburn, and possessed great influence in East- Lothian and Berwickshire, where excellent soldiers could always be obtained. In his morals Bothwell was wild and licentious, irregular and daring in his ambition; and al¬ though his history does not show many instances of personal courage, yet in his early life he had the reputation of possessing it. He had been in danger on the occasion of Rizzio’s murder, being supposed, from his regard for the Queen, to have been desirous of preventing that cruel insult to her person and authority. As this nobleman displayed great zeal for Mary’s cause, she was naturally led to advance him at court, until many persons, and particularly the preachers of the Reformed religion, thought that she ad¬ mitted to too great intimacy a man of so fierce and profligate a character; and a numerous party among her subjects accused the Queen as being fonder of Bothwell than she ought to have been, he being a married man, and herself a married woman. A thoughtless action of Mary’s seemed to confirm this suspicion. Bothwell, among other offices of authority, held that of Lord Warden of all the Marches, and was residing at the castle of Hermitage, a royal fortress which belonged to that office, in order to suppress some disorders on the Border. In October 1566, attempting with his own hand to seize a Border freebooter called John Elliot of the Park, he was severely wounded in the hand. The Queen, who was then at Jedburgh holding a court of justice, hastened through woods, morasses, and waters, to pay a visit to the 86 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. wounded warden; and though the distance was twenty English miles, she went and returned from Hermitage Castle in the same day. This excursion might arise solely from Mary’s desire to learn the cause and particulars of a great outrage on her lieutenant; but all those who wished ill to her, who were a numerous body, represented it as ex¬ pressing her anxiety for the safety of her lover. In the meantime, the dissensions between Darnley and the Queen continued to increase: and while he must have been disliked by Mary from their numerous quarrels, and the affronts he put upon her, as well as from his share in the murder of Rizzio, those who had been concerned with him in that last crime, considered him as a poor mean-spirited wretch, who, having engaged his associates in so daring an act, had afterwards betrayed and deserted them. His latter conduct showed no improvement in either sense or spirit. He pretended he would leave the kingdom, and by this and other capricious resolutions, hastily adopted and abandoned, he so far alienated the affections of the Queen, that many of the unscrupulous and plotting nobles by whom she was surrounded, formed the idea, that it would be very agreeable to Mary if she could be freed from her union with this unreasonable and ill-tempered young man. The first proposal made to her was, that she should be separated from Darnley by a divorce. Bothwell, Maitland, Morton, and Murray, are said to have joined in pressing such a proposal upon Queen Mary, who was then residing at Craigmillar Castle, near Edinburgh; but she rejected it steadily. A conspiracy of a darker kind was then agitated, for the murder of the unhappy Darnley; and Bothwell seems to have entertained little doubt that Mary, thus rid of an un¬ acceptable husband, would choose himself for his successor. He spoke with the Earl of Morton on the subject of despatch¬ ing Darnley, and represented it as an enterprise which had RIZZIO AND DARN LEY. 87 the approbation of the Queen. Morton refused to stir in a matter of so great consequence, unless he received a mandate under the Queen’s hand. Bothwell undertook to procure him such a warrant, but he never kept his word. This was confessed by Morton at his death. When it was asked of him by the clergyman who received his confession, why he had not prevented the conspiracy, by making it public ? he replied, that there was no one to whom he could confess it with safety. “The Queen,” he said, “was herself in the plot; and if I had told Darnley, his folly was so great that I am certain he would have betrayed it to his wife, and so my own destruction would have been assured.” But though he did not acknowledge more than I have told you, Morton was always supposed to have been one of the actual con¬ spirators ; and it was universally believed that a daring and profligate relation of his, called Archibald Douglas, parson of Glasgow, was one of the actual murderers. While these suspicions hung over Morton himself, he seems to have had no reason for believing Mary’s guilt excepting what Bothwell told him; while he admits that Bothwell never showed him any warrant under the Queen’s hand, though he promised to do so. It seems probable that Maitland of Lethington also knew the fatal and guilty secret. Morton and he, how¬ ever, were both men of deep sagacity. They foresaw that Bothwell would render himself, and perhaps the Queen also, odious to the nation by the dark and bloody action which he meditated; and therefore they resolved to let him run on his course, in the hope that he would come to a speedy fall, and that they themselves might succeed to the supreme power. While these schemes were in agitation against his life, Darnley fell ill at Glasgow, and his indisposition proved to be the small-pox. The Queen sent her physician, and after an interval went herself to wait upon him, and an apparent 88 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. reconciliation was effected between them. They came together to Edinburgh on the 31st January 1566-67. The King was lodged in a religious house called the Kirk of Field, just without the walls of the city. The Queen and the infant Prince were accommodated in the Palace of Holyrood. The reason assigned for their living separate was the danger of the child catching the small-pox. But the Queen showed much attention to her husband, visiting him frequently; and they never seemed to have been on better terms than when the conspiracy against Darnley’s life was on the eve of being executed. Meanwhile Darnley and his groom of the chamber were alone during the night¬ time, and separated from any other persons, when measures were taken for his destruction in the following horrible manner :— On the evening of the 9th February, several persons, kinsmen, retainers, and servants of the Earl of Bothwell, came in secret to the Kirk of Field. They had with them a great quantity of gunpowder; and by means of false keys they obtained entrance into the cellars of the building, where they disposed the powder in the vaults under Darn- ley’s apartment, and especially beneath the spot where his bed was placed. About two hours after midnight upon the ensuing morning, Bothwell himself came disguised in a riding-cloak, to see the execution of the cruel project. Two of his ruffians went in and took means of firing the powder, by lighting a piece of slow-burning match at one end, and placing the other amongst the gunpowder. They remained for some time watching the event, and Bothwell became so impatient, that it was with difficulty he was prevented from entering the house, to see whether the light had not been extinguished by some accident. One of his accomplices, by looking through a window, ascertained that it was still burning. The explosion presently took place, blew up the R1ZZI0 AND DARN LEY. 89 Kirk of Field, and alarmed the whole city. The body of Darnley was found in the adjoining orchard. The bed in which he lay had preserved him from all action of the fire, which occasioned a general belief that he and his chamber- groom, who was found in the same situation, had been strangled and removed before the house was blown up. But this was a mistake. It is clearly proved, by the evidence of those who were present at the event, that there were no means employed but the gunpowder—a mode of destruction sufficiently powerful to have rendered any other un¬ necessary. FEUD OF MAXWELL AND JOHNSTON. HE consequences of the Union of the Crowns were more immediately felt on the Borders, which, from being the extremity of both countries, were now converted into the centre of the kingdom. But it was not easy to see how the restless and violent inhabitants, who had been for so many centuries accustomed to a lawless and military life, were to conduct themselves, when the general peace around left them no enemies either to fight with or plunder. These Borderers were, as I have elsewhere told you, divided into families, or clans, who followed a leader supposed to be descended from the original father of the tribe. They lived in a great measure by the rapine which they exercised indiscriminately on the English, or their own countrymen, the inhabitants of the more inland districts, or by the protection-money which they exacted for leaving them undisturbed. This kind of plundering was esteemed by them in the highest degree honourable and praiseworthy; and the following, as well as many other curious stories, is an example of this :— A young gentleman, of a distinguished family belonging to one of these Border tribes, or clans, made, either from the desire of plunder, or from revenge, a raid, or incursion, upon FEUD OF MAXWELL AND JOHNSTON. 91 the lands of Sir Gideon Murray of Elibank, afterwards deputy-treasurer of Scotland, and a great favourite of James VI. The Laird of Elibank, having got his people under arms, engaged the invaders, and, encountering them when they were encumbered with spoil, defeated them, and made the leader of the band prisoner. He was brought to the castle of his conqueror, when the lady inquired of her victorious husband, “what he intended to do with his captive?”—“I design,” said the fierce baron, “to hang him instantly, dame, as a man taken redhand in the act of robbery and violence.”—“ That is not like your wisdom, Sir Gideon,” answered his more considerate lady. “ If you put to death this young gentleman, you will enter into deadly feud with his numerous and powerful clan. You must therefore do a wiser thing, and, instead of hanging him, we will cause him to marry our youngest daughter, Meg with the meikle mouth, without any tocher” (that is, without any portion.) The laird joyfully consented; for this Meg with the large mouth was so ugly, that there was very little chance of her getting a husband in any other circumstances; and, in fact, when the alternative of such a marriage, or death by the gallows, was proposed to the poor prisoner, he was for some time disposed to choose the latter; nor was it without difficulty that he could be persuaded to save his life at the expense of marrying Meg Murray. He did so at last, however; and it is said that Meg, thus forced upon him, made an excellent and affectionate wife; but the unusual size of mouth was supposed to remain discernible in their descendants for several generations. I mention this anecdote, because it occurred during James the Sixth’s reign, and shows, in a striking manner, how little the Borderers had improved in their sense of morality, or distinctions between right and wrong. A more important, but not more characteristic event, 92 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. which happened not long afterwards, shows, in its progress, the utter lawlessnesses and contempt of legal authority which prevailed on the Borders in the commencement of this reign, and, in its conclusion, the increased power of the monarch after the Union of the Crowns. There had been long and deadly feud on the West Borders, betwixt the two great families of Maxwell and Johnstone. The former house was the most wealthy and powerful family in Dumfriesshire and its vicinity, and had great influence among the families inhabiting the more level part of that country. Their chieftain had the title of Lord Maxwell, and claimed that of Earl of Morton. The Johnstones, on the other hand, were neither equal to the Maxwells in numbers nor in power; but they were a race of uncommon hardihood, much attached to each other and their chieftain, and who, residing in the strong and mountainous district of Annandale, used to sally from thence as from a fortress, and return to its fastnesses after having accomplished their inroads. They were, therefore, able to maintain their ground against the Maxwells, though more numerous than themselves. So well was this known to be the case, that when, in 1585, the Lord Maxwell was declared to be a rebel, a commission was given to the Laird of Johnstone to pursue and appre¬ hend him. In this, however, Johnstone was unsuccessful. Two bands of hired soldiers, whom the Government had sent to his assistance, were destroyed by the Maxwells; and Lochwood, the chief house of the laird, was taken and wantonly burnt, in order, as the Maxwells expressed it, that Lady Johnstone might have light to put on her hood. Johnstone himself was subsequently defeated and made prisoner. Being a man of a proud and haughty temper, he is said to have died of grief at the disgrace which he incurred; FEUD OF MAXWELL AND JOHNSTON. 93 and thus there commenced a long series of mutual injuries between the hostile clans. Shortly after this catastrophe, Maxwell, being restored to the King’s favour, was once more placed in the situation of Warden of the West Borders, and an alliance was made betwixt him and Sir James Johnstone, in which they and their two clans agreed to stand by each other against all the world. This agreement being entered into, the clan of Johnstone concluded they had little to apprehend from the justice of the new Lord Warden, so long as they did not plunder any of the name of Maxwell. They accordingly descended into the valley of the Nith, and committed great spoil on the lands belonging to Douglas of Drumlanrig, Creichton Lord Sanquhar, Grierson of Lagg, and Kirk¬ patrick of Closeburn, all of them independent barons of high birth and great power. The injured parties pursued the depredators with forces hastily assembled, but were defeated with slaughter in their attempt to recover the prey. The despoiled and injured barons next carried their complaints to Maxwell the Warden, who alleged his late alliance with Johnstone as a reason why he could not yield them the redress which his office entitled them to expect at his hands. But when, to make up for such risk as he might incur by renewing his enmity with the Johnstones, the barons of Nithsdale offered to bind themselves by a bond of manrent, as it was called, to become the favourers and followers of Lord Maxwell in all his quarrels, excepting against the King, the temptation became too strong to be overcome, and the ambitious warden resolved to sacrifice his newly formed friendship with Johnstone to the desire of extending his authority over so powerful a confederacy. The secret of this association did not long remain con¬ cealed from Johnstone, who saw that his own destruction and the ruin of his clan were the objects aimed at, and 94 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. hastened to apply to his neighbours in the east and south for assistance. Buccleuch, the relative of Johnstone, and by far his most powerful ally, was then in foreign parts. But the Laird of Elibank, father of “ Meikle-mouthed Meg,” bore the banner of Buccleuch in person, and assembled five hundred men of the clan of Scott, whom our historians term the greatest robbers and fiercest fighters among the Border clans. The Elliots of Liddlesdale also assisted Johnstone; and his neighbours on the southern parts, the Grahams of the Debateable Land, from hopes of plunder and ancient enmity to the Maxwells, sent also a consider¬ able number of spears. Thus prepared for war, Johnstone took the field with activity, while Maxwell, on the other part, hastily assembling his own forces, and those of his new followers, the Nithsdale barons, Drumlanrig, Lagg, Closeburn, the Creichtons, and others, invaded Annandale with the royal banner displayed, and a force of upwards of two thousand men. Johnstone, unequal in numbers, stood on the defensive, and kept possession of the woods and strong ground; waiting an opportunity of fighting to advantage; while Maxwell, in contempt of him, formed the siege of the castle or tower of Lockerby, the fortress of a Johnstone, who was then in arms with his chief. His wife, a woman of a masculine dis¬ position, the sister or daughter of the laird who had died in Maxwell’s prison, defended his place of residence. While Maxwell endeavoured to storm the castle, and while it was bravely defended by its female captain, the chief received information that the Laird of Johnstone was advancing to its relief. He drew off from the siege, marched towards his feudal enemy, and caused it to be published through his little army that he would give a “ ten pound land,” that is, land rated in the cess-books at that yearly amount, “ to any one who would bring him the head or hand of the Laird of FEUD OF MAXWELL AND JOHNSTON. 95 Johnstone.” When this was reported to Johnstone, he said he had no ten-pound lands to offer, but that he would bestow a five-merk land upon the man who should bring him the head or hand of Lord Maxwell. The conflict took place close by the river Dryfe, near Lochmaben, and is called the Battle of Dryfe Sands. It was managed by Johnstone with considerable military skill- He showed at first only a handful of horsemen, who made a hasty attack upon Maxwell’s army, and then retired in a manner which induced the enemy to consider them as de¬ feated, and led them to pursue in disorder with loud acclamations of victory. The Maxwells and their confede¬ rates were thus exposed to a sudden and desperate charge from the main body of the Johnstones and their allies, who fell upon them while their ranks were broken, and compelled them to take to flight. The Maxwells and the confederated barons suffered grievously in the retreat—many were over¬ taken in the streets of Lockerby, and cut down or slashed in the face by the pursuers; a kind of blow, which to this day is called in that country a “ Lockerby lick.” Maxwell himself, an elderly man and heavily armed, was borne down from his horse in the beginning of the conflict; and, as he named his name and offered to surrender, his right hand, which he stretched out for mercy, was cut from his body. Thus far history; but family tradition adds the following circumstance : The Lady of Lockerby, who was besieged in her tower, as already mentioned, had witnessed from the battlements the approach of the Laird of Johnstone, and as soon as the enemy withdrew from the blockade of the fortress, had sent to the assistance of her chief the few servants who had assisted in the defence. After this she heard the tumul of battle, but as she could not from the tower see the place where it was fought, she remained in an agony of suspense, until, as the noise seemed to pass away 9 6 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. in a westerly direction, she could endure the uncertainty no longer, but sallied out from the tower, with only one female attendant, to see how the day had gone. As a measure of precaution, she locked the strong oaken door and the iron- grate with which a Border fortress was commonly secured, and knitting the large keys on a thong, took them with her, hanging on her arm. When the Lady of Lockerby entered on the field of battle, she found all the relics of a bloody fight; the little valley was covered with slain men and horses, and broken armour, besides many wounded, who were incapable of further effort for saving themselves. Amongst others, she saw lying beneath a thorn-tree a tall, grey-haired, noble-looking man, arrayed in bright armour, but bare-headed, and bleeding to death from the loss of his right hand. He asked her for mercy and help with a faltering voice; but the idea of deadly feud in that time and country closed all access to compassion even in the female bosom. She saw before her only the enemy of her clan, and the cause of her father’s captivity and death; and raising the ponderous keys which she bore along with her, the Lady of Lockerby is commonly reported to have dashed out the brains of the vanquished Lord Maxwell. The battle of Dryfe Sands was remarkable as the last great clan battle fought on the Borders, and it led to the renewal of the strife betwixt the Maxwells and Johnstones, with every circumstance of ferocity which could add horror to civil war. The last distinguished act of the tragedy took place thus:— The son of the slain Lord Maxwell invited Sir James Johnstone to a friendly conference to which each chieftain engaged to bring one friend only. They met at a place called Auchmanhill, on the 6th August 1608, when the attendant of Lord Maxwell, after falling into bitter and FEUD OF MAXWELL AND JOHNSTON. 97 reproachful language with Johnstone of Gunmanlie, who was in attendance on his chief, at length fired his pistol. Sir James Johnstone turning round to see what had hap¬ pened, Lord Maxwell treacherously shot him through the back with a pistol charged with a brace of poisoned bullets. While the gallant old knight lay dying on the ground, Maxwell rode round him with the view of completing his crime, but Johnstone defended himself with his sword till strength and life failed him. This final catastrophe of such a succession of bloody acts of revenge took place several years after the Union of the Crowns, and the consequences, so different from those which ensued on former occasions, show how effectually the King’s authority, and the power of enforcing the course of equal justice, had increased in consequence of that desirable event. You may observe from the incidents mentioned, that in 1585, when Lord Maxwell assaulted and made prisoner the Laird of Johnstone, then the King’s warden, and acting in his name, and committed him to the captivity in which he died, James was totally unequal to the task of vindicating his royal authority, and saw himself compelled to receive Maxwell into favour and trust as if he had done nothing contrary to the laws. Nor was the royal authority more effectual in 1593, when Maxwell, acting as royal warden, and having the King’s banner displayed, was in his turn defeated and slain in so melancholy and cruel a manner at Dryfe Sands. On the contrary, Sir James Johnstone was not only pardoned, but restored to favour and trust by the King. But there was a conspicuous difference in the consequences of the murder which took place at Auch- manhill in 1608. Lord Maxwell, finding no refuge in the Border country, was obliged to escape to France, where he resided for two or three years; but afterwards venturing to return to Scotland, he was apprehended in the wilds of 98 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT . Caithness,, and brought to trial at Edinburgh. James, desirous on this occasion to strike terror, by a salutary war¬ ning, into the factious nobility and disorderly Borderers, caused the criminal to be publicly beheaded on 21st May 1613. ASSASSINATION OF REGENT MURRAY. HE ruins of Cadyow, or Cadzow Castle, the ancient baronial residence of the family of Hamilton, are situated upon the precipitous banks of the river Evan, about two miles above its junction with the Clyde. It was dismantled, in the conclusion of the Civil Wars, during the reign of the unfortunate Mary, to whose cause the house of Hamilton devoted themselves with a generous zeal which occasioned their temporary obscurity, and very nearly their total ruin. The situation of the ruins, embosomed in wood, darkened by ivy and creeping shrubs, and overhanging the brawling torrent, is romantic in the highest degree. In the immediate vicinity of Cadyow is a grove of immense oaks, the remains of the Caledonian Forest, which anciently ex¬ tended through the south of Scotland, from the eastern to the Atlantic Ocean. Some of these trees measure twenty- five feet and upwards in circumference; and the state of decay in which they now appear shows that they have witnessed the rites of the Druids. The whole scenery is included in the magnificent and extensive park of the Duke of Hamilton. There was long preserved in this forest the breed of the Scottish wild cattle, until their ferocity occa¬ sioned their being extirpated, about forty years ago. Their IOO TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. appearance was beautiful, being milk-white, with black muzzles, horns, and hoofs. The bulls are described by ancient authors as having white manes ; but those of latter days had lost that peculiarity, perhaps by intermixture with the tame breed. In detailing the death of the Regent Murray, it would be injustice to my reader to use other words than those of Dr. Robertson, whose account of that memorable event forms a beautiful piece of historical painting. “ Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh was the person who com¬ mitted this barbarous action. He had been condemned to death soon after the battle of Langside, and owed his life to the Regent’s clemency. But part of his estate had been bestowed upon one of the Regent’s favourites [Sir James Bellenden], who seized his house, and turned out his wife, naked, in a cold night, into the open fields, where before next morning she became furiously mad. This injury made a deeper impression on him than the benefit he had received, and from that moment he vowed to be revenged of the Regent. Party rage strengthened and inflamed his private resentment. His kinsmen, the Hamiltons, applauded the enterprise. The maxims of that age justified the most desperate course he could take to obtain vengeance. He followed the Regent for some time, and watched for an opportunity to strike the blow. He resolved at last to wait till his enemy should arrive at Linlithgow, through which he was to pass in his way from Stirling to Edinburgh. He took his stand in a wooden gallery, which had a window towards the street; spread a feather-bed on the floor to hinder the noise of his feet from being heard; hung up a black cloth behind him, that his shadow might not be observed from without; and, after all this preparation, calmly expected the Regent’s approach, who had lodged during the night in a house not far distant. Some indistinct ASSASSINATION OF REGENT MURRAY. ioi information of the danger which threatened him had been conveyed to the Regent, and he paid so much regard to it, that he resolved to return by the same gate through which he "had entered, and to fetch a compass round the town. But as the crowd about the gate was great, and he himself unacquainted with fear, he proceeded directly along the street; and the throng of people obliging him to move very slowly, gave the assassin time to take so true an aim, that he shot him, with a single bullet, through the lower part of his belly, and killed the horse of a gentleman who rode on his other side. His followers instantly endeavoured to break into the house whence the blow had come; but they found the door strongly barricadoed, and, before it could be forced open, Hamilton had mounted a fleet horse, which stood ready for him at a back passage, and was got far beyond their reach. The Regent died the same night of his wound.” —History of Scotland. Bothwellhaugh rode straight to Hamilton, where he was received in triumph; for the ashes of the houses in Clydes¬ dale, which had been burned by Murray’s army, were yet smoking; and party prejudice, the habits of the age, and the enormity of the provocation, seemed to his kinsmen to justify the deed. After a short abode at Hamilton, this fierce and determined man left Scotland, and served in France, under the patronage of the family of Guise, to whom he was doubtless recommended by having avenged the cause of their niece, Queen Mary, upon her ungrateful brother. De Thou has recorded that an attempt was made to engage him to assassinate Gaspar de Coligni, the famous Admiral of France, and the buckler of the Huguenot cause. But the character of Bothwellhaugh was mistaken. He was no mercenary trader in blood, and rejected the offer with contempt and indignation. He had no authority, he said, from Scotland to commit murders in France; he had 102 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. avenged his own just quarrel, but he would neither, for price nor prayer, avenge that of another man. The Regent’s death happened 23d January 1569. It is applauded or stigmatized, by contemporary historians, according to their religious or party prejudices. The triumph of Blackwood is unbounded. He not only extols the pious feat of Bothwellhaugh, “ who,” he observes, “ satis¬ fied, with a single ounce of lead, him whose sacrilegious avarice had stripped the metropolitan church of St. Andrews of its covering;” but he ascribes it to immediate divine inspiration, and the escape of Hamilton to little less than the miraculous interference of the Deity. With equal injustice, it was by others made the ground of a general national reflection; for when Mather urged Berney to assassinate Burleigh, and quoted the examples of Poltrot and Bothwellhaugh, the other conspirator answered, “that neyther Poltrot nor Hambleton did attempt their enterpryse, without some reason or consideration to lead them to it; as the one, by hyre, and promise of preferment or rewarde; the other, upon desperate mind of revenge, for a lyttle wrong done unto him, as the report goethe, according to the vyle trayterous dysposysyon of the hoole natyon of the Scottes.” [Regent Murray was a noble-looking personage, of grave and commanding presence. His funeral, which was a solemn spectacle, took place on the 14th February in the High Church of St. Giles, at Edinburgh. The body had been taken from Linlithgow to Stirling, and thence was transported by water to Leith, and carried to the palace of Holyrood. In the public procession to the church it was accompanied by the magistrates and citizens of Edinburgh, who greatly lamented him. On entering the church, the bier was placed before the pulpit, and Knox preached the sermon, taking for his text, “ Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord.”] THE GOWRIE CONSPIRACY. AMES VI. was but an infant when he was placed on the throne of his mother. He was now only a boy of fourteen, very good-natured, and with as much learning as two excellent schoolmasters could cram him with. In fact, he had more learning than wisdom; and yet, in the course of his future life, it did not appear that he was without good sense so much, as that he was destitute of the power to form manly purposes, and the firmness necessary to maintain them. A certain childishness and meanness of mind ren¬ dered his good sense useless, and his learning ridiculous. Even from his infancy he was passionately addicted to favourites, and already, in his thirteenth or fourteenth year, there were two persons so high in his good graces that they could bring him to do anything they pleased. The first was Esme Stewart of Aubigny, a nephew of the late Earl of Lennox, and his heir. The king not only restored this young man to the honours of his family, but created him Duke of Lennox, and raised him with too prodigal generosity to a high situation in the state. There was nothing in the character of this favourite either to deserve such extreme preferment or to make him un¬ worthy of it. He was a gallant young gentleman, who was 104 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. deeply grateful to the King for his bounty, and appears to have been disposed to enjoy it without injuring any one. Very different was the character of the other favourite of James VI. This was Captain James Stewart, a second son of the family of Ochiltree. He was an unprincipled, abandoned man, without any wisdom except cunning, and only distinguished by the audacity of his ambition and the boldness of his character. The counsels of these two favourites increased the King’s natural desire to put an end to the sway of Morton, and Stewart resolved that the pretext for his removal should also be one which should bring him to the block. The grounds of accusation were artfully chosen. The Earl of Morton, when he resigned the regency, had obtained a pardon under the great seal for all crimes and offences which he had or might have committed against the King; but there was no mention in that pardon of the murder of Henry Darnley, the King’s father; and in counselling, if not in committing that murder, the Earl of Morton had certainly participated. The favourite Stewart took the office of accuser upon himself; and entering the King’s chamber suddenly when the Privy Council were assembled, he dropped on his knees before James, and accused the Earl of Morton of having been concerned in the murder of the King’s father. To this Morton, with a haughty smile, re¬ plied, that he had prosecuted the perpetrators of that offence too severely to make it probable that he himself was one of them. All he demanded was a fair inquiry. Upon this public accusation, the Earl, so lately the most powerful man in Scotland, was made prisoner, and appointed to abide a trial. The friends he had left earnestly exhorted him to fly. His nephew, the Earl of Angus, offered to raise his men, and protect him by force. Morton refused both offers, alleging he would wait the event of a fair investigation. THE GOWRIE CONSPIRACY . 105 The Queen of England interfered in Morton’s behalf with such partial eagerness as perhaps prejudiced James still more against the prisoner, whom he was led to believe to be more attached to Elizabeth’s service than to his own. Meantime the accuser, Stewart, was promoted to the earldom of Arran, vacant by the forfeiture of the Hamiltons. Morton, who had no knowledge of this preferment, was astonished when he heard that the charge ran against him in the name of James, Earl of Arran. When it was ex¬ plained to him who it was that now enjoyed the title, he observed, “ Is it even so ? then I know what I have to expect.” It was supposed that he recollected an old prophecy, which foretold “that the Bloody Heart” (the cognizance of the Douglasses) “should fall by the mouth of Arran;” and it was conjectured that the fear of some one of the Hamiltons accomplishing that prophecy had made him the more actively violent in destroying that family. If so, his own tyrannical oppression only opened the way for the creation of an Arran different from those whom he had thought of. The trial of Morton appears to have been conducted with no attention to the rules of impartial justice; for the servants of the accused person were apprehended and put to the torture, in order to extort from them confessions which might be fatal to their master. Morton protested against two or three persons who were placed upon his jury, as being his mortal enemies; but they were nevertheless retained. They brought in a verdict finding that he was guilty, art and part, of the murder of Henry Darnley. A man is said to be art and part of a crime when he con¬ trives the manner of the deed, and concurs with and encourages those who commit the crime, although he does not put his own hand to the actual execution. Morton heard the verdict with indignation, and struck his staff io6 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. against the ground as he repeated the words, “Art and part! art and part! God knoweth the contrary.” On the morning after his sentence he awoke from a profound sleep—“ On former nights,” he said, “ I used to lie awake, thinking how I might defend myself; but now my mind is relieved of its burden.” Being conjured by the clergymen who attended him to confess all he knew of Henry Darn- ley’s murder, he told them, as we have noticed elsewhere, that a proposal had been made to him by Bothwell to be accessory to the deed, but that he had refused to assent to it without an order under the Queen’s hand, which Bothwell promised to procure, but could not, or at least did not do so. Morton admitted that he had kept the secret, not knowing, he said, to whom to discover it: for if he had told it to Queen Mary, she was herself one of the con¬ spirators; if to Darnley, he was of a disposition so fickle that the Queen would work it out of him, and then he, Morton, was equally undone. He also admitted that he knew that his friend, dependant, and kinsman, Archibald Douglas, was present at the murder, who, notwithstanding, he never brought to justice, but on the contrary continued to favour. Upon the whole, he seems to allow that he suffered justly for concealing the crime, though he denied having given counsel or assistance to its actual execution. “ But it is all the same,” he said; “I should have had the same doom whether I were as innocent as St. Stephen, or as guilty as Judas.” As they were about to lead the Earl to execution, Captain Stewart, his accuser, now Earl of Arran, came to urge his subscribing a paper containing the purport of his confession. Morton replied, “ I pray you trouble me not; I am now to prepare for death, and cannot write in the state in which I am.” Arran then desired to be reconciled to him, pretend¬ ing he had only acted from public and conscientious motives. THE GOWRIE CONSPIRACY. 107 “ It is no time to count quarrels now, ” said the Earl; “ I forgive you and all others/’ . . . After the death of Morton his faults and crimes were in a great measure forgotten, when it was observed that Arran (that is, Captain Stewart) possessed all the late Regent’s vices of corruption and oppression, without his wisdom or his talents. Lennox, the King’s other favourite, was also unpopular, chiefly because he was unacceptable to the clergy, who, although he avowedly professed the Protestant religion, were jealous of his retaining an attachment to the Catholic faith. This suspicion arose from his having been educated in France. They publicly preached against him as “ a great Champion called his Grace, who, if he continued to oppose himself to religion, should have little grace in the end.” A plot was formed among the discontented nobles to remove the King’s favourites from the court; and this was to be accomplished by forcibly seizing on the person of the King himself, which, during the minority of the Prince, was the ordinary mode of changing an administration in the kingdom of Scotland. On the 23d August 1582 the Earl of Gowrie invited the King to his castle at Ruthven, under pretext of hunting; he was joined by the Earl of Mar, Lord Lindsay, the Tutor of Glamis, and other noblemen, chiefly such as had been friendly to the Regent Morton, and who were, like him, attached to Queen Elizabeth’s faction. When the King saw so many persons gather round him whom he knew to be of one way of thinking, and that hostile to his present measures, he became apprehensive of their intentions, and expressed himself desirous of leaving the castle. The nobles gave him to understand that he would not be permitted to do so ; and when James rose and went towards the door of the apartment, the Tutor of Glamis, a rude stem io8 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. man, placed his back against it, and compelled him to return. Affronted at this act of personal restraint and vio¬ lence, the King burst into tears. “ Let him weep on,” said the Tutor of Glamis, fiercely; “ better that bairns (children) weep, than bearded men.” These words sank deep into the King’s heart, nor did he ever forget or forgive them. The insurgent lords took possession of the government, and banished the Duke of Lennox to France, where he died broken-hearted at the fall of his fortunes. James afterwards recalled his son to Scotland, and invested him with his father’s fortune and dignities. Arran, the King’s much less worthy favourite, was thrown into prison, and closely guarded. The King himself, reduced to a state of captivity, like his grandfather, James V., when in the hands of the Douglasses, temporised, and watched an opportunity of escape. His guards consisted of a hundred gentlemen, and their com¬ mander, Colonel Stewart, a relation of the disgraced and imprisoned Arran, was easily engaged to do what the King wished. James, with the purpose of recovering his freedom, made a visit to Saint Andrews, and when there affected some curiosity to see the castle. But no sooner had he entered it than he caused the gates to be shut, and excluded from his presence the nobles who had been accessory to what was called the Raid of Ruthven. The Earl of Gowrie and his accomplices, being thus thrust out of office, and deprived of the custody of the King’s person, united in a fresh plot for regaining the power they had lost by a new insurrection. In this, however, they were unsuccessful. The King advanced against them with considerable forces; Gowrie was made prisoner, tried, and executed at Stirling, 4th May 1584. Angus and the other insurgents fled to England, the ordinary refuge of Scottish exiles. The execution of Gowrie gave rise long THE GOWRIE CONSPIRACY. 109 afterwards to that extraordinary event in Scottish history called the Gowrie Conspiracy, of which I shall give you an account by and by. The upstart Earl of Arran was now restored to power, and indeed raised higher than ever, by that indiscriminate affection which, on this and other occasions, induced James to heap wealth and rank without bounds upon his favourites. This worthless minister governed everything at court and throughout the kingdom; and though ignorant, as well as venal and profligate, he was raised to the dignity of Lord Chancellor, the highest law-office in the state, and that in which sagacity, learning, and integrity were chiefly required. One day when the favourite was bustling into the Court of Justice, at the head of his numerous retinue, an old man, rather meanly dressed, chanced to stand in his way. As Arran pushed rudely past him, the man stopped him, and said, “ Look at me, my lord—I am Oliver Sinclair! ” Oliver Sinclair was the favourite of James V., and had exercised during his reign as absolute a sway in Scotland as Arran now enjoyed under his grandson, James VI. In pre¬ senting himself before the present favourite in his neglected condition, he gave Arran an example of the changeful character of court favour. The lesson was a striking one • but Arran did not profit by it. The strangest adventure in James’s reign was the event called the Gowrie Conspiracy [August 5, 1600], over which there hangs a sort of mystery, which time has not even yet completely dispelled. You must recollect that there was an Earl of Gowrie condemned and executed when James was but a boy. This nobleman left two sons, bearing the family name of Ruthven, who were well educated abroad, and accounted hopeful young men. The King restored to the IIO TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. eldest the title and estate of Gowrie, and favoured them both very much. Now it chanced in the month of August, 1600, that Alexander Ruthven, the younger of the two brothers, came early one morning to the King, who was then hunting in the Park of Falkland, and told him a story of his having seized a suspicious-looking man, a Jesuit, as he supposed, with a large pot of gold under his cloak. This man Ruthven said he had detained prisoner at his brother’s house in Perth till the King should examine him and take possession of the treasure. With this story he decoyed James from the hunting-field, and persuaded him to ride with him to Perth, without any other company than a few noblemen and attendants, who followed the King without orders. When they arrived at Perth, they entered Gowrie House, the mansion of the Earl, a large massive building, having gardens which stretched down to the river Tay. The Earl of Gowrie was, or seemed surprised, to see the King arrive so unexpectedly, and caused some entertainment to be hastily prepared for his Majesty’s refreshment. After the King had dined, Alexander Ruthven pressed him to come with him to see the prisoner in private; and James, curious by nature, and sufficiently indigent to be inquisitive after money, followed him from one apartment to another, until Ruthven led him into a little turret, where there stood—not a prisoner with a pot of gold—but an armed man, prepared, as it seemed, for some violent enterprise. The King started back, but Ruthven snatched the dagger which the man wore, and pointing it to James’s breast, reminded him of his father the Earl of Gowrie’s death, and commanded him, upon pain of death, to submit to his pleasure. The King replied that he was but a boy when the Earl of Gowrie suffered, and upbraided Ruthven with ingratitude. The conspirator, moved by remorse or some THE GOWRIE CONSPIRACY. hi other reason, assured the King that his life should be safe, and left him in the turret with the armed man, who, not very well selected to aid in a purpose so desperate, stood shaking in his armour, without assisting either his master or the King. Let us now see what was passing below, during this strange scene betwixt the King and Ruthven. The attend¬ ants of James had begun to wonder at his absence, when they were suddenly informed by a servant of the Earl of Gowrie, that the King had mounted his horse, and had set out on his return to Falkland. The noblemen and attend¬ ants rushed into the courtyard of the mansion, and called for their horses, the Earl of Gowrie at the same time hurrying them away. Here the porter interfered, and said the King could not have left the house, since he had not passed the gate, of which he had the keys. Gowrie, on the other hand, called the man a liar, and insisted that the King had departed. While the attendants of James knew not what to think, a half-smothered, yet terrified voice, was heard to scream from the window of a turret above their heads—“ Help! Treason ! Help ! my Lord of Mar ! ” They looked upwards, and beheld James’s face in great agitation pushed through the window, while a hand was seen grasping his throat, as if some one behind endeavoured by violence to draw him back. The explanation was as follows:—The King, when left alone with the armed man, had, it seems, prevailed upon him to open the lattice window. This was just done when Alexander Ruthven again entered the turret, and, swearing that there was no remedy, but the King must needs die, he seized on him, and endeavoured by main force to tie his hands with a garter. James resisted, in the extremity of despair, and dragging Ruthven to the window, now open, 12 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. called out to his attendants in the manner we have described. His retinue hastened to his assistance. The greater part ran to the principal staircase, of which they found the doors shut, and immediately endeavoured to force them open. Meantime a page of the King’s, called Sir John Ramsay, discovered a back stair which led him to the turret, where Ruthven and the King were still struggling. Ramsay stabbed Ruthven twice with his dagger, James calling to him to strike high, as he had a doublet of proof on him. Ramsay then thrust Ruthven, now mortally wounded, towards the private staircase, where he was met by Sir Thomas Erskine and Sir Hugh Herries, two of the royal attendants, who despatched him with their swords. His last words were—“ Alas! I am not to blame for this action.” This danger was scarcely over, when the Earl of Gowrie entered the outer chamber, with a drawn sword in each hand, followed by seven attendants, demanding vengeance for the death of his brother. The King’s followers, only four in number, thrust James, for the safety of his person, back into the turret-closet, and shut the door; and then engaged in a conflict, which was the more desperate, that they fought four to eight, and Herries was a lame and disabled man. But Sir John Ramsay having run the Earl of Gowrie through the heart, he dropt dead without speaking a word, and his servants fled. The doors of the great stair¬ case were now opened to the nobles, who were endeavouring to force their way to the King’s assistance. In the meantime a new peril threatened the King and his few attendants. The slain Earl of Gowrie was provost of the town of Perth, and much beloved by the citizens. On hearing what had happened, they ran to arms, and surrounded the mansion-house, where this tragedy had been acted, threatening, that if their provost were not delivered to THE GOWRIE CONSPIRACY. ii3 them safe and sound, the King’s green coat should pay for it. Their violence was at last quieted by the magistrates of the town, and the mob were prevailed on to disperse. The object of this strange conspiracy is one of the darkest in history, and what made it stranger, the armed man who was stationed in the turret could throw no light upon it. He proved to be one Henderson, steward to the Earl of Gowrie, who had been ordered to arm himself for the pur¬ pose of taking a Highland thief, and was posted in the turret by Alexander Ruthven, without any intimation what he was to do; so that the whole scene came upon him by surprise. The mystery seemed so impenetrable, and so much of the narrative rested upon James’s own testimony, that many persons of that period, and even some historians of our own day, have thought that it was not a conspiracy of the brothers against the King, but of the King against the brothers; and that James, having taken a dislike to them, had contrived the bloody scene, and then thrown the blame on the Ruthvens, who suffered in it. But, besides the placability and gentleness of James’s disposition, and besides the consideration that no adequate motive can be assigned, or even conjectured, for his perpetrating such an inhospitable murder, it ought to be remembered that the King was naturally timorous, and could not even look at a drawn sword without shuddering; so that it is contrary to all reason and probability to suppose that he could be the deviser of a scheme in which his life was repeatedly exposed to the most imminent danger. However, many of the clergy refused to obey James’s order to keep a day of solemn thanksgiving for the King’s deliverance, intimating, without hesitation, that they greatly doubted the truth of his story. One of them being pressed by the King very hard, said— “That doubtless he must believe it, since his majesty said he had seen it; but that, had he seen it himself, he would H 114 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. not have believed his own eyes.” James was much vexed with this incredulity, for it was hard not to obtain credit after having been in so much danger. Nine years after the affair, some light was thrown upon the transaction by one Sprot, a notary-public, who, out of mere curiosity, had possessed himself of certain letters, said to have been written to the Earl of Gowrie by Robert Logan of Restalrig, a scheming, turbulent, and profligate man. In these papers allusion was repeatedly made to the death of Cowrie’s father, to the revenge which was meditated, and to the execution of some great and perilous enterprise. Lastly, there was intimation that the Ruthvens were to bring a prisoner by sea to Logan’s fortress of Fastcastle, a very strong and inaccessible tower, overhanging the sea, on the coast of Berwickshire. This place he recommends as suitable for keeping some important prisoner in safety and concealment, and adds, he had kept Bothwell there in his utmost distresses, let the King and his council say what they would. All these expressions seem to point at a plot, not affecting the King’s life, but his personal liberty, and make it probable that when Alexander Ruthven had frightened the King into silence and compliance, the brothers intended to carry him through the gardens, and put him on board of a boat, and so conveying him down the firth of Tay, might, after making a private signal, which Logan alludes to, place their royal prisoner in security at Fastcastle. The seizing upon the person of the King was a common enterprise among the Scottish nobles, and the father of the Ruthvens had lost his life for such an attempt. Adopting this as their intention, it is probable that Queen Elizabeth was privy to the attempt; and perhaps having found so much conveniency from detaining the person of Mary in captivity, she might have formed some similar plan for obtaining the custody of her son. THE GOWRIE CONSPIRACY. ii5 I must not conclude this story without observing that Logan’s bones were brought into a court of justice for the purpose of being tried after death, and that he was declared guilty, and a sentence of forfeiture pronounced against him. But it has not been noticed that Logan, a dissolute and extravagant man, was deprived of great part of his estate before his death, and that the King, therefore, could have no lucrative object in following out this ancient and barbarous form of process. The fate of Sprot, the notary, was singular enough. He was condemned to be hanged for keeping these treasonable letters in his possession, without com¬ municating them to the government; and he suffered death accordingly, asserting to the last that the letters were’ genuine, and that he had only preserved them from curiosity. This fact he testified even in the agonies of death; for being desired to give a sign of the truth and sincerity of his confession, after he was thrown off from the ladder he is said to have clapped his hands three times. Yet some persons continued to think that what Sprot told was untrue, and that the letters were forgeries; but it seems great incredulity to doubt the truth of a confession which brought to the gallows the man who made it; and of late years the letters produced by Sprot are regarded as genuine by the best judges of these matters. When so admitted, they render it evident that the purpose of the Gowrie con¬ spiracy was to make King James a prisoner in the remote and inaccessible tower of Fastcastle, and perhaps ultimately to deliver him up to Queen Elizabeth. BATTLE OE TIPPERMUIR. (.September I, 1644.) [James Graham, Earl of Montrose, was a man of genius, being a poet and scholar, and skilled in the art of war. A Scottish army having been sent to the assistance of the English Parliamentary forces, against Charles I., Montrose took advantage of its absence to raise the royal standard in Scotland.] the assistance of the [Highland] chieftains, and more especially by the junction of the Murrays, Stewarts, and other clans of Athole, which were peculiarly zealous in the royal cause, Montrose soon assembled an army of Wo or three thousand Highlanders, to whom he successfully united the Irish under Colkitto. This last leader was properly named Alister, or Alexander M‘Donnell, by birth a Scottish islesman, and related to the Earl of Antrim, to whose patronage he owed the command assigned him in the Irish troops. In many respects he merited this distinction. He was brave to intrepidity, and almost to insensibility; very strong and active in person, completely master of his weapons, and always ready to show the example in the extremity of danger. To counterbalance these good qualities, it must be recorded that he was inexperienced in military tactics, and of a jealous and presumptuous disposition, which often lost to Montrose the fruits of Colkitto’s gallantry. Yet such is the predominance of outward personal qualities in the BATTLE OF TIPPERMUIR . 