^ L I iMOS I fl) {d^ LrT\/\o J Kobcrf ?i(i[;tbi0b3m t' t Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from Getty Research Institute https://archive.org/details/descriptionofbanOOclel Jl V LORD RECTOR of the UNIVERSITY of GLASGOW, I ST" JANUARY, 1837 . Mwclupe &Miio>■»' , .-'■ .•. ■ '.^V '’ - “ "■<■■' ■■""ait - t- ^ >■- 'K'- ^ * ; ^ . %.. . ' **; £■■: ,,. ^ ^ ■ ■•' " . ■ ti ^ *T- ‘ui^ _ " ‘ 1^ » <1 ■ ^ •i..'''t' .libi • 4^ ^'' •• ^ ^ ■'^•?% ..t ‘ ■ »•,. . I-T- T - IF^ •» ■* f ^ ^ ■' V DESCRIPTION OF THE BANQUET GIVEN IN HONOUR OF THE RIGHT HON. SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART., M.P. ON HIS ELECTION AS LORD RECTOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW. DETAILING THE PROCEEDINGS AT THE ELECTION AND INAUGURATION; THE ADDRESSES OF VARIOUS PUBLIC BODIES ; AND REPORTS OF THE SPEECHES AT THE DINNER, CORBECXED BY SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE OTHER SPEAKERS. CONTAINING ALSO, PICTORIAL ILLUSTRATIONS, PLANS, AND SECTIONS OF THE BANQUETING HALL, AND THE COMMON HALL OF THE UNIVERSITY. WITH A LIST OF THE NAMES OF THE NOBLEMEN AND GENTLEMEN WHO ATTENDED THE FESTIVAL. PUBLISHED BY JOHN SMITH & SON, GLASGOW; WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS, EDINBURGH; JOHN MURRAY, LONDON; AND WILLIAM CURRY, JUN. & CO. DUBLIN. V ,r 'air^v ' • 'io .rj' Xi fj /I '.laylo ■ .'l;l aWT ' '- ' , ' 'v •> ’ ^ >i‘H'TyM« et •' ’ 1**“ .V'r>flW.Aj;). •fCk VTJ^W 'mu > 5:{n‘'):i‘.t CitoJ ■ lil'f , K J \ » ‘ ’ . r>< " i ■’> riT/ *MT ,, .. . .,4^* . ftu<.w-.^x j(*a4fccta;iaa>; rtiY .i , ►' jAlV' < ^''- « -a t* ■:» 1 •Jti Hj I a - : . i ■: -I '1 'i A> ••.I'O . -jO .. ...it. tlL<» '«' - •'» ■ . ■• ■* . M.. iiv « ■' - :•J'>i;;^«^^ /ir ^ - I ■ fjr. . ■• ■ ■ "'■■ '- •jji' .-. 'i . U T-'.OfJ • I / . ■ . .ir» ;,iJ>'i :r«7 M> J^OVJ- laH *Mf. - -.AJ'l .biifhmj’T^ Mf ’.V; t'fttr'jn , . ... . ■iv>- ;■ fi i- u/^^i > V ,S* r^>. '*• ■.'-'i'fn J ' -Ku r.’’ I. ,.kAfi3| •tio .:2(|ii iti(ii". .'fia' 'i y.a.^.vvi Art >iO t mj a -tK.^«l-' '•..ir«|>.', I, , A ' •>. JAVlfRl .. .A. . nrM '< i: v,'V I; ^ \ r ' * 'i K •tt , ''4f ■ ■>.4D y ><■, . . '; 4 L'MyK * - ».♦ r/r6:)CA H> ,W)a ri'ni/i« v:ii0^ ' rV*; n/,/. 7/a'J4J#i mau.h f j'|0n/*0.! v/.?:>ruM ' .KMHUd .0^ i .Yi?*!' ) lAALJ U^ff <\A.- -f . 1^' Vf 'J>u mi. ' .* ■ V. »l' < -L . ''Mt 1 H a Ah' ■<.; k;- • * '.v. CONTENTS. PAGE Election of the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Baronet, M. P., into the office of Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow, 5 Inauguration of the Lord Rector, 8 Sir Robert Peel’s Visit to the Royal Exchange, 18 Freedom of the City refused to Sir Robert Peel by the Town Council, 20 Freedom of the City purchased for Sir Robert Peel by the Conservative Operatives of Glasgow, 20 Addresses presented to Sir Robert Peel 21 to 45 Invitation to Sir Robert Peel to Dine with the Citizens of Glasgow 45 The Banqueting Hall and Banquet 52, 55, 107 Speeches at the Banquet, 55 to 105 Sir Robert Peel’s Speeches at the Banquet 57, 92, 104 Appendix,. 105 y •V f ' ‘?.K ' • ‘V 1 , . < .;vi -y ■ i i:iiv:i i r.u r "i • *1' ^ » "t-'i iTiin J 7 o»y}*> -* /* ■ . « '• ■ Hr-yi f(t sj^ •^^ >■} iU:^ ;ir*^ .•>«*V^ I'-woT ^r.t •ftf '■>•/? I'J •' >»•’,>. I yifi ii V> 1 > 7 ?n ■?.! .i*‘._;V!?> • Ti'.rr- •'■' 'jiij -?.i .'tj'I It.- 'f ' ni'; -.,•) f •r.tf > I t-» . •o{>‘i-o''I ♦ " . ■ d# oi — i.y ... ■-Ui ...•..-.*..*. .4. ■•ot Qj U m .Td .... IM : ; ;'»*k*«4)2 yl'i •>».''-n«’'!.tA .. 7>'r '•I'l-'k '^4' t.r if'.:'* > rb'-** ft»Ki •»* tr ''-uJI -rW. .- f . -!■ *■ ./**.*. 4 .4 4 i. .4 .H 1 IJjlJf UL.". .•fc 'll :'. tryrr li 4 . 7 ... ._ A. <■ y oiif • 4 ^ 1 * / U I •if i' • i ' V • ' «Jv -'v 'it' Ui /L 0..:^ UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW, 1837. CHANCELLOR,— HK GRACE JAMES DUKE OF MONTROSE. LORD RECTOR,— mom HON. SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART. M. P. r/C£-RECrOR,— WILLIAM FLEMING, D. D. DEAN OF -ARCHIBALD CA.MPBELL, ESQ. OF BLYTHSWOOD. PRINCIPAL,— VERY REV. DUNCAN -MACFARLAN, D.D. I. — Faculty of Arts. HUMANITY, WILLI AM RAMSAY, B. A. of Thin. Coll. Cantab. GREEK, SIR DANIEL KEYTE SANDFORD, D.C.L. OxoN. LOGIC, ROBERT BUCHANAN, M.A. MORAL PHILOSOPHY. JAMES MYLNE, M.A. NATURAL PHILOSOPHY, VIILLI KM MEIKLEHAM, LL. D. MATHEMATICS, JAMES THOMSON, LL. D. PRACTICAL ASTRONOMY.IOHN PRINGLE NICHOL, LL.D. NATURAL HISTORY, WILLIAM COUPER, M. D. II. — Faculty of Theology. DIVINITY, STEVENSON MACGILL, D. D. CHURCH HISTORY, WILLIAM MACTURK, D.D. ORIENTAL LANGUAGES, WILLIAM FLEMING, D.D. III. — Faculty of Law. CIVIL LAW, ROBERT DAVIDSON, LL. B. ADVOCATE. IV. — Faculty of Medicine. ANATOMY, JAMES JEFFRAY, M.D. THEORY AND PRACTICE^ ^CHARLES BADHAM, M.D. OF MEDICINE, 3 SURGERY, JOHN BURNS, M.D., F.R.S. MIDWIFERY, WILLIAM CUMIN, M.D. CHEMISTRY, THO.MAS THOMSON, M.D., F.R.S. BOTANY, SIR WM. J. HOOKER, K.C.H., LL.D., F.R.S. MATERIA MJEDICA, JOHN COUPER, M.D. Lecturers. INSTITUTES OF MEDICINE, HARRY RAINY, M. D. STRUCTURE ^ DISEASES, f 1 WILLIAM .M'KENZIE, M.D. OF THE EYE, i ^ * , , sV j^V 7 ‘^ni ■’^t; », • ', :;:y ,-.V0f>*/ ' :{ n;ri>r/< '; f ' "■.rr.^r 'I .!:«1iVl>ft>»* I ) ■’ : ‘■■KAf. niJAKO '»’». .aiUa'^fiV'.^U* ' i,.*.:j..l'^’.-ui ..jjjd-.;. gu .itOM- ru.'nj[-,A^r. >.'.i s> vv.v ' • I nt.\ I to W» .• l ■'.«'• ' - > V'. ( >Kt \O^XVl>l .U.'I yy :ir..$. J • 4 ^^! .I'ftv.fc'A .ni y ■ ^’J V , #) »>-r . V r* T.‘ — . I ».I i .... . :i Lua .’.^ A'.-iftV .A.’Jf tJil! V :r A, .4 M n" ’ ,•■ 4«Un‘V a*.1l»V' .n , J.» J .t »t ■ »< ^ * f i . • VAf.'*'- '. '.V. t V.V. »<1 .u "ct-r :4:i*i4C. ....— ,w\tvviwtv.'U .<1 I.l 40 » jiPl A|.l.i»Ji,T{ 'V,’,A*:>K .'.V,'lVt'AMrt i^’» »1 »!U '.»«'#<■.. .’.^.vysv.^ ■'” ‘ ’i'*' ^ •■■ ' .'Jf4»;4'4ai*>>4X Xfi '. ;• •■•' < -.-nr-—-— .■ttV-‘A>U\ ...,,' .— .\>T K^t.f.ir ■ .vAirnA n>«/nv^ . -aai u t'i xU'^i m • ■.; .lL.»».‘t’/svJVt> i,*' T ■ * ’. \ , , ^ .Vf. ', :•■> ¥v4 'JA I— .HI ' 'lb l-.T A' .ai/ , l>'i> ..l..:.l ./.DiUlfA"- tf: .,Lf.., .\\X. * < M 'v/ •«-.'"/! f ' fST^V .'1 ,11 .!. tHUAii ijw _ . '.V.a *.0 — ». — ,‘th'. ' 4 i: 'I I ',1. ' ' 'Ui WV'-AV-l ■X ■s » - .'sv •/ i\. jik’ A ., < . 4i iik AN ACCOUNT OF THE ELECTION AND INAUGURATION OF THE RIGHT HON. SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART., M. P. LORD RECTOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW: AND ALSO OF THE SPLENDID BANQUET GIVEN IN HONOUR OF HIM BY THE CITIZENS OF GLASGOW, On 13th JANUARY, 1837. >. ’ • TKUO^DA Vf/. vioiTAiJiiyiJA/:i ayiA >iorr:j:T.rM miit »i. /•■ 'JT- •■'iV: rWOtWA.in Ymfra/rJj'j nnT ao uoTuas nnoi' I'* d«u aNA ' ' T:iUP7:/.a (IICT/iajqH 3UT V / : ' ,J^ . r v/u«8/..n Hc> XHXSitn ariT fa win lo nc ovjnii vri «« Vii ‘"V . ■P ■ 1.' AN ACCOUNT THE ELECTION AND INAUGURATION OF THE RIGHT HON. SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART., M. P. AS LORD RECTOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW, S^c. Sfc. SfC. UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW.— ELECTION OF LORD RECTOR. The University of Glasgow was originally founded, like most other establishments of the same nature, by authority of the See of Rome. At the request of King James IL, Pope Nicholas the V., by a bull, dated 25th December, 1450, in the fourth year of his pontificate, erected it, and ordained that it was to continue, in all time to come, in the City of Glasgow, as being a notable place, and fit for the purpose, by the temperature of the air, and the abundance of all kinds of provisions for human life; and by his apostolical authority ordained, that its doctors, masters, readers, and students, should enjoy all the privileges, liberties, honours, exemptions, and immunities, granted to the studium generate of his city of Bononia. William Turnbull, Bishop of Glasgow, was appointed Chancellor. The first Rector was Mr. David Cadzow, at that time Precentor of the Church of Glasgow. He was continued in the oflBce for two years. On the 25th October, 1453, Mr. Thomas Cameron, Canon of Glasgow, and Prebendary of Govan, was elected. Since that time, the office has been uniformly held by persons distinguished by their literary attainments. The Rector is annually elected by the Dean, the Principal, the Professors, and the matriculated Students. The electors are divided according to their respective birth-places, into “ four nations,”* — viz. Glottiana, Transforthana, Loudoniana, and Rothseiana. The majority of the members of each • The Natio Glottiana, or Clydesdale nation, comprehends those born in the district stretching from Erickstane to Dumbarton, together with the Barony of Renfrew and the Parishes of Kilpatrick. The Natio Transforthana, or Albany nation, comprehends those born in the parts beyond the Forth and Stir- ling, and foreigners. The Natio Loudoniana, or Teviotdale nation, comprehends those bom in the Lothian and the eastern towns, to the water of Ure exclusively, and in England and the Colonies. The Natio Rothseiana, or Rothsay nation, comprehends those born in the counties of Ayr, Galloway above the water of Ure, Argyle, with the Isles, the Lennox, and Ireland. 6 nation constitutes one vote; in case of an equality, the former Rector has the casting vote, and failing him, the Rector immediately preceding. The Rector, on his admission, is in use to name, as his assessors, the Dean of Faculties, the Principal, and the Professors, He also appoints a Vice-Rector, who, in the Rector’s absence, ex- ercises all the branches of his office, excepting that of Visitor, and such patronage as is specially vested in the Rector. The election is always on the 15th November, except when it falls on the Lord’s day, and then it is held on the following day. The same person is generally re-elected for a second year. It is the duty of the Rector to preserve the rights and privileges of the University, to convoke the meetings in which he presides, and, with his assessors, to exercise that academical jurisdiction amongst the students, or between the students and citizens, which is bestowed upon most of the Uni- versities of Europe. The royal visitation of the University in 1717 and 1718, deprived the students of the right of voting in the election of Rector, and appointed the election to be made by the plurality of votes in a University meeting, composed of the Chancellor, Dean, and Principal, (the office of Rector being vacant) and all the Professors and Regents, the said members being restricted to a man of probity and judgment, of known affection to the government in Church and State, who is not a minister of the gospel, nor having any other offiee in the University. It is believed that the regulations of this visitation originated in some feelings and jealousies connected with the political circumstances of the country, and had refer- ence to the wish of persons attached to the interests of the Stuart family, being raised to situations of importance and influence. The royal visitation of 1727, prescribed a number of regulations, which have been in force ever since; Inter alia, the right of electing a Rector was declared to be in all the matriculated members, moderators, or masters and students. Some alterations were made on the distribution of the Supposts into nations. The Natio Glottiana sive Clydesdalise and the Nalio dicta Rothsay, continued as originally settled. But into the Natio Loudoniana sive Thevidali® were introduced all matriculated members from England and the British Colonies, and the Natio Albaniae sive Transforthana was to include all foreigners. ELECTION OF THE LORD RECTOR. From a remote period, it has been the practice for the Professors and Students of the University to propose two persons distinguished by literary attainments for the high and honourable office of Lord Rector, and of late years it has been the custom for the Students to propose persons holding opposite political sentiments. On this occasion, the candidates were the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Baronet, and Sir John Campbell, his Majesty’s Attorney-General. For several days previous to the election, the friends of the Candidates were most enthusiastic in- their exertions for the object of their choice, each pointing out, in glowing colours, their respective qualifications. On Tuesday the 15th November, 1836, the statutory day of election, the courts of the College were crowded at an early hour by the friends of the Candidates. Precisely at ten o’clock, the Principal and Professors, in their robes of office, preceded by the Bedellus bearing the mace, entered the Common Hall. 7 The Comitia being assembled, the Principal opened the proceedings with a Latin prayer, and Professor Meikleham, as Clerk, read the Laws of Election. The Professors and Students composing the four Na- tions, having retired to their respective halls, proceeded with the election. On their return to the Com- mon Hall, the result of the elections in the several Nations was compared by their respective Intrants, and it was found that of the four Nations three had voted for Sir Robert Peel. The Intrant of the Nation to which the Rector elect belongs then formally announced the election. The following was the State of the vote in the several Nations : — Sir Robert Peel. Sir John Campbell. Natio Glottiana, 145 89 — Loudoniana, . 54 42 — Transforthana, 38 40 — Rothseiana, 84 50 — — 321 221 The announcement was received with three deafening shouts of applause for Sir Robert Peel. The Benediction, pronounced by the Principal in Latin, completed the business of the day. LORD RECTORS. The following is a list of noblemen and gentlemen who have held the ofBce of Lord Rector since 1760 1760 JAMES HAY, EARL OF ERROL. 1762 THOMAS MILLER, OF BARSKIMMING. 1761 BARON WILLIAM MURE, OF CALDWELL. 1766 DUNBAR DOUGLAS, EARL OF SELKIRK. 1768 SIR ADAM FERGUSON, BARONET, OF KIL. KERRAN. 1770 LORD CHIEF BARON ORD. 1772 LORD FREDERICK CAMPBELL. 1773 CHARLES CATHCART, LORD CATHCART. 1775 LORD CHIEF BARON MONTGOMERY. 1777 ANDREW STUART, OF TORRENS. 1779 CAMPBELL B. COCHRAN, EARL OF DUN. DONALD. 1781 RIGHT HON. HENRY DUNDAS. M783 RIGHT HON. EDMUND BURKE. 1785 ROBERT GRAHAM, OF GARTMORE. 1787 ADAM SMITH, LL. D. 1789 WALTER CAMPBELL, OF SHAWFIELD. 1791 THOMAS KENNEDY, OF DUNURE. 1793 WILLIAM MURE, OF CALDWELL. 1795 WILLIAM M'DOWALL, OF GARTHLAND. 1796 GEORGE OSWALD, OF AUCHINCRUIVE. 1799 RIGHT HON. SIR ILAY CAMPBELL, BART., LORD PRESIDENT OF THE COURT OF SESSION. 1801 william CRAIG, ONE OF THE LORDS OF SESSION. 1803 LORD CHIEF BARON DUNDAS. 1805 HENRY GLASFORD, OF DUGALDSTONE. 1807 ARCHIBALD COLQUHOUN, OF KILLERMONT. 1809 ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, OF BLYTHSWOOD, M.P. 1811 LORD ARCHIBALD HAMILTON, M.P. 1813 THOMAS GRAHAM, LORD LYNEDOCH. 1815 RIGHT HON. DAVID BOYLE, LORD JUSTICE CLERK. 1817 GEORGE BOYLE, EARL OF GLASGOW. 1819 KIRK.MAN FINLAY', OF CASTLE TOWARD, M.P. 1820 FRANCIS JEFFRAY, ADVOCATE. 1822 SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH, M.P. 1824 HENRY BROUGHAM, M.P. 1826 THOMAS CAMPBELL, LL. D. 1829 HENRY PETTY, MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE. 1831 HENRY COCKBURN, ADVOCATE. 1834 RIGHT HON. EDWARD GEOFFREY STANLEY, M.P. 1836 RIGHT HON. SIR ROBERT PEEL, BARONET, M.P. 8 INAUGURATION OF THE LORD RECTOR. The Inauguration of the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, as Lord Rector of the University took place on Wednesday, 1 1th January, 1837, in the Common Hall of the University. The body of the Hall was filled chiefly by the gown students, and the galleries were set apart, one for the ladies and the other for the more advanced students. Every part of the Hall was crowded to excess, so that it was with diflSculty that the Professors and their distinguished friends could obtain an entrance A platform was erected for the Rector, Dean, Principal, and Professors, and the Professors’ bench was oc- cupied by the Earls of Hardwicke and Haddington, Viscount Melville, the Lord Justice Clerk, Lord Mea- dowbank. Sir George Clerk, Bart., Sir William Rae, Bart., Sir Archibald Campbell, Bart., the late Dean of Faculty, the Very Rev. Dr. M'Leod, Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, Rev. Dr. Black, Moderator of the Presbytery of Glasgow, Rev. Dr. Brown, Minister of St. John’s Church, Rev. Nathaniel Paterson, Minister of St. Andrew’s Church, the Venerable Arch-Deacon Williams, Mr. Sandford, Advocate, Mr. Robert Monteith, younger, of Carstairs, and Dr. Cleland. Silence being proclaimed, a prayer was offered up in Latin by the Principal. Professor Meikleham then read the following Minute of the Election, and administered the subjoined Oath : — “ Apud Collegium Glasguense die undecimo Januarii, anno millesimo acting entesimo trigesimo septimo, comitiis Universitatis legitime, citatis, et in aula publicd legitime habitis, vir admodum honorabilis Robertas Peel, Eques Baronetus, munus rectoris magnifici ad quod electus fuerat in se suscepit, et hoc juramento sese obstrinxitP “ Ego, Robertas Peel, Eques Baronetus, promitto sancte que polliceor, me in muneris mihi demandati ratione observandd studiose fideliterque versaturum" The Lord Rector, who appeared under the influence of very strong emotion, having taken and subscribed the foregoing Oath, delivered the following INAUGURAL ADDRESS. Mr. Dean, Principal, Professors, and Students, — I gladly avail myself of this opportunity of personally and publicly expressing the gratification which I derive from my appointment to the office, on the duties of which I have just entered. I might have hesitated voluntarily to present myself as a candidate for that office — not from any unbecoming indiffer- ence to the distinction which it confers, but partly from a disinclination to interfere with the pretensions of others, and partly from a reluctance to add to the pressure of those duties which I am called upon in public and in private life to perform. But when 1 received the unexpected intelligence that my election had actually taken place — had taken place under circumstances which saved me the painfulness of voluntary competition, and relieved me altogether from the anxieties, and perhaps asperities, that are incidental to contest, I then asked for no advice — required no time to consider — I acted on the im- pulse of feelings that were better counsellors than doubts and deliberations— and I resolved at once to justify the generous confidence which had tendered me this high trust, and which must have antici- pated roy acceptance of it. I do accept it, grateful for the kindness by which it has been conferred — 9 proud of the relation in which I now stand to this venerable seat of learning — anxious to discharge with fidelity and zeal whatever duties that relation may involve ; and not these duties only, for if I can extend the sphere of usefulness beyond the proper functions of this office — if in any capacity my services can be made available, they shall be freely tendered — they shall be freely tendered for the protection of every just and useful privilege to which the University can lay claim, as well as for the maintenance of its true and permanent interests. The state of this University, and of the other Universities of Scotland, has recently undergone visita- tion and inquiry, by a Commission which owed its appointment to advice humbly tendered by me to the Crown. Various suggestions have been offered in the report of that Commission concerning the discipline, the revenues, the government of this University; and the intervention of Parliament will, I presume, be requisite in order to give effect to such of those suggestions as it shall be thought fitting to adopt. (Cheers.) You will not expect from me at the very outset of my connection with the University, to pronounce a positive opinion on matters so intimately affecting its interests. I should not be justifying the confidence you have reposed in me, nor marking my respect for you, if I were to content myself with merely ascertaining what might be the prevailing or popular opinion here, and promise a blind submission to it; or, from a mere regard to temporary interests, pledge myself to their exclusive support. I shall better maintain the authority of this office — better consult your true interests, and most certainly conciliate your lasting favour, by promising to exercise an impartial and independent judgment — by M'eighing every suggestion of importance, and the reasoning or evidence by which it may be supported — by considering it, not merely with reference to its abstract merits, as an isolated position, but viewing it in its bearings on the whole scheme of academical education and study — its connection with the course of preliminary instruction — its adaptation to the state of society and manners in Scotland, and to the opportunities which it affords to the youths who are pursuing their studies within these walls, to acquire eminence and distinction in their several pursuits. But be assured of this, that I shall enter on the consideration with a strong conviction that, speaking generally, the scheme of academical education in the Universities of Scotland, modified as it has progressively been, by changes in the state of society, and by new demands for knowledge, is admirably adapted to serve the great end of all instruction. I see in it a scheme which, in conformity with the maxim of Lord Bacon, makes learning subservient to action, a scheme which embraces all distinctions and classes of society — which qualifies those of highest rank for the public duties they have to perform — which affords to men engaged in business, and even advanced in life, the opportunity of ascertaining the progressive discoveries in science, and the applica- bility of these discoveries to their several pursuits, — which also offers to those whose pecuniary means are the most restricted, the benefits of an enlightened education, and the rewards of literary distinction. Be assured, also, that I shall enter on a consideration of the subject with a firm conviction, that the re- lation in which the University stands towards the Established Church of Scotland — (Tremendous cheer- ing, mingled with marks of disapprobation, which prevented the concluding part of the sentence from being heard.) He then proceeded: — I should not be acting in conformity with the statutes of the College, still less in unison with my own feelings, if I did not, on this occasion, address myself directly to that part of ray audience which is pursuing its studies within these walls. Yes, let me, who have not survived my sym- pathies with the feelings and aspirations of academic youth — who have drunk from the same pure source from which you are allaying the thirst for knowledge, who have felt the glow of your emu- lation, and have panted like you for academic honours — let me, after being concerned in the active scenes 10 of public life, and buflFetted amid the contentions of party — let me bring the living testimony of prac- tical experience, to enforce the precepts, and confirm the exhortations, which you hear from the lips of the distinguished men of whom your instruction is the peculiar and immediate province. Let me assure you, with all the earnestness of deep conviction, founded on the observation which public life and intercourse with the world have aflForded me, that your success, your eminence, and your happiness^ are infinitely more independent of the caprices and accidents of fortune — infinitely more within your own control than they are apt to appear to superficial observation. (Loud cheers.) A boundless field of exertion lies before you — whatever be your pursuit — whatever be your pro- fession, the avenues to distinction are wide open to you, or, at least, obstructed by no barrier of which you may not command the removal. (Great applause.) Is it the study of theology in which your are engaged, and are you destined for the office of the sacred ministry? — to what nobler end can you dedicate your talents and acquirements, than to vindicate the great principles of our common faith, to defend them from the assaults of infidelity, to establish them on the only foundation on which the free spirit of inquiry will allow them to rest — the authority of Scripture! But be not content with mediocrity : set before you the example of your great predecessors, the champions of the faith you profess. Why should you despair of reaching the same eminence which they attained? Bring to the discharge of the sacred functions, the same spirit by which they were actuated; lay in the same stores of professional knowledge; make these stores available, by acquiring their simplicity of style and their energy of expression. Above all, enforce the doctrines you teach, and the precepts you inculcate, by that highest argument, the example of your own lives ; and despair not of exercising a moral influence, like that which they exercised, and of founding a reputation lasting as theirs. (Cheers.) There will then be in the commanding authority of your station, in the frequent opportunities of public instruction, and in the eagerness with which men will listen to the truths which concern their eternal interests, if they are but enforced — which they too frequently are not — with the same earnestnesss, the same ability, the same eloquence, with which secular interests are defended — there will be in these all that can satisfy the highest ambition for honourable fame. Is science your pursuit ? — “ The great ocean of truth,” to quote the expression of Newton — “ The great ocean of truth lies extended before you.” “ I know not, said he, at the close of his illus- trious career, “ I know not what I may appear to the world, but to myself I seem to have been only like a boy, playing on the sea shore, finding sometimes a brighter pebble or a smoother shell than ordinary, while the great ocean of truth lay undiscovered before me.” (Cheering.) Every sub- sequent advance in science has not contracted, it has only extended the field of inquiry. It has served, like the telescope, to make us familiar with some object imperfectly known before; but it has, at the same time, given us an obscure vision of others more remote, and by making us acquainted with de- pendences and relations of which we had no previous conception, has served to show us the compara- tive nothingness of all that we know. Are you destined for the legal profession? or do you aspire for distinction in the public service of your country ? Surely the competition which has recently taken place for the office that now entitles me to address you, is pregnant with signal proof, that whatever be the accidents of your birth,, or your rank in society, the highest distinctions in society are accessible to all ; and that there remains no national jealousy to obstruct your advancement, or to deprive you of the prize at which you aim. You will readily believe, that on this occasion, and from this place, I shall now allude to no circumstance connected with that election, which can by possibility excite or revive an angry feeling, or even provoke the expression of disapprobation ; but there are some reflections connected with 11 it which can offend none, and may be useful as a stimulus and encouragement for all. There were two competitors for this high office — the one the son of a minister of the Church of Scotland, the other the son of an Englishman, the founder of his own fortunes, by honest and laborious exertions in those same pursuits of active industry which, within this great City, are elevating many to affluence and honourable distinction : the one has attained the highest eminence in the legal pro- fession — the other was called by the favour and confidence of his Sovereign to the highest trust which a subject can fill — namely, that of administering the government of this great country. Mark the grati- fying proof, that all national jealousies are obliterated, which could have grudged either the one or the other the possession of these distinctions. The Scotsman attains the highest eminence at the bar of England — he outstrips all his English competitors — and when he has reached the highest honours, not a murmur is heard that these were conferred upon a Scotsman. But the Scotsman, educated at a Scottish Uni- versity, was not equally successful in his competition for a Scottish Academical distinction. It was reserved for an Englishman, educated at an English University, with no other connection with Scotland than a respect for her name and character, and a cordial interest in her w'elfare. And let me express an earnest hope, that whatever other objections may have applied to the appointment, there is none on account of the reciprocation of public honours between the natives of the two countries, and that the circumstance of my being an Englishman does not operate to my prejudice here even with those who, on general grounds, could have wished for a different person. I said to you that the field of competition was open, and that the avenues of fame were accessible to all — I repeat it with the earnestness of the deepest conviction. I say, that if any one of you will determine to be eminent, in whatever profession you may choose, and will act with untiring assiduity in the pursuit of that determination, if health and strength be given, you will be successful. (Loud cheering.) You may not all here have high genius; but you have faculties of mind so capable of improvement, that if you will improve them they shall supply the place of genius, and open to you brighter prospects of ultimate success than any genius, unaided by discipline, can hope to attain. There may be, and probably are great original differences in different men, in the depth and quality of the intellectual mind; but depend upon it, the successful working of that mind depends, in by far the greatest number, upon the labour and diligence of the indi- vidual. I do not say that you can command success without difficulty. No. Difficulty is the condition of success. “ Difficulty is a severe instructor, set over us by the supreme ordinance of a parental guar- dian and legislator, who knows us better than we know ourselves, as he loves us better too. ‘ Pater ipse colendi hand facilem esse viam voluit.’ He that wrestles with us strengthens our nerves and sharpens our skill. Our antagonist is our helper. This amicable conflict with difficulty obliges us to an intimate acquaintance with our object, and compels us to consider it in all its relations. It will not suffer us to be superficial.” These are the memorable expressions of the first of philosophic statesmen, of the greatest orator, at least, of modern ages, if it were allowed to judge of oratory by the compositions which he has left to posterity, independent of physical disadvantages — and if this Office had any authority, they are expressions which ought to make a corresponding impression on your minds, for they might have been delivered by their illustrious author, Mr. Burke, from this seat, and on an occasion like this. From this seat he might have exhorted you by the example of his own life, at least, as much as by his own precepts, to choose your antagonist, which will be your helper. (Cheers.) 1 say, then, grapple with difficulty : when you meet it, let it not turn you aside; say not “ there is a lion in the path;” resolve on encoun- tering and on mastering it, and every successful effort will inspire you with new confidence, and lead to further success. On by far the greater part of you it is incumbent to acquire those qualities which shall fit you for B 12 action rather than speculation. It will not, therefore, be by mere study, or the mere accumulation of knowledg^e, that success can be attained. Mental discipline must be cultivated : the strengthening of the memory, the quickening of the apprehension, the formation of a sound and ready and discriminat- ing judgment, are qualities which will be of still greater value to you than the store of learning. If you will consider the faculties which have been given you as the most precious gifts of nature — if you will be persuaded, as you ought to be, that they are capable of constant, progressive, and therefore almost indefinite improvement — that by arts similar to those by which magic feats of dexterity and bodily strength are performed, a capacity for the nobler feats of the mind may be acquired, — the first, the especial object of your youth, will be to establish that control over your own mind and your own habits, that shall ensure the proper cultivation of this precious inheritance. Try even for a short time the experiment of exercising such control. If you meet with a difficulty, resolve on mastering it : if you cannot do this by your unaided efforts, be not ashamed to admit your inability, and ask for the assistance of others. (Cheers.) Practise the economy of time. Consider that time, like the faculties of the mind, is a precious estate, and that every moment of it well applied is put out to an exorbitant interest. I do not say devote yourself to study and forego all amusement; but I do say, that the zest of amusement itself, as well as the successful result of application, depends in a great measure on the economy of time. (Loud Cheers.) When you have lived fifty years, you will have seen many instances in which the man who has been most punctual in all the relations of life, who partakes the most of the pleasures of society, of conversation, of any refined amusemenl, is he who is at the same time the most assiduous in the pursuits of his profession. And let me entreat you to maintain constant vigilance against the acquirement of bad habits in matters that are apparently of no concern, and perhaps really of no concern, independent of the habits they engender. It is by the neglect of this — it is by tolerating habits of indolence and procras- tination in matters that are apparently of little moment, of which the world takes no notice, that bad habits are acquired in matters of much weight. If you will make the experiment of which I have spoken, if for a given time you will resolve that there shall be a complete understanding of every thing you read, or the honest admission that you do not understand it; that there shall be a strict regard to the distribution of time; that there shall be a constant struggle against the bondage of bad habit ; a constant eflfort which can only be made within to master the mind, to subject its various processes to healthful action, the early fruits of this experiment; the feeling of self-satisfaction, the consciousness of growing strength, the force of good habit, will be inducements to its continuance more powerful than any exhortations. (Loud cheers.) These are the arts — this is the patient and laborious process by which in all times, and in all professions, the founda- tions of excellence and of fame have been laid. Is it possible to consult the works of any man of real eminence, who has left a record of the disci- pline by which his own mind was trained, without finding abundant proofs that it was not by trusting to the inspirations of genius, but by constant perseverance, and vigilance, and care, that success was obtained ? Take as an eminent example of this the account which Cicero gives of his own early educa- tion. Mark the intentness on one object — mark how every occupation, amusement, foreign travel, society, the conversation of the lightest hour, all were made ancillary to the one great purpose of im- proving the mind, and fitting it for the high functions to which its faculties were to be applied. Speaking of himself, he says — “ At vero ego hoc tempore omni noctes et dies in omnium doctrinarum meditatione versabar.” 13 Speaking of an eminent professor, he says — “ Huic ego doctor! (Diodoto) et ejus artibus variis atque multis ita eram deditus, ut ab exercitationibus oratoriis nullus dies vacuus esset. Cura rae et amici et medici hortarentur ut causas agere desisterem quodvis potius peri- culum mihi adeundum, quam a sperata. dicendi gloria discedendum putavi. Cura venissem Athenas ” When he was engaged in foreign travel, how different were his occupations from those of many who trust to the inspirations of genius alone, and complain of the want of success without resorting to the means by which success is to be attained ! “ Cum venissem Athenas sex menses cum Antiocho veteris Academiae nobilissirao et prudentissimo philosopho, fui, studiumque philosophise nunquam intermissum a primaque adolescentia cultura et semper auctum, hoc rursus summo auctore, et doctore renovavi. Post a me Asia tota peregrinata est cum summis quidem oratoribus quibus- cum exercebar ipsis libentibus. Quibus non contentus Rhodum veni meque ad eundem, quem Romae audiveram Molonem applicari. Nimis multa videor de meipso, praesertim sed omni huic sermoni propositum est, non ut ingenium et Eloquentiara meam, unde longe absum, sed ut laborem, et iudustriam, admireris.” When you read such records on the part of a superior mind — when you read of constant perseverance and severe diligence — the wonder at the accomplishments and perfection of which they were the natural result is, no doubt, somewhat abated. “ Those who are ignorant,” says Sir Joshua Reynolds, in lectures with which you are probably familiar, but, if not, 1 strongly recommend them to your attention — they were addressed to the students of the Royal Academy, but are equally applicable to all — “ those,” says he, “ who are unac- quainted with the cause of any thing extraordinary, are surprised at the result, and attribute it to a kind of magic. The travellers in the East tell us, that when the ignorant inhabitants of these countries are asked concerning the remains of stately edifices, still found among them — the monuments of their long lost grandeur — they always answer that they were built by magic. The untaught mind, on find- ing such a gulph between its own powers and productions like these, thinks that gulph can only be passed by supernatural means.” We have, in the case of Cicero, the stately edifice, the monument of intellectual greatness. When we learn from the illustrious architect what was the slow process by which the foundation was securely laid, and the scaffolding gradually removed, our wonder at the re suits may be abated ; but it cannot abate our admiration of his noble and elevated views, of his burning thirst for knowledge and distinction, and that pure ambition which “ Scorns delights, and lives laborious days"— (cheers) which engraved on the memory the paternal exhortation to the hero in Homer, the noblest, says Dr. Johnson, that can be found in any heathen writer — “ Aieu x^/^reveiu K»t et’KAav.” The name, the example, and the authority of Cicero, conduct me naturally to a topic which I cannot allow myself, even at the expense of detaining you, to pass in silence. I mean the vast importance to all of you who aspire to the highest distinction, and to you I principally address myself — the immense importance of imbuing your minds with a knowledge of those models of classical antiquity that are left to us for our admiration. Do not disregard the admonition, from an impression that it pro- ceeds from a natural and justifiable prejudice which education at an English University may have un- consciously superinduced. Do not disregard it from attributing it to ignorance of the acquirements and 14 pursuits which are requisite to success in Scotland. I want to impress on you that a wider horizon than that of Scotland is open to your view, that you are competitors starting for every prize or distinction which the wide circle of an empire, extending- to every quarter of the globe, can confer. Bear in mind, too, that every improvement in the means of communication between distant parts of the empire is opening an avenue to fame, particularly to those who are remote from the seat of Govern- ment. This is not the place to depreciate that mighty discovery which is effecting a daily change in the pre-existing relations of society, — this is not the place where a false and injurious estimate should be made of the speculations of Black, and the inventive genius of Watt. (Cheers.) The steam-engine and the railroad are not merely facilitating the transport of merchandise, they are not merely shortening the duration of journeys, or administering to the supply of physical wants. They are speeding the in- tercourse between mind and mind, and they are creating new demands for knowledge, pushing that demand into the remotest recesses of this empire. They are fertilizing the intellectual as well as the material waste; they are removing the impediments which obscurity, or remoteness, or poverty, may have heretofore opposed to the emerging of real merit. (Cheers.) They are supplying you, in the mere facility of locomotion, with a new motive for classical study. They are enabling you, with comparative ease, to enjoy that pure and rehned pleasure, which makes the past predominate over the present, in the contemplation of localities where illustrious deeds of ancient times have been performed, and in the survey of monuments that are associated with names and actions that never can perish. (Loud cheers.) They are enabling you to taste the intoxicating draught, that is described with such noble enthusiasm by Gibbon. “ At the distance of twenty-five years,” said Gibbon, “ I can neither forget nor express the strong emotions which agitated my mind, as I first approached and entered the immortal city. After a sleepless night, I trod, with a lofty step, the ruins of the Forum; each memorable spot where Romulus stood, or Tully spoke, or Caesar fell, was at once present to my eye ; and several days of intoxication were lost or enjoyed, before I could descend to a cool and minute investigation.” (Enthusiastic cheering.) I need not remind you of the earnest and eloquent exhortation to cultivate the study of Ancient, and particularly of Attic composition, which have been delivered from this place. I need not remind you of the manifold facilities w'hich that study affords you in the comprehension of the structure of all modern languages, and the formation of style on the purest models; or how indispensable it is to the understanding of a thousand allusions to the usages and expressions of classical antiquity, which are scattered with lavish and happy profusion through some of the finest of modern compositions — allusions (Papccura. gvi/eroiaiv, that have a voice for those, but for those alone, that have been initiated into these delightful mysteries. (Cheers.) Let me, however, attempt to bring from the examples of public life a practical confirmation of the truth of these maxims, and the wisdom of these exhortations. I ask you simply to review in succession the names of those men who have stood most conspicuous in the great arena of public competition, and to compare the proportion borne to the total number who have been eminent for classical acquirements. I purposely exclude the remoter periods of our history, pregnant as they are with examples in favour of the position 1 maintain, because, when education was in a great degree confined to classical learning, the possession of it would almost necessarily accompany other superior qualifications for offices of high public trust. For obvious reasons I also exclude the period in which we ourselves live. But take recent periods of our history, take the period immediately pre- ceding our own, when the means of acquiring various knowledge have been so extensive, that there is 15 the opportunity for fair comparison between the several attainments which may have assisted the com- petitor for public honours. What are the chief names (I am speaking of public life) that have floated down and are likely to remain buoyant on the stream of time? Of the whole number, bow large is the proportion of men eminent for classical acquirements and classical tastes! In the judicial department, there are Lord Mansfield, Lord Stowel, Lord Eldon, Lord Ellenborough, Lord Tenterden. ( Cheers.) In public life, Lord North, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, Lord Grenville, Mr. Windham, Mr. Burke, Mr. Canning. (Great cheering.) The whole of these were distinguished classical scholars. (Tremendous cheering.) Is not this, then, quite clear, that the time devoted to classical study and classical acquirement did not 1 hinder their rising to eminence — (cheers) — nay, is there not a strong presumption, if you compare the proportion they bear to the total number of eminent men, that classical acquirement, and the accomplishments derived from the study of it, must have given them great advantage in the competi- tion for distinction. (Great cheering.) There have been examples of other men, equally eminent, who have not cultivated, or at least have not been remarkable, for classical acquirements; but is there not the strongest presumption, that even in their case, their success would have been greater and more complete, if they had superadded classical attainments to their other acquirements. (Prolonged cheering.) But do not contemplate the men whom 1 have named merely amid the excitement of political or forensic contention; do not consider classical studies merely as useful instruments for the improvement of their style, and for gilding with the charms of happy allusion or learned illustration the public dis- plays of eloquence. Follow them into the retirement of private life, witness the refined taste with which classical studies have Inspired them, and learn to estimate the compensation they have offered for the loss of power, or the interruption of active employment. Take as examples the men the most promi- nent in recent political history, the great rivals, Pitt and Fox. (Cheers.) In the case of each you have the most unexceptionable evidence, as to the pursuits and studies in which they found relaxation and amusement, whenever the contentions of public life were suspended. Lord Holland thus speaks of Mr. Fox, in the Preface to the History of the Reign of James 11 . : — “ During his retirement, that love of literature, and fondness for poetry, which neither pleasure nor business had ever extinguished, revived with an ardour, such as few in the eagerness of youth, or in the pursuit of fame or advantage, are capable of feeling. For some time, however, his studies were not directed to any particular object. Such was the happy disposition of his mind, that his own reflections, whether supplied by conversation, desultory reading, or the common occurrences of a life in the country, were always suflBcient to call forth the vigour and exertion of his faculties. Intercourse with the world had so little deadened in him the sense of the simplest enjoyments, that even in the hours of apparent leisure and inactivity, he retained that keen relish of existence, which, after the first impressions of life, is so rarely excited but by great interest and strong passions. Hence it was, that in the interval be- tween his active attendance in Parliament, and the undertaking of his history, he never felt the tedium of a vacant day. A verse in Cowper, which he frequently repeated, — • How various his employments, whom the world Calls idle ! * was the accurate description of the life he was then leading; and I am persuaded, that if he had con- sulted his own gratifications only it would have continued to be so. * * * * * But it was yet more difficult to fortify himself against the seductions of his own inclination, which was 16 continually drawing' him oflf from his historical researches, to critical inquiries, to the study of the classics, and to works of imagination and poetry. Abundant proof exists of the effect of these inter- ruptions, both on his labours and on his mind. His letters are filled with complaints, of such as arose from politics, while he speaks with delight and complacency of whole days devoted to Euripides and Virgil.” A still more recent testimony has been borne to the occupations of Pitt, in a letter published by the Marquis Wellesley, who combines high talent with eminent scholarship. Here the Right Honourable Baronet read the following extract from Wraxall’s Memoirs: — “ He was perfectly accomplished in classical literature, both Latin and Greek. The accuracy and strength of his memory surpassed every example which I have observed; but the intrinsic vigour of his understanding carried him far beyond the mere recollection of the great models of antiquity in Oratory, Poetry, History, and Philosophy: he had drawn their essence into his own thoughts and