1 7 eyes of a wild people, that the feats of strength and courage shown by this champion seem to have made a stronger impression upon the minds of the Highlanders than the military skill and chivalrous spirit of the great Marquis of Montrose. Numerous traditions are still preserved in the Highland glens concerning Alister M‘Donnell, though the name of Montrose is rarely mentioned among them. The point upon which Montrose finally assembled his little army was in Strathearn, on the verge of the Highlands of Perthshire, so as to menace the principal town of that county. His enemies were not unprepared for his reception. Argyle, at the head of his Highlanders, was dogging the steps of the Irish from the west to the east, and by force, fear, or influence, had collected an army nearly sufficient to have given battle to Montrose. The Lowlands were also prepared. A body of six thousand infantry, and six or seven thousand cavalry, which profanely assumed the title of God’s army, had been hastily assembled from the shires of Fife } Angus, Perth, Stirling, and the neighbouring counties. A much less force in former times, nay, even in the preceding reign, would have been sufficient to have secured the Low¬ lands against a more formidable descent of Highlanders than those united under Montrose ; but times had changed strangely within the last half century. Before that period, the Lowlanders were as constantly engaged in war as the mountaineers, and were incomparably better disciplined and armed. The favourite Scottish order of battle somewhat resembled the Macedonian phalanx. Their infantry formed a compact body, armed with long spears, impenetrable even to the men-at-arms of the age, though well mounted, and arrayed in complete proof. It may easily be conceived, therefore, that their ranks could not be broken by the disorderly charge of Highland infantry armed for close 118 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. combat only, with swords, and ill-furnished with missile weapons, and having no artillery whatever. This habit of fight was in a great measure changed by the introduction of muskets into the Scottish Lowland service, which, not being as yet combined with the bayonet, was a formidable weapon at a distance, but gave no assurance against the enemy who rushed on to close quarters. The pike, indeed, was not wholly disused in the Scottish army; but it was no longer the favourite weapon, nor was it relied upon as formerly by those in whose hands it was placed; insomuch that Daniel Lupton, a tactician of the day, has written a book expressly upon the superiority of the musket. This change commenced as early as the wars of Gustavus Adolphus, whose marches were made with such rapidity, that the pike was very soon thrown aside in his army, and exchanged for firearms. A circumstance which necessarily accompanied this change, as well as the establishment of standing armies, whereby war became a trade, was the introduction of a laborious and complicated system of dis¬ cipline, combining a variety of words of command with corresponding operations and manoeuvres, the neglect of any one of which was sure to throw the whole into confusion. War, therefore, as practised among most nations of Europe, had assumed much more than formerly the character of a profession or mystery, to which previous practice and expe¬ rience were indispensable requisites. Such was the natural consequence of standing armies, which had almost every¬ where, and particularly in the long German wars, superseded what may be called the natural discipline of the feudal militia. The Scottish Lowland militia, therefore, laboured under a double disadvantage when opposed to Highlanders. They were divested of the spear, a weapon which, in the hands of their ancestors, had so often repelled the impetuous BATTLE OF TIPPERMUIR. ng assaults of the mountaineer; and they were subjected to a new and complicated species of discipline, well adapted, perhaps, to the use of regular troops, who could be rendered completely masters of it, but tending only to confuse the ranks of citizen soldiers, by whom it was rarely practised, and imperfectly understood. So much has been done in our own time in bringing back tactics to their first principles and in getting rid of the pedantry of war, that it is easy for us to estimate the disadvantages under which a half-trained militia laboured, who were taught to consider success as depending upon their exercising with precision a system of tactics, which they probably only so far comprehended as to find out when they were wrong, but without the power of getting right again. Neither can it be denied, that, in the material points of military habits and warlike spirit, the Lowlanders of the seventeenth century had sunk far beneath their Highland countrymen. From the earliest period down to the Union of the Crowns, the whole kingdom of Scotland, Lowlands as well as High¬ lands, had been the constant scene of war, foreign and domestic; and there was probably scarce one of its hardy inhabitants, between the age of sixteen and sixty, who was not as willing in point of fact, as he was literally bound in law, to assume arms at the first call of his liege lord, or of a royal proclamation. The law remained the same in sixteen hundred and forty-five as a hundred years before, but the race of those subjected to it had been bred up under very different feelings. They had sat in quiet under their vine and under their fig-tree, and a call to battle involved a change of life as new as it was disagreeable. Such of them, also, who lived near unto the Highlands, were in continual and disadvantageous contact with the restless inhabitants of those mountains, by whom their cattle were driven off, their dwellings plundered, and their persons insulted, and who 120 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. had acquired over them that sort of superiority arising from a constant system of aggression. The Lowlanders, who lay more remote, and out of reach of these depredations, were influenced by the exaggerated reports circulated concerning the Highlanders, whom, as totally differing in laws, language, and dress, they were induced to regard as a nation of savages, equally void of fear and of humanity. These various prepossessions, joined to the less warlike habits of the Lowlanders, and their imperfect knowledge of the new and complicated system of discipline for which they had exchanged their natural mode of fighting, placed them at great disadvantage when opposed to the Highlander in the field of battle. The mountaineers, on the contrary, with the arms and courage of their fathers, possessed also their simple and natural system of tactics, and bore down with the fullest confidence upon an enemy, to whom anything they had been taught of discipline was, like Saul’s armour upon David, a hindrance rather than a help, “ because they had not proved it.” It was with such disadvantages on the one side, and such advantages on the other, to counterbalance the difference of superior numbers and the presence of artillery and cavalry, that Montrose encountered the army of Lord Elcho upon the field of Tippermuir. The Presbyterian clergy had not been wanting in their efforts to rouse the spirit of their followers; and one of them, who harangued the troops on the very day of battle, hesitated not to say, that if ever God spoke by his mouth, he promised them, in His name, that day, a great and assured victory. The cavalry and artillery were also reckoned sure warrants of success, as the novelty of their attack had upon former occasions been very dis¬ couraging to the Highlanders. The place of meeting was an open heath, and the ground afforded little advantage to BATTLE OF TIPPERMUIR. 12 either party, except that it allowed the horse of the Cove¬ nanters to act with effect. A battle upon which so much depended was never more easily decided. The Lowland cavalry made a show of charging; but, whether thrown into disorder by the fire of musketry, or deterred by a disaffection to the service said to have prevailed among the gentlemen, they made no impres¬ sion on the Highlanders whatever, and recoiled in disorder from ranks which had neither bayonets nor pikes to protect them. Montrose saw, and instantly availed himself of this advantage. He ordered his whole army to charge, which they performed with the wild and desperate valour peculiar to mountaineers. One officer of the Covenanters alone, trained in the Italian wars, made a desperate defence upon the right wing. In every other point their line was penetrated at the first onset; and this advantage once obtained, the Lowlanders were utterly unable to contend at close quarters with their more agile and athletic enemies. Many were slain on the field, and such a number in the pursuit, that above one-third of the Covenanters were re¬ ported to have fallen; in which number, however, must be computed a great many fat burgesses who broke their wind in the flight, and thus died without stroke of sword. The victors obtained possession of Perth, and obtained considerable sums of money, as well as ample supplies of arms and ammunition. But those advantages were to be balanced against an almost insurmountable inconvenience that uniformly attended a Highland army. The clans could be in no respect induced to consider themselves as regular soldiers, or to act as such. Even so late as the year 1745-6, when the Chevalier Charles Edward, by way of making an example, caused a soldier to be shot for desertion, the Highlanders, who composed his army, were affected as much by indignation as by fear. They could not conceive 122 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. any principle of justice upon which a man’s life could be taken, for merely going home when it did not suit him to remain longer with the army. Such had been the uniform practice of their fathers. When a battle was over, the campaign was, in their opinion, ended; if it was lost, they sought safety in their mountains—if won, they returned there to secure their booty. At other times they had their cattle to look after, and their harvests to sow or reap, with¬ out which their families would have perished for want. In either case, there was an end of their services for the time; and though they were easily enough recalled by the prospect of fresh adventures and more plunder, yet the opportunity of success was, in the meantime, lost, and could not after¬ wards be recovered. This circumstance serves to show, even if history had not made us acquainted with the same fact, that the Highlanders had never been accustomed to make war with the view of permanent conquest, but only with the hope of deriving temporary advantage, or deciding some immediate quarrel. It also explains the reason why Montrose, with all his splendid successes, never obtained any secure or permanent footing in the Lowlands, and why even those Lowland noblemen and gentlemen who were inclined to the royal cause, showed diffidence and reluctance to join an army of a character so desultory and irregular, as might lead them at all times to apprehend that the High¬ landers, securing themselves by a retreat to their mountains, would leave whatever Lowlanders might have joined them to the mercy of an offended and predominant enemy. EXECUTION OF MONTROSE. HE death of Charles I. was nowhere more deeply resented than in his native country of Scotland; and the national pride of the Scots was the more hurt, that they could not but be conscious that the surrender of his person by their army at Newcastle was the event which contributed immediately to place him in the hands of his enemies. The government since the Whigamores’ Raid had continued in the hands of Argyle and the more rigid Presbyterians; but even they, no friends to the House of Stuart, were bound by the Covenant, which was their rule in all things, to acknowledge the hereditary descent of their ancient kings, and call to the throne Charles, the eldest son of the deceased monarch, providing he would consent to unite with his subjects in taking the Solemn League and Covenant, for the support of Presbytery, and the putting down of all other forms of religion. The Scottish Parlia¬ ment met, and resolved accordingly to proclaim Charles II. their lawful sovereign; but, at the same time, not to admit him to the actual power as such, until he should give security for the religion, unity, and peace of the kingdoms. Commissioners were sent to wait upon Charles, who had retreated to the Continent, in order to offer him the throne of Scotland on these terms. 124 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. The young Prince had already around him counsellors of a different character. The celebrated Marquis of Montrose, and other Scottish nobles, few in number, but animated by their leader’s courage and zeal, advised him to reject the proposal of the Presbyterians to recall him to the regal dignity on such conditions, and offered their swords and lives to place him on the throne by force of arms. It appears that Charles II., who never had any deep sense of integrity, was willing to treat with both of these parties at one and the same time; and that he granted a commission to the Marquis to attempt a descent on Scotland, taking the chance of what might be accomplished by his far-famed fortune and dauntless enterprise, while he kept a negotia¬ tion afloat with the Presbyterian commissioners, in case of Montrose’s failure. That intrepid but rash enthusiast embarked at Hamburgh with some arms and treasure, supplied by the northern courts of Europe. His fame drew around him a few of the emigrant Royalists, chiefly Scottish, and he recruited about six hundred German mercenaries. His first descent was on the Orkney islands, where he forced to arms a few hundred of unwarlike fishermen. He next disembarked on the mainland; but the natives fled from him, remembering the former excesses of his army. Strachan, an officer under Lesley, came upon the Marquis by surprise, near a pass called Invercharron, on the confines of Ross-shire. The Orkney men made but little resistance; the Germans retired to a wood, and there surrendered; the few Scottish companions of Montrose fought bravely, but in vain. Many gallant cavaliers were made prisoners. Montrose, when the day was irretrievably lost, threw off his cloak bearing the star, and afterwards changed clothes with an ordinary Highland kern, that he might endeavour to effect his escape, and swam across the river Kyle. EXECUTION OF MONTROSE. 125 Exhausted with fatigue and hunger, he was at length taken by a Ross-shire chief, MacLeod of Assint, who happened to be out with a party of his men in arms. The Marquis discovered himself to this man, thinking himself secure of favour, since Assint had been once his own follower. But tempted by a reward of four hundred bolls of meal, this wretched chief delivered his old commander into the unfriendly hands of David Lesley. The Covenanters, when he who had so often made them tremble was at length delivered into their hands, celebrated their victory with all the exultation of mean, timid, and sullen spirits, suddenly released from apprehension of imminent danger. Montrose was dragged in a sort of triumph from town to town, in the mean garb in which he had disguised himself for flight. To the honour of the town of Dundee, which had been partly plundered and partly burnt by Montrose’s forces, during his eventful progress in 1645, the citizens of that town were the first who supplied their fallen foe with clothes befitting his rank, with money, and with necessaries. The Marquis himself must have felt this as a severe rebuke for the wasteful mode in which he had carried on his warfare; and it was a still more piercing reproach to the unworthy victors, who now triumphed over a heroic enemy in the same manner as they would have done over a detected felon. While Montrose was confined in the house of the Laird of Grange in Fifeshire, he had almost made his escape through the bold stratagem of the laird’s wife, a descendant of the house of Somerville. This lady’s address had drenched the guards with liquor; and the Marquis disguised in female attire, with which she had furnished him, had already passed the sleeping sentinels, when he was challenged and stopped by a half-drunken soldier who had been rambling about without any duty or purpose. The 126 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. alarm being .given, he was again secured, and the lady’s plot was of no avail. She escaped punishment only by her husband’s connexion with the ruling party. Before Montrose reached Edinburgh, he had been con¬ demned by the Parliament to the death of a traitor. The sentence was pronounced, without further trial, upon an act of attainder, passed whilst he was plundering Argyle in the winter of 1644; and it was studiously aggravated by every species of infamy. The Marquis was, according to the special order of Par¬ liament, met at the gates by the magistrates, attended by the common hangman, who was clad for the time in his own livery. He was appointed, as the most infamous mode of execution, to be hanged on a gibbet thirty feet high, his head to be fixed on the tolbooth, or prison of Edinburgh, his body to be quartered, and his limbs to be placed over the gates of the principal towns of Scotland. According to the sentence, he was conducted to jail on a cart, whereon was fixed a high bench on which he was placed, bound and bareheaded, the horse led by the executioner, wearing his bonnet, and the noble prisoner exposed to the scorn of the people, who were expected to hoot and revile him. But the rabble, who came out with the rudest purposes, relented when they saw the dignity of his bearing; and silence, accompanied by the sighs and tears of the crowd, attended the progress, which his ene¬ mies had designed should excite other emotions. The only observation he made was, that “the ceremonial of his entrance had been somewhat fatiguing and tedious.” He was next brought before the Parliament to hear the terms of his sentence, where he appeared with the same manly indifference. He gazed around on his assembled enemies with as much composure as the most unconcerned spectator; heard Loudoun, the Chancellor, upbraid him, in a long and violent declamation, with the breach of both the EXECUTION OF MONTROSE. 127 first and second Covenant; with his cruel wars at the head of the savage Irish and Highlandmen; and with the murders, treasons, and conflagrations, which they had occasioned. When the Chancellor had finished, Montrose with difficulty obtained permission to reply. He told the Parliament, with his usual boldness, that if he appeared before them uncovered, and addressed them with respect, it was only because the King had acknowledged their assembly, by entering into a treaty with them. He admitted he had taken the first, or National Covenant, and had acted upon it so long as it was confined to its proper purposes, but had dissented from and opposed those who had used it as a pretext for assailing the royal authority. “ The second, or Solemn League and Covenant,” he said, “ he had never taken, and was therefore in no respect bound by it. He had made war by the King’s express commission; and although it was impossible, in the course of hostilities absolutely to prevent acts of military violence, he had always disowned and punished such irregularities. He had never,” he said, “ spilt the blood of a prisoner, even in retaliation of the cold-blooded murder of his officers and friends—nay, he had spared the lives of thousands in the very shock of battle. His last undertaking,” he continued, “was carried on at the express command of Charles II., whom they had proclaimed their sovereign, and with whom they were treating as such. Therefore, he desired to be used by them as a man and a Christian, to whom many of them had been indebted for life and property, when the fate of war had placed both in his power. He required them, in conclusion, to proceed with him according to the laws of nature and nations, but especially according to those of Scotland, as they themselves would expect to be judged when they stood at the bar of Almighty God.” The sentence already mentioned was then read to the 128 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. undaunted prisoner, on which he observed, he was more honoured in having his head set on the prison, for the cause in which he died, than he would have been had they decreed a golden statue to be erected to him in the market-place, or in having his picture in the King’s bedchamber. As to the distribution of his limbs, he said he wished he had flesh enough to send some to each city of Europe, in memory of the cause in which he died. He spent the night in reducing these ideas into poetry. Early on the morning of the next day he was awakened by the drums and trumpets calling out the guards, by orders of Parliament, to attend on his execution. “Alas!” he said, “ I have given these good folks much trouble while alive, and do I continue to be a terror to them on the day I am to die ! ” The clergy importuned him, urging repentance of his sins, and offering, on his expressing such compunction, to relieve him from the sentence of excommunication under which he laboured. He calmly replied, that though the excommunication had been rashly pronounced, yet it gave him pain, and he desired to be freed from it, if a relaxation could be obtained, by expressing penitence for his offences as a man; but that he had committed none in his duty to his Prince and country, and therefore had none to acknow¬ ledge or repent of. Johnstone of Warriston, an eminent Covenanter, intruded himself on the noble prisoner, while he was combing the long curled hair, which he wore as a cavalier. Warriston, a gloomy fanatic, hinted as if it were but an idle employ¬ ment at so solemn a time. “ I will arrange my head as I please to-day, while it is still my own,” answered Montrose, “ to-morrow it will be yours, and you may deal with it as you list.” The Marquis walked on foot, from the prison to the EXECUTION OF MONTROSE. 129 Grassmarket, the common place of execution for the basest felons, where a gibbet of extraordinary height, with a scaffold covered with black cloth, were erected. Here he was again pressed by the Presbyterian clergy to own his guilt. Their cruel and illiberal officiousness could not disturb the serenity of his temper. To exaggerate the infamy of his punish¬ ment, or rather to show the mean spite of his enemies, a book, containing the printed history of his exploits, was hung around his neck by the hangman. This insult like¬ wise he treated with contempt, saying he accounted such a record of his services to his Prince as a symbol equally honourable with the badge of the Garter which the King had bestowed on him. In all other particulars Montrose bore himself with the same calm dignity, and finally sub¬ mitted to execution with such resolved courage, that many even of his bitterest enemies wept on the occasion. He suffered on the 21st of May 1650. Argyle, the mortal foe of Montrose, exulted in private over the death of his enemy, but abstained from appearing in Parliament when he was condemned, and from witness¬ ing his execution. He is even said to have shed tears when he heard the scene rehearsed. His son, Lord Lorn, was less scrupulous; he looked on his feudal enemy’s last moments, and even watched the blows of the executioner’s axe, while he dissevered the head from the body. His cruelty was requited in the subsequent reign; and indeed heaven soon after made manifest the folly, as well as guilt, which destroyed this celebrated commander, at a time when approaching war might have rendered his talents invaluable to his country. Other noble Scottish blood was spilt at the same time, both at home and in England. The Marquis of Huntly, who had always acted for the King, though he had injured 1 13 ° TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. his affairs by his hesitation to co-operate with Montrose, was beheaded at Edinburgh; and Urry, who had been sometimes the enemy, sometimes the follower of Mon¬ trose, was executed with others of the Marquis’s principal followers. WATT TIN LINN. IT was a retainer of the Buccleuch family, and held for his Border service a small tower on the frontiers of Liddesdale. Watt was by profession a sutor j 1 but by inclination and practice an archer and warrior. Upon one occasion, the captain of Bewcastle, military governor of that wild district of Cumberland, is said to have made an incursion into Scotland, in which he was defeated and forced to fly. Watt Tinlinn pursued him closely through a dangerous morass; the captain, however, gained the firm ground, and seeing Tinlinn dismounted and floundering in the bog, used these words of insult:—“ Sutor Watt, ye cannot sew your boots ; the heels risp , and the seams rive A 2 “If I cannot sew,” retorted Tinlinn, discharging a shaft, which nailed the captain’s thigh to his saddle—“ If I can¬ not sew, I can yerkA 3 1 Shoemaker. 2 Risp, creak; rive, rend. 3 Yerky or jerk, as shoemakers do, to tighten their stitches. LEGEND OF LITTLECOTE HALL . BALLAD. “ And whither would you lead me, then ?” Quoth the Friar of orders grey ; And the Ruffians twain replied again, “By a dying woman to pray.”— “I see,” he said, “a lovely sight, A sight bodes little harm, A lady as a lily bright, With an infant on her arm.”— “Then do thine office, Friar grey, And see thou shrive her free ? Else shall the sprite, that parts to-night, Fling all its guilt on thee. ‘•'Let mass be said, and trentrals read, When thou’rt to convent gone, And bid the bell of St. Benedict Toll out its deepest tone.” The shrift is done, the Friar is gone, Blindfolded as he came— Next morning all in Littlecot Hall Were weeping for their dame. 132 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. Wild Darrell is an altered man, The village crones can tell ; He looks pale as clay, and strives to pray, If he hears the convent bell. If prince or peer cross Darrell’s way, He’ll beard him in his pride— If he meet a Friar of orders grey, He droops and turns aside. HE tradition from which the ballad is founded was supplied by a friend (the late Lord Webb Seymour), whose account I will not do the injustice to abridge, as it contains an admirable picture of an old English hall:— “ Littlecote House stands in a low and lonely situation. On three sides it is surrounded by a park that spreads over the adjoining hill; on the fourth, by meadows which are watered by the river Kennet. Close on one side of the house is a thick grove of lofty trees, along the verge of which runs one of the principal avenues to it through the park. It is an irregular building of great antiquity, and was pro¬ bably erected about the time of the termination of feudal warfare, when defence came no longer to be an object in a country mansion. Many circumstances, however, in the interior of the house, seem appropriate to feudal times. The hall is very spacious, floored with stones, and lighted by large transom windows, that are clothed with casements. Its walls are hung with old military accoutrements, that have long been left a prey to rust. At one end of the hall is a range of coats of mail and helmets, and there is on every side abundance of old-fashioned pistols and guns, many of them with matchlocks. Immediately below the cornice hangs a row of leathern jerkins, made in the form of a shirt, supposed to have been worn as armour by the vassals. A large oak table, reaching nearly from one end of the room LEGEND OF LITTLECOTE HALL. 133 to the other, might have feasted the whole neighbourhood, and an appendage to one end of it made it answer at other times for the old game of shuffleboard. The rest of the furniture is in a suitable style, particularly an arm-chair of cumbrous workmanship, constructed of wood, curiously turned, with a high back and triangular seat, said to have been used by Judge Popham in the reign of Elizabeth. The entrance into the hall is at one end, by a low door, communi¬ cating with a passage that leads from the outer door in the front of the house to a quadrangle within; at the other, it opens upon a gloomy staircase, by which you ascend to the first floor, and, passing the doors of some bedchambers, enter a- narrow gallery, which extends along the back front of the house from one end to the other of it, and looks upon an old garden. This gallery is hung with portraits, chiefly in the Spanish dresses of the sixteenth century. In one of the bedchambers, which you pass in going towards the gallery, is a bedstead with blue furniture, which time has now made dingy and threadbare, and in the bottom of one of the bed curtains you are shown a place where a small piece has been cut out and sewn in again—a circumstance which serves to identify the scene of the following story :— ‘“It was on a dark rainy night in the month of November that an old midwife sat musing by her cottage fireside, when on a sudden she was startled by a loud knocking at the door. On opening it she found a horseman, who told her that her assistance was required immediately by a person of rank, and that she should be handsomely rewarded ; but that there were reasons for keeping the affair a strict secret, and therefore she must submit to be blindfolded, and to be conducted in that condition to the bedchamber of the lady. With some hesitation the midwife consented; the horseman bound her eyes, and placed her on a pillion behind him. After proceeding in silence for many miles through rough 134 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. and dirty lanes, they stopped, and the midwife was led into a house, which, from the length of her walk through the apartments, as well as the sounds about her, she discovered to be the seat of wealth and power. When the bandage was removed from her eyes, she found herself in a bedchamber, in which were the lady on whose account she had been sent for, and a man of a haughty and ferocious aspect. The lady was delivered of a fine boy. Immediately the man commanded the midwife to give him the child, and catching it from her, he hurried across the room, and threw it on the back of the fire that was blazing in the chimney. The child, however, was strong, and by its struggles rolled itself upon the hearth, when the ruffian again seized it with fury, and in spite of the intercession of the midwife, and the more piteous entreaties of the mother, thrust it under the grate, and raking the live coals upon it, soon put an end to its life. The midwife, after spending some time in affording all the relief in her power to the wretched mother, was told that she must be gone. Her former conductor appeared, who again bound her eyes, and conveyed her behind him to her own home; he then paid her handsomely, and departed. The midwife was strongly agitated by the horrors of the preceding night; and she immediately made a deposi¬ tion of the facts before a magistrate. Two circumstances afforded hopes of detecting the house in which the crime had been committed; one was, that the midwife, as she sat by the bedside, had, with a view to discover the place, cut out a piece of the bed-curtain, and sewn it in again; the other was, that as she had descended the staircase she had counted the steps. Some suspicions fell upon one Darrell, at that time the proprietor of Littlecote House, and the domain around it. The house was examined, and identified by the midwife, and Darrell was tried at Salisbury for the murder. By corrupting his judge, he escaped the sentence LEGEND OF LITTLECOTE HALL. 135 of the law; but broke his neck by a fall from his horse in hunting, in a few months after. The place where this hap¬ pened is still known by the name of Darrell’s Style, a spot to be dreaded by the peasant whom the shades of evening have overtaken on his way.’ “ Littlecote House is two miles from Hungerford, in Berkshire, through which the Bath road passes. The fact occurred in the reign of Elizabeth. All the important cir¬ cumstances I have given exactly as they are told in the country; some trifles only are added, either to render the whole connected, or to increase the impression.” To Lord Webb’s edition of this singular story, the author can now add the following account, extracted from Aubrey’s Correspondence. It occurs among other particulars respect¬ ing Sir John Popham :— “ Sir * * * Dayrell, of Littlecote, in Corn. Wilts, having gott his lady’s waiting-woman with child, when her travell came, sent a servant with a horse for a midwife, whom he was to bring hood-winked. She was brought, and layd the woman, but as soon as the child was born, she sawe the knight take the child and murther it, and burn it in the fire in the chamber. She having done her businesse, was extra¬ ordinarily rewarded for her paines, and sent blindfolded away. This horrid action did much run in her mind, and she had a desire to discover it, but knew not where ’twas. She considered with herself the time that she was riding, and how many miles she might have rode at that rate in that time, and that it must be some great person’s house, for the roome was 12 foot high ; and she should know the chamber if she sawe it. She went to a Justice of Peace, and search was made. The very chamber found. The Knight was brought to his tryall; and, to be short, this judge had this noble house, parke and manner, and (I thinke) more, for a bribe to save his life. 136 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. “Sir John Popham gave, sentence according to lawe, but being a great person and a favourite, he procured a noli pro¬ sequi. ” With this tale of terror the author has combined some circumstances of a similar legend, which was current at Edinburgh during his childhood. About the beginning of the eighteenth century, when the large castles of the Scottish nobles, and even the secluded hotels, like those of the French noblesse, which they pos¬ sessed in Edinburgh, were sometimes the, scenes of strange and mysterious transactions, a divine of singular sanctity was called up at midnight to pray with a person at the point of death. This was no unusual summons; but what followed was alarming. He was put into a sedan-chair, and after he had been transported to a remote part of the town, the bearers insisted upon his being blindfolded. The request was enforced by a cocked pistol, and submitted to; but in the course of the discussion he conjectured, from the phrases employed by the chairmen, and from some part of their dress not completely concealed by their cloaks, that they were greatly above the menial station they had assumed. After many turns and windings the chair was carried up¬ stairs into a lodging, where his eyes were uncovered, and he was introduced into a bedroom, where he found a lady, newly delivered of an infant. He was commanded by his attendants to say such prayers by her bedside as were fit¬ ting for a person not expected to survive a mortal disorder. He ventured to remonstrate, and observed, that her safe delivery warranted better hopes. But he was sternly com¬ manded to obey the orders first given, and with difficulty recollected himself sufficiently to acquit himself of the task imposed on him. He was then again hurried into the chair ; but as they conducted him down stairs, he heard the report of a pistol. He was safely conducted home; a purse LEGEND OF LITTLECOTE HALL. 37 of gold was forced upon him; but he was warned, at the same time, that the least allusion to this dark transaction would cost him his life. He betook himself to rest, and, after long and broken musing, fell into a deep sleep. From this he was awakened by his servant, with the dismal news that a fire of uncommon fury had broken out in the house of * * * *, near the head of the Canongate, and that it was totally consumed; with the shocking addition, that the daughter of the proprietor, a young lady eminent for beauty and accomplishments, had perished in the flames. The clergyman had his suspicions, but to have made them public would have availed nothing. He was timid; the family was of the first distinction; above all, the deed was done, and could not be amended. Time wore away, however, and with it his terrors. He became unhappy at being the soli¬ tary depositary of this fearful mystery, and mentioned it to some of his brethren, through whom the anecdote acquired a sort of publicity. The divine, however, had been long dead, and the story in some degree forgotten, when a fire broke out again on the very same spot where the house of * * * * h a( f formerly stood, and which was now occupied by buildings of an inferior description. When the flames were at their height, the tumult, which usually attends such a scene, was suddenly suspended by an unexpected appari¬ tion. A beautiful female, in a night-dress, extremely rich, but at least half a century old, appeared in the very midst of the. fire, and uttered these tremendous words in her vernacular idiom: “Anes burned, twice burned; the third time I’ll scare you all! ” The belief in this story was formerly so strong, that on a fire breaking out, and seeming to approach the fatal spot, there was a good deal of anxiety testified, lest the apparition should make good her denun¬ ciation. MURDER OF ARCHBISHOP SHARPE. N event now occurred (1679), one of the most remarkable of the time, which had a great effect upon public affairs, and the general feeling of the nation. This was the murder of James Sharpe, Archbishop of St. Andrews, and Primate of Scotland. This person, you must remember, having been the agent of the Presbyterians at the time of the Restoration, had, as was generally thought, betrayed his constituents; at least he had certainly changed his principles, and accepted the highest office in the new Episcopal estab¬ lishment. It may be well supposed that a person so much hated as he was, from his desertion of the old cause, and violence in the new, was the object of general hostility, and that amongst a sect so enthusiastic as the Nonconformists, some one should be found to exercise judgment upon him —in other words, to take his life. The avenger who first conceived himself called to this task was one Mitchell, a fanatical preacher, of moderate talents and a heated imagination. He fired a pistol, loaded with three bullets, into the coach of the Archbishop, and missing the object of his aim, broke the arm of Honeyman, Bishop of the Orkneys, who sat with Sharpe in the carriage, of which wound he never entirely recovered, though he lingered for some years. The assassin escaped during the MURDER OF ARCHBISHOP SHARPE. 139 confusion. This was in 1668, and in 1674 the Archbishop again observed a man who seemed to watch him, and whose face was imprinted upon his mind. The alarm was given, and Mitchell was seized. Being closely examined by the Lords of the Privy Council, he at first absolutely denied the act charged against him. But to the Chancellor he con¬ fessed in private—having at first received a solemn promise that his life should be safe—that he had fired the shot which wounded the Bishop of Orkney. After this compromise, the assassin’s trial was put off from time to time, from the de¬ termined desire to take the life which had been promised to him. In order to find matter against Mitchell, he was ex¬ amined concerning his accession to the insurrection of Pentland ; and as he refused to confess anything which should make against himself, he was appointed to undergo the torture of the boot. He behaved with great courage when the frightful appa¬ ratus was produced, and not knowing, as he said, that he could escape such torture with life, declared that he forgave from his heart those at whose command it was to be inflicted, the men appointed to be the agents of their cruelty, and those who satiated their malevolence by looking on as spectators. When the executioner demanded which leg should be enclosed in the dreadful boot, the prisoner, with the same confidence, stretched out his right leg, saying, “Take the best; I willingly bestow it in this cause.” He endured nine blows of the mallet with the utmost firmness, each more severely crushing the limb. At the ninth blow he fainted, and was remanded to prison. After this he was sent to the Bass, a desolate islet, or rather rock, in the Firth of Forth, where was a strong castle then occupied as a state prison. On the 7th January 1678, ten years after the deed was committed, and four years after he was made prisoner, 140 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. Mitchell was finally brought to his trial; and while his own confession was produced against him as evidence, he was not allowed to plead the promise of life upon which he had been induced to make the fatal avowal. It is shameful to be obliged to add, that the Duke of Lauderdale would not permit the records of the Privy Council to be produced, and that some of the Privy Councillors swore that no assurance of life had been granted, although it had been accurately entered, and is now to be seen on the record. The unfortunate man was therefore condemned. Lauder¬ dale, it is said, would have saved his life; but the Arch¬ bishop demanding his execution as necessary to guard the lives of Privy Councillors from such attempts in future, the Duke gave up the cause with a profane and brutal jest, and the man was executed, with more disgrace to his judges than to himself, the consideration of his guilt being lost in the infamous manoeuvres used in bringing him to punish¬ ment. It may be noted that in the commencement of Lauder¬ dale’s administration Archbishop Sharpe was removed from public affairs. But this did not last long, as the Duke found that he could not maintain his interest at court with¬ out the support of the Episcopal party. The Primate’s violence of disposition was supposed to have greatly in¬ fluenced the whole of Lauderdale’s latter government. But in Fife, where he had his archiepiscopal residence, it was most severely felt; and as the Nonconformists of that county were fierce and enthusiastic in proportion to the extremity of persecution which they underwent, there was soon found a band among them who sent abroad an anonymous placard, threatening that any person who might be accessory to the troubles inflicted upon the Whigs in that county, should be suitably punished by a party strong enough to set resist¬ ance at defiance. MURDER OF ARCHBISHOP SHARPE. 141 The chief person among these desperate men was David Hackston of Rathillet, a gentleman of family and fortune. He had been a free liver in his youth, but latterly had adopted strong and enthusiastic views of religion, which led him into the extreme opinions entertained by the fiercest of the Whig party. John Balfour of Kinloch, called Burley, the brother-in-law of Hackston, is described by a cove¬ nanting author as a little man of stern aspect, and squint- eyed ; none of the most religious, but very willing to engage in any battles or quarrels which his comrades found it neces¬ sary to sustain. He was at this time in danger from the law, on account of a late affray, in which he had severely wounded one of the life-guards. It is alleged that both these persons had private enmity at Archbishop Sharpe. Balfour had been his factor in the management of some property, and had failed to give account of the money he had received, and Hackston, being bail for his brother-in-law, was thrown into jail till the debt was made good. The remainder of the band were either small proprietors of land, or portioners, as they are called in Scotland, or mechanics, such as weavers and the like. These enthusiasts, to the number of nine, were out, and in arms, on 3d May 1679, with the purpose of assaulting (in the terms of their proclamation) one Carmichael, who acted as a commissioner for receiving the fines of the non¬ conformists. This person had indeed been in the fields hunting that morning, but chancing to hear that there was such a party looking out for him, he left his sport and went home. When Rathillet and his friends were about to disperse in sullen disappointment, the wife of a farmer at Baldinny sent a lad to tell them that the Archbishop’s coach was upon the road returning from Ceres towards St. Andrews. The conspirators were in that mood when our own wishes 142 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. and thoughts, strongly fostered and cherished, are apt to seem to us like inspiration from above. Balfour, or Burley, affirmed he had felt a preternatural impulse, forcing him to return to Fife, when it was his purpose to have gone to the Highlands, and that on going to prayers he had been con¬ firmed by the Scripture text, “ Go, have not I sent thee ? ” Russel, another of the party, also affirmed he had been long impressed with the idea that some great enemy to the Church was to be cut off, and spoke of some text about Nero, which assuredly does not exist in Scripture. They all agreed, in short, that the opportunity offered was the work of Heaven; that they should not draw back, but go on; and that, instead of the inferior agent, for whom they had been seeking in vain, it was their duty to cut off the prime source of the persecution, whom Heaven had delivered into their hands. This being determined upon, the band chose Hackston for their leader; but he declined the office, alleging, that the known quarrel betwixt him and the Archbishop would mar the glory of the action, and cause it to be imputed to private revenge. But he added with nice distinction, that he would remain with them, and would not interfere to prevent what they felt themselves called upon to do. Upon this Balfour said, “ Gentlemen, follow me.” They then set off at speed in pursuit of the carriage, which was driving along a desolate heath, about three or four miles from St. Andrews, called Magus-Moor. Fleming and Russel, two of the assassins, rode into a farm-yard, and demanded of the tenant, If the equipage on the road before them was the Archbishop’s coach ? Guessing their purpose, he was too much frightened to answer; but one of the female servants came out and assured them with much appearance of joy, that they were on the right scent. The whole party then threw away their cloaks, and pursued as fast as they could gallop, firing their carbines on the carriage MURDER OF ARCHBISHOP SHARPE. 143 and crying out “Judas, be taken !” The coachman drove rapidly, on seeing they were pursued by armed men; but a heavy coach on a rugged road could not outstrip horsemen. The servants who attended the carriage offered some resistance, but were dismounted and disarmed by the pur¬ suers. Having come up with the carriage, they stopped it by cutting the traces and wounding the postilion; and then fired a volley of balls into the coach, where the Archbishop was seated with his daughter. This proving ineffectual, they commanded the prelate to come forth, and prepare for death, judgment, and eternity. The old man came out of the coach, and creeping on his knees towards Hackston, said, “ I know you are a gentleman—you will protect me ? ” “ I will never lay a hand upon you,” said Hackston, turning away from the suppliant. One man of the party, touched with some compassion, said, “ Spare his grey hairs.” But the rest of the assassins were unmoved. One or two pistols were discharged at the prostrate Archbishop without effect; when conceiving, according to their super¬ stitious notion, that their victim was possessed of a charm against gun-shot, they drew their swords, and killed him with many wounds, dashing even his skull to pieces, and scooping out his brains. The lady, who made vain attempts to throw herself between her father and the swords of the assassins, received one or two wounds in the scuffle. They rifled the coach of such arms and papers as it contained. They found some trinkets, which they conceived were magical; and also, as they pretended, a bee in a box, which they concluded was a familiar spirit. Such was the progress and termination of a violent and wicked deed, committed by blinded and desperate men. It brought much scandal on the Presbyterians, though unjustly; for the moderate persons of that persuasion, 144 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. comprehending the most numerous, and by far the most respectable of the body, disowned so cruel an action, although they might be at the same time of opinion, that the Archbishop, who had been the cause of violent death to many, merited some such termination to his own existence. He had some virtues, being learned, temperate, and living a life becoming his station; but his illiberal and intolerant principles, and the violences which he committed to enforce them, were the cause of great distress to Scotland, and of his own premature and bloody end. The Scottish government, which the Archbishop’s death had alarmed and irrritated in the highest degree, used the utmost exertions to apprehend his murderers; and failing that, to disperse and subdue, by an extremity of violence greater than what had been hitherto employed, every assembly of armed Covenanters. All attendance upon field- conventicles was declared treason ; new troops were raised, and the strictest orders sent to the commanding officers to act against Nonconformists with the utmost rigour. On the other hand, the intercommmuned persons, now grown desperate, assembled in more numerous and better armed parties, and many of them showed a general purpose of defiance and rebellion against the King’s authority, which the moderate party continued to acknowledge, as being that of the supreme civil magistrate. These circumstances soon led to a crisis. Several of the murderers of the Archbishop of St. Andrews found their way, through great dangers, to the west of Scotland; and their own interest, doubtless, induced them to use such influence as they had acquired among the zealots of their sect by their late action to bring matters to extremity. Hackston, Balfour, and others, seem to have held council with Donald Cargill, one of the most noted of the preachers MURDER OF ARCHBISHOP SHARPE. HS at conventicles, and particularly with Robert Hamilton, brother to the Laird of Prestonfield; in consequence of which they appeared at the head of eighty horse, in the little burgh of Rutherglen, on the 29th of May, appointed to be held as a holiday, as the anniversary of the Restoration of Charles II. They quenched the bonfires which had been kindled on account of this solemnity, and drawing up in order at the market-cross after prayer, and singing part of a psalm, they formally entered their protest, or testimony, as they called it, against the acts abolishing Presbytery and establishing Episcopacy, together with the other defections of the time, all of which they renounced and disclaimed. After this bravado they affixed a copy of their testimony to the cross, closed their meeting with prayer, and then evacuated the town at their leisure, Hamilton harbouring the Fife gentlemen—that is, those who had killed the Archbishop. K THE LAIRD'S JOCK. OUGH has been said and sung about “ The well-contested ground, The warlike border-land”— to render the-habits of the tribes who inha¬ bited them before the union of England and Scotland fami¬ liar to most readers. The rougher and sterner features of their character were softened by their attachment to the fine arts, from which has arisen the saying that, on the frontiers, every dale had its battle and every river its song. A rude species of chivalry was in constant use, and single combats were practised as the amusement of the few intervals of truce which suspended the exercise of war. The inveteracy of this custom may be inferred from the following incident:— Bernard Gilpin, the apostle of the north, the first who undertook to preach the Protestant doctrines to the Border dalesmen, was surprised on entering one of their churches to see a gauntlet or mail-glove hanging above the altar. Upon inquiring the meaning of a symbol so indecorous being displayed in that sacred place, he was informed by the clerk that the glove was that of a famous swordsman, who hung it there as an emblem of a general challenge and gage of battle to any who should dare to take the fatal token down. THE LAIRD’S JOCK. 147 “ Reach it to me,” said the reverend churchman. The clerk and sexton equally declined the perilous office; and the good Bernard Gilpin was obliged to remove the glove with his own hands, desiring those who were present to inform the champion that he, and no other, had possessed himself of the gage of defiance. But the champion was as much ashamed to face Bernard Gilpin as the officials of the church had been to displace his pledge of combat. The date of the following story is about the latter years of Queen Elizabeth’s reign; and the events took place in Liddesdale, a hilly and pastoral district of Roxburghshire, which on a part of its boundary is divided from England only by a small river. During the good old times of rugging and riving (that is, tugging and tearing), under which term the disorderly doings of the warlike age are affectionately remembered, this valley was principally cultivated by the sept or clan of the Armstrongs. The chief of this warlike race was the Laird of Mangertown. At the period of which I speak the estate of Mangertown, with the power and dignity of chief, was possessed by John Armstrong, a man of great size, strength, and courage. While his father was alive, he was distin¬ guished from others of his clan who bore the same name, by the epithet of the Laird’s Jock , that is to say, the Laird’s son Jock, or Jack. This name he distinguished by so many bold and desperate achievements, that he retained it even after his father’s death, and is mentioned under it both in authentic records and in tradition. Some of his feats are recorded in the minstrelsy of the Scottish Border, and others mentioned in contemporary chronicles. At the species of singular combat which we have de¬ scribed, the Laird’s Jock was unrivalled ; and no champion of Cumberland, Westmoreland, or Northumberland could endure the sway of the huge two-handed sword which he 48 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. wielded, and which few others could even lift. This “awful sword,” as the common people term it, was as dear to him as Durindana or Fushberta to their respective masters, and was nearly as formidable to his enemies as those renowned falchions proved to the foes of Christendom. The weapon had been bequeathed to him by a celebrated English outlaw named Hobbie Noble, who, having com¬ mitted some deed for which he was in danger from justice, fled to Liddesdale, and became a follower, or rather a brother-in-arms, to the renowned Laird’s Jock; till, venturing into England with a small escort, a faithless guide, and with a light single-handed sword instead of his ponderous brand, Hobbie Noble, attacked by superior numbers, was made prisoner and executed. With this weapon, and by means of his own strength and address, the Laird’s Jock maintained the reputation of the best swordsman on the border side, and defeated or slew many who ventured to dispute with him the formidable title. But years pass on with the strong and the brave as with the feeble and the timid. In process of time the Laird’s Jock grew incapable of wielding his weapons, and finally of all active exertion, even of the most ordinary kind. The disabled champion became at length totally bedridden, and entirely dependent for his comfort on the pious duties of an only daughter, his perpetual attendant and companion. Besides this dutiful child, the Laird’s Jock had an only son, upon whom devolved the perilous task of leading the clan to battle, and maintaining the warlike renown of his native country, which was now disputed by the English upon many occasions. The young Armstrong was active, brave, and strong, and brought home from dangerous ad¬ ventures many tokens of decided success. Still the ancient chief conceived, as it would seem, that his son was scarce THE LAIRD'S JOCK. 149 yet entitled by age and experience to be intrusted with the two-handed sword, by the use of which he had himself been so dreadfully distinguished. At length an English champion, one of the name of Foster (if I rightly recollect), had the audacity to send a challenge to the best swordsman in Liddesdale; and young Armstrong, burning for chivalrous distinction, accepted the challenge. The heart of the disabled old man swelled with joy when he heard that the challenge was passed and accepted, and the meeting fixed at a neutral spot, used as the place of rencontre upon such occasions, and which he himself had distinguished by numerous victories. He exulted so much in the conquest wfifich he anticipated, that to nerve his son to still bolder exertions he conferred upon him, as champion of his clan and province, the celebrated weapon which he had hitherto retained in his own custody. This was not alL When the day of combat arrived, the Laird’s Jock, in spite of his daughter’s affectionate remon¬ strances, determined, though he had not left his bed for two years, to be a personal witness of the duel. His will was still a law to his people, who bore him on their shoulders, wrapped in plaids and blankets, to the spot where the com¬ bat was to take place, and seated him on a fragment of rock, which is still called the Laird’s Jock’s Stone. There he remained with eyes fixed on the lists or barrier, within which the champions were about to meet. His daughter, having done all she could for his accommodation, stood motionless beside him, divided between anxiety for his health and for the event of the combat to her beloved brother. Ere yet the fight began, the old men gazed on their chief, now seen for the first time after several years, and sadly compared his altered features and wasted frame with the paragon of strength and manly beauty which they once remembered. 150 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. The young men gazed on his large form and powerful make as upon some antediluvian giant who had survived the destruction of the Flood. But the sound of the trumpets on both sides recalled the attention of every one to the lists, surrounded as they were by numbers of both nations eager to witness the event of the day. The combatants met. It is needless to describe the struggle: the Scottish champion fell. Foster placing his foot on his antagonist, seized on the redoubted sword, so precious in the eyes of its aged owner, and brandished it over his head as a trophy of his conquest. The English shouted in triumph. But the despairing cry of the aged champion, who saw his country dishonoured, and his sword, long the terror of their race, in possession of an Englishman, was heard high above the acclamations of victory. He seemed, for an instant, animated by all his wonted power; for he started from the rock on which he sat, and while the garments with which he had been invested fell from his wasted frame, and showed the ruins of his strength, he tossed his arms wildly to heaven, and uttered a cry of indignation, horror, and despair, which, tradition says, was heard to a preternatural distance, and resembled the cry of a dying lion more than a human sound. His friends received him in their arms as he sank utterly exhausted by the effort, and bore him back to his castle in mute sorrow; while his daughter at once wept for her brother, and endeavoured to mitigate and soothe the despair of her father. But this was impossible ; the old man’s only tie to life was rent rudely asunder, and his heart had broken with it. The death of his son had no part in his sorrow. If he thought of him at all, it was as the degenerate boy through whom the honour of his country and clan had been lost; and he died in the course of three days, never even THE LAIRD’S JOCK . 151 mentioning his name, but pouring out unintermitted lamen¬ tations for the loss of his sword. I conceive, that the instant when the disabled chief was roused into a last exertion by the agony of the moment is favourable to the object of a painter. He might obtain the full advantage of contrasting the form of the rugged old man, in the extremity of furious despair, with the softness and beauty of the female form. The fatal field might be thrown into perspective, so as to give full effect to these two principal figures, and with the single explanation that the piece represented a soldier beholding his son slain, and the honour of his country lost, the picture would be sufficiently intelligible at the first glance. If it was thought necessary to show more clearly the nature of the conflict, it might be indicated by the pennon of Saint George being displayed at one end of the lists, and that of Saint Andrew at the other. DONALD THE HAMMERER. HE size and position of the Highlands of Scot¬ land rendered them much less susceptible of improvement than the Border districts, which, far less extensive and less difficult of access, were at the Union of the Crowns placed between two civilised and peaceful countries instead of being the frontier of two hostile lands. The Highlanders, on the contrary, continued the same series of wars among themselves, and incursions upon their Lowland neighbours, which had distinguished them ever since the dawn of their history. Military adventure, in one form or other, was their delight as well as their employment, and all works of industry were considered as unworthy the dignity of a mountaineer. Even the necessary task of raising a scanty crop of barley was assigned to the aged, and to the women and children. The men thought of nothing but hunting and war. I will give you an account of a Highland chieftain, in character and practice not very different from that of Allan-a-Sop, the Hebridean.* The Stewarts, who inhabited the district of Appin, in the West Highlands, were a numerous and warlike clan. Appin is the title of the chief of the clan. The second branch of the family was that of Invernahyle. The founder, a second * See page 215. DONALD THE HAMMERER. 153 son of the house of Appin, was called by the uncommon epithet of Saioleach , or the Peaceful. One of his neighbours was the Laird of Dunstaffnage, called Cailen Uaine, or Green Colin, from the green colour which predominated in his tartan. This Green Colin surprised the peaceful Laird of Invernahyle, assassinated him, burnt his house, and destroyed his whole family, excepting an infant at the breast. This infant did not owe its safety to the mercy of Green Colin, but to the activity and presence of mind of its nurse. Finding she could not escape the pursuit of that chiefs attendants, the faithful nurse determined to provide for the safety of her foster-child, whose life she knew was aimed at, in the only manner which remained. She therefore hid the infant in a small fissure, or cave, of a rock, and, as the only means she had of supplying him with subsistence, hung by a string round his neck a large piece of lard, in the faint hope that instinct might induce the child to employ it as a .means of subsistence. The poor woman had only time to get a little way from the place where she had concealed her charge, when she was made prisoner by the pursuers. As she denied any knowledge where the child was, they dis¬ missed her as a person of no consequence, but not until they had kept her two or three days in close confinement, menacing her with death unless she would discover what she had done with the infant. When she found herself at liberty and unobserved, she went to the hole in which she had concealed her charge, with little hope save of finding such relics as wolves, wild-cats, or birds of prey might have left after feasting upon its flesh, but still with the pious wish to consign the remains of her dault , or foster-child, to some place of Christian burial. But her joy and surprise were extreme to find the infant still alive and well, having lived during her absence by sucking the lard, which it had reduced to a very small 154 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. morsel, scarce larger than a hazel nut. The delighted nurse made all haste to escape with her charge to the neighbour¬ ing district of Moidart, of which she was a native, being the wife of the smith of the clan of MacDonald, to whom that country belonged. The mother of the infant thus miracu¬ lously rescued had also been a daughter of this tribe. To ensure the safety of her foster-child, the nurse per¬ suaded her husband to bring it up as their own son. The smith, you must remark, of a Highland tribe, was a person of considerable consequence. His skill in forging armour and weapons was usually united with dexterity in using them, and with the strength of body which his profession required. If I recollect right, the smith usually ranked as third officer in the chief’s household. The young Donald Stewart, as he grew up, was distinguished for great personal strength. He became skilful in his foster-father’s art, and so powerful, that he could, it is said, wield two fore¬ hammers, one in each hand, for hours together. From this circumstance he gained the name of Donuil nan Ord\ that is, Donald of the Hammer, by which he was all his life distinguished. When he attained the age of twenty-one, Donald’s foster- father, the smith, observing that his courage and enterprise equalled his personal strength, thought fit to discover to him the secret of his birth, the injuries which he had received from Green Colin of Dunstaffnage, and the pre¬ tensions which he had to the property of Invernahyle, now in the possession of the man who had slain his father, and usurped his inheritance. He concluded his discovery by presenting to his beloved foster-child his own six sons to be his followers and defenders for life and death, and his assistants in the recovery of his patrimony. Law of every description was unknown in the Highlands. Young Donald proceeded in his enterprise by hostile DONALD THE HAMMERER. 55 measures. In addition to his six foster-brethren, he got some assistance from his mother’s kindred, and levied among the old adherents of his father, and his kinsmen of the house of Appin, such additional force, that he was able to give battle to Green Colin, whom he defeated and slew, regaining at the same time his father’s house and estate of Invernahyle. This success had its dangers; for it placed the young chief in feud with all the families of the powerful clan of Campbell, to which the slain Dunstaffnage belonged by alliance at least; for Green Colin and his ancestors had assumed the name, and ranked themselves under the ban¬ ner of this formidable clan, although originally they were chieftains of a different and independent race. The feud became more deadly, when, not satisfied with revenging himself on the immediate authors of his early misfortune, Donald made inroads on the Campbells in their own dominions; in evidence of which his historian quotes a verse to this purpose— “ Donald of the Smithy, the Son of the Hammer, Filled the banks of Lochawe with mourning and clamour.” At length the powerful Earl of Argyle resented the repeated injuries which were offered to his clansmen and kindred. The Stewarts of Appin refused to support their kinsman against an enemy so formidable, and insisted that he should seek for peace with the Earl. So that Donald, left to himself, and sensible that he was unable to withstand the force which might be brought against him by this mighty chief, endeavoured to propitiate the Earl’s favour by placing himself in his hands. Stewart went* accordingly, with only a single attendant, towards Inverary, the castle of Argyle, and met with the Earl himself at some distance in the open fields. Donald of the Hammer showed on this occasion that it was not 156 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. fear which had induced him to this step. Being a man of ready wit, and a poet, which was an accomplishment high in the estimation of the Highlanders, he opened the conference with an extempore verse, which intimated a sort of defiance, rather like the language of a man that cared not what might befall him, than one who craved mercy or asked forgiveness. “ Son of dark Colin, thou dangerous earl, Small is the boon that I crave at thy hand ; Enough, if in safety from bondage and peril, Thou let’st me return to my kindred and land.’* The Earl was too generous to avail himself of the advantage which Invernahyle’s confidence had afforded him, but he could not abstain from maintaining the conversation thus begun in a gibing tone. Donuil nan Ord was harsh- featured, and had a custom, allied to his mode of education, and the haughtiness of his character, of throwing back his head, and laughing loudly with his mouth wide open. In ridicule of this peculiarity, in which Donald had indulged repeatedly, Argyle, or one of his attendants, pointed out to his observation a rock in the neighbourhood, which bore a singular resemblance to a human face, with a large mouth much thrown back, and open as if laughing a horse-laugh. “Do you see yonder crag?” said the Earl to Donald of the Hammer; “ it is called Gaire Granda , or the Ugly Laugh.” Donald felt the intended gibe, and as Argyle’s lady was a hard-favoured and haughty woman, he replied, without hesitation, in a verse like the following : “ Ugly the sneer of yon cliff of the hill, Nature has stamped the grim laugh on the place ; Would you seek for a grimmer and uglier still, You will find it at home in your countess’s face.” Argyle took the raillery of Donald in good part, but would not make peace with him, until he agreed to make DONALD THE HAMMERER. 157 two creaghs , or inroads, one on Moidart, and one on Athole. It seems probable that the purpose of Argyle was to engage his troublesome neighbour in a feud with other clans to whom he bore no good-will; for whether he of the Hammer fell or was successful, the Earl in either event would gain a certain advantage. Donald accepted peace with the Campbells on these terms. On his return home Donald communicated to MacDonald of Moidart the engagement he had come under; and that chieftain, his mother’s kinsman and ally, concerted that Invernahyle and his band should plunder certain villages in Moidart, the inhabitants of which had offended him, and on whom he desired chastisement should be inflicted. The incursion of Donald the Hammerer punished them to some purpose, and so far he fulfilled his engagement to Argyle, without making an enemy of his own kinsman. With the Athole men, as more distant and unconnected with him, Donald stood on less ceremony, and made more than one successful creagh upon them. His name was now established as one of the most formidable marauders known in the Highlands, and a very bloody action which he sustained against the family of the Grahams of Monteith made him still more dreaded. The Earls of Monteith, you must know, had a castle situ¬ ated upon an island in the lake, or loch, as it is called, of the same name. But though this residence, which occupied almost the whole of the islet upon which the ruins still exist, was a strong and safe place of abode, and adapted accord¬ ingly to such perilous times, it had this inconvenience, that the stables, cow-houses, poultry-yard, and other domestic offices, were necessarily separated from the castle, and situ¬ ated on the mainland, as it would have been impossible to be constantly transporting the animals belonging to (the establishment to and fro from the shore to the island. 158 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. These offices, therefore, were constructed on the banks of the lake, and in some sort defenceless. It happened upon a time that there was to be a great entertainment in the castle, and a number of the Grahams were assembled. The occasion, it is said, was a marriage in the family. To prepare for this feast much provision was got ready, and in particular a great deal of poultry had been collected. While the feast was preparing, an unhappy chance brought Donald of the Hammer to the side of the lake, returning at the head of a band of hungry followers, whom he was conducting homewards to the West Highlands, after some of his usual excursions into Stirlingshire. Seeing so much good victuals ready, and being possessed of an ex¬ cellent appetite, the Western Highlanders neither asked questions, nor waited for an invitation, but devoured all the provisions that had been prepared for the Grahams, and then went on their way rejoicing, through the difficult and dan¬ gerous path which leads from the banks of the Loch of Monteith, through the mountains, to the side of Loch Katrine. The Grahams were filled with the highest indignation. No one in those fierce times was so contemptible as an in¬ dividual who would suffer himself to be plundered without exacting satisfaction and revenge, and the loss of their dinner probably aggravated the sense of the insults enter¬ tained by the guests. The company who were assembled at the castle of Monteith, headed by the Earl himself, hastily took to their boats, and, disembarking on the northern side of the lake, pursued with all speed the marauders and their leader. They came up with Donald’s party in the gorge of a pass, near a rock, called Craig-Vad, or the Wolfs Cliff. Here the Grahams called with loud insults on the Appin men to stand, and one of them, in allusion to the execution which had been done amongst the poultry, exclaimed in verse— DONALD THE HAMMERER. 159 “ They’re brave gallants, these Appin men, To twist the throat of cock and hen ? ” Donald instantly replied to the reproach— “ And if we be of Appin’s line, We’ll twist a goose’s neck in thine.” So saying, he shot the unlucky scoffer with an arrow. The battle then began, and was continued with much fury till night. The Earl of Monteith and many of his noble kinsmen fell, while Donald, favoured by darkness, escaped with a single attendant. The Grahams obtained, from the cause of the quarrel, the nickname of Gramoch an Garrigh, or Grahams of the Hens; although they certainly lost no honour in the encounter, having fought like game-cocks. Donald of the Hammer was twice married. His second marriage was highly displeasing to his eldest son, whom he had by his first wife. This young man, whose name was Duncan, seems to have partaken rather of the disposition of his grandfather, Alister Saioleach , or the Peaceful, than of the turbulent spirit of his father the Hammerer. He quitted the family mansion in displeasure at his father’s second marriage, and went to a farm called Inverfalla, which his father had bestowed upon his nurse in reward for her eminent services. Duncan took up his abode with this valued connection of the family, who was now in the extremity of old age, and amused himself with attempting to improve the cultivation of the farm; a task which not only was considered as below the dignity of a Highland gentle¬ man, but even regarded as the last degree of degradation. The idea of his son’s occupying himself with agricultural operations struck so much shame and anger into the heart of Donald the Hammerer that his resentment against him became ungovernable. At length, as he walked by his own side of the river, and looked towards Inverfalla, he saw, to 160 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. ' his extreme displeasure, a number of men employed in digging and levelling the soil for some intended crop. Soon after he had the additional mortification to see his son come out and mingle with the workmen, as if giving them directions; and, finally, beheld him take the spade out of an awkward fellow’s hand, and dig a little himself, to show him how to use it. This last act of degeneracy drove the Hammerer frantic; he seized a curragh, or boat covered with hides, which was near, jumped into it, and pushed across the stream, with the determination of destroying the son who had, in his opinion, brought such unutterable disgrace upon his family. The poor agriculturist, seeing his father approach in such haste, and having a shrewd guess of the nature of his parental intentions, fled into the house and hid himself. Donald followed with his drawn weapon; but, deceived by passion and darkness, he plunged his sword into the body of one whom he saw lying on the bed¬ clothes. Instead of his son, for whom the blow was intended, it lighted on the old foster-mother, to whom he owed his life in infancy and education in youth, and slew her on the spot. After this misfortune, Donald became deeply affected with remorse; and giving up all his estates to his children, he retired to the Abbey of St. Columbus, in Iona, passed the remainder of his days as a monk, and died at the age of eighty-seven. It may easily be believed that there was little peace and quiet in a country abounding with such men as the Hammerer, who thought the practice of honest industry on the part of a gentleman was an act of degeneracy, for which nothing short of death was an adequate punishment; so that the disorderly state of the Highlands was little short of that of the Isles. Still, however, many of the principal chiefs attended occasionally at the court of Scotland; others were frequently obliged to send their sons to be DONALD THE HAMMERER. 161 educated there, who were retained as hostages for the peace¬ able behaviour of the clan; so that by degrees they came to improve with the increasing civilisation of the times. The authority also of the great nobles, who held estates in or adjacent to the Highlands, was a means, though a rough one, of making the district over which they exercised their power submit, in a certain degree, to the occasional influence of the laws. It is true that the great Earls of Huntly, Argyle, Sutherland, and other nobles did not en¬ force the Lowland institutions upon their Highland vassals out of mere zeal for their civilisation, but rather because, by taking care to secure the power of the sovereign and the laws on their own side, they could make the infraction of them by the smaller chiefs the pretext for breaking down the independent clans, and making them submit to their^own authority. I will give you an example of the manner in which a noble lady chastised a Highland chief in the reign of James the Sixth. The head of the House of Gordon, then Marquis of Huntly, was by far the most powerful lord in the northern counties, and exercised great influence over the Highland clans who inhabited the mountains of Badenoch, which lay behind his extensive domains. One of the most ancient tribes situated in and near that district is that of Macintosh, a word which means Child of the Thane, as they boast their descent from MacDuff, the celebrated Thane of Fife. This haughty race having fallen at variance with the Gordons, William Macintosh, their chief, carried his enmity to so great a pitch, as to surprise and burn the castle of Auch- indown, belonging to the Gordon family. The Marquis of Huntly vowed the severest vengeance. He moved against the Macintoshes with his own followers; and he let loose upon the devoted tribe all such neighbouring clans as would do anything, as the old phrase was, for his love or L 162 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. for his fear. Macintosh, after a short struggle, found himself unequal to sustain the conflict, and saw that he must either behold his clan totally exterminated, or contrive some mode of pacifying Huntly’s resentment. The idea of the first alternative was not to be endured, and of the last he saw no chance, save by surrendering himself into the power of the Marquis, and thus personally atoning for the offence which he had committed. To perform this act of generous devotion with as much chance of safety as possible, he chose a time when the Marquis himself was absent, and asking Tor the lady, whom he judged likely to prove less inexorable than her husband, he presented himself as the unhappy Laird of Macintosh, who came to deliver himself up to the Gordon, to answer for his burning of Auchindown, and only de¬ sired that Huntly would spare his clan. The Marchioness, a stern and haughty woman, had shared deeply in her husband’s resentment. She regarded Macintosh with a keen eye, as the hawk or eagle contemplates the prey within its clutch, and having spoken a word aside to her attendants, replied to the suppliant chief in this manner:—“ Macintosh, you have offended the Gordon so deeply, that Huntly has sworn by his father’s soul that he will never pardon you till he has brought your neck to the block.”—“ I will stoop even to that humiliation to secure the safety of my father’s house,” said Macintosh. And as this interview passed in the kitchen of the castle at Bog of Gicht, he undid the collar of his doublet, and kneeling down before the huge block on which, in the rude hospitality of the time, the slain bullocks and sheep were broken up for use, he laid his neck upon it, expecting, doubtless, that the lady would be satisfied with this token of unreserved submission. But the inexorable Marchioness made a sign to the cook, who stepped forward with his hatchet raised, and struck Mac¬ intosh’s head from his body. MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. N 1691 some disputes arose concerning the distribution of a large sum of money with which the Earl of Breadalbane was intrusted to procure, or rather to purchase, a peace in the Highlands. Lord Breadalbane and those with whom he negotiated disagreed, and the English Government, becoming suspicious of the intentions of the Highland chiefs to play fast and loose on the occasion, sent forth a proclamation in the month of August 1691, re¬ quiring all and each of them to submit to Government before the first day of January 1692. After this period it was announced in the same proclamation that those who had not submitted themselves should be subjected to the extremities of fire and sword. This proclamation was framed by the Privy Council, under the influence of Sir John Dalrymple (Master of Stair, as he was called), an eminent lawyer, created Lord of Session and Lord Justice-Clerk in February 1688, and in 1690 raised to be Secretary of State, in conjunction with Lord Melville. The Master of Stair was at this time an in¬ timate friend of Breadalbane, and it seems that he shared with that nobleman the warm hope and expectation of carrying into execution a plan of retaining a Highland army in the pay of Government, and accomplishing a complete transference of the allegiance of the chiefs to the person of 164 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT . King William, from that of King James. This could not have failed to be a most acceptable piece of service, upon which, if it could be accomplished, the Secretary might justly reckon as a title to his master’s further confidence and favour. But when Breadalbane commenced his treaty he was mor¬ tified to find, that though the Highland chiefs expressed no dislike to King William’s money, yet they retained their secret fidelity to King James too strongly to make it safe to assemble them in a military body, as had been proposed. Many chiefs, especially those of the MacDonalds, stood out also for terms, which the Earl of Breadalbane and the Master of Stair considered as extravagant; and the result of the whole was, the breaking off the treaty, and the pub¬ lishing of the severe proclamation already mentioned. Breadalbane and Stair were greatly disappointed and irri¬ tated against those chiefs and tribes, who, being refractory on this occasion, had caused a breach of their favourite scheme. Their thoughts were now turned to revenge; and it appears from Stair’s correspondence that he nourished and dwelt upon the secret hope that several of the most stubborn chiefs would hold out beyond the term appointed for submission, in which case it was determined that the punishment inflicted should be of the most severe and awful description. That all might be prepared for the meditated operations, a considerable body of troops were kept in readiness at Inverlochy and elsewhere. These were des¬ tined to act against the refractory clans, and the campaign was to take place in the midst of winter, when it was supposed that the season and weather would prevent the Highlanders from expecting an attack. But the chiefs received information of those hostile in¬ tentions, and one by one submitted to Government within the appointed period, thus taking away all pretence of acting against them. It is said that they did so by secret orders MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 165 from King James, who having penetrated the designs of Stair, directed the chiefs to comply with the proclamation rather than incur an attack which they had no means of resisting. The indemnity, which protected so many victims, and excluded both lawyers and soldiers from a profitable job, seems to have created great disturbance in the mind of the Secretary of State. As chief after chief took the oath of allegiance to King William, and by doing so put themselves one by one out of danger, the greater became the anxiety of the Master of Stair to find some legal flaw for excluding some of the Lochaber clans from the benefit of the in¬ demnity. But no opportunity occurred for exercising these kind intentions, excepting in the memorable, but fortu¬ nately the solitary instance, of the clan of the MacDonalds of Glencoe. This clan inhabited a valley formed by the river Coe, or Cona, which falls into Lochleven, not far from the head of Loch Etive. It is distinguished, even in that wild country, by the sublimity of the mountains, rocks, and precipices in which it lies buried. The minds of men are formed by their habitations. The MacDonalds of the Glen were not very numerous, seldom mustering above two hundred armed men; but they were bold and daring to a proverb, confident in the strength of their country, and in the protection and support of their kindred tribes, the MacDonalds of Clan- ranald, Glengarry, Keppoch, Ardnamurchan, and others of that powerful name. They also lay near the possessions of the Campbells, to whom, owing to the predatory habits to which they were especially addicted, they were very bad neighbours, so that blood had at different times been spilt between them. Maclan of Glencoe (this was the patronymic title of the chief of this clan) was a man of a stately and venerable person and aspect. He possessed both courage and sagacity 166 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. and was accustomed to be listened to by the neighbouring chieftains, and to take a lead in their deliberations. Maclan had been deeply engaged both in the campaign of Killie- crankie, and in that which followed under General Buchan; and when the insurgent Highland chiefs held a meeting with the Earl of Breadalbane at a place called Auchallader, in the month of July 1691, for the purpose of arranging an armistice, Maclan was present with the rest, and, it is said, taxed Breadalbane with the design of retaining a part of the money lodged in his hands for the pacification of the High¬ lands. The Earl retorted with vehemence, and charged Maclan with a theft of cattle, committed upon some of his lands by a party from Glencoe. Other causes of offence took place, in which old feuds were called to recollection; and Maclan was repeatedly heard to say, he dreaded mis¬ chief from no man so much as from the Earl of Breadalbane. Yet this unhappy chief was rash enough to stand out to the last moment, and decline to take advantage of King William’s indemnity till the time appointed by the proclamation was wellnigh expired. The displeasure of the Earl of Breadalbane seems speed¬ ily to have communicated itself to the Master of Stair, who, in his correspondence with Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, then commanding in the Highlands, expresses the greatest resentment against Maclan of Glencoe, for having, by his interference, marred the bargain between Breadalbane and the Highland chiefs. Accordingly, in a letter of 3d De¬ cember, the Secretary intimated that Government was determined to destroy utterly some of the clans, in order to terrify the others, and he hoped that, by standing out and refusing to submit under the indemnity, the MacDonalds of Glencoe would fall into the net—which meant that they would afford a pretext for their extirpation. This letter is dated a month before the time limited by the indemnity; so MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 167 long did these bloody thoughts occupy the mind of this unprincipled statesman. Ere the term of mercy expired, however, Mac Ian’s own apprehensions, or the advice of friends, dictated to him the necessity of submitting to the same conditions which others had embraced, and he went with his principal followers to take the oath of allegiance to King William. This was a very brief space before the 1st of January, when, by the terms of the proclamation, the opportunity of claiming the indemnity was to expire. Maclan was therefore much alarmed to find that Colonel Hill, the governor of Fort- William, to whom he tendered his oath of allegiance, had no power to receive it, being a military, and not a civil officer. Colonel Hill, however, sympathised with the distress and even tears of the old chieftain, and gave him a letter to Sir Colin Campbell of Ardkinlas, Sheriff of Argyleshire, request¬ ing him to receive the “ lost sheep,” and administer the oath to him, that he might have the advantage of the indemnity, though so late in claiming it. Maclan hastened from Fort William to Inverary, without even turning aside to his own house, though he passed within a mile of it. But the roads, always very bad, were now rendered almost impassable by a storm of snow; so that with all the speed the unfortunate chieftain could exert, the fatal 1st of January was past before he reached Inverary. The Sheriff, however, seeing that Maclan had complied with the spirit of the statute, in tendering his submission within the given period, under the sincere, though mistaken belief, that he was applying to the person ordered to receive it; and considering also, that, but for the tempestuous weather, it would after all have been offered in presence of the proper law-officer, did not hesitate to administer the oath of allegiance, and sent off an express to the Privy Council, containing an attestation of Maclan’s having taken TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. 168 the oaths, and a full explanation of the circumstances which had delayed his doing so until the lapse of the appointed period. The Sheriff also wrote to Colonel Hill what he had done, and requested that he would take care that Glencoe should not be annoyed by any military parties until the pleasure of the Council should be known, which he could not doubt would be favourable. Maclan, therefore, returned to his own house, and resided there, as he supposed, in safety, under the protection of the Government to which he had sworn allegiance. That he might merit this protection, he convoked his clan, acquainted them with his submission, and commanded them to live peaceably, and give no cause of offence, under pain of his displeasure. In the meantime the vindictive Secretary of State had procured orders from his Sovereign respecting the measures to be followed with such of the chiefs as should not have taken the oaths within the term prescribed. The first of these orders, dated nth January, contained peremptory directions for military execution, by fire and sword, against all who should not have made their submission within the time appointed. It was, however, provided, in order to avoid driving them to desperation, that there was still to remain a power of granting mercy to those clans who, even after the time was past, should still come in and submit themselves. Such were the terms of the first royal warrant, in which Glencoe was not expressly named. It seems afterwards to have occurred to Stair that Glencoe and his tribe would be sheltered under this miti¬ gation of the intended severities, since he had already come in and tendered his allegiance, without waiting for the menace of military force. A second set of instructions were therefore made out on the 16th January. These held out the same indulgence to other clans who should submit them- MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 169 selves at the very last hour (a hypocritical pretext, for there existed none which stood in such a predicament), but they closed the gate of mercy against the devoted Maclan, who had already done all that was required of others. The words are remarkable:—“As for Maclan of Glencoe and that tribe, if they can be well distinguished from the rest of the Highlanders, it will be proper, for the vindication of public justice, to extirpate that set of thieves.” You will remark the hypocritical clemency and real cruelty of these instructions, which profess a readiness to extend mercy to those who needed it not (for all the other High¬ landers had submitted within the limited time), and deny it to Glencoe, the only man who had not been able literally to comply with the proclamation, though in all fair con¬ struction he had done what it required. Under what pretence or colouring King William’s authority was obtained for such cruel instructions it would be in vain to inquire. The Sheriff of Argyle’s letter had never been produced before the Council; and the certificate of Maclan’s having taken the oath was blotted out, and, in the Scottish phrase, deleted from the books of the Privy Council. It seems probable, therefore, that the fact of that chiefs sub¬ mission was altogether concealed from the King, and that he was held out in the light of a desperate and incorrigible leader of banditti, who was the main obstacle to the peace of the Highlands; but if we admit that William acted under such misrepresentations, deep blame will still attach to him for rashly issuing orders of an import so dreadful. It is remarkable that these fatal instructions are both superscribed and subscribed by the King himself, whereas, in most state papers, the Sovereign only superscribes, and they are counter¬ signed by the Secretary of State, who is answerable for their tenor; a responsibility which Stair, on that occasion, was not probably ambitious of claiming. 170 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. The Secretary’s letters to the military officers, directing the mode of executing the King’s orders, betray the deep and savage interest which he took personally in their tenor, and his desire that the bloody measure should be as general as possible. He dwelt in these letters upon the proper time and season for cutting off the devoted tribe. “ The winter,” he said, “is the only season in which the Highlanders cannot elude us, or carry their wives, children, and cattle to the mountains. They cannot escape you ; for what human constitution can then endure to be long out of house ? This is the proper season to maul them, in the long dark nights.” He could not suppress his joy that Glencoe had not come in within the term prescribed; and expresses his hearty wishes that others had followed the same course. He assured the soldiers that their powers should be ample; and he exacted from them proportional exertions. He entreated that the thieving tribe of Glencoe might be rooted out in earnest; and he was at pains to explain a phrase which is in itself terribly significant. He gave directions for securing every pass by which the victims could escape, and warned the soldiers that it were better to leave the thing unattempted, than fail to do it to purpose. “ To plunder their lands, or drive off their cattle, would,” say his letters, “ be only to render them desperate; they must be all slaughtered, and the manner of execution must be sure, secret, and effectual.” These instructions, such as have been rarely penned in a Christian country, were sent to Colonel Hill, the Governor of Fort William, who, greatly surprised and grieved at their tenor, endeavoured for some time to evade the execution of them. At length, obliged by his situation to render obedience to the King’s commands, he transmitted the orders to Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, directing him to take four hundred men of a Highland regiment belonging to the Earl of Argyle, and fulfil the royal mandate. Thus, MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 171 to make what was intended yet worse, if possible, than it was in its whole tenor, the perpetration of this cruelty was committed to soldiers, who were not only the countrymen of the proscribed, but the near neighbours, and some of them the close connexions, of the MacDonalds of Glencoe. This is the more necessary to be remembered, because the mas¬ sacre has unjustly been said to have been committed by Eng¬ lish troops. The course of the bloody deed was as follows. Before the end of January, a party of the Earl of Argyle’s regiment, commanded by Captain Campbell of Glenlyon, approached Glencoe. Maclan’s sons went out to meet them with a body of men, to demand whether they came as friends or foes. The officer replied, that they came as friends, being sent to take up their quarters for a short time in Glencoe, in order to relieve the garrison of Fort William, which was crowded with soldiers. On this they were welcomed with all the hospitality which the chief and his followers had the means of extending to them, and they resided for fifteen days amongst the unsuspecting Mac¬ Donalds, in the exchange of every species of kindness and civility. That the laws of domestic affection might be violated at the same time with those of humanity and hospitality, you are to understand that Alaster MacDonald, one of the sons of Maclan, was married to a niece of Glen¬ lyon, who commanded the party of soldiers. It appears also, that the intended cruelty was to be exercised upon de¬ fenceless men : for the MacDonalds, though afraid of no other ill-treatment from their military guests, had supposed it possible the soldiers might have a commission to disarm them, and therefore had sent their weapons to a distance, where they might be out of reach of seizure. Glenlyon’s party had remained in Glencoe for fourteen or fifteen days, when he received orders from his command¬ ing officer, Major Duncanson, expressed in a manner which 172 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. shows him to have been the worthy agent of the cruel Secretary. They were sent in conformity with orders of the same date, transmitted to Duncanson by Hamilton, direct¬ ing that all the Macdonalds, under seventy years of age, were to be cut off, and that the Government was not to be troubled with prisoners. Duncanson’s orders to Glenlyon were as follows :— “You are hereby ordered to fall upon the rebels, and put all to the sword under seventy. You are to have especial care that the old fox and his cubs do on no account escape your hands; you are to secure all the avenues, that no man escape. This you are to put in execution at four in the morning precisely, and by that time, or very shortly after, I will strive to be at you with a stronger party. But if I do not come to you at four, you are not to tarry for me, but fall on. This is by the King’s special command, for the good and safety of the country, that these miscreants be cut off root and branch. See that this be put into execution with¬ out either fear or favour, else you may expect to be treated as not true to the King or Government, nor a man fit to carry a commission in the King’s service. Expecting that you will not fail in the fulfilling hereof, as you love yourself, I subscribe these with my hand, “Robert Duncanson.” This order was dated 12th February, and addressed, “ For their Majesties’ service, to Captain Robert Campbell of Glenlyon. ” This letter reached Glenlyon soon after it was written, and he lost no time in carrying the dreadful mandate into execution. In the interval, he did not abstain from any of those acts of familiarity which had lulled asleep the suspi¬ cions of his victims. He took his morning draught, as had been his practice every day since he came to the glen, at MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 173 the house of Alaster MacDonald, Maclan’s second son, who was married to his (Glenlyon’s) niece. He, and two of his officers named Lindsay, accepted an invitation to dinner from Maclan himself, for the following day, on which they had determined he should never see the sun rise. To com¬ plete the sum of treachery, Glenlyon played at cards in his own quarters with the sons of Maclan, John and Alaster, both of whom were also destined for slaughter. About four o’clock in the morning of 13th February, the scene of blood began. A party, commanded by one of the Lindsays, came to Maclan’s house and knocked for admittance, which was at once given. Lindsay, one of the expected guests at the family meal of the day, commanded this party, who instantly shot Maclan dead by his own bed¬ side, as he was in the act of dressing himself, and giving orders for refreshments to be provided for his fatal visitors. His aged wife was stripped by the savage soldiery, who, at the same time, drew off the gold rings from her fingers with their teeth. She died the next day, distracted with grief, and the brutal treatment she had received. Several domestics and clansmen were killed at the same place. The two sons of the aged chieftain had not been alto¬ gether so confident as their father respecting the peaceful and friendly purpose of their guests. They observed, on the evening preceding the massacre, that the sentinels were doubled, and the mainguard strengthened. John, the elder brother, had even overheard the soldiers muttering amongst themselves, that they cared not about fighting the men of the glen fairly, but did not like the nature of the service they were engaged in; while others consoled themselves with the military logic, that their officers must be answerable for the orders given, they having no choice save to obey them. Alarmed with what had been thus observed and heard, the young men hastened to Glenlyon’s quarters, 74 - TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. where th6y found that officer and his men preparing their arms. On questioning him about these suspicious appear¬ ances, Glenlyon accounted for them by a story, that he was bound on an expedition against some of Glengarry’s men ; and alluding to the circumstance of their alliance, which made his own cruelty more detestable, he added, “If any thing evil had been intended, would I not have told Alaster and my niece ? ” Reassured by this communication, the young men retired to rest, but were speedily awakened by an old domestic, who called on the two brothers to rise and fly for their lives. “Is it time for you,” he said, “to be sleeping, when your father is murdered on his own hearth ? ” Thus roused they hurried out in great terror, and heard throughout the glen, wherever there was a place of human habitation, the shouts of the murderers, the report of the muskets, the screams of the wounded, and the groans of the dying. By their perfect knowledge of the scarce accessible cliffs amongst which they dwelt, they were enabled to escape observation, and fled to the southern access of the glen. Meantime the work of death proceeded with as little remorse as Stair himself could have desired. Even the slight mitigation of their orders respecting those above seventy years, was disregarded by the soldiery in their in¬ discriminate thirst for blood, and several very aged and bedridden persons were slain amongst others. At the hamlet where Glenlyon had his own quarters, nine men, including his landlord, were bound and shot like felons; and one of them, MacDonald of Auchintriaten, had General Hill’s passport in his pocket at the time. A fine lad of twenty had, by some glimpse of compassion on the part of the soldiers, been spared, when one Captain Drummond came up, and demanding why the orders were transgressed in that particular, caused him instantly to be put to death. ESCAPE FROM GLENCOE MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. '75 A boy of five or six years old clung to Glenlyon’s knees, entreating for mercy, and offering to become his servant for life, if he would spare him. Glenlyon was moved; but the same Drummond stabbed the child with his dirk, while he was in this agony of supplication. At a place called Auchnaion, one Barber, a sergeant, with a party of soldiers, fired on a group of nine MacDonalds, as they were assembled round their morning fire, and killed four of them. The owner of the house, a brother of the slain Auchintriaten, escaped unhurt, and expressed a wish to be put to death rather in the open air than within the house. “For your bread which I have eaten,” answered Barber, “I will grant the request.” MacDonald was dragged to the door accordingly; but he was an active man, and when the soldiers were presenting their firelocks to shoot him, he cast his plaid over their faces, and taking advan¬ tage of the confusion, broke from them, and escaped up the glen. The alarm being now general, many other persons, male and female, attempted their escape in the same manner as the two sons of Maclan and the person last mentioned. Flying from their burning huts', and from their murderous visitors, the half-naked fugitives committed themselves to a winter morning of darkness, snow, and storm, amidst a wilderness the most savage in the West Highlands, having a bloody death behind them, and before them tempest, famine, and desolation. Bewildered in the snow-wreaths, several sunk to rise no more. But the severities of the storm were tender mercies compared to the cruelty of their persecutors. The great fall of snow, which proved fatal to several of the fugitives, was the means of saving the remnant that escaped. Major Duncanson, agreeably to the plan expressed in his orders to Glenlyon, had not failed to put himself in motion, with four hundred men, on the evening 176 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. preceding the slaughter; and had he reached the eastern passes out of Glencoe by four in the morning, as he calcu¬ lated, he must have intercepted and destroyed all those who took that only way of escape from Glenlyon and his followers. But as this reinforcement arrived so late as eleven in the forenoon, they found no MacDonald alive in Glencoe, save an old man of eighty, whom they slew ; and after burning such houses as were yet unconsumed, they collected the property of the tribe, consisting of twelve hundred head of cattle and horses, besides goats and sheep, and drove them off to the garrison of Fort William. Thus ended this horrible deed of massacre. The number of persons murdered was thirty-eight; those who escaped might amount to a hundred and fifty males, who, with the women and children of the tribe, had to fly more than twelve miles through rocks and wildernesses, ere they could reach any place of safety or shelter. The detestable butchery excited general horror and disgust not only throughout Scotland, but in foreign countries, and did King William, whose orders, signed and superscribed by himself, were the warrant of the action, incredible evil both in popularity and character. Stair, however, seemed undaunted, and had the infamy to write to Colonel Hill, while public indignation was at the highest, that all that could be said of the matter was, that the execution was not so complete as it might have been. There was, besides, a pamphlet published in his defence, offering a bungled vindication of his conduct; which, indeed, amounts only to this, that a man of the Master of Stair's high place and eminent accomplishments, who had per¬ formed such great services to the public, of which a laboured account was given—one also, who, it is particularly insisted upon, performed the duty of family worship regularly in his household, ought not to be over-severely questioned for the MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 177 death of a few Highland Papists, whose morals were no better than those of English highwaymen. No public notice was taken of this abominable deed until 1695, three years after it had been committed, when, late and reluctantly, a Royal Commission, loudly demanded by the Scottish nation, was granted, to inquire into the par¬ ticulars of the transaction, and to report the issue of their investigations to Parliament The members of the Commission, though selected as favourable to King William, proved of a different opinion from the apologist of the Secretary of State, and reported that the letters and instructions of Stair to Colonel Hill and others were the sole cause of the murder. They slurred over the King’s share of the guilt by reporting that the Secretary’s instructions went beyond the warrant which William had signed and superscribed. The royal mandate, they stated, only ordered the tribe of Glencoe to be subjected to military execution, in case there could be any mode found of separating them from the other Highlanders. Having thus found a screen, though a very flimsy one, for William’s share in the transaction, the report of the Commission let the whole weight of the charge fall on Secretary the Master of Stair, whose letters, they state, intimated no mode of separating the Glencoe men from the rest, as directed by the warrant; but, on the contrary, did, under a pretext of public duty, appoint them, without inquiry or distinction, to be cut off and rooted out in earnest and to purpose, and that “suddenly, secretly, and quietly.” They reported that these instructions of Stair had been the warrant for the slaughter; that it was unauthorised by his Majesty’s orders, and in fact deserved no name save that of a most barbarous murder. Finally, the report named the Master of Stair as the deviser, and the various military officers employed as the perpetrators of the same, and suggested with great M 178 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. moderation that Parliament should address his Majesty to send home Glenlyon and the other murderers to be tried, or should do otherwise as his Majesty pleased. The Secretary, being by this unintelligible mode of reason¬ ing thus exposed to the whole severity of the storm, and overwhelmed at the same time by the King’s displeasure, on account of the Darien affair, was deprived of his office, and obliged to retire from public affairs. General indignation banished him so entirely from public life, that, having about this period succeeded to his father’s title of Viscount Stair, he dared not take his seat in Parliament as such, on account of the threat of the Lord Justice-Clerk that if he did so he w T ould move that the address and report upon the Glencoe Massacre should be produced and inquired into. It was the year 1700 before the Earl of Stair found the affair so much forgotten that he ventured to assume the place in Parliament to which his rank entitled him ; and he died in 1707, on the very day when the treaty of Union was signed, not without suspicion of suicide. Of the direct agents in the massacre, Hamilton absconded and afterwards joined King William’s army in Flanders, where Glenlyon and the officers and soldiers connected with the murder were then serving. The King, availing himself of the option left to him in the address of the Scottish Parliament, did not order them home for trial; nor does it appear that any of them were dismissed the service or punished for their crime, otherwise than by the general hatred of the age in which they lived, and the universal execration of posterity. Although it is here a little misplaced, I cannot refrain from telling you an anecdote connected with the preceding events, which befell so late as the year 1745-6, during the romantic attempt of Charles Edward, grandson of James II., to regain the throne of his fathers. He marched through MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 179 the Lowlands at the head of an army consisting of the Highland clans, and obtained for a time considerable advantages. Amongst other Highlanders the descendant of the murdered Maclan of Glencoe joined his standard with a hundred and fifty men. The route of the Highland army brought them near to a beautiful seat built by the Earl of Stair, so often mentioned in the preceding narrative, and the principal mansion of his family. An alarm arose in the councils of Prince Charles, lest the MacDonalds of Glencoe should seize this opportunity of marking their recollection of the injustice done to their ancestors, by burning or plun¬ dering the house of the descendant of their persecutor; and, as such an act of violence might have done the Prince great prejudice in the eyes of the people of the Lowlands, it was agreed that a guard should be posted to protect the house of Lord Stair. MacDonald of Glencoe heard the resolution, and deemed his honour and that of his clan concerned. He demanded an audience of Charles Edward, and admitting the propriety of placing a guard on a house so obnoxious to the feelings of the Highland army, and to those of his own clan in particular, he demanded, as a matter of right rather than favour, that the protecting guard should be supplied by the MacDonalds of Glencoe. If this request were not granted he announced his purpose to return home with his people and prosecute the enterprise no further. “The MacDonalds of Glencoe,” he said, “ would be dishonoured by remaining in a service where others than their own men were employed to restrain them, under whatsoever circumstances of pro¬ vocation, within the line of their military duty.” The royal adventurer granted the request of the high-spirited chieftain, and the MacDonalds of Glencoe guarded from the slightest injury the house of the cruel and crafty statesman who had devised and directed the massacre of their ancestors. 180 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. Considering how natural the thirst of vengeance becomes to men in a primitive state of society, and how closely it was interwoven with the character of the Scottish Highlander, Glencoe’s conduct on this occasion is a noble instance of a high and heroic preference of duty to the gratification of revenge. THE MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. “ O TELL me, Harper, wherefore flow Thy wayward notes of wail and woe, Far down the desert of Glencoe, Where none may list their melody ? Say, harp’st thou to the mists that fly, Or to the dun-deer glancing by, Or to the eagle, that from high Screams chorus to thy minstrelsy ? ”— “ No, not to these, for they have rest,— The mist-wreath has the mountain-crest, The stag his lair, the erne her nest, Abode of lone security. But those for whom I pour the lay, Not wild-wood deep, nor mountain grey, Not this deep dell, that shrouds from day, Could screen from treach’rous cruelty. “ Their flag was furl’d, and mute their drum, The very household dogs were dumb, Unwont to bay at guests that come In guise of hospitality. His blithest notes the piper plied, Her gayest snood the maiden tied, The dame her distaff flung aside, To tend her kindly housewifery. “ The hand that mingled in the meal, At midnight drew the felon steel, MASSACRE OF GLENCOE . 181 And gave the host’s kind breast to feel Meed for his hospitality ! The friendly hearth which warm’d that hand, At midnight arm’d it with the brand, That bade destruction’s flames expand Their red and fearful blazonry. “ Then woman’s shriek was heard in vain, Nor infancy’s unpitied plain, More than the warrior’s groan, could gain Respite from ruthless butchery ! The winter wind that whistled shrill, The snows that night that cloked the hill. Though wild and pitiless, had still Far more than Southern clemency. “ Long have my harp’s best notes been gone, Few are its strings, and faint their tone, They can but sound in desert lone Their grey-hair’d master’s misery. Were each grey hair a minstrel string, Each chord should imprecations fling, Till startled Scotland loud should ring, ‘ Revenge for blood and treachery I ’ ” KINMONT WILLIE AND BUCCLEUCH. COTLAND derived great advantage from the peace with England [towards the close of the 16th century], as some degree of repose was highly necessary to this distracted country. The peace now made continued with little interruption for thirty years and upwards. On one occasion, however, a smart action took place betwixt the Scots and English, which, though of little consequence, I may here tell you of, chiefly because it was the last considerable skirmish—with the exception of a deed of bold daring, of which I shall speak by and by—which the two nations had, or, it is to be hoped, ever will have, with each other. It was the course adopted for preserving peace upon the Border, that the Wardens on each side used to meet on days appointed, and deliver up to each other the malefactors who had committed aggressions upon either country, or else make pecuniary reparation for the trespasses which they had done. On the 7th July 1575, Carmichael, as Warden for the Scottish Middle Marches, met Sir John Foster, the English officer on the opposite frontier, each being as usual accompanied by the guards belonging to their office, as well as by the armed clans inhabiting their jurisdiction. Foster was attended by the men of Tynedale, in greater numbers KIN MONT WILLIE AND BUCCLEUCH. 18.3 than those of the Scottish Borderers, all well armed with jack and spear, as well as bows and arrows. The meeting was at first peaceful. The Wardens commenced their usual business of settling delinquencies; and their attendants be¬ gan to traffic with each other, and to engage in sports and gaming. For, notwithstanding their habitual incursions, a sort of acquaintance was always kept up between the Bor¬ derers on both sides, like that which takes place betwixt the outposts of two contending armies. During this mutual friendly intercourse, a dispute arose between the two Wardens, Carmichael desiring delivery of an English depredator, for whom Foster, on the other hand, refused to be responsible. They both arose from their seats as the debate grew warm, and Sir John Foster told Car¬ michael, contemptuously, he ought to match himself with his equals. The English Borderers immediately raised their war-cry of “ To it, Tynedale ! ” and without further ceremony shot a flight of arrows among the Scots, who, few in number and surprised, were with difficulty able to keep their ground. A band of the citizens of Jedburgh arrived just in time to support their countrymen and turn the fate of the day; for most of them having firearms, the old English long-bow no more possessed its ancient superiority. After a smart action the English were driven from the field; Sir John Foster, with many of the English gentlemen, being made prisoners, were sent to be at the Regent Morton’s disposal. Sir George Heron of Chipchase, and other persons of condition, were slain on the English side. The Scots lost but one gentleman of name. Morton, afraid of Queen Elizabeth’s displeasure, though the offence had been given by the English, treated the prisoners with distinction, and dismissed them, not only without ransom, but with presents of falcons and other tokens of respect. “Are you not well treated,” said a 184 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT . Scotsman to one of these liberated prisoners, “since we give you live hawks for dead Herons ! ” This skirmish, called the Raid of the Redswair, took place on the mountainous ridge of the Carter. It produced no interruption of concord between the two countries, being passed over as a casual affray. Scotland therefore enjoyed the blessings of peace and tranquillity during the greater part of Morton’s regency. [The following Border exploit took place in April 1596, and though one of the last that was performed there, was certainly not the least remarkable for valour and conduct.] The English and Scottish Wardens, or their deputies, had held a day of truce for settling Border disputes, and, having parted friends, both, with their followers, were returning home. At every such meeting it was the general rule on the Borders that there should be an absolute truce for twenty-four hours, and that all men who attended the Warden on either side to the field should have permission to ride home again undisturbed. Now there had come to the meeting, with other Border men, a notorious depredator, called William Armstrong, but more commonly known by the name of Kinmont Willie. This man was riding home on the north or Scottish side of the Liddell, where that stream divides England and Scot¬ land, when some of the English who had enmity against him, or had suffered by his incursions, were unable to resist the temptation to attack him. They accordingly dashed across the river, pursued Kinmont Willie more than a mile within Scotland, made him prisoner, and brought him to Carlisle castle. As the man talked boldly and resolutely about the breach of truce in his person, and demanded peremptorily to be set at liberty, Lord Scrope told him, scoffingly, that before he left the castle he should bid him “farewell,” meaning KIN MO NT WILLIE AND BUCCLEUCH. 