language ; and, with astonishing facility, he applied the whole spirit of ancient learning to his daily use. “ Those studies were his constant delight and resort; at Holwood, in Kent (his favourite residence), and at Walmer Castle, his apartments were strewed with Latin and Greek Classics; and his conversa- tion with those friends who delighted in similar studies, frequently turned on that most attractive branch of literature; but he was so adverse to pedantry or affectation of superior knowledge, that he carefully abstained from such topics in the presence of those who could not take pleasure in them. In these pursuits, his constant and congenial companion was Lord Grenville, who has often declared to me that Mr. Pitt was the best Greek scholar he ever conversed with. Mr. Pitt was also as complete a master of all English literature as he was undoubtedly of the English language. I have dwelt on this branch of Mr. Pitt’s accomplishments, because I know not any source from which more salutary assistance can he derived, to chase from the spirits those clouds and vapours which invest vacant minds, and, by self- weariness, render retirement melancholy and intolerable.” (Loud cheers.) Now, compare the tastes and habits of men like these with the tastes and habits of others scarcely less eminent and public who have not had the same resources. Says the biographer of Horace Walpole, “ Though he had not forgottten his classical acquirements, he had little taste for literary occupations. He once thus expressed to me his regret on this subject: — ‘ 1 wish 1 could take as much delight in reading as you do; it would be the means of relieving many tedious hours in my present life, but to my misfortune I derive no pleasure from such disquisitions.’” (Hear, hear.) Surely these testimonials and this contrast teach great lessons — surely they recommend to us the acquirement of those tastes, and the cultivation of those studies which, while they are the best solace of the cares and anxieties of life, are at the same time furnishing the mind with new stores of knowledge, and fitting it for new exigencies. “ An tu existimas,” said the kindred spirit of antiquity, “ an tu existimas aut suppetere nobis posse, quod quotidie dicamus in fanta varietate rerura, nisi animos nostros doctrina excolamus, aut ferre, animos tantam posse contentionem, nisi eos eadem doctrina relaxemus ?” Noble relaxation ! which, while it unbends, invigorates the mind — while it is relieving and refreshing it from the exhaustion of present contention, is bracing and invigorating it for that which is to come. I fear I have detained you too long. (Cheers.) I am well aware that the observations I have made have nothing of novelty to recommeud them; the truths to which I have adverted are so obvious that they scarcely require the aid of reasoning — but they are all important truths, and unfortunately they do not exercise that practical influence on our minds which we would have expected, from the readi- ness with which the understanding receives them. If they had exercised that influence, how many of us 17 would haye been spared the painful retrospect — that retrospect which you may avert, but which we cannot — of time misspent — of opportunities neglected — of habits of indolence and negligence becoming inveterate. Hitherto, I have referred exclusively to considerations of worldly advantage and worldly fame, as encouragements to early and continued exertion. We have seen how powerfully these stimuli operated in the case of Cicero, with what strength they animated him. Not one of the motives which stimulated him is wanting to you — the field for competition is equally open — the reward of success is equally cer- tain. (Cheers.) You have a country as much endeared to you by proud associations — you have in- stitutions, civil and religious, equally standing in need of your solicitude, and infinitely more worthy of your defence. (Loud and continued cheering.) ^ But for you there are incitements to labour, to zeal in the cause of knowledge and virtue, infinitely beyond any which could have animated the exertions of Cicero. The love of praise, the hope of posthumous glory was, in his case, the chief spring of action — the great, the only reward of anxiety and labour. “ Nullam enim virtus aliam mercedem laborum, periculorumque desiderat, prseter hanc laudis et glorise, qua quidem detracta, judices quid est, quod in hoc tam exiguo vitse curriculo et tarn brevi, tantis nos in laboribus exer- ceamus.” (Cheers.) You can give an answer to that appeal which he could not anticipate — you can answer that when the hope of fame and worldly glory shall be obscured, that you have motives for exertion that still re- main. You have the express command of God to improve the faculties which distinguish you from the beasts that perish. (Cheers.) You have the awful knowledge, that of the use or neglect of those faculties a solemn account must be rendered. You have the assurance of an immortality different from that of worldly fame. By all these truths — by every motive which can influence a reflecting and responsible being, “ a being of a large discourse looking before and after” — by the memory of the distinguished men who have shed a lustre on this ancient seat of learning — by regard for your own success and happiness in life — by the fear of future discredit — by the hope of lasting fame — by all these considerations do I conjure you, while you have yet time, before the evil day shall yet come, while your minds are yet flexible, to form them according to the models that approach the nearest to perfection. Sursum cor dal By motives yet more sacred — by purer and higher aspirations — by the duty of obedience to the will of God — by the awful account you will have to render, not merely of moral actions, but of the use or neglect of faculties entrusted to you for improvement — by all these high arguments do I, in conclusion conjure you, so “ to number your days as to apply your hearts unto wisdom” — (loud cheers) — unto that wisdom which, directing your ambition to the noble end of benefitting mankind, and teaching you humble re- liance on the merits and on the mercy of your Redeemer, may support you “ in the time of your tri- bulation,” may admonish you “ in the time of your wealth,” and “ in the hour of death, and in the day of judgment,” may comfort you with the hope of deliverance. The conclusion of the discourse, which took an hour and ten minutes in delivery, was followed by the most enthusiastic cheering. The business of the day concluded by the Apostolic Benediction, pronounced in Latin by the Principal. The greatest interest was manifested by the crowd without the gates, during the time occupied bj' 18 the proceedings, to learn the tenour of Sir R. Peel’s discourse. The undergraduates and strangers who had been admitted to the privilege of witnessing the inauguration of his Lordship appeared, on leaving the University, to be impressed with the strongest feelings of gratification, to which they gave unreserved expression, and in which they were joined by the spectators from the town, who appeared to be univer- sally animated with the warmest respect and admiration for the illustrious statesman who now fills the ofifice of Lord Rector. DINNER IN THE COLLEGE, IN HONOUR OF THE LORD RECTOR. On the evening of the day of Inauguration. The Very Rev. Principal and Professors of the Univer- sity gave a sumptuous entertainment to the Lord Rector in the Faculty Hall. The following Noblemen and Gentlemen had the honour of meeting his Lordship: — Earl of Haddington, Viscount Melville, Lord Justice Clerk, Lord Meadowbank, Sir Archibald Campbell, Bart., Sir William Rae, Bart , Sir George Clerk, Bart., Sir James Ramsay, Bart., Sir James Miles Riddell, Bart., Sir Charles Hastings, Venerable Archdeacon Williams,* Rev. Principal Haldane, of St. Andrews University, Very Rev. Dr. M‘Leod, Moderator of the General Assembly, Rev. Dr. Black, Moderator of the Presbytery of Glasgow, Lieutenant-Colonel Fleeming, Mr. SheriflF Alison, Mr. Monteith of Carstairs, Mr. Finlay of Castle Toward, Mr. Dundas of Arniston, Dr. James Cleland, Mr. Horatio Ross, Mr. Duncan M'Niel, Dr. James Jeffrey, Mr. Erskine D. Sandford, Mr. Samuel Hunter, Mr. Laurence Hill, Mr. William Meikleham, Mr. William Davidson, Mr. James Campbell, Garscube, Mr. James Campbell, Kelvinside, Mr. Thomas D. Douglas, Mr. William Leckie Ewing. SIR ROBERT PEEL’S VISIT TO THE ROYAL EXCHANGE. On the day after the inauguration. Sir Robert Peel, on his return from the College, where he had been to preside at a meeting of Senate, and examine the revenue and expenditure of the University, visited the Royal Exchange, where he was impatiently expected by a dense multitude, apparently not less than from 3000 to 4000 persons, who thronged the porticos and the hall of that magnificent structure. On his entering the great hall, the grandeur of which, at all times producing admiration. * In hobber-nobbing my glass with a venerable member of the Episcopal Church, it occurred to my mind, that we lived in better times than our ancestors did, at the Restoration of Charles II., as, on 26th September, 1662, in the same hall wherein we sat, the Earl of Middleton, and a Committee of the Scotch Privy Council, enforced the order for uniformity of public worship. As the people of “ the West ” were chiefly Covenanters, they refused to conform, the consequence was, that on an early day, upwards of four hundred Ministers were turned out of their cures, among whom were five belonging to Glasgow, viz. Principal Gillespie, Messrs. Robert M'Ward, John Carstairs, Ralph Rogers, and Donald Cargill. Mr. Cargill, having taken up arms at the battle of Bothwell Bridge, was executed at Edinburgh, and his head stuck on a pike on the Tolbooth of that city. 19 was at the moment doubly imposing, from the great mass of people assembled in it: the burst of cheering was absolutely stunning. Although all classes of politicians mingled in the throng, the enthusiasm displayed surpassed any thing ever before w’itnessed. As Sir Robert walked up the room, all the gentlemen stood uncovered, cheering and waving their hats. The utmost anxiety was evinced to get a peep at him as he passed along, and forms, chairs, tables, and every accessible spot, were crowded by eager on-lookers. Several of the valuable gas lamps w'ere broken, and the elegant furniture was partially injured, by the unscrupulous efforts of some individuals to gratify their curiosity. On reaching the top of the room. Sir Robert yielded to the enthusiasm displayed, by elevating himself on a chair, and delivering a short speech. He remarked that he had just come from the College, his recently formed connection with which gave him a new interest in the city of Glasgow. Gentlemen, I am sure I need hardly express to you — I am sure it is quite impossible for me to express to you — my feelings at viewing this great concourse of men, all animated, if I may judge from their deportment, with a sentiment of deep enthusiasm. I have but a very short time since left that noble Institution, which, by the connection I have recently formed with it, has given me a new in- terest in the prosperity of the city of Glasgow. (Loud cheering.) I am struck with astonishment when I compare the time-worn, though not faded beauty, of that venerable pile, with the splendour of this temple raised to commercial enterprise, in which I now find myself. We of the College — for you will observe, that I already begin to exhibit the pride I feel in my connection with that Institution — we of the College can look upon the splendour I see around me without jealousy. You know well that your University, adorned in days gone by the profound philosophy of Adam Smith, and fostering the me- chanical genius of James Watt, gave birth to that spirit of commercial enterprise which had reared the glorious edifice — a prouder monument, in my opinion, to the wTitings of the one, and the inventions of the other, than the statuary’s chisel can produce. (Vehement cheering.) But independently of his con- nection with the University, he would be ungrateful indeed, if he did not feel a cordial interest in a city distinguished for pursuits to which he owed so much. (Cheers.) He could assure them that he had always felt that interest strongly, and that his efforts would never be awanting to promote the com- mercial prosperity of the city of Glasgow, in the welfare of which, as Lord Rector of the University, he should now feel a stronger interest than ever. (Immense applause.) Sir Robert having concluded his address, retired amid the renewed acclamations of the assembly. The enthusiasm amongst the crowd in front of the portico, was not less than that manifested within ; and although Sir Robert was surrounded by Mr. Campbell of Bl^-thswood, Principal M'Farlane, Sir George Clerk, Sir William Rae, Mr. John George Hamilton, Mr. Robert Dalglish, Mr. Thomas D. Douglas, Dr. Cleland, Mr. William Leckie Ewing, Mr. William Rodger, Mr. Richard Kidston, Mr. John Leadbetter, Mr. Andrew Wingate, Mr. James Black, and other friends, it was with the greatest difficulty he could get to his carriage. On leaving the Exchange, he was most enthusiastically cheered by all classes of society. The carriage having stopped for a moment in its progress down Queen-Street, a number of workmen approached the window to procure a sight of Sir Robert ; and on the carriage driving off, took off their hats, and gave a most enthusiastic cheer. c 20 FREEDOM OF THE CITY PRESENTED TO LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK, BUT REFUSED TO SIR ROBERT PEEL. At a meeting of the Town Council, 24th November, 1836, on the motion of the Lord Provost, the Right Hon. Lord William Bentinck, one of the members of Parliament for the City, was admitted a Freeman Burgess. That the compliment might be the more valuable to his Lordship, the Conservative members of Council, although differing in political sentiments from him, readily agreed that the honour should be conferred unanimously. Councillor Burns then gave notice of a motion, for granting a similar honour to the Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel, Bart., who had lately been appointed Lord Rector of the University. At a meeting of the Town Council, on 22d December following, conformably to notice, Councillor Burns moved, that the Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel should be admitted a Freeman Burgess of the city ; on which Councillor Douglas moved the following amendment : — “ That the Reformed Council, who owe their seats to that Reform, which was opposed by the party of which Sir Robert Peel was the leader, cannot, without stultifying themselves, offer him a vote of approbation.” After due deliberation, the Council decided as follows : — FOR THE AMENDMENT. The Lord Provost, William Mills. Bailie John Small. Bailie John Fleming. Bailie Henry Paul. Councillor William Craig. Councillor John Ure. FOR THE JIOTION. Bailie Henry Dunlop. Bailie John Bain. Dean of Guild William Brown. -Deacon Convener Thomas Neilson. Councillor James Burns. Councillor Robert Dalglish. Councillor James Campbell. Councillor John Leadbetter. Councillor Richard Kidston. Councillor John Neil. Councillor Hugh Tennent. Councillor David Hope. 12. Councillor William Robertson was absent from sickness. The Council consists of 32 members. Councillor Robert M'Gavin. Councillor John Boyle Gray. Councillor William Bankier. Councillor James Turner. Councillor James Hutcheson. Councillor William Gihnour. Councillor Alexander Johnston. Councillor James Lumsden. Councillor John Douglas. Councillor Henry Brock. Councillor Robert Hutcheson. Councillor Alexander Denny. Councillor James Perston. 19. FREEDOM OF THE CITY PURCHASED FOR SIR ROBERT PEEL BY THE CONSER- VATIVE OPERATIVES OF GLASGOW AND ITS VICINITY. When it was publicly announced that a majority of the Town Council had refused to present Sir Robert Peel with the Freedom of the City, about thirty Conservative Operatives met, after the hours of labour, and unanimously agreed to open a subscription for purchasing a Merchant Burgess Ticket, to 21 be presented to Sir Robert, A public meeting of Operatives was then called, when it unanimously re- solved, that the Burgess Ticket should be presented in a silver box, along with a suitable Address. In the course of a few days, the names and designations of 2003 Operatives, of almost every trade, was appended to it. The letter-press printers alone amounted to upwards of 70. This spontaneous act from such a number of the working classes, is important to the cause of Conservatism. ADDRESSES PRESENTED TO SIR ROBERT PEEL. On Friday morning, a great number of Deputations, with complimentary Addresses to Sir Robert Peel, from various parts of the country, proceeded to Blythswood House, according to previous appoint- ment, at ten o’clock. When the Deputations had assembled, Mr. Campbell of Blythswood entered the room and announced, that in consequence of the number of the Addresses, and the limited time now left to Sir Robert, he would be under the necessity of receiving them without remark, and deferring his replies till his return to England, when it would be his first business to transmit written answers to the whole of the Addresses. Mr, Campbell stated, however, that Sir Robert had particularly requested that an exception might be made in favour of the Address from the Operatives, which would be received first, and to which Sir Robert wished to reply before the whole assembly : the Honourable Baronet would then retire to another room, and receive the rest of the Addresses. This intimation met with the marked approbation of all present by continued cheers. Sir Robert then entered the room, accompanied by a number of noblemen and gentlemen. The Deputation from the Operatives having been introduced to the Honourable Baronet, Mr. Hugh Hamilton presented him, amid the applause of the meeting, with the Freedom of the City, in a handsome massive silver box, on one side of which was engraved the armorial bearings of the Right Honourable Baronet, and the Glasgow City Arms on the other, with the following inscription between : — “ Presented to Sir Robert Peel by the Conservative Operatives of Glasgow, January, 1837.” Mr. William Keddie then read the following Address: ADDRESS OF THE CONSERVATIVE OPERATIVES OF GLASGOW. “TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR ROBERT PEEL, BARONET. “ Right Honourable Sir, — We, the undersigned Operatives of the City of Glasgow, respectfully offer you our cordial congratulations on your election to the Lord Rectorship of our venerable University. Looking to the long succession of illustrious names which have dignified that Office, we regard the addition of yours. Sir, as a distinction at once due to your eminence as a scholar, and honourable to the seat of learning by which it was conferred, and as a guarantee, that in every contingency, the integrity of that Institution will be zealously, faithfully, and effectively defended. “ Warmly attached from principle to our glorious constitution in Church and State, under which the nation has been elevated to a pitch of unexampled prosperity, we rejoice in this opportunity of bearing the humble testimony of our admiration, to the sagacity, the prudence, the fidelity, and the independ- 22 ence, uniformly displayed in your exertions to purify and perpetuate that constitution, during a political career worthy of the proudest days in our history. We are friendly to the well-considered reform of every abuse which our Institutions may have contracted in the lapse of years ; but we desire to see them reformed only through the means which the Constitution itself supplies. It is our earnest hope that an over-ruling Providence may long avert from the British Legislature the introduction of such changes as would inevitably destroy the salutary influence of one of its Branches, and lead to the virtual overthrow of another. We regard the interests of the Working Classes as identified with, and inseparable from those of the Aristocracy, and should consider any infraction of the rights of the Peers, as the presage of an ulterior violation of the liberties of the People. “We also gladly avail ourselves of this opportunity, of recording the lively satisfaction with which we received the expression of your anxiety to aid in the extension of our National Church, by recommend- ing a grant of money from the public funds. Sir, w’e love the Church of Scotland, for all it has suffered and all it has done, to provide the poor with religious instruction, and to afford their children a Bible education in its Parish Schools ; and we long for the time when its boundaries shall be so enlarged as to become again commensurate to the w'ants of our population. So considerate and generous an effort on your part to accomplish this desirable object, claims our warmest gratitude ; — and it is our earnest prayer. Sir, that your life may long be spared, to promote by your great talents and influence, such noble schemes of public usefulness.” Sir Robert Peel delivered the following reply : — I thank you eordially for your congratulations on my appointment to the office of Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow, and for the good wishes you express for my welfare. It is peculiarly gratifying to me to receive an address from the body which you represent. Even if that address had not contained such conclusive proof of your intelligence and sound principles, I should have still felt it to be my duty to mark my respect for you and for the class to which you belong, by holding to you very different language from that which you sometimes hear from persons who affect the greatest attachment to your interests, and call themselves exclusively your friends. (Applause.) I should have told you, as I now tell you, that there is no portion of society more deeply interested in the maintenance of peace and order, in the protection of property, in the re- spect for constitutional privileges, than the working and industrious classes, and that the ancient monarchy and mixed form of government under which we live, give infinitely greater security in a coun- try and a society constituted like ours, for the continued possession of these advantages, than any that would be offered, at least that would be realised, by institutions purely democratical. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Survey that example of society immediately and hourly submitted to your view in the magni- ficent city with which you are connected — the pride not only of Scotland, but of the British Empire. How faint and imperceptible are the gradations between its different ranks ! how constant the changes in the condition of those ranks! — resembling the fluctuations of a great ocean — whereof one part seems depressed and another elevated, if it be regarded hastily and only for an instant of time; but presenting, if viewed attentively for a longer period, constant vicissitude — that which is at one time the lowest, assuming in its turn the station of the highest. The fluctuations of the waves are caused by physical and fortuitous influences ; but they are moral influences which affect the fluctuations of society. Indus- try, sobriety', honesty, and intelligence will as assuredly elevate the low, as idleness, profligacy, and vice will depress, and justly depress, those v ho are in high stations. (Hear, hear, and great applause.) To ensure this just reward of merit, and just penalty of folly and vice, let us unite in maintaining the ancient institutions of our country, and that form of national worship which, combined with the system 23 of parochial instruction, would, at this time, had its means been co-extensive with the increase of popu- lation, have made the people of Scotland the most moral, intelligent, and religious of any people on the face of the earth. (Loud cheers.) These two — concluded Sir Robert, with great feeling — these two, the Address and the Freedom of the City, the highest honour ever conferred upon me, will be carefully preserved in my family, and handed dovfn to the end of time. (Great applause.) ADDRESS OF THE GLASGOW POLICE BOARD. “ To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Baronet, &c. “ Right Honourable Sir, — The Board of Police for the city of Glasgow, composed of the Lord Provost and Magistrates, the Dean of Guild, Chairman of the Merchants’ House, the Deacon Convener, Chairman of the Trades’ House, and of thirty-three inhabitants, called General Com- missioners, elected in the different wards of the city by a ^6 10 constituency, in a public meeting assem- bled, respectfully beg leave to convey to you their cordial congratulations on your arrival in this city for the purpose of being installed Lord Rector of our venerable and respected seat of learning, to which honourable oflSce you have been called by the spontaneous and unsolicited choice of the electors, — a just and appropriate tribute on their part to high classical and literary attainments, exalted station, and unsullied integrity. “ Constituted as this board is for police purposes, we especially feel it to be incumbent on us to re- cord in this manner our deep sense of the eminent services you have rendered to your country by your exertions in matters of police, a splendid proof of which is afforded in the working of the metropolitan system of police, the wisdom and eflhciency of which daily experience proves; and which has hitherto triumphantly withstood every assault directed against it. And there being important changes in our Scottish police establishments at present in contemplation, permit us to express a hope that this city and suburbs may have the benefit of your acknowledged talents and extensive experience in devising or supporting that which will be the sole object of this Board to obtain — namely, whatever may be at once least burdensome in point of expense, and best calculated, in point of principle or of detail, to produce the greatest amount of comfort and protection to the inhabitants.” ADDRESS OF THE MERCHANTS’ HOUSE OF GLASGOW. “ To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Baronet, “ Sir, — The Merchants’ House of Glasgow gladly avail themselves of the oppor- tunity afforded by your visit to this city to offer their congratulations on your recent election to the honourable oflBce of Lord Rector of the University — an office which your eminent accomplishments as a statesman and a scholar so well enable you to fill. “ But, Sir, they do not regard this alone as a testimony, on the part of the youth of this great com- mercial community, of their admiration of your literary and personal character, but as a proof of the growing attachment of all ranks to those great principles of sober and rational liberty, under which this country has so long flourished, and has attained an unexampled eminence in arts and sciences, commerce and munufactures. 24 “ To you. Sir, the nation looks up as one of her best protectors, confident that whether directing the councils of your Sovereign, or leading a powerful and independent party in Parliament, while you pro- ceed in that course of cautious and practical reform which has distinguished your career as a statesman, you will employ the splendid talents bestowed on you by Divine Providence in resisting all reckless schemes of innovation, and in upholding those free and liberal Institutions, which form that invaluable constitution in Church and State handed down by our forefathers, and which we trust to transmit unim- paired to posterity.” Sir R. Peel expressed his gratification, not only at receiving the address, but also at the very kind manner in which it had been delivered. Independently of any consideration connected with public life, it was highly gratifying to receive such expressions of respect and confidence from such a body, repre- senting so extensively the mercantile portion of this great community. ; ADDRESS OF THE TRADES’ HOUSE OF GLASGOW. A deputation from the Trades’ House presented the following Address : — “ To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Baronet, M.P. “ We, the Deacon Convener, and other Ordinary and Extraordinary Members of the Trades’ House, representing the fourteen Incorporated Trades of the City of Glasgow, beg leave to congratulate you on your presence in this City, and at the same time to convey to you our high admiration of your transcendant talents as a Statesman, and of your worth and integrity as a private Gentleman. “ Warmly attached, as we are, to the venerable institutions of our country, under which she attained that eminence she so long held among the surrounding nations; and while we are ready to approve of every measure calculated to improve and perpetuate them, we deprecate, in the strongest terms, every attempt to subvert or destroy them. We more immediately feel the evil of attempts of a destructive tendency, inasmuch, as the Incorporations of which we are members, have been threatened, under the guise of improvement, with measures obviously calculated to deprive the Incorporations of those privi- leges which have been handed down to us from our forefathers, and which have produced so many beneficial results, not only to the country generally, but more especially to the poor connected with these institutions. “ On the present interesting occasion, we cannot withhold from you the expression of our gratitude, for the many and important services you have rendered to the nation, in endeavouring to uphold our glorious Constitution, both in Parliament and in his Majesty’s Councils, and our most ardent wishes are, that your valuable life may be long spared, and that you will continue to maintain that influence in the legislature and government of the country, to which your exalted talents and integrity so eminently entitle you. “ Signed and sealed by our appointment, in our name and presence, at Glasgow, this sixth day of January, in the year one thousand, eight hundred, and thirty-six, by Thomas Nelson, Conv.” Sir R. Peel replied, — I believe I am under other obligations to the Trades of this city, for what they have contributed towards ornamenting the Banquet Room. I cannot help stating, that the manner in which the Trades have acted on this occasion, consenting to part with ornamental appendages belonging to their own institutions, afford a mark of respect deeply gratifying to my feelings; and for this Address also I beg leave to return my cordial thanks. 25 ‘address of the presbytery of GLASGOW. The Rev. Dr. Black, accompanied by a Deputation of Clergymen, presented the following Address : “ To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Baronet, “ My Lord Rector — We, the Presbytery of Glasgow, as the public guardians and teachers of morality and religion, have much pleasure in congratulating your Lordship on the honourable distinction which has been conferred on you by the Principal, Professors, and Students of the University of Glasgow. Deeply interested as the Presbytery feel in the promotion of learning, we cannot but re- joice in the appointment to the Rectorate of one who is universally regarded as a highly accomplished scholar, and who by his talents and attainments has secured for himself the admiration and esteem of men of all parties. “ While the Presbytery would express their strong attachment to those revered Institutions of the country, which have for their end the education of the people, and while we cannot but regard with gra- titude the wisdom and zeal which the church exercised at the period of the Reformation to have her Schools and Universities founded on the purest principles, we are far from thinking that, with the advance which has taken place in literature and science, many improvements might not be adopted whereby the interests of both may be effectually secured. The Presbytery are fully sensible that under the able superintendence of the Principal and Professors, many such improvements have already been made in the University with which they are more immediately connected, and knowing, as we do, that a Commission has lately been appointed to inquire into the state of tw'o of our Universities, we confidently trust that whatever changes his Majesty’s Commissioners may recommend, or which Parliament may adopt, may only be of that kind which will tend to promote the objects of learning and sound morality, based on those great principles of the Protestant religion, under whieh we as a kingdom, have been raised to the highest rank among the nations of the earth. “ But whilst we rejoice that one so eminent for his virtues and scholarship has been elected Lord Rector of our University, we feel an unspeakable satisfaction in this appointment from your Lordship’s well-known and long-tried adherence to the principles of a National Establishment of the true religion. “ In regard to our own Church, for the purity and extension of whieh we are willing to spend and be spent, we are glad to have this public opportunity of expressing our hearty thanks for the interest which your Lordship has manifested in her welfare. Believing, as we conscientiously do, that the Presbyterian form of church government is founded on the Word of God, and that to her parochial economy Scotland is mainly indebted for the intelligence, patriotism, and piety, by which she has been characterised, we cannot but feel warmly interested in the permanence of our Church. Deeply lamenting as we do the des- titution that prevails in many party of the country as to the means of spiritual instruction, it was with no ordinary feelings of gratitude that about two years ago we observed his Majesty was graciously pleased to direct the attention of Parliament to this subject. Your Lordship is no stranger to the measures which have since been adopted by Government in reference to this matter, and the hopes which we fondly cherish of additional means being afforded us to provide for our people, and especially the poor and working classes, the regular administration of word and ordinances. “ Next to the extension of our Church, there is no object in which we feel a deeper interest than in a corresponding extension of our Parochial Schools. We are the more impressed with the importance of this from having observed a tendency in many at the present day to- separate education from religion. Against such a tendency we feel it our duty to raise our decided testimony, and to deprecate the adop- 26 tion of any measure that would deprive our youth of the advantages of that system of ‘ Godly upbring- ing,’ which our ancestors laboured so zealously and successfully to establish. • “ In conclusion, my Lord, permit us to say, it is impossible we can forget that it was while your Lordship held the office of first minister of the Crown that the interests of the Church of Scotland were so favourably brought under the notice of Parliament in His Majesty’s speech from the throne. “ That Almighty God may long preserve your valuable life as a blessing to your family and the nation at large, is the prayer of, my Lord Rector, your Lordship’s faithful and devoted servants, the Ministers and Elders of the Presbytery of Glasgow.” Sir R. Peel. — I assure you that I receive the greatest gratification from the assurances of confidence which are contained in this Address, and I thank you most sincerely for the prayer with which it con- cludes. I might have some hesitation in addressing you, if mine were a new-born attachment to the Church of Scotland, depending on my appointment to a high academical ofiice; but I think I can give you a better guarantee of that attachment than any declaration I could make on the present occasion. I may say, that from my earliest entrance into public life, when having no connection with the Church of Scotland, I have uniformly taken that course which 1 thought most conducive to its welfare. I have acquired an extensive acquaintance with the state, the character, and the success of her institutions. For several years the duty was imposed upon me of exercising that part of the patronage in the Church of Scotland vested in the Crown, and I must say, that in the course of the performance of that ofiBcial duty, I had opportunities of witnessing the intelligence, respectability, and usefulness of her ministers, which made an impression on my mind, that no time or circumstances can ever efface. In whatever position I may be placed in public life, the Church of Scotland shall find in me as efficient a guardian and protector of her interests, as if I were a member of that Establishment myself. ADDRESS OF THE GLASGOW EDUCATIONAL SOCIETY. The Rev. R. Buchanan, and Mr. Stow, the Secretary, then presented the following Address from the Glasgow Educational Society:— “ The Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel, Baronet, Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow, “ Sir, — The Glasgow Educational Society beg leave to offer you their most respectful congratulations on your appointment to the honourable office of Lord Rector of their city’s ancient and venerated University — an appointment which will bring the varied accomplishments of an eminent scholar, the profound wisdom of a great statesman, and the manifold experience of one long and deeply versed in public affairs, to bear, as they confidently anticipate, not only on the interests of the distin- guished institution over which you have been placed, but also on those vital questions now so urgently demanding attention, connected with the character and amount of the general education of Scotland; and as this last is a subject on which the Society now addressing you has bestowed much anxious con- sideration, they hope to be forgiven for presuming to seize the present opportunity of bringing it under your special notice. “ It is well known that of the three kingdoms, Scotland alone has enjoyed, since the glorious era of the Reformation, the proud distinction of possessing a system designed for the universal education of the people. The projectors of this noble scheme were the founders of our National Church. In the year 1360, the same year in w'hich the sanction of the Scottish Legislature was withdrawn from Popery, at 27 the first meeting of the General Assembly of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, a document was pre- pared and approved, and immediately afterwards submitted to the great council of Scotland, in which were laid down the leading principles and great outlines of the very educational system which exists at the present day. Regarding it as the chief end of education to fit the rising generation as the rational and responsible creatures of God for the duties of after life, they held it as an axiom that the holy Scrip- tures, in which alone these duties are clearly defined, and with a sufficient sanction enforced, constitute the only platform on which it is possible to rear a really beneficial system of popular instruction. At the same time nothing can more clearly show the large and enlightened views which they entertained as to the value and desirableness of general knowledge when thus brought under the guidance and govern- ment of divine truth, than the language on this subject which they themselves employed in the document above alluded to, entitled ‘ the Policy and Discipline of the Church.’ ‘ A certain time,’ said they, ‘ must be appointed to reading and learning of the Catechism, and a certain time to grammar and to the Latin tongue, and a certain time to the arts of philosophy and the other tongues, and a certain time to that study in which they intend chiefly to travel for the profit of the commonwealth; which time being ex- pressed, we mean in every course the children should either proceed to further knowledge, or else they must be set to some handicraft, or to some other profitable exercise, providing always that first they have farther knowledge of the Christian religion;’ for' of necessity it is,’ said they, addressing the Legislature, ‘ that your honours be most careful for the virtuous education and godly upbringing of the youth of this realm, if either you now thirst unfeignedly for the advancement of Christ’s glory, or desire the continuance of his benefits to the generation following.’ In order that these truly Christian and patriotic views might be carried into effect over the whole land, they strongly urged that ‘ every several kirk have one schoolmaster appointed;’ in other words, that every parish, along with its church and minister, should have its schoolhouse and teacher. And for the purpose of securing and perpetuating the sound scriptural character which constitutes the true excellence of any system of national instruction, in certain articles presented to Queen Mary by the General Assembly in 1563, they prayed her Majesty ‘ that none be permitted to have charge of schools, colleges, or universities, &c., but such as shall be tried by the superintendents and visitors of the kirk, found sound and able in doctrine, and admitted by them to their charge.’ In the year 1367, in the first Parliament held by the Regent Murray, after the abdication of the Queen, this claim of church superintendence was conceded in a statute which runs nearly in the terms in which the application was made. Meanwhile, no legal provision for the actual establishment and maintenance of parochial schools was made; and although the church of Scotland never ceased in her successive assemblies to remind the Legislature of its duty, it was not till 1616 that the Government made any movement in the question; and as the step which it did then take was merely an order of the Privy Council, ‘ requiring that in every parish where convenient means may be had for entertaining a school, a school shall be established;’ but making no positive provision for that end, nothing effective was done till this Act of Council was ratified in Parliament by the statute of 1633, which is the first legislative enactment authorizing the establishment of parish schools. For the long period of 73 3 ’ears the Church was thus left to her own unaided efforts, during which she had succeeded, as there seems good reason to believe, in planting with schools at least one-half of the lowland parishes of Scotland. And it may be further mentioned to her honour, in evidence of her unwearied zeal in a cause which she ever identified with herself, that the following testimonj' on this subject is borne by the most distinguished writer (the late Dr. M'Crie) on that part of Scottish ecclesiastical history whom modern times have produced: — ‘ The Parliamentary statute of 1633,’ says he, ‘ has been eventually of great benefit, but it would have remained a dead letter but for the exertions of the church courts.’ At length, at the close D 28 of that miserable period of Scottish history, which terminated with the memorable Revolution of 1688, a period during which the whale parochial machinery set up for the moral and religious improvement of the people, was either disorganized or destroyed, and when as the fruit of this 200,000 out of the million of inhabitants who then peopled Scotland, were at the era of the Revolution, as the celebrated Fletcher of Saltoun affirms, living as paupers or plunderers upon their neighbours — at the close of this gloomy period, the law in reference to parish schools was by several successive acts placed in all essential points precisely on the same footing on which it rests at the present day. By the Act of 1696, it was made imperative on the heritors or proprietors of land, to establish and provide a school in every parish, and they along with the parish minister were empowered to elect the teacher, and to fix on the branches to be taught, while, by the previous Act of 1693, the church superintendence had been ratified and con- firmed, ordaining, as it did, ‘ that all schoolmasters and teachers of youth in schools, are, and shall be liable to the trial, judgment, and censure, not of the ‘ superintendents,’ as in the original Act of 1567, that office, temporary in its nature, having been abolished, as no longer necessary, by the General Assembly of 1581, but of the Presbyteries of the bounds, for their sufficiency, qualifications, and deport- ment in the said office.’ It was onlj' with a view to remove certain difficulties which, in the course of the following century, had arisen as to what heritors were entitled to vote in the election of schoolmasters, and as to the power of reviewing the judgment of Presbyteries in regard to their admission and deposi- tion, and also for the purpose of making a more adequate provision for the schoolmasters themselves, that the final Act upon the subject, that of 43 George III. c. 54, was passed— an Act which also ratified all former Acts of Parliament, ‘ in so far as they are not altered by the express provisions of this Act.’ “ The Society which has now the honour to address you has been desirous, by this brief sketch, to exhibit at once the closeness and intimacy of that connection which has all along subsisted between the Church of Scotland and the Parish Schools, as forming an integral part of her parochial system, and, at the same time, to show the great end for which that connection was formed and maintained — viz. to secure whatever changes advancing intelligence might introduce, whether in the manner of teaching, or in the subject matter of the secular instruction communicated, the same sound Christian doctrine which the Clergy were appointed to preach to those of mature age in the Church should be studiously incul- cated upon the young by the teachers in parochial schools. “ Of the many invaluable blessings which Scotland has derived from a system of national education so constituted and regulated, it is unnecessary to speak. It is enough to say, that under its salutary influence, pauperism was so greatly diminished, that legal assessments for the support of the poor were, for a long period, unknown, because unneeded — crime was rare — scarce a soldier was seen in a land Croupiers. Mungo N. Campbell, Esq. j Earl of Eglintou. Earl of Leven and Melville. Viscount Kelburne. Lord Loughborough. Lord Ramsay. Lord Elcho. Lord Charles Kerr. Hon. Captain Gordon, M. P. The Master of Gray. The Master of Rollo. The Chisholm, M. P. Mr. Camming Bruce, M. P. Hon. Captain Cathcart. Hon. Mr. Scott of Harden. Principal Haldane, St. Andrews. Sir J. Miles Riddell, Bart. Sir John Stuart Forbes, Bart. Sir John Campbell, Bart. General Arbuthnot, M. P. Sir Robert Arbuthnot, Bart. Sir James Ramsay of Banff, Bart. Sir David Erskine of Cambo, Bart. Robert Findlay, Esq. V William Hamilton, Esq. V Croupiers. William Smith, Esq. J Professor Fleming. Mr. Kincaid Lennox of Woodhead. Captain Trotter of Ballendean. Professor Cheape of Edinburgh. Professor Buchanan. Mr. W. M. Alexander of Southbar. Professor Moir, Edinburgh. Mr. Patrick Robertson. Professor Badham. Mr. J. Cross Buchanan. Mr. Bruce of Kennet. Mr. Horatio Ross of Rossie.. Mr. G. Houston, yr. of Johnstone, M. P. Mr. Lamb, yr. of Beaufort. Mr. Andrew S. Dalglish. Professor Ramsay. Professor Couper. Mr. Mungo Campbell, jun. Mr. Stirling, yr. of Keir. William Davidson, LL. B. James J. Duncan, LL.D. 55 THE BANQUET. The arrangements for the admission of the company into the Banquetting Hall having been completed, the Vice-Chairman, accompanied by the Croupiers and the Noblemen and Gentlemen who were to sit on the Vice-Chairman’s platform, retired from Mr. Gordon’s drawing-room at five o’clock; and in five minutes thereafter, the Chairman, accompanied by their distinguished Guest, and the Noblemen and Gentlemen who were to sit on the Chairman’s platform, entered the Hall. On the entrance of the Right Honourable Baronet, the whole company, consisting of 3430 persons, rose simultaneously, and by repeated rounds of cheers and waving of handkerchiefs, testified the sincerity of the honour which they paid to the guardian of their country’s liberty, in a manner which cannot well be described. There were no flags nor banners displayed, no armorial bearings nor inscriptions. But on the Chairman and Vice-Chairman’s platforms there was a display of gold and silver plate rarely exhibited at a public dinner. Cunningham’s distinguished Band was placed in the orchestra in the centre of the gallery fronting the Chairman’s platform. The instrumental and vocal bands consisted of upwards of fifty performers. Dr. Macfarlan, Principal of the University, said Grace; and after dinner. Dr. M'Leod, Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, returned Thanks. When the cloth was removed, the trumpeter behind the Chairman sounded his trumpet, which was responded to by the trumpeter behind the Vice-Chairman, and this was repeated at the commencement of every toast. THE CHAIRMAN, Addressing the company, desired a bumper, and said that he had a toast to propose to them, which he was sure they would drink with every degree of loyalty — “ The King.” The toast was drunk with the most enthusiastic loyalty. Air, “ God save the King.” The King’s Anthem was admirably sung by a Choir, under the direction of Mr. W. H. Lithgow, conductor of the music in St. Enoch’s Church. The company standing joined in the chorus, and marked with peculiar emphasis the lines— M Confoniid their politics. Frustrate their knavish tricks.* The Chairman then gave the health of “ the highest Lady in the land — not higher in rank than she is in virtue — ‘ The Queen.” The toast was drunk with the most vehement cheering, waving of handkerchiefs, and one cheer more. Air, “ My ain kind dearie, O.” 56 The next toast, “ The Princess Victoria, and the rest of the Royal Family,” met with a reception not less fervid and enthusiastic. Air, “ My love she ’s but a lassie yet.” The Chairman then gave “ The British Constitution — King, Lords, and Commons,” and expressed his earnest wish that all generations might dwell in peace and prosperity under our happy Constitution. The emblem behind them, he said (alluding to the beautiful painting immediately facing the Vice-Chair- man) was meant to show that it was founded upon a rock ; and he hoped he might prove no false prophet when he said it was his belief that generations yet to come would enjoy the freedom we had long enjoyed under it. Whatever others might say, the splendid scene before him was the best proof that the Constitution would not be destroyed, but continue to be respected. (Loud and continued cheering.) Air, “ When order in this land commenced.’’ The Chairman had the honour to give “ The Army,” under whose banners, and by whose achieve- ments, the liberties of this country had been preserved, as well from the shock of internal violence as from the arms of foreign foes. The toast was drunk with every demonstration of enthusiastic atfection. Air, “ British Grenadiers.” LORD FORBES Said, in acknowledgment, that, in the absence of the Earl of Rosslyn, he (Lord Forbes) being the senior military officer present, the duty of returning thanks had devolved upon him; and he begged to thank them in the name of the British army for the honour done to it. He believed he might add that the British army was never more happy than when it had reason to conclude that its conduct, either in the field or in quarters, was acceptable to its King and country. (Loud and continued cheering.) THE CHAIRMAN Rose to do honour to a force whose banners had been crowned with unfading laurels, whose toilsome but glorious labours had advanced the honour of Britain, exalted the dignity of its throne, and promoted the lasting interests of the people — the wooden walls of old England — “ The Navy.” This toast, like that of The Army, was drunk with every demonstration of enthusiastic affection. Air, “ Rule Britannia.” THE EARL OF HARDWICKE Said, that he had the honour to return thanks for the toast, although not the senior officer present. His two seniors, who sat at the other end of the hall, had been invalided, and some how or other had got on the doctor’s list; at any rate, they had struck work. His Lordship facetiously said, that he wished . he had a spy-glass, to look at their faces. (Much cheering and laughter.) He rose as being the third in rank present, and he gladly undertook the pleasant office of returning thanks for the profession to which he belonged. That profession had in this country never been considered as a political body; and he trusted, that as long as he saw meetings of this description so magnificently attended, it would be needless to consider them in any other light than that in which they were now viewed, as a body whose duty it was to protect the liberties of the country against foreign enemies. He now begged to return thanks for the honour done to that force. It was attached, as a body, to the Constitution and to the Crown. Individually, and as a body, it was attached to the person of our King; and he cordially 57 thanked this great assembly for the highest honour which the British navy had ever received by a toast after dinner. (Loud and long continued applause.) THE CHAIRMAN ' Said he would now propose to them what might with propriety be called the toast of the day. (Great cheering.) He was conscious of his inability to do justice to it, and he sincerely hoped they would excuse that inability — (hear, hear) — but he was proud to think that to him was permitted the honour of proposing it. (Cheers.) Grant me leave to say, he continued, that my mind is much relieved when I consider, that the subject does not require any long harangue to recommend it to your warmest and most affectionate reception, founded, as I am sure that will be, upon the clearest and most just conception of his character — “ Sir Robert Peel.” (A tremendous burst of cheering from the audience hailed the name of their illustrious guest, which lasted for several minutes.) The history of this nation for the last twenty years, I may say, defines his character, and demonstrates it to be that of a great statesman, a true patriot, and an honest man. (Rapturous cheering, which, as on the preceding occasion, lasted for a considerable time.) To you I need say no more, and to future generations history will transmit his name as that of a statesman of abilities almost superhuman, applying those abilities solely for the benefit of his country — (tremendous cheering) — and displaying, in every word and deed, the high resolve, the chivalrous feeling, the comprehensive intellect, the lofty genius, which forms the attributes of a perfect statesman. (Immense cheering.) I can say no more — an orator might say a great deal more, but he would not say it with more truth than I say this — that I feel the warmest affection for him, and that I give you my warmest thanks, for the honour done me in being allowed to propose his health. To those not present at this magnificent Festival, it may almost seem impossible for any words to convey an idea of the enthusiasm displayed by the company in drinking this toast. Wrought up as their feelings had been to a very high pitch, and great as must have been the excitement under which they laboured, it could not have been anticipated that they would have found expression in a manner which was at the moment overwhelming. The cheers which immediately burst from the audience continued for nearly ten minutes. The building, notwithstanding the solidity of its construction, trembled to its foundation. When the applause subsided for a moment, from absolute exhaustion, it was again re- newed, with increased vehemence. After silence had been succeeded by a flourish of trumpets, SIR ROBERT PEEL Rose, and was received with tumultuous enthusiasm. After the literally deafening cheers and the waving of 3'i30 handkerchiefs had subsided, the Right Honourable Baronet addressed the assembled multitude to the following effect : — Gentlemen, I thank you, I thank you from the bottom of my heart, for the kind, the affectionate reception which you have just given to my name. (Cheers.) Excuse me if, for the purpose of returning my thanks, I make use of the most simple and familiar phrases. They are imperfect expressions of my feelings, but they are better suited to express them than the trite and exhausted complimentary forms which may be suited for ordinary occasions. What need have I to resort to them ? Oh, what a heart must I have if I can have witnessed what has passed in Glasgow^ within the last five days without emotion ! Unconnected with this country by birth, I have been placed, after competition with a distin- guished Scotchman, in a high academical office. I have been placed in it by a triumphant majority 58 (loud cheering); by the generous, the unsought, confidence of the youth of Scotland. (Great cheering.) I have seen their choice confirmed by the deliberate judgment of men of maturer age engaged in the pursuits of business and professional life. (Continued cheering). This very day have I received the congratulations on my appointment from many of the working classes of this city (cheers), conveyed in language that would do honour to men of the highest education. (Loud cheers.) 1 have seen the feel- ings of enthusiasm so wide spread and so intense, that they disdained to be compressed within the limits of any pre-existing edifice, and called from the ground, as by the stroke of an enchanter’s wand, this magnificent and unparalleled fabric. (Great cheering.) I have been present here. I have heard its foundations shaken, and its roof trembling with the echo of your enthusiastic applause; and do you think I can condescend to look out for elaborate and ingenious phrases for the purpose of giving vent to feel- ings which almost overpower me ? (Long continued cheering.) I said that I was unconnected with Scotland by birth ; I hope I did not say that I was a stranger. No, I am not a stranger. (Cheers.) If the long exercise of power in Scotland, if the administration of justice, if intercourse with her civil and religious institutions — above all, if love for her name and ad- miration for her character, and a cordial interest in her welfare, entitle a man to repudiate the name of stranger, then I am not a stranger to Scotland. (Great cheering.) I am not a stranger to Glasgow. (Continued cheers.) No, gentlemen, the moment that my education was completed at Oxford, I burned with anxiety to see Scotland. I came to this city ; and I confess to you that, although the interval is but short in the history of a nation, I could not have conceived it possible that in that interval such a progress could have been made in the population, in the wealth, in the prosperity of this magnificent city (loud cheers), — of this city, that is pouring into the coffers of the United Kingdom, from one branch of revenue alone, a greater treasure than many Continental nations possess for their whole expenditure (Continued cheers.) I came here — I wished to see something more of Scotland than I could have seen by hasty glimpses from the windows of a luxurious postchaise. I wanted to see other habitudes and manners of life, besides those which the magnificent castles and hospitable mansions of the nobles of the land might present; — yes, in Glasgow I hired a humble but faithful steed, and I traversed, partly on horseback and partly on foot, the best part of the country which lies to the southward of Inverness. (Cheers.) Gen- tlemen, bear with me — excuse me if 1 indulge in the honest exultation (cheers) — excuse me if I say in this society of Scotchmen, that I have seen more of your native country than some of those I am now addressing. (Cheers.) I have read the map of Scotland on the great scale of nature, from the summits of Ben Nevis and Ben Lomond— I have visited the “ illustrious island from which savage clans and roving barbarians derived the benefits of knowledge and the blessings of religion.” (Cheers.) Yes, amid the ruins of Iona “ I have learned to abjure that frigid philosophy which would conduct us indiflferent and unmoved over any ground that has been dignified by wisdom, by bravery, or by virtue.” (Loud cheers.) I have stood on the shores of StaflFa; I have seen the “ temple not made with hands,” (cheers); I have seen the majestic swell of the ocean, the pulsations of the great Atlantic, beating in its inmost sanctuary, and swelling a note of praise nobler far than any that ever pealed from human org^s. (Loud cheers.) I have lived on the banks of Spey; I have spent two autumns by its side: I want no guide to the mountains and the glens of Badenoch, I know the paths from Dalwhinnie to Coryarick, and from Loch Laggan side to Cairngorm. (Cheers, and a laugh.) Many a day have I climbed the mountain side with no other companion than a highland shepherd. Many an hour have I passed in converse with him, listening to his simple annals, and his artless views of human life: such was the intercourse which taught me to admire the proud and independent spirit, chastened and softened by a natural courtesy. I have seen him, with intelligence apparently above his 59 conditioD, but with intelligence that taught him patience under his privations, confidence in his own exertions, submission to the law, loyalty to his King (cheers), and reverence for his God; and seeing this, my earnest prayer has been, that to his children and his children’s children might be long pre- served that system of education, which taught the first lesson of infancy in the book of life, and founded moral obligations on the revealed will of God (loud cheers); and long may it be that the circumstances of Scotland, with reference to religious dissent, may enable her to enjoy the proud and peculiar privilege of having a system of education encouraged, sanctioned, enforced by law, and placed under the charge and guidance of the national church. (Loud cheers.) And when I joined that man in public worship, and heard the sublime truths and pure doctrines of our common faith enjoined and enforced according to the rites of his church, think you that I have adverted to differences in ceremonies and forms? — think you I have troubled myself with questions of church discipline or church government? (Loud cheers.) No, but with a wish as hearty and as cordial as that which you could entertain, have I deprecated the arrival of that day, when men in authority or legislators should be unwilling or ashamed to support the national church of Scotland (loud cheers), tc extend its ministrations, to advance its banner into the desolate and unclaimed wastes of religious indif- ference or profligacy. (Loud and continued cheers.) Gentlemen, you respond to that sentiment. (Great cheers.) Come, then, let us improve this occa- sion ; let us devote it not to the mere purpose of festivity or personal compliments — let us improve it to public advantage (loud cheers) — let us see whether we have a common sentiment as to the danger to which our institutions are exposed, and whether we can join heart and hand in the resolution to avert it. (Great cheering.) I have been informed that there are many present here who entertain different opinions from myself with respect to the great question of Reform of the House of Commons. I hope that is the case. You may be safely here. I am not going to offend you by re-opening differences that are concluded. If we can agree as to present dangers, and can unite on principle in averting them, do not let us waste our strength in contentions, the cause for which has passed away. If we do, we shall imitate the folly of those who, in the face of a common enemy, would fight over again the battles of Bannockburn or Flodden. (Loud cheers.) I taunt you not with reaction or conversion. Let us each maintain, if you will, our opinions on the past. But this I do say to you — that if you adhere to the principles which you professed in 1830, this is the place where, this is the time when, you ought to make your appearance. (Loud cheers.) You consented to a reform which you were invited to assent to by your Sovereign, expressly on the condi- tion that it should be “ according to the acknowledged principles of the constitution.” (Loud cheers.) Let us have no mistake on that point. (Continued cheers.) I see the necessity of widening the foun- dations on which the defence of the British constitution and the religious establishments must rest. (Enthusiastic cheers.) I ask you for no confession of error, nor even for the change of opinion. What I ask you is this, — Do you adhere to the principle on which reform was proposed and advocated by th( advisers and authors of it? If you do, with me you ought now to combine for the defence of the exist- ing institutions of the country. (Tumultuous applause.) “ I have now to recommend,” said His Majesty, “ the important question of reform to your earliest and most attentive consideration, confident that, in any measures which you may prepare for its adj ustment, you will carefully adhere to the acknowledged principles of the constitution, by which the prerogatives of the Crown, the authority of both Houses of Parliament (great cheers), and the rights and liberties of the people, are equally secured.” (Continued cheers.) Did His Majesty rest satisfied with that appeal? Did His Majesty merely promise, that the H 60 reform for which he asked your support should adhere to the acknowledged principles of the constitu- tion? His Majesty said more: he invited you to consent to reform for a certain object, and placed upon a record which cannot be questioned, what that object was. He declared, on the advice of his ministers, in a speech from the throne, that — “ In recommending reform to your consideration, it was my object to give additional security to the settled institutions of the State.” (Long-continued cheers.) Now, gentlemen, if these were your principles, if you supported earnestly and conscientiously reform of the House of Commons, believing that you were restoring, and not destroying, the constitution — that you were merely resisting an encroachment which had been made in the free representation of the people — if you thought that reform was in strict conformity with the acknowledged principles of the constitution — if you agreed with Lord Grey that by making the reform large and extensive, far beyond expectation, you would discountenance extravagant propositions of further change, endangering the constitution — if these really were your sentiments and your views, then not only do I say to you, you are entitled to be here — but I tell you boldly, that upon you, and not upon me, is it incumbent to vindi- cate your measure, and not mine, from the stigma of being inconsistent with the safety of the British constitution. (Loud and continued cheers.) I am taunted with conforming to that measure : I feel in the taunt no sort of reflection. The moment the change had taken place, believing it to be irrevocable, believing there was less mischief in frankly submitting to it, than in seeking to disturb it, I have con- formed to it — I have laboured to defeat my own prophecies and anticipations of evil — (cheers) — I have laboured to extract the good, and to mitigate the danger; but I say again, if you adhere to your declared principles, you ought not to leave to me, and to those who think with me, the defence of the Reform Bill — you ought not to leave it to us (loud cheers), to prove that it is, as you professed it to be, con- sistent with the principles and the safety of the British constitution. (Loud cheers.) You naturally say, that although you are determined to resist the further changes which may endanger that constitution, you adhere to your opinion that the progress of improvement ought not to be suspended, that abuses ought to be redressed, and grievances to be removed. You avow, no doubt — 1 don’t call upon you to disavow it — you avow the same hostility to corruption you have ever avowed. Corruption! Why, what has this meeting to gain from corruption ? (Loud cheers.) What possible good could this meeting, which has assembled for the double object, of marking its esteem for me (cheers), and of confirming and spreading the spirit which animates us — I ask what benefit could you, the active and industrious citizens of Glasgow, derive from corruption? (Loud cheers.) Perhaps you think my situation different from yours, and although it might be difficult to prove that corruption would benefit you, yet to me, as a public man, corruption might be of great advantage. (Loud cheers and laughter.) Oh! I should like to ask what influence corruption could give me, compared with this meeting? (Great cheering.) I should like to know, if moral influence as a public man is my object, by which I shall gain the most, by adding fifty new commissions of inquiry to those that are already inquiring, or by proclaiming, when I go back to England, “ Three thousand five hundred men met me at Glasgow (loud cheers) — we reconciled, we forgot our by-gone diflFerences, but, animated by one spirit, we determined to unite in defence of the national establishments and the British constitution.” (Great cheers.) You hate corruption, you have no sympathy with abuse, you wish, too, the machine of government shall not stand still : no doubt of it; your wish is a rational one,— I join you in it; I cordially join you in it. I wish to see that great machine in the discharge of its proper functions, beating with a healthful and regular motion — animating industry, encouraging production, rewarding toil, correcting what is irregular, purifying what is stagnant or corrupt ; but let me tell you, that in the social, as in the material machine. 61 with which you are so well acquainted, the movements cannot be regular unless the foundations of the edifice are stable and secure, and the main springs and organs of action are free from perpetual disturb- ance. (Great cheers.) Let me tell you, if there is to be a constant intermeddling with the vital func- tions of either machine, whether the social or the material — if, in the case of the steam engine, men who know nothing of its construction will meddle with what they do not understand — if one objects to the horizontal movement of this wheel, and another to the perpendicular movement of that — if this man is to bore holes in the cylinder, and that man is to tinker the boiler — they may find fault with the engine, they may clamour for more movement, but, ( The loud and universal cheers which followed this allusion prevented the sentence from being finished.) Gentlemen, the time I am entitled to address you is but short; I am not to trespass too much on your indulgence. (Loud cheers, and cries of “ No, no.”) Let us come, then, to the main point (cheers), for I do not wish to conciliate your confidence or support, by hoisting false colours. (Great cheering.) I mean to support the national establishments which connect Protestantism with the State in the three countries. (Here the whole company rose in one mass, and responded to this avowal with loud cheers and waving of handkerchiefs, which had a most imposing effect, and lasted for several minutes.) It would be unbecoming, after the reception I have met with in Scotland, if I uttered here one word of disrespect with regard to those who differ from us in religious opinions. No ; 1 will say, with respect to dissent in this country, that great obligations are due to it for the efforts it has made in the common cause of promoting sound religious knowledge (cheers); but it is perfectly consistent with that respect and obligation to declare, that more futile arguments than those by which what is called the voluntary system is supported, were never presented for the consideration of men interested in the welfare of a great country. (Cheers.) Surely it is right that the State should pay that homage to Christianity which is implied by a religious establishment. (Loud and universal cheering.) Surely it is impossible to be deluded by the analogies which are drawn from the theories of supply and demand in the articles of consumption and merchandise. Is it not perfectly clear that the demand for religious instruction may not only not be in the direct ratio, but absolutely in the inverse ratio of its necessity (loud cheers) ; that those who stand the most in need of religious instruction are not the first, but the last who will make a voluntary effort to obtain it? (Loud cheers.) Surely, also, it is right that the minister who is to speak with authority, who is to rebuke indifference, who is to conciliate the thoughtless and the dissipated towards religion, who is to be the censor over presumptuous vice — that that man ought not to depend upon the precarious benevolence of those whom it is his duty to counsel, to admonish, to rebuke. He ought not to have the authority of his sacred office paralysed by flattering the passions or prejudices of the many, or humbling himself as a dependant on their alms in the presence of the powerful and the rich. (Loud and repeated cheers.) I infer from the declaration of your feelings, that upon that point your mind is made up. (Great and continued cheering.) It is not the question of forming, ah integro, a new establishment; the question is, will you adhere to that form of worship which you find established by the fortitude of your forefathers, recognised and sanctioned by the law, guaranteed to you by the most solemn national compacts ? (Loud cheers.) I avow to you, moreover, that I mean to support in its full integrity the authority of the House of Lords (the enthusiasm with which this sentiment was received baffles all description), as an essential indispensable condition of the continued existence of the mixed form of government under which we live (loud cheers), — as tantamount, in short, to the maintenance of the British constitution (loud and long-continued cheers); and I mean to consider every plausible proposition that maybe made, affecting the settled institutions of the State (whether directly assailing them or not), I mean to consider every 62 such proposition not on Its abstract isolated merits, but with regard to the tendency, the ultimate ten- dency, it may have to undermine the integrity and independence of the House of Lords, and thereby to destroy the British constitution. (Continued cheers.) Do you also concur in that expression of opinion? (Loud and universal acclamations, and cries of “ We do.”) If you do, this is a timely de- claration of it. The hour has arrived, when, if these are our feelings, we must be prepared to act upon them. (Great cheering.) Do not let us content ourselves with the vehemence of our enthusiasm here. (Cheers.) We hold political privileges, and for what end do we hold them, unless we are determined to exercise them ? (Cheers.) If your sense of the danger is that which I apprehend it to be — if we are united in sentiment as to the extent of the peril, and the means of averting it, — then he among you who, holding a political franchise, refuses to employ it, is like him who in the face of an enemy should refuse to draw his sword for his country. (Loud cheers.) In our case I speak, of course, of the civil sword only, the exercise of the civil privileges which are entrusted to us as instruments for maintaining and defending our own opinions. (Loud cheers.) I have set you an example in the use of such privileges. (Cheers.) I have a privilege, the privilege of addressing you; I come not here merely for the gratifi- cation of personal vanity, complete as that gratification must be, if that were my main object. (Cheers.) But I come here honestly believing that my communion with you would strengthen the means of de- fence ; I forgot the distance, I forgot the winter ; feeling I had a public duty to perform, at least that there was a public service I might render, I determined at once to come among you. (Loud cheers.) The time is come, believe me, the time is come, for bestirring ourselves, and not trusting to others what we can do ourselves. I have read speeches of late delivered by those whose special duty I should have thought it was to defend the British constitution in all its integrity, which make me unwilling to trust its defence to their oflScial exertions. (Loud cheers.) I have read speeches by great legal autho- rities, from which I find that they have not yet made up their minds about reform in the House of Lords. (Loud cheers and laughter.) They profess to be rather sorry for the necessity for it, but they see it fast approaching ; they have no very great objection to the Principle, but they have not yet dis- covered any particular Scheme of Reform which quite suits their taste. There they are, hard at work, ransacking the pigeon-holes in which are deposited plans for reforming the House of Lords. (Laughter.) They have not yet had the good luck to draw out the right one. (Laughter.) Oh, what miserable trifling! (Loud and universal cheers.) They may spare themselves the trouble of comparison — let them take the first. (Cheers.) Whether in the place of the House of Lords there shall be a council of Ancients, or a council of five hundred, or a new body elected by the Peers, or a body elected by the heads of families, or whether the Peers shall have a suspensive veto — take one project or the other, the effect will be the same. (Loud and continued cheers.) Do you believe that you can uproot the oak of the forest, that has seen many a generation pass from the cradle to the grave ? Do you think you can uproot that noble production, with the ancient trophies and achievements of a thousand glorious deeds and victories suspended from its branches? — “ Quercus sublimis in agro, Exuvias vcteres populi, sacrataque gestans Dona ducum.” — (Loud and universal cheering.) Do you think you can dig a trench around it— upheave it from the earth? sever the myriads of minute fibres and ramifications, the growth of centuries, that have incorporated and made it one with the soil, and by the aid of pulleys, and props, and buttresses, and such machinery as law officers can employ, do you presume to transplant the venerable ruin, and bid it abide the pelting of the storm. (Loud and 63 rapturous applause.) No, no ; — the first gust of popular passion that shall sweep along the level of democracy, will bring it to the ground, and with it all the poor contrivances of artificial machinery which have been used to support it, and miserable will be the consolation we shall have, that the weak de- visers of that machinery, and the artificers of that ruin, will be the first to be overwhelmed by the crash. (Loud and continued cheering.) I ask you, then, to unite in defence of the House of Lords. I do not invite you to form this resolu- tion, by a mere appeal to hereditary prejudice and afifection, without reference to reason. It might have been enough, in other times, to allege, “ This is the constitution under which we live ; this is the con- stitution we inherit from our forefathers, and wish to hand down to our posterity. The condition of the society in which we live, will bear a contrast with that of any other country of the world, by what- ever form of government it may be regulated j and we will stand on the old ways of the constitution, and prefer practical substantial happiness to such visionary projects of improvement as affect the foun- | dations of our government.” This might have sufficed in other times. In other times, you might have refused to put the British constitution on its defence, and have declined to prove its title. But now it would be neither safe nor wise to shrink from the appeal to reason : not safe — for prescriptive authority will be rejected ; not wise — for you may without danger submit to the test of argument. (Loud cheers.) Examine, then, calmly and dispassionately the reasoning, as it is called, by which this reform of the House of Lords is vindicated. It is said that the privileges of the House of Lords are hereditary. Why, from the nature of the functions which the House of Lords have to discharge, it is because its privileges are hereditary that they are valuable. (Loud cheers.) It is this which gives the institution that stability which it would not have if it were subservient unto, and immediately controllable by, the will of the people. (Renewed cheering.) The objection of hereditary privilege may be valid, if you prefer pure democracy to that mixed form of government under which we live ; but if you wish to maintain a mixed form of govern- ment and an hereditary monarchy, it would be madness to relinquish the hereditary privilege of the House of Lords. The one is implied in the other. (Loud and vociferous cheering.) You might as well urge as an objection to the breakwater which stems the unruly waves of the sea, that it has its foundation deep laid in another element, and that it does not float on the surface of that which it is to control, as say that the House of Lords, being hereditary, ought on that account to be reformed. (Great and universal cheering.) And when, on such arguments as those by which it is proposed to destroy this hereditary privilege, that destruction shall have taken place — when, for such profound reasons as that because men are not hereditary tailors, nor hereditary carpenters, therefore that there ought not to be hereditary Peers — when for such arguments as these you have abolished the House of Peers, how long do you think the privilege of hereditary monarchy will survive ? (Loud and continued cheering.) I will tell you — just so long as the privileges and prerogatives of monarchy can be made useful instru- ments and tools in the hands of the democracy, which is to ride triumphant over the ruins of the House of Lords. (Loud and enthusiastic cheers.) The Peers, it is said, are not responsible. I have heard that before. I replied, that the Peers were not responsible in the same sense in which the House of Commons were responsible ; but that in their responsibility to God, to their own conscience, and to enlightened public opinion, the public had a guarantee for the faithful performance of their duties (loud and enthusiastic applause) ; yes, but what I then uttered, met, in the place where I stated it, a very different reception from that which it meets in this assembly. (Loud cheers.) Now, gentlemen, if it is a vital objection to the House of Peers, that they are not directly and Immediately responsible to the whole mass of the people, let me ask whether 64 there be not other political bodies invested with high privileges which are in the same sense irrespon- sible also? The House of Commons certainly is responsible to their constituents; the Ministry is responsible to the Parliament ; but, let me ask, to whom is the constituent body responsible ? (Loud cheers.) You have selected a certain class from the whole of the people. You have qualified them for the exercise of great powers. You have invested some 500,000 or 600,000 persons with great political privileges and franchises, and I ask, to whom are they responsible? They are not selected for any peculiar qualifications. You can administer no test by which the fitness of a man to exercise the elec- tive franchise may be determined. Does the right accrue from any merit of the holder ? from superior education, or any education at all? No, it is inherited in one half of the cases. One half of the whole privilege has the fatal defect of being hereditary ; and as to the other half, any man, whether he can read or not, may acquire and exercise it, if he rents a house of sufficient value. Here, then, is a privi- leged political body. And what one security have you for the faithful and honest exercise of its powers, and discharge of its functions, beyond that which exists in the case of the House of Lords ? To whom is the constituent body responsible ? Is there any responsibility of any conceivable kind, except that which I was laughed at for assigning to the House of Lords — responsibility to God, to their own con- sciences, and to an intelligent deliberate public opinion ? Public opinion !— a powerful check, no doubt. But this check is not to exist for the constituent body. They are to vote by ballot. They are to exercise their high trust in secret. No responsibility for them whatever — nay, more, no knowledge of what they do, or how they exercise their power. Will this great country — will those who have not the franchise, ever tolerate such a state of things? We are to relinquish the controlling check of the House of Peers, — we are to constitute one overruling, privileged, democratic body, and to trust it with an authority, not only unlimited, not only irresponsible, but secret and unseen. No, never will such a tyranny be borne! (Loud and universal cheers.) But then it is said— and this being the main point, let us consider it fairly — it is said, that the House of Lords has shown a spirit at variance with that of the people, and has obstructed the march of social improvement. I challenge the opponents of the House of Lords to the proof of that fact. (Deafening cheers.) I ask you calmly to review the changes which have been made in our social system within the period of the ten preceding years ; and I call upon you to show me, in the history of this, or any other country, an equal number of changes — extensive changes in the social system — made within double that period. Why, so rapid is the advance — I will call it, if you will, improvement; I don’t wish to take advantage of a name for the purpose of gaining an advantage in the argument, — but so rapid is the advance of improvement, that we are hardly conscious of the changes that have taken place : proceeding with the speed of a railroad, we don’t mark the distance from the objects we have passed, (Loud cheers.) Within the period of ten years, then, how many changes have been made in our social system? Has not the whole of the commercial policy of this country been reviewed? lam now speaking without reference to results, without regard to the utility of the changes that have been intro- duced, or the respective merits of those who proposed them ; but I am calling upon you to produce to me the instance of any country where so many and such extensive changes have taken place. My argument is, that the House of Lords have not manifested that obstructive disposition to social improve- ment which has been charged against them. I repeat, that the whole of the commercial policy of the country has, during that period, been entirely remodelled. Our intercourse with the colonies in the West Indies, our intercourse with the East, has been put on a new footing; monopoly has been destroyed; the privilege of free and unrestricted intercourse granted. The whole criminal law has been revised, consolidated (cheers), and the severity of the criminal code greatly mitigated. Every branch of 65 jurisprudence has been reviewed and remodelled. Civil Disabilities have been removed from the Roman Catholics (cheers) ; the Test and Corporation Acts have been repealed ; the Reform of the House of Commons has taken place; Slavery has been abolished; the Municipal Institutions of Great Britain have been reformed. Can these facts be denied ? But perhaps the march of improvement has come to a sudden stop of late. What took place in the course of last session ? The laws aflfecting the Dissenters of England in respect to the marriage ceremony, and with respect to the registration of births, were entirely altered, and complete relief was given. Tithes in England were commuted, and the levying of them placed on an entirely different footing ; and, lastly, that measure which was supposed to be preg- nant with inestimable advantage — the taking off the restrictions on knowledge — that measure was passed, those restrictions were removed ; at least, the proposition made by the reforming government was fully and entirely assented to. Now, if within the period of ten years, all those changes have been made, and made by constitutional means — made with the concurrence of the House of Lords, — I ask you if it can be said with the shadow of truth, that the progress of improvement has been suspended ? (Loud and long continued cheering.) The House of Lords, in respect to^ome of the measures I have mentioned, has originated them. In others they anticipated, and acted in advance of public opinion. In respect to some (reform of the House of Commons for instance), they felt a strong and almost insu- perable objection, and resisted to the last. They yielded — reluctantly yielded, I admit, when the current of public opinion could not be mistaken, and was too strong to be opposed. But where is the ground for impeachment of the House of Lords in all this? What better proof could be adduced of the discre- tion and wisdom with which the Lords have exercised the functions which the Constitution designed them to perform? (Loud and continued cheering.) I do not conceal from you that the House of Lords has done something to provoke hostility. They refused to place implicit confidence in that combination of public men which had only one bond of con- nection — spoliation of the Irish Church. (Loud and vehement cheering.) They refused to bow the knee to the parties who formed that combination (cheers); but if you remember the character which was given of those parties respectively by each other, you will hardly blame the House of Lords for refusing an immediate and implicit submission. (Loud cheers.) Why, if one party said that the other were “ base and bloody Whigs,” (reiterated cheering), and if the other party, interchanging the compli- ment, said of their abusers, that they were “ the fomenters of sedition in Ireland, for interested pur- poses,” — if the King told the House of Lords in my hearing, that “ attempts were made to excite the people of Ireland to demand a repeal of the legislative union, and that to the practices which have been used to produce disaffection to the state, and mutual distrust and animosities between the people of the two countries, is chiefly to be attributed tbe spirit of insubordination,” — can you blame the House of Lords, if, paying to parties who knew each other well the compliment of believing their testimony, they refused an immediate confidence in, and entire submission to them ? (Loud and continued cheers.) But His Majesty was advised to advance a step further. Advised by whom ? By most of the present Ministers was His Majesty advised to make an appeal to his Parliament and his loyal subjects. Yes, His Majesty from the throne declared, that “ to none more than the deluded instruments of this agitation thus perniciously excited in Ireland, is the continuance of such a system productive of the most ruinous consequences, and the united and vigorous exertions of the loyal and well-affected, are imperiously required to put an end to a system of excitement and violence vi'hich, while it continues, is destructive of the peace of society, and, if successful, must inevitably prove fatal to the power and safety of the United Kingdom.” Now, is it not too much that the House of Lords, having these words ringing in their ears — words put into the King’s mouth by a Whig government — is it not too much that, after 66 having been invited as loyal men to lend their united and vigorous exertions to put down the system of violence and excitement in Ireland, they should now be told you must be cashiered, because you have taken our advice and rallied round the throne in the suppression of violence? (Loud and continued cheers.) The House of Lords have other titles to the hostilities directed against them. They did refuse to sanction the measure for appropriating part of the revenues of the Irish Church to secular purposes (loud cheers), not on account of the sum to be taken, though that was not unimportant; but that was not the main ground of objection; their main objection was not one of detail; it was one of principle. They believed, by consenting to the measure of appropriation, a principle would be introduced which might become, and would become, fatal to the integrity and existence of the establishment. (Loud cheers.) And can you now doubt, if you read the public newspapers, and see what is passing, — can you doubt, that if the Lords had consented to the introduction of that principle, it would not have pur- chased peace for an hour? If men are honest in asserting that the maintenance of any established form of religion is positively unjust, is degrading to those who dissent from that form, what single advantage would the Lords have gained by sacrificing, on no definite or intelligible principle, a sixth part of the revenues of the church? (Loud cheers.) But is there nothing more to be said in vindication of the Lords? (Cheers.) When that measure was brought forward, its chief advocate declared, with a can- dour that certainly was exemplary rather than persuasive, that it would deal a heavy blow, and prove a great discouragement to Protestantism ; and if the House of Lords felt that their arm would be paralysed if they lent it to strike that blow, are they to be denounced and reformed because they hesi- tated in uplifting it ? (Loud cheers.) If there be any one of you who has doubts as to the advantage of the form of government under which you live, as compared with the forms of government in other countries, I would earnestly advise you, before you permitted that doubt to be confirmed or acted upon, to read the testimonies you have within your reach of the condition of other nations. (Loud and continued cheers.) I would also earnestly advise you to consider whether it be competent for you, if you do wish for them, to have the forms of republican government, which you see established in other countries. I take the case of the most successful instance of a democratical or republican form of government — that of the United States. No one wishes more cordially than I do, that the institutions of that country, whatsoever they may be, may add to the prosperity and happiness of the people of that country, for the prosperity and happiness of one country re-act on another; and, so far from viewing the Americans with envy or jealousy, let us rejoice in their advances in wealth and improvement. But do not take for granted, in the first place, that the constitution of the United States is preferable to your own. (Cheers.) I ask you not to con- . suit any distinguished Englishman who has travelled in the United States — (he may be thought to labour under prejudice ;) but take some eminent native of the United States, of education, intelligence, and refined feeling ; ask him what he thinks of the condition of society in the old country, and the wisdom of changing its institutions. He will challenge, of course, all due respect for the institutions of his own country, declare them to be perfect for their purposes; but if he gives you his honest opinion, I doubt whether he will tell you that the old country would find its happiness necessarily increase in proportion to the predominance of the democratic principle. (Loud cheers.) Let me earnestly advise your perusal of the work, if you have not yet read it, of a very able and intelligent Frenchman, who has made the institutions of the United States the peculiar object of his observation and study. He is an advocate of popular principles in a most extensive sense — his feelings are altogether with the present dynasty of France, as compared with the former. His testimony, as well from actual personal experi- 67 ence, as on account of freedom from prejudice, is above exception. M. Tocqueville is the name of the Frenchman to whom I allude; and this is the account which he gives of the results produced by repub- lican institutions in the United States, in respect to that which one would have thought was the especial good they would realise ; namely, independence of thought, and liberty of speech and action. He says — “ I know no country in which there is so little true independence of mind, and freedom of discussion, as in America. In America the majority raises very formidable barriers to the liberty of opinion. Within these barriers an author may write whatever he pleases, but he will repent it if he ever step beyond them.” (Loud cheers.) “ In democratic states, organised on the principles of the American republics, the authority of the majority is so absolute, so irresistible, that a man must give up his rights as a citizen, and almost abjure his quality as a human being, if he intends to stray from the track which it lays down.” There is freedom for you, if you are inclined to have a will of your own ! “ If ever the free institutions of America are destroyed, that event may be attributed to the unlimited authority of the majority, which may at some future time urge the minorities