185 that he should not go without his leave. The prisoner boldly answered, “that he would not go without bidding him good-night.” The Lord of Buccleuch, who was Warden, or Keeper, of Liddesdale, demanded the restoration of Kinmont Willie to liberty, and complained of his being taken and imprisoned as a breach of the Border-laws, and an insult done to himself. Lord Scrope refused, or at least evaded, giving up his prisoner. Buccleuch then sent him a challenge, which Lord Scrope declined to accept, on the ground of his employment in the public service. The Scottish chief, therefore, resolved to redress by force the insult which his country, as well as himself, had sustained on the occasion. He collected about three hundred of his best men, and made a night march to Carlisle castle. A small party of chosen men dismounted, while the rest remained on horse¬ back, to repel any attack from the town. The night being misty and rainy, the party to whom that duty was committed approached the foot of the walls, and tried to scale them by means of ladders which they had brought with them for the purpose. But the ladders were found too short. They then, with mining instruments which they had provided, burst open a postern, or wicket-door, and entered the castle. Their chief had given them strict orders to do no harm save to those who opposed them, so that the few guards whom the alarm brought together were driven back without much injury. Being masters of the castle, the trumpets of the Scottish Warden were then blown, to the no small terror of the inhabitants of Carlisle, surprised out of their quiet sleep by the sounds of invasion at so early an hour. The bells of the castle rang out; those of the Cathedral and Moot-hall answered; drums beat to arms; and beacons were lighted, to alarm the warlike country around. In the meanwhile the Scottish party had done the errand TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. 186 they came for. They had freed Kinmont Willie from his dungeon. The first thing Armstrong did was to shout a good-night to Lord Scrope, asking him at the same time if he had any news for Scotland. The Borderers strictly obeyed the commands of the chief, in forbearing to take any booty. They returned from the castle, bringing with them their rescued countryman and a gentleman named Spenser, an attendant on the constable of the castle. Buccleuch dismissed him with his commendations to Salkeld the constable, whom he esteemed, he said, a better gentleman than Lord Scrope, bidding him say it was the Warden of Liddesdale who had done the exploit, and praying the constable, if he desired the name of a man of honour, to issue forth and seek a revenge. Buccleuch then ordered the retreat, which he performed with great leisure, and re-entered Scotland at sunrise in honour and safety. “ There had never been a more gallant deed of vassalage done in Scotland,” says an old historian, “ no, not in Wallace’s days.” Queen Elizabeth, as you may imagine, was dreadfully angry at this insult, and demanded that Buccleuch should be delivered up to the English, as he had committed so great an aggression upon their frontier during the time of peace. The matter was laid before the Scottish Parliament. King James himself pleaded the question on the part of Elizabeth, willing, it may be supposed, to recommend him¬ self to that Princess by his tameness and docility. The Secretary of State replied in defence of Buccleuch ; and the Scottish Parliament finally voted that they would refer the question to commissioners, to be chosen for both nations, and would abide by their decision. But concerning the pro¬ posed surrender of Buccleuch to England, the President declared, with a loud voice, that it would be time enough for Buccleuch to go to England when the King should pass there in person. KIN MONT WILLIE AND BUCCLEUCH. 187 Buccleuch finally ended the discussion by going to England at the King’s personal request, and on the understanding that no evil was to be done to him. Queen Elizabeth desired to see him personally, and demanded of him how he dared commit such aggression on her territory. He answered un¬ dauntedly, that he knew not that thing which a man dared not do. Elizabeth admired the answer, and treated this powerful Border chief with distinction during the time he ' remained in England, which was not long. ROB ROY MACGREGOR . OB ROY MACGREGOR CAMPBELL, which last name he bore in consequence of the acts of Parliament abolishing his own, was the youngest son' of Donald MacGregor of Glengyle, said to have been a Lieutenant- Colonel (probably in the service of James II.), by his wife, a daughter of Campbell of Glenfalloch. Rob’s own desig¬ nation was of Inversnaid; but he appears to have acquired a right of some kind or other to the property or possession of Craig Royston, a domain of rock and forest, lying on the east side of Loch Lomond, where that beautiful lake stretches into the dusky mountains of Glenfalloch. The time of his birth is uncertain. But he is said to have been active in the scenes of war and plunder which succeeded the Revolution; and tradition affirms him to have been the leader in a predatory incursion into the parish of Kippen, in the Lennox, which took place in the year 1691. It was of almost a bloodless character, only one person losing his life; but from the extent of the depreda¬ tion, it was long distinguished by the name of the Her’-ship, or devastation, of Kippen. The time of his death is also uncertain; but as he is said to have survived the year 1733, and died an aged man, it is probable he may have been twenty-five about the time of the Her’-ship of Kippen, which would assign his birth to the middle of the 17th century. ROB ROY MACGREGOR. 189 In the more quiet times which succeeded the Revolution, Rob Roy, or Red Robert, seems to have exerted his active talents, which were of no mean order, as a drover, or trader in cattle, to a great extent. It may well be supposed that in those days no Lowland, much less English drovers, ventured to enter the Highlands. The cattle, which were the staple commodity of the mountains, were escorted down to fairs, on the borders of the Lowlands, by a party of High¬ landers, with their arms rattling around them; and who dealt, however, in all honour and good faith with their Southern customers. A fray, indeed, would sometimes arise, when the Lowlandmen, chiefly Borderers, who had to supply the English market, used to dip their bonnets in the next brook, and wrapping them round their hands, oppose their cudgels to the naked broadswords, which had not always the superiority. I have heard from aged persons, who had been engaged in such affrays, that the Highlanders used remarkably fair play, never using the point of the sword, far less their pistols or daggers; so that “ With many a stiff thwack and many a bang, Hard crabtree and cold iron rang. ” A slash or two, or a broken head, was easily accom¬ modated, and as the trade was of benefit to both parties, trifling skirmishes were not allowed to interrupt its harmony. Indeed, it was of vital interest to the Highlanders, whose income, so far as derived from their estates, depended entirely on the sale of black cattle; and a sagacious and experienced dealer benefited not only himself, but his friends and neighbours, by his speculations. Those of Rob Roy were for several years so successful as to inspire general confidence, and raise him in the estimation of the country in which he resided. 1 9 o TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. His importance was increased by the death of his father, in consequence of which he succeeded to the management of his nephew Gregor MacGregor of Glengyle’s property, and, as his tutor, to such influence with the clan and following as was due to the representative of Dougal Ciar. Such influence was the more uncontrolled, that this family of the MacGregors seem to have refused adherence to Mac¬ Gregor of Glencarnock, the ancestor of the present Sir Ewan MacGregor, and asserted a kind of independence. It was at this time that Rob Roy acquired an interest by purchase, wadset, or otherwise, to the property of Craig Royston already mentioned. He was in particular favour, during this prosperous period of his life, with his nearest and most powerful neighbour, James first Duke of Montrose, from whom he received many marks of regard. His Grace consented to give his nephew and himself a right of pro¬ perty on the estates of Glengyle and Inversnaid, which they had till then only held as kindly tenants. The Duke, also, with a view to the interest of the country and his own estate, supported our adventurer by loans of money to a considerable amount, to enable him to carry on his specula¬ tions in the cattle trade. Unfortunately that species of commerce was and is liable to sudden fluctuations; and Rob Roy was—by a sudden depression of markets, and as a friendly tradition adds, by the bad faith of a partner named MacDonald, whom he had imprudently received into his confidence, and intrusted with a considerable sum of money—rendered totally insolvent. He absconded, of course—not emptv-handed, if it be true, as stated in an advertisement for his apprehension, that he had in his possession sums to the amount of jQ 1000 sterling, obtained from several noblemen and gentlemen under pre¬ tence of purchasing cows for them in the Highlands. This advertisement appeared in June 1712, and was several times ROB ROY MACGREGOR. 191 repeated. It fixes the period when Rob Roy exchanged his commercial adventures for speculations of a very different complexion. He appears at this period first to have removed from his ordinary dwelling at Inversnaid, ten or twelve Scots miles (which is double the number of English) farther into the Highlands, and commenced the lawless sort of life which he afterwards followed. The Duke of Montrose, who con¬ ceived himself deceived and cheated by MacGregor’s conduct, employed legal means to recover the money lent to him. Rob Roy’s landed property was attached by the regular form of legal procedure, and his stock and furniture made the subject of arrest and sale. It is said that this diligence of the law, as it is called in Scotland, which the English more bluntly term distress, was used in this case with uncommon severity, and that the legal satellites, not usually the gentlest persons in the world, had insulted MacGregor’s wife, in a manner which would have aroused a milder man than he to thoughts of un¬ bounded vengeance. She was a woman of fierce and haughty temper, and is not unlikely to have disturbed the officers in the execution of their duty, and thus to have incurred ill- treatment, though, for the sake of humanity, it is to be hoped that the story sometimes told is a popular exaggera¬ tion. It is certain that she felt extreme anguish at being expelled from the banks of Loch Lomond, and gave vent to her feelings in a fine piece of pipe-music, still well known to amateurs by the name of “ Rob Roy’s Lament.” The fugitive is thought to have found his first place of refuge in Glen Dochart, under the Earl of Breadalbane’s protection ; for though that family had been active agents in the destruction of the MacGregors in former times, they had of late years sheltered a great many of the name in their old possessions. The Duke of Argyle was also one of Rob 192 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. Roy’s protectors, so far as to afford him, according to the Highland phrase, wood and water—the shelter, namely, that is afforded by the forests and lakes of an inaccessible country. The great men of the Highlands in that time, besides being anxiously ambitious to keep up what was called their Following, or military retainers, were also desirous to have at their disposal men of resolute character, to whom the world and the world’s law were no friends, and who might at times ravage the lands or destroy the tenants of a feudal enemy, without bringing responsibility on their patrons. The strife between the names of Campbell and Graham, during the civil wars of the 17th century, had been stamped with mutual loss and inveterate enmity. The death of the great Marquess of Montrose on the one side, the defeat at Inverlochy, and cruel plundering of Lorn, on the other, were reciprocal injuries not likely to be forgotten. Rob Roy was therefore sure of refuge in the country of the Campbells, both as having assumed their name, as connected by his mother with the family of Glenfalloch, and as an enemy to the rival house of Montrose. The extent of Argyle’s pos¬ sessions, and the power of retreating thither in any emer¬ gency, gave great encouragement to the bold schemes. of revenge which he had adopted. This was nothing short of the maintenance of a predatory war against the Duke of Montrose, whom he considered as the author of his exclusion from civil society, and of the outlawry to which he had been sentenced by letters of horning and caption (legal writs so called), as well as the seizure of his goods, and adjudication of his landed property. Against his Grace, therefore, his tenants, friends, allies, and relatives, he disposed himself to employ every means of annoyance in his power; and though this was a circle sufficiently extensive for active depredation, Rob, who pro¬ fessed himself a Jacobite, took the liberty of extending his ROB ROY MACGREGOR. 193 sphere of operations against all whom he chose to consider as friendly to the revolutionary government, or to that most obnoxious of measures—the Union of the Kingdoms. Under one or other of these pretexts all his neighbours of the Lowlands who had anything to lose, or were unwilling to compound for security by paying him an annual sum for protection or forbearance, were exposed to his ravages. The country in which this private warfare or system of depredation was to be carried on was, until opened up by roads, in the highest degree favourable for his purpose. It was broken up into narrow valleys, the habitable part of which bore no proportion to the huge wildernesses of forest, rocks, and precipices by which they were encircled, and which was, moreover, full of inextricable passes, morasses, and natural strengths, unknown to any but the inhabitants themselves, where a few men acquainted with the ground were capable, with ordinary address, of baffling the pursuit of numbers. The opinions and habits of the nearest neighbours to the Highland line were also highly favourable to Rob Roy’s purpose. A large proportion of them were of his own clan of MacGregor, who claimed the property of Balquhidder, and other Highland districts, as having been part of the ancient possessions of their tribe; though the harsh laws, under the severity of which they had suffered so deeply, had assigned the ownership to other families. The civil wars of the seventeenth century had accustomed these men to the use of arms, and they were peculiarly brave and fierce from remembrance of their sufferings. The vicinity of a com¬ paratively rich Lowland district gave also great temptations to incursion. Many belonging to other clans, habituated to contempt of industry, and to the use of arms, drew towards an unprotected frontier which promised facility of plunder; and the state of the country, now so peaceable and quiet, verified at that time the opinion which Dr. Johnson heard N 194 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. with doubt and suspicion, that the most disorderly and law¬ less districts of the Highlands were those which lay nearest to the Lowland line. There was therefore no difficulty in Rob Roy, descended of a tribe which was widely dispersed in the country we have described, collecting any number of followers whom he might be able to keep in action, and to maintain by his proposed operations. He himself appears to have been singularly adapted for the profession which he proposed to exercise. His stature was not of the tallest, but his person was uncommonly strong and compact. The greatest peculiarities of his frame were the breadth of his shoulders, and the great and almost dis- proportioned length of his arms; so remarkable, indeed, that it was said he could, without stooping, tie the garters of his Highland hose, which are placed two inches below the knee. His countenance was open, manly, stern at periods of danger, but frank and cheerful in his hours of festivity. His hair was dark-red, thick and frizzled, and curled short around the face. His fashion of dress showed, of course, the knees and upper part of the leg, which was described to me as resembling that of a Highland bull, hirsute, with red hair, and evincing muscular strength similar to that animal. To these personal qualifications must be added a masterly use of the Highland sword, in which his length of arm gave him great advantage—and a perfect and intimate knowledge of all the recesses of the wild country in which he harboured, and the character of the various individuals, whether friendly or hostile, with whom he might come in contact. His mental qualities seem to have been no less adapted to the circumstances in which he was placed. Though the descendant of the bloodthirsty Ciar Mohr, he inherited none of his ancestor’s ferocity. On the contrary, Rob Roy avoided every appearance of cruelty, and it is not averred that he was ever the means of unnecessary bloodshed, or ROB ROY MACGREGOR. 195 the actor in any deed which could lead the way to it. His schemes of plunder were contrived and executed with equal boldness and sagacity, and were almost universally success¬ ful, from the skill with which they were laid, and the secrecy and rapidity with which they were executed. Like Robin Hood of England, he was a kind and gentle robber, and, while he took from the rich, was liberal in relieving the poor. This might in part be policy; but the universal tradition of the country speaks it to have arisen from a better motive. All whom I have conversed with, and I have in my youth seen some who knew Rob Roy personally, gave him the character of a benevolent and humane man “ in his way.” His ideas of morality were those of an Arab chief, being such as naturally arose out of his wild education. Suppos¬ ing Rob Roy to have argued on the tendency of the life which he pursued, whether from choice or from necessity, he would doubtless have assumed to himself the character of a brave man, who, deprived of his natural rights by the partiality of laws, endeavoured to assert them by the strong hand of natural power. ... We are not, however, to suppose the character of this distinguished outlaw to be that of an actual hero, acting uniformly and consistently on such moral principles as the illustrious bard who, standing by his grave, has vindicated his fame.* On the contrary, as is common with barbarous chiefs, Rob Roy appears to have mixed his professions of principle with a large alloy of craft and dis¬ simulation, of which his conduct during the civil war is sufficient proof. It is also said, and truly, that although his courtesy was one of his strongest characteristics, yet some¬ times he assumed an arrogance of manner which was not easily endured by the high-spirited men to whom it was addressed, and drew the daring outlaw into frequent disputes, from which he did not always come off with credit. From Wordsworth : “ Rob Roy’s Grave.” 196 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. this it has been inferred that Rob Roy was more of a bully than a hero, or at least that he had, according to the com¬ mon phrase, his fighting days. Some aged men who knew him well have described him also as better at a taich-tulzie y or scuffle within doors, than in mortal combat. The tenor of his life may be quoted to repel this charge ; while at the same time it must be allowed, that the situation in which he was placed rendered him prudently averse to maintain¬ ing quarrels, where nothing was to be had save blows, and where success would have raised up against him new and powerful enemies, in a country where revenge was still con¬ sidered as a duty rather than a crime. The power of commanding his passions on such occasions, far from being inconsistent with the part which MacGregor had .to perform, was essentially necessary, at the period when he lived, to prevent his career from being cut short. . . . Occasionally Rob Roy suffered disasters, and incurred great personal danger. On one remarkable occasion he was saved by the coolness of his lieutenant, Macanaleister, or Fletcher, the Little John of his band—a fine active fellow, of course, and celebrated as a marksman. It happened that MacGregor and his party had been surprised and dis¬ persed by a superior force of horse and foot, and the word was given to “ split and squander.” Each shifted for him¬ self, but a bold dragoon attached himself to pursuit of Rob, and overtaking him, struck at him with his broadsword. A plate of iron in his bonnet saved the MacGregor from being cut down to the teeth ; but the blow was heavy enough to bear him to the ground, crying, as he fell, “ O, Macanaleister, is there naething in her?” (i.e. in the gun). The trooper, at the same time, exclaiming, “ D—n ye, your mother never wrought your nightcap ! ” had his arm raised for a second blow, when Macanaleister fired, and the ball pierced the dragoon’s heart. ROB ROY MACGREGOR. 197 Such as he was, Rob Roy’s progress in his occupation is thus described by a gentleman of sense and talent, who resided within the circle of his predatory wars, had probably felt their effects, and speaks of them, as might be expected, with little of the forbearance with which, from their peculiar and romantic character, they are now regarded. “This man (Rob Roy MacGregor) was a person of sagacity, and neither wanted stratagem nor address; and, having abandoned himself to all licentiousness, set himself at the head of all the loose, vagrant, and desperate people of that clan, in the west end of Perth and Stirlingshires, and infested those whole countries with thefts, robberies, and depredations. Very few who lived within his reach (that is, within the distance of a nocturnal expedition) could promise to themselves security, either for their persons or effects, without subjecting themselves to pay him a heavy and shameful tax of black-mail. He at last proceeded to such a degree of audaciousness, that he committed robberies, raised contributions, and resented quarrels, at the head of a very considerable body of armed men, in open day, and in the face of the Government.” The extent and success of these depredations cannot be surprising, when we consider that the scene of them was laid in a country where the general law was neither enforced nor respected. . . . The period of the Rebellion, 1715, approached soon after Rob Roy had attained celebrity. His Jacobite partialities were now placed in opposition to his sense of the obligations which he owed to the indirect protection of the Duke of Argyle. But the desire of “drowning his sounding steps amid the din of general war,” induced him to join the forces of the Earl of Mar, although his patron, the Duke of Argyle, was at the head of the army opposed to the Highland insurgents. The MacGregors—a large sept of them at least, that of 198 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. Ciar Mohr—on this occasion were not commanded by Rob Roy, but by his nephew already mentioned, Gregor Mac¬ Gregor, otherwise called James Grahame of Glengyle, and still better remembered by the Gaelic epithet of Ghlune Dhu, i.e., Black Knee, from a black spot on one of his knees, which his Highland garb rendered visible. There can be no question, however, that being then very young, Glengyle must have acted on most occasions by the advice and direc¬ tion of so experienced a leader as his uncle. The MacGregors assembled in numbers at that period, and began even to threaten the Lowlands towards the lower extremity of Loch Lomond. They suddenly seized all the boats which were upon the lake, and, probably with a view to some enterprise of their own, drew them overland to Inversnaid, in order to intercept the progress of a large body of west-country whigs who were in arms for the Government, and moving in that direction. The whigs made an excursion for the recovery of the boats. Their forces consisted of volunteers from Paisley, Kilpatrick, and elsewhere, who, with the assistance of a body of seamen, were towed up the river Leven in long¬ boats belonging to the ships of war then lying in the Clyde. At Luss they were joined by the forces of Sir Humphrey Colquhoun, and James Grant, his son-in-law, with their followers, attired in the Highland dress of the period, which is picturesquely described. The whole party crossed to Craig-Royston, but the MacGregors did not offer combat. If we are to believe the account of the expedition given by the historian Rae, they leaped on shore at Craig-Royston with the utmost intrepidity, no enemy appearing to oppose them, and, by the noise of their drums, which they beat incessantly, and the discharge of their artillery and small arms, terrified the MacGregors, whom they appear never to have seen, out of their fastnesses, and caused them to fly in ROB ROY MACGREGOR. 199 a panic to the general camp of the Highlanders at Strath Fillan. The low-country men succeeded in getting posses¬ sion of the boats, at a great expenditure of noise and courage, and little risk of danger. After this temporary removal from his old haunts, Rob Roy was sent by the Earl of Mar to Aberdeen, to raise, it is believed, a part of the clan Gregor which is settled in that country. These men were of his own family (the race of the Ciar Mohr). They were the descendants of about three hundred MacGregors whom the Earl of Murray, about the year 1624, transported from his estates in Monteith to oppose against his enemies the Macintoshes, a race as hardy and restless as they were themselves. But while in the city of Aberdeen Rob Roy met a rela¬ tion of a very different class and character from those whom he was sent to summon to arms. This was Dr. James Gregory (by descent a MacGregor), the patriarch of a dynasty of professors distinguished for literary and scientific talent, and the grandfather of the late eminent physician and accomplished scholar, Professor Gregory of Edinburgh. This gentleman was at the time Professor of Medicine in King’s College, Aberdeen, and son of Dr. James Gregory, distinguished in science as the inventor of the reflecting telescope. With such a family it may seem our friend Rob could have had little communion. But civil war is a species of misery which introduces men to strange bedfellows. Dr. Gregory thought it a point of prudence to claim kindred, at so critical a period, wuth a man so formidable and influen¬ tial. He invited Rob Roy to his house, and treated him with so much kindness, that he produced in his generous bosom a degree of gratitude which seemed likely to occasion very inconvenient effects. The Professor had a son about eight or nine years old— a lively, stout boy of his age—with whose appearance our 200 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. Highland Robin Hood was much taken. On the day before his departure from the house of his learned relative, Rob Roy, who had pondered deeply how he might requite his cousin’s kindness, took Dr. Gregory aside, and addressed him to this purport:—“ My dear kinsman, I have been thinking what I could do to show my sense of your hospi¬ tality. Now, here you have a fine spirited boy of a son, whom you are ruining by cramming him with your useless book-learning, and I am determined, by way of manifesting my great good-will to you and yours, to take him with me and make a man of him.” The learned Professor was utterly overwhelmed when his warlike kinsman announced his kind purpose, in language which implied no doubt of its being a proposal which would be, and ought to be, accepted with the utmost gratitude. The task of apology or explan¬ ation was of a most delicate description; and there might have been considerable danger in suffering Rob Roy to perceive that the promotion with which he threatened the son was,' in the father’s eyes, the ready road to the gallows. Indeed, every excuse which he could at first think of—such as regret for putting his friend to trouble with a youth who had been educated in the Lowlands, and so on—only strengthened the chieftain’s inclination to patronise his young kinsman, as he supposed they arose entirely from the modesty of the father. He would for a long time take no apology, and even spoke of carrying off the youth by a certain degree of kindly violence, whether his father con¬ sented or not. At length the perplexed Professor pleaded that his son was very young, and in an infirm state of health, and not yet able to endure the hardships of a mountain life; but that in another year or two he hoped his health would be firmly established, and he would be in a fitting condition to attend on his brave kinsman, and follow out the splendid destinies to which he opened the way. This agreement ROB ROY MACGREGOR. 20 r being made, the cousins parted—Rob Roy pledging his honour to carry his young relation to the hills with him on his next return to Aberdeenshire, and Dr. Gregory, doubt¬ less, praying in his secret soul that he might never see Rob’s Highland face again. James Gregory, who thus escaped being his kinsman’s recruit, and in all probability his henchman, was afterwards Professor of Medicine in the College, and, like most of his family, distinguished by his scientific acquirements. He was rather of an irritable and pertinacious disposition ; and his friends were wont to remark, when he showed any symptom of these foibles, “ Ah ! this comes of not having been educated by Rob Roy.” The connection between Rob Roy and his classical kins¬ man did not end with the period of Rob’s transient power. At a period considerably subsequent to the year 1715, he was walking in the Castle Street of Aberdeen, arm-in-arm with his host, Dr. James Gregory, when the drums in the barracks suddenly beat to arms, and soldiers were seen issuing from the barracks. “ If these lads are turning out,” said Rob, taking leave of his cousin with great composure, “it is time for me to look after my safety.” So saying, he dived down a close, and as John Bunyan says, “ went upon his way and was seen no more.” We have already stated that Rob Roy’s conduct during the insurrection of 1715 was very equivocal. His person and followers were in the Highland army, but his heart seems to have been with the Duke of Argyle’s. Yet the insurgents were constrained to trust to him as their only guide, when they marched from Perth towards Dumblane, with the view of crossing the Forth at what are called the Fords of Frew, and when they themselves said he could not be relied upon. This movement to the westward, on the part of the in- 202 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. surgents, brought on the battle of Sherriff-muir—indecisive, indeed, in its immediate results, but of which the Duke of Argyle reaped the whole advantage. In this action, it will be recollected that the right wing of the Highlanders broke and cut to pieces Argyle’s left wing, while the clans on the left of Mar’s army, though consisting of Stewarts, Mackenzies, and Camerons, were completely routed. During this med¬ ley of flight and pursuit, Rob Roy retained his station on a hill in the centre of the Highland position; and though it is said his attack might have decided the day, he could not be prevailed upon to charge. This was the more unfortu¬ nate for the insurgents, as the leading of a party of the Mac- phersons had been committed to MacGregor. This, it is said, was owing to the age and infirmity of the chief of that name, who, unable to lead his clan in person, objected to his heir-apparent, Macpherson of Nord, discharging his duty on that occasion ; so that the tribe, or a part of them, were brigaded with their allies the MacGregors. While the favourable moment for action was gliding away unemployed, Mar’s positive orders reached Rob Roy that he should presently attack. To which he coolly replied, “ No, no ! if they cannot do it without me, they cannot do it with me.” One of the Macphersons, named Alexander, one of Rob’s original profession, videlicet a drover, but a man of great strength and spirit, was so incensed at the inactivity of his temporary leader, that he threw off his plaid, drew his sword, and called out to his clansmen, “ Let us endure this no longer! if he will not lead you, I will.” Rob Roy replied, with great coolness, “Were the question about driving Highland stots or kyloes, Sandie, I would yield to your superior skill; but as it respects the leading of men, I must be allowed to be the better judge.”—“ Did the matter re¬ spect driving Glen-Eigas stots,” answered the Macpherson, “ the question with Rob would not be, which was to be last, ROB ROY MACGREGOR. 203 but which was to be foremost.” Incensed at this sarcasm, MacGregor drew his sword, and they would have fought upon the spot if their friends on both sides had not inter¬ fered. But the moment of attack was completely lost. Rob did not, however, neglect his own private interest on the occasion. In the confusion of an undecided field of battle, he enriched his followers by plundering the baggage and the dead on both sides. The fine old satirical ballad on the battle of Sherriff-muir does not forget to stigmatise our hero’s conduct on this memorable occasion:— “Rob Roy he stood watch On a hill for to catch The booty, for aught that I saw, man ; For he ne’er advanced From the place where he stanced, Till nae mair was to do there at a’, man.” Notwithstanding the sort of neutrality which Rob Roy had continued to observe during the progress of the Rebel¬ lion, he did not escape some of its penalties. He was in¬ cluded in the act of attainder, and the house in Breadalbane, which was his place of retreat, was burned by General Lord Cadogan, when, after the conclusion of the insurrection, he marched through the Highlands to disarm and punish the offending clans. But upon going to Inverary with about forty or fifty of his followers, Rob obtained favour by an apparent surrender of their arms to Colonel Patrick Camp¬ bell of Finniah, who furnished them and their leader with protections under his hand. Being thus in a great measure secured from the resentment of Government, Rob Roy established his residence at Craig-Royston, near Loch Lomond, in the midst of his own kinsmen, and lost no time in resuming his private quarrel with the Duke of Montrose. For this purpose he soon got on foot as many men, and well 204 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. armed too, as he had yet commanded. He never stirred without a bodyguard of ten or twelve picked followers, and without much effort could increase them to fifty or sixty. The Duke was not wanting in efforts to destroy this troublesome adversary. His Grace applied to General Carpenter, commanding the forces in Scotland, and by his orders three parties of soldiers were directed from the three different points of Glasgow, Stirling, and Finlarig near Killin. Mr. Graham of Killearn, the Duke of Montrose’s relation and factor, Sherriff-depute also of Dumbartonshire, accom¬ panied the troops, that they might act under the civil authority, and have the assistance of a trusty guide well acquainted with the hills. It was the object of these several columns to arrive about the same time in the neighbourhood of Rob Roy’s residence, and surprise him and his followers. But heavy rains, the difficulties of the country, and the good intelligence which the outlaw was always supplied with, disappointed their well-concerted combination. The troops, finding the birds were flown, avenged themselves by destroy¬ ing the nest. They burned Rob Roy’s house, though not with impunity; for the MacGregors, concealed among the thickets and cliffs, fired on them, and killed a grenadier. Rob Roy avenged himself for the loss which he sustained on this occasion by an act of singular audacity. About the middle of November 1716, John Graham of Killearn, already mentioned as factor of the Montrose family, went to a place called Chapel Errock, where the tenants of the Duke were summoned to appear with their termly rents. They appeared accordingly, and the factor had received ready money to the amount of about ^300, when Rob Roy entered the room at the head of an armed party. The steward endeavoured to protect the Duke’s property by throwing the books of accounts and money into a garret, trusting they might escape notice. But the experienced ROB ROY MACGREGOR. 205 freebooter was not to be baffled where such a prize was at stake. He recovered the books and cash, placed himself calmly in the receipt of custom, examined the accounts, pocketed the money, and gave receipts on the Duke’s part, saying he would hold reckoning with the Duke of Montrose out of the damages which he had sustained by his Grace’s means, in which he included the losses he had suffered, as well by the burning of his house by General Cadogan, as by the later expedition against Craig-Royston. He then re¬ quested Mr. Graham to attend him ; nor does it appear that he treated him with any personal violence, or even rudeness, although he informed him he regarded him as a hostage, and menaced rough usage in case he should be pursued, or in danger of being overtaken. Few more audacious feats have been performed. After some rapid changes of place (the fatigue attending which was the only annoyance that Mr. Graham seems to have complained of), he carried his prisoner to an island on Loch Katrine, and caused him to write to the Duke, to state that his ransom was fixed at 3400 merks, being the balance which MacGregor pretended remained due to him, after deducting all that he owed to the Duke of Montrose. However, after detaining Mr. Graham five or six days in custody on the island, which is still called Rob Roy’s prison, and could be no comfortable dwelling for Novem¬ ber nights, the outlaw seems to have despaired of attaining further advantage from his bold attempt, and suffered his prisoner to depart uninjured, with the account books and bills granted by the tenants, taking especial care to retain the cash. About 1717 our chieftain had the dangerous adventure of falling into the hands of the Duke of Athole, almost as much his enemy as the Duke of Montrose himself: but his cunning and dexterity again freed him from certain death. 206 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. [The following extract is from a letter which passed from one clergy¬ man of the Church of Scotland to another, giving some particulars of this escape of Rob Roy, and is taken from an appendix to the novel.] “ My accounts of Rob Roy his escape are y 4 after severall Embassies between his Grace (who I hear did Correspond w 4 some at Court about it) and Rob he at length upon promise of protectione Came to waite upon the Duke & being presently secured his Grace sent post to Ed r to acquent the Court of his being aprehended & call his friends at Ed r and to desire a party from Ge n Carpinter to receive and bring him to Ed r which party came the length of Kenross in Fife, he was to be delivered to them by a party his Grace had demanded from the Governour at Perth, who when upon their march towards Dunkell to receive him, were mete w 4 and returned by his Grace having resolved to de¬ liver him by a party of his own men and left Rob at Logie- rate under a strong guard till y 4 party should be ready to receive him. This space of time Rob had Imployed in taking the other dram heartily w 4 the Guard & q n all were pretty hearty, Rob is delivering a letter for his wife to a servant to whom he must needs deliver some private in¬ structions at the Door (for his wife) where he’s attended w 4 on the Guard. When serious in this privat Conversatione he is making some few steps carelessly from the Door about the house till he comes closs by this horse which he soon mounted and made off. This is no small mortifica 11 to the guard because of the delay it give to their hopes of a Con¬ siderable additionall charge ag 4 John Roy.” Other pranks are told of Rob, which argue the same boldness and sagacity as the seizure of Killearn. The Duke of Montrose, weary of his insolence, procured a quantity of arms, and distributed them among his tenantry, in order that they might defend themselves against future violences. But they fell into different hands from those they were ROB ROY MACGREGOR. 207 intended for. The MacGregors made separate attacks on the houses of the tenants, and disarmed them all one after another, not, as was supposed, without the consent of many of the persons so disarmed. As a great part of the Duke’s rents were payable in kind, there were girnels (granaries) established for storing up the corn at Moulin, and elsewhere on the Buchanan estate. To these storehouses Rob Roy used to repair with a sufficient force, and of course when he was least expected, and insist upon the delivery of quantities of grain—sometimes for his own use, and sometimes for the assistance of the country people; always giving regular receipts in his own name, and pretending to reckon with the Duke tor what sumshe received. In the meanwhile a garrison was established by Govern¬ ment, the ruins of which may be still seen about half way betwixt Loch Lomond and Loch Katrine, upon Rob Roy’s original property of Inversnaid. Even this military establish¬ ment could not bridle the restless MacGregor. He con¬ trived to surprise the little fort, disarm the soldiers, and destroy the fortification. It was afterwards re-established, and again taken by the MacGregors under Rob Roy’s nephew, Ghlune Dhu, previous to the insurrection of 1745-6. Finally, the fort of Inversnaid was a third time repaired after the extinction of civil discord; and when we find the celebrated General Wolfe commanding in it, the imagination is strongly affected by the variety of time and events which the circumstance brings simultaneously to recollection. It is now totally dismantled. It was not, strictly speaking, as a professed depredator that Rob Roy now conducted his operations, but as a sort of contractor for the police; in Scottish phrase, a lifter of black mail. As the practice of contracting for black-mail was an obvious encouragement to rapine, and a great obstacle to the course of justice, it was, by the statute 1567 208 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. chap. 21, declared a capital crime, both on the part of him who levied and him who paid this sort of tax. But the necessity of the case prevented the execution of this severe law, I believe, in any one instance; and men went on submitting to a certain unlawful imposition, rather than run the risk of utter ruin, just as it is now found difficult or impossible to prevent those who have lost a very large sum of money by robbery from compounding with the felons for restoration of a part of their booty. At what rate Rob Roy levied black-mail I never heard stated; but there is a formal contract by which his nephew, in 1741, agreed with various landholders of estates in the counties of Perth, Stirling, and Dumbarton, to recover cattle stolen from them, or to pay the value within six months of the loss being intimated, if such intimation were made to him with sufficient despatch, in consideration of a payment of ^5 on each £100 of valued rent, which was not a very heavy insurance. Petty thefts were not included in the contract; but the theft of one horse, or one head of black cattle, or of sheep exceeding the number of six, fell under the agreement Rob Roy’s profits upon such contracts brought him in a considerable revenue in money or cattle, of which he made a popular use ; for he was publicly liberal, as well as privately beneficent. The minister of the parish of Balquhidaer, whose name was Robison, was at one time threatening to pursue the parish for an augmentation of his stipend. Rob Roy took an opportunity to assure him that he would do well to abstain from this new exaction, a hint which the minister did not fail to understand. But to make him some indemnification, MacGregor presented him every year with a cow and a fat sheep; and no scruples as to the mode in which the donor came by them are said to have affected the reverend gentleman’s conscience. .... ROB ROY MACGREGOR. 209 It was perhaps about the same time that, by a rapid march into the Balquhidder hills at the head of a body of his own tenantry, the Duke of Montrose actually surprised Rob Roy, and made him prisoner. He was mounted behind one of the Duke’s followers, named James Stewart, and made fast to him by a horse-girth.—The person who had him thus in charge was grandfather of the intelligent man of the same name, now deceased, who lately kept the inn in the vicinity of Loch Katrine, and acted as a guide to visitors through that beautiful scenery. From him I learned the story many years before he was either a publican or a guide, except to moorfowl shooters.—It was evening (to resume the story), and the Duke was pressing on to lodge his prisoner, so long sought after in vain, in some place of security when, in crossing the Teith or Forth, I forget which, MacGregor took an opportunity to conjure Stewart, by all the ties of old acquaintance and good-neighbourhood, to give him some chance of an escape from an assured doom. Stewart was moved with compassion, perhaps with fear. He slipped the girth-buckle, and Rob dropping down from behind the horse’s croupe, dived, swam, and escaped. When James Stewart came on shore, the Duke hastily de¬ manded where his prisoner was; and as no distinct answer was returned, instantly suspected Stewart’s connivance at the escape of the outlaw, and drawing a steel pistol from his belt struck him down with a blow on the head, from the effects of which, his descendant said, he never com¬ pletely recovered. In the success of his repeated escapes from the pursuit of his powerful enemy, Rob Roy at length became wanton and facetious. He wrote a mock challenge to the Duke, which he circulated among his friends to amuse them over a bottle. It is written in a good hand, and not particularly deficient in grammar or spelling. Our Southern readers o 210 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. must be given to understand that it was a piece of humour, —a qu^ in short—on the part of the outlaw, who was too sagacious to propose such a rencontre in reality. This letter was written in the year 1719. In the following year Rob Roy composed another epistle, very little to his own reputation, as he therein confesses having played booty during the civil war of 1715. It is addressed to General Wade, at that time engaged in dis¬ arming the Highland clans, and making military roads through the country. The letter is a singular composition. It sets out the writer’s real and unfeigned desire to have offered his service to King George, but for his liability to be thrown into jail for a civil debt, at the instance of the Duke of Montrose. Being thus debarred from taking the right side, he acknowledged he embraced the wrong one, upon Falstaff’s principle, that since the King wanted men and the rebels soldiers, it were worse shame to be idle in such a stirring world than to embrace the worst side, were it as black as rebellion could make it. The impossibility of his being neutral in such a debate Rob seems to lay down as an undeniable proposition. At the same time, while he acknowledges having been forced into an unnatural rebellion against King George, he pleads that he not only avoided acting offensively against his Majesty’s forces on all occasions, but, on the contrary, sent to them what intelligence he could collect from time to time; for the truth of which he refers to his Grace the Duke of Argyle. What influence this plea had on General Wade we have no means of knowing. Rob Roy appears to have continued to live very much as usual. His fame in the meanwhile passed beyond the narrow limits of the country in which he resided. A pre¬ tended history of him appeared in London during his lifetime, under the title of the Highland Rogue. It is a catchpenny publication, bearing in front the effigy of a ROB ROY MACGREGOR. 211 species of ogre, with a beard of a foot in length ; and his actions are as much exaggerated as his personal appearance. Some few of the best known adventures of the hero are told, though with little accuracy; but the greater part of the pamphlet is entirely fictitious. It is a great pity so excellent a theme for a narrative of the kind had not fallen into the hands of De Foe, who was engaged at the time on subjects somewhat similar, though inferior in dignity and interest. As Rob Roy advanced in years he became more peace¬ able in his habits, and his nephew, Ghlune Dhu, with most of his tribe, renounced those peculiar quarrels with the Duke of Montrose by which his uncle had been distinguished. The policy of that great family had latterly been rather to attach this wild tribe by kindness than to follow the mode of violence which had been hitherto ineffectually resorted to. Leases at a low rent were granted to many of the MacGregors, who had heretofore held possessions in the Duke’s High¬ land property merely by occupancy; and Glengyle (or Black- knee), who continued to act as collector of black-mail, managed his police, as a commander of the Highland watch arrayed at the charge of Government. He is said to have strictly abstained from the open and lawless depredations which his kinsman had practised. It was probably after this state of temporary quiet had been obtained that Rob Roy began to think of the concerns of his future state. He had been bred, and long professed himself a Protestant; but in his later years he embraced the Roman Catholic faith—perhaps on Mrs. Cole’s principle, that it was a comfortable religion for one of his calling. He is said to have alleged as the cause of his conversion a desire to gratify the noble family of Perth, who were then strict Catholics. Having, as he observed, assumed the name of the Duke of Argyle, his first protector, he could pay no compliment worth the Earl of Perth’s acceptance, 212 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. save complying with his mode of religion. Rob did not pretend, when pressed closely on the subject, to justify all the tenets of Catholicism, and acknowledged that extreme unction always appeared to him a great waste of ulzie , or oil. In the last year of Rob Roy’s life his clan was involved in a dispute with one more powerful than themselves. Stewart of Appin, a chief of the tribe so named, was pro¬ prietor of a hill-farm in the Braes of Balquhidder, called Invernenty. The MacGregors of Rob Roy’s tribe claimed a right to it by ancient occupancy, and declared they would oppose to the uttermost the settlement of any person upon the farm not being of their own name. The Stewarts came down with two hundred men, well armed, to do themselves justice by main force. The MacGregors took the field, but were unable to muster an equal strength. Rob Roy, finding himself the weaker party, asked a parley, in which he re¬ presented that both clans were friends to the King, and that he was unwilling they should be weakened by mutual con¬ flict, and thus made a merit of surrendering to Appin the disputed territory of Invernenty. Appin, accordingly, settled as tenants there, at an easy quit-rent, the MacLarens, a family dependent on the Stewarts, and from whose character for strength and bravery it was expected that they would make their right good if annoyed by the MacGregors. When all this had been amicably adjusted, in presence of the two clans drawn up in arms near the Kirk of Balqu¬ hidder, Rob Roy, apparently fearing his tribe might be thought to have conceded too much upon the occasion, stepped forward and said, that where so many gallant men were met in arms, it would be shameful to part without a trial of skill, and therefore he took the freedom to invite any gentleman of the Stewarts present to exchange a few blows with him for the honour of their respective clans. The ROB ROY MACGREGOR. 21 3 brother-in-law of Appin, and second chieftain of the clan, Alaster Stewart of Invernahyle, accepted the challenge, and they encountered with broadsword and target before their respective kinsmen. The combat lasted till Rob received a slight wound in the arm, which was the usual termination of such a combat when fought for honour only, and not with a mortal purpose. Rob Roy dropped his point, and con¬ gratulated his adversary on having been the first man who ever drew blood from him. The victor generously acknow¬ ledged, that without the advantage of youth, and the agility accompanying it, he probably could not have come off with advantage. This was probably one of Rob Roy’s last exploits in arms. The time of his death is not known with certainty, but he is generally said to have survived 1738, and to have died an aged man. When he found himself approaching his final change, he expressed some contrition for particular parts of his life. His wife laughed at these scruples of conscience, and exhorted him to die like a man, as he had lived. In reply, he rebuked her for her violent passions, and the counsels she had given him. “ You have put strife,” he said, “betwixt me and the best men of the country, and now you would place enmity between me and my God.” There is a tradition, no way inconsistent with the former, if the character of Rob Roy be justly considered, that while on his deathbed he learned that a person with whom he was at enmity proposed to visit him. “ Raise me from my bed,” said the invalid; “ throw my plaid around me, and bring me my claymore, dirk, and pistols—it shall never be said that a foeman saw Rob Roy MacGregor defenceless and unarmed.” His foeman, conjectured to be one of the MacLarens, entered and paid his compliments, inquiring after the health of his formidable neighbour. Rob Roy maintained a cold, haughty civility during their short con- 214 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. ference, and so soon as he had left the house, “ Now,” he said, “all is over—let the piper play Ha til mi tulidh” (We return no more) : and he is said to have expired before the dirge was finished. This singular man died in bed in his own house, in the parish of Balquhidder. He was buried in the churchyard of the same parish, where his tombstone is only distinguished by a rude attempt at the figure of a broadsword. The character of Rob Roy is, of course, a mixed one. His sagacity, boldness, and prudence, qualities so highly necessary to success in war, became in some degree vices, from the manner in which they were employed. The cir¬ cumstances of his education, however, must be admitted as some extenuation of his habitual transgressions against the law; and for his political tergiversations, he might in that distracted period plead the example of men far more power¬ ful, and less excusable in becoming the sport of circumstances, than the poor and desperate outlaw. On the other hand, he was in the constant exercise of virtues, the more meri¬ torious as they seem inconsistent with his general character. Pursuing the occupation of a predatory chieftain—in modern phrase, a captain of banditti—Rob Roy was moderate in his revenge, and humane in his successes. No charge of cruelty or bloodshed, unless in battle, is brought against his memory. In like manner, the formidable outlaw was the friend of the poor, and, to the utmost of his ability, the support of the widow and the orphan—kept his word when pledged—and died lamented in his own wild country, where there were hearts thankful for his beneficence, though their minds were not sufficiently instructed to appreciate his errors. ALLAN-A-SOP. HE Highlands and Western Islands were in no respect so much affected by the Union of the Crowns as the inhabitants of the Borders. The accession of James to the English throne was of little consequence to them, unless in so far as it rendered the King more powerful, and gave him the means of occasionally sending bodies of troops into their fortresses to compel them to order; and this was a measure of unusual rigour which was but seldom resorted to. The Highland tribes, therefore, remained in the same state as before, using the same dress, wielding the same arms, divided into the same clans, each governed by its own patriarch, and living in all respects as their ancestors had lived for many centuries before them. Or if there were some marks of softened manners among those Gaelic tribes who resided on the mainland, the inhabitants of the Heb¬ rides or Western Isles, adjacent to the coast of Scotland, are described to us as utterly barbarous. A historian of the period says, “ that the Highlanders who dwell on the main¬ land, though sufficiently wild, show some shade of civilisa¬ tion ; but those in the islands are without laws or morals, and totally destitute of religion and humanity.” Some stories of their feuds are indeed preserved which go far to support this general accusation. 2l6 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. The principal possessors of the Hebrides or Western Isles were originally of the name of MacDonald, the whole being under the government of a succession of hereditary chiefs, who bore the name of Donald of the Isles, and were possessed of authority almost independent of the Kings of Scotland. But this great family becoming divided into two or three branches, other chiefs settled in some of the islands, and disputed the property of the original proprietors. Thus, the MacLeods, a powerful and numerous clan, who had extensive estates on the mainland, made themselves masters, at a very early period, of a great part of the large island of Skye, seized upon much of the Long Island, as the Isles of Lewis and Harris are called, and fought fiercely with the MacDonalds, and other tribes of the islands. The following is an example of the mode in which these feuds were conducted. About the end of the sixteenth century a boat manned by one or two of the MacLeods, landed in Eigg, a small island peopled by the MacDonalds. They were at first hospitably received; but having been guilty of some incivility to the young women on the island, it was so much resented by the inhabitants that they tied the MacLeods hand and foot, and putting them on board of their own boat, towed it to sea, and set it adrift, leaving the wretched men, bound as they were, to perish by famine, or by the winds and waves, as chance should determine. But fate so ordered it that a boat belonging to the Laird of MacLeod fell in with that which had the captives on board, and brought them in safety to the laird’s castle of Dunvegan in Skye, where they complained of the injury which they had sustained from the MacDonalds of Eigg. MacLeod, in a great rage, put to sea with his galleys, manned by a large body of his people, which the men of Eigg could not entertain any rational hope of resisting. Learning that their incensed enemy was approach- ALLAN-A-SOP. 217 ing with superior forces and deep vows of revenge, the inhabitants, who knew they had no mercy to expect at MacLeod’s hands, resolved as the best chance of safety in their power to conceal themselves in a large cavern on the sea-shore. This place was particularly well calculated for that purpose. The entrance resembles that of a fox-earth, being an open¬ ing so small that a man cannot enter save by creeping on hands and knees. A rill of water falls from the top of the rock, and serves, or rather served at the period we speak of, wholly to conceal the aperture. A stranger, even when apprised of the existence of such a cave, would find the greatest difficulty in discovering the entrance. Within the cavern rises to a great height, and the floor is covered with white dry sand. It is extensive enough to contain a great number of people. The whole inhabitants of Eigg, who, with their wives and families, amounted to nearly two hun¬ dred souls, took refuge within its precincts. MacLeod arrived with his armament, and landed on the island, but could discover no one on whom to wreck his vengeance—all was desert. The MacLeods destroyed the huts of the islanders, and plundered what property they could discover; but the vengeance of the chieftain could not be satisfied with such petty injuries. He knew that the inhabitants must either have fled in their boats to one of the islands possessed by the MacDonalds, or that they must be concealed somewhere in Eigg. After making a strict but unsuccessful search for two days, MacLeod had appointed the third to leave his anchorage, when, in the grey of the morning, one of the seamen beheld from the deck of his galley the figure of a man on the island. This was a spy whom the MacDonalds, impatient of their confinement in the cavern, Had imprudently sent out to see whether Mac¬ Leod had retired or no. The poor fellow, when he saw 218 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. himself discovered, endeavoured, by doubling after the manner of a hare or fox, to obliterate the track of his foot¬ steps on the snow, and prevent its being discovered where he had re-entered the cavern. But all the arts he could use were fruitless; the invaders again landed and tracked him to the entrance of the den. MacLeod then summoned those who were within it, and called upon them to deliver up the individuals who had maltreated his men, to be disposed of at his pleasure. The MacDonalds, still confident in the strength of their fastness, which no assailant could enter but on hands and knees, refused to surrender their clansmen. MacLeod next commenced a dreadful work of indis¬ criminate vengeance. He caused his people, by means of a ditch cut above the top of the rock, to turn away the stream of water which fell over the entrance of the cavern. This being done, the MacLeods collected all the combus¬ tibles which could be found on the island, particularly turf and quantities of dry heather, piled them up against the aperture, and maintained an immense fire for many hours, until the smoke, penetrating into the inmost recesses of the cavern, stifled to death every creature within. There is no doubt of the truth of this story, dreadful as it is. The cavern is often visited by strangers; and I have myself seen the place where the bones of the murdered Mac¬ Donalds still remain, lying as thick on the floor of the cave as in the charnel-house of a church. The MacLeans, in like manner, a bold and hardy race, who, originally followers of the Lords of the Isles, had assumed independence, seized upon great part both of the isle of Mull and the still more valuable island of Ilay, and made war on the MacDonalds with various success. There is a story belonging to this clan which I may tell you, as ALLAN-A-SOP. 219 giving another striking picture of the manners of the Hebrideans. The chief of the clan, MacLean of Duart, in the isle of Mull, had an intrigue with a beautiful young woman of his .own clan, who bore a son to him. In consequence of the child’s being, by some accident, born on a heap of straw, he received the name of Allan-a-Sop, or Allan of the Straw, by which he was distinguished from others of his clan. As his father and mother were not married, Allan was, of course, a bastard, or natural son, and had no inheritance to look for, save that which he might win for himself. But the beauty of the boy’s mother having captivated a man of rank in the clan, called MacLean of Torloisk, he married her, and took her to reside with him at his castle of Torloisk, situated on the shores of the sound, or small strait of the sea, which divides the smaller island of Ulva from that of Mull. Allan-a-Sop paid his mother frequent visits at her new residence, and she was naturally glad to see the poor boy, both from affection, and on account of his personal strength and beauty, which distinguished him above other youths of his age. But she was obliged to confer marks of her attachment on him as privately as she could, for Allan’s visits were by no means so acceptable to her husband as to herself. Indeed, Torloisk liked so little to see the lad, that he determined to put some affront on him, which should prevent his returning to the castle for some time. An opportunity for executing his purpose soon occurred. The lady one morning, looking from the window, saw her son coming wandering down the hill, and hastened to put a girdle cake upon the fire, that he might have hot bread for breakfast. Something called her out of the apartment after making this preparation, and her husband, entering at the same time, saw at once what she had been about, and 220 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. determined to give the boy such a reception as should disgust him for the future. He snatched the cake from the girdle, thrust it into his stepson’s hands, which he forcibly closed on the scalding bread, saying, “ Here, Allan—here is a cake which your mother has got ready for your breakfast.” . Allan’s hands were severely burnt; and, being a sharp-witted and proud boy, he resented this mark of his stepfather’s ill-will, and came not again to Torloisk. At this time the western seas were covered with the vessels of pirates, who, not unlike the Sea-Kings of Den¬ mark at an early period, sometimes settled and made conquests on the islands. Allan-a-Sop was young, strong, and brave to desperation. He entered as a mariner on board of one of these ships, and in process of time obtained the command, first of one galley, then of a small flotilla, with which he sailed round the seas and collected con¬ siderable plunder, until his name became both feared and famous. At length he proposed to himself to pay a visit to his mother, whom he had not seen for many years; and setting sail for this purpose, he anchored one morning in the sound of Ulva, and in front of the house of Torloisk. His mother was dead, but his stepfather, to whom he was now as much an object of fear as he had been formerly of aversion, hastened to the shore to receive his formidable stepson, with great affectation of kindness and interest in his prosperity; while Allan-a-Sop, who, though very rough and hasty, does not appear to have been sullen or vindic¬ tive, seemed to take his kind reception in good part. The crafty old man succeeded so well, as he thought, in securing Allan’s friendship, and obliterating all recollections of the former affront put on him, that he began to think it possible to employ his stepson in executing his own private revenge upon MacQuarrie of Ulva, with whom, as was usual between such neighbours, he had some feud. With ALLAN-A-SOP. 221 this purpose, he offered what he called the following good advice to his stepson : “ My dear Allan, you have now wandered over the seas long enough; it is time you should have some footing upon land, a castle to protect yourself in winter, a village and cattle for your men, and a harbour to lay up your galleys. Now, here is the island of Ulva, near at hand, which lies ready for your occupation, and it will cost you no trouble, save that of putting to death the present proprietor, the Laird of MacQuarrie, an useless old carle, who has cumbered the world long enough.” Allan-a-Sop thanked his stepfather for so happy a suggestion, which he declared he would put in execution forthwith. Accordingly, setting sail the next morning, he appeared before MacQuarrie’s house an hour before noon. The old chief of Ulva was much alarmed at the menacing apparition of so many galleys, and his anxiety was not lessened by the news that they w r ere commanded by the redoubted Allan-a-Sop. Having no effectual means of re¬ sistance, MacQuarrie, who was a man of shrewd sense, saw no alternative save that of receiving the invaders, whatever might be their purpose, with all outward demonstrations of joy and satisfaction; the more especially as he recollected having taken some occasional notice of Allan during his early youth, which he now resolved to make the most of. Accordingly, MacQuarrie caused immediate preparations to be made for a banquet as splendid as circumstances admitted, hastened down to the shore to meet the rover, and welcomed him to Ulva with such an appearance of sincerity, that the pirate found it impossible to pick any quarrel, which might afford a pretence for executing the violent purpose which he had been led to meditate. They feasted together the whole day; and in the evening, as Allan-a-Sop was about to retire to his ships, he thanked the laird for his hospitality, but remarked, with a sigh, that 222 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. it had cost him very dear. “ How can that be,” said Mac- Quarrie, “ when I bestowed this entertainment upon you in free good-will?”—“It is true, my friend,” replied the pirate, “ but then it has quite disconcerted the purpose for which I came hither; which was to put you to death, my good friend, and seize upon your house and island, and so settle myself in the world. It would have been very convenient for me this island of Ulva; but your friendly reception has rendered it impossible for me to execute my purpose: so that I must be a wanderer on the seas for some time longer.” Whatever MacQuarrie felt at learning he had been so near to destruc¬ tion, he took care to show no emotion save surprise, and replied to his visitor—“ My dear Allan, who was it that put into your mind so unkind a purpose towards your old friend; for I am sure it never arose from your own generous nature ? It must have been old Torloisk, who made such an indiffer¬ ent husband to your mother, and such an unfriendly step¬ father to you when you were a helpless boy; but now, when he sees you a bold and powerful leader, he desires to make a quarrel betwixt you and those who were the friends of your youth. If you consider this matter rightly, Allan, you will see that the estate and harbour of Torloisk lie to the full as conveniently for you as those of Ulva, and that, if you are disposed (as is very natural) to make a settlement by force, it is much better it should be at the expense of the old churl, who never showed you kindness or countenance, than at that of a friend like me, who always loved and honoured you.” Allan-a-Sop was struck with the justice of this reasoning; and the old offence of his scalded fingers was suddenly re¬ called to his mind. “ It is very true what you say, Mac¬ Quarrie,” he replied, “and besides, I have not forgotten what a hot breakfast my stepfather treated me to one morning. Farewell for the present; you shall soon hear A LLA N-A -SOP. 223 news of me from the other side of the sound” Having said thus much, the pirate got on board, and commanding his men to unmoor the galleys, sailed back to Torloisk, and prepared to land in arms. MacLean hastened to meet him, in expectation to hear of the death of his enemy, MacQuarrie. But Allan greeted him in a very different manner from what he expected. “You hoary old traitor,” he said, “you instigated my simple good-nature to murder a better man than yourself! But have you forgotten how you scorched my fingers twenty years ago with a burning cake ? The day is come that that breakfast must be paid for.” So saying, he dashed out the old man’s brains with a battle-axe, took possession of his castle and property, and established there a distinguished branch of the clan of MacLean. It is told of another of these western chiefs, who is said, upon the whole, to have been a kind and good-natured man, that he was subjected to repeated risk and injury by the treachery of an ungrateful nephew, who attempted to sur¬ prise his castle, in order to put his uncle to death, and obtain for himself the command of the tribe. Being detected on the first occasion, and brought before his uncle as a prisoner, the chief dismissed him unharmed; with a warning, however, not to repeat the offence, since, if he did so, he would cause him to be put to a death so fearful that all Scotland should ring with it. The wicked young man per¬ severed, and renewed his attempts against his uncle’s castle and life. Falling a second time into the hands of the offended chieftain, the prisoner had reason to term him as good as his word. He was confined in the pit or dungeon of the castle, a deep dark vault, to which there was no access save through a hole in the roof. He was left without food, till his appetite grew voracious; the more so, as he had reason to apprehend that it was intended to starve him to death. But the vengeance of his uncle was of a more refined char¬ acter. The stone which covered the aperture in the roof 224 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. was lifted, and a quantity of salt beef let down to the prisoner, who devoured it eagerly. When he had glutted himself with this food, and expected to be supplied with liquor to quench the raging thirst which the diet had excited, a cup was slowly lowered down, which, when he eagerly grasped it, he found to be empty ! Then they rolled the stone on the opening in the vault, and left the captive to perish by thirst, the most dreadful of all deaths. Many similar stories could be told you of the wild wars of the islanders; but these may suffice at present to give you some idea of the fierceness of their manners, the low value at which they held human life, the cruel manner in which wrongs were revenged, and the unscrupulous violence by which property was acquired. The Hebrideans seem to have been accounted by King James a race whom it was impossible to subdue, conciliate, or improve by civilisation; and the only remedy which occurred to him was to settle Lowlanders in the islands, and drive away or extirpate the people by whom they were in¬ habited. For this purpose the King authorised an associa¬ tion of many gentlemen in the county of Fife, then the wealthiest and most civilised part of Scotland, who under¬ took to make a settlement in the isles of Lewis and Harris. These undertakers, as they were called, levied money, assembled soldiers, and manned a fleet, with which they landed on the Lewis, and effected a settlement at Stornoway in that country, as they would have done in establishing a colony on the desert shores of a distant continent. At this time the property of the Lewis was disputed between the sons of Rory MacLeod, the last lord, who had two families by separate wives. The undertakers, finding the natives thus quarrelling among themselves, had little difficulty in building a small town and fortifying it; and their enterprise in the beginning assumed a promising appearance. But the Lord of Kintail, chief of the numerous and powerful ALLAN-A-SOP. 225 clan of MacKenzie, was little disposed to let this fair island fall into the possession of a company of Lowland adven¬ turers. He had himself some views of obtaining it in the name of Torquil Connaldagh MacLeod, one of the Hebridean claimants, who was closely connected with the family of MacKenzie, and disposed to act as his powerful ally desired. Thus privately encouraged, the islanders united themselves against the undertakers ; and, after a war of various fortune, attacked their camp of Stornoway, took it by storm, burnt the fort, slew many of them, and made the rest prisoners. They were not expelled, you may be sure, without bloodshed and massacre. Some of the old persons still alive in the Lewis talk of a very old woman, living in their youth, who used to say that she had held the light while her countrymen were cutting the throats of the Fife adventurers. A lady, the wife of one of the principal gentlemen in the expedition, fled from the scene of violence into a wild and pathless desert of rock and morass, called the Forest of Fannig. In this wilderness she became the mother of a child. A Hebridean, who chanced to pass on one of the ponies of the country, saw the mother and infant in the act of perishing with cold, and being struck with the misery of their condition, contrived a strange manner of preserving them. He killed his pony, and opening its belly, and re¬ moving the entrails, he put the new-born infant and the helpless mother into the inside of the carcass, to have the advantage of the warmth which this strange and shocking receptacle for some time afforded. In this manner, with or without assistance, he contrived to bear them to some place of security, where the lady remained till she could get back in safety to her own country. The lady who experienced this remarkable deliverance became afterwards, by a second marriage, the wife of a person of consequence and influence in Edinburgh—a judge, I p 226 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. believe, of the Court of Session. One evening while she looked out of the window of her house in the Canongate, just as a heavy storm was coming on, she heard a man in the Highland dress say in the Gaelic language to another with whom he was walking, “This would be a rough night for the forest of Fannig.” The lady’s attention was imme¬ diately attracted by the name of a place which she had such awful reasons for remembering, and, on looking attentively at the man who spoke, she recognised her preserver. She called him into the house, received him in the most cordial manner, and finding that he was come from the Western Islands on some law business of great importance to his family, she interested her husband in his favour, by whose influence it was speedily and successfully settled; and the Hebridean, loaded with kindness and presents, returned to his native island, with reason to congratulate himself on the humanity which he had shown in so singular a manner. After the surprise of their fort, and the massacre of the defenders, the Fife gentlemen tired of their undertaking; and the Lord of Kintail had the whole advantage of the dispute, for he contrived to get possession of the Lewis for himself, and transmitted it to his family, with whom it still remains. THE DEADLY FEUD OF AUCHINDRANE. AN AYRSHIRE TRAGEDY. OHN MUIR, or Mure, of Auchindrane, the contriver and executor of the following cruel¬ ties, was a gentleman of an ancient family and good estate in the west of Scotland; bold, ambitious, treacherous to the last de¬ gree, and utterly unconscientious—a Richard the Third in private life, inaccessible alike to pity and to remorse. His view was to raise the power and extend the grandeur of his own family. This gentleman had married the daughter of Sir Thomas Kennedy of Barganie, who was, excepting the Earl of Cassilis, the most important person in all Carrick, the district of Ayrshire which he inhabited, and where the name of Kennedy held so great a sway as to give rise to the popular rhyme:— “ ’Twixt Wigton and the town of Air, Portpatrick and the Cruives of Cree, No man need think for to bide there, Unless he court Saint Kennedie.” Now, Mure of Auchindrane, who had promised himself high advancement by means of his father-in-law Barganie, saw, with envy and resentment, that his influence remained 228 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. second and inferior to the House of Cassilis, chief of all the Kennedys. The Earl was indeed a minor, but his authority was maintained, and his affairs well managed, by his uncle, Sir Thomas Kennedy of Cullayne, the brother of the deceased Earl, and tutor and guardian to the present. This worthy gentleman supported his nephew’s dignity and the credit of the house so effectually, that Barganie’s con¬ sequence was much thrown into the shade, and the ambi¬ tious Auchindrane, his son-in-law, saw no better remedy than to remove so formidable a rival as Cullayne by violent means. For this purpose, in the year of God 1597, he came with a party of followers to the town of Maybole (where Sir Thomas Kennedy of Cullayne then resided), and lay in ambush in an orchard, through which he knew his destined victim was to pass in returning homewards from a house where he was engaged to sup. Sir Thomas Kennedy came alone and unattended, when he was suddenly fired upon by Auchindrane and his accomplices, who, having missed their aim, drew their swords and rushed upon him to slay him. But the party thus assailed at disadvantage had the good fortune to hide himself for that time in a ruinous house, where he lay concealed till the inhabitants of the place came to his assistance. Sir Thomas Kennedy prosecuted Mure for this, assault, who, finding himself in danger from the law, made a sort of apology and agreement with the lord of Cullayne, to whose daughter he united his eldest son, in testimony of the closest friendship in future. This agreement was sincere on the part of Kennedy, who, after it had been entered into, showed himself Auchindrane’s friend and assistant on all occasions. But it was most false and treacherous on that of Mure, who continued to nourish the purpose of murder¬ ing his new friend and ally on the first opportunity. THE DEADLY FEUD OF AUCHINDRANE. 229 Auchindrane’s first attempt to effect this was by means of the young Gilbert Kennedy of Barganie (for old Barganie, Auchindrane’s father-in-law, was dead), whom he persuaded to brave the Earl of Cassilis, as one who usurped an undue influence over the rest of the name. Accordingly, this hot-headed youth, at the instigation of Auchindrane, rode past the gate of the Earl of Cassilis, without waiting on his chief, or sending him any message of civility. This led to mutual defiance, being regarded by the Earl, according to the ideas of the time, as a personal insult. Both parties took the field with their followers, at the head of about 250 men on each side. The action which ensued was shorter and less bloody than might have been expected. Young Barganie, with the rashness of headlong courage, and Auchindrane, fired by deadly enmity to the House of Cassilis, made a precipitate attack on the Earl, whose men were strongly posted and under cover. They were received by a heavy fire. Barganie was slain. Mure of Auchindrane, severely wounded in the thigh, became unable to sit his horse, and, the leaders thus slain or disabled, their party drew off without continuing the action. It must be par¬ ticularly observed, that Sir Thomas Kennedy remained neuter in this quarrel, considering his connexion with Auchindrane as too intimate to be broken even by his desire to assist his nephew. For this temperate and honourable conduct he met a vile reward; for Auchindrane, in resentment of the loss of his relative Barganie, and the downfall of his ambitious hopes, continued his practices against the life of Sir Thomas of Cullayne, though totally innocent of contributing to either. Chance favoured his wicked purpose. The knight of Cullayne, finding himself obliged to go to Edinburgh on a particular day, sent a message by a servant to Mure, in which he told him, in the most 230 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. unsuspecting confidence, the purpose of his journey, and named the road which he proposed to take, inviting Mure to meet him at Duppill, to the west of the town of Ayr, a place appointed, for the purpose of giving him any com¬ missions which he might have for Edinburgh, and assuring his treacherous ally he would attend to any business which he might have in the Scottish metropolis as anxiously as to his own. Sir Thomas Kennedy’s message was carried to the town of Maybole, where his messenger, for some trivial reason, had the import committed to writing by a school¬ master in that town, and despatched it to its destination by means of a poor student, named Dalrymple, instead of carrying it to the house of Auchindrane in person. This suggested to Mure a diabolical plot. Having thus received tidings of Sir Thomas Kennedy’s motions, he con¬ ceived the infernal purpose of having the confiding friend who sent the information waylaid and murdered at the place appointed to meet with him, not only in friendship, but for the purpose of rendering him service. He dismissed the messenger Dalrymple, cautioning the lad to carry back the letter to Maybole, and to say that he had not found him, Auchindrane, in his house. Having taken this pre¬ caution, he proceeded to instigate the brother of the slain Gilbert of Barganie, Thomas Kennedy of Drumurghie by name, and Walter Mure of Cloncaird, a kinsman of his own, to take this opportunity of revenging Barganie’s death. The fiery young men were easily induced to undertake the crime. They waylaid the unsuspecting Sir Thomas of Cullayne at the place appointed to meet the traitor Auchindrane, and the murderers having in company five or six servants, well mounted and armed, assaulted and cruelly murdered him with many wounds. They then plundered the dead corpse of his purse, containing a thousand merks in gold, cut off THE DEADLY FEUD OF AUCHINDRANE. 231 the gold buttons which he wore on his coat, and despoiled the body of some valuable rings and jewels. The revenge due for his uncle’s murder was keenly pursued by the Earl of Cassilis. As the murderers fled from trial, they were declared outlaws ; which doom, being pronounced by three blasts of a horn, was called “being put to the horn, and declared the king’s rebel.” Mure of Auchindrane was strongly suspected of having been the instigator of the crime. But he conceived there could be no evidence to prove his guilt if he could keep the boy Dalrymple out of the way, who delivered the letter which made him acquainted with Cullayne’s journey, and the place at which he meant to halt. On the contrary, he saw that if the lad could be produced at the trial it would afford ground of fatal presumption, since it could be then proved that persons so nearly connected with him as Kennedy and Cloncaird had left his house, and committed the murder at the very spot which Cullayne had fixed for their meeting. To avoid this imminent danger, Mure brought Dalrymple to his house, and detained him there for several weeks. But the youth tiring of this confinement, Mure sent him to reside with a friend, Montgomery of Skellmorly, who main¬ tained him under a borrowed name, amid the desert regions of the then almost savage island of Arran. Being confident in the absence of this material witness, Auchindrane, instead of flying, like his agents Drumurghie and Cloncaird, pre¬ sented himself boldly at the bar, demanded a fair trial, and offered his person in combat to the death against any of Lord Cassilis’s friends who might impugn his innocence. This audacity was successful, and he was dismissed without trial. Still, however, Mure did not consider himself safe, so long as Dalrymple was within the realm of Scotland; and the danger grew more pressing when he learned that the 232 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. lad had become impatient of the restraint which he sus¬ tained in the island of Arran, and returned to some of his friends in Ayrshire. Mure no sooner heard of this than he again obtained possession of the boy’s person, and a second time concealed him at Auchindrane, until he found an opportunity to transport him to the Low Countries, where he contrived to have him enlisted in Buccleuch’s regiment; trusting, doubtless, that some one of the numerous chances of war might destroy the poor young man whose life was so dangerous to him. But after five or six years’ uncertain safety, bought at the expense of so much violence and cunning, Auchin- drane’s fears were exasperated into frenzy when he found this dangerous witness, having escaped from all the perils of climate and battle, had left, or been discharged from, the Legion of Borderers, and had again accomplished his return to Ayrshire. There is ground to suspect that Dalrymple knew the nature of the hold which he possessed over Auchindrane, and was desirous of extorting from his fears some better provision than he had found either in Arran or the Netherlands. But if so it was a fatal experiment to tamper with the fears of such a man as Auchindrane, who determined to rid himself effectually of this unhappy young man. Mure now lodged him in a house of his own, called Chapeldonan, tenanted by a vassal and connexion of his called James Bannatyne. This man he commissioned to meet him at ten o’clock at night on the sea-sands near Girvan, and bring with him the unfortunate Dalrymple, the object of his fear and dread. The victim seems to have come with Bannatyne without the least suspicion, though such might have been raised by the time and place appointed for the meeting. When Bannatyne and Dalrymple came to the appointed spot, Auchindrane met them, accom- THE DEADLY FEUD OF AUCHINDRANE. 233 panied by his eldest son, James. Old Auchindrane, having taken Bannatyne aside, imparted his bloody purpose of ridding himself of Dairymple for ever, by murdering him on the spot. His own life and honour were, he said, en- dangered by the manner in which this inconvenient witness repeatedly thrust himself back into Ayrshire, and nothing could secure his safety but taking the lad’s life, in which action he requested James Bannatyne’s assistance. Banna¬ tyne felt some compunction, and remonstrated against the cruel expedient, saying it would be better to transport Dai¬ ry mple to Ireland, and take precautions against his return. While old Auchindrane seemed disposed to listen to this proposal, his son concluded that the time was come for accomplishing the purpose of their meeting, and without waiting the termination of his father’s conference with Ban¬ natyne, he rushed suddenly on Dalrymple, beat him to the ground, and kneeling down on him, with his father’s assist¬ ance accomplished the crime by strangling the unhappy object of their fear and jealousy. Bannatyne, the witness, and partly the accomplice, of the murder, assisted them in their attempt to make a hole in the sand, with a spade which they had brought on purpose, in order to conceal the dead body. But as the tide was coming in, the holes which they made filled with water before they could get the body buried, and the ground seemed, to their terrified con¬ sciences, to refuse to be accessory to concealing their crime. Despairing of hiding the corpse in the manner they pro¬ posed, the murderers carried it out into the sea as deep as they dared wade, and there abandoned it to the billows, trusting that a wind, which was blowing off the shore, would drive these remains of their crime out to sea, where they would never more be heard of. But the sea, as well as the land, seemed unwilling to conceal their cruelty. After floating for some hours, or days, the dead body was, by the 234 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. wind and tide, again driven on shore, near the very spot where the murder had been committed. This attracted general attention, and when the corpse was known to be that of the same William Dalrymple whom Auchindrane had so often spirited out of the country, or concealed when he was in it, a strong and general suspicion arose, that this young person had met with foul play from the bold bad man who had shown himself so much interested in his absence. It was always said or supposed that the dead body had bled at the approach of a grandchild of Mure of Auchindrane, a girl who from curiosity had come to look at a sight which others crowded to see. The bleeding of a murdered corpse at the touch of the murderer was a thing at that time so much believed that it was admitted as a proof of guilt; but I know no case, save that of Auchindrane, in which the phenomenon was supposed to be extended to the approach of the innocent kindred; nor do I think that the fact itself, though mentioned by ancient lawyers, was ever admitted to proof in the proceedings against Auchindrane. It is certain, however, that Auchindrane found himself so much the object of suspicion from this new crime that he resolved to fly from justice, and suffer himself to be declared a rebel and outlaw rather than face a trial. But his conduct in preparing to cover his flight with another motive than the real one is a curious picture of the men and manners of the times. He knew well that if he were to shun his trial for the murder of Dalrymple the whole country would consider him as a man guilty of a mean and disgraceful crime in putting to death an obscure lad against whom he had no personal quarrel. He knew, besides, that his powerful friends, who would have interceded for him had his offence been merely burning a house or killing a neighbour, would not plead for or stand by him in so pitiful a concern as the slaughter of this wretched wanderer. THE DEADLY FEUD OF AUCHINDRANE. 235 Accordingly, Mure sought to provide himself with some ostensible cause for avoiding law, with which the feelings of his kindred and friends might sympathise ; and none occurred to him so natural as an assault upon some friend and adherent of the Earl of Cassilis. Should he kill such a one, it would be indeed an unlawful action, but so far from being infamous, would be accounted the natural consequences of the avowed quarrel between the families. With this purpose, Mure, with the assistance of a relative, of whom he seems always to have had some ready to execute his worst purposes, beset Hugh Kennedy of Garriehorne, a follower of the Earl’s, against whom they had especial ill-will, fired their pistols at him, and used other means to put him to death. But Garriehorne, a stout-hearted man, and well armed, defended himself in a very different manner from the unfortunate knight of Cullayne, and beat off the assailants, wounding young Auchindrane in the right hand, so that he wellnigh lost the use of it. But though Auchindrane’s purpose did not entirely suc¬ ceed, he availed himself of it to circulate a report, that if he could obtain a pardon for firing upon his feudal enemy with pistols, weapons declared unlawful by act of Parliament, he would willingly stand his trial for the death of Dalrymple, respecting which he protested his total innocence. The King, however, was decidedly of opinion that the Mures, both father and son, were alike guilty of both crimes, and used intercession with the Earl of Abercorn, as a person of power in those western counties, as well as in Ireland, to arrest and transmit them prisoners to Edinburgh. In con¬ sequence of the Earl’s exertions old Auchindrane was made prisoner and lodged in the tolbooth of Edinburgh. Young Auchindrane no sooner heard that his father was in custody than he became as apprehensive of Bannatyne, the accomplice in Dalrymple’s murder, telling tales, as ever 236 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. his father had been of Dalrymple. He therefore hastened to him, and prevailed on him to pass over for a while to the neighbouring coast of Ireland, finding him money and means to accomplish the voyage, and engaging in the meantime to take care of his affairs in Scotland. Secure, as they thought, in this precaution, old Auchindrane persisted in his inno¬ cence, and his son found security to stand his trial. Both appeared with the same confidence at the day appointed, and braved the public justice, hoping to be put to a formal trial, in which Auchindrane reckoned upon an acquittal for want of the evidence which he had removed. The trial was, however, postponed, and Mure the elder was dismissed, under high security, to return when called for. But King James being convinced of the guilt of the accused, ordered young Auchindrane, instead of being sent to trial, to be examined under the force of torture, in order to compel him to tell whatever he knew of the things charged against him. He was accordingly severely tortured; but the result only served to show that such examinations are as useless as they are cruel. A man of weak resolution, or of a nervous habit, would probably have assented to any con¬ fession, however false, rather than have endured the extremity of fear and pain to which Mure was subjected. But young Auchindrane, a strong and determined ruffian, endured the torture with the utmost firmness, and by the constant auda¬ city with which, in spite of the intolerable pain, he continued to assert his innocence, he spread so favourable an opinion of his case, that the detaining him in prison, instead of bringing him to open trial, was censured as severe and oppressive. James, however, remained firmly persuaded of his guilt, and by an exertion of authority quite inconsistent with our present laws, commanded young Auchindrane to be still detained in close custody till further light could be thrown on these dark proceedings. He was detained accord- THE DEADLY FEUD OF AUCHINDRANE. 237 ingly by the King’s express personal command, and against the opinion even of his privy counsellors. This exertion of authority was much murmured against. In the meanwhile old Auchindrane, being, as we have seen, at liberty on pledges, skulked about in the west, feeling how little security he had gained by Dalrymple’s murder, and that he had placed himself by that crime in the power of Bannatyne, whose evidence concerning the death of Dal- rymple could not be less fatal than what Dalrymple might have told concerning Auchindrane’s accession to the con¬ spiracy against Sir Thomas Kennedy of Cullayne. But though the event had shown the error of his wicked policy, Auchindrane could think of no better mode in this case than that which had failed in relation to Dalrymple. When any man’s life became inconsistent with his own safety, no idea seems to have occurred to this inveterate ruffian save to murder the person by whom he might himself be in any way endangered. He therefore attempted the life of James Bannatyne by more agents than one. Nay, he had nearly ripened a plan, by which one Pennycuke was to be employed to slay Bannatyne, while, after the deed was done, it was devised that Mure of Auchnull, a connexion of Bannatyne, should be instigated to slay Pennycuke; and thus close up this train of murders by one, which, flowing in the ordinary course of deadly feud, should have nothing in it so particular as to attract much attention. But the justice of Heaven would bear this complicated train of iniquity no longer. Bannatyne, knowing with what sort of men he had to deal, kept on his guard, and, by his caution, disconcerted more than one attempt to take his life, while another miscarried by the remorse of Pennycuke, the agent whom Mure employed. At length Bannatyne, tiring of this state of insecurity, and in despair of escaping such repeated plots, and also feeling remorse for the crime 238 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. to which he had been accessory, resolved rather to submit himself to the severity of the law, than remain the object of the principal criminal’s practices. He surrendered himself to the Earl of Abercorn, and was transported to Edinburgh, where he confessed before the King and council all the particulars of the murder of Dalrymple, and the attempt to hide his body by committing it to the sea. When Bannatyne was confronted with the two Mures before the Privy Council, they denied with vehemence every part of the evidence he had given, and affirmed that the witness had been bribed to destroy them by a false tale. Bannatyne’s behaviour seemed sincere and simple, that of Auchindrane more resolute and crafty. The wretched accomplice fell upon his knees, invoking God to witness that all the land in Scotland could not have bribed him to bring a false accusation against a master whom he had served, loved, and followed in so many dangers, and calling upon Auchindrane to honour God by confessing the crime he had committed. Mure the elder, on the other hand, boldly replied that he hoped God would not so far forsake him as to permit him to confess a crime of which he was inno¬ cent, and exhorted Bannatyne in his turn to confess the practices by which he had been induced to devise such falsehoods against him. The two Mures, father and son, were therefore put upon their solemn trial, along with Bannatyne, in 1611, and, after a great deal of evidence had been brought in support of Bannatyne’s confession, all three were found guilty. The elder Auchindrane was convicted of counselling and directing the murder of Sir Thomas Kennedy of Cullayne, and also of the actual murder of the lad Dalrymple. Bannatyne and the younger Mure were found guilty of the latter crime, and all three were sentenced to be beheaded. Bannatyne, how¬ ever, the accomplice, received the King’s pardon, in conse- THE DEADLY FEUD OF AUCHINDRANE. 239 quence of his voluntary surrender and confession. The two Mures were both executed. The younger was affected by the remonstrances of the clergy who attended him, and he confessed the guilt of which he was accused. The father, also, was at length brought to avow the fact, but in other respects died as impenitent as he had lived ;—and so ended this dark and extraordinary tragedy. . . . The family of Auchindrane did not become extinct on the death of the two homicides. The last descendant existed in the eighteenth century, a poor and distressed man. The following anecdote shows that he had a strong feeling of his situation. There was in front of the old castle a huge ash-tree called the Dule-tree ( mourning-tree ) of Auchindrane, probably be¬ cause it was the place where the Baron executed the criminals who fell under his jurisdiction. It is described as having been the finest tree of the neighbourhood. This last representa¬ tive of the family of Auchindrane had the misfortune to be arrested for payment of a small debt; and, unable to discharge it, was prepared to accompany the messenger (bailiff) to the jail of Ayr. The servant of the law had compassion for his prisoner, and offered to accept of this remarkable tree as of value adequate to the discharge of the debt. “What!” said the debtor. “Sell the Dule-tree of Auchindrane! I will sooner die in the worst dungeon of your prison.” In this luckless character the line of Auchin¬ drane ended. The family, blackened with the crimes of its predecessors, became extinct, and the estate passed into other hands. THE MAID OF NElDPATH. HERE is a tradition in Tweeddale that, when Neidpath Castle, near Peebles, was inhabited by the Earls of March, a mutual passion sub¬ sisted between a daughter of that noble family, and a son of the Laird of Tushielaw, in Ettrick Forest. As the alliance was thought unsuitable by her parents, the young man went abroad. During his absence the lady fell into a consumption ; and at length, as the only means of saving her life, her father consented that her lover should be recalled. On the day when he was expected to pass through Peebles, on the road to Tushielaw, the young lady, though much exhausted, caused herself to be carried to the balcony of a house in Peebles, belonging to the family, that she might see him as he rode past. Her anxiety and eagerness gave such force to her organs, that she is said to have distinguished his horse’s footsteps at an incredible dis¬ tance. But Tushielaw, unprepared for the change in her appearance, and not expecting to see her in that place, rode on without recognising her, or even slackening his pace. The lady was unable to support the shock, and, after a short struggle, died in the arms of her attendants. O lovers’ eyes are sharp to see, And lovers’ ears in hearing ; And love, in life’s extremity, Can lend an hour of cheering. THE MAID OF NEIDPATH. 241 Disease had been in Mary’s bower, And slow decay from mourning, Though now she sits on Neidpath’s tower, To watch her love’s returning. All sunk and dim her eyes so bright, Her form decay’d by pining, Till through her wasted hand, at night, You saw the taper shining; By fits, a sultry hectic hue Across her cheek were flying ; By fits, so ashy pale she grew, Her maidens thought her dying. Yet keenest powers to see and hear, Seem’d in her frame residing; Before the watch-dog prick’d his ear, She heard her lover’s riding ; Ere scarce a distant form was kenn’d, She knew, and waved to greet him ; And o’er the battlement did bend, As on the wing to meet him. He came—he pass’d—an heedless gaze, As o’er some stranger glancing; Her welcome, spoke in faltering phrase, Lost in his courser’s prancing— The castle arch, whose hollow tone Returns each whisper spoken, Could scarcely catch the feeble moan, Which told her heart was broken. Q CAMERON OF LOCH I EL. ssf HE confusion which the usurpation of Cromwell was expected to have occasioned in England, determined the Royalists to attempt a general rising, in which it was expected that great part of the Highland chieftains would join. The successes of Montrose were remembered, although it seems to have been forgotten that it was more his own genius than his means that enabled him to attain them. The Earl of Glencairn was placed by the King’s commission at the head of the insurrection; he was joined by the Earl of Athole, by the son of the heroic Montrose, by Lord Lorn, the son of the Marquis of Argyle, and other nobles. A roman¬ tic English cavalier, named Wogan, joined this insurgent army at the head of a body of eighty horse, whom he brought by a toilsome and dangerous march through England and the Lowlands of Scotland. This gallant troop was frequently engaged with the Republican forces, and particularly with a horse regiment called “the Brazen Wall,” from their never having been broken. Wogan defeated, however, a party of these invincibles, but received several wounds, which, though not at first mortal, became so for want of good surgeons; and thus in an obscure skirmish ended the singular career of an enthusiastic Royalist. The army under Glencairn increased to five thousand CAMERON OF LOCH I EL. 243 men, numbers much greater than Montrose usually com¬ manded. Their leader, however, though a brave and accomplished nobleman, seems to have been deficient in military skill, or, at any rate, in the art of securing the good¬ will and obedience of the various chiefs and nobles who acted under him. It was in vain that Charles, to reconcile their feuds, sent over, as their commander-in-chief, General Middleton, who, after having fought against Montrose in the cause of the Covenant, had at length become an entire Royalist, and was trusted as such. But his military talents were not adequate to surmount the objections which were made to his obscure origin, and the difficulties annexed to his situation. General Middleton met with but an indifferent welcome from the Highland army, as the following scene, which took place at an entertainment given by him on taking the com¬ mand, will show. Glencairn had spoken something in praise of the men he had assembled for the King’s service, espe¬ cially the Highlanders. In reply, up started Sir George Munro, an officer of some reputation, but of a haughty and brutal temper, and who, trained in the wars of Germany, despised all irregular troops, and flatly swore that the men of whom the Earl thus boasted were a pack of thieves and robbers, whose place he hoped to supply with different soldiers. Glengarry, a Highland chief, who was present, arose to resent this insolent language ; but Glencairn, pre¬ venting him, replied to Munro, “ You are a base liar !—these men are neither thieves nor robbers, but gentlemen and brave soldiers.” In spite of Middleton’s attempts to preserve peace this altercation led to a duel. They fought on horseback, first with pistols and then with broadswords. Sir George Munro, having received a wound on the bridle hand, called to the Earl that he was unable to command his horse, and there- 244 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. fore desired to continue the contest on foot. “You base churl/’ answered Glencairn, “ I will match you either on foot or on horseback.” Both dismounted, and encountered fiercely on foot, with their broadswords, when Munro received a wound across his forehead, from which the blood flowed so fast into his eyes that he could not see to continue the combat. Glencairn was about to thrust his enemy through the body, when the Earl’s servant struck up the point of his master’s sword, saying, “You have enough of him, my lord —you have gained the day.” Glencairn, still in great anger, struck the intrusive peacemaker across the shoulders, but returned to his quarters, where he was shortly after laid under arrest by order of the General. Ere this quarrel was composed one Captain Livingstone, a friend of Munro’s, debated the justice of the question be¬ twixt the leaders so keenly with a gentleman named Lindsay, that they must needs fight a duel also, in which Lindsay killed Livingstone on the spot. General Middleton, in spite of Glencairn’s intercessions, ordered Lindsay to be exe¬ cuted by martial law, on which Glencairn left the army with his own immediate followers, and soon after returning to the Lowlands, made peace with the English. His example was followed by most of the Lowland nobles, who grew impatient of long marches, Highland quarters, and obscure skirmishes, which were followed by no important result. Middleton still endeavoured to keep the war alive, although Cromwell had sent additional forces into the Highlands. At length he sustained a defeat at Loch Gary, 26th July, 1654, after which his army dispersed and he himself retired abroad. The English forces then marched through the Highlands, and compelled the principal clans to submit to the authority of the Protector. And here I may give you an account of one individual chieftain, of great celebrity at that time, since you will learn better the character of that primi- CAMERON OF LOCHIEL. 245 tive race of men from personal anecdotes than from details of obscure and petty contests, fought at places with un¬ pronounceable names. Evan Cameron of Lochiel, chief of the numerous and powerful clan of Cameron, was born in 1629. He was called MacConnuill Dhu (the son of Black Donald), from the patronymic that marked his descent, and Evan Dhu, or Black Evan, a personal epithet derived from his own com¬ plexion. Young Lochiel was bred up under the directions of the Marquis of Argyle, and was in attendance on that nobleman, who regarded him as a hostage for the peaceable behaviour of his clan. It is said that in the civil war the young chief was converted to the side of the King by the exhortations of Sir Robert Spottiswood, then in prison at St. Andrews, and shortly afterwards executed for his adherence to Montrose. Evan Dhu, having embraced these principles, was one of the first to join in the insurrection of 1652, of which I have just given a short account. During the best part of two years he was always with his clan, in the very front of battle, and behaved gallantly in the various skirmishes which took place. He was compelled, however, on one occasion, to withdraw from the main body, on learning that the English were approaching Lochaber, with the purpose of laying waste the country of Lochiel. He hastened thither to protect his own possessions and those of his clan. On returning to his estates Lochiel had the mortification to find that the English had established a garrison at In- verlochy with the purpose of reducing to submission the Royalist clans in the neighbourhood, particularly his own and the MacDonalds of Glengarry and Keppoch. He resolved to keep a strict watch on their proceedings, and dismissing the rest of his followers, whom he had not the means of maintaining without attracting attention to his 246 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. motions, he lay in the woods with about fifty chosen men, within a few miles of Inverlochy. It was the constant policy of Cromwell and his officers, both in Ireland and Scotland, to cut down and destroy the forests in which the insurgent natives found places of defence and concealment. In conformity with this general rule the commandant of Inverlochy embarked three hundred men in two light-armed vessels, with directions to disembark at a place called Achdalew,for the purpose of destroying Lochiel’s cattle and felling his woods. Lochiel, who watched their motions closely, saw the English soldiers come ashore, one half having hatchets and other tools as a working party, the other half under arms, to protect their operations. Though the difference of numbers was so great, the chieftain vowed that he would make the red soldier (so the English were called from their uniform) pay dear for every bullock or tree which he should destroy on the black soldier’s property (alluding to the dark colour of the tartan, and perhaps to his own complexion). He then demanded of some of his followers who had served under Montrose whether they had ever seen the Great Marquis encounter with such unequal numbers. They answered, they could recollect no instance of such temerity. “We will fight, nevertheless,” said Evan Dhu, “ and if each of us kill a man, which is no mighty matter, I will answer for the event.” That his family might not be destroyed in so doubtful an enterprise, he ordered his brother Allan to be bound to a tree, meaning to prevent his interference in the conflict. But Allan prevailed on a little boy, who was left to attend him, to unloose the cords, and was soon as deep in the fight as Evan himself. The Camerons, concealed by the trees, advanced so close on the enemy as to pour on them an unexpected and destructive shower of shot and arrows, which slew thirty men; and ere they could recover from their surprise, the CAMERON OF LOCHIEL. 247 Highlanders were in the midst of them, laying about them with incredible fury with their ponderous swords and axes. After a gallant resistance, the mass of the English began to retire towards their vessels, when Evan Dhu commanded a piper and a small party to go betwixt the enemy and their barks, and then sound his pibroch and war-cry, till their clamour made it seem that there was another body of High¬ landers in ambush to cut off their retreat. The English, driven to fury and despair by this new alarm, turned back, like brave men, upon the first assailants, and if the working party had possessed military weapons Lochiel might have had little reason to congratulate himself on the result of this audacious stratagem. He himself had a personal rencontre, strongly charac¬ teristic of the ferocity of the times. The chief was singled out by an English officer of great personal strength, and, as they were separated from the general strife, they fought in single combat for some time. Lochiel was dexterous enough to disarm the Englishman; but his gigantic adversary sud¬ denly closed on him, and in the struggle which ensued both fell to the ground, the officer uppermost. He was in the act of grasping at his sword, which had fallen near the place where they lay in deadly struggle, and was naturally ex¬ tending his neck in the same direction, when the Highland chief, making a desperate effort, grasped his enemy by the collar, and snatching with his teeth at the bare and out¬ stretched throat, he seized it as a wild-cat might have done, and kept his hold so fast as to tear out the windpipe. The officer died in this singular manner. Lochiel was so far from disowning, or being ashamed of this extraordinary mode of defence, that he was afterwards heard to say it was the sweetest morsel he had ever tasted. When Lochiel, thus extricated from the most imminent danger, was able to rejoin his men, he found they had not 248 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. only pursued the English to the beach, but even into the sea, cutting and stabbing whomever they could overtake. He himself advanced till he was chin-deep, and observing a man on board one of the armed vessels take aim at him with a musket, he dived under the water, escaping so narrowly that the bullet grazed his head. Another marks¬ man was foiled by the affection of the chiefs foster-brother, who threw himself betwixt the Englishman and the object of his aim, and was killed by the ball designed for his lord. Having cut off a second party, who ventured to sally from the fort, and thus, as he thought, sufficiently chastised the garrison of Inverlochy, Lochiel again joined Middleton, but was soon recalled to Lochaber by new acts of devastation. Leaving most of his men with the Royalist general, Evan Dhu returned with such speed and secrecy that he again surprised a strong party when in the act of felling his woods, and assaulting them suddenly, killed on the spot a hundred men and all the officers, driving the rest up to the very walls of the garrison. Middleton’s army being disbanded, it was long ere Lochiel could bring himself to accept of peace from the hands of the English. He continued to harass them by attacks on detached parties who straggled from the fort—on the officers who went out into the woods in hunting parties— on the engineer officers who were sent to survey the High¬ lands, of whom he made a large party prisoners, and confined them in a desolate island, on a small lake called Loch Ortuigg. By such exploits he rendered himself so trouble¬ some that the English were desirous to have peace with him on any moderate terms. Their overtures were at first rejected, Evan Dhu returning for answer, that he would not abjure the King’s authority even though the alternative was to be his living and dying in the condition of an exile and outlaw. But when it was hinted to him that no express CAMERON OF LOCHIEL. 