to desperation, and oblige them to have recourse to physical force. Anarchy will then be the result, but it will have been brought about by despotism.” (Long-continued cheering.) M. Tocqueville then quotes the expression of opinion by Jefferson, whom he declares to be the most powerful advocate of democratic principles the United States ever produced. “ The executive power,” said Jefferson, “ is not the only, perhaps not the most promi- nent, object of my solicitude. The tyranny of the legislature is the danger most to be feared.” (Long- continued cheering.) Now, before you consent to exchange conditions of society with the United States, suppose it were in your power, read the whole of that book — converse with intelligent Americans before you decide that republicanism would greatly increase either your freedom or happiness. Oh, believe me, there are other blessings in life besides cheap newspapers, and elections once a week ! (Cheers and laughter.) I do not depreciate the United States ; but look at the moral habits and religious feelings ; compare the state of refinement and civilisation in the society with which we are connected, and, for God’s sake, don’t be duped by plausible sophistry, to run the hazard of change. Of change, — Ay, but of what change! (Cheers.) Rely on it, your change will not lead to the institutions of the United States. (Cheers.) Never forget that. They may be showering down happiness on the people of that country. I hope most sincerely they are; but recollect the physical and social differences there are between the United States and this country (cheers) — a country of ancient feeling — of ancient associations — of society, manners, ranks, conditions, privileges, formed on other standards, the slow growth of ages; — and do not believe it possible for kings or legislators to transfer the republican institutions of America to this country. (Long-continued cheers.) Do you think we will submit without a struggle to the despotism of a majority ? (Loud cheers.) We will resist tyranny in whatever shape it comes. (Long- continued cheering.) We hate the tyranny of a single despot; we hate the tyranny of an oligarchy; but the tyranny of a majority has no greater recommendations for us. (Great cheering.) We shall not follow the example of the acquiescing and complacent minority in the United States. (Loud cheers and a laugh.) By every old association, by every castle, and every field, we should be reminded of the state of society under which we used to live ; the “ days of lang syne” (great cheering) would recur to our memory, and they would make us most impatient and ungovernable subjects of a despotic majority. (Enthusiastic cheering.) But seek not your examples in the United States. If you choose to run the risk of the experiment, have before your eyes the example of another country : if you will abolish prescriptive authority, if you will make one predominant uncontrolled democratic assembly, then prepare yourselves, not for the I 68 institutions of the United States, but for that terrible and fiery ordeal through which France has passed. (Loud cheers.) I have quoted to you the evidence of an intelligent Frenchman, as to freedom of opinion in the United States. I will now quote to you the authority of another Frenchman, still more distinguished, as to the prospects and condition of France at that period of her history, which 'should be the object of especial interest to us. These may not seem fit topics for discussion at a public dinner, but this is no ordinary meeting, these are no ordinary times. I am speaking not to you alone, but to others without these walls. If our impressions as to the dangers to which we are exposed be well founded, these con- siderations are not misplaced ; they are fitter to command your attention than any personal attacks that I might direct against absent opponents, or the reciprocation of vulgar abuse with those that excel in it, and in nothing else. I happened to bring in my carriage, on my journey here, some French newspapers. In one of them I found an address delivered by M. Guizot, a literary man of high reputation, a minister at the present time of the King of the French, possessing great influence in his Councils. The address was delivered so recently as the 22d of December last, on the occasion of M. Guizot’s becoming a member of the Academy of France. It is the most recent testimony, and from very high authority, to the bright prospects which appeared to open upon the Constituent Assembly of France, and to the manner in which those prospects were suddenly and fatally obscured. Thus speaks M, Guizot : — “ Thus, then, when the great day arrived, when in the name of France, in the bosom of Paris, the Constituent Assembly entered on its mission to accomplish all the promises of philosophy, and satisfy all the cravings of humanity — what a profound sensation ! What transports of joy! What an unheard-of combination of labours the most important, and of pleasures the most intoxicating! Was a spectacle so imposing ever oflFered to the world! Were there ever scenes so fitting to excite the genius and the passions of the actors ! Who shall measure the grief which afflicted spirits truly liberal, and hearts truly generous, when they saw, after splendid undertakings, executed almost as soon as begun, that laid the foundations of a new condition of society — when they saw their great work arrested in its progress, changed in its character, wrecked in a hurricane, the most cruel and most unforeseen. On a sudden, in the midst of universal and enthusiastic rejoicing, a total overthrow. By the side of magnificent promises, lay all happiness destroyed, all rights violated, folly proclaimed under the invocation of reason, tyranny hoisting the flag of liberty, a crowd of scaffolds daily slaughter- ing, in the name of humanity, barbarism mounting the triumphal car of civilization, the festival of a great nation interrupted, dispersed, giving place to the funeral obsequies of an ancient, and for a long time, a glorious, social system.” These lessons are written for your learning. When you have formed your new constitution — when you have relieved your electoral body from all disagreeable publicity — when you have provided that they shall vote in secret, that they may act on the shameful advice which is already offered to them, — to hurrah for one candidate on the hustings, but to put the name of the other into the balloting box — when you have got your single popular assembly returned by such means, owing no allegiance, no responsibility, except to the select corps of secret voters, controlled by no check but theirs ; what is the ground upon which you rest your hope of steady, permanent, efficient government ? What should exempt you from the fate of France ? Why should you expect to avert the bloody and debasing servitude which she endured ? Will your constitutional assembly open under fairer auspices than hers ; or will the offspring of the ballot be men of higher attainments, or purer and more generous views, than the assembly of France presented? Do you hope that there will be fewer elements of resistance and struggle here? or that resistance and 69 struggle here, as in France, will not produce the same results — proscription, confusion, annual consti- tutions, anarchy, military despotism ? Do not believe that the bloody miscreants, who chased each other in rapid succession from the slippery heights of power to the scaffold, were monsters peculiar to France; that the Dantons, and the Marats, and the Robespierres, were lusus naturm, which other times and other countries can never engender. No, these men were the foul, but the legitimate, spawn of circumstances. Their murders and their crimes were not the mere wanton gratification of an original, inherent, supernatural thirst for blood. They were the necessary instruments for getting and maintaining power — the arts of self- defence in the struggles of anarchy. And if you consent to unloose the bonds of authority in a society constituted like ours, you will have the same consequences, the same men, and the same crimes, here, as in France. V The ecum will gather, when the nation boils.” Then will crawl forth the men, whose names and persons are now utterly obscure and unknown, shocking to you, if they could be revealed, succeeding to each other in a short-lived dominion, according to their gradations in effrontery, and audacity, and reckless vice. Then will be the wide-spread and grinding tyranny, not confined to capital cities, but having its sanguinary agent in every village, calling himself “ the People,” and proscribing and murdering in the cause of liberty, and of humanity and virtue. Oh ! I appeal to you, as rational beings, with interests of your own to protect, as men from whom your children, your posterity, have duties to exact; do you endure any grievance, or feel any wrong, which can justify you in incurring such hazards as these, by tampering with the fundamental institu- tions which constitute your government ? Is the British Constitution a mere name ? Is it a standing grievance, to be redressed and abolished ? Do you want written evidence to its merits ? Do you want any testimony beyond your own practical experience of liberty and safety? You shall have it; not drawn from the exploded writings of old commentators on the constitution, who lived in the antiquated era before Reform had made us happy and contented ; not from prejudiced Tories, pretending admira- tion for the constitution, in order that they may maintain corruption and abuse; no, but from the dis- interested, unsuspected, unexceptionable authority of Lord John Russell. I have presented to you the portrait of France, drawn by an eminent French artist, a minister of France. Now contemplate the companion, the pendant to the French production — not hastily sketched, but carefully and elaborately finished, and, (to make the comparison still more striking), finished by the pencil of a minister of England. “ For my own part,” says Lord John Russell, not in the heat of debate, but in a large and learned Treatise on the British Constitution, — “ For my own part, I cannot understand how a man can have read the histories of Athens, of Sparta, of Venice, of France, of Spain, — how he can have looked for an hour into the history of the world, — how he can have thrown a single glance at the governments exist- ing in the world at the end of the eighteenth century, — how he can have weighed the miserable results of the most benevolent plans, and the most brilliant schemes of government, and not cling the closer to his native home.” “ The blessings of the constitution under which we live, is not, after all, an unmeaning phrase. They are acknowledged by foreigners, and by the greater portion of the people of this country. The true coin of our freedom may be dipt and worn, but still it is better than any paper security that can be ofifered to us. We speak, we write, we think, without the fear of a Bastile or an Inquisition. We wear liberty about us still; and the dregs of the spirits of old times, with decayed institutions, are of a sounder and better flavour than a new constitution, however admirable, which requires new maxims of conduct, and new feelings of right and justice.” (Loud cheers.) “ Upon the whole,” says Lord John Russell, “ to sum up the circumstances which favour, and those which op- pose, the establishment of arbitrary power in England, we have, on the one hand, the immense patronage of the Crown, the corruption of the boroughs, the horror of the French Revolution, the growing dispo- sition of men to cling to peace and quiet as a security for property, and the want of respect for old forms; the custom lately and perniciously begun of recurring to new remedies and new restraints on the appearance of popular excesses, and the increase of the numbers of people causing dissensions to kindle more quickly, and appear more formidable than formerly. On the other hand, we have the general diffusion of the light of knowledge, the long-settled habit of liberty, and the security of funded property dependent upon that liberty; we have a people of virtuous habits — a high standard of morality, and more of the improvements and embellishments of life, combined with energy and purity, than perhaps ever existed together ; we have a political constitution which favours, instead of repressing, wealth, com- merce, and the fine arts; we have the whole civilized world as the audience before whom our statesmen must defend their conduct.” Let us contemplate a little this panegyric on the British Constitution, and on the condition of society which it has produced. All this was written before the Reform Bill. All the great corrections of abuse, the great restorations of popular rights have taken place since Lord John Russell burst forth into this glowing eulogium. If improvement in our social condition has been in correspondence with the extent of change, what a perfect Paradise must we be living in now ? If our condition was so happy in 1823, what must it be in 1837 ? If it was folly then to change the old clipped money for paper securities, what sheer madness must it be now to part with the sharp bright coinage of Reform for worse security ? Why, almost every drawback on our felicity is gone. “ The immense patronage of the Crown ?” That is in safe hands. “ The corruption of the Boroughs ?” Extinguished by the Reform Bill. There are, to be sure, “ the want of respect for old forms,” and “ the disposition to cling to peace and quiet as a security for property.” There are those evils left ; but the Ministers will set us the example, and revive the old salutary prejudices in favour of old forms. Are not these fair questions ? Have the changes that have taken place improved proportionally our condition, or have they not? If they have — if we are a vastly more happy, prosperous, and united people than we were when Lord John Russell wrote his book, surely we are now more than ever bound to take the excellent advice he has given us, " to remember the miserable results of the most benevolent plans and the most brilliant schemes of Go- vernment,” aye, and in his own words, “ to cling the closer to our native home.” If they have not, if the amount of improvement has borne no sort of proportion to the amount of change, may it not be better to pause before we try more extensive and more desperate changes r “ The blessings of the Constitution under which we live,” says Lord John Russell, “is not, after all an unmeaning phrase.” We enjoy, according to the same authority, “the general diffusion of the light of knowledge,” “ the long-settled habit of liberty;” we have “ a people of virtuous habits,” “ a high standard of morality,” “ and more of the improvements and embellishments of life combined with energy and purity than perhaps ever existed together.” But, let me ask, what created all this ? What formed this happy combination of the love of liberty and the light of knowledge, with virtuous habits, a high standard of morality, and the utmost refinements and embellishments of life ? Are these things the re- sult of chance, or of our physical conformation ? Do they depend on some peculiarity in the structure of our bodies, or on the degree of north latitude in which we happen to live ? No, they are the result of institutions — of institutions civil and religious ; they are the result of the British Constitution in 71 Church and State, and of that compact framework of laws, customs, usages, and feelings which has grown up under the shelter of the British Constitution. I wilt make no further encroachment upon your time. In gloomier seasons I have never desponded. I I felt assured that the time would come when the ancient heart of England and of Scotland would rally round their institutions. (Here again the people simultaneously rose and continued cheering for many minutes.) If I did not despond before, with what feelings of confidence do you think I shall return to take my part in defending our institutions ? ( Cheers.) The vibrations that naturally accompanied mighty changes are beginning to abate. The disturbing influence of foreign events is gradually dimin- ishing, and the dazzling allusions of “ glorious days” begin, as they pass away, to permit us to view our own condition with a clearer eye. The convictions, the feelings, the afiTections of the people, are gra- vitating towards the old centre, in which are planted the respect for property, the love for rational freedom, the attachment to long-established and prescriptive rights. Yes, from these walls a spirit shall go forth spreading the contagious influence of good principles into every part of the British Empire — animating the desponding, encouraging the faint-hearted ; it shall go forth, exulting in its strength, but not abusing it, remembering in the days of its prosperity the pledges it gave in the time of its depression, uniting the disposition to improve with the fixed resolution to maintain. Defended by that spirit, the unbought, the cheap defence of nations, our ancient institutions shall survive the shock. (Cheers.) The proud keep of the British monarchy shall stand. It shall stand, “ girt with its double belt of kindred and coeval towers,” to protect the rich from spoliation, the poor from oppression. (Cheers.) No tawdry emblem of revolution shall flaunt over its ruins — the flag that “ Has braved a thousand years, The battle and the breeze ’* shall still float from the ramparts. And that faith, and the establishments which were intended for its promulgation and protection, as they exist in the three parts of the United Kingdom — those establish- ments which kings have sworn to protect, and to which the national honour is plighted, as essential conditions of great national compacts, shall survive. The pure faith we profess, the offspring of free inquiry, shall find in the diffusion of sound knowledge a new source of strength; and, exposed as it may be to the storms of adversity, it shall come forth, purified and fortified by the trial, to take a yet deeper root in the convictions, the affections, the hearts of a Protestant people. (The Right Honour- able Baronet resumed his seat amidst continued rounds of the most vehement applause.) [This speech was revised for the press by the Right Honourable Baronet.] MR. ROBERT FINDLAY Rose and said, — The toast given me to propose is “ The Church of Scotland” — (cheers) — an establish- ment endeared to my countrymen by the purity of its doctrine, the unassuming character of its cere- monial, and the fidelity with which its ministers discharge their important duties. (Cheers.) Its history, too, from the era of the Reformation, is deeply interesting, from the perils and vicissitudes it had to encounter, but more particularly during the half century preceding the Revolution. The infatuated attempt of Charles, in 1688, to force the Episcopal Service Book into the Scottish pulpits, — an attempt intimately connected with the history of Glasgow at that time, — was not only signally defeated, but cou- firmed the dislike of the people to Episcopacy, by leading them to regard it as a badge of oppression — (cheers) ; and when the country sought refuge in the Restoration from the turbulence of the Common- wealth, and the military despotism of the Protectorate, the Princes of the House of Stuart, who succes- 72 sively filled the throne, wholly forfeited the confidence of the Presbyterians of Scotland, by their un- principled \iolation of the most solemn covenants — their tyranny and oppression — their devotion to the Church of Rome — and their unheard-of degradation in becoming the pensioners of France, the better to trample on those liberties they had sworn to preserve, and to betray the cause of the Reformation in Europe, of which their country was the bulwark. (Hear.) To form a correct judgment of the origin of the persecutions which followed the Restoration, it must be borne in mind, that Charles II. threw to the winds the solemn covenant to which he and the whole kingdom of Scotland had sworn in favour of the Presbyterian Church, and that the Court party maintained the doctrines of Divine right and passive obedience as articles both of their religious and political creed; besides assimilating their professions on other objectionable points, to the despotic and Popish predilections of the monarch. Hence, when Charles, by a series of the most dreadful persecutions, attempted to force Episcopacy upon Scotland, our ancestors were fully justified in the conclusion that the question at issue was not merely whether the pure doctrines of the Reformation should be taught them under the Episcopal or Presbyterian form of Church government, but whether, under the mask of Episcopacy, the real object of their oppressors was not to restore the errors and corruptions of the Church of Rome — (cheers); and Popery they held in mortal detestation, as idolatrous and superstitious, as a prostration of the intellect, the will, and the actions of man to the dictates of a crafty and domineering priesthood, who, as may suit their views of temporal aggrandisement, can, according to circumstances, convert their votaries into the abject slaves of the sceptered despot, or the willing instruments for evil, of the ambitious, selfish, and rapacious de- magogue. Let the numerous population of Ireland, involved in this worse than Cimmerian darkness, be treated with the utmost kindness by a paternal and firm Government, and let every thing practicable be done to enlighten their minds and improve their social condition ; but, as we value the cause of civil liberty and religious truth, never let us consent, upon a mere numerical calculation, to make Popery the dominant religion, and to extinguish the means of extending the light of the Reformation, on which alone we can rely for elevating them in the scale of moral and responsible beings. (Cheers.) How different from this was the treatment of Scotland ! Fines and imprisonments, confiscations and pros- criptions, torture and death, were inflicted at the arbitrary will of a merciless and brutal soldiery for what were termed ecclesiastical offences; and the simple worship of our fathers banished frequently even from the domestic hearth, under the penalty of death, had to seek refuge in lonely caves and mountain solitudes, while, by a refinement in cruelty, all who intercommuned with the proscribed, were subjected to similar punishment. (Hear.) That under such oppression, the breathings of the victims should partake at times more of the bitter feelings against the Amalekites of old, than of Christian meekness, and that, in some instances, the chastened judgment of the present day may not harmonize with the opinions of the persecuted, is not to be wondered at. (Hear.) But it becomes us to remember that a period of perse- cution is a period of high excitement; and w'e cannot but feel that their heroic endurance and undaunted resolution, like our native oak, which defies the buffetting of the storm, and clings the more closely to the rock the more the winds of Heaven beat against it, w'ere means under Providence for the accom- plishment of a mighty end. (Cheers.) The rock on which they rested for support was the Word of God, not to keep it a sealed book from the people, but to unfold its pages, that therein they might learn the rules of their faith and practice; the object for which they suffered and bled was to maintain the cause of civil liberty, and the rights of private judgment in matters of religion. (Cheers.) “ Truly they w'ere more noble than those of Thessalonica, in that they searched the Scriptures daily, whether these things were so.” After the signal defeat of Argyle and Monmouth, Charles’s successor, James, thought it no longer necessary to preserve the mask of attachment to the Church of England, and, by an open attack on 73 its privileges, proved to that powerful body that it was only the last victim to be sacrificed. Then England arose in her might, and under the guidanee of the illustrious William, — whose statue adorns the Cross of Glasgow in memorial of the principles of our fathers and of his triumphs, — and inscribing upon her banners “ The Protestant religion and the liberties of England,” she forced James to abdicate that throne which his ancestors had occupied for countless generations, and consummated that Revolution in 1688 which forms the brightest era in the history of British liberty, and consequent upon which the Establishment of the Church of Scotland, on its present basis, was finally consolidated. (Cheers.) Since that period, although clouds and darkness have sometimes lowered, we have enjoyed a larger measure of greatness and glory, of wealth and domestic peace and happiness, and of every thing which can adorn civilised society than ever fell to the lot of any nation; and since that memorable epoch, likewise, the churches of England and Scotland, agreeing in creed though differing in form, have entered upon the Christian rivals hip, which, according to their opportunities, should most effectually extend the blessings of pure religion, not only at home, but wherever the flag of England has waved, or the enterprising sons of Bri- tain have penetrated. (Cheers.) It was the pious wish of George III. that the day might come when every subject in his dominions might be able to read his Bible ; — and I cannot omit to mention that cen- turies ago the parochial school system of Scotland, in connection with the reformed faith, and under the superintendence of its ministers, was established — thus, even in that early and rude age, laying the foundation of a system which has rendered Scotland so distinguished. (Cheers.) One word as to patronage, and I have done — not with the view of expressing any opinion on that much agitated ques- tion, but to state, that whether patronage is exercised by the Crown or by the private patron, by the few or by the many, or through all these channels as hitherto, the benefits to the country and to the cause of religion must be in proportion to the purity of its administration. And it must be a gratifying and a lofty refleetion to the illustrious Statesman whom we this day “ delight to honour,” that while he guided the eouncils of his Sovereign on this important subject, the voice of faction itself never dared to utter a breath to bedim the purity and discrimination of its exercise. (Cheers.) Along with “ The Church of Scotland,” permit me to connect the health of a clergyman — (cheers) — who, sinee he and I commenced our career of life together at our ancient University, has devoted his eminent talents and his professional and literary labours to the promotion of the sacred cause to whieh he was set apart; and in particular, to the diffusion of the benefits of knowledge and the blessings of religion among the Highlands and Islands of Scotland — (cheers) — around which is shed that sacred halo, which encircles within the heart of every good man the image of his native land — (cheers) — who, among their countless glens and moun- tains, is weleomed as the harbinger of glad tidings, and is known and beloved by all ; who, in spite of the chilling indifference of men in high plaees, has lately presented their kindred tribes in Ireland with a metrical version, in their native dialect, of those songs once sung on the hill of Zion, and who now deservedly holds the highest oflace in that Church of which he is one of the brightest ornaments. Need I name Dr. Norman M'Leod? The toast was received with the most tremendous cheering. Air, ‘ Old Hundred.’ THE REV. DR. M‘LEOD. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I have the honour of returning thanks for the toast which has now been given, and truly I consider it not only a high honour, but a very high privilege to do so; for although I never felt my powers of intellect (such as they are) more disproportioned to the feelings of intense enthusiasm, to which, in common with every individual here present, I have been excited by the occasion and proceedings of this auspicious evening ; still I have no hesitation in casting myself upon your indulgence. (Cheers.) I do so unreservedly, with the confidence of one who is assured that numerous, or rather innumerable, as this company, to me at least, appears, they are nevertheless animated by one spirit, united by one common bond of principle — a principle of sacred and devoted attachment to the time-hallowed and glorious institutions of our country — (renewed cheering); and assembled to express their enthusiastic admiration of the public and private character of that most gifted defender of their principles, the enlightened Statesman now at your right hand, and whom we are all equally proud, and equally rejoiced, to see this night in the city of our habitation. (Tremendous cheering.) Mr. Chairman, in my own name, in name of my brethren here present, and in name of the Church of Scot- land, I beg leave to acknowledge the honour done us, in assigning to this toast so early and so pro- minent a place in the arrangements for the evening. We are thankful for the very honourable and gratifying terms in which the Church of Scotland has now been spoken of, and for the en- thusiastic manner in which the toast has been received. It is to us. Sir, a rich satisfaction to know, that we enjoy the approbation and support of such a meeting as is now congregated in this noble pavilion. While such a burst of feeling, and that from such a meeting as this, accompanies the an- nouncement of the Church of Scotland, I feel persuaded that, under the protection of her great Head, she has nothing to fear. (Great applause.) I am well aware, that by our appearance here this even- ing, my brethren and I will draw down upon ourselves the indignant censure of a certain portion of the community, or at least that of their organs of the public press — those most watchful superintendents and most liberal reporters of clerical conduct. (Hear, hear.) It is a very favourite maxim of their liberalism, (and I marvel not, for it admirably suits their purposes,) that Religion has nothing to do with Politics, and that Clergymen are not entitled to hold political opinions, or, at all events, if any of them should be so unfortunate as to have imbibed political opinions, from the limited and exclusive nature of their education, left so far behind in the march of intellect; or from a perusal of those trashy but most mis- chievous publications of the Conservative Press — such as Blackwood’s Magazine, or the Quarterly Re- view, or that demented paper called the Times, or the Glasgow Herald, Courier, or Constitutional — (laughter) — still that it is their duty scrupulously to avoid an expression of their opinions, and that under no circumstances whatever is it allowable for them to use the power of persuasion which Providence has given to them, or that society may accord to them, for the maintenance of those principles which they in their conscience consider essential to the very existence of social order. (Cheers.) Such, Sir, is the morbid anxiety of those liberal censors for the unobtrusive harmlessness of clerical character, that I suspect they could wish that “ Far in a wild, unknown to public view. From youth to age we reverend hermits grew.” (Laughter and applause.) Such is their exquisite tenderness for the spirituality of our office, and their dread of the secularising influence of endowments and public countenance, that I doubt if ever their spirit of liberalism become dominant in the land, we shall soon realise in our own experience all the romantic and innocent simplicity of the Hermit’s life : “ The moss our bed, our cave the humble cell, Our lood the fruit, our drink the crystal well.” (Tremendous cheering.) But, Mr. Chairman, I shall never subscribe to the maxim that religion has nothing to do with politics. What, Sir! subscribe to a maxim which, in my opinion, goes to overturn the only secure basis on which the edifice of social order rests? Political relations are those in which the most fearful and sweeping 75 desolations may be committed; and, therefore, they are those of all others in which every reflecting man will most imperiously feel his responsibility to the highest of all tribunals. I believe that an irreligious and depraved population, however otherwise enlightened, is the teeming source of all moral and politi- tical disorder; and if not controlled by the only power that can do so, must at all times lead to sweeping anarchy and national overthrow. (Cheers.) Our ancestors seemed to have understood this, for I find that religion has been interwoven with the British Constitution from its earliest days. I find that our government, our laws, our schools, our Universities — all our institutions have been based, every one of them, on religious Protestant principle ; and in this fact. Sir, we find the secret of all our strength and all our greatness — (great applause) — hence that moral power by which Britain, though but a speck on the face of the waters, has swayed the destinies of the civilized world. She was a Christian nation — (loud cheers) — she was a Protestant nation — religion was upheld, fostered, and established — (continued cheer- ing) — hence she has enjoyed more rational liberty, civil and religious, than any country w'hich has ever existed — she has risen to wealth and power unparalleled — she has won to herself a name of mightiest renown, her fleets are on every sea, her fame on every shore; and in spite of the grumbling discontent of some of her spoiled children at home, and the jealousy of her rivals abroad, she still sits, as for centuries she has done, the very Queen among the nations. (Loud cheers.) There is another maxim of liberal- ism, arising out of the former, to which also I decline to subscribe — viz., that clergymen have no right to hold, far less to express political opinions. This maxim has been brought forward very frequently of late in all its forms, and for obvious purposes; changes have been rung upon it, but they have not weighed one feather on my judgment. Are we really. Sir, to sit down, to fold our hands and seal our lips, and assume the attitude and appearance of perfect indifference when we see the dearest and most revered institutions of our country assailed? (Cheers.) No, Sir, we are the citizens of a free country; we pos- sess social and political influence in common with others; this is a talent committed to us, and like every other, it involves responsibility. That responsibility I feel, and because I feel it I am here. (Applause.) The day in which we live calls not only for uncompromising principle, but also for a manly avowal of it. (Cheers.) This splendid festival, at which w'e this evening appear, is a festival dedicated to principle. (Renewed applause.) I view it in a higher and holier light than a mere display of political partizanship. The cause which has called for this manifestation is not exclusively that of the politician nor of the man of property. It is the common interest of every man in Britain, be his station in life or his profession what it may; and of none is it, in my opinion, more decidedly the cause than that of the Ministers of the Protestant Established Churches. (Cheers.) The path of duty appeared to me abundantly plain — I love peace as much as any man can ; but I love truth more — and at a moment when the destinies of our country seem to be vibrating in tbe balance, and when on the vigorous, decided exercise of sound constitutional principle, humanly speaking, it rests what scale shall preponderate, that which is big with our weal, or that which is heavy with our woe, nothing bordering, even in appearance, upon neutrality will do — (cheers) — I consider not only the principle involving the existence of our National Establish- ment, but those all important interests of religion of which we are the guardians, and the very best in- terests of our fellow-creatures throughout the British dominions, to be so essentially connected with those great political measures which hang at present in the balance of debate ; and while I make all due allowances for those who think and act otherwise, and cannot but respect the conscientious and delicate scruples of some of my brethren who are not here, yet I at least, feeling as I do, would deem it a dere- liction of the duty I owe to the convictions of my own conscience, to my country, and to my Church, were I to absent myself from this meeting, and being present, and privileged to address you, if I did not honestly and fearlessly express my sentiments as a true Churchman, and a leal-hearted Conser-, K 76 vative. (Cheers.) When we hear it proclaimed from high places, even by those who are at the head of our nation’s Councils, that there is no substantial diflFerence betwixt one creed and another — that Protestant and Popish creeds are essentially the same; when we hear measures proposed, and urged forward with all the power of Government — measures which the head of that very Government declares “ must prove a severe blow to the Protestant faith,” which he professes to regret, but which he tells us cannot be avoided; while such language is held, and such measures are proposed — measures which we honestly believe to be obviously calculated to papalize Ireland, and crush the Protestant faith in that unhappy land; — and when we hear it declared by their confidential supporters, that Ireland can never be tranquillised till the Episcopal Church is put down, is it for the Ministers of Protestant Establishments to remain silent? (Loud and continued cheering.) Would Knox, would Melville, those great and true Reformers of Scotland — those dauntless friends of civil and religious liberty — would they have done so ? (Cheers.) Would they have kept aloof? No, Sir; these were men of lofty bearing and fearless courage; in defence of the truth they withstood persecution, and in the presence of princes and nobles, and all the people, they spoke out on matters of civil politics; and, thank Heaven, they did so — for, by the boldness of their eloquence, and fearless maintenance of Protestant principle, they reared those towers of strength and beauty, under the shade of which our country has for centuries rested in security and peace. (Loud cheers.) The Church of Scotland, Mr. Chairman, has never been accused of meddling much with poli- tics. Reposing on the soundness of her standards — the excellency of her discipline — the character of her resident and working clergy — on the Bible— the entire Bible education of the people — and, consequently, on their affection and gratitude— she stood aloof from the strife of party-politics, indifferent, as she well might, whether a Whig or a Tory ministry ruled the nation (Cheers.) Under all administrations she was equally secure. No wild crusade had commenced against our venerated institutions ; but a great change has passed over our social state — “ Tempora mutantur, et nos mutamur in illis" Politics are now forced upon us. Interference in civil politics is now a Christian duty. (Loud cheers.) It is not the success of a party which is at stake. The question now is not one of individual men or measures — it is a question of deeper and wider character — viz.. Shall the institutions of our country be conserved or not? Shall the British Constitution be maintained in its integrity? This Pavilion contains within its capacious and noble circle men of various shades of political opinion; but they are all associated by this common feeling, that the British Constitution, as a whole — our unrivalled Constitution of Church and State — our Cjonstitution of King, Lords, and Commons — is still the noblest and best which human wis- dom has ever devised — that it should be conserved, and that it shall be conserved in all its inte- grity. (Great cheering.) On the cards of admission to this splendid Pavillion, the watch-word of the company was engraven, and not there only, for it is engraven on all our hearts. (Cheers.) We have but one, and that one is the “ British Constitution.” (Immense cheering.) This is our standard; around it we rally, and to do honour to one of its most gifted standard-bearers are we this night assembled — (cheers) — that Constitutional Statesman, who has exhibited its glories in the day of its proudest triumphs, and who has fought the battles of its conservation in the day of its greatest peril-s. (Cheers.) It is all well for those who differ from us on the great points now at issue, to say that they love the British Constitution just as much as we do. They talk of adherence to Constitutional principles! when there is not one article in all the diversified rights and interests combined in that noble Constitution which is not threatened by some one of themselves with change; yes, with organic change. (Cheers.) Is not the very name of the party Movement? Is not their watch-word Forward? and the chorus of the wild Irish cry of their leader, dismemberment of the empire; degradation of the hereditary Peerage; and prostration of the Protestant Establishment ? (Applause.) It may be asked, what is all this to me ? 77 Has any organic change been threatened regarding the Church to which you belong ? No, Sir. True it is, that no ominous voice from high quarters has called upon us yet to “ put our house in order; but some of us come from a land of mists, where, if many a tale be true, “ coming events cast their shadows before,” — we come from a land of mountain and of storm, where we look to signs and prognostics. I have seen the adventurous and experienced boatman, as he saw a cloud no bigger than a man’s hand appear in the heaven, and beginning to spread, I have seen him seek the shore to secure his bark. I have seen the shepherd look to his heath-covered cottage, as he listened to an ominous roar coming at a distance over the blue face of the still untroubled ocean; and when the storm was seen gathering around our mountains, and about to burst on their lofty summits, the inhabitants of our silent valleys begin to look to themselves. (Cheers.) We dare not disregard the signs of the times. We dare not disregard the blow that is aimed at our Sister Establishment. Common prudence teaches us to consider the two Establishments as standing on the same ground. The spirit of the age, which is putting the question of Establishments into agitation in one country, is only waiting to see its success, to prosecute the same object in ours. (Cheers.) The deep murmur of the appropriation clause has reached the remotest manse in our land. We are confident, that if ever the lofty towers of our Sister Establishment are demolished, the security in which our more humble edifices rest, can no longer be considered secure. I never saw a mountain oak laid prostrate by the storm, but many a lowly and lovely shrub was crushed by the fall. (Great applause.) Sir, it is not for me to eulogise the political character of our distinguished guest, or the measures of his late administration; but I trust, that as a minister of the Church of Scot- land, I may be permitted simply to refer to his first and last act, when at the head of his Majesty’s Government, during his late administration. I am not aware that any mention was ever made of our National Church, in the speech from the throne, since our union with England, until the opening of the present Parliament. Can we forget the joy and gratitude which filled the hearts of all who loved our Zion, when his Majesty then, not only declared the deep interest he felt in our Church, but also the intention of his Government to enlarge our means of usefulness, and thus give to the Church of Scotland all that she wanted — ^the power of keeping pace with the increasing population of our land ? And now that the illustrious individual who was then the constitutional adviser of his Majesty is here present — he who had the courage and the exalted wisdom to propose so patriotic a measure, not because the people clamoured for it, but because the people required it, is it not my duty, as it is my happiness, in returning thanks for the Church of Scotland, to tender to him our humble meed of grateful respect? (Applause.) But, gratifying as this first act of his administration was, as a token for good to our land, I do confess that I, at least in his last act, in the cause of his retirement from oflBce, find a something which just as powerfully calls forth my admiration. The point on which he declared he would stand or fall, was the integrity of the Established Church of Ireland — (loud cheers)— that grand bulwark of Protestantism in that unhappy land. This was a point of pre-eminent importance. On this point alone, all his opponents were united; but, sooner than yield to such a measure, he resigned his high and honourable office, and retired into private life. (Great applause.) And may I not be permitted, even in his presence, to say, that on the occasion of his doing so, he secured for himself a name and an honour as great, if not greater, than any measure ever carried through, by the most triumphant majority, was ever capable of bestowing. And now, Mr. Chairman, muchcausehavelto apologise for this lengthened address. I fear. Sir, I have abused your kind indulgence, and trespassed greatly on the patience of the company. I shall only add, in conclusion, that I am not afraid for the Church of Scotland. That ark of our national security shall swim forward, in the tide of time, in spite of winds and storms. There still remains an unconquerable spirit of Christianity in our land, and a deep-rooted attachment, on the part of Scotland’s best and 78 steadiest population, to our Church and her admirable parochial machinery. The moral weight of the country is ours, and that shall be seen if ever an attempt be made to interfere with our system. Whether that attempt is likely soon to be made or not, is not for me to say — I have my fears — I could state the grounds of them — Sed Cinthius aurem vellit et admonuit. Our Church is the Church of the people — (cheers) — and if she had a principle of supply, she w'ould emphatically be the Church of the poor. (Enthusiastic cheers.) No doubt the population have far outgrown her means — but she is making a noble struggle. (Cheers.) Awakened by circumstances, intended for her destruction, but overruled for her good, she is putting forth her own peculiar energies. She has appealed to her sons and daughters, and nobly has that appeal been responded to. (Loud applause.) One hundred and fifty additional churches — one hundred and fifty thousand pounds, by private subscription, to build them — and affording addi- tional accommodation for two hundred and forty thousand of our outcast population — and all that within little more than two years, aflfords no unequivocal demonstration of the number and attachment of her friends — (continued cheering) — while it furnishes as conclusive evidence, one should suppose, as the report of a Parliamentary Commission, for the deplorable extent of that national exigency which could call forth such munificent support. Let the Church of Scotland have fair play — let her parochial system be carried out in all its designs — let her be put in a capacity of meeting the increased demand of the increasing population, and she shall continue a tower of strength, and a monument of glory — and long after the vain theories of the passing day are committed to oblivion, this “ burning bush shall continue to burn.” (Loud cheering.) Yes, Sir, I doubt not our Church shall exist for generations to come, to shed over the hills and valleys of our native land all the blessings of pure Christianity — all the conser- vative virtue of peace — of order — of contentment — of sound patriotism, and true loyalty — ay, Sir, that loyalty that can alone be depended upon — the lofty loyalty of the man who honours his King, because he fears his God. (Prolonged applause.) SIR DANIEL K. SANDFORD. I rise to respond to the heart-stirring appeals of the most magnificent oration ever delivered vnthin the limits of Scotland, and transcending, as in your name I gratefully acknowledge, all the previous efforts even of the eloquent and distinguished Statesman who delivered it. My only fear is, that in bringing forward the subject of ray toast, I may seem to touch, with a feeble and presumptuous hand, the very chords that have been already struck by the master-spirit so as to vibrate to the core of every sound heart in the empire. But I know — I see — the generous enthusiasm that animates the citizens of Glasgow in a good cause; and therefore I venture to approach that subject and the great topics that surround it — in the confidence that every deficiency on my part will be covered by the ardour with which you will second an attempt to express our reverence for a grand element of the Constitution, and our determination to uphold, at any hazard, the independence of the House of Lords. (Loud cheers.) It is at a time when the integrity of that element is threatened in some quarters, and the very idea of that independence is scouted and ridiculed in others, that the thinking people of this country are re- quired to come forth with an expression of their unshaken resolution to maintain ’them. We admire that Institution, because it opens up an avenue to great and permanent distinction for every species of exalted merit. We admire that Institution, because we like to see a Nelson and a Wellesley — ^an Erskine and an Ellenborough — a Scarlett and a Copley, raised by their own genius to rank with the proudest aristocracy, and beaconing for future ages, by the light of their fame, the path of virtuous ambition. (Cheers.) We admire and we will maintain that Institution, because we know by old experience that it supplies the firmest barrier against despotic oppression on the one hand, and 79 democratic innovation on the other. (Continued cheers.) And yet for the last two years the re- volutionary party — ignorant of sound theory and blind to impressive fact — dead to the singular advantages of our political condition — not caring for the recorded sentiments of the deepest reasoners in every age — not deigning to cast an eye on the real aspect of other countries in both hemispheres scorning glorious recollections, and ungrateful for signal services — have been concentrating all their powers of declamation against that very branch of our institutions, to which, perhaps, above all others, we owe the high standing of our national character, and the stability of our national pros- perity. Their itinerant agents have gone about from place to place with a pretended picture of the Peerage as the chief attraction of their political show-box — and never, seemingly, is the demagogue more happt' in the strokes of his audacious pencil, than when he is touching up this vision- ary likeness to excite the scorn and hatred of the people. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, the demagogue does draw an ugly picture of hereditary nobility, — but it is because he dips into his own heart for the colours. (Hear.) He knows that were he endowed with political immunities he would abuse them — that raise him to rank and dignity he would trample on those beneath him — that were he invested with hereditary claims, he would never seek to strengthen them by personal merit. I throw back upon his hands a portrait of which he himself is the original. I will not exchange my substantial blessings for his paper constitution — and I will not shut my eyes to the lessons of history because he calls it an old almanack. (Loud cheers.) I am not going to rake just now amid the ashes of the distant past; nor to disturb the venerable dust on Magna Charta ; but there are two great points in our political history — a period when the inde- pendent functions of the Peerage were suspended, and another period at which the nation learned to estimate their true value — which force themselves at this moment on my memory. I want to remind those aspiring politicians who at this day would elevate the Commons at the expense of the other House of Parliament, that this ex,periment has been tried already in our annals, and that its results are written in inelFaceable characters. (Cheers.) There was such a thing as the Long Parliament, and in its day it was somewhat addicted to sharp practice. Every child knows that the House of Commons in that Parliament voted the Upper House to be a useless and dangerous nuisance — and every child knows, too, that the same House of Commons abolished the Monarchy — and then came “ Take away that bauble,” and their own door was shut in their faces by the hand of a usurping soldier. (Cheers.) There has been, too, in our annals, such a thing as a Revolution — a glorious Revolution was the good old Whig name for it; and the good old Whig doctrine was to hold, that by it the firm foundation of our liberties was laid. Gentlemen, it is not for this company to shrink from the memory of that Revolution — nor from the principles that justified it; but I appeal upon this topic from the old Whigs to the new. I tell the new Whigs of to-day, who are driving at a new Revolution on opposite principles, that if ever the country had reason to be grateful for an independent Peerage in the frame-work of its government, it was precisely at that epoch when she threw off the yoke of an arbitrary prince, and established on a solid basis her civil and religious liberties. Who was it that bearded the Popish tyrant? Who was it,, that forced him from a throne which he disgraced? Have we forgotten that when the Commons suc- cumbed — when they had sent a member of their own body to the Tower for disputing an illegal stretch of the prerogative — it was the Peers, and headed by a spiritual Peer, who stood forward to throw their shield around the majesty of law ? (Cheers.) Have we forgotten that when the Protestant Deliverer was to be welcomed to England, it was again the Peers — and again headed by a spiritual Peer — that hailed him to our shores ? (Cheers.) But says the new Whig — the real renegade from Whig prin- 80 ciples— let’s quit the useless part for what pays better — the present or the future. You people of these realms — you oppressed and suffering people — unconscious as you seem of your misery and degradation — rise up at the call of a pure, patriotic, disinterested majority in the House of Commons, to put down your hereditary enslavers, your Egyptian taskmasters, the House of Peers, or what do you think will follow? Not your political disfranchisement — not the corruption of your laws — not the accumulation of fresh pecuniary burdens ; but, my Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell may possibly be forced to gratify the King by going out, and those very inferior and insignificant practical Statesmen, Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington, and Lord Stanley and Sir James Graham, may come in. (Cheers.) There’s a catastrophe to guard against! There would be a blow to the country, and above all to the present majority of its Representatives! Gentlemen, whatever the majority in the House of Commons may at present be, I am not going to utter one syllable in disparagement of that assembly. Reeling as it yet is under the inevitable shock of a great change, it enshrines imperishable principles of liberty and order. (Cheers.) Crowded as its benches are by many whom nothing but a huge surge of the democratic tide could have wafted to that eminence, there still shines within its walls the supreme intellect of Peel, compelling homage from all parties — (cheers) — there still are heard in its debates the intrepid eloquence of Stanley, and the luminous argument of Graham — and the ruffian spirit of democracy still cowers at the shout of three hundred Conservative voices in harmony with leaders like these. (Great cheering.) But yet how often in the course of the last Session — of which it has not been left for me to furnish the summary — has every man of constitutional sentiments exclaimed. Thank God, we have still a House of Lords! But for them the Protestant interest in Ireland — and how am I to separate the maintenance of that interest, on both sides of the channel, from the very title of the House of Brunswick to the throne ? — would have been delivered over, bound hand and foot, to the disposal of a Popish demagogue. But for that independent House, the true and valid tenure of ecclesiastical property would have been gone for ever — the first step, as the history of revolutionary rapine shows, to the invasion of property of all descriptions. (Cheers.) But for the independence of that House, our Scottish Colleges — dear to the affections of the people, and at this moment dearer than ever — would have been torn to pieces by arbitrary bills, or might even yet be plundered and degraded by ignoble and iniquitous Commissions. (Loud cheers.) But for them, an unprincipled Cabinet, that mendicates support from every base and baleful quarter, might even now be riding rough-shod over all that makes this goodly land a blessing and a pride to its inhabitants. (Loud cheers.) Hence, the undissembled rage of Ministers against a body they can neither sway nor daunt, and the seditious jargon of their emissaries. And O, what an exquisite sagacity — what a profound insight into the British character, has guided these shrewd tacticians in their attacks on the staunchest bulwarks of our happiness and freedom ! (Cheers.) They first assault the Church — and how has she encountered them ? She has disproved their facts — laid bare their sophistries — exposed their spirit — and thus she hands them over to the secular arm, to inflict a signal vengeance at the ensuing general election. Let them read their fate in memorable words, which I hold it no profaneness to quote with such an application — “ Whoso falleth on this Rock shall be broken, but on whomsoever it shall fall it shall grind him to powder.” (Cheering.) Next, they make an open question of what they call Peerage Reform — that is, they leave it, as far as depends upon them, the nominal governors of this country, to Revolutionists under the title of Reformers. The Peers will not be bullied by us — the Peers will not be cajoled by us — and, therefore, the Peers must be destroyed : Such is the Ministerial logic. We don’t speak without authority. We won’t suffer Ministers to skulk behind the poor pretext of unauthorised 81 rashness on the part of their allies. Their great peripatetic orator and teacher — “ the Master, Guide, Philosopher, and Friend” of the existing Government — has been here on their behalf. Down came the colossus of the Lichfield-house conspiracy— ** Of Atlanteau shoulders, fit to bear The weight of heaviest Cabinets;’* to earn vice-regal courtesies in Dublin Castle, by describing, as a swinish multitude, the Order to which his Noble host has the honour to belong. (Cheers.) Down he came, commissioned to enlighten us — a provincial population — a community of shopkeepers — (laughter) — upon the new Ministerial reading of the British Constitution. We were too deeply sunk in the commercial puddle, and too far from the source of political illumination, to read it for ourselves! (Hear.) Gentlemen, the reception which their great travelling partner — the very head of the Ministerial firm — met with amongst us, must have shown the rest of them — even the sleeping partners, if there be any such in the Colonial Office or elsewhere — that they had sent their goods to a wrong market Our perceptions are not so blunted by the toils of traffic, nor our minds so destitute of light, as to be easily misled on a high constitutional question! — ** Non obtusa adeo gestamus pectora Poeni, Nec tam aversus equos Tyriasoljungit ab urbet” We have looked at the modest propositions of those Peerage Reformers, and find in them only the curious felicity of copying the worst precedents of the worst times. Let the Lords only bo submissive, says one — let them only be content to register the immaculate decrees of the House of Commons — or, according to the latest local version of this theory, let them restrict themselves to the occasional enjoy- ment of a suspensive faculty, and nothing serious shall befall them ! — So said the Surrey petitioners, as reported by Clarendon, at the blessed epoch of 1641 : — “ We shall be in duty obliged to defend and maintain your Lordships, as far as you shall be united with the honourable House of Commons in all their just and pious proceedings.” So that plan, you will perceive, is not original. Let Lords and Commons sit and vote as a united Chamber, says another! Now, is it not a curious coin- cidence, that at the same era of delightful reminiscences — long before this notable experiment had been practically illustrated in France — the petition of “ many thousands of poor people in and about the city of London” had prayed the Commons “ that those noble worthies of the House of Peers, who concur with your happy votes, may be earnestly desired to join with your honourable House, and to sit and vote as one entire body.” So there’s another plagiarism. But it has just struck some of the more sagacious Ministerialists, that an aggregate of the two Houses, at this moment, would produce a sweeping majority against them. “ Well, then,” says a Noble Lord, whom strange accidents have jostled into the temporary representation of Glasgow — “ Well, then,” says Lord William Bentinck, giving reins to the magnificence of his oriental fancy, accustomed to play the potentate on a large scale in Hindostan, and decidedly not consulting his colleague, (cheers) — “ let us call new Peers into existence, to redress the balance of the old!” But here, too, the Noble Lord has been anticipated. To be sure, the precedent in this case is neither very choice nor wholly adequate, for where Lord Oxford, in the reign of Anne, created twelve, thank Heaven, in the present time, and temper of the Upper House, Lord Melbourne must create an hundred. Gentlemen, we dare him to do it. (Continued cheering.) We think we know a Sovereign, who, rather than be an accomplice in such an act of suicide, would give the standard royal to the winds, and throw himself upon the affections of his subjects. (Cheers.) We think we know the unennobled aristocracy of England too well, to fear that 82 tools for such a stroke of policy could be counted on among them. Let the Premier rain down his coronets as thick as hail, where will he find heads to bear them? (Loud cheers.) It would be needless and disgusting to ring the changes farther on these varieties of insolent absurdity, all differing in detail, but all agreeing in impracticable wildness and revolutionary principle. I dismiss them with the contemptuous remark of that eminent authority, Mr. Feargus O’Connor: — “ The Reform of the House of Lords is a hobby-horse for political buffoons to ride on — a plan to draw the attention of the people from practical reforms.” From these practical and practicable reforms, I beg to add, projected, announced, and beg^un by the Right Honourable Member for Tamworth — before the selfishness of faction drove him from that position in the Councils of the King, to which the awakened people of this empire, if they but support the Peers against their common enemy, will speedily restore him. The Lords have taken their stand on true principles — in an unshrinking attitude — they have done their duty to the Constitution and the laws — and they adjure the people to do theirs. And if there be any party in the country — if there be any individuals in this room — who more than others are required to respond to that appeal, it is precisely that party, and those individuals, who, when the great question of Reform in the House of Commons was agitated, were most loud in their addresses and petitions to the hereditary legislators — did most earnestly implore them, in every form of supplication and remonstrance — in the most emphatic language — by the most impassioned figures — to withdraw their opposition to its settlement. They who were so jealous of aristocratic interference with the elective principle, how, in the name of justice, of honour, and of reason, shall they not be as jealous of demo- cratic interference with the hereditary principle — as vital an element — as legitimate an element — and as precious an element in our balanced Constitution ? (Cheers.) I speak of those who were favourable to Parliamentary Reform, not from motives of political partizanship, but in the strength of an honest conviction. (Hear, hear.) 1 for one, cannot understand that convenient political morality, which has one measure for its own rights, and another for its neighbour’s. I rejoice to think that there are hun- dreds here — hundreds of Constitutional Reformers — whose breasts will echo back these sentiments, and that it is not the least important feature of this brilliant festival, that it celebrates the union — a really compact and indissoluble union — between two parties, joining not in the rage of selfish cupidity for a division of plunder, but, under the sense of a common danger, to guard the altar and the throne. (Loud cheers.) Look upon the contrast between our illustrious guest, so supported and surrounded, and the heads of the motley faction that supplanted him ! They, begirt by bickering enemies in the guise of friends — he, winning new adherents from the ranks of old antagonists ; they, the miserable remnant of a party, from which all that was highest in talent and purest in principle, has been forced to flee as from a leprosy, — he, the rallying name with all who prefer the true consistency of supporting good laws, to the sordid mock-consistency of following bad leaders! (Great cheering.) Our principle — if I may presume to give a voice to this great Political Union — is to maintain popular rights, but not at the expense of kingly government — is to do all that may be necessary for the remedy of unredressed abuses, but to do no more — and never, never, under the semblance of Reform, to sanction Revolution, least of all a Popish Revolution. (Continued cheering.) And, as the first test of our principle, when the pragmatical econ- omist of Middlesex, or the lip-valiant repealer of Kilkenny, shall again cry out for the destruction of the House of Lords, we wilt again be ready to toss them back the defiance of 3000 fearless men. We will uphold the political authority of that Noble Order, because we believe it to be indispensable for the welfare of the people. We will uphold their personal immunities, because we will not loosen the foun- dations of all civil right. We will uphold the dignity and splendour of the Corinthian capital — if that 83 be an image inseparably connected with this subject — because we know that should it be orerthrown the rest of the social fabric will totter with the fall, and the august form of Liberty herself be crushed beneath the ruin. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, my toast is, “ The Independence of the House of Lords.” Air, “ Of Noble Race was Shenkin.” THE MARQUIS OF TWEEDDALE. Being appointed, in the absence of a brother Peer, to return thanks for the House of Lords, I feel that the highest claim I can have on your attention, is the promise that the observations I am about to deliver shall be contained in a very short space. (Hear.) I have been requested by my Noble Friend [the Duke of Buccleugh,] to express his regret that he is not able to be present on this occa- sion. But I am glad to say that his absence is not occasioned by any sickness in his family, but by the indisposition of one whose temporary confinement, I trust, will add another member to the Conservative Society. (Laughter and cheers.) Gentlemen, it is not necessary for me to enter into any explanation or justification of the conduct of the House of Lords, during the last session of Parliament, which has been the cause of so much excitement in this country. You had means of reading the speeches which were made on these occasions, in the newspapers, and of examining our votes. Whether we acted con- scientiously, it is for you to decide. (Cheers.) I am sure you would consider me a very bad General, were I to attempt to make any defence of the House of Lords, after the very able speeches that have been made by the illustrious Statesman, in whose honour we have this day assembled, as well as by the learned Professor who introduced this toast. (Hear.) I shall only apply to you, gentlemen, the ques- tion — and it is for this company, and for the people of England, to say — whether the House of Lords is to remain an independent branch of the Legislature, or whether we are to serve those who wish to make us their servants. I promise our conduct shall be guided by justice, prudence, and liberality. (Cheers.) I think, gentlemen, that you will allow that I have said all that the modesty of a Peer entitles me to say in this company. (Hear.) I shall sit down, expressing my own thanks, and in the name of my brother Peers, by pledging myself that the line I have pointed out will be my own line; and I can safely say it will be the line of the Conservative Peers of the country. (Great cheering.) A Gentleman rose and proposed three cheers for the Lords, which were given enthusiastically, THE MARQUIS OF LOTHIAN Had the honour of proposing the health of their much respected Chairman, At a meeting of this kind, any eulogium on Mr. Monteith’s character w'ould be quite superfluous. He was known to the country as a man of sound constitutional principles, — a distinguished merchant, — a benevolent citizen, ever ready to contribute to the wants of the distressed, and a most excellent country gentleman. I beg leave, said his Lordship, to drink “ Long life and happiness to our worthy Chairman. This toast was received with thunders of applause. Air — “ The Good Old Country Gentleman.” THE CHAIRMAN Said, that he did not know in what manner to express his thanks for the honour done to him. He could only say that to preside at this great Festival, and to receive the approbation of such a splendid meeting, was the proudest circumstance that had ever occurred to him in the course of his life. In the state of agitation in which he found himself, he could only say, that though he wanted words, he did not want feelings. (Loud and continued cheering.) h 84 MR. CHARLES STIRLING. If there is a toast on the list to-night, which deserves to be drank with enthusiasm by the present company, I flatter myself it is the one that I have the honour to propose; for, surely, it must be allowed that the Conservative constituencies of England have taken the lead in rallying round our National In- stitutions, now that they seem seriously threatened, and their exertions have been nobly seconded by their representatives in Parliament. Englishmen have been ever proud, and justly proud of their name and of their country, and God forbid the day may ever arrive when they should peril both at the shrine of revolution. From the number and complexion of the present meeting — many of whom I have the pleasure of knowing — I think we may be allowed to conclude that the eyes of Scotchmen are beginning to open, — for certain I am, that had Glasgow been honoured some three or four years ago with a visit from the eminent Statesman, at present our guest, we should not have seen assembled around him, as we now do, a company such as this — composed, as it is, of men of various shades of politics. And yet we are very seriously told at a meeting that took place in this city a few days ago, that there is no reaction; and we are tauntingly asked for a definition of the word. This meeting is our definition. They can- not, forsooth, define reaction, and it strikes me forcibly that they have failed considerably in defining us, — for they call us an expiring faction — a party that has changed its name. We shall not quarrel with them about names, but this we will tell them, that we have not changed our principles, and if they con- tinue to go the pace at which they have lately started, we shall soon be a party combining the good and moderate of all sides — those who hate revolution, and those who will not tamely submit that our Pro- testant religion shall be trampled underfoot; — thus united, we may bid defiance to them as a party, and Britain shall yet be saved. We are to-night honoured with the presence of more than one representative of English constituen- cies, but there is one who, perhaps, has more particularly a claim on our notice, he having served under the Right Honourable Baronet, when he was at the head of the government of this country — his name I shall therefore couple with the toast, and in him, I am sure, we shall always find an able, an eloquent, and an uncompromising defender of those principles so dear to us all. — “ The Conservative Constituencies of England and their Representatives in Parliament, and Mr. W. Ewart Gladstone.” MR. W. EWART GLADSTONE, M. P. In returning thanks said, that he rejoiced to think that he might speak to this vast assemblage in be- half of a majority of the people of England. (Cheers.) The division of the House of Commons testified that the Conservatives form a majority of the English representatives, and an authority whom he would willingly trust, whose evidence told against himself, — a man by whose reckless wickedness a great pro- portion of the Irish people were misled, much to their own and to our debasement — told them that the English nation was determined to refuse justice to Ireland. He could not presume to request their as- sent to the fact that a majority of the English people were determined to refuse justice to Ireland in the proper meaning of the phrase, but they were determined at once irrefragably to withhold their consent from those measures which, under that denomination, were generally understood to mean the dissolution of British connexion with that country, and the extinction of the Protestant religion. (Loud cheering.) He should ill show his sense of what was due to them and to the great objects of this meeting, or to the 85 impression produced by them who had preceded him, if he indulged in any lengthened observations. But he beseeched them to bear with him a moment while he endeavoured to demonstrate, by a striking contrast, the change which has taken place in the character of public feeling during the last few years. At the period of the dissolution of Parliament in 1831, the Conservative members of the House of Com- mons, amounted perhaps to 50. Let them pass on for two years, to the dissolution of 1834, and con- sider the result. Instead of a small and dispirited band, they saw a resolute and formidable phalanx of 300 members. This vast increase afforded a gratifying proof that a great change of sentiment had lately taken place on the part of the constituencies, and he was quite sure that the representatives of the city of Glasgow, at least Lord William Bentinck, would no longer be allowed to usurp an hononr w'hich should of right belong to an advocate of far different sentiments. But they would be doing injustice to the stability of character and sagacity of counsel which distinguished the people of Scotland, if they were to ascribe this change to any fickleness of principle on the part of the constituencies. No, it was not in- consistency. It could be ascribed only to the rapid progress of events, to the altered position of cir- cumstances, to the desperate and reckless violence of the enemies of the Constitution. The present great struggle in which the country was engaged was not a party but a national contest; the institutions of the country were threatened with destruction, and the assault, now openly made on the Constitution which had so long been the boast of Britain, offered to men of all parties — whether called by the forgot- ten name of Whig or Tory — a neutral ground upon which they might meet to withstand the insidious attacks of their common enemy. (Great cheering.) They did not require to be informed that the great principles of the Constitution were in danger. They had all heard of the great, the all-important ques- tion of church extension. They had been informed by a Rev. Doctor, whose speech, addressed to them to-night, was characterised equally by force and feeling, that the Right Honourable Baronet, who was their guest, had been induced, through the medium of the King’s Speech during the session, when he held the chief place in the councils of his Sovereign, to make a manly appeal to the country, upon the sub- ject of extending the Established Church of Scotland. He (Mr. Gladstone) must direct their attention to a fact painful and disagreeable in the last degree to all the lovers of the constitution. He had himself heard, in the House of Commons, the chief responsible adviser of the Crown in that assembly declare, that, from the depth and sincerity of his attachment to constitutional principles, he had resolved not to introduce the question of Church Extension during the ensuing session. One of the most respectable supporters of Government in the House of Commons, Lord Dalmeny, had declared it was his intention, whether any grant for the Church of Scotland should be proposed or not, strenuously to resist every propo- sition for increasing the accommodation, or extending the benefits of that church. On the vital impor- tance of this great principle, he should not think it necessary to dwell; but he mentioned these circum- stances to show the spirit which animated the existing administration and its supporters. He hoped they would allow him, before he concluded, to express his hope that the reproach of sending to Parliament a majority of representatives, pledged either directly or indirectly, to measures subversive of the best in- terests of the country, would be for ever removed by the Scottish people on the first opportunity granted them of declaring their sentiments, as had already been done by the constituencies of England. Never would he believe, with the knowledge he possessed of Scotland, that the people of this country, where the human intellect was, perhaps, more generally cultivated and informed than in any other region of the globe — never could he believe of such a people, that they would consent to abolish institutions under the shadow of which, more generally extended and equally diffused freedom was enjoyed than in any other quarter of the world — and never would he admit, that in a land where the fear of God pervaded every class of the community, that church which was dedicated to the dissemination of the principles in- 86 culcated by his inspired talents, would be destroyed. United in a great and a holy cause, they still be- come the name of a party, but by necessity and not by choice. Their objects were not those of a party. The establishment of one minister, and the overthrow of another; the defeat of one party, and the vic- tory of another, might be instruments which they were obliged to employ, but principles and not men were their objects. He felt convinced that from the walls of this building a voice would reverberate which had already been sounded to them from England — the voice of fearless and resolute attachment to the institutions of this country. (Great cheering.) REV. DR. PATRICK M'FARLANE OF GREENOCK, Began with remarking, that this was the first political dinner which he ever attended ; that he had not come there as a political partizan, and was as free to judge of the proceedings of the successors of the present Ministry, and, if he saw cause, to condemn them, as he was to condemn the measures of those who were now in power. He stated that his brother clergymen and himself came there, Jirst, to em- brace the only opportunity which, in all probability, would ever be afforded to them of publicly ex- pressing, at an entertainment of this kind, their gratitude for the services which Sir Robert Peel had rendered to the Church of Scotland — services which were in entire accordance with all the professions and principles of the Right Honourable Baronet in his past life, and which enabled them to rely with perfect confidence on his support. The Rev. Doctor farther remarked, that he had no wish to conceal from this meeting, or the public, that their second and chief reason for attending at this Banquet, was, that they were desirous of lending their aid in resisting certain public measures, which, in their humble opinion, tended to the complete destruction of all ecclesiastical and religious Establishments; that they were compelled to adopt the unusual course which they now pursued, in self-defence, and in defence of the Church of which they were the constituted watchmen and guardians; that, if his Majesty’s Ministers would cease from meddling wdth the Church, except for the purpose of reforming its abuses; if they would become its nursing-fathers, and not its destroyers, — then his clerical friends and himself would retire from the strife of politics with ten-fold greater pleasure than they had entered into it; but that if they continued to prosecute measures which, in his opinion, not only may, but must, issue in the sub- version of all our religious institutions, the Ministers of the Church of Scotland would use their own discretion on the subject of attending political dinners; and, whatever the consequences might be, for which his brethren and he were not responsible, they would exert all the influence they possessed in resisting the destructive proposals which his Majesty’s Ministers had declared their determination to support. Having made these remarks, he expressed himself in the following words: — I have now to crave your indulgence for a little, whilst 1 make a few observations on the toast which I beg leave to propose, namely: — “ The maintenance and diflfusion of the Protestant religion in the British dominions.” The toast, it will be admitted, is quite a clerical one; but I should have no difficulty in showing, if it were necessary, that it lies also at the very foundation of a true Conservative policy. In the ages immediately preceding the Reformation, the spirit of rational liberty and sound legislation had no existence; it awoke with Protestantism, it gathered strength as the Protestant reli- gion extended its sway, it produced its blissful fruits in the free Constitutions of the various nations of Protestant Europe; and if — which may God forbid — Protestantism should at any future period be ex- tinguished in the British dominions, we cannot have a doubt that the liberties of Britain will perish along with it. But, perhaps, I shall be asked, have I any fear that the Protestant religion will not be 87 maintained ? Gentlemen, at the risk of being pitied as an alarmist, or stigmatised as an Orangeman, I say at once that I am afraid, and that I cannot but fear, if his Majesty’s Government be permitted, in the unsearchable providence of God, to continue to pursue their present course. Have we not heard this evening, the oft-repeated words of the Noble Lord at the head of his Majesty’s Councils, that he was of opinion that a measure which his colleagues and himself declared themselves determined to carry, would be “a heavy blow, and a great discouragement to the Protestant religion in Ireland;” and is it possible for us to avoid the inference that the Noble Lord and his colleagues, themselves Protestants, and therefore, we must suppose, attached to the Protestant religion, are under the influence of a man whose bidding they must obey, and one of whose chief objects is avowedly the re-ascendancy of Popery in one part, at least, of the British dominions, and that they must advance to the complete fulfilment of the anti-Christian schemes which he eagerly contemplates? Then, it is a fact, that the present Government have lately established the Roman Catholic Church in Australia, co-ordinate with the Churches of England and Scotland in that colony, investing the Popish Bishop in that part of the British dominions with the privileges and immunities of the clergy of a Protestant Church, and making equal provision for the Popish and the Protestant clergy. I might also allude to a fact well-known to you all, that a Noble Lord, one of the Members for this city, a professed adherent of the present Ministry, lately told his constituents, that, in his opinion, the last Irish Church Bill did not go far enough, and that he was of opinion that the tithes of Ireland should be taken from the clergy of the Protestant Church, and divided between the Protestant and Roman Catholic clergy, in proportion to the population professing to be- long to each. But I shall confine your attention to the two Church of Ireland Bills— Bills, by his tem- perate, enlightened, persevering, and, I may add, successful opposition to which, the Right Honourable Baronet has acquired an imperishable fame, and rendered his name dear to every Protestant. These Bills have in general been objected to on the ground of their being acts of spoliation, and they are justly objectionable in that point of view. But, in my humble opinion, they are far more objectionable on the ground of their impeding and crippling the efforts of the clergy of the Church of Ireland, in the discharge of their duty to the most forlorn portion of their parishioners — the Roman Catholics. It was proposed by the first, that, wherever the number of Protestants in a parish did not exceed fifty, the minister should be withdrawn; in other words, where the darkness was thickest, you were to exclude the last ray of light — where the inundation was threatening to burst every bound, you were to with- draw the only barrier to its progress. By the second, it was proposed, that the present number of ministers should be retained; but that their Protestant parishioners should be counted, and that they should receive salaries in proportion to the number of Protestants to whom it was their duty to minister, some having the allowance of first-rate, others of second and third-fate policemen. Thanks to the House of Lords and to a kind Providence, guiding and influencing their deliberations, neither of these monstrous and unfeeling proposals has yet become the law of the land. I mention them at present for the purpose of awakening you to a sense of the danger to which the Protestant religion is exposed, when the Ministers of the Crown dare to make such proposals to Parliament, and succeed in obtaining for them the sanction of a majority of the House of Commons. I request you to observe attentively the leading principle in both these Bills. It is this — that henceforth the Protestant minister is expected to confine himself exclusively to such of the people as are of his own communion — that he is not to make one solitary effort to open the prison door of the wretched Papist — that he is to permit the demon of a blind superstition to exercise, uncontrolled, his horrid sway over the minds of millions of immortal men. Surely no man will venture to say, that there is no danger to the Protestant religion — no prospect of the revival of Popery, when a principle such as this is avowed, and when, but for the opposition of 88 the only independent House of Parliament, a law would ere now have been passed, virtually prohibiting the Protestant minister from attempting the conversion of the Roman Catholic portion of his flock. For my own part, I do not hesitate to denounce the Bills now mentioned, as not only unchristian but anti-Christian, as opposed to every principle, and every dictate of a sound and scriptural Christianity. I do this upon grounds which I am not ashamed to own in the presence of this vast assembly, namely, that civil rulers are accountable to God for the discharge of their duty, and that it is the first part of the duty of a civil ruler to encourage the preaching and dissemination of the truth, and of the truth only. And, if, in these days of crude legislation, I must go back to first principles, and define what the truth is, I say that it is the truth as contained in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, — and, if I be still pressed and asked to say what interpretation of the Sacred Scriptures, I repeat the answer already given, and add — it is the truth held, with a few unessential diversities of opinion, by all the Protestant churches in their several Confessions ; or, I may cut the matter still more short, by saying, that in de- ciding between contending systems of religion, that system must be wrong which will not permit the Bible to go into the hands of the people, or, at least, will not permit them to read it, except through the eyes of their priests. But I am willing to descend to lower ground, and considering the subject in the light of a merely secular policy, I denounce the schemes which have been proposed as fraught with unspeak- able injury to the temporal interests of Ireland. If any man needs to be informed respecting the pernicious influence of Popery on the morals and the temporal condition of men, he has only to look into the history of past times, and to contrast the countries or the towns where Popery has prevailed, with those in which the Protestant religion has held the ascendancy. Or, let him look on the nations of Europe in the present day, and he will find that with Popery there is almost invariably connected the most dissolute morals — a tyrannical and despotic Government — a want of enterprise in the people — a seeming prostration of strength, mental and bodily — whilst the very reverse of all these is to be seen in the states and towns under the influence of Protestantism. Let him, for example, go into Switzerland, where the Protestant and Roman Catholic Cantons are indented into one another like the diflPerent parts of a piece of mosaic, and, without consulting his map, he will at once discover when he is in a Pro- testant and when in a Popish Canton, by the healthy looks and flourishing condition of the peasantry in the one, and their squalid miserable appearance in the other. But why do I turn your eyes to the Continent of Europe, when you have only to go across the Irish Channel for a proof of the baneful influence of Popish superstition ? There you may see one of the four provinces of Ireland, Pro- testant Ulster, moral, industrious, prosperous, and happy, and its peace preserved by a handful of soldiers; whilst the other three provinces, wherever, at least, the Roman Catholic religion prevails, are, with the exception of a few fertile spots, the oases in the desert, one vast moral wilderness, inha- bited by wild beasts in the shape of men, bristling with the bayonets of the soldiery and police, and not unfrequently the scene of lawless violence and midnight assassination. Am I required to con- nect the two things together as cause and effect, and to prove that the Roman Catholic religion is chargeable with these atrocities ? I do not think I am. If I find in the same island, under the same Government, and under the same laws, one of four provinces peaceful, flourishing, and happy, and the other three wretched, immoral, and disorganised ; and, if 1 find that the only circumstance by which the first is distinguished from the rest, is its being Protestant, whilst they are Popish, I am entitled, upon every principle of sound reasoning, to conclude, that the Protestantism of the one is the cause of its prosperity, and that to the Popery of the others is to be traced all its degradation and all its misery. But I accept the challenge, and declare myself ready to prove that the two things do stand to one another in the relation of cause and eflect. From evidence before more than one Committee of the House of 89 Commons, it has been proved that the ministers of religion — the men whose aim it should be to restrain the wicked passions of the human heart, and to induce men to live in harmony and peace — are the very persons who first make savages of the members of their flock, and then urge them on to their deeds of violence and blood. This is the religion which His Majesty’s Ministers would maintain in all its ascen- dancy, and which they would, by force of law, prevent the ministers of the Established Church from en- deavouring to subvert. And who, or what, are these Ministers and the party, in and out of the House of Commons, by whom they are supported ? Whigs ? No : but men who presume to call themselves by that honoured name — men who have practically abjured and trampled under foot every principle of gen- uine Whiggism, — men who, instead of an enlightened regard to the voice of the people — understanding by “ the people,” the well-informed part of the community, from the highest subject in the realm, down to the meanest educated mechanic — discover a trembling sensitive alarm at every expression of dissatis- faction in an ignorant and misguided populace, or, as a distinguished clerical friend of mine describes them, are perpetually putting out their feelers to know whether this or the other measure shall be acceptable to the ten-pounders, and do nothing, — men who, instead of a determination to maintain each of the three Estates in the exercise of all its prerogatives, avow their inclination to give absolute and uncontrolled power to the House of Commons, though it is notoriously far less independent than the House of Lords, and is seen in all its proceedings crouching, abject, timid, and submissive under the gravia onera of a hard and insatiable taskmaster — men calling themselves Whigs, but who have forgotten one of the dis- tinctive features in the character of the Whigs of the olden time — an irreconcilable hatred of Popery as the never-failing instrument of oppression in the hand of arbitrary and despotic authority — and cherish the serpent in their bosom, and would have it declared by law that the ministers of Christ shall not make the slightest effort, in the strength of their Divine Master, to crush its head. Suppose a Whig of 1 688 to rise up and see what they are about, does any man, even of themselves, suppose that he would own them as his offspring ? No, gentlemen, he would disown every one of them. If he were a Mem- ber of the House of Commons, I am as sure as I can be of anything of that kind, that he would take his place on the Conservative side, — for there, and there only w'ould he find an approximation to his princi- ples. But I have detained you long enough in descanting on the danger to which the Protestant religion is exposed in the British dominions ; allow me to add a few words on the means by which it may be main- tained and diffused. The subject, as it respects Ireland at least, is one of extreme difficulty and delicacy; and I cannot expect that, in the observations which 1 shall now make, every person in this immense assem- bly will agree with me, — yet, as I purpose to confine myself almost entirely to the principles of a Chris* tian policy, I trust we shall not differ very widely. It has always appeared to me, that, in dealing with the Eoman Catholic religion, our Statesmen, on both sides of politics, have proceeded on what I consider a fallacy. They have contemplated the Roman Catholics as if they were free men. How often do we hear the exclamation, uttered in a tone of triumph or of contempt — “ There are six millions of Catholics in Ireland, will you not respect the wishes, the conscientious scruples of six millions ?” Now, according to my view of the matter, it would be as proper to ask — will you not respect the wishes of six millions of automatons ? Every Roman Catholic, whether in Ireland or elsewhere, especially if he be of the poor or working classes, may be compared to the magician of the ingenious Maillardet. He lifts his shillelagh, or he lays it down — he nods assent, or he grins displeasure, just as his priest touches one spring or another. He has no mind, no religious principles, no wish of his own — they .are all the mind, the principles, the wishes of his priest ; — in other words, he is a slave, a slave in the worst of all bondage — in bondage to a human being whom he ignorantly reveres and obeys as if he were God. The six millions, then, whose wishes « e are commanded to respect, are six millions of fellow-creatures craving our compassions — call- 90 ing on Britain, the friend of liberty, the emancipator of the slave, to break their chains, and to let the bond go free. In every vote which they give, and every political act which they perform in obedience to their priests, methinks I hear a claim on our sympathies, a call for deliverance. Even their silence is ex- pressive; for I believe in my conscience that they feel the weight of the oppression under which they lie, and groan beneath it, whilst they dare not utter their