249 renunciation of the King’s authority would be required, and that he was only desired to live in peace under the existing government, the chief made his submission to the existing powers with much solemnity. Lochiel came down on this occasion at the head of his whole clan in arms to the garrison of Inverlochy. The English forces being drawn up in a line opposite to them, the Camerons laid down their arms in the name of King Charles, and took them up again in that of the States, without any mention of Cromwell, or any disowning of the King’s authority. In consequence of this honourable treaty, the last Scotsman who maintained the cause of Charles Stuart submitted to the authority of the republic. It is related of this remarkable chieftain that he slew with his own hand the last wolf that was ever seen in the Highlands of Scotland. Tradition records another anecdote of him. Being benighted, on some party for the battle or the chase, Evan Dhu laid himself down with his followers to sleep in the snow. As he composed himself to rest, he observed that one of his sons, or nephews, had rolled together a great snow-ball, on which he deposited his head. Indignant at what he considered as a mark of effeminacy, he started up and kicked the snow-ball .from under the sleeper’s head, exclaiming—“Are you become so luxurious that you cannot sleep without a pillow ? ” After the accession of James II., Lochiel came to court to obtain pardon for one of his clan, who, being in command of a party of Camerons, had fired by mistake on a body of Athole men, and killed several. He was received with the most honourable distinction, and his request granted. The King desiring to make him a knight, asked the chieftain for his own sword, in order to render the ceremony still more peculiar. Lochiel had ridden up from Scotland, being then the only mode of travelling, and a constant rain had so 250 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. rusted his trusty broadsword that at the moment no man- could have unsheathed it. Lochiel, affronted at the idea which the courtiers might conceive from his not being able to draw his own sword, burst into tears. “ Do not regard it, my faithful friend,” said King James with ready courtesy—“your sword would have left the scabbard of itself, had the royal cause required it.” With that he bestowed the intended honour with his own sword, which he presented to the new knight as soon as the ceremony was performed. Sir Evan Dhu supported the cause of the Stuart family for the last time, and with distinguished heroism, in the battle of Killiecrankie. After that civil strife was ended, he grew old in peace, and survived until 1719, aged about ninety, and so much deprived of his strength and faculties, that this once formidable warrior was fed like an infant, and like an infant rocked in a cradle. BATTLE OF BOTHWELL BRIDGE. BATTLE OF BOTHWELL BRIDGE . {June 22, 1679.] B SjiSiHEN Morton had left the well-ordered out- posts of the regular army, and arrived at yJBfi those which were maintained by his own party, he could not but be peculiarly sensible of the difference of discipline, and entertain a proportional degree of fear for the consequences. The same discords which agitated the counsels of the insur¬ gents raged even among their meanest followers; and their picquets and patrols were more interested and occupied in disputing the true occasion and causes of wrath, and de¬ fining the limits of Erastian heresy, than in looking out for and observing the motions of their enemies, though within hearing of the royal drums and trumpets. There was a guard, however, of the insurgent army posted at the long and narrow bridge of Bothwell, over which the enemy must necessarily advance to the attack; but, like the others, they were divided and disheartened; and, entertaining the idea that they were posted on a des¬ perate service, they even meditated withdrawing themselves to the main body. This would have been utter ruin, for on the defence or loss of this pass the fortune of the day was most likely to depend. All beyond the bridge was a plain open field, excepting a few thickets of no great depth, and, consequently, was ground on which the 'undisciplined 252 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. forces of the insurgents, deficient as they were in cavalry, and totally unprovided with artillery, were altogether un¬ likely to withstand the shock of regular troops. Morton therefore viewed the pass carefully, and formed the hope that by occupying two or three houses on the left bank of the river, with the copse and thickets of alders and hazels that lined its side, and by blockading the passage itself, and shutting the gates of a portal which, according to the old fashion, was built on the central arch of the bridge of Bothwell, it might be easily defended against a very superior force. He issued directions accordingly, and commanded the parapets of the bridge, on the farther side of the portal, to be thrown down, that they might afford no protection to the enemy when they should attempt the passage. Morton then conjured the party at this important post to be watchful and upon their guard, and promised them a speedy and strong reinforcement. He caused them to advance videttes beyond the river to watch the progress of the enemy, which outposts he directed should be with¬ drawn to the left bank as soon as they approached; finally, he charged them to send regular information to the main body of all that they should observe. Men under arms, and in a situation of danger, are usually sufficiently alert in appreciating the merit of their officers. Morton’s intelli¬ gence and activity gained the confidence of these men, and with better hope and heart than before they began to fortify their position in the manner he recommended, and saw him depart with three loud cheers. Morton now galloped hastily towards the main body of the insurgents, but was surprised and shocked at the scene of confusion and clamour which it exhibited, at the moment when good order and concord were of such essential conse¬ quence. Instead of being drawn up in line of battle, and listening to the commands of their officers, they were BATTLE OF BOTH WELL BRIDGE. 253 crowding together in a confused mass, that rolled and agitated itself like the waves of the sea, while a thousand tongues spoke, or rather vociferated, and not a single ear was found to listen. Scandalised at a scene so extra¬ ordinary, Morton endeavoured to make his way through the press, to learn, and if possible to remove, the cause of this so untimely disorder. While he is thus engaged we shall make the reader acquainted with that which he was some time in discovering. The insurgents had proceeded to hold their day of humiliation, which, agreeably to the practice of the Puritans during the earlier civil war, they considered as the most effectual mode of solving all difficulties, and waiving all dis¬ cussions. It was usual to name an ordinary week-day for this purpose, but on this occasion the Sabbath itself was adopted, owing to the pressure of the time and the vicinity of the enemy. A temporary pulpit or tent was erected in the middle of the encampment; which, according to the fixed arrangement, was first to be occupied by the Reverend Peter Poundtext, to whom the post of honour was assigned as the eldest clergyman present. But as the worthy divine, with slow and stately steps, was advancing towards the rostrum which had been prepared for him, he was prevented by the unexpected apparition of Habakkuk Mucklewrath, the insane preacher, whose appearance had so much startled Morton at the first council of the insurgents after their victory at Loudon Hill. It is not known whether he was acting under the influence and instigation of the Camer- onians, or whether he was merely compelled by his own agitated imagination, and the temptation of a vacant pulpit before him, to seize the opportunity of exhorting so respect¬ able a congregation. It is only certain that he took occasion by the forelock, sprung into the pulpit, cast his eyes wildly round him, and undismayed by the murmurs of 254 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. many of the audience, opened the Bible, read forth as his text from the thirteenth chapter of Deuteronomy, “ Certain men, the children of Belial, are gone out from among you, and have withdrawn the inhabitants of their city, saying, Let us go and serve other gods which you have not known,” and then rushed at once into the midst of his subject. The harangue of Mucklewrath was as wild and extrava¬ gant as his intrusion was unauthorised and untimely; but it was provokingly coherent, in so far as it turned entirely upon the very subjects of discord, of which it had been agreed to adjourn the consideration until some more suit¬ able opportunity. Not a single topic did he omit which had offence in it; and, after charging the moderate party with heresy, with crouching to tyranny, with seeking to be at peace with God’s enemies, he applied to Morton by name the charge that he had been one of those men of Belial who, in the words of his text, had gone out from amongst them, to withdraw the inhabitants of his city, and to go astray after false gods. To him, and all who followed him, or approved of his conduct, Mucklewrath denounced fury and vengeance, and exhorted those who would hold themselves pure and undefiled to come up from the midst of them. “ Fear not,” he said, “ because of the neighing of horses, or the glittering of breastplates. Seek not aid of the Egyp¬ tians because of the enemy, though they may be numerous as locusts, and fierce as dragons. Their trust is not as our trust, nor their rock as our rock; how else shall a thousand fly before one, and two put ten thousand to the flight ? I dreamed it in the visions of the night, and the voice said, ‘ Habakkuk, take thy fan and purge the wheat from the chaff, that they be not both consumed with the fire of in¬ dignation and the lightning of fury.’ Wherefore, I say, take this Henry Morton—this wretched Achan, who hath BATTLE OF BOTH WELL BRIDGE. 255 brought the accursed thing among ye, and made himself brethren in the camp of the enemy—take him and stone him with stones, and thereafter burn him with fire, that the wrath may depart from the children of the Covenant! He hath not taken a Babylonish garment, but he hath sold the garment of righteousness to the woman of Babylon—he hath not taken two hundred shekels of fine silver, but he hath bartered the truth, which is more precious than shekels of silver or wedges of gold.” At this furious charge, brought so unexpectedly against one of their most active commanders, the audience broke out into open tumult, some demanding that there should instantly be a new election of officers, into which office none should hereafter be admitted who had, in their phrase, touched of that which was accursed, or temporised more or less with the heresies and corruptions of the times. It was at this moment when Morton arrived in the field and joined the army, in total confusion, and on the point of dissolving itself. His arrival occasioned loud exclamations of applause on the one side, and of imprecation on the other. “What means this ruinous disorder at such a moment ? ” he exclaimed to Burley, who, exhausted with his vain exertions to restore order, was now leaning on his sword, and regarding the confusion with an eye of resolute despair. “ It means,” he replied, “ that God has delivered us into the hands of our enemies.” “ Not so,” answered Morton, with a voice and gesture which compelled many to listen ; “ it is not God who deserts us—it is we who desert Him, and dishonour ourselves by disgracing and betraying the cause of freedom and religion. Hear me ! ” he explained, springing to the pulpit which Mucklewrath had been compelled to evacuate by actual exhaustion—“ I bring from the enemy an offer to treat, if 256 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. you incline to lay down your arms. I can assure you the means of making an honourable defence if you are of more manly tempers. The time flies fast on. Let us resolve either for peace or war; and let it not be said of us in future days, that six thousand Scottish men in arms had neither courage to stand their ground and fight it out, nor prudence to treat for peace, nor even the coward’s wisdom to retreat in good time and with safety. What signifies quarrelling on minute points of church discipline, when the whole edifice is threatened with total destruction? Oh remember, my brethren, that the last and worse evil which God brought upon the people whom He had once chosen— the last and worse punishment of their blindness and hardness of heart, was the bloody dissensions which rent asunder their city, even when the enemy were thundering at its gates ! ” Some of the audience testified their feeling of this ex¬ hortation by loud exclamations of applause, others by hooting and exclaiming—“To your tents, O Israel!” Morton, who beheld the columns of the enemy already beginning to appear on the right bank, and directing their march upon the bridge, raised his voice to its utmost pitch, and, pointing at the same time with his hand, exclaimed— “ Silence your senseless clamours ! Yonder is the enemy ! On maintaining the bridge against him depend our lives as well as our hope to reclaim our laws and liberties. There shall at least one Scottishman die in their defence. Let any one who loves his country follow me ! ” The multitude had turned their heads in the direction to which he pointed. The sight of the glittering files of the English Foot-Guards, supported by several squadrons of horse, of the cannon which the artillerymen were busily engaged in planting against the bridge, of the plaided clans who seemed to search for a ford, and of the long succession of troops which were destined to support the attack, silenced BATTLE OF BOTH WELL BRIDGE . 257 at once their clamorous uproar, and struck them with as much consternation as if it were an unexpected apparition, and not the very thing which they ought to have been look¬ ing out for. They gazed on each other, and on their leaders, with looks resembling those that indicate the weakness of a patient when exhausted by a fit of frenzy. Yet when Morton, springing from the rostrum, directed his steps toward the bridge, he was followed by about an hun¬ dred of the young men who were particularly attached to his command. Burley turned to Macbriar—“ Ephraim,” he said, “ it is Providence points us the way, through the worldly wisdom of this latitudinarian youth. He that loves the light, let him follow Burley ! ” “ Tarry,” replied Macbriar; “ it is not by Henry Morton, or such as he, that our goings-out and our comings-in are to be meted ; therefore tarry with us. I fear treachery to the host from this nullifidian Achan. Thou shalt not go with him—thou art our chariots and our horsemen.” “ Hinder me not,” replied Burley; “ he hath well said that all is lost if the enemy win the bridge—therefore let me not. Shall the children of this generation be called wiser or braver than the children of the sanctuary ? Array yourselves under your leaders—let us not lack supplies of men and ammunition; and accursed be he who turneth back from the work on this great day ! ” Having thus spoken, he hastily marched towards the bridge, and was followed by about two hundred of the most gallant and zealous of his party. There was a deep and dis¬ heartened pause when Morton and Burley departed. The commanders availed themselves of it to display their lines in some sort of order, and exhorted those who were most exposed, to throw themselves upon their faces to avoid the cannonade which they might presently expect. The insur- R 258 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. gents ceased to resist or to remonstrate; but the awe which had silenced their discords had dismayed their courage. They suffered themselves to be formed into ranks with the docility of a flock of sheep, but without possessing, for the time, more resolution or energy; for they experienced a sinking of the heart, imposed by the sudden and imminent approach of the danger which they had neglected to provide against while it was yet distant. They were, however, drawn out with some regularity; and as they still possessed the appearance of an army, their leaders had only to hope that some favourable circumstance would restore their spirits and courage. Ere Morton or Burley had reached the post to be defended, the enemy had commenced an attack upon it with great spirit. The two regiments of Foot-Guards, formed into a close column, rushed forward to the river; one corps, deploying along the right bank, commenced a galling fire on the defenders of the pass, while the other pressed on to occupy the bridge. The insurgents sustained the attack with great constancy and courage; and while part of their number returned the fire across the river, the rest maintained a discharge of musketry upon the farther end of the bridge itself, and every avenue by which the soldiers endeavoured to approach it. The latter suffered severely, but still gained ground, and the head of their column was already upon the bridge, when the arrival of Morton changed the scene; and his marksmen, commencing upon the pass a fire as well aimed as it was sustained and regular, compelled the assailants to retire with much loss. They were a second time brought up to the charge, and a second time repulsed with still greater loss, as Burley had now brought his party into action. The fire was con¬ tinued with the utmost vehemence on both sides, and the issue of the action seemed very dubious. BATTLE OF BOTH WELL BRIDGE. 259 Monmouth, mounted on a superb white charger, might be discovered on the top of the right bank of the river, urging, entreating, and animating the exertions of his soldiers. By his orders the cannon, which had hitherto been employed in annoying the distant main body of the Presbyterians, were now turned upon the defenders of the bridge. But these tremendous engines, being wrought much more slowly than in modern times, did not produce the effect of annoying or terrifying the enemy to the extent proposed. The insurgents, sheltered by the copsewood along the bank of the river, or stationed in the houses already mentioned, fought under cover, while the Royalists, owing to the precautions of Morton, were entirely exposed. The defence was so protracted and obstinate, that the royal generals began to fear it might be ultimately successful. While Monmouth threw himself from his horse, and, rallying the Foot-Guards, brought them on to another close and desperate attack, he was warmly seconded by Dalzell, who, putting himself at the head of a body of Lennox High¬ landers, rushed forward with their tremendous war-cry of Loch-sloy. The ammunition of the defenders of the bridge began to fail at this important crisis ; messages command ing and imploring succours and supplies were in vain des¬ patched, one after the other, to the main body of the Pres¬ byterian army, which remained inactively drawn up on the open fields in the rear. Fear, consternation and misrule, had gone abroad among them, and while the post on which their safety depended required to be instantly and power¬ fully reinforced, there remained none either to command or to obey. As the fire of the defenders of the bridge began to slacken, that of the assailants increased, and in its turn became more fatal. Animated by the example and exhorta¬ tions of their generals, they obtained a footing upon the bridge itself, and began to remove the obstacles by which it 26 o TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. was blockaded. The portal-gate was broke open, the beams, trunks of trees, and other materials of the barricade, pulled down and thrown into the river. This was not accom¬ plished without opposition. Morton and Burley fought in the very front of their followers, and encouraged them with their pikes, halberds, and partisans to encounter the bayonets of the Guards and the broadswords of the High¬ landers. But those behind the leaders began to shrink from the unequal combat, and fly singly, or in parties of two or three, towards the main body, until the remainder were, by the mere weight of the hostile column as much as by their weapons, fairly forced from the bridge. The passage being now open, the enemy began to pour over. But the bridge was long and narrow, which rendered the manoeuvre slow as well as dangerous ; and those who first passed had still to force the houses, from the windows of which the Covenanters continued to fire. Burley and Morton were near each other at this critical moment. “ There is yet time,” said the former, “ to bring down horse to attack them, ere they can get into order; and, with the aid of God, we may thus regain the bridge. Hasten thou to bring them down, while I make the defence good with this old and wearied body.” Morton saw the importance of the advice, and throwing himself on the horse which Cuddie (his retainer) held in readiness for him behind the thicket, galloped towards a body of cavalry which chanced to be composed entirely of Cameronians. Ere he could speak his errand, or utter his orders, he was saluted by the execrations of the whole body. “ He flies ! ” they exclaimed; “ the cowardly traitor flies like a hart from the hunters, and hath left valiant Burley in the midst of the slaughter.” “ I do not fly,” said Morton. “ I come to lead you to the attack. Advance boldly, and we shall yet do well.” BATTLE OF BOTH WELL BRIDGE. 261 “ Follow him not!—follow him not! ”—such were the tumultuous exclamations which resounded from the ranks; “ he hath sold you to the sword of the enemy ! ” And while Morton argued, entreated, and commanded in vain, the moment was lost in which the advance might have been useful; and the outlet from the bridge, with all its defences, being in complete possession of the enemy, Burley and his remaining followers were driven back upon the main body, to whom the spectacle of their hurried and harassed retreat was far from restoring the confidence which they so much wanted. In the meanwhile, the forces of the King crossed the bridge at their leisure, and securing the pass formed in line of battle; while Claverhouse, who, like a hawk perched on a rock, and eyeing the time to pounce on its prey, had watched the event of the action from the opposite bank, now passed the bridge at the head of his cavalry, at full trot, and leading them in squadrons through the intervals and round the flanks of the royal infantry, formed them in line on the moor, and led them to the charge, advancing in front with one large body, while other two divisions threa¬ tened the flanks of the Covenanters. Their devoted army was now in that situation when the slightest demonstration towards an attack was certain to inspire panic. Their broken spirits and disheartened courage were unable to endure the charge of the cavalry, attended with all its terrible accompaniments of sight and sound, the rush of the horses at full speed, the shaking of the earth under their feet, the glancing of the swords, the waving of the plumes, and the fierce shouts of the Cavaliers. The front ranks hardly attempted one ill-directed and disorderly fire, and their rear were broken and flying in confusion ere the charge had been completed; and in less than five minutes the horsemen were mixed with them, cutting and hewing with- 262 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. out mercy. The voice of Claverhouse was heard, even above the din of conflict, exclaiming to his soldiers—“Kili! Kill!—no quarter !—think on Richard Graham ! ” The dragoons required no exhortations to vengeance as easy as it was complete. Their swords drank deep of slaughter among the unresisting fugitives. Screams for quarter were only answered by the shouts with which the pursuers accom¬ panied their blows, and the whole field presented one general scene of confused slaughter, flight, and pursuit. About twelve hundred of the insurgents who remained in a body a little apart from the rest, and out of the line of the charge of cavalry, threw down their arms and surrendered at discretion, upon the approach of the Duke of Monmouth at the head of the infantry. That mild-tempered nobleman instantly allowed them the quarter which they prayed for; and galloping about through the field exerted himself as much to stop the slaughter as he had done to obtain the victory. TORTURE OF THE COVENANTER PRISONERS. ORTON was now, with respect to his fortune, like a rider who has flung his reins on the horse’s neck, and, while he abandoned him¬ self to circumstances, was at least relieved from the task of attempting to direct them. In this mood he journeyed on, the number of his com¬ panions being continually augmented by detached parties of horse, who came in from every quarter of the country, bringing with them, for the most part, the unfortunate persons who had fallen into their power. At length they approached Edinburgh. “ Our Council,” said Claverhouse, “ being resolved, I suppose, to testify by their present exultation the extent of their former terror, have decreed a kind of triumphal entry to us victors and our captives ; but as I do not quite approve the taste of it, I am willing to avoid my own part in the show, and, at the same time, to save you from yours.” So saying, he gave up the command of the forces to Allan (now a lieutenant-colonel), and, turning his horse into a by-lane, rode into the city privately, accompanied by Morton and two or three servants. When Claverhouse arrived at the quarters which he usually occupied in the Canongate, he assigned to his prisoner a small apartment, with an intimation that his parole confined him to it for the present. 264 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. After about a quarter of an hour spent in solitary musing on the strange vicissitudes of his late life, the attention of Morton was summoned to the window by a great noise in the street beneath. Trumpets, drums, and kettledrums contended in noise with the shouts of a numerous rabble, and apprised him that the royal cavalry were passing in the triumphal attitude which Claverhouse had mentioned. The magistrates of the city, attended by their guard of halberds, had met the victors with their welcome at the gate of the city, and now preceded them as a part of the procession. The next object was two heads borne upon pikes; and before -each bloody head were carried the hands of the dis¬ membered sufferers, which were, by the brutal mockery of those who bore them, often approached towards each other as if in the attitude of exhortation or prayer. These bloody trophies belonged to two preachers who had fallen at Bothwell Bridge. After them came a cart led by the executioner’s assistant, in which were placed Macbriar and other two prisoners, who seemed of the same profession. They were bareheaded, and strongly bound, yet looked around them with an air rather of triumph than dismay, and appeared in no respect moved either by the fate of their companions, of which the bloody evidences were carried before them, or by dread of their own approaching execution, which these preliminaries so plainly indicated. Behind these prisoners, thus held up to public infamy and derision, came a body of horse, brandishing their broadswords, and filling the wide street with acclamations, which were answered by the tumultuous outcries and shouts of the rabble, who, in every considerable town, are too happy in being permitted to huzza for anything whatever which calls them together. In the rear of these troopers came the main body of the prisoners, at the head of whom were some of their leaders, who were treated with every circumstance of inventive mockery and insult. Several TORTURE OF COVENANTER PRISONERS. 265 were placed on horseback with their faces to the animal’s tail; others were chained to long bars of iron, which they were obliged to support in their hands, like the galley-slaves in Spain when travelling to the port where they are to be put on shipboard. The heads of others who had fallen were borne in triumph before the survivors, some on pikes and halberds, some in sacks, bearing the names of the slaughtered persons labelled on the outside. Such were the objects who headed the ghastly procession, who seemed as effectually doomed to death as if they were the sanbenitos of the condemned heretics in an auio-da-fe. Behind them came on the nameless crowd to the number of several hundreds, some retaining under their misfortunes a sense of confidence in the cause for which they suffered captivity, and were about to give a still more bloody testi¬ mony; others seemed pale, dispirited, dejected, question¬ ing in their own minds their prudence in espousing a cause which Providence seemed to have disowned, and looking about for some avenue through which they might escape from the consequences of their rashness. Others there were who seemed incapable of forming an opinion on the subject, or of entertaining either hope, confidence, or fear, but who, foaming with thirst and fatigue, stumbled along like over-driven oxen, lost to everything but their present sense of wretchedness, and without having any distinct idea whether they were led to the shambles or to the pasture. These unfortunate men were guarded on each hand by troopers, and behind them came the main body of the cavalry, whose military music resounded back from the high houses on each side of the street, and mingled with their own songs, of jubilee and triumph, and the wild shouts of the rabble. Morton felt himself heart-sick while he gazed on the dismal spectacle, and recognised in the bloody heads, and still more miserable and agonised features of the living 266 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. sufferers, faces which had been familiar to him during the brief insurrection. He sunk down in a chair in a be¬ wildered and stupefied state, from which he was awakened by the voice of Cuddie. “ Lord forgie us, sir! ” said the poor fellow, his teeth chattering like a pair of nut-crackers, his hair erect like boars' bristles, and his face as pale as that of a corpse— “ Lord forgie us, sir! we maun instantly gang before the Council! O Lord ! what made them send for a puir body like me, sae mony braw lords and gentles?—and there’s my mither come on the lang tramp frae Glasgow, to see to gar me testify, as she ca’s it, that is to say, confess and be hanged; but deil tak me if they mak sic a guse o’ Cuddie, if I can do better. But here’s Claverhouse himsell —the Lord preserve and forgie us, I sae anes mair ! ” “You must immediately attend the Council, Mr. Morton,” said Claverhouse, who entered while Cuddie spoke, “ and your servant must go with you. You need be under no apprehension for the consequences to yourself personally. But I warn you that you will see something that will give you much pain, and from which I would willingly have saved you, if I had possessed the power. My carriage waits us—shall we go ? ” It will be readily supposed that Morton did not ven¬ ture to dispute this invitation, however unpleasant. He rose and accompanied Claverhouse. “ I must apprise you,” said the latter, as he led the way down stairs, “ that you will get off cheap; and so will your servant, provided he can keep his tongue quiet.” Cuddie caught these last words, to his exceeding joy. “ Deil a fear o’ me,” said he, “ an my mither disna pit her finger in the pie.” At that moment his shoulder was seized by old Mause, who had contrived to thrust herself forward into the lobby of the apartment. TORTURE OF COVENANTER PRISONERS. 267 “ O, hinny, hinny ! ” said she to Cuddie, hanging upon his neck, “ glad and proud, and sorry and humbled am I, a’ in ane and the same instant, to see my bairn ganging to testify for the truth gloriously with his mouth in Council, as he did with his weapon in the field! ” “ Whisht, whisht, mither! ” cried Cuddie impatiently. “ Od, ye daft wife, is this a time to speak o’ thae things ? I tell ye I’ll testify naething either ae gate or another. I hae spoken to Mr. Poundtext, and I’ll tak the declaration, or whate’er they ca’ it, and we’re a’ to win free off if we do that—he’s gotten life for himsell and a’ his folk, and that’s a minister for my siller; I like nane o’ your sermons that end in a psalm at the Grassmarket.” * “ O Cuddie, man, laith wad I be they suld hurt ye,” said old Mause, divided grievously between the safety of her son’s soul and that of his body; “but mind, my bonny bairn, ye hae battled for the faith, and dinna let the dread o’ losing creature-comforts withdraw ye frae the gude fight.” “ Hout tout, mither,” replied Cuddie, “ I hae fought e’en ower muckle already, and, to speak plain, I’m wearied o’ the trade. I hae swaggered wi’ a’ thae arms, and muskets, and pistols, buff-coats, and bandoliers, lang eneugh, and I like the pleugh-paidle a hantle better. I ken naething suld gar a man fight (that’s to say when he’s no angry), by and out- taken the dread of being hanged or killed if he turns back.” “ But, my dear Cuddie,” continued the persevering Mause, “ your bridal garment—Oh, hinny, dinna sully the marriage garment! ” “Awa, awa, mither,” replied Cuddie; “dinna ye see the folks waiting for me? Never fear me—I ken how to turn this far better than ye do—for ye’re bleezing awa about marriage, and the job is how we are to win by hanging.” * [The Grassmarket in Edinburgh at the date of the story was the place of public execution.] 268 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. So saying, he extricated himself out of his mother’s em¬ braces, and requested the soldiers who took him in charge to conduct him to the place of examination without delay. He had been already preceded by Claverhouse and Morton. The Privy Council of Scotland, in whom the practice since the union of the crowns vested great judicial powers, as well as the general superintendence of the executive department, was met in the ancient dark Gothic room adjoining to the House of Parliament in Edinburgh, when General Grahame entered and took his place amongst the members at the council-table. “You have brought us a leash of game to-day, General,” said a nobleman of high place amongst them. “ Here is a craven to confess—a cock of the game to stand at bay— and what shall I call the third, General ? ” “ Without further metaphor, I will entreat your Grace to call him a person in whom I am specially interested,” replied Claverhouse. “ And a whig into the bargain,” said the nobleman, lolling out a tongue which was at all times too big for his mouth, and accommodating his coarse features to a sneer, to which they seemed to be familiar. “Yes, please your Grace, a whig; as your Grace was in 1641,” replied Claverhouse, with his usual appearance of imperturbable civility. “ He has you there, I think, my Lord Duke,” said one of the Privy Councillors. “Ay, ay,” returned the Duke, laughing; “there’s no speaking to him since Drumclog. But come, bring in the prisoners; and do you, Mr. Clerk, read the record.” The clerk read forth a bond, in which General Grahame of Claverhouse and Lord Evandale entered themselves securities, that Henry Morton, younger of Milnwood, should go abroad and remain in foreign parts until his Majesty’s pleasure was further known in respect of the said Henry TORTURE OF COVENANTER PRISONERS. 269 Morton’s accession to the late rebellion, and that under penalty of life and limb to the said Henry Morton, and of ten thousand marks to each of his securities. “ Do you accept of the King’s mercy upon these terms, Mr. Morton ? ” said the Duke of Lauderdale, who presided in the Council. “ I have no other choice, my lord,” replied Morton. “Then subscribe your name in the record.” Morton did so without reply, conscious that, in the circum¬ stances of his case, it was impossible for him to have escaped more easily. Macbriar, who was at the same instant brought to the foot of the council-table, bound upon a chair, for his weakness prevented him from standing, beheld Morton in the act of what he accounted apostasy. “ He hath summed his defection by owning the carnal power of the tyrant! ” he exclaimed, with a deep groan. “ A fallen star ! a fallen star ! ” “ Hold your peace, sir,” said the Duke, “ and keep your ain breath to cool your ain porridge—ye’ll find them scald¬ ing hot, I promise you. Call in the other fellow, who has some common sense. One sheep will leap the ditch, when another goes first.” Cuddie was introduced unbound, but under the guard of two halberdiers, and placed beside Macbriar at the foot of the table. The poor fellow cast a piteous look around him, in which were mingled awe for the great men in whose presence he stood, and compassion for his fellow- sufferers, with no small fear of the personal consequences which impended over himself. He made his clownish obeisances with a double portion of reverence, and then awaited the opening of the awful scene. “Were you at the battle of Bothwell Brigg?” was the first question which was thundered in his ears. Cuddie meditated a denial, but had sense enough, upon reflection, to discover that the truth would be too strong 270 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. for him; so he replied, with true Caledonian indirectness of response, “ I’ll no say but it may be possible that I might hae been there.” “Answer directly, you knave—yes, or no? You know you were there.” “It’s no for me to contradict your Lordship’s Grace’s honour,” said Cuddie. “Once more, sir, were you there?—yes, or no?” said the Duke, impatiently. “Dear stir,” again replied Cuddie, “how can ane mind preceesely where they hae been a’ the days o’ their life?” “Speak out, you scoundrel,” said General Dalzell, “or I’ll dash your teeth out with my dudgeon-haft! Do you think we can stand here all day to be turning and dodging with you, like greyhounds after a hare ? ” “Aweel, then,” said Cuddie, “since naething else will please ye, write down that I cannot deny but I was there.” “ Well, sir,” said the Duke, “ and do you think that the rising upon that occasion was rebellion or not?” “ I’m no just free to gie my opinion, stir,” said the cautious captive, “ on what might cost my neck; but I doubt it will be very little better.” “ Better than what ? ” “Just than rebellion, as your honour ca’s it,” replied Cuddie. “ Well, sir, that’s speaking to the purpose,” replied his Grace. “ And are you content to accept of the King’s pardon for your guilt as a rebel, and to keep the Church, and pray for the King ? ” “Blithely, stir,” answered the unscrupulous Cuddie; “ and drink his health into the bargain, when the ale’s gude.” “ Egad ! ” said the Duke, “ this is a hearty cock. What brought you into such a scrape, mine honest friend ? ” “Just ill example, stir,” replied the prisoner, “and a TORTURE OF COVENANTER PRISONERS. 271 daft auld jaud of a mither, wi’ reverence to your Grace’s honour.” “Why, God-a-mercy, my friend,” replied the Duke, “take care of bad advice another time; I think you are not likely to commit treason on your own score. Make out his free pardon and bring forward the rogue in the chair.” Macbriar was then moved forward to the post of examina¬ tion. “ Were you at the battle of Bothwell Bridge ? ” was, in like manner, demanded of him. “I was,” answered the prisoner, in a bold and resolute tone. “ Were you armed ? ” “ I was not—I went in my calling as a preacher of God’s Word, to encourage them that drew the sword in His cause.” “ In other words, to aid and abet the rebels ? ” said the Duke. “ Thou hast spoken it,” replied the prisoner. “Well, then,” continued the interrogator, “let us know if you saw John Balfour of Burley among the party? I presume you know him ? ” “ I bless God that I do know him,” replied Macbriar; “ he is a zealous and a sincere Christian.” “ And when and where did you last see this pious per¬ sonage ? ” was the query which immediately followed. “ I am here to answer for myself,” said Macbriar, in the same dauntless manner, “ and not to endanger others.” “We shall know,” said Dalzell, “how to make you find your tongue.” “ If you can make him fancy himself in a conventicle,” answered Lauderdale, “ he will find it without you. Come, laddie, speak while the play is good—you’re too young to bear the burden will be laid on you else.” “ I defy you,” retorted Macbriar. “ This has not been 272 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. the first of my imprisonments or of my sufferings; and, young as I may be, I have lived long enough to know how to die when I am called upon.” “ Ay, but there are some things which must go before an easy death, if you continue obstinate,” said Lauderdale, and rung a small silver bell which was placed before him on the table. A dark crimson curtain, which covered a sort of niche or Gothic recess in the wall, rose at the signal, and dis¬ played the public executioner, a tall, grim, and hideous man, having an oaken table before him, on which lay thumb-screws, and an iron case, called the Scottish boot, used in those tyrannical days to torture accused persons. Morton, who was unprepared for this ghastly apparition, started when the curtain arose, but Macbriar’s nerves were more firm. He gazed upon the horrible apparatus with much composure; and if a touch of nature called the blood from his cheek for a second, resolution sent it back to his brow with greater energy. “ Do you know who that man is ? ” said Lauderdale, in a low, stern voice, almost sinking into a whisper. “ He is, I suppose,” replied Macbriar, “ the infamous executioner of your bloodthirsty commands upon the per¬ sons of God’s people. He and you are equally beneath my regard; and, I bless God, I no more fear what he can inflict than what you can command. Flesh and blood may shrink under the sufferings you can doom me to, and poor frail nature may shed tears, or send forth cries ; but I trust my soul is anchored firmly on the Rock of Ages.” “ Do your duty,” said the Duke to the executioner. The fellow advanced, and asked, with a harsh and dis¬ cordant voice, upon which of the prisoner’s limbs he should first employ his engine. “ Let him choose for himself,” said the Duke ; “ I should like to oblige him in anything that is reasonable.” TORTURE OF COVENANTER PRISONERS. 273 “ Since you leave it to me,” said the prisoner, stretching forth his right leg, “ take the best—I willingly bestow it in the cause for which I suffer.” * The executioner, with the help of his assistants, enclosed the leg and knee within the tight iron boot or case, and then placing a wedge of the same metal between the knee and the edge of the machine, took a mallet in his hand, and stood waiting for further orders. A well-dressed man, by profession a surgeon, placed himself by the other side of the prisoner’s chair, bared the prisoner’s arm, and applied his thumb to the pulse in order to regulate the torture according to the strength of the patient. When these preparations were made, the President of the Council repeated with the same stern voice the question, “ When and where did you last see John Balfour of Burley ?” The prisoner, instead of replying to him, turned his eyes to heaven as if imploring divine strength, and muttered a few words, of which the last were distinctly audible, “ Thou hast said Thy people shall be willing in the day of Thy power! ” The Duke of Lauderdale glanced his eye around the Council as if to collect their suffrages, and, judging from their mute signs, gave on his own part a nod to the executioner, whose mallet instantly descended on the wedge, and, forcing it between the knee and the iron boot, occasioned the most exquisite pain, as was evident from the flush which instantly took place on the brow and on the cheeks of the sufferer. The fellow then again raised his weapon, and stood prepared to give a second blow. “Will you yet say,” repeated the Duke of Lauderdale, “ where and when you last parted from Balfour of Burley ? ” “ You have my answer,” said the sufferer resolutely,—and * This was the reply actually made by James Mitchell when subjected to the torture of the boot, for an attempt to assassinate Archbishop Sharpe. S 274 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. the second blow fell. The third and fourth succeeded ; but at the fifth, when a larger wedge had been introduced, the prisoner set up a scream of agony. Morton, whose blood boiled within him at witnessing such cruelty, could bear no longer, and although unarmed, and himself in great danger, was springing forward, when Claverhouse, who observed his emotion, withheld him by force, laying one hand on his arm and the other on his mouth, while he whispered, “ For God’s sake, think where you are ! ” This movement, fortunately for him, was observed by no other of the councillors, whose attention was engaged with the dreadful scene before them. “ He is gone ! ” said the surgeon—“ he has fainted, my lords, and human nature can endure no more.” “Release him,” said the Duke; and added, turning to Dalzell, “ He will make an old proverb good, for he’ll scarce ride to-day, though he has had his boots on. I suppose we must finish with him ? ” “ Ay, dispatch his sentence, and have done with him; we have plenty of drudgery behind.” Strong waters and essences were busily employed to re¬ call the senses of the unfortunate captive; and when his first faint gasps intimated a return of sensation, the Duke pro¬ nounced sentence of death upon him, as a traitor taken in the act of open rebellion, and adjudged him to be carried from the bar to the common place of execution, and there hanged by the neck; his head and hands to be stricken off after death, and disposed of according to the pleasure of the Council, and all and sundry his moveable goods and gear escheat and inbrought to his Majesty’s use. “ Doomster,” he continued, “repeat the sentence to the prisoner.” The office of Doomster was in those days, and till a much TORTURE OF COVENANTER PRISONERS. 275 later period, held by the executioner in commendam with his ordinary functions. The duty consisted in reciting to the unhappy criminal the sentence of the law as pronounced by the judge, which acquired an additional and horrid emphasis from the recollection that the hateful personage by whom it was uttered was to be the agent of the cruelties he denounced. Macbriar had scarce understood the purport of the words as first pronounced by the Lord President of the Council; but he was sufficiently recovered to listen and to reply to the sentence when uttered by the harsh and odious voice of the ruffian who was to execute it, and at the last awful words, “ And this I pronounce for doom,” he answered boldly— “ My lords, I thank you for the only favour I looked for, or would accept at your hands, namely, that you have sent the crushed and maimed carcass, which has this day sus¬ tained your cruelty, to this hasty end. It were indeed little to me whether I perish on the gallows or in the prison-house ; but if death, following close on what I have this day suffered had found me in my cell of darkness and bondage, many might have lost the sight how a Christian man can suffer in the good cause. For the rest, I forgive you, my lords, for what you have appointed and I have sustained. And why should I not? Ye send me to a happy exchange—to the company of angels and the spirits of the just, for that of frail dust and ashes. Ye send me from darkness into day—from mortality to immortality—and, in a word, from earth to heaven ! If the thanks, therefore, and pardon of a dying man can do you good, take them at my hand, and may your last moments be as happy as mine! ” As he spoke thus, with a countenance radiant with joy and triumph, he was withdrawn by those who had brought him into the apartment, and executed within half an hour, dying with the same enthusiastic firmness which his whole life had evinced. JACOBITE ATTEMPT TO SEIZE EDINBURGH CASTLE . HE death of Louis XIV. in September 1715 was represented in Scotland as rather favour¬ able than otherwise to the cause of James the Pretender. The power of France was now wielded, it was said, by a courageous and active young prince, to whose character enterprise was more natural than to that of an aged and heart-broken old man, and who would, of course, be ready to hazard as much, or more, in the cause of the Jacobites than the late monarch had so often promised. In short, the death of Louis the Great, long the hope and prop of the Jacobite cause, was boldly represented as a favourable event during the present crisis. Although a little dispassionate inquiry would have dis¬ pelled the fantastic hopes, founded on the baseless rumour of foreign assistance, yet such fictions as I have here alluded to, tending to exalt the zeal and spirits of the party, were circulated because they were believed, and believed be¬ cause they were circulated; and the gentlemen of Stirling¬ shire, Perth, Angus, and Fifeshire, began to leave their homes and assemble in arms, though in small parties, at the foot of the Grampian hills, expecting the issue of Lord Mar’s negotiations in the Highlands. ATTEMPT TO SEIZE EDINBURGH CASTLE. 277 Upon leaving Fifeshire, having communicated with such gentlemen as were most likely to serve his purpose, Mar proceeded instantly to his own estates of Braemar, lying along the side of the river Dee, and took up his residence with Farquharson of Invercauld. This gentleman was chief of the clan Farquharson, and could command a very con¬ siderable body of men. But he was vassal to Lord Mar for a small part of his estate, which gave the Earl consider¬ able influence with him; not, however, sufficient to induce him to place himself and followers in such hazard as would have been occasioned by an instant rising. He went to Aberdeen, to avoid importunity on the subject, having previously declared to Mar that he would not take arms until the Chevalier de St. George had actually landed. At a later period he joined the insurgents. Disappointed in this instance, Mar conceived that as desperate resolutions are usually most readily adopted in large assemblies where men are hurried forward by ex¬ ample, and prevented from retreating, or dissenting, by shame, he should best attain his purpose in a large convo¬ cation of the chiefs and men of rank, who professed attachment to the exiled family. The assembly was made under pretext of a grand hunting match, which, as main¬ tained in the Highlands, was an occasion of general rendezvous of a peculiar nature. The lords attended at the head of their vassals, all, even Lowland guests, attired in the Highland garb, and the sport was carried on upon a scale of rude magnificence. A circuit of many miles was formed around the wild desolate forests and wildernesses, which are inhabited by the red-deer, and is called the tinchel. Upon a signal given, the hunters who compose the tinchel begin to move inwards, closing the circle, and driving the terrified deer before them, with whatever else the forest contains of wild animals who cannot elude the 2 78 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. surrounding sportsmen. Being in this manner concentrated and crowded together, they are driven down a defile, where the principal hunters lie in wait for them, and show their dexterity by marking out and shooting those bucks which are in season. As it required many men to form the tinchel, the attendance, of vassals on these occasions 1 was strictly insisted upon. Indeed, it was one of the feudal services required by the law, attendance on the superior at hunting being as regularly required as at hosting, that is, joining his banner in war; or watching and warding , garrisoning, namely, his castle in times of danger. An occasion such as this was highly favourable; and the general love of sport and well-known fame of the forest of Braemar for game of every kind, assembled many of the men of rank and influence who resided within reach of the rendezvous, and a great number of persons besides, who, though of less consequence, served to give the meeting the appearance of numbers. This great council was held about the 26th of August, and, it may be supposed, they did not amuse themselves much with hunting, though it was the pretence and watchword of their meeting. Among the noblemen of distinction there appeared in person, or by representation, the Marquis of Huntly, eldest son of the Duke of Gordon ; the Marquis of Tulliebardine, eldest son of the Duke of Athole; the Earls of Nithsdale, Marischal, Traquair, Errol, Southesk, Carnwath, Seaforth, and Linlithgow; the Viscounts of Kilsythe, Kenmuir, Kingston, and Stormount; the Lords Rollo, Duffus, Drum¬ mond, Strathallan, Ogilvy, and Nairn. Of the chiefs of clans, there attended Glengarry, Campbell of Glendarule, on the part of the powerful Earl of Breadalbane, with others of various degrees of importance in the Highlands. When this council was assembled, the Earl of Mar ad¬ dressed them in a species of eloquence which was his DEER STARRING. ATTEMPT TO SEIZE EDINBURGH CASTLE. 279 principal accomplishment, and which was particularly quali¬ fied to succeed with the high-spirited and zealous men by whom he was surrounded. He confessed, with tears in his eyes, that he had himself been but too instrumental in for¬ warding the Union between England and Scotland, which had given the English-the power, as they had the disposition, to enslave the latter kingdom. He urged that the Prince of Hanover was an usurping intruder, governing by means of an encroaching and innovating faction; and that the only mode to escape his tyranny was to rise boldly in de¬ fence of their lives and property, and to establish on the throne the lawful heir of these realms. He declared that he himself was determined to set up the standard of James III., and summon around it all those over whom he had influence, and to hazard his fortune and life in the cause. He invited all who heard him to unite in the same generous resolution. He was large in his promises of assistance from France in troops and money, and persisted in the story that two descents were to take place, one in England under the command of Ormond, the other in Scotland under that of the Duke of Berwick. He also strongly assured his hearers of the certainty of a general insurrection in England, but alleged the absolute necessity of showing them an example in the north, for which the present time was most appropriate, as there were few regular troops in Scotland to restrain their operations, and as they might look for assistance to Sweden as well as to France. It has been said that Mar on this memorable occasion showed letters from the Chevalier de St. George, with a commission nominating the Earl his lieutenant-general and commander-in-chief of his armies in Scotland. Other accounts say, more probably, that Mar did not produce any other credentials than a picture of the Chevalier, which he repeatedly kissed, in testimony of zeal for the cause of the 28 o TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. original, and that he did not at the time pretend to the supreme command of the enterprise. This is also the account given in the statement of the transaction drawn up by Mar himself, or under his eye, where it is plainly said, that it was nearly a month after the standard was set up ere the Earl of Mar could procure a commission. The number of persons of rank who were assembled, the eloquence with which topics were publicly urged which had been long the secret inmates of every bosom, had their effect on the assembled guests, and every one felt, that to oppose the current of the Earl’s discourse by remonstrance or objection, would be to expose himself to the charge of cowardice, or of disaffection to the common cause. It was agreed that all of them should return home, and raise, under various pretexts, whatever forces they could indi¬ vidually command against a day, fixed for the third of September, on which they were to hold a second meeting at Aboyne, in Aberdeenshire, in order to settle how they were to take the field. The Marquis of Huntly alone declined to be bound to any limited time; and in conse¬ quence of his high rank and importance he was allowed to regulate his own motions at his own pleasure. Thus ended that celebrated hunting in Braemar, which, as the old bard says of that of Chevy Chace, might, from its consequences, be wept by a generation which was yet unborn.* There was a circumstance mentioned at the time, which tended to show that all men had not forgotten that the Earl of Mar, on whose warrant this rash enterprise was undertaken, was considered by some as rather too * “ To drive the deer with hound and horn Earl Percy took his way ; The child may rue that is unborn, The hunting of that day.” —Ballad of Chevy Chace. ATTEMPT TO SEIZE EDINBURGH CASTLE . 