sorrows; or, perhaps, are unable to tell why they are so depressed. Taking this view of the condition of the Roman Catholics, I humbly conceive that it is the duty of this country to treat them accordingly — to approach to them with all the affec- tion and all the frankness of brethren, avowing it to be our object to bring them into the same free and ennobling, and happy condition with ourselves, and actively employing means to that effect. I would have schools provided by Government, where the teacher should be a Protestant, and the Bible should be taught, and the principles of true Christianity explained; and these schools open to the chil- dren of all persuasions. If a Roman Catholic parent came and said, “ I wish my child to learn what is taught in your school, but not your version of the Bible, nor the instructions you give in the Protestant religion;” I would say, “ I am sorryfor it, for I fear that your child will make bad use of his knowledge, if it be not guided and restrained by religion; but we shall comply with your wish; we shall teach him as much as we can, and hope that he may acquire a taste for more.” My principle would be perfect toler- ation, but no encouragement to error, — perfect toleration to all, but positive encouragemeut to the truth — and to the truth only. If I shall be told that schools under such regulations would not be attended by the children of Roman Catholics, I cannot on that account consent to the sacrifice of great principles upon the altar of a political expediency; but we have proof that they would be attended in immense num- bers by the children of Roman Catholics. It appears from evidence before the Education Commission- ers for Ireland, and from the reports of the Hibernian, the Kildare-Street, and other School Societies, that many of the Irish Catholics have sent their children to the schools of Protestant Societies in the face of the most terrible comminations from the priests, and that no fewer than 200,000 have been educated there. Then, with respect to the Established Church, we would have His Majesty’s Government to proceed upon a principle which they profess to hold in very high estimation — that an Established Church ought not to be maintained, except as an instrument of good to the community; and, in order to its being as efficient as possible, in that point of view, we would have them to act as true Reformers, sweeping away with relentless hand every abuse; putting an end to all pluralities of cures, and every case of non-resi- dence; expelling all the drones out of the hive, and not allowing them one drop of the honey. Having effected these mighty changes, we would have them to count not the Protestants merely, but all the inhabitants of a parish ; and if the Roman Catholic inhabitants were very numerous, we would have the Government to consider that the Protestant minister has just so much the more to do. We would have the labourers in this vast field increased — not diminished; but, if it were found difficult or impossible to add to their number, we would not diminish their incomes, but would afford them every facility for making an impression on the unreclaimed and uncultivated portions of their flock. It was by such ag- gressions on Popery that Scotland was reclaimed from ignorance and savage barbarism — it is by such aggressions that the zealous, pious clergy of the Church of Ireland are now reclaiming Ireland, and that under the Divine blessing, the Protestant religion must be diffused, as well as maintained, in the other parts of the British dominions. Give way to the infidel and anti-Christian schemes which have been proposed, and some of which have been carried into effect, and you have no security that Popery will not regain, in every part of the British dominions, the ascendancy which she has lost. Resist them un- compromisingly; let no sanction, no encouragement be given to Popery; — but let the whole weight and power of a professedly Christian Government be given to the dissemination of the truth, and the day 91 may not be far distant, when the light of a pure, a mild, and a healing Christianity shall dispel the dark- ness of Popish superstition; when the worst of all tyranny — the tyranny of a selfish and unfeeling priest- hood, shall be supplanted by the liberty wherewith Christ makes his people free; when the dark places of the earth, now the habitations of horrid cruelty, shall be cheered and tranquilized by all the charities of life ; and when the British dominions shall become throughout every portion of them, one wide-spread scene of peace and industry, and social happiness. May the Lord hasten it in his time ! THE CHAIRMAN Then rose, and remarked, that he was sure the public feeling of Glasgow would cordially join him in the spirit of the toast he was about to propose — “ Principal Macfarlan and the University of Glasgow.” (Great cheering.) Air, “ Bid me discourse.” PRINCIPAL MACFARLAN, Who was received with great applause, said, Mr. Monteith and Gentlemen — Accept my warmest thanks for your very kind reception of an old and tried Conservative — a reception which I have not the vanity to ascribe to any other cause than your knowledge of me in that capacity. The thanks which I now offer from the bottom of my heart, are dictated by higher and purer than any selfish feelings. Not that I, personally, undervalue your approbation. Far from it ; but my immediate sense of it is almost lost in the gratification with which I hail the solemn pledge it implies of your devoted attachment to the religious and civil establishments of your country. Yes, Gentlemen, your principles, founded as they are on reason and truth, are mighty, and must prevail. Of their ultimate success I have never despaired, and am now assured that the time cannot be far distant when they will resume their accustomed and salutary influence in the Councils of the Empire, and the minds of the people. I almost fear that the kindness of your worthy Chairman, in coupling my name with the last toast, may expose me to the charge of presumption, when I venture to acknowledge it in the presence of the higher officers of the University. Yet, as he has done so, and as my office is of a more permanent character than theirs, I will not shrink from attempting to discharge the duty thus devolved on me. On behalf of my colleagues, our students, and myself, I beg leave to offer you our grateful thanks for the compliment you have paid to the University of Glasgow. That ancient Seminary has passed through many vicissitudes ; and, especially of late years, has, in common with all the Institutions of our country, withstood several severe assaults. Still, I rejoice to think that it continues to maintain a position which promises fair for its permanence and prosperity. In this belief I am confirmed bj' my knowledge of the talent, diligence, and fidelity with which my learned colleagues labour to deserve, and by the exercise of which they must command the esteem and confidence of the public — by the yearly increasing resort of students from every part of the British dominions, many of them having received their preparatory in- struction at the most eminent public schools, and belonging to families for a proof of whose high respectability I have only to look around me ; and, above all, by the connection we have lately formed with your honoured guest, through whose matchless judgment we may hope to be guided in effecting every measure of real improvement, and on the aid of whose talents and influence we may rely in resist- ing any scheme of mischievous and fantastic innovation. Let me add, as an additional ground of con- fidence, the favourable opinion and kind feelings which you have now expressed — feelings to which, on this day at least, I think we have established a sufficient claim. With no ordinary pride, on behalf of the University, do I call to mind that she has afforded the occasion of your present assemblage. On all M 92 these grounds, I feel confident that our old walls will be spared a few years longer ; and that the Seminary in which such men as Smith, and Reid, and Simson, aud Black were instructors — in which such living authors as Campbell, and Wilson, and Lockhart were pupils — may be allowed for one or two genera- tions more to supply the liberal professions and varied walks of life with a succession of scholars and gentlemen. (Applause.) THE CHAIRMAN Expressed the regret he felt, in common, he was sure, with all present, at the unavoidable absence, from severe indisposition, of Professor Wilson, who had intended to propose the next toast — “ The Duke of Wellington.” After eulogising the subject of the toast as the first soldier, and as one of the most dis- tinguished Statesmen of the age, the Chairman proposed “ The Duke of Wellington,” which was received with tremendous and protracted cheers. Air, “ See the Conquering Hero comes.” SIR ROBERT PEEL Then rose, and was received with tremendous cheering, which was frequently repeated, and said — Gentlemen, if I was chargeable with any omission, which I think I scarcely was, in presence of the Learned Principal of the University of Glasgow, in not assuming to myself the task of returning thanks in behalf of our University — if I have been guilty of any omission, I am about to supply it by the toast which it is now my duty to propose. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I do not consider it an exaggerated compliment when I say, that I doubt whether of all cities existing on the face of the earth, there be any one so remark- able for the combination of commercial and active industry, with services rendered to science and litera- ture as Glasgow. (Tremendous cheers.) And I am sure, that at a meeting of the inhabitants of Glasgow, whatever was the occasion of that meeting, they would part from it dissatisfied if they had not marked their respect for literature — their admiration of the high station which their country fills in the annals of literature ; but, above all, the acknowledgment of their pride for that son who would alone have immor- talised the place of his nativity. Gentlemen, the toast which I shall give is — “ The Memory of Sir Walter Scott, and may Scotland long maintain her high literary reputation.” (Cheering.) Gentlemen, it was my fate once to see the highest compliment, which, I think, man ever received — if I had not been present this evening. In my enumeration of my visits, I forgot to mention that I had the honour of accompanying his late Majesty, as his Secretary of State, when he paid a visit to Edinburgh. I suppose there are many of you here who were present on that occasion, at that memorable scene, when the days of aneient chivalry were recalled — when every man’s friendship seemed to be confirmed — when men met for the first time who had always looked to each other with distrust, and resolved in the presence of their Sovereign to forget their hereditary feuds and animosities. In the beautiful language of Dryden — “ Men met each other with erected look, The steps were higher that they took ; Friends to congratulate their friends, would haste. And long inveterate foes saluted as they past.” Gentlemen, Sir Walter Scott took an active lead in these eeremonies. On the day on which his Ma- jesty was to pass from Holyrood House, he proposed to me to accompany him up the High-street, to see whether the arrangements were completed. I said to him, “ You are trying a dangerous experi- ment — you will never get through in privacy.” He said, “ They are entirely absorbed in loyalty.” But 93 I was the better prophet — he was recognised from the one extremity of the street to the other, and never did I see such an instance of national devotion expressed. Gentlemen, we have lost Sir Walter Scott ; but though he is no more, let Glasgow show by the enthusiasm with which it receives his memory, that it has as keen and lively a sense of his immortal labours as Edinburgh showed when he was alive. I connect the name of Sir Walter Scott with the literature of Scotland, but his literary character was almost the smallest part of his claim to public esteem. His highest praise was, that he had never written a line, “ which, dying, he could wish to blot out.” Instead of receiving this toast in the manner in which toasts are sometimes received when the memory of persons are proposed at a meeting like the present I never could reconcile to myself proposing the memory of Sir Walter Scott in any other way than with the highest enthusiasm. The Right Honourable Baronet then proposed— “ The Memory of Sir Walter Scott,” which was received with great applause. Air, “ The Flowers of the Forest.” MR. JOHN CROSS BUCHANAN Rose and said, Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen — the toast which I have the honour to propose, is, “ The Conservative Constituencies of Ireland, and their Representatives in Parliament;” and in giving it. Sir, I give you the good and the great of the land. (Applause.) I give you those who love their own green Isle, and who would uphold the time-honoured institutions of their country, honoured from their wis- dom as well as their antiquity — institutions which they and their fathers have long been accustomed to consider almost as sacred as the commandments of their God— institutions which are compatible with the utmost extent of freedom which the heart of man unpolluted can desire. I give you those who will not bow to the demon of oppression, that hell-crowned king. Democracy, whose throne is the scaf- fold, whose sceptre is the axe, and whose delight is in blood and saw-dust. (Cheers.) I give those who would save their country from scheming fools, intriguing demagogues, and selfish tyrants — who would snatch it from the grasp of that man who sits on the verge of rebellion’s precipice, as fearless as the eagle sits on his rock. Yes, he sits fearlessly there; and why? — he is secured by the tail. _ (Great cheering and laughter.) But wily though he be as the serpent, he has given that dorsal support to the keeping of those who have as little footing to stand on as he himself. They will hold him, while yet they may, with the grasp of a drowning man ; for well do they know, that in his fall, he will drag them along with him ; and the storm is gathering, even now it is coming over the land, and meetings such as that which w'as witnessed a few weeks ago at Belfast — the echo of whose thunders is scarcely yet hushed — and meetings such as this one, which makes me proud, proud, indeed, of the city of my birth, have heralded its coming, and that storm, the voice of an indignant people, will sweep them both into the sea of contempt and detestation. (Tremendous cheering.) To this man who has slandered the brother of the king — striven to befoul the pride of Europe, him of a hundred battles and a hundred victories, the page of whose life is glorious in the history of the world — who daily insults his brother man under the shelter of an oath, registered, if registered at all, in a very different place from what he in his impiety would deem — we are told to bow, we are told to concede to his demands, and there will be peace in the land. Concede to such as he ! Never. Concession to him has ever been what it will ever be, the parent of demand. Grant him his most unbounded wishes — his utmost desires to-day — will he be still to-morrow — will ho sit down quietly, and enjoy what you have given him? No! no! he will rise up and speculate for more. (Cheers.) Faction is his food, the air which he breathes — and if he have it not, he dies. And why, in the name of w'onder, make concessions to him — to one whom we 94 know, if he had the power, as he has the will, would rob us of our inheritance — dismember the empire — break into pieces the altars of our God — and scatter their dust to the four winds of heaven. (Loud and continued cheering.) Again, I say, why make concessions to him ? Why put fresh weapons into the hand of our mortal foe ? Is he not strong enough already ? Keep him shorn, say I. The strength of Samson was nothing till his hair grew — had the Philistines kept him shorn, the temple of Dagon might have been standing yet. (Cheers.) Let us be wary how we concede. It is easy to give ; but is it as easy to take away? and repentance, however sincere, will never recall the deed that is done. It is too late to reprieve the culprit when the axe has fallen. What was the bitter cry of Augustus when the flower of Roman chivalry perished in the German wilds? — “Varus, Varus, give back my Legions.” It was a bitter cry; but of what availed it then ? But let us inquire what is the nature of these con- cessions ? What the demand ? “ Justice to Ireland ” — a meek and a righteous request. But what does it mean ? It means this — “ Rob the humble temples of the Protestant worship, to gild the graven images of the Papal idolatry. Free us from the sway of a Protestant King, that Daniel, the Catholic, may reign in his stead.” These are the concessions demanded. This is justice to Ireland — a justice which I trust there are none here prepared to render. And this man is the leader of the Liberals (as they style themselves) of Ireland, or rather I may say of the United Kingdom — but oh ! if liberty be such a thing as his doctrines teach, may Heaven, in mercy, still keep me a slave. Alas ! how that word, sacred and dear to every British heart, is abused to suit the purposes of designing men. But much as it has been distorted and twisted in our own country, we have jet to learn the vast extent of meaning at- tached to it in Ireland ; there, liberty signifies the liberty of killing and slaying all who are opposed in any way to the wishes of the great dictator. (Cheering.) Such being the case, to be a Conservative there, is a very diflFerent thing from being one here. Though we have fought many a fight for the good cause, and hope to fight many another, we have yet been permitted to give our voices and retain our lives — thanks to the humble school-house in our rugged glens. But far otherwise is it in Ireland — there the green earth is dyed with blood, and the beautiful but lowly shamrock is choked in its growth by human gore, for the life of man is as little cared for as that of the beasts that perish. But, I would ask, if this state of things, this brutality, this blood-thirstiness be natural to the breast of an Irishman ? No. — No more than it is natural to the breast of a “ three years’ child ” — nature has given him a warm and a generous heart, fitted for noble deeds — but the goodly work has been marred, and the heart of man is easy to corrupt — there is a heavy burden upon him — the weight of a mighty power — that power which would seek to sway a world by holding it in ignorance and in darkness, chained to the rock of super- stition — that power is upon him — the iron dominion of Popery — and it has bowed him to the dust. (Loud cheers.) Our enemies are most contemptible things indeed ; most vile ; such, for instance, as the Glasgow Clique — that city nuisance. (Cheers.) This, Sir, is a specimen of our foes, not very alarm- ing ; but thanks to the seamanship of the Glasgow Conservatives, we have now got the weather gauge of this plague ship, as it were, and trust me, we are too good sailors not to keep it. (Cheers.) But perhaps, I am wrong in giving all this credit to the Glasgow Conservatives, for it is well known that this enemy of ours, did contribute not a little to his own downfal — as he became strong, he became, tyrannous — he would have no brother near the throne. All on whom he bestowed the light of his countenance, had to dance at his bidding. (Cheers and laughter.) He would not hearken unto any voice, but his own, “ I am Sir Oracle, and when I open my mouth let no dog bark.” (Loud laughter.) They who would be his followers, must need be his slaves, patient and pleasant slaves, too, slaves who would dance to the music of their chains. (Renewed and continued laughter.) This, Sir, as you may suppose could not last. Some of the slaves had never been taught their steps — (great cheering) — they were not 95 versed in his double shuffle — (cheers and laughter) — consequently, they rebelled and cast their chains from them, although we are well informed that in many cases the links were gold. (Cheers.) I wish I could say our Irish brethren had to contend with no sterner foe ; but, alas! Sir, they have to deal with “ fell apostates” — with “ the most incomprehensible of all imaginable vagabonds” — their foes are “ base, brutal, and bloody.” (Great cheering.) I am sorry, indeed. Sir, to offend the ears of this com- pany with such expressions, but, as you must be aware, they are elegant extracts from the lips of that much-admired orator, Daniel O’Connell; and, in talking over the affairs of Ireland — affairs in which he may, perchance, be concerned — I am anxious to make use of his own expressions, lest he should take offence at mine. (Cheering and laughter.) I am aware that an insensate, or rather I should say, a knavish cunning cry, has been got up against the Conservatives, that they are anti-Reformers — lovers of abuses — and opposed to every measure of change, whether for good or evil. (Hear.) This, Sir, I deny, and am ready to combat, did my time allow, or were it necessary that I should do so; but it is not necessary, for that cry is false, a mockery, and they who have raised it, know it to be so; therefore, it would be but a waste of time to confute it here; but it is a cry which will not easily be hushed, for it suits the purpose of its authors well, and that being the case, it matters little to them whether it be false or true, for in their creed honesty is not the best policy ; and the acts of the present heads of the Gov- ernment, those living images of shuffling policy, will serve to attest the truth of what 1 assert. As a Conservative, and holding opinions in common with many here, I am ready and willing to admit that there has been much to blame in the past Government of Ireland, and that there is yet a wide field for reform; but I would have that reform brought about by those who are preservers of their country — not destroyers of it — (prolonged cheering), by those who, in their actions, have little other reward to care for than an approving conscience, and with whom that reward is mightier than gold — by those who value the principles of the Constitution ; who will not hearken to the bellowings of tumult, but give ear alone to the gentle voice of wisdom — who will not pull down, until they are prepared to build up — who know that the cedar can never be replanted which the tempest has overthrown; and such a one is our distinguished guest— he whom we have the delight of seeing here. (Loud cheers.) And that the power of bringing about such reform, and of upholding those principles which are dear to every one of us, may soon be his, is the earnest desire of every Conservative in the United Kingdom, but more especially of those whose healths I am about to propose, for their lot is cast where the foemen are many, and their doom would be a dark one should the enemy prevail — which hea,ven forefend. (Cheers.) Mr. Buchanan then proposed, “ The Conservative Constituencies of Ireland and their Representatives in Par- liament,” which was received with great enthusiasm. Air — “ St. Patrick’s day in the morning.” MR. JAMES EMERSON TENNENT, M. P. It was unnecessary for him to say, that he regarded it as a high distinction to have his name asso- ciated with that body, to whom they had just done honour — the Conservatives of Ireland. And he might be likewise permitted to add, tliat if there were one class of men in the Empire who, from their peculiar difficulties and their singular exertions, had more than another entitled themselves to such a demonstration of sympathy and approval, it was the Conservative constituencies of Ireland. (Loud cheers.) In Scotland and in England, however fiery might be the ardour of contending parties, the in- fluence of education and of moral enlightenment had given to the constitutional struggle the air of a civilised contest; with them it was, comparatively, the warfare of opinion and the weapons of mind; but, in unfortunate Ireland, they had to contend, not with education and enlightenment, but with the animal 96 passions and the physical forces of the people. (Loud cheers.) They had arrayed against them multi- tudes, brutalized by ignorance, reckless from misery, and infuriated by bigotry and superstitious intoler- ance — men who were taught from their altars the impious doctrine, that salvation in a future world was dependent upon political subserviency in this. It was against opponents such as these that the Conser- vative elector of Ireland had to struggle for the assertion of his constitutional rights; and ruin to his prospects and his family w'as the least formidable retaliation for his resistance to the will of the people. (Cheers.) He might be canvassed, as was the case in a recent County election in Ireland, with one party at his fireside to insist upon his vote, and another to leave an open grave by his door, as a symbol of the consequences of his refusal; he had to make his way to the hustings through a phalanx of assail- ants, and with the chance of being glided to his home by the flames of his burning dwelling. (Cheers.) These were some of the disadvantages against which the Conservatives of Ireland had to struggle; but, in spite of all, in defiance of every species of menace and intimidation, their attachment to principle and their indignation at injustice had, in every instance, impelled them to the trial, and even where defeated, they had fallen grappling with victory. There were few of those who had been accustomed to move amidst a tranquil and enlightened community, and at a distance from the scene of civil strife, who could form any adequate idea of the fearful condition to which society in Ireland had been reduced, by religious rancour and political exasperation, fostered and excited, as these had been, by a regardless and partisan Government. Politics in Ireland had ceased to be regarded as a mere manly amusement, or as a game of chance between skilful antagonists. The objects at stake had become too vast and mo- mentous. The Protestant, with all that was dear to him in jeopardy, and the Roman Catholic, with ascendancy already within his grasp, had at last been obliged to play the game in earnest; and the con- test in Ireland was now characterized by all the fierceness and determination which spring from suc- cessful daring on the one hand, and from alarm and apprehension on the other. (Hear.) This unhappy disorganization of national feeling he (Mr. Emerson Tennent) distinctly charged upon the present reckless and mischievous Administration — a Ministry, the principle of whose government in Ireland had been the Satanic maxim, to divide and to command, and the secret of whose power was, to array the bad passions and the bigotry of the many against the knowledge and intelligence of the few. (Loud cheers.) Patronage, which should be exercised only for the employment of the most worthy, or the reward of the most deserving, had become, in their hands, only the wages of corruption, and the prizes of sedition. (Applause.) As if in mockery of the Whigs of 1830, who avowed their determination to conduct the Government without it, there is no one measure of the Whigs of 1836 that has not for its object the creation of multitudes of places to be dispensed by this no-patronage Ministry. (Hear.) The Bench and the Bar, the Magistracy and the Police, the administration of justice, and the preservation of the peace, have been made alike subservient to their purposes ; and when all these have been found insufficient to appease the cravings of their hungry supporters, some half million of the public treasure has been expended on the hire of Commissioners, who have been let loose in pairs throughout the country, and, like Samson’s foxes, each pair with a firebrand between their tails. In England, at the present day, the religion of the Protestant was even a more effectual bar to his appointment or promo- tion to any one office, judicial, military, or civil, than was the faith of the Roman Catholic, before the removal of the Penal Laws. Mr. O’Connell has himself expressly declared, that the dominant party would prefer the worst Papist in Ireland to the best Protestant in the kingdom ; and the conduct of the Government had, in every instance, corroborated this assertion. In the selection of the Judges, the most learned and eminent men at the Bar, though of Liberal principles, have been passed over and insulted, to make way for the promotion of individuals who had no other recommendation than their 97 profession of the favoured religion — men whose elevation must have been as surprising to themselves as it was startling to the rest of the nation; and who, in their reveries upon the Bench, must often place their hand upon the ermine, to be assured, by the evidence of their own senses, that their promotion was not a dream even to themselves. (Great applause.) In their minor judicial appointments, the same spirit of exclusion was predominant — there was not a Registering Barrister of their selection who had not been as conspicuous for his political partisanship, and his electioneering exertions, as for his singular expositions of the law he was to administer. And whilst these men, by their unheard-of constructions of the Reform Act, have been swamping every Conservative constituency in Ireland, the Government have looked on without regard or regret, whilst the conduct of their own functionaries has been destroy- ing the confidence of the people in the impartiality of the tribunals of justice. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Emerson Tennent) felt all the difficulty, on an occasion such as this, to deal with such a theme — that was neither the time nor the place, nor was he the individual to do justice to the present condition of- Ireland. The very mention of those evils which their patience might permit him to allude to, would be but injustice to those thousand wrongs on which he must be compelled to be silent. But he could not drop the subject without alluding to one awful consideration — the national corruption — the wholesale demoralization of the people, by the conduct of their leaders and their rulers. Crimes the most atro- cious — outrages the most revolting — perjuries at which the mind sickens — and murders which would thrill through the heart of a savage, all springing from political and religious animosities — were not only matters of daily occurrence, but what was, if possible, more formidable still, are actually palliated and pardoned by their abettors and the Government. As in popular commotions, it is the first impulse of the mob to empty the jails of their companions, so the visits of Lord Mulgrave, to the disturbed districts of Ireland, were always commemorated by opening the prison-doors to those who are bound, and by en- larging, without consulting the Judges before whom they had been tried, crtminals condemned for the most heinous ofiences. (Cheers.) There was not a clergyman assassinated, or a massacre perpetrated in Ireland, for which Mr. O’Connell had not an apology and an excuse; or if by chance an emotion escape him, it is not that of detestation for the crime, but of alarm for its effect upon the prospects of his party. (Cheers.) He (Mr. E. T.) felt that he should apologize for introducing the name of that individual; but it was impossible to allude to the state of crime in Ireland without referring to Mr. O’Connell and his creatures. Wielding a power based on the starvation and the ignorance of the people, the Priests and the Agitators of Ireland had become possessed of an influence almost gigantic. It was that influence that had reduced Ireland to what she is — a reproach and a by-word among nations; and where Heaven had endowed her with fertility and beauty, it was this that had overspread her fields with barrenness and desolation. It was this influence that had converted her blessings into curses; till, like the wine- press in the vision of the Evangelist, into which the earth had poured all the clusters of her harvest, when pressed for the vintages, she yielded nothing but blood. To remedy the condition of Ire- land, to elevate her people from their melancholy degradation, we must rely on education and moral enlightenment; and to emancipate their minds from the thraldom of ignorance, and the delu- sions of error, we must afford them support and employment, in order to annihilate the trade of the hireling patriot and the mendicant agitator. (Loud and continued cheers.) These are the expedients to which we must resort, to secure, at once, their mental and social improvement; but these are expedients which it is neither the interest nor the intention of his Majesty’s Ministers to adopt. On that uncon- stitutional influence, which these would overthrow, they must be dependent for the maintenance and the very existence of their power. To provide, indeed, for the moral instruction of the people, they would secure to them, in a remote and unknown futurity, the imaginary reversion of revenues, which can never 98 arise; and, to direct the frenzy of their misery, and the cravings of their want, they would fling to them the baubles of a Mayoralty, and the childish pageantry of a Municipal Corporation. (Applause.) These are Lord Melbourne’s expedients for the dispulsion of ignorance, the suppression of crime, the promo- tion of industry, and the regeneration of Ireland. (Hear.) We have reaped nothing, in Ireland, from the Administration of the present ill-fated Government, but anarchy, delusion, and injustice. (Hear, hear.) For her misery, her poverty, and her want of employment, they have not suggested one single remedy, or proposed one practical expedient. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Her religious animosities they would encourage, instead of allaying, by yielding to the importunities of the Roman Catholics, for the dismemberment of the Protestant Establishment; and, as to her political distractions, they would legalize her sedition, when they had not the wisdom to suppress it, by handing over her Municipal Corporations to the agitators and the Priests. The sum total of their justice to Ireland had been to lavish the pat- ronage of the Crown upon one section of the population, and to deny even the rewards of services and merit, to all who would not prostitute themselves to their purposes, and pander to their power. (Loud cheers.) They have been the first to try the frightful experiment of reversing the order of civilized Government; and, instead of regulating and directing the impetuosity of the multitude, by the wisdom of the few, they seem only anxious to coerce the intelligence and experience of the nation, by the bad passions and bigotry of the mob. (Cheers.) That “ pressure from without,” which excited the alarm and apprehension of Lord Grey, they have introduced within the House of Commons, and made it the momentum of their Government — thus rendering the period of their rule for ever memorable in the annals of England, as the epoch of a political Saturnalia, during which, ignorance and licentiousness obtained a temporary ascendancy over loyalty and good order. If he (Mr. E. Tennent) spoke of these matters with passion, it was because he felt with intensity, and he could assure them, that there were myriads in Ireland who participated id his sentiments — men who felt, not only the sting of injustice, but the degra- dation of being subjected to it, from such hands as now inflict it. To be commanding, tyranny must be endowed with genius, as well as determination. There was intellect in the councils of a Cromwell — there was dignity in the despotism of a Napoleon — but there is only disgust and audacity in the usurpa- tion of such Cades and Tylers, as the present rulers of Ireland. (Hear, hear, hear.) But, if there be truth in the symptoms of the times, the period of their downfal was at hand. Not only were their revolu- tionary allies indignant at two years of political abeyance, and impatient to assume the reins; but the people of broad England had been made to feel, that it was inconsistent and incompatible with the in- terests of a great Empire, to have nominally at the head of affairs, Ministers who cannot effect a single object, or establish a single principle. (Great cheering.) The Government of the country had now stood still for the last two years; through their mischievous imbecility, — vast questions were pressing upon us for adjustment; and, it was time that the vessel of the State should be again in motion, and that those who have proved themselves incompetent to guide her, should surrender the helm to those who have genius suited to the task. So far as Ireland was concerned, he (Mr. E. T.) could assure them, that the sound-minded and thinking portion of her inhabitants, were ripe and ready for the change. They had with them all that Lord Melbourne had deplored the want of in England — the rank, the intelligence, the wealth, and the independence of the country — they had with them the Protestant population, whom no change of circumstances could alter in their attachment to the Constitution and the Throne — (cheers) —whose loyalty was the same under the sunshine of courtly favour, and amidst the frowns of power; — ** True as the dial to the sun, Althoug-h it was not sbioed upon.” (Cheers.) They had with them the hardy Presbyterians of the North, ardent as ever in their hatred to bigotry and 99 intolerance; and, what was, more than all, cheering and encouraging, because it promised permanency to their triumph — (cheers) — they had with them the young and the rising generation, who had conceived their disgust to democracy, from witnessing the extravagance of its advocates, as the youth of Lacede- mon imbibed their abhorrence of debauchery, from the spectacle of their intoxicated slaves. (Cheers.) He had, in conclusion, to thank them for the indulgence with which he had been heard — for the tribute which they had paid to the Conservative constituencies of Ireland — and, for the honour they had done to him, in associating his name with theirs. The presence of the Right Honourable Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) prevented him alluding, in terms such as he could desire, to the circumstances which had given origin to that gorgeous assembly. But, when they regarded that Right Honourable Gentleman in the capacity in which he appeared that night amongst them, as a simple Member of Parliament; and when they contemplated the conduct, and its consequences, of those who unworthily occupied his place in the councils of his Sovereign; it was quite impossible to avoid being forcibly struck with the truth of that memorable saying, that, “ it was by the neglect of wise and of virtuous men, and by a mean subser- viency to knavish fools, that ages which might have become golden, were transmuted by an accursed alchemy into iron, crusted with blood.” (Cheers.) It was such men as the Right Honourable Baronet, whose actions would achieve for them a monument 'in the gratitude and the affections of their country, long after oblivion had kindly interposed, to rescue the memory of his opponents from contempt. (Loud and protracted cheers.) MR. ROBERT MONTEITH, YOUNGER, OF CARSTAIRS. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen — It can be no matter of surprise if, entrusted though I am with a toast which I neither can give nor you receive without the very deepest interest, I should yet, in pro- posing it, do little more than trust it to itself. It would be foolish — it would be presumptuous — in me to suppose that I could now strengthen your convictions, or deepen your enthusiasm, after all you have this night been privileged to hear. (Hear.) You have listened to the voice of instruction from the most illustrious of experienced Statesmen — you have heard the opinions uttered by perhaps the most respected of England’s youthful Statesmen. I, too, have heard — heard with the same enthusiasm with you all — and how then shall I venture to do more than add to the bare announcement of my toast — “The Conservative Constituencies of Scotland” — an expression of the joy, the wonder with which I contemplate their efforts to counteract the downward tendencies of the day — (hear, hear) — to mitigate the demoralizing powers to which we have been subjected? They have at length been convinced that action, action is required; they have freely displayed their numbers, frankly avowed their opinions, and I do think the victory will remain — already remains on the side of sound opinions, sincerely held, and bravely proclaimed. (Hear.) Only to allude to my native city, to the county in which it is placed, and in which I am more immediately interested. Have we not in the former made advances which well justify the murmurs of our adversaries? — have we not in the latter added suffrages to our side, more numerous by hundreds than the majority by which we were last defeated? (Cheers.) Yes, our Constituencies are disgusted with being compelled, session after session, to restir the State cup of agitation, and drink of it at the will of a faction, at the nod of a Ministry. They know that it is not from the era of agitation that Scotland has to date her practical reforms, either in law, expenditure, or patronage. They look back to the manly, because the unpretending, manner in which our illustrious guest pursued that upright path — (cheers) — and when asked, whether that path has not been more swiftly, more securely trod since he was driven from power, they are compelled to answer, most emphatically — N 100 No. The era of agitation has been, to Scottish law reform and Scottish patronage, an era of suspended animation and of woful degeneracy. The system pursued by Sir Robert Peel, in more peaceful times, was a system consistent only with a sober unostentatious desire to be useful; and, alas! for such a noble temper later times have not been propitious! (Hear, hear.) And here I cannot but allude to that which is at the root of this return of our hearts to the Ministers of other days. That return is mainly caused by the danger and adversity overhanging one precious institution. For that institution — for the Church of their native land— (cheers) — the Conservative Constituencies of Scotland will dare all — will suffer all. (Hear.) She shall no longer be permitted to use old and vapid pleas — she shall no longer ' plead her penury and her destitution in her defence; and, like a traveller to a highwayman, claim on that account exemption from the hands of the destroyer; or, like the great men accused of old, solicit mercy with all the show of misery and want. The condition in which she has been left, by the tem- porary forgetfulness or alienation of her sons, shall no longer be her shield — it shall be her weapon of offence! She has duties to perform — a population to overtake, and it shall not be the fault of the Con- servatives of Scotland if she remain unable to do so. (Cheers.) And as they vindicate the Church, so do they likewise vindicate the other great institutions of the land. The Monarchy and the Peerage are no longer faintly defended, as old, and venerable, and interesting, and so it were a pity, forsooth, to touch them; but, proud of them, thankful, grateful for them, as for things good in themselves, our Con- servatives are determined not to be lightly robbed of them — they vow to maintain them, and, by God’s help, so they will. Gentlemen, I propose — “ The Conservative Constituencies of Scotland, and their Representatives in Parliament.” (Loud and continued cheers.) Air, “ The Land of Cakes.” SIR WILLIAM RAE, BART., M.P., Rose and said, it had been allotted to him to respond to this toast, because he happened to be the oldest Representative of the people in Scotland, and one who had been admitted to the confidence of their highly distinguished guest. (Cheers.) After adverting at some length to the gradual increase of Con- servative Members in the House of Commons, since the passing of the Reform Bill, and to the legal reforms effected by Sir Robert Peel, so different from the increase of offices by the multiplication of Commissions by the Whig Radical Government, the Honourable and Learned Baronet concluded by hoping that the present meeting would have a salutary influence on the approaching election in Ren- frewshire, as well as in emancipating some of the other Counties in Scotland. (Great applause.) MR. PATRICK ROBERTSON, ADVOCATE, Rose amidst loud cheering and said — I feel it a very high and distinguished honour to be permitted to address this magnificent assembly on a subject of deep interest, and connected with the proceedings in which this meeting originated. We are met here for no trivial or ordinary purpose. But I see before me thousands of my fellow-countrymen, assembled for the purpose of declaring their sentiments, and echoing the sentiments of tens of thousands more, that we are resolved to defend our ancient institutions, civil and sacred — to preserve the monarchy — the hereditary peerage — and the privileges of the Repre- sentatives of the people, freely and openly chosen. (Cheers.) A voice hath indeed gone forth from this assembly, which will not only be heard in every town, in every hamlet, and in every glen of my native country, but will respond to the Conservative voice of England, and will carry with it this declaration. 101 that we are resolved to unite in resisting to the uttermost, reckless innovation and popish thraldom. (Loud cheering.) In these circumstances are we not called on — is it not delightful to pay honour to those with whom this demonstration originated — the educated youth of the West of Scotland — who, from no sordid view, but from the generous effusion of patriotic zeal, have called to the highest academi- cal honour their present distinguished Lord Rector ? They cannot be accused in this choice of having been actuated by personal or sordid motives; for they have not entered the arena of political strife, nor engaged in the pursuits of business or profitable speculation. No. They have taken this course purely from the love of their country — and it is a course the more honourable to them, that their choice has not fallen upon the Right Honourable Baronet when in power, but when holding no public station, except- ing that of the ablest defender of his country’s rights. The circumstance is also the more striking, that hitherto the choice has not been made from the ranks of the Conservative party. Brougham, and Mack- intosh, and Lansdowne, and Jeffrey, and Campbell, and Cockburn, were the former objects of their selec- tion; and was that choice so made because there were no illustrious names to be found among our party? Could we boast of no statesmen, no warriors, no men of literary reputation? (Loud cheering.) Is Peel but of yesterday? (Renewed cheers.) Was there no venerable Eldon — no indomitable Lyndhurst ? (Great cheering.) Where was Sir George Murray? Where the immortal Wellington ? (Loud cheers. 1 Was there no Southey — no Wordsworth — no Walter Scott? That mighty name, indeed, was not forgot- ten; but although he was put in nomination, though he held no political situation, although within his generous bosom, political rancour could find no place, yet was rejected because he belonged to that very party, on account of being the head of which, the Right Honourable Baronet has now been elected to the oflSce. (Great cheering.) Is this, then, no proof of reaction ? And is there no change in the sen- timents of these electors ? But two objections have been brought forward by our opponents, and those not very consistent with each other. The one, that these are mere youths, inexperienced in political matters, so that their opinions can be but of little value; and the other, that they are influenced by their parents, their guardians, and their teachers. Let us deal shortly with both these objections. And upon the part of my young friends, I may admit that there are some things in our present political position, both abroad and at home, which they do not understand, and which might well puzzle older heads than theirs. In looking abroad, they do not understand the system of armed neutralities, and of that non- intervention, which, to use a homely phrase, consists in having a finger in every pie. And, skilled as they’ are in Scotch metaphysics, and in the art of rhetoric, they can neither clearly analyse the meaning nor admire the precision of many of our modern protocols. In like manner, although fully alive to the honour of the British arms, they cannot see that the achievement of the disembarking and re-einbarking of a handful of marines, in the Black Horse Square of Lisbon, has for ever outdone the glory of Trafal- gar and ofWaterloo. (Loud cheers.) And when they look at home, they cannot see how freedom is to be secured by secret voting — how the essential qualification of a hereditary Peerage can be compati- ble with an elective system — or why the present prosperity, and perhaps the existence of the Church, should be endangered, for the sake of securing a future, contingent, unascertained, and inexplicable sur- plus. (Applause.) But there are things which they do understand. They know how to venerate the institutions of their country — they see the necessity of preserving the balance of the Constitution, con- sisting of three estates — they know that the peojile are entitled to have a Ministry responsible for the measures proposed by them, and for a definite and intelligible line of policy, and that the country is not bound to submit to an administration led by a party, whose principles that very administration are anx- ious to disavow, but whose dictates they dare not disobey. (Great cheers.) And, above all, they feel the absolute necessity of preserving the inseparable union between the State and the Church. (Cheers.) 102 But they are influenced in these opinions, it is said, by those who guide their minds. If so, has human nature changed since the Broughams and the Mackintoshs were returned to this oflSce ? If their elec- tions were the triumphs of liberty and of Reform, which I stop not to dispute — and if, at the altar of their country, the youth of the University sacrificed the pretensions of the Scottish Shakspeare, is the change not now the triumph of the Constitution and the Chuch ? In the year 1828, I find in one of the Journals, called liberal, published in this city, but now, I believe, no more, named the Glasgow Free Press, that the preservation of the privileges of the students was advocated in order that by their free choice they might be enabled to prefer Mr. Campbell to the greatest genius who ever adorned the annals of his country, and the argument upon the subject is summed up thus : — “ Hitherto our University has been distinguished by its illustrious Lord Rectors — names that grace its annals, that reflect the good sense of its students, and add dignity to its character; and we should be sorry indeed to see our aspiring youth stripped of protection, and the glorious privilege of conferring honour on the truly great.* I ac- cord with these expressions, as applicable to the last election, and I ask whether you do not think that the privileges of the students have been wdsely preserved, and in this, their latest act, most honourably exercised ? (Great cheering.) But if, after all, the young have been influenced in any degree by the opinions of those to whom they look with respect, does this show that there has been no reaction, and will it diminish the number of our supporters, that the aged and those of mature life go hand in hand with the youth of the country ? In conclusion, then, I say, that this act gives me confident hope in the future. The vessel of the State has not only wise and experienced men ready to take the helm, but strong hands and young hearts on board, and let the gales of Democracy blow as hard as the ene- mies of our constitution could wish, though she may be “ tempest tossed,” yet “ the bark shall not be lost.” (Cheers.) The youth of the land have declared their determination to stand by the throne and the altar — to defend the cause of rational liberty and pure religion — and I doubt not that our institutions will be as permanent as any thing of earthly growth, and w'hile it should at all times be the patriot’s prayer, so the pledge now given with all the ardour of youthful enthusiasm, raises a most assured hope that the Church and the State shall not be severed, but that mutually protected and sustained, they shall endure “ as long as sea surrounds this favoured land, or sunshine warms her soil.” (Loud and long continued cheering.) The toast is — “ The Students of the University of Glasgow who have done themselves honour by electing Sir Robert Peel to the ofiice of Lord Rector.” MR. NORMAN M‘LEOD. Mr. Chairman — I will not intrude upon you, Sir, any of the feelings under which I now rise, except those of pride, in being the representative of my fellow-students upon such an occasion as the present, and of having it in my power to express, in their name, the deep sense we entertain of the honour which has now been conferred upon us. (Great cheering.) I know. Sir, that the opinions of young men are, in general, held in little estimation — I know that of late the judgment of the “ boys” has been frequently sneered at — (hear) — I know many think that students should have no political influence, and they would,. as much as possible, curtail the means which we now' possess of publicly expressing our sentiments. ( Hear, hear.) But surely the simple fact does not derogate either from the value of our opinions, the sound- ness of our judgments, or the manner in which our political influence has been exercised, that the same individual is at once our Lord Rector, and the object of the deep admiration and of the warm attachment of such an assemblage as I now see around me! (Great applause.) And, since we had important privi- leges, we felt that important duties were connected with them. (Cheers.) We felt ourselves called 103 upon to promote, by their means, those views which, I trust, young men may cherish as fondly, and defend as firmly, as those of more advanced age and experience, (Cheers.) As students, therefore, our first object was to elect a distinguished scholar to fill the office of Lord Rector — (applause) — and, may I be permitted to remark, that the influence of such a qualification has already been felt; for I know that, from the kind advices, and the cheering encouragements, given to us by our Rector, whose own life affords the most brilliant confirmation of their truth and value, many students have drawn additional motives to vigorous exertion in the overcoming of difficulties, and have imbibed a loftier enthusiasm in their pursuit of literature and science. (Loud cheering.) Warmly attached to our venerable University, we wished to see presiding over, it one who, in these days of innovation and paltry economy, was both able and willing to defend her rights and her privileges. (Great applause.) As Scotsmen, we wished to elect a friend to that Church Establishment which had been our guide in youth, and the beloved Zion of our pilgrim fathers — (cheers) — and as citizens of Britain, we wished to see among us one of Britain’s best friends, and one of her brightest ornaments — (enthusiastic applause) — for we thought that such an element was alone wanting in the North to stir up the good feeling of Scotland, and cause it to burn as a bright and far-kenned signal, as an assurance to our friends, and a warning to our enemies, that our dearest interests were zealously watched, and powerfully guarded. (Renewed cheering.) In conclusion. Sir, I have only to express the anxious hope that, by the additional means which have been adopted to promote Conservative principles, and to unite Conservative Students, within the University, by the establishment of our “ Peel Club,” the Students may continue to heap additional honours upon themselves, by returning Conservative Lord Rectors — (cheers) — and may long merit the approbation of those whose approbation is alone worth obtaining — an approbation so kindly expressed, and so gratefully, but inadequately acknowledged, upon the present occasion. (Loud cheering.) MR. WILLIAM SMITH, OF CARBETH-GUTHRIE, In proposing the next toast, said — The toast that I am now to have the honour of proposing, is one which might well have been placed in better hands; but when I announce the health of Lady Peel — (loud cheers) — I know you will agree with me that it is one which cannot suffer from the incompetence of its advocate. (Renewed cheering.) This distinguished Lady, although personally a stranger to most of us, except through the magic pencil of Lawrence, we know well possesses in an eminent degree not only all the graces and accomplishments which enable her to adorn the high station she occupies in British society, but also those more retiring virtues and amiable qualities, which are the ornament and the charm of the domestic circle, and which render it the truest and the purest scene of human happi- ness. (Cheers.) It must be a matter of regret to us all, that Lady Peel is not a witness of the animat- ing scene before us — so much of the rank, the learning, the wisdom, and the worth of Scotland, in num- ber limited only by the limited accommodation that could be afforded, assembled to do honour to them- selves, by honouring in the person of her illustrious husband, the Statesman on whose talents, patriotism, and integrity, rest the hopes and the wishes of the wise and the good, the Statesman whom, at no distant day, we hope to see resume his proper place at the head of the Councils of his Sovereign. (Tremendous applause.) It is now my pleasing duty to give my toast, “ The health of Lady Peel;” and I anticipate, it will be received with acclamations not deserving the appellation of “the whisper of a faction.” (This toast was received with the most unbounded applause.) 104 SIR ROBERT PEEL. Gentlemen, the feelings of all those among you who have the good fortune to be married, will con- vince you, without any assurances from me, that I am deeply and sincerely gratified by the compliment you have paid me. (Cheers.) I can venture to say, that if she had been here, and had an opportunity of manifesting the interest and delight with which she watched the progress of this business, she would have confirmed the claim she already seems to possess to your kind regards. (Great cheering.) Those gentlemen who waited upon me, and brought your kind invitation, know that her first determination was to accompany me to Glasgow. (Cheers.) And it was not the severity of the weather, nor the length of the journey, but she had duties to perform which she thought incumbent upon her, that prevented her firom carrying that resolution into effect — she had the charge of five young Conservatives — (cheers and laughter)— whom she could not reconcile to her feelings to abandon; she had not the fortitude to leave them, as they were about to part from her to receive their education. I beg leave to take this oppor- tunity of proposing the health of the “ Ladies of Glasgow.” (Loud cheers.) I should guess, from the opportunity I have had of witnessing their beauty and grace, that they must be Conservatives. (Cheers.) The representative of the Clergy has to-night complained to us, that there is a strong desire on the part of our opponents to disqualify the Clergy from interfering with politics. The representative of my friends, the Students, has also complained that there is a strong wish to disqualify them. I have no doubt that there is a still stronger desire to disqualify the Ladies — (laughter) — because the Ladies are the true friends of the Conservative cause, and have the power of promoting it; and I am much mis- taken if they do not exercise it. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I beg leave to propose “ The health of the Ladies of Glasgow.” It occurs to me that there is some little defect in the w'ay in which you give your cheers. (A laugh.) On this occasion let me give the time; and when we again meet, you will let me know whether my mode is an improvement. Here the Right Honourable Baronet gave the “ hip— hip — hip” — which was received with marked applause. The Chairman now stated, that though a considerable number of toasts still remained on the list, yet, as the hour was now far advanced, (it being half-past one o’clock,) and as their distinguished guest had immediately on leaving the Hall to set out for England, he thought the company would agree with him in the propriety of separating, and he therefore would propose “ Good Night.” The whole assembly instantly separated, highly delighted with what they had seen and heard. APPENDIX. MR. JOHN C. COLQUHOUN OF KILLERMONT. The Committee having requested Mr. Colquhoun, formerly M. P. for Dumbartonshire, (who was then in the South of England for the benefit of his health) to take a part in the approaching Festival in honour of Sir Robert Peel, he readily accepted the invitation, provided such an improvement took place in his health as would enable him to undertake the journey. When the time arrived, he found himself unable to leave the place of his residence. He has, however, authorised me to say, that the following is an outline of what he intended to have said if he had been present: — It would have been satisfactory to express in presence, both of your distinguished guest, and of three thousand of my countrymen, the sentiments of those with whom I have the pleasure of acting in public affairs — the sentiments, I mean, of that large body of my countrymen who, differing occa- sionally with each other on minor questions of politics, and abstaining, many of them on principle, from a close connexion with any political party, are yet endeavouring, with all the influence they can command, to promote the diffusion of scriptural knowledge and scriptural principles through the country, as the only basis of national well-being. They conceive that this object overrules all questions of politics. They are ready, therefore, to support any statesman who will further this object, and to any statesman who would limit or frustrate it, they are of necessity opposed. When, therefore, they perceive one party in the country surrendering itself to an influence, which they know to be hostile to these views, the con- joint influence of Popery and Infidelity, it does not appear to me, and I conceive it will not appear to them, that there can rest any doubt on the line of conduct which it is their duty to pursue. To the party who are thus allied with the enemies of our institutions, we must offer — it is our duty to offer — a calm, but an inflexible opposition. To that party we have no personal antipathy; with many members of it we enjoy most kindly relations; but we are called upon to resist them in their present course, as we would preserve the objects which we cherish. On the other side, we see a large party ranged in oppo- sition to their designs, engaged in resistance to them and in defence of our institutions. It appears to me that we have also a duty — a plain duty to discharge to them. We cannot, indeed, so merge ourselves in their ranks as to lose sight of our peculiar objects; we are not called upon to surrender those opinions on certain matters of politics which have at times caused us to differ with them; nor should we be justi- fied in seeking as our end the ascendancy of any merely political party. But when we see our national 106 institutions exposed to a ferocious assault, and find a large Conservative party marshalled in their de- fence, to abstain from assisting them — to remain neutral in such a struggle, would be treason to the Con- stitution, So long as that party pursue the course which they now hold, we owe them — we are bound to tender them, an independent, but a frank support. It would ill become us to make differences on in- ferior points, a reason for present divisions, or to recal those political questions, now settled, which once separated us. In a common assault upon common institutions, cherished alike by both, we assert and proclaim the duty of an honest alliance among all the friends of their country. Such being, I confess, my view, not formed without much consideration, it appeared to me a fit occasion to express it, when the distinguished leader of the Conservative party was about to receive in Glasgow a marked ex- pression of the public sentiments of Scotland, Had I been present with you, I should have ventured to bespeak from the citizens of Glasgow, that indulgence which I am sure I should not have sought in vain, and to trespass upon them with one further remark: it would be presumptuous to say, in presence of one who knows it so well as the eminent statesman, whom you are met to honour, that whatever be the tides and fluctuations of public opinion in this country, there are yet some principles round which it is immoveably fixed. I am satisfied that the people of Scotland have certain principles which are dear to them, I know that they have been lately charged with a reckless hostility to the ancient institutions of their country, I desire publicly to repel the charge. Their attachment to liberty is, indeed, notor- ious, Their love of popular rights; their resolution to maintain their political ])Ower, I cannot com- plain of that which I admire; but I also know their devotion to the Church which is their own — reared by their own hands — raised by their own sacrifices — rooted in their best affections, I have seen also their regard for that ancient scriptural education, which gives to the child of the humblest among them principles and power often denied to wealth, I admit that they may be misled for a time, by boastful professions of liberty — by the jargon of a false and hollow liberalism; but when these sophistries are exposed, and these mists have dispersed, and when, seeing the question in its true light, they are called upon to say, whether they will destroy their own institutions in order to seat superstition and scepticism on their ruins; or whether they will use their power to repel these heartless attacks, and to cherish the Church and Education of their fathers, I can look forward with confidence to their decision. Only let those who would win their affections show, that they strive for the like great ends. In the mere triumph of individuals, in the ascendancy of party, the people of Scot- land will not feel a deep personal concern — in the maintenance of their Protestant faith, in the defence of their institutions, they feel, and they will show that they feel, an unabated interest. If the Right Honourable Baronet will devote his unrivalled talents to the maintenance of these principles — if he will put forth his influence to withdraw public support from false systems of Religion, and false systems of Education, and will turn it to the extension of the Established Church, and of Scriptural Education, I can venture to promise him, that he will attract and retain the confidence of Scotland, and that he will have no reason to complain of any abatement among my countrymen of the fervour of their regard for their national institutions, I offer him, as I conceive, the highest tribute, when I assure him, that his recent services, in inflexibly maintaining the integrity of the Established Church, and in proposing, while in office, the extension of the Church of Scotland, have awakened towards him the grateful feelings of many thousand hearts in Scotland, 107 BANQUETING HALL. When Sir Robert Peel accepted the invitation of the citizens of Glasgow, the first duty of the Committee was to look out for a suitable piece of ground on which to erect the Banqueting Hall. The Committee had hardly entered upon this duty, when John Gordon, Esq. of Aitkenhead, in the most handsome manner, made offer of his splendid town mansion in Buchanan-Street, with the large garden behind it, with liberty to take out the fruit trees, and to pull down the inner gateways for the ad- mission of building materials. Such noble conduct is worthy the son of a father, who was long acknowledged as the head of the Conservatives of Glasgow. The next duty of the Committee was to appoint an Architect. H.ere there was no diflficulty; they unanimously appointed their fellow-citizen, the architect to Hamilton Palace, the Royal Exchange of Glasgow, and of a set of designs for both Houses of Parliament, which obtained one of the premiums awarded by Government. On his appoint- ment, Mr. David Hamilton produced several sketches for the approbation of the Committee, and ulti- mately, the design which was executed, received their unanimous approbation. After appointing the Architect, the Committee appointed a Sub-Committee to carry on and complete the building. The Hall was 126 feet wide, from south to north, and 127 feet long from east to west. The west, or the end where the Chairman sat, was straight, and the east a Polygon of seven sides, formed on a semi-circle. The height from the floor to the ceiling, 33 feet. The Plan and Section hereto appended, and the following brief notice, will give a tolerable idea of the Hall. From the inclemency of the weather, mortar could not be used, the walls were therefore, of necessity, made of timber. The boarding of the roof was covered with tarpauling, and the vallies with lead. The ceiling was covered with plain boarding. The centre part of the floor was level, while the floor of the sides of the Hall and Polygon end rose gradually, which allowed the formation of passages for the admission of the company, by eight stairs. A gallery, four seats in depth, went all round the Hall, with the exception of the west end. There were two separate entries to the Galleries from the west, and one from the east end of the Hall. The roofs w'ere supported by twenty-four columns, in imitation of Sienna marble, with Corinthian capitals. The boards of the ceiling of the roof were covered over with white cloth, and thrown into fanciful compartments, with cloth of different colours. The sides of the openings of the Ventilators, over the two great Gasiliers, were covered with thin gauze. The walls, with the exception of the west end, were covered with coarse paper, and then lined with crimson cloth. The boarding of the fronts of the Galleries was covered with paper, painted, to represent panels in crimson and straw colouring, in bold relief. The west end of the hall was covered with a decorative painting, in three compartments, of massive Egyptian pillars in relief. In the centre compartment, behind the Chairman, was a ponderous solid rock, on which was founded the British Con- stitution, in a pyramidal form, a little time-worn from the blasts it had stood, and on which the words — “ British Constitution,” were emblazoned in gold letters. On the top of this pyramid, was seen the base of an obelisk, bearing tbe inscription of “ King,” also in gilded letters. On the right compartment was another pyramid, founded also on a rock, on which, was the word “ Lords,” in emblazoned gold letters. The left compartment contained a similar pyramid, with the word “ Commons.” The front of the Chairman’s bench, which was raised four feet above the principal floor, was covered with crimson cloth, relieved with yellow mouldings. This formed a bold relief, in contrast with the beautiful painting behind it. Preparatory for the napery, the tops of the tables in the Hall were covered with crimson cloth, and o 108 the tops of the forms with similar material. The floors of the Chairman and Vice-Chairman’s platforms were carpetted, and chairs used instead of forms. A vestibule was formed from Mr. Gordon’s house to the Banqueting' Hall, from which the Chairman, Sir Robert Peel, and the noblemen and gentlemen who occupied the Chairman’s bench entered. The vestibule was lined with crimson cloth, and dimly lighted, which formed a fine contrast with the glare of light on entering the Hall. The lighting of the Hall next occupied the attention of the Architect and the Sub-Committee. Having formerly been Convener of the Trades’ House, I applied to that body for the use of their great Gasilier, which, when put up in 1822, was admitted to be not only the largest, but the most highly ornamented Gasilier in the United Kingdom. The request was cheerfully complied with, and such was the desire of that respectable, wealthy, and by far the most numerous Corporation in the City, to do honour to Sir Robert Peel, that they, without solicitation, voted the use of their Convener’s chair to that distinguished statesman at the Banquet. This chair, unequalled in the annals of Scotch Corporations, contains fifteen massive silver shields, on which the arms of the Trades’ House and the fourteen Incor- porations connected with it are emblazoned. Over the Vice-President’s chair there was a large Gasilier made for the occasion. In this there was a fanciful display of gas burners, representing wreaths, fleur-de-lis’, roses, &c. In addition to these, there were two smaller Gasiliers, on the right and left of the chairman’s bench, and a few Girendoles under the galleries. In the two large Gasiliers, there were 3075 jets; in the two smaller ones and Girendoles, 600; in the waiters’ bars, stairs, and lobbies, 466 — total, 4141, exclusive of numerous gas lamps put up at the gateways, and all round the building. The quantity of gas consumed per hour, as indicated by three of Crossley’s eighty light meters, averaged 1820 cubic feet. The supply was from three dis- tinct pipes, to guard against obstruction of light from accidental derangement of any one or two of the metres, or points of inlet from whence the supply came. To insure a supply of gas during the day as well as in the night, it was found necessary to lay a four inch main pipe, of about 300 yards in length, to unite with a private main pipe in St. Vincent-Street, which is charged with gas at all hours of the day and night. To provide against accident from fire, water pipes were laid all around the building, with fire plugs and leathern pipes: these were placed under the fire department of the police. In the passages arrangements were made for a number of vomitories, by which the company could rush into the adjoin- ing gardens in case of accident. Lead pipes were distributed in every part of the Hall, for the supply of filtered water and for the use of the kitchens and the various bars. Nine closets, each with a gas light, were so placed, that every person in the Hall had easy access to them, each closet having a china basin, to which a pipe was attached, connected with a drain below the floor. Knowing the diversity of opinion which exists among professional persons, as to what is the best size and shape of a building for hearing, I have been more minute in the foregoing description than otherwise might have been thought necessary. When commencing operations, the Architect and Sub- Building Committee were most desirous that the building should be erected in harmony with the principles of acoustics; and although conflicting opinions were offered to the Committee on this subject, they acted on their own knowledge and experience, and the result has been most satisfactory. Sir Robert Peel, and every gentleman who spoke with a firm voice, was heard distinctly in every part of the hall. Gentlemen of weak voices, or who allowed their voices to fall at the end of a sentence, would not be heard in a much smaller hall. The Sub-Committee made experiments on the hearing when the hall was empty, and could not discover any material difference from when it was full. 109 The Pavilion was erected under very peculiar circumstances, and shows what can be done by perseverance. From the time that the plans, specifications, and contracts were made, and possession taken of the ground, till the public was admitted to view the hall, there were only twenty-six lawful days, and those so short that the men could only work eight hours in the day, allowing half an hour for breakfast ; and till the roof was put on the weather was most inclement and changeable, alternately heavy falls of snow, torrents of rain, and intense frost, so severe that it was found necessary to have two tons of coals constantly burning on the ground, besides a number of chafers on the scaffolds to keep the men’s hands in a working condition. The timber work was contracted for by estimate, and Mr. Archibald Edmiston preferred as the lowest; but to facilitate the work, the carpenter’s department was given to Mr. William Robertson. As Mr. Edmiston’s men did not belong to the Trades’ Union, while Mr. Robertson’s men were all members of it, the Union withdrew all their members from the building, at the same time declaring, that they had no dislike to the Sub-Committee, nor the cause in which they were engaged, but they were determined that no unionist should work at the Pavilion along with those who did not belong to that body. The Sub-Committee thus circumstanced, were under the necessity of bringing workmen from the neighbouring towns and villages; and to protect them from the sentries which the Trades’ Union had placed on the building — a mess and beds were provided for them in Mr. Gordon’s house. It will readily occur to every one, that the duties imposed on the Sub-Building Com- mittee were very onerous; had they failed in having the building ready by the appointed time, the dis- appointment must have been incalculable. In executing their duties, they had the elements of nature to contend with, and the unnatural elements of a despotic and tyrannical Trades’ Union; they had also to convert ship-wrights, slaters, and labourers, into house-carpenters, in a few short days. By unremitting exertions they were enabled to gratify the public, by a sight of the Banqueting Hall, on the morning of the day on which the Dinner was to take place. On the previous day, an advertisement was put in a newspaper, signifying that it would be shown between the hours of nine, a.m. and two, p. m. and such was the anxiety to see the Hall, that about 4000 persons viewed it in five hours ; the price of admission was two shillings for ladies and gentlemen, and one shilling for children. The sum received was ^303 7s. On the 17th instant, there was an exhibition for trades’ people, at a low rate, which brought £30 6s. 6d. Every person who attended the Banquet, was pleased with the Dinner, and with the unlimited quantity of excellent wine, with the exception of a few gentlemen in the gallery where the service was not so good. It is a sufificient compliment to those who had the charge of the internal arrangements, to say, that they were such that upwards of 3300 persons could go to and retire from their seats with the same ease as they could do to their parlours. Such arrangements may be equalled, but they can never be excelled. The Dinner was provided by Mr. William Paterson, Master of the Western Club, under the direc- tion of a Committee. The Gentlemen who sat on the President’s and Vice-President’s platforms, were served with turtle soup, venison, and the other delicacies of the season, French wines, &c. Those who occupied the under part of the Pavilion, were served with a cold dinner — consisting of roasted and boiled beef, veal and mutton, turkeys, chickens, pigeon-pies, hams, tongues, lobsters, pastries, jellies, &c. — in all, 1510 assets. Everyone was pleased with the quaUty of the viands, and the quantity was abundant. The Gentlemen who occupied the seats in the Gallery, were only served with sandwiches, fruit, and biscuits ; port and sherry wines were served out, without limitation, to every one. The wine was served out in 1217 cut-glass decanters; and on the tables there were 2000 glass tumblers. The wine-glasses, 110 knives, forks, and plates, were all uniform. All the Company present, including those who occupied the seats in the Gallery, paid Twenty-five Shillings each for their tickets of admission. The company was served by 137 waiters, who had the full possession of the passages. Had these been occupied by company, as had been done on some former occasions, the Hall would have dined, 4000 persons. Ten door-keepers were placed at the stairs in the passages to keep the doors shut; and it is remarkable, that, notwithstanding the inclemency of the weather, and the nature of the building materials, the under part of the Hall, with the exception of a few seats near the stairs, (which were exposed to the cold air on opening and shutting the doors,) was very comfortable. The heat from the gas rendered the seats in the Gallery fully warmer than some of the Company would have desired. It is remarkable, that in such a large assemblage of persons, there were not more than two or three individuals who could be said to have been injured by wine, and these left the meeting without the least disturbance. With the exception of the Trades’ Union, every person seemed to be desirous to lend their aid. Messrs. John Robertson Reid & Brothers, on the south of Mr. Gordon’s property, oflFered the use of the gas from their Arcade. Miss Gilmour, on the north, permitted the Committee to pull down her garden wall, so as to connect her garden with Mr. Gordon’s, in case of need; and when it was intimated to Messrs. James Finlay & Co. that it would be a great accommodation to those who were to attend the Banquet if they would allow an entry through their property in Queen- Street, for the admission of about one third of the company they readily agreed to vacate one of their extensive warehouses, and allowed the Sub-Building Committee to make large openings through the walls of their warehouses, for that purpose. At the request of a Member of Committee, Mr. Ewing of Levenside, formerly one of the Members of Parliament for the city, sent his splendid service of gold and silver plate, which had been presented to him by his constituents, to ornament the Chairman’s table. The Purveyor, however, found the responsibility so great, that only a part of the plate was exhibited. Mr. Ewing’s absence from home, on an important mission, prevented him from being present at the Festival. To commemorate the election of Sir Robert Peel as Lord Rector of the University, and of the Dinner given to him by the citizens of Glasgow, gold, silver, and bronze medals were struck. The Sub-Committee were very fortunate in the artists and tradesmen they employed. The carpen- ters and joiners did their duties in a manner which did them much credit. Messrs. James White & Son, upholsters, and Messrs. Michael Bogle & Co. ornamental painters, did their parts to the satisfaction of every one connected with the undertaking. Although Messrs. Bennet & Smith, plumbers, had less to do than the others, what they did w'as most efficient. The laying of the main pipes, and fixing the gas meters, were done under the superintendence of Mr. James B. Neilson, Engineer to the Glasgow Gas Company, and Patentee for the Hot Air Blast. The Committee are under deep obligations to this eminent engineer, for his valuable services. The design, and fitting up the Gasifiers, were by Mr. Andrew Liddell, of the firm of Andrew Liddell & Co., Gas Fitters. The splendid eflFect of the Gasifiers, was the admiration of every one. The arrangements of the Police were most complete, both before and during the Festival. Captain Henry Millar, the Superintendant, occupied a seat at the dinner, which, while it gave him the whole command of the Hall, enabled him to retire to the street in an instant, in case of disturbance. The eminent services of this gentleman merited and received the thanks of the Committee of Management. Mr. Sheriff Alison declined the honour of an invitation from the Committee to attend on the Chairman’s platform, or take any part in the proceedings, from an impression that it would be unsuitable Ill in his situation as Sheriff of the County; but he w as officially present under the roof of the Pavilion, or in its immediate neighbourhood, all the evening, with Captain Miller of the Police, and Lieutenant- Colonel Fleming, the Commander of the Garrison, in case any external excitement should have required the interposition of the civil power. It is highly creditable to the inhabitants of Glasgow, that every mark of attention was paid to the Gentlemen in going to, or returning from, the Festival — no indication of adverse political feeling — no groans nor murmurs — no attempt at disturbance. All seemed anxious for a sight of him whom the Conservatives of Glasgow delighted to honour. For about an hour before the Dinner, that part of Buchanan-Street in the neighbourhood of the Pavilion was crowded with persons in the middle and lower ranks of society. When Sir Robert Peel’s carriage drew up to the door, the crowd instantly pulled off their hats and gave him three hearty cheers. On the morning of the Festival, Sir Robert Peel gave the Secretary an order on his Banker for Two Hundred Guineas, with a request that the Committee of Management would distribute it amongst such charities as they thought proper. The Committee gave One Hundred Guineas to the Royal Infirmary; Fifty Guineas to the Deaf and Dumb Institution ; and Fifty Guineas to the Asylum for the Blind. In taking leave of the University, the Lord Rector oflfered One Hundred Guineas, to be divided into three sums, of Thirty-five Pounds each, as Prizes to the three Students, who, in taking the degree of A. M. or A. B., during this Session of College, shall display the highest excellence, at examination on the following branches, respectively, viz. : — Natural Philosophy and Mathematics. Mental and Moral Philosophy Classical Literature. To be adjudged and delivered on 1st May, 1837. 112 FINANCIAL DEPARTMENT. RECEIPTS. 3293 Tickets sold at 25s. each, — from Lord Forbes for his Ticket, £2, £4118 5 0 Transferences of Tickets, at 5s. each, 61 15 0 £4180 0 0 Received for Copies of Plans, List of Toasts, &c 103 6 7 Drawn on the first and second days of the Exhibition of the Pavilion, (p. 109) 333 13 6 Do. on the third and fourth days 158 14 8 492 8 2 Interest from Ship Bank 13 11 8 Total Receipts,. £4789 5 5 EXPENDITURE. 1st. Expense of Deputation, Advertising, Printing, Stationary, &c £386 19 10 2d. Cost of Building, including fitting up of Interior, Decorations, &c 2304 2 4 3d. Expense of Dinner, Wines, &c 1219 2 6 4th. Miscellaneous Charges, including Fees to Architect, Secretary and Clerk, 427 9 0 £4337 13 8 Surplus, £451 11 9 WHICH HAS BEEN DIVIDED AMONG THE FOLLOWING CHARITIES : Royal Infirmary £100 0 0 Eye Infirmary, 50 0 0 Magdalene Asylum, 30 0 0 Old Man’s Friend Society, 30 0 0 Lock Hospital, 30 0 0 Glasgow Female Society, 20 0 0 Humane Society, 20 0 0 University Lying-In Hospital, 20 0 0 Glasgow Lying-In Hospital 20 0 0 Highland Strangers’ Society, 10 0 0 Gorbals Dispensary, 10 0 0 Orphan Institution, 10 0 0 Not yet allocated, 101 11 9 £451 11 9 From Sir Robert Peel, as narrated in preceding page, 210 0 0 Total Sum arising out of the Festival for Charities, ,£661 11 9 LIST OF THE NAMES OF THE NOBLEMEN AND GENTLEMEN PRESENT AT THE BANQUET. Abbot, Mr. London Steward Abercromby, Alexander, Albany place Abercrombie, John, Jackson street Adam, Archibald M. Gordon street Adam, J. G. Cochran street Adam, John Adam, John, of Irvine Adam, John, of Millbank Adam, John, Virginia street Adam, John, apothecary, Hamilton Adam, William, Bridgegate Committee Adamson, Frederick, West George street Adamson, J, M. jun. West George street Adamson, Robert, West George street Adie, Andrew, Weaver street Agnew, John, Buchanan street Aikman, Edward, Camphill, Paisley Aikman, Robert, Buchanan street Ainslie, David, Leith Aird, James, Kippochhill Ail’d, William, Buchanan street Aird, Mr. of Crossflats Airston, John, King street, Edinburgh Aitchison, Captain, Drummore Aitcbison, Rev. David, Christ Church Aitchison, William, Dalmuir House Aitken, Edward, King street Aitken, George, of Stirling Aitken, Henry, writer, Fikirk Aitken, James, Provost of Falkirk Aitken, James, Gallowgate Aitken, James, St. George’s place Aitken, John, High street Aitken, L. Falkirk Aitken, Peter, Argyle street Steward Aitken, Robert, Ingram street Aitken, Thomas, jun. writer, Falkirk Aitken, William, Hutcheson street Albiston, J. Aldcorn, Dr. Oban Alexander, James Alexander, James, Glasgow Alexander, James, Glasgow Alexander, James, Suffolk street Steward Alexander, John, High street Alexander, John, jun. High street Alexander, John, Abbotsford place Alexander, John, London st. Edinburgh Alexander, John, Loch Cadder Alexander, M. Sandyford Alexander, Robert, West Regent street Alexander, W. M. of Southbar Alexander, Walter, Brunswick lane Alexander, Walter, Buchanan street Alison, Archibald, Possil Allan, Alexander, Barrowfield road Allan, Alexander, banker, Edinburgh Allan, James, grain merchant Allan, James, Virginia street Allan, John, Queen street Allan, John, Glasgow Allan, Peter, St. Vincent street Allan, Robert, Glasgow Allan, Thomas, banker, Edinburgh Allan, Mr. R. A. Allison, Robert, Kilmarnock Almond, Rev. George, Glasgow Alston, George, of Muirburn Alston, Henry, Ingram buildings Alston, John, jun. Miller street Steward .'Alston, John, of Rosemount Alston, John P. St. Vincent street Steward Alston, Robert D. of Auchinraith Alston, Thomas S. Glassford street Alston, William C. West George street Anderson, Alexander, Monteith row Anderson, Andrew, Carnwath Anderson, Bailie, of Newburgh Anderson, Captain D. Anderson, Dr. Andw. D. St. Vincent st. Anderson, D.Deaf and Dumb Institution Anderson, Francis, W. S. Edinburgh Anderson, George, South Exchange sq. Croupier Anderson, James A. Garnethill Anderson, James, Glasgow Anderson, James, Highholm, P.