281 versatile to be fully trusted. As the castle of Braemar was overflowing with guests, it chanced that, as was not unusual on such occasions, many of the gentlemen of the secondary class could not obtain beds, but were obliged to spend the night around the kitchen fire, which was then accounted no great grievance. An English footman, a domestic of the Earl, was of a very different opinion. Accustomed to the accommodations of the south, he came bustling in among the gentlemen, and complained bitterly of being obliged to sit up all night, notwithstanding he shared the hardship with his betters, saying, that rather than again expose himself to such a strait, he would return to his own country and turn Whig. However, he soon after comforted himself by resolving to trust to his master’s dexterity for escaping every great danger. “ Let my Lord alone,” he said; “ if he finds it necessary, he can turn cat- in-pan with any man in England.” While the Lowland gentlemen were assembling their squadrons, and the Highland chiefs levying their men, an incident took place in the metropolis of Scotland, which showed that the spirit of enterprise which animated the Jacobites had extended to the capital itself. James Lord Drummond, son of that unfortunate Earl of Perth who, having served James VII. as Chancellor of Scotland, had shared the exile of his still more unfortunate master, and been rewarded with the barren title of Duke of Perth, was at present in Edinburgh; and by means of one Mr. Arthur, who had been formerly an ensign in the Scots Guards, and quartered in the castle, had formed a plan of surprising that inaccessible fortress, which re¬ sembled an exploit of Thomas Randolf, or the Black Lord James of Douglas, rather than a feat of modern war. This Ensign Arthur found means of seducing, by money and promises, a sergeant named Ainslie, and two 282 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. 1 privates, who engaged, that, when it was their duty to watch on the walls which rise from the precipice looking northward, near the Sally-port, they would be prepared to pull up from the bottom certain rope-ladders prepared for the purpose, and furnished with iron grapplings to make them fast to the battlements. By means of these it was concluded that a select party of Jacobites might easily scale the walls, and make themselves masters of the place. By a beacon placed on a particular part of the castle, three rounds of artillery, and a succession of fires made from hill to hill through Fife and Angus shires, the signal of success was to be communicated to the Earl of Mar, who was to hasten forward with such forces as he had collected, and take possession of the capital city and chief strength of Scotland. There was no difficulty in finding agents in this perilous and important enterprise. Fifty Highlanders, picked men, were summoned up from Lord Drummond’s estates in Perthshire, and fifty more were selected among the Jaco¬ bites of the metropolis. These last were disbanded officers, writers’ clerks and apprentices, and other youths of a class considerably above the mere vulgar. Drummond, other¬ wise called MacGregor, of Bahaldie, a Highland gentleman of great courage, was named to command the enterprise.* If successful, this achievement must have given the Earl * “The principal traitor,” says Rae, “William Ainslie, a sergeant, who hath since been hanged for his villainy, had the promise of a lieutenant’s place ; and James Thomson and John Holland, two single sentinels, had received, the one eight guineas, and the other four, with a promise of a better reward, if the design should succeed. And it hath since appeared by their own confession, that the numbers engaged n this attempt were about eighty, besides officers; and that each of them was to have^ioo sterling, and a commission in the army, if the attempt had succeeded, and that the Lord Drummond was to be the governor of the castle.”— Hist., p. 198. ATTEMPT TO SEIZE EDINBURGH CASTLE. 283 of Mar and his forces the command of the greater part of Scotland, and afforded them a safe and ready means of communication with the English malecontents, the want of which was afterwards so severely felt. He would also have obtained a large supply of money, arms, and ammuni¬ tion, deposited in the fortress, all of which were most needful for his enterprise. And the apathy of Lieutenant- Colonel Stewart, then deputy-governor of the castle, was so great that, in spite of numerous blunders on the part of the conspirators, and an absolute revelation on the subject made to Government, the surprise had very nearly taken place. The younger conspirators who were to go on this forlorn hope had not discretion in proportion to their courage. Eighteen of them, on the night appointed, were engaged drinking in a tippling-house, and were so careless in their communications, that the hostess was able to tell some per¬ sons who inquired what the meeting was about, that it con¬ sisted of young gentlemen who were in the act of having their hair powdered, in order to go to the attack of the castle. At last the full secret was intrusted to a woman. Arthur, their guide, had communicated the plot to his brother, a medical man, and engaged him in the enterprise. But when the time for executing it drew nigh, the doctor’s ex¬ treme melancholy was observed by his wife, who, like a second Belvidera or Portia, suffered him not to rest until she extorted the secret from him, which she communicated in an anonymous letter to Sir Adam Cockburn of Ormiston, then Lord Justice-Clerk, who instantly dispatched the in¬ telligence to the castle. The news arrived so critically, that it was with difficulty the messenger obtained entrance to the castle; and even then the deputy-governor, disbelieving the intelligence, or secretly well affected to the cause of the Pretender, contented himself with directing the rounds and 284 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. patrols to be made with peculiar care, and retired to rest. In the meantime the Jacobite storming party had ren¬ dezvoused at the churchyard of the West Kirk, and pro¬ ceeded to post themselves beneath the castle wall. They had a part of their rope ladders in readiness, but the arti¬ ficer, one Charles Forbes, a merchant in Edinburgh, who ought to have been there with the remainder, which had been made under his direction, was nowhere to be seen. Nothing could be done during his absence; but, actuated by their impatience, the party scrambled up the rock, and stationed themselves beneath the wall, at the point where their accomplice kept sentry. Here they found him ready to perform his stipulated part of the bargain, by pulling up the ladder of ropes which was designed to give them admit¬ tance. He exhorted them, however, to be speedy, telling them he was to be relieved by the patrol at twelve o’clock, and if the affair were not completed before that hour, that he could give no further assistance. The time was fast flying when Bahaldie, the commander of the storming party, per¬ suaded the sentinel to pull up the grapnel, and make it fast to the battlements, that it might appear whether or not they had length of ladder sufficient to make the attempt. But it proved, as indeed they had expected, more than a fathom too short. At half-past eleven o’clock the steps of the patrol, who had been sent their rounds earlier than usual, owing to the message of the Lord Justice-Clerk, were heard approaching, on which the sentinel exclaimed, with an oath, “ Here comes the rounds I have been telling you of this half hour; you have ruined both yourself and me; I can serve you no longer.” With that he threw down the grap¬ pling-iron and ladders, and in the hope of covering his own guilt, fired his musket, and cried “ Enemy! ” Every man was then compelled to shift for himself, the patrol firing on ATTEMPT TO SEIZE EDINBURGH CASTLE. 285 them from the wall. Twelve soldiers of the burgher guard who had been directed by the Lord Justice-Clerk to make the round of the castle on the outside, took prisoners three youths, who insisted that they were found there by mere accident, and an old man, Captain MacLean, an officer of James VII., who was much bruised by a fall from the rocks.* The rest of the party escaped alongst the north bank of the North Loch, through the fields called Barefoord’s Parks, on which the New Town of Edinburgh now stands. In their retreat they met their tardy engineer, Charles Forbes, loaded with the ladders which were so much wanted a quarter of an hour before. Had it not been for his want of punctuality, the information and precautions of the Lord Justice-Clerk would have been insufficient for the safety of the place. It does not appear that any of the conspirators were punished, nor would it have been easy to obtain proof of their guilt. The treacherous sergeant was hanged by sentence of a court-martial, and the deputy-governor (whose name of Stewart might perhaps aggravate the suspicion that attached to him) was deprived of his office, and imprisoned for some time. * “The patrol found one Captain MacLean, whom they secured, sprawling on the ground and bruised ; with Alexander Ramsay and George Boswell, writers in Edinburgh, and one Lesly, formerly page to the Duchess of Gordon; they likewise found the ladder, with a dozen of firelocks and carabines, which the conspirators had thrown away, in order to make their escape the better.” —Rae, p. 200. DEATH OF COLONEL GARDINER AT THE BA TTLE OF PRESTON LTHOUGH the Highlanders marched on very fast, the sun was declining when they arrived upon the brow of those high grounds which command an open and extensive plain stretch¬ ing northward to the sea, on which are situ¬ ated, but at a considerable distance from each other, the small villages of Seaton and Cockenzie, and the larger one of Preston. One of the low coast-roads to Edinburgh passed through this plain, issuing upon it from the enclo¬ sures of Seaton House, and at the town or village of Preston again entering the defiles of an enclosed country. By this way the English general had chosen to approach the metro¬ polis, both as most commodious for his cavalry, and being probably of opinion that by doing so he would meet in front with the Highlanders advancing from Edinburgh in the opposite direction. In this he was mistaken ; for the sound judgment of the Chevalier, or of those to whose advice he listened, left the direct passage free, but occupied the strong ground by which it was overlooked and commanded. When the Highlanders reached the heights above the plain described, they were immediately formed in array of battle along the brow of the hill. Almost at the same instant the van of the English appeared issuing from among DEATH OF COLONEL GARDINER. 287 the trees and enclosures of Seaton, with the purpose of occupying the level plain between the high ground and the sea; the space which divided the armies being only about half a mile in breadth. Waverley could plainly see the squadrons of dragoons issue, one after another, from the defiles, with their videttes in front, and form upon the plain, with their front opposed to that of the Prince’s army. They were followed by a train of field-pieces, which, when they reached the flank of the dragoons, were also brought into line, and pointed against the heights. The march was continued by three or four regiments of infantry marching in open column, their fixed bayonets showing like succes¬ sive hedges of steel, and their arms glancing like lightning, as, at a signal given, they also at once wheeled up, and were placed in direct opposition to the Highlanders. A second train of artillery, with another regiment of horse, closed the long march, and formed on the left flank of the infantry, the whole line facing southward. While the English army went through these evolutions, the Higlanders showed equal promptitude and zeal for battle. As fast as the clans came upon the ridge which fronted their enemy, they were formed into line, so that both armies got into complete order of battle at the same moment. When this was accomplished, the Highlanders set up a tremendous yell, which was re-echoed by the heights behind them. The regulars, who were in high spirits, returned a loud shout of defiance, and fired one or two of their cannon upon an advanced post of the High¬ landers. The latter displayed great earnestness to proceed instantly to the attack, Evan Dhu urging to Fergus, by way of argument, that “the sidier roy was tottering like an egg upon a staff, and that they had a’ the vantage of the onset, for even a haggis (God bless her !) could charge down hill.” 288 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT . But the ground through which the mountaineers must have descended, although not of great extent, was imprac¬ ticable in its character, being not only marshy, but inter¬ sected with walls of dry stone, and traversed in its whole length by a very broad and deep ditch, circumstances which must have given the musketry of the regulars dreadful advantages before the mountaineers could have used their swords, on which they were taught to rely. The authority of the commanders was therefore interposed to curb the impetuosity of the Highlanders, and only a few marksmen were sent down the descent to skirmish with the enemy’s advanced posts, and to reconnoitre the ground. Here then was a military spectacle of no ordinary interest, or usual occurrence. The two armies, so different in aspect and discipline, yet each admirably trained in its own pecu¬ liar mode of war, upon whose conflict the temporary fate at least of Scotland appeared to depend, now faced each other like two gladiators in the arena, each meditating upon the mode of attacking their enemy. The leading officers and the general’s staff of each army could be distinguished in front of their lines, busied with spy-glasses to watch each other’s motions, and occupied in despatching the orders and receiving the intelligence conveyed by the aides-de- camp and orderly men, who gave life to the scene by galloping along in different directions, as if the fate of the day depended upon the speed of their horses. The space between the armies was at times occupied by the partial and irregular contest of individual sharpshooters, and a hat or bonnet was occasionally seen to fall, as a wounded man was borne off by his comrades. These, however, were but trifling skirmishes, for it suited the views of neither party to advance in that direction. From the neighbouring hamlets the peasantry cautiously showed themselves, as if watching the issue of the expected engagement; and at no DEATH OF COLONEL GARDINER. 289 great distance in the bay were two square-rigged vessels, bearing the English flag, whose tops and yards were crowded with less timid spectators. When this awful pause had lasted for a short time, Fergus, with another chieftain, received orders to detach their clans towards the village of Preston, in order to threaten the right flank of Cope’s army, and compel him to a change of posi¬ tion. To enable him to execute these orders, the Chief of Glennaquoich occupied the churchyard of Tranent, a com¬ manding situation, and a convenient place, as Evan Dhu remarked, “ for any gentleman who might have the misfor¬ tune to be killed, and chanced to be curious about Christian burial.” To check or dislodge this party, the English general detached two guns, escorted by a strong party of cavalry. They approached so near that Waverley could plainly recognise the standard of the troop he had formerly com¬ manded, and heard the trumpets and the kettledrums sound the signal of advance, which he had so often obeyed. He could hear, too, the well-known word given in the English dialect, by the equally well-distinguished voice of the com¬ manding officer for whom he had once felt so much respect. It was at that instant that, looking around him, he saw the wild dress and appearance of his Highland associates, heard their whispers in an uncouth and unknown language, looked upon his own dress, so unlike that which he had worn from his infancy, and wished to awake from what seemed at the moment a dream, strange, horrible, and unnatural. “ Good God! ” he muttered, “ am I then a traitor to my country, a renegade to my standard, and a foe to my native England! ” Ere he could digest or smother the recollection, the tall military form of his late commander came full in view, for the purpose of reconnoitring. “I can hit him now,” said Callum, cautiously raising his fusee over the wall T 290 TALES FROM SIR WALTERSCOTT. under which he lay couched, at scarce sixty yards’ distance. Edward felt as if he was about to see a parricide com¬ mitted in his presence; for the venerable grey hair and striking countenance of the veteran recalled the almost paternal respect with which his officers universally regarded him. But ere he could say “ Hold ! ” an aged Highlander, who lay beside Callum Beg, stopped his arm. “ Spare your shot,” said the seer, “ his hour is not yet come. But let him beware of to-morrow—I see his winding-sheet upon his breast.” Callum, flint to other considerations, was penetrable to superstition. He turned pale at the words of the Taishatr , and recovered his piece. Colonel Gardiner, unconscious of the danger he had escaped, turned his horse round, and rode slowly back to the front of his regiment. By this time the regular army had assumed a new line, with one flank inclined towards the sea, and the other rest¬ ing upon the village of Preston; and, as similar difficulties occurred in attacking their new position, Fergus and the rest of the detachment were recalled to their former post. This alteration created the necessity of a corresponding change in General Cope’s army, which was again brought into a line parallel with that of the Highlanders. In these manoeuvres on both sides the daylight was nearly consumed, and both armies prepared to rest upon their arms for the night in the lines which they respectively occupied. “There will be nothing done to-night,” said Fergus to his friend Waverley; “ere we wrap ourselves in our plaids let us go see what the Baron is doing in the rear of the line.” When they approached his post they found the good old careful officer, after having sent out his night patrols and posted his sentinels, engaged in reading the Evening Service DEATH OF COLONEL GARDINER. 291 of the Episcopal Church to the remainder of his troop. His voice was loud and sonorous, and though his spectacles upon his nose, and the appearance of Saunders Sanderson in military array performing the functions of clerk, had something ludicrous, yet the circumstances of danger in which they stood, the military costume of the audience, and the appearance of their horses, saddled and picquetted behind them, gave an impressive and solemn effect to the office of devotion. “ I have confessed to-day, ere you were awake,” whispered Fergus to Waverley; “yet I am not so strict a Catholic as to refuse to join in this good man’s prayers.” Edward assented, and they remained till the Baron had concluded the service. As he shut the book, “ Now lads,” said he, “ have at them in the morning, with heavy hands and light consciences.” He then kindly greeted Mac-Ivor and Waverley, who re¬ quested to know his opinion of their situation. “ Why, you know Tacitus saith, * In rebus bellicis maxime dominatur Fortuna ,’ which is equiponderate with our vernacular adage, ‘ Luck can maist in the mellee.’ But credit me, gentlemen, yon man is not a deacon o’ his craft. He damps the spirits of the poor lads he commands, by keeping them on the defensive, whilk of itself implies inferiority or fear. Now will they lie on their arms yonder, as anxious and as ill at ease as a toad under a harrow, while our men will be quite fresh and blithe for action in the morning. Well, good night. One thing troubles me, but if to-morrow goes well off, I will consult you about it, Glennaquoich.” “ I could almost apply to Mr. Bradwardine the character which Henry gives of Fluellen,” said Waverley, as his friend and he walked towards their bivouac: “ Though it appears a little out of fashion, There is much care and valour in this ‘ Scotchman.’ 292 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. “He has seen much service,” answered Fergus, “and one is sometimes astonished to find how much nonsense and reason are mingled in his composition. I wonder what can be troubling his mind—probably something about Rose. Hark ! the English are setting their watch.” The roll of the drum and shrill accompaniment of the fifes swelled up the hill—died away—resumed its thunder— and was at length hushed. The trumpets and kettledrums of the cavalry were next heard to perform the beautiful and wild point of war appropriated as a signal for that piece of nocturnal duty, and then finally sunk upon the wind with a shrill and mournful cadence. The friends, who had now reached their post, stood and looked round them ere they lay down to rest. The western sky twinkled with stars, but a frost-mist rising from the ocean covered the eastern horizon, and rolled in white wreaths along the plain where the adverse army lay couched upon their arms. Their advanced posts were pushed as far as the side of the great ditch at the bottom of the descent, and had kindled large fires at different intervals, gleaming with obscure and hazy lustre through the heavy fog which encircled them with a doubtful halo. The Highlanders, “ thick as leaves in Vallambrosa,” lay stretched upon the ridge of the hill, buried (excepting their sentinels) in the most profound repose. “ How many of these brave fellows will sleep more soundly before to¬ morrow night, Fergus ! ” said Waverley, with an involuntary sigh. “ You must not think of that,” answered Fergus, whose ideas were entirely military. “ You must only think of your sword, and by whom it was given. All other reflections are now too late.” With the opiate contained in this undeniable remark, Edward endeavoured to lull the tumult of his conflicting: O DEATH OF COLONEL GARDINER. 293 feelings. The chieftain and he, combining their plaids, made a comfortable and warm couch. Callum, sitting down at their head (for it was his duty to watch upon the immediate person of the chief), began a long mournful song in Gaelic, to a low and uniform tune, which, like the sound of the wind at a distance, soon lulled them to sleep. When Fergus Mac-Ivor and his friend had slept for a few hours, they were awakened, and summoned to attend the Prince. The distant village-clock was heard to toll three as they hastened to the place where he lay. He was already surrounded by his principal officers and the chiefs of clans. A bundle of pease-straw, which had been lately his couch, now served for his seat. Just as Fergus reached the circle, the consultation had broken up. “ Courage, my brave friend ! ” said the Chevalier, “ and each one put himself instantly at the head of his command; a faithful friend has offered to guide us to a practicable, though narrow and circuitous route, which, sweeping to our right, traverses the broken ground and morass, and enables us to gain the firm and open plain, upon which the enemy are lying. This difficulty surmounted, Heaven and your good swords must do the rest.” The proposal spread unanimous joy, and each leader hastened to get his men into order with as little noise as possible. The army, moving by its right from off the ground on which they had rested, soon entered the path through the morass, conducting their march with astonish¬ ing silence and great rapidity. The mist had not risen to the higher grounds, so that for some time they had the advantage of star-light. But this was. lost as the stars faded before approaching day, and the head of the marching, column, continuing its descent, plunged as it were into the heavy ocean of fog, which rolled its white waves over the whole plain, and over the sea by which it was bounded. 294 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT . Some difficulties were now to be encountered, inseparable from darkness, a narrow, broken, and marshy path, and the necessity of preserving union in the march. These, how¬ ever, were less inconvenient to Highlanders, from their habits of life, than they would have been to any other troops, and they continued a steady and swift movement. As the clan of Ivor approached the firm ground, following - the track of those who preceded them, the challenge of a patrol was heard through the mist, though they could not see the dragoon by whom it was made—“ Who goes there ? ” “Hush,” cried Fergus, “hush! let none answer as he values his life—Press forward ; ” and they continued their march with silence and rapidity. The patrol fired his carbine upon the body, and the report was instantly followed by the clang of his horse’s feet as he galloped off. £ Hylax in limine latrat] said the Baron of Bradwardine, who heard the shot; “ that loon will give the alarm.” The clan of Fergus had now gained the firm plain, which had lately borne a large crop of corn. But the harvest was gathered in, and the expanse was unbroken by tree, bush, or interruption of any kind. The rest of the army were following fast, when they heard the drums of the enemy beat the general. Surprise, however, had made no part of their plan, so they were not disconcerted by this intimation that the foe was upon his guard and prepared to receive them, it only hastened their dispositions for the combat, which were very simple. The Highland army, which now occupied the eastern end of the wide plain, or stubble field, so often referred to, was drawn up in two lines, extending from the morass towards the sea. The first was destined to charge the enemy, the second to act as a reserve. The few horse, whom the DEATH OF COLONEL GARDINER. 295 Prince headed in person, remained between the two lines. The Adventurer had intimated a resolution to charge in person a. the head of his first line; but his purpose was deprecated by all around him, and he was with difficulty induced to abandon it.’ Both lines were now moving forward, the first prepared for instant combat. The clans of which it was composed formed each a sort of separate phalanx, narrow in front, and in depth ten, twelve, or fifteen files, according to the strength of the following. The best-armed and best-born, for the words were synonymous, were placed in front of each of these irregular subdivisions. The others in the rear shouldered forward the front, and by their pressure added both physical impulse and additional ardour and confidence to those who were first to encounter the danger. “ Down with your plaid, Waverley,” cried Fergus, throw¬ ing off his own ; “ we’ll win silks for our tartans before the sun is above the sea.” The clansmen on every side stript their plaids, prepared their arms, and there was an awful pause of about three minutes, during which the men, pulling off their bonnets, raised their faces to heaven, and uttered a short prayer; then pulled their bonnets over their brows, and began to move forward at first slowly. Waverley felt his heart at that moment throb as it would have burst from his bosom. It was not fear, it was not ardour,—it was a compound of both, a new and deeply energetic impulse, that with its first emotion chilled and astounded, then fevered and mad¬ dened his mind. The sounds around him combined to exalt his enthusiasm; the pipes played, and the clans rushed forward, each in its own dark column. As they advanced they mended their pace, and the muttering sounds of the men to each other began to swell into a wild cry. At this moment the sun, which was now risen above the 296 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. horizon, dispelled the mist. The vapours rose like a curtain and showed the two armies in the act of closing. The line of the regulars was formed directly fronting the attack of the Highlanders; it glittered with the appointments of a complete army, and was flanked by. cavalry and artillery. But the sight impressed no terror on the assailants. “ Forward, sons of Ivor,” cried their Chief, “ or the Camerons will draw the first blood ! ” They rushed on with a tremendous yell. The rest is well known. The horse who were commanded to charge the advancing Highlanders in the flank received an irregular fire from their fusees as they ran on, and seized with a disgraceful panic, wavered, halted, disbanded, and galloped from the field. The artillerymen, deserted by the cavalry, fled after discharging their pieces, and the High¬ landers, who dropped their guns when fired, and drew their broadswords,' rushed with headlong fury against the infantry. It was at this moment of confusion and terror, that Waverley remarked an English officer, apparently of high rank, standing alone and unsupported by a field-piece, which, after the flight of the men by whom it was wrought, he had himself levelled and discharged against the clan of Mac-Ivor, the nearest group of Highlanders within his aim. Struck with his tall, martial figure, and eager to save him from inevitable destruction, Waverley outstripped for an instant even the speediest of the warriors, and reaching the spot first, called to him to surrender. The officer replied by a thrust with his sword, which Waverley received in his target, and in turning it aside, the Englishman’s weapon broke. At the same time the battle-axe of Dugald Mahoney was in the act of descending upon the officer’s head. Waverley intercepted and prevented the blow, and the officer, perceiving farther resistance unavailing, and struck with Edward’s generous anxiety for his safety, resigned the DEATH OF COLONEL GARDINER. 297 fragment of his sword, and was committed by Waverley to Dugald, with strict charge to use him well, and not to pillage his person, promising him, at the same time, full • indemnification for the spoil. On Edward’s right the battle for a few minutes raged fierce and thick. The English infantry, trained in the wars in Flanders, stood their ground with great courage. But their extended files were pierced and broken in many places by the close masses of the clans; and in the personal struggle which ensued, the nature of the Highlanders’ weapons, and their extraordinary fierceness and activity, gave them a decided superiority over those who had been accustomed to trust much to their array and discipline, and felt that the one was broken and the other useless. Waverley, as he cast his eyes towards this scene of smoke and slaughter, observed Colonel Gardiner, deserted by his own soldiers in spite of all his attempts to rally them, yet spurring his horse through the field to take the command of a small body of infantry, who, with their backs arranged against the wall of his own park (for his house was close by the field of battle), continued a desperate and unavailing resistance. Waverley could perceive that he had already received many wounds, his clothes and saddle being marked with blood. To save this good and brave man became the instant object of his most anxious exertions. But he could only witness his fall. Ere Edward could make his way among the Highlanders, who, furious and eager for spoil, now thronged upon each other, he saw his former commander brought from his horse by the blow of a scythe, and beheld him receive, while on the ground, more wounds than would have let out twenty lives. When Waverley came up, however, perception had not entirely fled. The dying warrior seemed to re¬ cognise Edward, for he fixed his eye upon him with an upbraiding, yet sorrowful look, and appeared to struggle for 298 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. utterance. But he felt that death was dealing closely with him, and resigning his purpose, and folding his hands as if in devotion, he gave up his soul to his Creator. The look with which he regarded Waverley in his dying moments did not strike him so deeply at that crisis of hurry and confusion as when it recurred to his imagination at the distance of some time. Loud shouts of triumph now echoed over the whole field. The battle was fought and won, and the whole baggage, artillery, and military stores of the regular army remained in possession of the victors. Never was a victory more complete. Scarce any escaped from the battle excepting the cavalry, who had left it at the very onset, and even these were broken into different parties and scattered all over the country. HIGH JINKS. ANNERING, with Sampson for his companion, lost no time in his journey to Edinburgh. They travelled in the Colonel’s post-chariot, who, knowing his companion’s habits of abstraction, did not choose to lose him out of his own sight, far less to trust him on horseback, where, in all probability, a knavish stable-boy might with little address have contrived to mount him with his face to the tail. Accordingly, with the aid of his valet, who attended on horseback, he contrived to bring Mr. Sampson safe to an inn in Edinburgh—for hotels in those days there were none—without any other accident than arose from his straying twice upon the road. On one occasion he was recovered by Barnes, who understood his humour, when after engaging in close colloquy with the schoolmaster of Moffat respecting a disputed quantity in Horace’s 7th Ode, Book II., the dispute led on to another controversy con¬ cerning the exact meaning of the word Malobathro , in that lyric effusion. His second escapade was made for the pur¬ pose of visiting the field of Rullion-green, which was dear to his Presbyterian predilections. Having got out of the carriage for an instant, he saw the sepulchral monument of the slain at the distance of about a mile, and was arrested by Barnes in his progress up the Pentland Hills, having on 300 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. both occasions forgot his friend, patron, and fellow-traveller as completely as if he had been in the East Indies. On being reminded that Colonel Mannering was waiting for him, he uttered his usual ejaculation of “ Prodigious!—I was oblivious,” and then strode back to his post. Barnes was surprised at his master’s patience on both occasions, knowing by experience how little he brooked neglect or delay; but the Dominie was in every respect a privileged person. His patron and he were never for a moment in each other’s way, and it seemed obvious that they were formed to be companions through life. If Mannering wanted a particular book, the Dominie could bring it; if he wished to have accounts summed up, or checked, his assistance was equally ready; if he desired to recall a parti¬ cular passage in the classics, he could have recourse to the Dominie as to a dictionary; and all the while, this walking statue was neither presuming when noticed, nor sulky when left to himself. To a proud, shy, reserved man, and such in many respects was Mannering, this sort of living cata¬ logue and animated automaton had all the advantages of a literary dumb-waiter. As soon as they arrived in Edinburgh, and were estab¬ lished at the George Inn, near Bristo Port, then kept by old Cockburn (I love to be particular), the Colonel desired the waiter to procure him a guide to Mr. Pleydell’s, the advo¬ cate for whom he had a letter of introduction from Mr. Mac-Morlan. He then commanded Barnes to have an eye to the Dominie, and walked forth with a chairman, who was to usher him to the man of law. The period was near the end of the American war. The desire of room, of air, and of decent accommodation, had not as yet made very much progress in the capital of Scot¬ land. Some efforts had been made on the south side of the town towards building houses within themselves , as they are emphatically termed; and the New Town on the north, HIGH JINKS. 301 since so much extended, was then just commenced. But the great bulk of the better classes, and particularly those connected with the law, still lived in flats or dungeons of the Old Town. The manners also of some of the veterans of the law had not admitted innovation. One or two eminent lawyers still saw their clients in taverns, as was the general custom fifty years before; and although their habits were already considered as old-fashioned by the younger barristers, yet the custom of mixing wine and revelry with serious business was still maintained by those senior coun¬ sellors who loved the old road, either because it was such, or because they had got too well used to it to travel any other. Among those praisers of the past time, who with ostentatious obstinacy affected the manners of a former generation, was this same Paulus Pleydell, Esq., otherwise a good scholar, an excellent lawyer, and a worthy man. Under the guidance of his trusty attendant, Colonel Mannering, after threading a dark lane or two, reached the High Street, then clanging with the voices of oyster-women and the bells of pye-men; for it had, as his guide assured him, “just chappit eight upon the Tron.” It was long since Mannering had been in the street of a crowded metropolis, which, with its noise and clamour, its sounds of trade, of revelry, and of license, its variety of lights, and the eternally changing bustle of its hundred groups, offers, by night espe¬ cially, a spectacle which, though composed of the most vulgar materials when they are separately considered, has, when they are combined, a striking and powerful effect on the imagination. The extraordinary height of the houses was marked by lights, which, glimmering irregularly along their front, ascended so high among the attics, that they seemed at length to twinkle in the middle sky. This coup d'ocil, which still subsists in a certain degree, was then more im¬ posing, owing to the uninterrupted range of buildings on each side, which, broken only at the space where the North 302 TALES -FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. Bridge joins the main street, formed a superb and uniform Place, extending from the front of the Luckenbooths to the head of the Canongate, and corresponding in breadth and length to the uncommon height of the buildings on either side. Mannering had not much time to look and to admire. His conductor hurried him across this striking scene, and suddenly dived with him into a very steep paved lane. Turning to the right, they entered a scale staircase, as it is called, the state of which, so far as it could be judged of by one of his senses, annoyed Mannering’s delicacy not a little. When they had ascended cautiously to a considerable height, they heard a heavy rap at a door, still two stories above them. The door opened, and immediately ensued the sharp and worrying bark of a dog, the squalling of a woman, the screams of an assaulted cat, and the hoarse voice of a man, who cried in a most imperative tone, “ Will ye, Mustard ! Will ye? down sir, down?” “ Lord preserve us ! ” said the female voice, “ an he had worried our cat, Mr. Pleydell would ne’er ha’e forgi’en me.” “ Aweel, my doo, the cat’s no a preen the waur. So he’s no in, ye say ? ” “Na, Mr. Pleydell’s ne’er in the house on Saturday at e’en,” answered the female voice. “And the morn’s Sabbath, too,” said the querist; “I dinna ken what will be done.” By this time Mannering appeared, and found a tall strong countryman, clad in a coat of pepper-and-salt coloured mixture, with huge metal buttons, a glazed hat and boots, and a large horse-whip beneath his arm, in colloquy with a slipshod damsel, who had in one hand the lock of the door, and in the other a pail of whiting, or camstane, as it is called, mixed with water—a circumstance which indicates Saturday night in Edinburgh. “So Mr. Pleydell is not at home, my good girl?” said Mannering. HIGH JINKS. 303 “ Ay, sir, he’s at hame, but he’s no in the house; he’s aye out on Saturday at e’en.” “ But, my good girl, I am a stranger, and my business ex¬ press. Will you tell me where I can find him ! ” “ His honour,” said the chairman, “ will be at Clerihugh’s about this time. Hersell could hae tell’t ye that, but she thought ye wanted to see his house.” “ Well, then, show me to this tavern. I suppose he will see me, as I come on business of some consequence ? ” “ I dinna ken, sir,” said the girl; “ he disna like to be disturbed on Saturdays wi’ business—but he’s aye civil to strangers.” “ I’ll gang to the tavern too,” said our friend Dinmont, “ for I am a stranger also, and on business e’en sic like.” “Na,” said the handmaiden, “an he see the gentleman, he’ll see the simple body too—but, Lord’s sake, dinna say it was me sent ye there ! ” “Atweel, I am a simple body, that’s true, hinny, but I am no come to steal ony o’ his skeel for naething,” said the farmer in his honest pride, and strutted away downstairs, followed by Mannering and the cadie. Mannering could not help admiring the determined stride with which the stranger who preceded them divided the press, shouldering from him, by the mere weight and impetus of his motion, both, drunk and sober passengers. “ He’ll be a Teviotdale tup, dat ane,” said the chairman, “ tat’s for keeping ta crown o’ ta causeway tat gate—he’ll no gang far or he’ll get some¬ body to bell ta cat wi’ him.” His shrewd augury, however, was not fulfilled. Those who recoiled from the colossal weight of Dinmont, on looking up at his size and strength, apparently judged him too heavy metal to be rashly encountered, and suffered him to pursue his course unchallenged. Following in the wake of this first-rate, Mannering proceeded till the farmer made 3°4 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. a pause, and looking back to the chairman, said, “I’m thinking this will be the close, friend.” “ Ay, ay,” replied Donald, “ tat’s ta close.” Dinmont descended confidently, then turned into a dark alley—then up a dark stair—and then into an open door. While he was whistling shrilly for the waiter, as if he had been one of his collie dogs, Mannering looked round him, and could hardly conceive how a gentleman of a liberal profession and good society should choose such a scene for social indulgence. Besides the miserable entrance, the house itself seemed paltry and half ruinous. The passage in which they stood had a window to the close, which admitted a little light during the daytime, and a villainous compound of smells at all times, but more especially towards the evening. Corresponding to this window was a borrowed light on the other side of the passage looking into the kitchen, which had no direct communication with the free air, but received in the daytime, at second hand, such straggling and obscure light as found its way from the lane through the window opposite. At present the interior of the kitchen was visible by its own huge fires—a sort of Pandemonium, where men and women, half undressed, were busied in baking, broiling, roasting oysters, and preparing devils on the gridiron ; the mistress of the place, with her shoes slipshod, and her hair straggling like that of Megaera from under a round-eared cap, toiling, scolding, receiving orders, giving them, and obeying them all once, seemed the presiding enchantress of that gloomy and fiery region. Loud and repeated bursts of laughter, from different quarters of the house, proved that her labours were accept¬ able, and not unrewarded by a generous public. With some difficulty a waiter was prevailed upon to show Colonel Mannering and Dinmont the room where their friend, learned in the law, held his hebdomadal carousals. The HIGH JINKS. 305 scene which it exhibited, and particularly the attitude of the counsellor himself, the principal figure therein, struck his two clients with amazement Mr. Pleydell was a lively, sharp-looking gentleman, with a professional shrewdness in his eye, and, generally speaking, a professional formality in his manners. But this, like his three-tailed wig and black coat, he could slip off on a Saturday evening, when surrounded by a party of jolly companions and disposed for what he called his altitudes. On the present occasion, the revel had lasted since four o’clock, and, at length, under the direction of a venerable compotator, who had shared the sports and festivity of three generations, the frolicsome company had begun to practise the ancient and now forgotten pastime of High Jinks. This game was played in several different ways. Most frequently the dice were thrown by the company, and those upon whom the lot fell were obliged to assume and maintain for a time a certain fictitious character, or to repeat a certain number of fescennine verses in a particular order. If they departed from the characters assigned, or if their memory proved treacherous in the repetition, they incurred for¬ feits, which were either compounded for by swallowing an additional bumper, or by paying a small sum towards the reckoning. At this sport the jovial company were closely engaged when Mannering entered the room. Mr. Counsellor Pleydell, such as we have described him, was enthroned as a monarch in an elbow-chair placed on the dining-table, his scratch-wig on one side, his head crowned with a bottle-slider, his eye leering with an ex¬ pression betwixt fun and the effects of wine, while his court around him resounded with such crambo scraps of verse as these:— “ Where is Gerunto now ? and what’s become of him ? Gemnto’s drown’d because he could not swim,” &c. &c. U 306 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. Such, O Themis, were anciently the sports of thy Scottish children ! Dinmont was first in the room. He stood aghast a moment—and then exclaimed, “ It’s him, sure enough. Deil o’ the like o’ that ever I saw! ” At the sound of “ Mr. Dinmont and Colonel Mannering wanting to speak to you, sir,” Pleydell turned his head, and blushed a little when he saw the very genteel figure of the English stranger. He was, however, of the opinion of Falstaff, “ Out, ye villains, play out the play! ” wisely judging it the better way to appear totally unconcerned. “Where be our guards?” exclaimed this second Justinian : “ see ye not a stranger knight from foreign parts arrived at this our court of Holyrood,—with our bold yeomen, Andrew Dinmont, who has succeeded to the keeping of our royal flocks within the forest of Jedwood, where, thanks to our royal care in the administration of justice, they feed as safe as if they were within the bounds of Fife ? Where be our heralds, our pursuivants, our Lyon, our Marchmount, our Carrick, and our Snowdown ? Let the strangers be placed at our board, and regaled as beseemeth their quality, and this our high holiday—to-morrow we will hear their tidings.” “ So please you, my liege, to-morrow’s Sunday,” said one of the company. “ Sunday is it ? then we will give no offence to the As¬ sembly of the Kirk—on Monday shall be their audience.” Mannering, who had stood at first uncertain whether to advance or retreat, now resolved to enter for the moment into the whim of the scene, though internally fretting at Mac-Morlan for sending him to consult with a crack-brained humourist. He therefore advanced with three profound congees, and craved permission to lay his credentials at the feet of the Scottish monarch, in order to be perused at his best leisure. The gravity with which he accommodated him- HIGH JINKS. 30 7 self to the humour of the moment, and the deep and humble inclination with which he at first declined, and then accepted, a seat presented by the master of the ceremonies, procured him three rounds of applause. “ Deil hae me if they arena’ a’ mad thegither! ” said Dinmont, occupying with less ceremony a seat at the bottom of the table, “or else they hae taen Yule before it comes, and are gaun a guisarding.” A large glass of claret was offered to Mannering, who drank it to the health of the reigning prince. “ You are, I presume to guess,” said the monarch, “ that celebrated Sir Miles Mannering, so renowned in the French wars, and may well pronounce to us if the wines of Gascony lose their flavour in our more northern realm.” Mannering, agreeably flattered by this allusion to the fame of his celebrated ancestor, replied, by professing him¬ self only a distant relation of the preux chevalier, and added, “ that in his opinion the wine was superlatively good.” “ It’s ower cauld for my stamach,” said Dinmont, setting down the glass (empty, however). “We will correct that quality,” answered King Paulus, the first of the name; “ we have not forgotten that the moist and humid air of our valley of Liddel inclines to stronger potations. Seneschal, let our faithful yeoman have a cup of brandy; it will be more germain to the matter.” “ And now,” said Mannering, “ since we have unwarily intruded upon your majesty at a moment of mirthful retire¬ ment, be pleased to say when you will indulge a stranger with an audience on those affairs of weight which have brought him to your northern capital.” The monarch opened Mac-Morlan’s letter, and running it hastily over, exclaimed, with his natural voice and man¬ ner, “ Lucy Bertram of Ellangowan, poor dear lassie ! ” “ A forfeit! a forfeit! ” exclaimed a dozen voices; “ his majesty has forgot his kingly character.” 3°8 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. “Not a whit! not a whit!” replied the king: “I’ll be judged by this courteous knight. May not a monarch love a maid of low degree ? Is not King Cophetua and the Beggar-maid an adjudged case in point ? ” “ Professional! professional!—another forfeit,” exclaimed the tumultuary nobility. “ Had not our royal predecessors,” continued the monarch, exalting his sovereign voice to drown these dis¬ affected clamours,—“ Had they not their Jean Logies, their Bessie Carmichaels, their Oliphants, their Sandilands, and their Weirs, and shall it be denied to us even to name a maiden whom we delight to honour ? Nay, then, sink state and perish sovereignty ! for, like a second Charles V., we will abdicate, and seek in the private shades of life those pleasures which are denied to a throne.” So saying, he flung away his crown, and sprung from his exalted station with more agility than could have been expected from his age, ordered lights and a wash-hand basin and towel, with a cup of greer tea, into another room, and made a sign to Mannering to accompany him. In less than two minutes he washed his face and hands, settled his wig in the glass, and, to Mannering’s great surprise, looked quite a different man from the childish Bacchanal he had seen a moment before. “There are folks,” he said, “Mr. Mannering, before whom one should take care how they play the fool— because they have either too much malice or too little wit, as the poet says. The best compliment I can pay Colonel Mannering is to show I am not ashamed to expose myself before him—and truly I think it is a compliment I have not spared to-night on your good nature. But what’s that great strong fellow wanting ? ” Dinmont, who had pushed after Mannering into the room, began with a scrape of his foot and a scratch of his head in unison. “ I am Dandie Dinmont, sir, of the Chariies-hope— HIGH JINKS . 309 the Liddesdale lad—ye’ll mind me ?—it was for me ye won yon grand plea.” “What plea, you loggerhead?” said the lawyer, “d’ye think I can remember all the fools that come to plague me?” “Lord, sir, it was the grand plea about the grazing o’ the Langtaehead ! ” said the farmer. “Well, curse thee, never mind; give me the memorial, and come to me on Monday at ten,” replied the learned counsel. “ But, sir, I haena got ony distinct memorial.” “No memorial, man?” said Pleydell. “ Na, sir, nae memorial,” answered Dandie; “for your honour said before, Mr. Pleydell, ye’ll mind, that ye liked best to hear us hill-folk tell our ain tale by word o’ mouth.” “ Beshrew my tongue that said so ! ” answered the coun¬ sellor, “it will cost my ears a dinning. Well, say in two words what you’ve got to say—you see the gentleman waits.” “ Ou, sir, if the gentleman likes he may play his ain spring first; it’s a’ ane to Dandie.” “Now, you looby,” said the lawyer, “cannot you con¬ ceive that your business can be nothing to Colonel Manner- ing, but that he may not choose to have these great ears of thine regaled with his matters ? ” “Aweel, sir, just as you and he like—so ye see to my business,” said Dandie, not a whit disconcerted by the roughness of this reception. “We’re at the auld wark o’ the marches again, Jock o’ Dawston Cleugh and me. Ye see we march on the tap o’ Touthoprigg after we pass the Pomoragrains ; for the Pomoragrains and Slackenspool, and Bloodylaws, they come in there, and they belang to the Peel; but after ye pass Pomoragrains at a muckle great saucer-headed cutlugged stane that they ca’ Charlie’s Chuckie, there Dawston Cleugh and Charlies-hope they 3 io TALES FRQM SIR WALTER SCOTT. march. Now, I say, the march rins on the tap o’ the hill where the wind and water shears; but Jock o’ Dawston Cleugh again, he contravenes that, and says, that it hauds down by the auld drove-road that gaes awa by the Knot o’ the Gate ower to Keeldar-ward—and that makes an unco difference.” “ And what difference does it make, friend ? ” said Pley- dell. “ How many sheep will it feed ? ” “Ou, no mony,” said Dandie, scratching his head,—“it’s lying high and exposed—it may feed a hog, or aiblins twa, in a good year.” “And for this grazing, which may be worth about five shillings a year, you are willing to throw away a hundred pound or two ? ” “ Na, sir, it’s no for the value of the grass,” replied Dinmont; “ it’s for justice.” “ My good friend,” said Pleydell, “justice, like charity, should begin at home. Do you justice to your wife and family, and think no more about the matter.” Dinmont still lingered, twisting his hat in his hand—“ It’s no for that, sir—but I would like ill to be bragged wi’ him—he threeps he’ll bring a score o’ witnesses and mair— and I’m sure there’s as mony will swear for me as for him, folk that lived a’ their days upon the Charlies-hope, and wadna like to see the land lose its right.” “Zounds, man, if it be a point of honour,” said the lawyer, “ why don’t your landlords take it up ? ” “ I dinna ken, sir (scratching his head again); there’s been nae election-dusts lately, and the lairds are unco neighbourly, and Jock and me canna get them to yoke thegither about it a’ that we can say—but if ye thought we might keep up the rent ”- “No! no! that will never do,” said Pleydell; “con¬ found you, why don’t you take good cudgels and settle it ? ” “Odd, sir,” answered the farmer, “we tried that three I HIGH JINKS . 3ii times already—that’s twice on the land and ance at Lock- erby fair. But I dinna ken—we’re baith gey good at single¬ stick, and it couldna weel be judged.” “Then take broadswords, and be d—d to you, as your fathers did before you,” said the counsel learned in the law. “ Aweel, sir, if ye think it wouldna be again the law, it’s a’ ane to Dandie.” “ Hold ! hold! ” exclaimed Pleydell, “ we shall have another Lord Soulis’ mistake. Pr’ythee, man, comprehend me; I wish you to consider how very trifling and foolish a lawsuit you wish to engage in.” “ Ay, sir ? ” said Dandie, in a disappointed tone. “ So ye winna take on wi’ me, I’m doubting ? ” “ Me! not I—go home, go home, take a pint and agree.” Dandie looked but half contented, and still re¬ mained stationary. “ Anything more, my friend ? ” “ Only, sir, about the succession of this leddy that’s dead, auld Miss Margaret Bertram o’ Singleside.” “ Ay, what about her ? ” said the counsellor rather surprised. “ Ou, we have nae connection at a’ wi’ the Bertrams,” said Dandie—“ they were grand folk by the like o’ us—. But Jean Liltup, that was auld Singleside’s housekeeper, and the mother of these twa young ladies that are gane— the last o’ them’s dead at a ripe age, I trow—Jean Liltup came out o’ Liddel water, and she was as near our connec¬ tion as second cousin to my mother’s half sister. She drew up wi’ Singleside, nae doubt, when she was his housekeeper, and it was a sair vex and grief to a’ her kith and kin. But he acknowledged a marriage, and satisfied the kirk—and now I wad ken frae you if we hae not some claim by law ? ” “Not the shadow of a claim.” “ Aweel, we’re nae puirer,” said Dandie,—“ but she may hae thought on us if she was minded to make a testament. 312 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. Weel, sir, I’ve said my say—I’se e’en wish you good night, and ”—putting his hand in his pocket. “ No, no, my friend ; I never take fees on Saturday nights, or without a memorial—away with you, Dandie.” And Dandie made his reverence, and departed accordingly. The anecdote of Mr. Pleydell, of his sitting down in the midst of a revel to draw an appeal case, was taken from a story, told by an aged gentleman, of the elder President Dundas of Arniston (father of the younger President, and of Lord Melville). It had been thought very desirable, while that distinguished lawyer was King’s counsel, that his assistance should be obtained in drawing an appeal case, which, as occasion for such writings then rarely occurred, was held to be matter of great nicety. The Solicitor employed for the appellant went to the Lord Advocate’s chambers in the Fishmarket Close, as I think. It was Saturday at noon, the Court was just dismissed, the Lord Advocate had changed his dress and booted himself, and his servant and horses were at the foot of the close to carry him to Arniston. It was scarcely possible to get him to listen to a word respecting business. The wily agent, however, on pretence of asking one or two questions, which would not detain him half an hour, drew his Lordship, who was no less an eminent bon vivant than a lawyer of unequalled talent, to take a whet at a celebrated tavern, when the learned counsel became gradu¬ ally involved in a spirited discussion of the law points of the case. At length it occurred to him that he might as well ride to Arniston in the cool of the evening. The horses were directed to be put in the stable, but not to be unsaddled. Dinner was ordered, the law was laid aside for a time, and the bottle circulated very freely. At nine o’clock at night, after he had been honouring Bacchus for so many hours, the Lord Advocate ordered his horses to be unsaddled—paper, pen, and ink were brought—he began to dictate the appeal case—and con¬ tinued at his task till four o’clock next morning. By next day’s post the solicitor sent the case to London, a chef-d'oeuvre of its kind ; and in which it was not necessary on revisal to correct five words. I am not, therefore, conscious of having overstepped accuracy in describing the manner in which Scottish lawyers of the old time occasionally united the worship of Bacchus with that of Themis. FIELD-SPORTS ON THE BORDER IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTUR V. BEHOOVED to be round the hirsel this morn¬ ing, and see how the herds were coming on— they’re apt to be negligent wi’ their footballs, and fairs, and trysts, when ane’s away. And there I met wi’ Tam o’ Todshaw, and a wheen o’ the rest o’ the billies on the water side; they’re a’ for a fox-hunt this morning—ye’ll gang? I’ll gie ye Dumple, and take the brood mare mysell.” “ But I fear I must leave you this morning, Mr. Dinmont,” replied Brown. “ The fient a bit o’ that,” exclaimed the Borderer; “ I’ll no part wi’ ye at ony rate for a fortnight mair. Na, na; we dinna meet sic friends as you on a Bewcastle moss every night.” Brown had not designed his journey should be a speedy one; he therefore readily compounded with this hearty in¬ vitation, by agreeing to pass a week at Charlies-hope. On their return to the house, where the good-wife presided over an ample breakfast, she heard news of the proposed fox-hunt, not indeed with approbation, but without alarm or surprise. “ Dand! ye’re the auld man yet—naething will make ye take warning till ye’re brought hame some day wi’ ye’re feet foremost.” 3 H TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. “Tut, lass!” answered Dandie, “ye ken yoursell I am never a prin the waur o’ my rambles.” So saying, he exhorted Brown to be hasty in despatching his breakfast, as “the frost having given way, the scent would lie this- morning primely.” Out they sallied accordingly for Otterscope-scaurs, the farmer leading the way. They soon quitted the little valley, and involved themselves among hills as steep as they could be without being precipitous. The sides often presented gullies, down which, in the winter season, or after heavy rain, the torrents descended with great fury. Some dappled mists still floated along the peaks of the hills, the remains of the morning clouds, for the frost had broken up with a smart shower. Through these fleecy screens were seen a hundred little temporary streamlets, or rills, descending the sides of the mountains like silver threads. By small sheep- tracks along these steeps, over which Dinmont trotted with the most fearless confidence, they at length drew near the scene of sport, and began to see other men, both on horse and foot, making toward the place of rendezvous. Brown was puzzling himself to conceive how a fox-chase could take place among hills where it was barely possible for a pony, accustomed to the ground, to trot along but where, quitting the track for half a yard’s breadth, the rider might be either bogged or precipitated down the bank. This wonder was not diminished when he came to the place of action. They had gradually ascended very high, and now found themselves on a mountain-ridge, overhanging a glen of great depth, but extremely narrow. Here the sportsmen had collected, with an apparatus which would have shocked a member of the Pychely Hunt; for, the object being the removal of a noxious and destructive animal, as well as the pleasures of the chase, poor Reynard was allowed much less fair play than when pursued in form through an open FIELD-SPORTS ON THE BORDER. 3i5 country. The strength of his habitation, however, and the nature of the ground by which it was surrounded on all sides, supplied what was wanting in the courtesy of his pursuers. The sides of the glen were broken banks of earth and rocks of rotten-stone, which sunk sheer down to the little winding stream below, affording here and there a tuft of scathed brushwood or a patch of furze. Along the edges of this ravine, which, as we have said, was very narrow, but of profound depth, the hunters on horse and foot ranged themselves; almost every farmer had with him at least a brace of large and fierce greyhounds, of the race of those deer-dogs which were formerly used in that country, but greatly lessened in size from being crossed with the common breed. The huntsman, a sort of provincial officer of the district, who receives a certain supply of meal, and a reward for every fox he destroys, was already at the bottom of the dell, whose echoes thundered to the chiding of two or three brace of foxhounds. Terriers, including the whole genera¬ tion of Pepper and Mustard, were also in attendance, having been sent forward under the care of a shepherd. Mongrel, whelp, and cur of low degree filled up the burden of the chorus. The spectators on the brink of the ravine or glen held their greyhounds in leash in readiness to slip them at the fox, as soon as the activity of the party below should force him to abandon his cover. The scene, though uncouth to the eye of a professed sportsman, had something in it wildly captivating. The shifting figures on the mountain ridge, having the sky for their background, appeared to move in the air. The dogs, impatient of their restraint, and maddened with the baying beneath, sprung here and there, and strained at the slips, which prevented them from joining their companions. Looking down, the view was equally striking. The thin mists were not totally dispersed in the glen, so that it was 3 j 6 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. often through their gauzy medium that the eye strove to discover the motions of the hunters below. Sometimes a breath of wind made the scene visible, the blue rill glitter¬ ing as it twined itself through its rude and solitary dell. They then could see the shepherds springing with fearless activity from one dangerous point to another, and cheering the dogs on the scent, the whole so diminished by depth and distance that they looked like pigmies. Again the mists close over them, and the only signs of their continued exertions are the halloos of the men, and the clamours of the hounds, ascending as it were out of the bowels of the earth. When the fox, thus persecuted from one stronghold to another, was at length obliged to abandon his valley, and to break away for a more distant retreat, those who watched his motions from the top slipped their greyhounds, which, excelling the fox in swiftness, and equalling him in ferocity and spirit, soon brought the plunderer to his life’s end. In this way, without any attention to the ordinary rules and decorums of sport, but apparently as much to the grati¬ fication both of bipeds and quadrupeds as if all due ritual had been followed, four foxes were killed on this active morning; and even Brown himself, though he had seen the princely sports of India, and ridden a-tiger-hunting upon an elephant with the Nabob of Arcot, professed to have received an excellent morning’s amusement. When the sport was given up for the day, most of the sportsmen, according to the established hospitality of the country, went to dine at Charlies-hope. . . . Without noticing the occupations of an intervening day or two, which, as they consisted of the ordinary silvan amusements of shooting and coursing, have nothing suffi¬ ciently interesting to detain the reader, we pass to one in some degree peculiar to Scotland, which may be called a sort of salmon-hunting. This chase, in which the fish is FIELD-SPORTS ON THE BORDER. 317 pursued and struck with barbed spears, or a sort of long- shafted trident, called a waster , is much practised at the mouth of the Esk, and in the other salmon rivers of Scotland The sport is followed by day and night, but most commonly in the latter, when the fish are discovered by means of torches or fire-grates, filled with blazing frag¬ ments of tar-barrels, which shed a strong though partial light upon the water. On the present occasion, the principal party were embarked in a crazy boat upon a part of the river which was enlarged and deepened by the restraint of a mill-wear, while others, like the ancient Bacchanals in their gambols, ran along the banks brandishing their torches and spears and pursuing the salmon, some of which endea¬ voured to escape up the stream, while others, shrouding themselves under the roots of trees, fragments of stones, and large rocks, attempted to conceal themselves from the researches of the fishermen. These the party in the boat detected by the slightest indications; the twinkling of a fin, the rising of an air-bell was sufficient to point out to these adroit sportsmen in what direction to use their weapon. The scene was inexpressibly animating to those accus¬ tomed to it; but as Brown was not practised to use the spear, he soon tired of making efforts, which were attended with no other consequences than jarring his arms against the rocks at the bottom of the river, upon which, instead of the devoted salmon, he often bestowed his blow. Nor did he relish, though he concealed feelings which would not have been understood, being quite so near the agonies of the expiring salmon, as they lay flapping about in the boat, which they moistened with their blood. He therefore requested to be put ashore, and, from the top of a heugh or broken bank, enjoyed the scene much more to his satisfac¬ tion. Often he thought of his friend Dudley the artist, when he observed the effect produced by the strong red 318 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. glare on the romantic banks under which the boat glided. Now the light diminished to a distant star that seemed to twinkle on the waters, like those which, according to the legends of the country, the water-kelpy sends for the pur¬ pose of indicating the watery grave of his victims. Then it advanced nearer, brightening and enlarging as it again approached, till the broad flickering flame rendered bank, and rock, and tree visible as it passed, tinging them with its own red glare of dusky light, and resigning them gradually to darkness, or to pale moonlight, as it receded. By this light also were seen the figures in the boat, now holding high their weapons, now stooping to strike, now standing upright, bronzed by the same red glare, into a colour which might have befitted the regions of Pande¬ monium. Having amused himself for some time with these effects of light and shadow, Brown strolled homewards towards the farm-house, gazing in his way at the persons engaged in the sport, two or three of whom are generally kept together, one holding the torch, the others with their spears ready to avail themselves of the light it affords to strike their prey. . . . “ Come here, sir ! come here, sir! look at this ane ! He turns up a side like a sow.” Such was the cry from the assistants when some of them observed Brown advancing. “ Ground the waster weel, man ! ground the waster weel!— haud him down—ye haena the pith o’ a cat! ”—were the cries of advice, encouragement, and expostulation from those who were on the bank, to the sportsman engaged with the salmon, who stood up to his middle in water, jingling, among broken ice, struggling against the force of the fish and the strength of the current, and dubious in what manner he should attempt to secure his booty. . . . The sportsmen returned loaded with fish, upwards of one hundred salmon having been killed within the range of their FIELD-SPORTS ON THE BORDER. 319 sport. The best were selected for the use of the principal farmers, the others divided among their shepherds, cottars, dependants, and others of inferior rank who attended. These fish, dried in the turf smoke of their cabins, or steal¬ ings, formed a savoury addition to the mess of potatoes, mixed with onions, which was the principal part of their winter food. In the meanwhile a liberal distribution of ale and whisky was made among them, besides what was called a kettle of fish—two or three salmon, namely, plunged into a cauldron, and boiled for their supper. Brown accom¬ panied his jolly landlord and the rest of his friends into the large and smoky kitchen, where this savoury mess reeked on an oaken table, massive enough to have dined Johnnie Armstrong and his merry men. All was hearty cheer and huzza, and jest and clamorous laughter, and bragging alternately, and raillery between whiles. . . . After some farther conversation the superior sportsmen retired to conclude the evening after their own manner, leaving the others to enjoy themselves, unawed by their presence. That evening, like all those which Brown had passed at Charlies-hope, was spent in much innocent mirth and conviviality. The latter might have approached to the verge of riot but for the good women ; for several of the neighbouring mistresses (a phrase of a signification how different from what it bears in more fashionable life !) had assembled at Charlies-hope to witness the event of this memorable evening. Finding the punch-bowl was so often replenished that there was some danger of their gracious presence being forgotten, they rushed in valorously upon the recreant revellers, headed by our good Mistress Ailie, so that Venus speedily routed Bacchus. The fiddler and piper next made their appearance, and the best part of the night was gallantly consumed in dancing to their music. An otter-hunt the next day, and a badger-baiting the day 320 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. after, consumed the time merrily. I hope our traveller will not sink in the reader’s estimation, sportsman though he may be, when I inform him that on this last occasion, after young Pepper had lost a fore-foot, and Mustard the second had been nearly throttled, he begged as a particular and personal favour of Mr. Dinmont, that the poor badger who had made so gallant a defence should be permitted to retire to his earth without farther molestation. The farmer, who would probably have treated this request with supreme contempt had it come from any other person, was contented, in Brown’s case, to express the utter extremity of his wonder. “ Weel,” he said, “ that’s queer aneugh !— But since ye take his part, deil a tyke shall meddle wi’ him mair in my day—we’ll e’en mark him, and ca’ him the Captain’s brock; and I’m sure I’m glad I can do ony thing to oblige you— : but, Lord save us, to care about a brock ! ” After a week spent in rural sport, and distinguished by the most frank attentions on the part of his honest land¬ lord, Brown bade adieu to the banks of the Liddel, and the hospitality of Charlies-hope. MASANTELLO. [The dominion of Naples and Sicily passed in 1505, after various changes of masters, under the sovereignty of Spain, and for the next 200 years was governed by viceroys. The rule of these viceroys was severe and unjust, and borne by the people with patience till 1647, when a new and oppressive tax was imposed which occasioned general discontent, this becoming at lastso threatening, that the viceroy, the Duke of Arcos, thought it proper to forbid the annual procession in honour of St. John the Baptist, on June 24, lest the concourse should lead to open insurrection.] ONG the populace at this time was a young fisherman, who observed and shared deeply the general discontent. His anger and re¬ sentment had been roused by the rough treat¬ ment which his wife had experienced from the tax-collectors, who, detecting her in the act of concealing a small bag of flour in order to evade the payment of the duty, had put her in prison. Her husband paid a fine in order to obtain her release, but swore vengeance upon the oppressors, and was not long in finding the opportunity of fulfilling his vow. This man’s name was Tommaso Aniello, of Amalfi, commonly called Masaniello, for whom fate had destined such rapid change of condition as never mortal underwent within the same space of time. He was of middle stature and handsome countenance, with lively dark eyes, short, x 322 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. curly hair, a frank and bold address, noted among his com¬ panions for smartness and activity, and about twenty-four years of age. He wore a fisherman’s blue jacket with white linen trousers, a sailor’s red woollen cap on his head, and was barelegged and barefooted. Matters had arrived at this pass, and preparations were making by the populace for the celebration of one of their great festivals, that of Our Lady of Carmel, which takes place in the middle of July. One of the amusements in which the people took the greatest delight on that occasion was the mock siege of a wooden fortress of considerable elevation, erected on the site of the ancient castle, which was defended by fishermen, disguised as Turks, against the attacks of the lazzaroni in their ordinary attire. The better to enable them to perform their part, both parties were ac¬ customed to assemble on the three Sundays immediately previous to the festival, forming themselves into companies carrying small canes, marching about, preceded by a stan¬ dard, and making a display of their newly-acquired disci¬ pline. Our journal now commences. July ith. —This being the second Sunday before the festival, there was an unusually early assemblage of boys and young people, who were to be actors in it, headed by Masaniello, who had been chosen the leader of the besieging party; being market-day, there was also a large concourse of peasants and gardeners from the surrounding country, and the supply of fruit and vegetables was so abundant that purchasers could not be found for it. The tax-collectors insisting upon receiving the duty for all, whether sold or not, a dispute arose whether it was to be paid by the country¬ men or the retail dealers; the dispute was referred to Nauclerio, the eletto del popolo , who decided that it must fall upon the person who brought the fruit to market. One of the persons aggrieved by this decision happened to be a M ASA NIELLO. 3 2J peasant from Pozzuoli, and a brother-in-law of Masaniello. Indignant at the decision, he took the basket of figs, which had given occasion to the dispute, and throwing it down, scattered its contents about, at the same time exclaiming, “This belongs to me, I give it to you, my friends;—our tyrants shall have none of this at least.” “ Let them have some of it! ” said Masaniello, who stood by his side, and snatching up a bunch of figs struck Nauclerio over the face with it. His example was instantly followed by his numerous companions. Masaniello then addressing them in bold and ready eloquence, such as the occasion demanded, conjured them to stand by him, promising in the most de¬ cided terms redress for the grievances of which they had to complain. They then commenced acts of violence, broke down and destroyed the booths of the tax-collectors, burst into the houses of such as were conceived to have enriched themselves by farming the imposts, and spread alarm through the whole city. Their numbers had by this time increased to many thousands, armed with weapons which they had taken from gunsmiths’ shops, and wherever they could find them. They compelled the Prince of Bisignano, a Neapolitan nobleman, to go with them and act as their chief; but being shocked at their excesses, and alarmed for the consequences, he contrived to make his escape. Contrary, however, to the custom of ordinary rioters, the insurgents took no spoils for their own use. Mutinies and riots often commence with scruples on the part of the actors to profit by pillage, but it is seldom that these vehement patriots do not finally give way to tempta¬ tion. They next proceeded to the viceroy’s palace, forced their way into his presence, despite of his guards, and peremptorily demanded the abolition not only of the new gabelle on fruits, but of all other imposts whatsoever, demands which, under the immediate influence of terror, 324 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. the viceroy assented to. They then destroyed the most valuable effects in the palace; the viceroy himself, endea¬ vouring to escape from the insurgents by throwing himself into a coach, was discovered, abused, and grossly insulted; and it was with the utmost difficulty that he succeeded, by throwing money among them, in effecting his retreat into the Castello Nuovo. The populace then, by unanimous consent, placed themselves under the command of Masaniello, who was installed “Captain-General of the most faithful people of Naples,” and such coadjutors and counsellors were added (chiefly of low rank and infamous character) as appeared to him best qualified to assist him. He used little counsel, however, and while he sat by a chafing- dish of fire, by which he spent the night, at the Tower of the Carmelites, which he had made his headquarters, his advisers could only draw from him these words : “ I feel a \yeight like boiling lead in my head, but the Virgin and Saints appear to me every night and promise me their protection. I have assured the people that I will give them freedom, and they shall be free.” By his directions the prisons were broke open, and the captives set at liberty; the few inhabi¬ tants who resisted were put to death ; and one house, where there chanced to be a quantity of gunpowder, was blown up, an accident which cost eighty-seven persons their lives. July Zth .—The people having once tasted the pleasures of license, prepared with tenfold force to repeat their riot. In the meantime the Duke of Arcos was taken absolutely unprovided. He had indeed about three thousand soldiers, most of them Germans and Spaniards. But though he garri¬ soned the three castles, Nuovo, dell' Uovo, and Saint Elmo, the citadels of Naples, cutting tliem off by hasty fortifica¬ tions and entrenchments from the city, the number of troops was scarcely sufficient to protect these important strong¬ holds, and such outposts as were essentially necessary to MASANIELLO. 325 their defence. A German regiment of five hundred men was defeated and disarmed in an attempt to enter the city. The provincial militia were even more easily repulsed, and many joined the insurgents. Thus it became almost evident that the city, and ultimately the kingdom of Naples, were lost to Spain, in case the nobility and gentry of the city should unite with the populace against the government. There were no doubt deadly feuds of old standing betwixt the two orders, and Arcos, though secretly as hostile to the nobles as to the people, resolved to make use of the former in negotiating a truce with the latter, in order to effect a general pacification, and prevent the ominous conjunction of their forces. He employed in this perilous negotiation a Neapolitan nobleman, the Duke of Matalone, whom he held at that time a prisoner in the Castle Nuovo, and who was easily prevailed on, by flattery and promises, to forget for the moment his own injuries, and undertake the part of mediator between the Spanish viceroy and the insurgents. Successful and unopposed, the multitude now raised their demands. They required not only the aboli¬ tion of all the imposts, but the restoration of all privileges granted by Ferdinand the Catholic, and his successor, Charles V., to the citizens of Naples; in particular, with a view of becoming acquainted with the full extent of these immunities, they demanded the production of a charter, written, as they said, in letters of gold, and granted by Charles V. to the city of Naples. Whatever were the vice¬ roy’s motives, whether he had no such deed, or did not choose to deliver it, he acted equally foolishly and criminally in endeavouring to palm on the populace some other docu¬ ment in the place of that which they required. As for his unfortunate envoy, the Duke of Matalone, they seized on his person, loaded him with insults, and dragged him to prison. In the meantime they followed their course of 326. TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. burning and destroying the houses of all whom they regarded as enemies of the people, and inspired such general terror, that bodies of a hundred men fled at the approach of one of Masaniello’s lazzaroni, although they were merely ragged lads, armed with long poles headed with iron hooks, usually employed for steering their boats, but now wielded for the purpose of pulling the gentlemen (as they said) from their horses. The very women took arms and formed themselves into companies, marching through the streets with muskets on their shoulders, swords by their sides, and poignards in their bosoms. Others brought their children in their arms, and made them cast burning brands into the houses of the Duke of Matalone and other nobles, whom they now con¬ sidered their enemies as much as the Spaniards. “These lambs,” they cried, “ shall take vengeance for the loss of the bread they have been deprived of by traitors ! ” July gt/i .—The insurrection was equally progressive and increasing. The insurgents, after overcoming the efforts of a company of soldiers, placed for the protection of that important post, possessed themselves of the steeple and church of St. Lorenzo, which commanded the city. Masa- niello and his successors in this stormy exaltation as chief of the people, made use of the great bell of that church as a tocsin or alarm bell, and the Duke of Arcos was wont to say, long after, that he never heard it toll without think¬ ing of the judgment peal. Cardinal Filomarino, Arch¬ bishop of Naples, was now employed, instead of the Duke of Matalone, to negotiate with Masaniello and the people. He was a subtle and sagacious churchman; popular with the citizens, from having occasionally taken their side against the Spanish government, to which he was not sup¬ posed to be partial, though willing to contribute the weight of his character and influence to effect a pacification in this dreadful emergency. After much cavilling he con- MASANIELLO. 327 vinced the people and their leader that he had sufficient powers from the viceroy to assent to all their demands, and that the papers which he exhibited, and to which the viceroy expressed himself willing to conform, were the authentic charters of Ferdinand and Charles V. July 10 th .—Masaniello had appointed a general rendez¬ vous of the people to be held in the Piazzo del Popolo, to hear the terms proposed by the cardinal. But events took place which gave a different turn to affairs. Various parties of banditti, long the dishonour and plague of Naples, seeking naturally to find their own advantage amid rapine and slaughter, now made their appearance. They were welcomed as friends of the people, and one of them, named Perrone, a particular confidant of Masaniello, was intrusted with the care of the prisoners who had been arrested. The Duke of Matalone being under this per¬ son’s charge (of whom he had formerly some knowledge), found little difficulty in engaging him, and another chief of banditti, named Pepe Palombe, by a promise of twelve thousand ducats, in an attempt to end the insurrection by assassinating Masaniello. At the same time the imprisoned Duke was allowed to escape from custody. An immense throng of citizens crowded the square where the assembly was held, when five hundred banditti assembled among them, completely armed and well mounted. Their appear¬ ance in such numbers excited suspicion, and Masaniello required them to dismount and divide themselves; instead of this order being obeyed, seven arquebuses were fired at the Capo del Popolo , so near that they burnt his shirt, though not a ball touched him ! The populace instantly discharged a volley of musketry on the troop of banditti, and killed thirty of them; the rest fled into a neighbouring church, which, notwithstanding the respect usually paid 328 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. in Catholic countries to such an asylum, proved no place of refuge. The gates were unhinged, the vaults resounded to the fire of musketry, while the people slew the wretches at the very altar, flooding the church pavement with gore. Such of the banditti as were examined and executed con¬ fessed the existence of the plot to assassinate Masaniello, after which they hoped to disperse the insurgents, by assaulting them at unawares, while astonished at the loss of their captain. Other reports were added—namely, that mines were formed below the Piazzo del Popolo, where the insurgents were to meet—though, in truth, the con¬ spirators had neither time nor means for such a gunpowder plot. All agreed, however, in naming the Duke of Mata- lone, and his brother, Don Joseph Caraffa, as the insti¬ gators of the conspiracy, who were immediately sought after with the most vigorous alacrity. Masaniello, mean¬ time, remained in the great square, surrounded by the heads of the slain banditti, planted upon pikes, exaggerat¬ ing the dangers which he had encountered, and calling for vengeance on the aristocracy. The Duke of Matalone had the good fortune to make his escape, but his brother, Don Joseph Caraffa, fell into the hands of the people, who were dragging him before Masaniello, when a butcher, called Michael de Santis, struck off his head with a cleaver. His miserable remains were brought to the insurgent chief, who struck and spurned the senseless body, which was afterwards gibbetted in the market-place. Masaniello’s rage against the banditti was so great that he ordered that no person, even ladies of condition, or priests of the highest orders, should dare to wear long garments in the streets of Naples. Even cardinals and prelates were obliged to go in such succinct dress, as to warrant that they were not banditti in disguise carrying arms under their robes. The nobles and aristocrats were compelled to MASANIELLO. 329 surrender their arms to the popular officers, and with admirable consistency, an excise on all eatables brought to market was imposed, for the maintenance of that revolu¬ tionary government which had its origin in the abolition of the gabelles. . . . July 11 th .—In the meantime the accommodation proposed by the viceroy, through the mediation of the Cardinal Filomarino, though somewhat checked by Perrone’s con¬ spiracy, was still proceeding. The truth is, that whether the conspiracy succeeded or failed, the Spaniards were the party sure to benefit by it. Had Perrone effected his object, they would have been rid of Masaniello \ and although he had failed, the death of Don Joseph Caraffa, with other consequences, had removed all possibility of a reconciliation between the nobles and the people, of which the viceroy was so justly apprehensive. Assisted by two persons, Genuino a priest, and Arpaya an attorney, who had been formerly employed in political business, Masaniello had a set of articles drawn up, in which the gabelles were abolished, all former privileges renewed and confirmed, and the actors in the late tumults, including him¬ self and his counsellors by name, assured of pardon. These articles were read publicly in the church of Our Lady of the Carmelites, after which the Cardinal Filomarino passed in procession to the Castello Nuovo, followed by the whole tide of the population, amid loud acclamations. On this occasion Masaniello, at the cardinal’s suggestions, exchanged his mariner’s habit, which he had rendered more awful than imperial robes of Tyrian purple, for a splendid suit of cloth of silver, and mounted on a fine charger, proceeded to pay his respects to the viceroy, who received him with the utmost respect, and had an opportunity to see the wonder¬ ful and alarming influence which this fisherman had attained over the populace. Vast numbers of insurgents had 33o TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. crowded in after the procession, and filled the castle yard. Alarmed at the length of Masaniello’s stay, they began to show symptoms of uneasiness. The Capo del Popolo was then with the cardinal and viceroy in the cabinet of the latter, when stepping to the window he silenced them by a word of his mouth and a signal of his hand. At another signal, all the bells of the city were tolled; at a third, the deafening peal was silenced. He waved his hand, and the people shouted ; he placed his finger on his lips, and the roaring multitude became hushed as death. Finally, he commanded them to disperse to their homes, and the court¬ yard, as if by magic, was evacuated in an instant. The viceroy and his courtiers looked at each other with astonishment. It was no wonder that the viceroy felt it necessary to recognise the authority of captain-general of the people in a demagogue possessing such complete in¬ fluence over his constituents. The Duke of Arcos went so far as to put a gold chain round his neck, and to salute him by the title of Duke of St. George. So closed the fifth day, the events of which augured a restoration of public tran¬ quility. July 12 th .—The events of the day proved, however, that peace was yet far distant. Masaniello, agitated perhaps by apprehensions of the banditti, no longer received petitions and applications in the open market-place, but at a window of his own cottage, which was close by it, where he stood in his fisherman’s dress, with a loaded blunderbuss in his hand, which put the suitors in some terror for the reply which they might possibly receive. . . . July 13/A—A solemn ceremony was appointed to take place in the cathedral, where Masaniello presented himself before the viceroy, the cardinal archbishop, and the whole of the constituted authorities of the kingdom, holding a drawn sword in one hand, and the charter of Charles V. in MAS A NIELLO. 33i the other. Here, after religious service, the Duke of Arcos took a solemn oath to observe the articles stipulated betwixt him and the Capo del Popolo on the part of the people of Naples. In the course of this ceremony Masaniello for the first time showed marks of deranged intellect. In discussing the different articles of the capitulation he made freakish and absurd interruptions, and at the conclusion of the solemnity was with difficulty—almost perforce—pre¬ vented from stripping himself of his ceremonial dress, in order to resume his mariner’s rags, in presence of the viceroy, the cardinal, and the whole assembly. The viceroy, on returning from the ceremony, seeing the wife of Masaniello at a window, saluted her with the greatest respect. July \\th .—This day, being Sunday, the eighth of the insurrection, the conduct of Masaniello became still more capricious and fantastic than on the preceding—attracted general notice, and began to diminish the respect paid to him even by the ignorant multitude. In the morning he resumed the exercise of his judicial functions; afterwards gave orders for the surrender of the principal posts to the Spanish troops, and at the moment the popular chiefs were attending him in council, rushed out suddenly, half un¬ dressed, mounted his horse, and galloped off to invite the cardinal to sup with him at Pausilippo. The cardinal, not daring to refuse, excused himself from accompanying him immediately, on account of his spiritual duties, and promised to join him in the afternoon. Masaniello then proceeded to the viceroy’s residence, and invited him also to be of the party; the Duke of Arcos contrived to excuse himself, but gave orders that his barge should convey the Capo del Popolo to the foot of Pausilippo. On his way to the barge he committed all sorts of extravagances, and on his arrival at Pausilippo he went into the church to hear mass; after 332 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. which he threw himself into the sea, swimming about with his clothes on, and an hour afterwards ordered supper. It was supposed that Masaniello at this time had been poisoned with some liquor having the power of creating lunacy. We believe the art of medicine knows no such drug as would destroy the mind, leaving the body uninjured, though there is no want of liquors by which a temporary suspension of the faculties may be produced. To these also Masaniello applied himself, having drank twelve tumblers or flasks of the wine called Lachrymce Christie a dose which could not tend to calm his frenzy. He was carried home, and, for the first time probably since his exaltation, slept soundly. July 15th .—The ninth day of the insurrection exhibited fresh proofs of Masaniello’s frenzy, and every class of persons began to be equally tired of its consequences, which were sometimes ludicrous, sometimes fatal. The people of every condition, and even many of the popular chiefs, headed by Genuino and Arpaya, expressed an earnest desire to be rid, by whatever means, of their own beloved Capo del Popolo. With this view a new conspiracy was formed to assassinate him, as one whom friends and foes were alike desirous to be rid of. During the day he kept his absolute authority in complete exercise. He drew his sword and cut furiously round him—became, in short, so outrageously mad that his attendants and friends were forced to bind and secure him for the night. . . . July 16th .—Upon the tenth and last day of his singular career, Masaniello, escaping from his best friends (those who detained him in custody as a lunatic), rushed into the church of del Carmine, the day being the festival of the Virgin patroness. The Cardinal Filomarino performed the service, and after its conclusion, Masaniello, in a desponding mood, harangued the people with a crucifix in his hand; MASANIELLO. 333 complained of being forsaken by them, mingling expressions which were of a pathetic description with such as were utterly irrational and ridiculous. He behaved with such indecorum of speech and gesture, that the priests were obliged to withdraw him from the pulpit by force. To the cardinal he next had recourse, expressing his purpose to resign all his power to the viceroy. The prelate with diffi¬ culty prevailed on him to enter the adjoining cloister, and cease interrupting the prayers of the congregation. While the unfortunate man was yet in the cloister, the assassins, few in number, but followed by many others who favoured them, burst into his place of refuge, exclaiming, “ Long live the King of Spain, and death to Masaniello ! ” “ Do you seek me, my people ? ” answered Masaniello. “ Here I am ! ” As he turned round he received the fire of four arquebuses, which killed him on the spot, giving him but time to exclaim—“ Oh ye ungrateful traitors ! ” So low was his popularity fallen that the thousands then assembled in the church of del Carmine heard without the least emo¬ tion that Masaniello was slain. Thereafter his head was carried to the viceroy, and his body, after being dragged through the streets by a rabble of boys, among whom the nobility threw pieces of money, was at length tossed into the city ditches. But the flame which Masaniello had kindled was not extinguished by his death. Even in the morning which succeeded his exit, some of the striplings, who had consti¬ tuted the guard and lictors of their murdered captain-general, sought out his dishonoured remains, and carried them to the cathedral. The mangled corpse was arrayed in royal robes, decorated with a crown and sceptre, and after being carried in funeral procession,, followed by thousands of armed men, it was at length solemnly interred in the church, with many tears, prayers, and lamentations. ALARM OF FRENCH INVASION. UT I must go to Edinburgh; for I see my uncle is beginning to grow tired of me, and I am afraid-” “ That you will grow tired of him ? ” in¬ terrupted Oldbuck; “ I fear that’s past pray¬ ing for. But you have forgotten that the ecstatic twelfth of August approaches, and that you are engaged to meet one of Lord Glenallan’s gamekeepers, God knows where, to per¬ secute the peaceful feathered creation.” “True, true, uncle —I had forgot that,” exclaimed the volatile Hector; “but you said something just now that put everything out of my head.” “ An it like your honours,” said old Edie, thrusting his white head from behind the screen, where he had been plentifully regaling himself with ale and cold meat—“ an it like your honours, I can tell ye something that will keep the Captain wi’ us amaist as well as the pouting. Hear ye na the French are coming?” “The French, you blockhead?” answered Oldbuck. “Bah!” “I have not had time,” said Sir Arthur Wardour, “to look over my lieutenancy correspondence for the week— indeed, I generally make a rule to read it only on Wednes¬ days, except in pressing cases, for I do everything by method ALARM OF FRENCH INVASION. 335 —but from the glance I took of my letters I observed some alarm was entertained.” “Alarm?” said Edie,— “troth there’s alarm, for the provost’s gar’d the beacon-light on the Halket-head be sorted up (that suld hae been sorted half a year syne) in an unco hurry, and the council hae named nae less a man than auld Caxon himsell to watch the light. Some say it was out o’ compliment to Lieutenant Taffril—for it’s neist to certain that he’ll marry Jenny Caxon—and some say it’s to please your honour and Monkbarns that wear wigs—and some say there’s some auld story about a periwig that ane o’ the bailies got and ne’er paid for. Ony way, there he is sitting, cockit up like a skart upon the tap o’ the craig, to skirl when foul weather comes.” “ On mine honour, a pretty warder,” said Monkbarns; “ and what’s my wig to do all the while ? ” “ I asked Caxon that very question,” answered Ochiltree, “and he said he could look in ilka morning, and gie’t a touch before he gaed to his bed, for there’s another man to watch in the daytime, and Caxon says he’ll frizz your honour’s wig as weel sleeping as wauking.” This news gave a different turn to the conversation, which ran upon national defence, and the duty of fighting for the land we live in, until it was time to part. . . . The watch who kept his watch on the hill, and looked towards Birnam, probably conceived himself dreaming when he first beheld the fated grove put itself into motion for its march to Dunsinane. Even so, old Caxon, as, perched in his hut, he qualified his thoughts upon the approaching marriage of his daughter, and the dignity of being father-in-law to Lieutenant Taffril, with an occasional peep towards the signal-post with which his own corres¬ ponded, was not a little surprised by finding a light in that direction. He rubbed his eyes, looked again, adjusting 336 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. his observation by a cross-staff which had been placed so as to bear upon the point. And behold, the light increased, like a comet to the eye of the astronomer, “ with fear of change perplexing nations.” “ The Lord preserve us ! ” said Caxon, “ what’s to be done now? But there will be wiser heads than mine to look to that, sae I’se e’en fire the beacon.” And he lighted the beacon accordingly, which threw up to the sky a long wavering train of light, startling the sea- fowl from their nests, and reflected far beneath by the reddening billows of the sea. The brother warders of Caxon being equally diligent, caught and repeated his signal. The lights glanced on headlands and capes and inland hills, and the whole district was alarmed by the signal of invasion. Our Antiquary, his head wrapped warm in two double night-caps, was quietly enjoying his repose, when it was suddenly broken by the screams of his sister, his niece, and two maid-servants. “What the devil is the matter?” said he, starting up in his bed—“ womankind in my room at this hour of night!— are ye all mad ? ” “ The beacon, uncle ! ” said Miss MTntyre. “ The French coming to murder us! ” screamed Miss Griselda. “ The beacon, the beacon !—the French, the French !— murder, murder! and waur than murder! ” cried the two handmaidens, like the chorus of an opera. “The French?” said Oldbuck, starting up—“get out of the room, womankind that you are, till I get my things on. And, hark ye, bring me my sword.” “ Whilk o’ them, Monkbarns ? ” cried his sister, offering a Roman falchion of brass with the one hand, with the other an Andrea Ferrara without a handle. ALARM OF FRENCH INVASION. 337 “ The langest, the langest,” cried Jenny Rintherout, dragging in a two-handed sword of the twelfth century. “Womankind,” said Oldbuck, in great agitation, “be composed, and do not give way to vain terror. Are you sure they are come ? ” “ Sure !—sure ! ” exclaimed Jenny—“ ower sure !—a’ the sea fencibles, and the land fencibles, and the volunteers and yeomanry, are on fit, and driving to Fairport as hard as horse and man can gang—and auld Mucklebackit’s gane wi’ the lave—muckle good he’ll do. Hech sirs !— he'll be missed the morn wha wad hae served king and country weel! ” “Give me,” said Oldbuck, “the sword which my father wore in the year forty-five—it hath no belt or baldrick— but we’ll make shift.” So saying, he thrust the weapon through the cover of his breeches pocket. At this moment Hector entered, who had been to a neighbouring height to ascertain whether the alarm was actual. “ Where are your arms, nephew ? ”—exclaimed Oldbuck —“ where is your double-barrelled gun, that was never out of your hand when there was no occasion for such vanities ?” “ Pooh! pooh ! sir,” said Hector, “ who ever took a fowling-piece on action ? I have got my uniform on, you see—I hope I shall be of more use if they will give me a command, than I could be with ten double-barrels. And you, sir, must get to Fairport, to give directions for the quartering and maintaining the men and horses and pre¬ venting confusion.” “You are right, Hector—I believe I shall do as much with my head as my hand too. But here comes Sir Arthur Ward our, who, between ourselves, is not fit to accomplish much either one way or other.” Sir Arthur was probably of a different opinion; for, Y 338 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. dressed in his lieutenancy uniform, he was also on the road to Fairport, and called in his way to take Mr. Old- buck with him, having had his original opinion of his sagacity much confirmed by late events. And in spite of all the entreaties of the womankind that the Antiquary would stay to garrison Monkbarns, Mr. Oldbuck, with his nephew, instantly accepted Sir Arthur’s offer. Those who have witnessed such a scene can alone con¬ ceive the state of bustle in Fairport. The windows were glancing with a hundred lights, which, appearing and dis¬ appearing rapidly, indicated the confusion within doors. The women of lower rank assembled and clamoured in the market-place. The yeomanry, pouring from their different glens, galloped through the streets, some individually, some in parties of five or six, as they had met on the road. The drums and fifes of the volunteers beating to arms, were blended with the voice of the officers, the sound of the bugles, and the tolling of the bell from the steeple. The ships in the harbour were lit up, and boats from the armed vessels added to the bustle, by landing men and guns, des¬ tined to assist in the defence of the place. This part of the preparations was superintended by Taffril with much ac¬ tivity. Two or three light vessels had already slipped their cables and stood out to sea, in order to discover the sup¬ posed enemy. Such was the scene of general confusion when Sir Arthur Wardour, Oldbuck, and Hector made their way with diffi¬ culty into the principal square, where the town-house is situated. It was lighted up, and the magistracy, with many of the neighbouring gentlemen, were assembled. And here, as upon other occasions of the like kind in Scotland, it was remarkable how the good sense and firmness of the people supplied almost all the deficiencies of inexperience. The magistrates were beset by the quartermasters of the ALARM OF FRENCH INVASION. 339 different corps for billets for men and horses. “ Let us,” said Bailie Littlejohn, “take the horses into our warehouses, and the men into our parlours—share our supper with the one, and our forage with the other. We have made our¬ selves wealthy under a free and paternal government, and now is the time to show we know its value.” A loud and cheerful acquiescence was given by all present, and the substance of the wealthy, with the persons of those of all ranks, were unanimously devoted to the defence of the country. Captain M‘Intyre acted on this occasion as military ad¬ viser and aid-de-camp to the principal, magistrate, and displayed a degree of presence of mind, and knowledge of his profession, totally unexpected by his uncle, who, recol¬ lecting his usual insouciance and impetuosity, gazed at him with astonishment from time to time, as he remarked the calm and steady manner in which he explained the various measures of precaution that his experience suggested, and gave directions for executing them. He found the different corps in good order, considering the irregular materials of which they were composed, in great force of numbers, and high confidence and spirits. And so much did military experience at that moment overbalance all other claims to consequence, that even old Edie, instead of being left, like Diogenes at Sinope, to roll his tub when all around were preparing for defence, had the duty assigned him of super¬ intending the serving out of the ammunition, which he executed with much discretion. Two things were still anxiously expected—the presence of the Glenallan volunteers, who, in consideration of the importance of that family, had been formed into a separate corps, and the arrival of the officer before announced, to whom the measures of defence on that coast had been committed by the commander-in-chief, and whose com- 340 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. mission would entitle him to take upon himself the full dis¬ posal of the military force. At length the bugles of the Glenallan yeomanry were heard, and the Earl himself, to the surprise of all who knew his habits and state of health, appeared at their head in uniform. They formed a very handsome and well-mounted squadron, formed entirely out of the Earl’s lowland tenants, and were followed by a regiment of five hundred men, completely equipped in the Highland dress, whom he had brought down from the upland glens, with their pipes play¬ ing in the van. The clean and serviceable appearance of this band of feudal dependants called forth the admiration of Captain MTntyre; but his uncle was still more struck by the manner in which, upon this crisis, the ancient mili¬ tary spirit of his house seemed to animate and invigorate the decayed frame of the Earl, their leader. He claimed, and obtained for himself and his followers, the post most likely to be that of danger, displayed great alacrity in making the necessary dispositions, and showed equal acute¬ ness in discussing their propriety. Morning broke in upon the military councils of Fairport, while all concerned were still eagerly engaged in taking precautions for their defence. At length a cry among the people announced, “ There’s the brave Major Neville come at last, with another officer;” and their post-chaise and four drove into the square, amidst the huzzas of the volunteers and inhabitants. The magis¬ trates, with their assessors of the lieutenancy, hastened to the door of their town-house to receive him ; but what was the surprise of all present, but most especially that of the Antiquary, when they became aware that the handsome uniform and military cap disclosed the person and features of the pacific Lovel! A warm embrace and a hearty shake of the hand were necessary to assure him that his eyes were doing him justice. Sir Arthur was no less surprised to ALARM OF FRENCH INVASION. 34i recognise his son, Captain Wardour, in Lovel’s or rather Major Neville’s company. The first words of the young officer’s were a positive assurance to all present that the courage and zeal which they had displayed were entirely thrown away, unless in so far as they afforded an accept¬ able proof of their spirit and promptitude. “ The watchman at Halket-head,” said Major Neville, “as we discovered by an investigation which we made in our route hither, was most naturally misled by a bonfire which some idle people had made on the hill above Glenwithershins, just in the line of the beacon with which his corresponded.” Olbuck gave a conscious look to Sir Arthur, who returned it with one equally sheepish, and a shrug of the shoulders. “Yonder comes the prudent Caxon. Hold up your head, you ass—your betters must bear the blame for you. And here, take this what-d’ye call-it” (giving him his sword)—“ I wonder what I would have said yesterday to any man that would have told me I was to stick such an appendage to my tail.” The story of the false alarm at Fairport, and the conse¬ quences, are taken from a real incident. Those who wit¬ nessed the state of Britain, and of Scotland in particular, from the period that succeeded the war which commenced in 1803 to the battle of Trafalgar, must recollect those times with feelings which we can hardly hope to make the rising generation comprehend. Almost every individual was enrolled either in a military or civil capacity, for the purpose of contributing to resist the long-suspended threats of invasion, which were echoed from every quarter. Beacons were erected along the coast, and all through the country, to give the signal for every one to repair to the post where his peculiar duty called him, and men of every description fit to serve, held themselves in readiness on the shortest summons. During this agitating period, 342 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT . and on the evening of the 2d February 1804, the person who kept watch on the commanding station of Home Castle, being deceived by some accidental fire in the county of Northumberland, which he took for the corresponding signal-light in that county with which his orders were to communicate, lighted up his own beacon. The signal was immediately repeated through all the valleys on the English Border. If the beacon at Saint Abbs-head had been fired, the alarm would have run northward, and roused all Scot¬ land. But the watch at this important point judiciously considered, that if there had been an actual or threatened descent on our eastern sea-coast, the alarm would have come along the coast, and not from the interior of the country. Through the Border counties the alarm spread with rapidity, and on no occasion, when that country was the scene of perpetual and unceasing war, was the summons to arms more readily obeyed. In Berwickshire, Roxburgh¬ shire, and Selkirkshire the volunteers and militia got under arms with a degree of rapidity and alacrity which, consider¬ ing the distance individuals lived from each other, had something in it very surprising. They poured to the alarm- posts on the sea-coast in a state so well armed, and so com¬ pletely appointed, with baggage, provisions, &c., as was accounted by the best military judges to render them fit for instant and effectual service. There were some particulars in the general alarm which are curious and interesting. The men of Liddesdale, the most remote point to the westward which the alarm reached, were so much afraid of being late in the field, that they put in requisition all the horses they could find, and when they had thus made a forced march out of their own county, they turned their borrowed steeds loose to find their way back through the hills, and they all got back safe to their own stables. Another remarkable circumstance was the general cry of the inhabitants of the smaller towns for arms, ALARM OF FRENCH INVASION . 343 that they might go along with their companions. The Selkirkshire Yeomanry made a remarkable march; for although some of the individuals lived at twenty and thirty miles distance from the place where they mustered, they were nevertheless embodied and in order in so short a period, that they were at Dalkeith, which was their alarm- post, about one o’clock on the day succeeding the first signal, with men and horses in good order, though the roads were in a bad state, and many of the troopers must have ridden forty or fifty miles without drawing bridle. Two members of the corps chanced to be absent from their homes, and in Edinburgh on private business. The lately married wife of one of these gentleman, and the widowed mother of the other, sent the arms, uniforms, and chargers of the two troopers, that they might join their companions at Dalkeith. The author was very much struck by the answer made to him by the last-mentioned lady, when he paid her some compliment on the readiness which she showed in equipping her son with the means of meeting danger, when she might have left him a fair excuse for remaining absent. “ Sir,” she replied, with the spirit of a Roman matron, “ none can know better than you that my son is the only prop by which, since his father’s death, our family is supported. But I would rather see him dead on that hearth than hear that he had been a horse’s length behind his companions in the defence of his king and country.” The author mentions what was immediately under his own eye, and within his own knowledge: but the spirit was universal, wherever the alarm reached, both in Scotland and England. The account of the ready patriotism displayed by the country on this occasion warmed the hearts of Scottishmen in every corner of the w r orld. It reached the ears of the well-known Dr. Leyden, whose enthusiastic love of Scotland, and of his own district of Teviotdale, formed a distinguished part of his character. The account, which w r as read to him 344 TALES FROM SIR WALTER SCOTT. when on a sick-bed, stated (very truly) that the different corps on arriving at their alarm-posts, announced them¬ selves by their music, playing the tunes peculiar to their own districts, many of which have been gathering-signals for centuries. It was particularly remembered, that the Liddesdale men, before mentioned, entered Kelso playing the lively tune— “ O wha dare meddle wi’ me, And wha dare meddle wi’ me ! My name it is little Jock Elliot, And wha dare meddle wi’ me ! The patient was so delighted with this display of ancient Border spirit, that he sprung up in his bed, and began to sing the old song with such vehemence of action and voice that his attendants, ignorant of the cause of excitation, concluded that the fever had taken possession of his brain; and it was only the entry of another Borderer, Sir John Malcolm, and the explanation which he was well qualified to give, that prevented them from resorting to means of medi¬ cal coercion. The circumstances of this false alarm, and its conse¬ quences, may be now held of too little importance even for a note upon a work of fiction : but, at the period when it happened, it was hailed by the country as a propitious omen, that the national force, to which much must naturally have been trusted, had the spirit to look in the face the danger which they had taken up arms to repel; and every one was convinced, that on whichever side God might bestow the victory, the invaders would meet with the most determined opposition from the children of the soil. PRINTED BY BAI.LANTYNE, HANSON AND CO. EDINBURGH AND LONDON. .\X. > vs* -. —r i>_JJ.> y -•>'■';> > S*'.v>' >7 ?3 ,7 -V V ^ ^ J- £» , ' ; \ J . 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