-Glasgow Anderson, James, jun. Port- Glasgow Anderson, James, Bridge of Ardoch Anderson, John, Broomielaw Anderson, John, lithographer, Glasgow ]14 Anderson, John, Glasgow Anderson, John, Glasgow Anderson, John, Bo’ness Anderson, J. Jamaica street Anderson, J. W. Sheffield Anderson, Rev. John, Helensburgh Anderson, Rev. Tory, Edinburgh Anderson, Robert, Glassford street Anderson, Robert, Jamaica street Anderson, Thomas, advocate, Edinburgh Anderson, Wm. Garnkirk Anderson, VV. A. Glasgow Anderson, William, Kilmarnock Anderson, William, Renfrew street Anderson, Wm. Park place Angus, Ritchie, Bath street Angus, Robert, Greenock Angus, R. Glasgow Angus, William, North Douglas street Angus, William, writer, Edinburgh Anan, James, Lanark Anstruther, James, of Westraw Arbuthnot, General, M. P. Arbuthnot, Mr. Edinburgh Arbuthnot, Sir Robert, Bart. Armitage, Mr. of Huddersfield Armour, Robert, Glasgow Armstrong, George, Liverpool Armstrong, John, Edinburgh Arnot, Mr. Kinross-shire Arrol, William, Houston Arrol, William, jun. Houston Ai’thur, Dr. James, Edinburgh Arthur, John, of Westerton Arundale, G. Hunter, Edinburgh Atkinson, Thomas, Buck’s head Atkinson, William, St. Andrew’s square Auchenvole, John, Montrose street Auchincloss, Dr. West George street Auchterlony, John, Glasgow Auld, A. W. Miller street Auld, William, Miller street Austin, James, Trongate Aj'ton, Robert, writer, Hamilton Babcock, B. F. Glasgow Bache, A. D. Principal, New College, Philadelphia Badham, Professor, Glasgow College Baillie, John, Glasgow Baillie, John, Rosebank Baillie, Robert, Polkemmet Bain, Alexander, Montague place Bain, Andrew, Bonhill Steward Bain, Bailie John, of Morriston Bayne, William, Commerce street Baird, Alexander, Spreul’s court Baird, David, Spreul’s court Baird, Douglas, Spreul’s court Baird, George, Gartsherrie Baird, James, Gartsherrie Baird, James, Glasgow Baird, John, Buchanan street Baird, John, Greenock Baird, John, Shotts Baird, John, Highcross Baird, Provost, of Pollokshaws Steward Baird, Robert, Gartsherrie Baird, Robert, Liverpool Baird, William, King sti’eet, Tradeston Baird, William, Lochwood Baird, William, Glasgow Balfour, David, New wynd Balfour, James N. Glasgow Balfour, James, Fifeshire Steward Balfour, William, Glassford street Balmanno, Dr. St. Vincent place Banriatyne, Alexander, Queen street Bannatyne, Dugald, jun. George street Steward Bannatyne, John, Brandon place Steward Bannatyne, Ninian, Jamaica street Bannatyne, Neil, Manchester Bannerman, Andrew, Tullybarditie Barclay, Andrew, Paisley Barclay, Arthur, Paris House Barclay, James, Woodend, Cathcart Barclay, Major Barclay, Robert, Slip docks Barnet, James, Glasgow Barnet, James, England Barnhill, James, tanner, Glasgow Barr, Captain, of the Windsor castle Barr, Gavin, Glasgow Barr, James, West Kingston Barr, John, Chapelfield Barr, John, Hill place Bartholomew, Alex. Paisley Bartholomew, John, George street. Paisley Steward Bartholomew, John, Abercromby place Bartholomew, John, Lochwinnoch Barton, Ben. Queen street Barton, John, Virginia street Bathgate, Mr. of Peebles Baxter, Isaac, Candleriggs Steward Baxter, Walter, Candleriggs Beatson, Robert, student, Glasgow College Bedford, R. N. England Begg, James, Hutcheson street Bell, Alexander, North Newton Bell, Alexander, Falkirk Bell, George, Leith Bell, George, Delvine Bell, Henry Glassford, advocate, Edin. Bell, J. G. advocate, Edinburgh Bell, John, jun. W. S. Bell, John, Buchanan street Bell, Mathew P. St. Vincent street Bell, Rev. W. Linlithgow Bell, Robert, St. George’s road Bell, Robert, Bowling Bell, Mr. teacher, Glasgow Bennet, James, Stockwell Ben net, John, Rothesay Berry, Andrew, Main street 115 Berry, Charles, engineer, Glasgow Bertram, J. P., VV. S. Edinburgh Beveridge, Dr. Hamilton Beveridge, George, Kirkaldy Binnie, George, Miller street Binnie, William, Croy place Bennie, William, jun. Hope street Bissland, James, Glasgow Black, Alexander D. Philadelphia Black, D. M., W. S. Black, Rev. Dr. Barony Black, Gavin, Spreull’s court Black, George, Glasgow Committee Black, James, Monteith row Black, James, Blythswood square Black, James, Exchange square Black, James, Glasgow Steward Black, James, jun. York street Black, James, George Hotel Black, James, jun. Candleriggs Black, James, Glasgow Black, James, Monteith rooms Black, James, J. & W. Campbell & Co.’s Black, James, baker, Calton Black, James, Glasgow Black, John, Easterhouse Black, John, Hutcheson street Black, John, Commercial court Black, John, Woodside Black, John, South Hanover street Black, John W. Caltonmouth Black, Malcolm, Glasgow Black, P. A. Queen street Black, Phillip, Bath street Steward Black, Robert, Exchange place Black, Robert, Exchange square Black, William, Queen street Black, William, Glasgow Blackburn, Peter, younger, of Killearn Blackie, Andrew, Paisley Steward Blackie, John, Monteith row Blackie, John, jun. Monteith row Blackie, Robert, Queen street Blackie, Walter G. Blackwood, Hugh, Buchanan street Blackwood, James, Edinburgh Blackwood, Robert, Edinburgh Blackwood, William, Buchanan street Blair, Duncan, College street Blair, H. St. Vincent street Blair, Patrick, Irvine Blair, W. D. Greenbank Bland, James, Glasgow Bland, R. C. Dublin Bland, William, farmer, Woodside Blane, John, Wallace street, Tradeston Bleaymire, William, St. Vincent lane Bogle, Gilbert K. Elmbank crescent Bogle, Hugh, Ingram street Steward Bogle, James, jun. Athol place Bogle, James K. Blythswood place Bogle, Michael, Blythswood square P Steward Bogle, Archibald, of Gilmorehill Bonchard, John, writer, Edinburgh Booth, Henry Gore, Edinburgh Boswell, Mr. of Balmutto Bowen, Mr. Brisbane house Bowie, James, West Nile street Bowman, R. Manchester Bowman, David, Glasgow Boyd, James, Ingram street Boyd, James, jun. Kirkintilloch Boyd, James, Antigua Boyd, John, late Provost, Linlithgow Boyd, William, barrister, Dublin Boyle, John, Edinburgh Bradbury, Mr. Leeds Braid, Alexander, Trongate Bramwell, John, Union bank Steward Brash, James, Brandon place Broadfoot, Captain Francis Bremner, William, Governor, bridewell Brock, John, Barns of Clyde Brock, William Brodie, Alexander, Buchanan street Brodie, James, Fennyhurst, Edinburgh Brodie, Peter, George street Brooks, Captain, Knocksworth Brooks, William, Glasgow Steward Broom, Alexander, Bath street Broom, William, Bath street Brough, Hugh, Paisley Brough, Peter, Paisley Brown, Adam, Argyle street Brown, Alexander, jun. Glasgow Steward Brown, Alexander, West George street Brown, Alexander, Paisley bank Brown, Andrew, Auchintorlie Brown, Archibald, Johnstone Brown, Captain, of Park Brown, Dr. James, Campbelltown Brown, George, Edinburgh Brown, Horatio, Newhall Steward Brown, Hugh, Miller street Brown, Hugh, Broadston, Beith Brown, Hugh, jun. Broadston, Beith Brown, Hugh, Parkbead Brown, James, Moore place Brown, James, Stockwell Brown, James, Glasgow Brown, James, Glen, Dobbie & Co.’s Brown, James, Edinburgh Committee Browne, James, of Bendarroch Browne, James, jun. Abercromby place Brown, James, Broadston, Beith Brown, James, Linwood Brown, James, Glasgow Brown, James, manufacturer Brown, James, Airdrie Brown, John, Belgrove place Brown, John, Clyde buildings Brown, John, Glasgow Brown, John, Airdrie Brown, John, Argyle street 116 Brown, John, Moodie’s court Steward Brown, Joseph, Drygate Brown, J. L. Greenock Brown, Mathew, Port- Glasgow Brown, Maj. of Rockville, Dumbartonsh. Brown, P. M‘T. Miller street Brown, Neil, Glasgow Steward Brown, Peter, Virginia street Brown, Peter, jun, Virginia street Brown, P. Dundee Brown, Rev. Mr. Innerkip Brown, Rev. Peter, Rutherglen Brown, Robert, Killermont Brown, Robert Johnston, Edinburgh Brown, R. H. Union street Brown, Thomas, Glasgow Brown, Thomas, Uphall Committee Brown, William of Kilmardiny Steward Brown, William, South Exchange place Steward Brown, Wm. jun. West Regent street Brown, William, Buchanan street Brown, William Henry, Edinburgh Brown, William, Coatbridge Brownlie, James, Caltbn Brownlie, Thomas, Lochwinnoch Brownlie, William, Glasgow Bruce, A. J. Glasgow Bruce, Gumming, M. P. Bruce, Robert, of Rennet Bruce, Hugh, advocate Bruce, James, Glasgow Bruce, Robert, lithographer, Glasgow Bryce, A. St. Andrew’s square Bryce, David, Buchanan street Bryce, David, Edinburgh Bryce, David, Glasgow Bryce, Dr. Edinburgh Bryce, Dr. James, India Bryce, James, Bonhill Bryce, John, architect Bryce, John, Parkhall Bryce, Peter, Port-Dundas Brydone, Rev. William, Ayr Bryson, Peter, Saltmarket Bryson, William, Ingram street Buchan, Alexander, Miller street Buchanan, Alexander, Lanark Steward Buchanan, Allan, Abercromby place Bucbanan, Andrew, Mount Vernon Buchanan, Archibald, Union street Buchanan, Dr. Andrew, Glasgow Buchanan, Dr. Dumbarton Buchanan, Dr. Greenock Buchanan, George, Glasgow Buchanan, George, Stanley mills Buchanan, George, of Arden Steward Buchanan, Herbert, St. Vincent place Buchanan, Isaac, Canada Buchanan, John Cross, of Auchintoshan Bucbanan, James, of Dowanhill Buchanan, James, Govan street Bucbanan, James, Woodlands Buchanan, James, jun. Exchange square Buchanan, James, Ship bank Buchanan, James, Paisley Committee Buchanan, John, St. Vincent street Buchanan, John, Candleriggs Buchanan, John, Finnick Buchanan, John, Caldock Buchanan, John, St. Vincent street Steward Buchanan, John, jun. St. Vincent st. Buchanan, John, Provost of Lanark Buchanan, Moses, miller, Woodside Buchanan, M. S., M.D. Bucbanan street Buchanan, Peter, North Hanover street Buchanan, R. professor, Glasgow College Buchanan, Rev. Hamilton, Strathblane Buchanan, Robert, Blythswood square Buchanan, Robert, teacher, Greenock Buchanan, Robert, Regent street Steward Buchanan, Thomas, South Hanover st. Steward Buchanan, Thomas, George square Buchanan, Thomas G. Virginia street Buchanan, Thomas, jun. Miller st. Buchanan, William, St. Vincent st. Buchanan, William, Abercromby place Buchanan, William, Brandon place Buchanan, William, Rose st. Garnethili Bucbanan, Mr. of Cambusmore Buchanan, Mr. of Ardoch Buchanan, Mr. jun. of Ardoch Bunten, Alexander, Queen street Bunten, James, Kilmarnock Burgess, George, Warwick street Burn, Rev. Mr. Blantyre works Burn, William, Edinburgh Burn, Mr. W. Callender, of Preston Burns, Alexander, Cleland Testimonial Burns, Professor, St. Vincent street Steward Burns, Allan, St. Vincent street Steward Burns, George, Brandon place Steward Burns, James, Councillor Burns, John, Larkhall Burns, William Burness, Dr. Bombay Burnet, Francis Claud, E. I. Co. Service Burnet, John Joseph, Gadgirth, Ayr Steward Burnet, John, Stirling square Steward Burnley, William F. St. Vincent place Burrell, Andrew M. Port-Glasgow Burrell, A. M. Glasgow Burrell, William, Prince’s street Butt, Thomas, Argyle street Buttery, A. W, Monkland Iron Works Byres, Colonel Byres, Rev. W. J. Bygrave, Dr. Glasgow Caird, .Tames, Greenock Cairns, John, Argyle street Calder, John, Colgrain Calder, John, Glassford street Caldwell, George, baker Caldwell, James, Brunswick street 117 Caldwell, Robert, Lochwinnoch Caledonian Mercury Reporter Caledonian Mercury Reporter Caledonian Mercury Reporter Calvert, J. K., W. S. Edinburgh Cameron, Colin, Edinburgh Cameron, Duncan, Macalpine street Cameron, John, Miller street Cameron, Peter, George street Campbell, Adam, Duke street Campbell, Alexander, West George street Campbell, Alexander, Paisley Campbell, Archibald, Glendaruell Steward Campbell, A. D. of Ashcraig Campbell, A. Campbelltown Campbell, Archibald, of Blythswood Campbell, Archibald, Locbhead Campbell, A. R. Garscube Campbell, William, Bailie of Anderston Campbell, Captain, Skipness Steward Campbell, Charles, Bank of Scotland Campbell, Charles, Monteith row Campbell, Charles S. Glasgow Steward Campbell, Colin, of Camis Eskin Steward Campbell, Donald, Clarence place Campbell, Dugald, M. D. Campbell, Sir H. P. Bart. M.P. Campbell, J. St. Andrew’s square Campbell, James, Candleriggs Committee Campbell, James, of Moorepark Committee Campbell, James, Councillor Campbell, James, Argyle street Campbell, James, of Succoth Campbell, Lord John Campbell, Sir John, Bart. Campbell, John, Duke street Campbell, John, Glasgow Campbell, John, Candleriggs Campbell, John, British Iron Foundry Campbell, John, Liverpool Campbell, John Gordon, Whitevale Campbell, John, sen. Candleriggs Campbell, John, Glasgow Campbell, Rev. John, Glasgow Croupier Campbell, Mungo N. of Ballimore Committee Campbell, Mungo, of Hay Lodge Committee Campbell, Mungo, of Hallyards Campbell, P. G. of Treesbank Campbell, Patrick, Glasgow Campbell, Rev. Archd. B. Kilwinning Campbell, Robert, sen. writer, Stirling Campbell, Robert, jun. writer, Stirling Campbell, Robert, Glasgow Campbell, Robert, St. Vincent street Committee Campbell, Robert, Brunswick street Campbell, S. H. Ingram street Campbell, Thomas, Aird Lamont Campbell, W. C. Brunswick street Campbell, William, Glasgow .Campbell, William, writer, Johnstone Committee Campbell, William, of Dunoon Castle Campbell, William, of Netherplace Campbell, William, Glasgow Campbell, Mr. jun. of ,Inverneil Campbell, Mr. jun. Bow field Campbell, Mr. of Carradale Campbell, Mr. of Stonefield Campbell, Mr. of Dunfermline Campbell, Mr. of Monzie Carlyle, Alexander, Paisley Carlyle, Thomas, Paisley Carlyle, W., J. P. Houston Carmichael, Daniel, Bridge street Carnegie, Mr. Edinburgh Steward Carnie, Charles, Abercrombie place Carnduff, Robert, Whitevale Steward Carr, John, Cochran street Carrick, William, Perthshire Caruthers, Mr. Walmslay Caruther, Mr. Barmsley Carse, David, Buchanan street Carsewell, Allan, jun. Queen street Carsewell, Walter, Ingram street Cassels, Alexander, Kepp Casels, Charles, Virginia street Cassels, David, Arnprior Cassels, John, Perth Cassels, Robert, Virginia street Cathcart, Hon. Captain Cathcart, William, Buchanan street Caw, James, Glasgow Cerf, Mr. St. Enoch square Chalmers, Andrew, Neilston Chalmers, Thomas, Trongate Chalmers, William, Blairhill Chapman, William, Glasgow Cheape, Professor, Edinburgh College Cherry, Charles, London Cheyne, Dr. St. Enoch square Cheyne, James A. exchequer, Edinburgh Cheyne, James, Ireland Chisholm, The, M. P. Steward Chisholm, Daniel, Ingram street Chisholm, John, Port-Glasgow Chisholm, Wm. jun. Brunswick st. Chrystie, Andrew, Ingram street Christie, Captain, Edinburgh Christie, James, Nelson street Christie, James, Fifeshire Christie, W. W. Bi’itish Iron Foundry Christie, William, Glasgow Christie, Mr. of Torryburn Christie, Mr. jun. of Torryburn Chrystal, Andrew, Richmond street Chrystal, Andrew, Gargunnock Chrystal, Robert, Richmond street Church, James, Canonbie Steward Church, William, Woodside crescent Clark, Archibald, Glasgow Clark, David, Perth Clark, Dr. Wester Molfat Clark, Duncan, Rottenrow Clarke, Edward, Clyde villa Clerk, Sir George, M.P. 118 Clark, James, Kilmarnock Clark, James, Crossbill Clark, John, South Frederick street Steward Clark, John King, Woodside Clark, John, Parkhead Clark, John, Greenock Clark, P. W. John street Clarke, Robert, Newhouse Clark, Robert, Campsie Alum works Clarke, Samuel, M. D. Glasgow Clark, Thomas, Kilmarnock Clark, William, Bath street Clark, William, Glasgow Cleland, Alex. S. Cleland Testimonial Committee Cleland, Ur. West Nile street Clerk, Mr. yr. of Pennicuick Clerk, William, Pennicuick Cleugh, William, Exchange court Clouston, Peter, Queen street Clunie, R. A. Queen street Coates, James, of Dykehead Coats, John, Muirhead street Cock, Henry, Glasgow Cochran, Alexander, Kirktonfield Cochran, John, Manchester Cochran, Robert, Buchanan street Cochran, William, Haughhead Cockburn, John, wine merchant, Leith Committee Cogan, Hugh, Brandon place Steward Cogan, John, Brandon place Cogan, Robert, Brandon place Collie, Alexander, Cleland Testimonial Collier, James W. Morrison’s court Colquboun, Captain H., R. N. Colquhoun, Gideon, London Colquhoun, H. Dumblane Colquhoun, Ludovic, advocate Colquhoun, Mr. of Luss Colville, Rev. William, of Beith Connell, J. High School, Glasgow Counal, William, Paisley Steward Counal, William, Bath street Cook, John, W. S. Cooke, Rev. Dr. Belfast Cooper, Joseph, Dublin Cooper, M. St. Andrews Cooper, Samuel, of Ballindalloch Copland, William, Buchanan street Corbet, Robert, Marlborough street Corbet, W. A. Portland street Corbet, William, Buchanan street Cordiner, C. J. Clyde buildings Steward Corkindale, Dr. Glassford street Cormie, John, Main street, Anderston Corrie, Thomas, Edinburgh Cotton, Stephen, Stockwell Coubrough, Anthony P., S. Hanover st. Coubrough, A. P. Glasgow Coubrough, John, Waterport buildings Couper, John, Aberdeen Couper, John, Renheld street Couper, Wm. Professor, Glasgow College Cowan, Andrew, Bath street Cowan, Charles, Pennycuick Cowan, David, writer Cowan, Hugh, banker, Ayr Cowan, James, merchant, Leith Cowan, James, Fintry Cowan, James G. Leith Cowan, John, Pennycuick Cowan, John, Ship Bank Cowan, John M. Regent street Cowan, Rev. William, Jamaica street Cowan, Robert, Union street Cowan, Robert, W. S. Edinburgh Cowan, Walter, merchant, Leith Craig, Alexander, Sutberlandshire Craig, Alexander, Craighead Craig, Archibald, Trongate Craig, David, writer. Paisley Craig, James, Paisley Craig, James, jun. Paisley Craig, James, drysalter, Edinburgh Craig, James, Miller street Craig, John, Airdrie Craig, John, Regent street Craig, Peter, Gallowgate Craig, Robert, Montagu place Craig, William, Kirkton Steward Craig, William, Gallowgate Craig, Mr. factor to Marquis of Ailsa Crawford, Andrew, writer, Stirling Crawford, David, writer, Greenock Crawford, Duncan, Port-Glasgow Crawford, James, Glasgow Crawford, John, Falkirk Crawford, John, Paisley Crawford, John, How Kerse Crawford, Robert, of the Eagle steamer Crawford, Thomas, Saltmarket Crawford, W. S. S. of Milton Crawford, William, Cartsburn Crawford, Mr. W. H. of Crawfordland Crease, George, Edinburgh Crease, John, Edinburgh Cree, John, Virginia buildings Crichton, William, Queen street Croil, William, Montagu place Crombie, W. B. Edinburgh Crombie, Mr. Edinburgh Crooks, George A. Alloa Crooks, James, Kilmarnock Crooks, John, Leven Crooks, Robert, Alloa Croll, John, Edinburgh Crosbie, Robert, York street Cross, Andrew, Hutcheson street Cross, William, Monteith row Crosslie, Major, Glasgow Cruikshanks, James, Edinburgh Cruikshank, M. Ingram buildings Cubie, Adam, Comelypark Cumberland, Mr. Camming, Alexander, Glassford street 119 Gumming, Alexander, jun. Glasgow Gumming, Andrew, Gathcart street Guming, James, Airthgreens Gumming, John, Glasgow Gumming, John, convener, Kilmarnock Steward Gumming, Peter, Glassford street Gumming, R.town treasurer, Kilmarnock Gunninghame, Alexander, of Graigend Gunningbame, Alexander, of Balgownie Gunningham, Alexander, Glasgow Gunningham, Andrew, writer, Perth Gunningham, Andrew, town clerk’s office Gunningham, Arcjiibald, Argyle street Gunningham, Gharles, of Stonelaw Steward Gunninghame, Gharles, Gordon street Gunningham, Dr. Glasgow Gunningham, John Gunninghame, R. G. Edinburgh Gunningham, R. P. Stonelaw Gunningham, W. G. Stonelaw Currie, Alexander Currie, Rev. Peter Curror, Adam, Edinburgh Cuthbertson, Allan, St. Vincent street Cuthbertson, Rev. Alexander, Edrom Steward Cuthbertson, Donald, St. Vincent street Steward Cuthbertson, James, Bath street Cuthbertson, John, Glasgow Steward Cuthbertson, William, Morrison’s court Steward Dale, James, Miller street Committee Dalglish, Andrew S. St. Vincent place Committee Dalglish, Robert, Councillor Steward Dalglish, George, St. Vincent street Committee Dalglish, James, jun. St. Vincent street Dalglish, James, St. Vincent street Dalglish, John, St. Vincent street Dalglish, Robert, jun. St. Vincent street Dalglish, William, Brandon place Dalmahoy, Patrick, W. S. Dalziel, Alexander, builder Dalziel, John, Carstairs Daiziell, Thomas, Glasgow Darge, Alexander, Glasgow Darge, John, Glasgow Darling, J. S., W. S. Darnley, James, Glassford street Davidson, Andrew, Perth Davidson, Andrew C. Thistle street Davidson, C. F., W. S. Edinburgh Steward Davidson, James, of Ruchill Davidson, James, George Inn Hotel, P. Davidson, John, Cochran street Davidson, John, ship agent Davidson, Thomas, jun. Irvine Committee Davidson, Wm. LL. B. St. Vincent pi, Davidson, W. J. St. Vincent place Davidson, Mr. of Tulloch Davie, William, jun. North Hanover st. Davis, James, Kilmarnock Dawson, Alexander, West Regent street Dawson, James, Queen street Deans, D. D. Port-Dundas Deas, P. S. Edinburgh Dempster, Rev. Mr. of Denny De Munnick, William, Virginia place Denholm, Alexander, Lamington Denholm, James, Glasgow Denholm, W. Greenhill Dennistoun, Hugh, Greenock Steward Dennistoun, James R. South Hanover st. Dennistoun, John, Greenock Denny, J. O. Exchange court Dewar, John, Glasgow Dick, Alexander, jun. Glassford street Steward Dick, George, St. George’s road Dick, James, builder, Garnethill Steward Dick, John, London street Dick, John, bookseller, Ayr Dick, Mathew, Glassford street Dick, Peter, Candleriggs Dick, Richard, Glasgow Dick, Robert, Broomhill Dick, Robert, Locbard lodge Dick, William, Midcalder Steward Dick, William, of Lumloch Dickson, Peter, Glasgow Dill, Maurens, student Dinwoodie, G. C. Whithorn Dixon, James, Belfast Dixon, Mr. Edinburgh Dixon, William, Belfast Dobbie, William, Paisley Dodd, John, Montreal Dodds, Mr. Haddingtonshire Dodds, William, East Lothian Steward Donald, Colin D. St. Enoch square Donald, C. D. jun. St. Enoch square Donald, James, St. Enoch square Donald, John S. St. Enoch square Donald, John, Virginia street Donald, Robert, engineer Steward Donald, Thomas, St. Enoch square Donaldson, J ames. Smith’s ct. Candleriggs Steward Donaldson, James, of Thornwood Donaldson, James, jun. 17, Exchange sq. Donaldson, John, York street Donaldson, John, advocate, Edinburgh Donaldson, John, Robertson street Douglas, Archibald, Edinburgh Steward Douglas, Archibald, of Ardentinny Douglas, Captain, 14th Regiment Douglas, General Pye, of Rosehall Douglas, George, merchant Douglas, George, Argyle street Committee Douglas, John Campbell, Athol place Douglas, James, Argyle street Douglas, James, West Nile street Douglas, James, Glassford street Douglas, John, Argyle street Douglas, John, Auchmitten Douglas, John, Garnethill Douglas, Mr. Rodenhead Douglas, Mr. Edinburgh 120 Douglas, Robert, Clarence place Committee Douglas, Thomas D. Blythswood place Douglas, T. B. Glasgow Dove, D. Dove, John, Virginia street Dow, Alexander, Bridgegate Dow, Samuel, Saltmarket Steward Downie, Alexander, St. Vincent street Downie, William, Clyde street Dreghorn, David, Miller street Drew, James, Blythswood square Drew, Laurence, of Carmyle Drummond, H. H. of Blair Drummond Drynan, James, Trongate Steward Drysdale, Alexander, Gallowgate Dublin Evening Mail Reporter Dublin Evening Mail Reporter Dublin Evening Mail Reporter Dudgeon, Robert, East Lothian Dudley, Joseph, Portsmouth Duggan, J. P. Glasgow Duncan, Alexander, George square Duncan, Alexander, jun. Duncan, Andrew J. Glasgow Duncan, Dr. James, Edinburgh Duncan, E. Manchester Duncan, Handaside, M. D. Duncan, Henry B. Committee Duncan, James J., LL. D. Blochearn Duncan, John, jun. Hanover street Steward Duncan, John, Buchanan street Duncan, John, Edinburgh Duncan, Robert, Argyll street Duncan, Robert, Greenock Duncan, Thomas, Edinburgh Duncan, Thomas, tanner, Glasgow Duncanson, Alexander, Glassford street Duncanson, Robert, Queen street Dnndas, Captain Richard, yr. of Blair Dundas, Gabriel, Hamilton Dundas, George, Edinburgh Dundas, Robert, of Arniston Dundas, Sir David, of Dunira Dunlop, Alexander, of Gairbraid Dunlop, Alexander, Priory lodge Steward Dunlop, A. C. Woodside crescent Dunlop, David, Glasgow Dunlop, James, Ayrshire Dunlop, James, Elmbank crescent Dunlop, James, Priory lodge Dnnlop, John, Claremont place Dunlop, John, distiller Dunlop, Rev. David, Ferguslie house Dunlop, William, Edinburgh Steward Dunlop, William, St. Vincent street Dunn, Alexander, Duntocher Dunn, John, writer. Paisley Dun, William, Herald office Steward Dunn, William, of Duntocher Durie, Di-. Craigieland Durie, John Dykes, James, town clerk, Port-Glasgow Dykes, Robert, Woodside crescent Dykes, Thomas, writer, Kilmarnock Dymock, Robert, Edinburgh Eadie, Robert, Rosehall Easton, William, Glasgow Eccles, Andrew, Moore place Eccles, George, Morris place Eccles, George James, St. Vincent place Eccles, Robert, Buchanan street Steward Eccles, William, Moore place Eccles, William, jun. St. Vincent place Ecl^fens, Dr. Edie, Robert, Whiterigg, Airdrie Edinburgh Advertiser Reporter Edinburgh Evening Courant Reporter Edinburgh Evening Courant Reporter Edinburgh Evening Courant Reporter Edinburgh Evening Post Reporter Edinburgh Evening Post Reporter Edinburgh Evening Post Reporter Steward Edington, Thomas, Phoenix Iron Works Edington, Thomas, jun. Eagle Foundry Edington, William, Eagle Foundry Steward Edmiston, Archibald, Crown Street Edmiston John, Crown street Edmond, James, Stirling Edmonston, Archibald, Stirling Edmonston, Robert, Upper Crown street Edmonstone, Sir Archibald, Bart. Edmonston, William, Upper Crown st. Eglinton, Earl of Elcbo, Lord Elliot, General Elliot, John, Sheffield Ellis, A. G., W. S. Edinburgh Ellis, John, Woodside Emmerson, James, Royal Exchange Erskine, C. W. T. Leitch’s court Erskine, Sir David, of Cambo, Bart. Erskine, John, High street Erskine, Thomas, Argyle street Evans, J. W. London Ewing, Alexander, St. Andrew square Ewing, Alexander, George square Ewing, David, Glasgow Steward Ewing, John Orr, George street Ewing, John, sen. Bell street Ewing, John, jun. Bell street Ewing, Peter, Waterport buildings Ewing, Robert, Virginia street Ewing, Walter, Buchanan street Ewing, William, Glasgow Ewing, William, Port-Glasgow Committee Ewing, W. Leckie, Blythswood square Fairlie, Edward, Glasgow Steward Falconer, Archibald, Argyle street Falconer, Archd. Provost of Pt.-Glasgow Falconer, Robert, Argyle street Falconer, W. D. High street Familton, Mr. Edinburgh 121 Farie, Adam, Greenock Farie, G. S. Monteith row Farie, Robert, Queen street Farquharson, Robert, Paisley Faulds, Andrew, Broadlees Ferguson, Alexander, cattle dealer Ferguson, Alexander, Turner’s court Ferguson, D. West Regent street > Ferguson, Daniel, Sandyford Committee Ferguson, David, Douglas street Ferguson, George, Glasgow Ferguson, J. L. Carronhill Fergusson, Charles, yr. of Kilkerran Ferguson, John, W. S. Edinburgh Ferguson, Samuel, Edinburgh Ferguson, Samuel, Buchanan street Steward Ferguson, Walter, Regent street Ferguson, Walter, jun. Manchester Ferguson, William, Charlotte street Fernandez, G. student Ferrie, Alexander, Port-Glasgow Ferrie, George, St. Vincent street Ferrie, Peter, Buchanan street Ferrie, Robert, farmer, Campsie Committee Ferrie, Robert, of Blairtummock Ferrier, James F. Glasgow Ferrier, Hugh, Portland street Ferrier, J. W., W. S. Edinburgh Finlay, Alexander, Gourock Finlay, James, banker, Paisley Steward Finlay, James, Queen street Finlay, James, Glassford street Steward Findlay, John, yr. of Easterhill Findlay, John, Queen street Findlay, John, Buchanan street Findlay, Joseph, Miller street Finlay, Kirkman, of Castle Toward Croupier Findlay, Robert, of Easterhill Findlay, Robert, Perth Finlay, R. B. Greenock Steward Findlay, Robert, jun. Virginia street Finlay, William, of Moss Findlay, W. R. Candleriggs Steward Findlay, William, Barnhill Finlayson, Francis, Cochran street Finlayson, James, Gordon street Finlayson, M. surgeon, Lennoxtown Finnie, William, Dublin Finnie, William, Kilmarnock Firman, Professor, South Carolina Fisher, James, Corrington Fisher, John, Argyle street Fisher, John, merchant, Glasgow Flanagan, Mr. of Dublin Fleming, A. H. 21, Trongate Steward Fleming, Hugh, South Hanover street Fleming, J. P. Miller street Steward Fleming, John, Bath street Steward Fleming, John, Glasgow Fleming, John, Argyle street Steward Fleming, John G., M. D. W. Regent st. Fleming, Lieut.-Colonel, Edinburgh Fleming, Mathew, Moore place Fleming, Mr. of Barrochan Fleming, Professor, Glasgow College Fleming, Rev. Mr. Fleeming, Robert, Ashton Fleming, Robert, Bath street Steward Fleming, Robert, Argyle street Fleming, William, Bath street Fleming, William, West Regent street Steward Flemington, John, Trongate Fletcher, Duncan, Blythswood square Fletcher, Hugh, Paisley Fletcher, Ronald, Queen street Fogo, David, of Row Forbes, Alexander, King street Steward Forbes, Arthur, Gordon street • Forbes, Dugald, Gordon street Forbes, George, Edinburgh Forbes, James, Montrose street Forbes, Sir John Stuart, Bart, Forbes, Keith, Edinburgh Forbes, Lord Forbes, William, M. P. of Callander Forbes, William, advocate, Edinburgh Forrest, James, Lanark Steward Forrester, John, Queen street Forrester, John, Gordon street Forrester, John, farmer, Frew Steward Forrester, Robert, Bath street Forrester, W. A. Edinburgh Steward Forrester, William, Oswald street Forsyth, Walter, King street Fotheringham, H., W. S. Fowler, Andrew, Deacon of Gardeners Fowler, H. M. Miller street Fowler, J. E. B. Frame, J. Glasgow Constitutional Frame, Thomas, Glasgow Fraser, J. J. Observer Office, Edinburgh Frazer, James, Eagle Inn Fraser, James, Carlton place Fraser, P. S. bookseller, Edinburgh Fraser, William, Royal Bank Freebairn, Robert, Edinburgh Freebairn, William, Crown street Freeland, John, Kirkintilloch Steward Freeland, Robert, Gryffe Castle French, James, Carnwath French, William, Westraw Frew, Archibald, Hope Lodge Frew, Colin, Renfield street Frew, John, Coatbridge Frew, John, North Montrose street Frew, Robert, Glasgow Fullerton, John, Saltcoats Fulton, Alexander, Lancefield Fulton, Colonel, of Hartfield Fulton, John, St. Enoch square Fulton, John, Argyle street Fulton, Robert, Bridgegate Fulton, William, Kilmarnock Fulton, William, 67th Regiment 122 Fyffe, Alexander, Glasgow Fyffe, Alexander, Jamaica Fyffe, Captain Fyfe, Henry, Queen court Fyffe, Itev. Mr. Jamaica Galbraith, Archibald, Glasgow Galbraith, H. A. Lunatic Asylum Steward Galbraith, John, Athol place Steward Galbraith, William, Trongate Steward Galloway, Alexander, jun. Kelvinbank Galloway, Alexander, Kirkintilloch Galloway, Alexander, banker, Airdrie Galloway, Andrew, Glasgow Galloway, James, Alston street Galloway, James, Candleriggs Galloway, Robert « Galloway, William, Wilson street Galloway, William, Glasgow Galt, Charles, George street Galt, John, George street Gairdner, Andrew, SauchiehaU street Gardner, Archibald, Paisley Gardner, James, W. S. Edinburgh Gardner, James, Queen street Gardner, John, at J. & W. CampbeU’s Gardner, John, Springbog Gardner, Major Gardner, Richard, Rothesay Geddcs, John, Kilmarnock Steward Geddes, William, Anderston Bottle Work Geddes, William, Wilson street Geekie, Peter, Perth Geils, Colonel Andrew, Dumbreck Gemmell, Andrew, Glasgow Gemmell, Thomas, St. Enoch square Gemmell, Thomas, Glasgow Gemmell, William Gibb, David, Glasgow Gibb, Dr. William R. Glasgow Steward Gibb, Elias, Virginia street Gibb, James, Ure place Steward Gibb, John James, St. Vincent street Gibson, Alexander, Western Bank Gibson, Alexander, writer. Paisley Gibson, Charles, Anderston Gibson, Dr. Glasgow Gibson, Dr. Thomas, Rothesay Steward Gibson, David, M. D. Gordon street Gibson, James, Virginia street Gibson, Laurence, Brandon place Gibson, Mr. of Brownswell Gibson, Thomas, Falkirk Gibson, William, Brandon place Gibson, William, Union street Gilchrist, J. of Hall, Denny Gilhllan, Alexander, Bishop street Gilfillan, Michael, Glasgow Gilkison, David, Glasgow Gilkison, David, Port-Glasgow Gilkison, Robert, George street Gillespie, Alexander, Sunnyside lodge Gillespie, George, Virginia place Gillespie, James, Parkball, Gillespie, John, merchant, Glasgow Gillespie, Robert, merchant, Glasgow Gillmer, John, B. Wellington place Steward Gilmour, Allan, Carlton place Gilmour, Allan, Quebec Gilmour, John, Glasgow Gilmour, John, of Walton Committee Gilmour, John, London street Gilmour, John, Quebec Gilmour, Robert, Buchanan street Gilmour, Thomas, Montrose street Gilmour, William, jun. London street Gladstone, John, Liverpool Gladstone, John, jun. Liverpool Gladstone, William Ewart, M.P. Glasgow, Alexander, Blythswood square Glasgow Chronicle Reporter Glasgow Chronicle Reporter Glasgow Chronicle Reporter Glasgow Constitutional Reporter Glasgow Constitutional Reporter Glasgow Constitutional Reporter Glasgow Constitutional Reporter Glasgow Courier Reporter Glasgow Courier Reporter Glasgow Courier Reporter Glasgow Courier Reporter Glasgow Courier Reporter Glasgow Herald Reporter Glasgow Liberator Reporter Glasgow Liberator Reporter Glasgow Liberator Reporter • Glass, Walter, St Andrews Glass, William, Stirling Glassford, M. West Ingram court Glen, Alexander, B run wick street Glen, Archibald, Windsor place Glen, R. farmer, Newbigging Glendenon, William, East Calder Goddai't, William, Leith Goodsir, Alexander, Edinburgh Goodsir, David, Queen street Goodwin, John, Jamaica street Goodwin, Robert, Queen street Gordon, Alexander, Dumfries-shire Gordon, Hon. Captain, M. P. Gordon, Captain William, Greenock Gordon, E. S. advocate Gordon, George, Adelphi street Gordon, Henry, George square Gordon, John Taylor, of Nethermains Gordon, John, George street Steward Gordon, John, of Aitkenhead Gordon, Mr. of Craig Gordon, P. W. Glasgow Steward Gordon, Thomas, John street Gourlay, George, Glasgow Gourlay, R. Port-Dundas Gourlie, Wm. jun. South Frederick st. Gould, W. jun. St. Vincent street 123 Govan, James, builder, Glasgow Govane, Robert, of Park Gow, George, Glasgow Gow, Walter, Trongate Graham, Adam, George square Graham, Alexander, Tambowie Graham, Captain Duncan Graham, Captain John,R. N. GargUnnock Graham, Charles M. Blythswood place Graham, G. K. D. Hutcheson street Steward Graham, Henry, Hutcheson street Graham, James, yr. of Garrock Graham, James, Leitchton Graham, James, Edinbnrgh Steward Graham, James M. St. Vincent street Graham, J. B. North Albion street Graham, J. D. G. Blythswood place Graham, John, Kittochside Graham, John, Argyle street Graham, John, St. Vincent street Graham, John, Robbshill Graham, John, North Frederick street Graham, Peter, Anderston quay Graham, Rev. Archibald Graham, Robert, jun. Edinburgh Graham, Stewart, Greenock Graham, Thomas, Killearn Steward Graham, William, jun. Lanceficld Graham, William, Gallowgate Graham, William, George square Graham, William, of Airth castle Steward Graham, William L. Frederick street Grant, Alexander, Brunswick place Grant, Andrew, Barony glebe Grant, Charles, Clydebank Steward Grant, Duncan, Clydebank Grant, George, jun. Whitevale Grant, George, yr. Graham square Steivard Grant, Hector, Moore place Grant, James Robb, Moore place Grant, Mr. of Kincouth Grant, Rev. James, South Leith Steward Gray, Alexander, Exchange court Gray, Henry, jun. Exchange court Gray, John, Kirkaldy Gray, Rev. George, Mayhole Gray, Rev. Dr. Kincardine Gray, The Master of Gray, Richard, Gordon street Gray, Stephen, Lanark Steward Gray, Thomas, Great Hamilton street Steward Gray, Thomas, surgeon, Monteith row Steward Gray, Thomas, Gallowgate Gray, William, Main street, Anderston Committee Gray, William, Elmbank crescent Gray, William, Sauchiehall street Gray, William, Irvine Steward Grazebrook, Henry, Montagu place Grechi, Guiseppe Green, George, Argyle street Green, Rev. Mr. Ireland Greenshields, Archibald, Queen street Greenshields, John, of Kerse Greenshields, John, yr. of Kerse Greenwood, Charles Greenwood, William Greig, George, John street Grierson, Rev. Dr. Dumblane Grierson, William, Castlemilk place Grieve, Alexander, High street Steward Grieve, Archibald, Balmanno street Grieve, James, Hamburgh Grieve, Robert, Exchange square Grieve, Robert, jun. Wilson street Grieve, Robert, Kilmarnock Grieve, Thomas, Wilson street Griffin, H. M. Dublin Grimshaw, Ambrose, Star hotel Growcock, Richard, London Gumprecht, Julius, Glasgow Gunn, John, St. Andrew street Gunn, John, Queen street Guthrie, Alexander, Kilmarnock Guthrie, John, Kilmarnock Haddington, Earl of Hagart, Mr. of Bantaskine Haig, John, Fifeshire Haldane, Principal, St. Andrew’s Halden, Henry, Bell street Halket, Henry, late of Demerara Hall, Captain Basil, R. N. Hall, David, South Frederick street Hall, Richard, writer, Glasgow Hall, Richard, England Haliday, William, Glasgow Hamilton, Alexander, Sauchiehall street Hamilton, Alexander, Gallowgate Hamilton, Alexander, W. S. Edinburgh Hamilton, Alexander, Ayrshire Hamilton, A. T. St. Vincent street Steward Hamilton, Archibald, St. Vincent street Hamilton, Archibald, yr. of Sundrum Hamilton, Captain, Craiglaw Hamilton, Charles, Holland place Hamilton, David, architect Hamilton, George, Southcroft,Rutherglen Hamilton, Hugh, Greenock Hamilton, James M. Ingram street Hamilton, James, Buchanan street Hamilton, James, tobacconist, Glasgow Hamilton, James, jun. Miller street Hamilton, James, Miller street Hamilton, J. D. Miller street Committee Hamilton, John G. St. Vincent street Hamilton, John, jun. Sundrum Hamilton, John, Greenbank Hamilton, Mr. of Cochno Hamilton, Mr. of Sundrum Hamilton, Mr. Ferrier, of Cairnhill Hamilton, Mr. Lonsdale Hamilton, Montgomery, Ayr Hamilton, Robert, Loudon Hamilton, R. W. Newhaven Q 124 Hamilton, Thomas, architect, Edinburgh Croupier Hamilton, William, Moore place Hamilton, William, America Handyside, N. Edinburgh Steward Handyside, N. Gordon street Steward Hannan, James, Nile street Hannan, Robert, Larkvale Hannay, A. J., M.D. Glasgow Hannah, Robert, Paisley Hannay, William, Edwin place Hardie, Gavin, advocate, Edinburgh Hardie, William E. Renfrewshire Hardwicke, Earl of Hargreave, James, Howard street Harley, A. Harvie, Brand & Co. Harley, David, John street Harrington, Torrens, Captain Harrison, Hugh, Glasgow Hart, James, Frederick street Hart, John, writer. Paisley Hart, Robert, Frederick street Hart, Samuel, Belfast Harvie, Dr. John, Argyle street Harvey, Dr. Robert, Campbelltowm Harvey, Francis, Antigua Harvie, James, Brownlie Harvie, John, Madeira court Harvie, John, Trongate Harvey, John, yr. of Castlesemple Harvey, Lieut.- Colonel, of Castlesemple Harvey, N. CampbeUtown Harvie, Robert, Glassford street Harvey, Robert, CampbeUtown Hastie, William, High street Hastings, Alexander, Glasgow Hastings, Sir Charles Hay, John Barras, St. Vincent street Henderson, Alexander, Edinburgh Henderson, Bailie, Hamilton Henderson, Eagle, Edinburgh Henderson, John, St. Andrew’s square Henderson, John, writer, Stirling Henderson, Patrick, merchant Henderson, Rev. Mr. Carmunnock Henderson, Samuel, clothier. Queen st. Henderson, Thomas, Edinburgh Henderson, Thomas, Hutcheson street Henderson, Thomas, of Press Henderson, William, New wynd Steward Hendry, James, Montrose street Hendrie, John, flesher, Glasgow Hendrie, Mr. High street Hendrie, Professor Herbertson, John, Bath street Heron, James, of Dalmore Herst, John, Edinburgh Hertz, James, Blythswood square Hewitson, John, Balterson Hewetson, Robert, of Auchenburn Hill, Henry, Edinburgh Hill, Laurence, of Barlanerk Hill, Neil, Jamaica street Hill, Patrick, Buchanan street Hill, Ludovic Hinshaw, Robert, Athol place Hinshaw, William, George square Hodges, George, Miller street Hodge, William, writer. Paisley HofFmeister, Will, student Hogg, James, Low Valleyfleld Hog, Mr. of Newliston Holms, A. C. Paisley Holms, James, Paisley Holmes, James, Lanark Home, James, Linhouse Holms, William, Paisley Hooker, Joseph, Woodside crescent Hooker, William, Woodside crescent Honeyman, John, Dunlop street Steward Hood, Robert, Candleriggs Committee Hope, David, Councillor Hope, James, Glasgow Hope, Rev. John, Leadhills Horne, A. accountant Horne, Alexander-, Crown street Horn, Donald, W. S. Steward Horne, John, St. Andrew square Horne, James, Campsie Horrocks, George, Tillichewan Hotson, John, Abbotsford place Committee Houldsworth, Henry, of Cranstonhill Houldsworth, John, St. Vincent street Steward Houldsworth, William, of Belvidere Houstoun, George, M. P. yr.of Johnstone Houston, John, Glasgow Houston, William, Johnstone Houton, Van den Steward Howie, James, St. Enoch square Howie, Montgomerie, St. Enoch square Howie, R. W. Hozier, James, yr. of Newlands Huggins, W. B. John street Hughes, Thomas, Inveresk Humphreys, R. Bridgeton Hunter, Colin, Belfast Hunter, D. C. Montrose street Hunter, Deacon William, Bell street Hunter, Duncan, Buchanan street Hunter, George, Bath street Steward Hunter, Janies, Flnnieston Hunter, James, of Hafton Hunter, J. G. Buchanan street Hunter, John, Buchanan street Hunter, Mr. of Blackness Hunter, Mr. Edinburgh Steward Hunter, Moses, Macfarlane street Steward Hunter, Robert, Montrose street Hunter, Robert, jun. Montrose street Steward Hunter, Samuel, Glasgow Herald Hunter, Thomas, Union Bank Hunter, W. H. Perth Hunter, William, Athol place Hussey, Henry, Ingram street Hussey, Thomas, Greenhead 125 Committee Hussey, William, jun. Monteith row Steward Hussey, William, Newhall Hutcheson, Charles, Carlton place Hutcheson, David, Buchanan street Hutcheson, Geo. Town clerk, Renfrew Hutcheson, George, Elmbank place Hutchison, Graham, Hutcheson street Hutchison, John, Paisley Hutcheson, Robert, Fifeshlre Hutton, Alexander, Brunswick street Hutton, Andrew, jun. Stirling Hyslop, John, Greenock Imrie, James, Glasgow Inglis, Andrew, Morris place Inglis, David, Kincaid field Inglis, Harry, W. S. Steward Inglis, Henry, Kincaid field Ingles, John, advocate Inglis, Robert, Ropework lane Ingrame, Thomas, Glasgow Imlach, George, S. S. C. Innerarity, Alexander, St. Vincent street Irvine, John, sen. Brougham place Jack, Peter, Paisley Jack, R. N. Blythswood square Jackson, H. surgeon. Main street Jackson, James, Miller street Jackson, James, farmer, Carnwaddrick Jackson, Thomas, North Ure place James, George, Abbotsford place James, John, Glasgow Jamieson, J. P. Royal Exchange square Jamieson, John, Argyle street Jamieson, John, Paisley Jamieson, Neil, Rothesay Jamieson, Robert, Greenock Jamieson, Robert, Glasgow Steward Jamieson, William, Exchange square Jamieson, William, George square Jamieson, Mr. W. S. Jardine, Sir William, Bart. Steward Jarvie, Bailie James, Anderston Jarvie, James, Woodhill Jarvie, James, Carlton place Jarvie, Robert, Carlton place Jarvie, R. jun. Carlton place Steward Jarvie, William, Carlton place Jeffrey, Hugh, Cochran street Jeffrey, John, Argyle street Jeffrey, Professor, Glasgow College Jeffrey, Robert, St. Andrew square Johnston, Andrew, Moore place Johnston, Archibald, Greenock Johnston, Archibald, builder, Glasgow Johnston, Captain William Hope Johnston, Charles, Montrose street Johnston, David, Cambridge street Johnston, David, Montagu place Johnston, George, Redburn Johnston, James, Airdrie Johnston, John, Blair Lodge, Falkirk Johnston, John, Fairlie Mill Johnston, John, student Johnston, John Thomas, Lancefield Johnston, Mr. J. J. Hope, M. P. Johnston, Mr. Hope, yr. of Annandale Johnston, Mr. manager, F.&C. Navigation Johnston, Quentin, Trolorg Johnston, Rev. Thomas, Dairy Johnston, William, Glasgow Johnston, William, Edinburgh Johnston, William, Meadowbank Jolly, David L. banker, Perth Jolly, Stewart, Catter Jollie, Walter, W. S. Jollie, William G. Catter Justice, James, Glasgow Kay, Alexander, Queen street Kay, M'Ready, Glasgow Kay, R., J. & W. Campbell & Co. Keirulf, William, Batavia Keith, Rev. Mr. Hamilton Kelburne, Viscount Kelly, A. Exchange square Kelso, Archibald, of Sauchie Kelso, Colonel, Dunkeith Kelso, Peter, St. Vincent street Kemp, David, Buchanan street Kennedy, D. jeweller, Kilmarnock Kennedy, Gilbert, Renfield street Kennedy, H. H. Manchester Steward Kennedy, Thomas, Havannah street Kerr, Alexander, Greenock Kerr, Alexander, Argyle street Steward Kerr, James, Miller street Kerr, James, Glasgow Kerr, James, jun. Miller street Kerr, John, jun. Gartbland street Ker, John, Greenock Kerr, Lord Charles Kerr, Robert, Peebles Kerr, Robert, Brunswick street Kerr, R. D. Greenock Steward Keyden, James, West Regent street Keyser, Mr. Greenock Kibble, James, jun. Park lane Steward Kibble, James, Turner’s court Kibble, Thomas, Turner’s court Kidd, James, Airdrie Steward Kidston, Archibald G.West Regent street Steward Kidston, R. A. Verreville Committee Kidston, Richard, Councillor Steward Kidston, William, Queen street Kilpatrick, William, West George street Kincaid, Thomas, Falkirk King, Andrew, North Albion street King, James, writer, Glasgow Steward King, John, Monteith row King, James, grocer, Airdrie King, Walter, builder, Houston King, William, Charlotte street 126 Kinnier, James, W. S. Edinburgh Kinnear, J. G. W. S. Edinburgh Kinnear, J. G. North Exchange court Kinnier, Robert, St. Vincent street Kirk, Captain, Ayr Kirkbride, Mr. Edinburgh Steward Kirkland, A. M‘K. Exchange square Kirkland, K. W. Glasgow Kirkland, James, jun. Buchanan street Kirkland, W. F. York street Kirkland, W. S. Bath street Kirkpatrick, James, Montrose street Kirkpatrick, Thomas, Glasgow Kirkwood, Charles, Barrowfield Kirkwood, Rev. Robert, Holywood Knox, Henry, Cartbank Knox, Henry, Elmbank place Knox, Thomas, Portland street Steward Knox, William, St. Andrew square Koch, Dr. Glasgow Kyle, William, Union street Lade, Charles, Jackson street Lade, Daniel, merchant, Dunlop street Laing, James, Wellington street Laing, James, Ingram street Laing, John, Buchanan, Watson & Co. Laing, Robert, Wellington street Steward Laing, David, North Hanover street Steward Laird, David, of Ballornock Laird, G. T. Ballornock Laird, James, Ballornock Lamb, Sir Charles, Bart. Lamb, James, Paisley Lamb, James, sen. builder Lamb, James, jun. builder Lamb, Mr. yr. of Beaufort Lambie, William Lamont, Alexander, of Knockdow Lamont, Hugh, Glasgow Lamont, John, Buchanan street Secretary Lamond, Robert, Blythswood square Landale, Robert, Edinburgh Landale, Thomas, S. S. C. Lane, Andrew, Mauritius Lang, David, Union street Steward Lang, David, St. Enoch’s square Lang, Dr. Largs Lang, James, Ingram street Lang, James, St. Vincent street Committee Lang, John, Buchanan street Lang, John, jun. John street Lang, Robert, Candleriggs Lang, Robert, writer, Jedburgh Langhorne, Charles H. George street Langlands, Edward, Cliff cottage Land, Mathew, Port- Glasgow Laurie, Rev. Dr. Loudon Laurie, Rev. John, Row Law, John, Kilmarnock Law, David, West of Scotland Insurance Law, Robert, Shettleston Steward Lawrie, J. Adair, M. D. Nile street Lawrie, James, M'Queston Lavwie, George L. Ingram street Lawrie, Robert, Argyle street Lawrie, Tbomas, Argyle street Lawson, Alexander, Ingram street Steward Lawson, Archibald, Regent street Lawson, John, bookseller Lawson, Mr. Demerara ’ Committee Leadbetter, John, Councillor Leadbetter, Robert, Lanark Leadbetter, Thomas, Lanark Lcarmonth, James, Omoa Learmonth, Mr. Edinburgh Leath, Mr. Edinburgh Lee, Edward, Edinburgh Lee, Rev. Robert, Campsie Leecb, J. B. Steward Leechman, James, Melville place Leechman, J. grain merchant. Paisley Leechman, William, Melville place Steward Lees, Walter, Buchanan street Steward Leckie, William, Buchanan street Leggett, John, victualler Leitch, M. Glasgow Lennox, Gilbert, Millport Lennox, J. Lennox Kincaid, of Woodhead Leven and Melville, Earl of Levenson, James, Trongate Steward Lewis, George, Grovepark Liddell, Andrew, Argyle street Liddell, Andrew, writer, Hamilton Liddell, D. M‘N. West Regent street Liddell, John, Trongate Liddell, John, Buchanan street Lightfoot, W. Lillie, Archibald, Union street Lindsay, Alexander, Glasgow Lindsay, Andrew, Greenock Lindsay, David, Glasgow Lindsay, John, Edinburgh Lindsay, John, Brunswick street Lindsay, R. M. Wilson street Lindsay, Thomas Gordon, Kingston pi. Lindsay, William, Stobcross Lithgow, Andrew, Glasgow Lithgow, W. H. Glasgow Litt, John, Montagu place Littlewood, J. Glasgow Livingston, Archibald Lloyd, Captain, R. N. Loch, William, Perthshire Lochore, Rev. Alexander, Drymen Steward Lochore, Robert, jun. Trongate Lock, James J. Glasgow Lock, John, Glasgow Lock, William, Glasgow Lockhart, A. Macdonald Lockhart, Andrew, Glassford street Lockhart, A. Elliott, of Cleghorn Lockhart, J. Lockhart, John, Carstairs 127 Lockhart, John, West George street Lockhart, N. jun. Edinburgh Lockhart, Norman, W. S. Lockhart, Rev. Laurence, Inchinnan Lockhart, Robert, Stockwell Lockhart, Robert, St. Vincent street Lockhart, Robert, Miller street Lockhart, Robt. Sussex pi. H utchesontown Lockbart, William, of Milton Lockhart Lockhart, William, Glasgow Lockhead, William, Paisley Logan, Robert, Kilbirnie Logan, Ralph, Greenock Long, John, Clarence place Losh, William, Paisley Lothian, Marquis of Lothian, George, Hope street Loughborough, Lord Loudoun, Hugh, Johnstone Loudoun, James, Paisley Love, James, Knows, Lochwinnoch Love, John, of Knows Love, Robert, yr. of Threepwood Lowe, William, Edinburgh Lowndes, William M. Arthurlie Lowrie, Mathew, Oakfield place Lucas, James, writer, Stirling Lyall, George, Paisley Lyall, William, Abbotsford place Lymburn, James, Paisley Lymburn, John, Paisley Lyon, George L. Bath street Lyon, George, W. S. Lyon, William, coachmaker, Glasgow Macadam, John, Glassford street MacAdam, J. R. B. Macadam, W. G. Drymen M‘Allan, John, Glassford street M'Allester, Alexander, Argyle street Macallister, James, North Woodside M'Allister, William, dresser. Paisley Steward Macalpin, Angus, Greenhill place Macalpine, Leny, of Dalswinton MacAndrew, Jno. jun. St. RolloxFoundry Steward M'Ara, Peter, Gallowgate M'Arthur, A. Inverary M'Arthur, James, Miller street Steward MacArthur, James, West Regent street MacArthur, John, Abercromby place M'Arthur, John, Hutcheson street M'Arthur, Robert, manufacturer. Paisley M'Aslan, Alexander, Trongate M'Aslan, James, Charlotte street M'Aslan, John, Glasgow M'Aslan, John A. Abbotsford place M'Aulay, Peter, Shawfield bank M'Aulay, William, Sbawfield bank M'Bean, Duncan, Glasgow M'Brair, G. D. Edinburgh MacBrair, R. M. Campbell street MacBrayne, David, Barony glebe I MacBrayne, David, jun. Barony glebe MacBrayne, Donald, Barony glebe MacBrayne, J. Burns, Barony glebe M'Bride, William, Glasgow Steward M'Call, James, Garnethill Committee M'Call, James, Daldowie M'Call, James, yr. of Daldowie M'Call, John, Daldowie M'Callum, A. Regent terrace M'Callum, D. K. Glasgow M'Callum, Daniel, Buchanan street M'Callum, George, Eglinton street M'Callum, John, Bell street M'Callum, John, Buchanan street M'Callum, John, New wynd Steward M'Caul, Malcolm, Queen street M'Caul, William, Hutcheson street M'Caulay, John, Greepock M'Cleave, Alexander, Glasgow M'Coll, Captain, Greenock Macconochie, Allan, yr. Meadowbank Macconochie, Hen.Dundas, Meadowbank Macconochie, Robert Blair, Meadowbank Macconochie, William Maximilian G. Meadowbank Steward M'Conechy, James, George street M' Connell, John, Union street Steward MacCorkle, Daniel, Broomielaw M'Corkindale, D. St. Enoch square M'Cormick, Hugh, York street M'Cosh, Thomas, writer, Ayr M'Cready, D. B. M. of Preston, advocate M'Crindell, Gilbert, Ayrshire M'Culloch, David, British Linen Co. M'Culloch, Hugh, Glasgow M'Culloch, C. E. London Steward MacCulloch, Samuel, Argyle street M'Culloch, Stephen, Chapel Downan M'Cunn, John, Greenock M'Cunn, Thomas, Greenock M'Diarmid, W. M'Donald, Archibald, lithographer M' Donald, Boyd, Royal Exchange court Steward Macdonald, Capt. John, Queen street M'Donald, Charles, Glasgow Macdonald, Colonel, of Powderhall M'Donald, Colonel, 92d Highlanders Macdonald, Daniel, North Albion street Macdonald, Donald, Hutcheson street Macdonald, Farquhar, Trongate Steward Macdonald, Hector, Buchanan street Macdonald, James, Cambridge street M'Donald, James, Greenock Macdonald, John, Stockwell Steward Macdonald, John, Hutcheson street Steward M'Donald, John, Buchanan street Macdonald, John, Spoutmouth Steward Macdonald, William, Miller street Macdougall, D. Union street Macdougall, D. S. student M'Dougall, Dugald, writer. Paisley M'Dougall, Duncan, George square 128 Macdougal, Henry, student Macdougall, P. L. 79th Highlanders Macdougall, Robert, College buildings Steward Macdowall, Alexander, Brandon place Macdowall, Henry, of Johnstone Macdowall, William, of Garthland M‘Ewen, Colin, Glasgow MacEwan, James, Anderston MacEwan, John, London street M'Ewan, John, Inverness MacEwan, Robert, Buchanan street MacEwan, Thomas, Virginia street MacEwen, Andrew, Miller street M'Ewan, William, George street M'Fadyen, Archibald, Hamilton Macfayden, Archibald, Argyle street Steward Macfarlane, Andrew, Holm street Macfarlane, Archibald, Dumbarton M'Farlane, Captain, Bancloich Macfarlane, Dr. John, Glasgow Macfarlane, George, Candleriggs street Macfarlane, Graham Macfarlane, James, Doune Macfarlane, James, Parkhead Macfarlane, John, Candleriggs Macfarlane, John, West Nile street Macfarlane, John, Post-Office Macfarlane, M. Doune Macfarlane, Malcolm, Miller street Macfarlan, Very Rev. Principal M'Farlane, Rev. Dr. Patrick, Greenock Macfarlane, Robert, writer, Perth Macfarlane, Robert, Robertson street Macfarlane, Thomas, Candleriggs Macfarlane, Thomas H. Paisley Macfarlane, Walter, Candleriggs Macfie, R. A. Virginia buildings M‘Fie, William A. Greenock Macgeachie, Duncan, Union street Steward MacGeorge, Andrew, Sandyford place MacGeorge, John, Buchanan street Steward MacGeorge, R. J. Sandyford place MacGibbon, David, Argyle street M'Gibbon, W. Glassford street M‘Gill, Captain Andrew, Greenock Macgill, Francis, Richmond street MacGill, Francis, student M'Gill, Stevenson, jun. College M'Glashan, John, Bonhill M'Gowan, Dr. Alloa Steward M'Gown, William, North Albion street MacGregor, Alexander, cotton spinner MacGregor, Captain, late of Royals M‘ Gregor, Coll, Glasgow M‘ Gregor, David, Brunswick place M‘Grigor, James, Stirling square M‘Gregor, John, Anderston M'Gregor, John, Brunswick place M'Gregor, Robert, Royal Infirmary Steward M‘ Gregor, Robert, Brunswick street Steward M'Gregor, Robert, Calton M'Guffie, Thomas, Stockwell M'Guire, Thomas, Dublin M'Haffie, John, St. Andrew square Steward MacHaffie, Robert, yr. of Eastwood M‘Harg, John, Glassford street M'Indoe, Archibald, Rothesay M'Indoe, John, Jamaica Macindoe, John, Glasgow Macintosh, Charles, of Campsie Macintosh, George, Dunchattan Macintosh, John, Stobcross street M'Intosh, Mr. Rothesay M'Intyre, Daniel, Argyle street M'Intyre, James, Buchanan street M'Intyre, James, Jamaica street Macisaac, James M'lvor, Archibald, Greenock Mackay, Hugh, Brunswick street M‘Kean, D. Queen street MacKean, John, Edinburgh M‘Kean, Robert, Paisley M‘Kean, William, Candleriggs M'Kean, William, Lumloch M'Kechnie, R., M. D. Paisley M'Kechnie, William, Stirling M'Kellar, Rev. Donald, Mearns M'Kenzie, Charles, Acrehlll M'Kenzie, Daniel, Acrehill Steward M'Kenzie, D. jun. So. Hanover street Mackenzie, David, Union street Mackenzie, David, South Hanover street M'Kenzie, F. of Portmore M'Kenzie, George, Renfield street Mackenzie, J. Stockwell Steward MacKenzie, James, of Craigpark MacKenzie, J. J. R. of Scatwell M'Kenzie, Sir John, Bart. MacKenzie, John, Craigpark MacKenzie, K. accountant, Edinburgh Mackenzie, Mr. yr. of Gloack Mackenzie, Mr. of Applecross Mackenzie, O. St. Enoch square M'Kenzie, R. D. Caldawen M'Kenzie, Rev. John, Lancashire M'Kenzie, Patrick of Auchinlunkast M'Kenzie, S. yr. of Aldie M'Kenzie, William, Buchanan street M'Kerrell, Fulton, Paisley M'Kerrell, Henry, of Hilihouse M'Kerrell, William, Paisley M'Kinlay, Alexander, Gallowgate M'Kinlay, Duncan, Argyle street M'Kinlay, Dr. Paisley Steward MacKinlay, William, Brunswick street M'Kie, John, Bath street M'Kirdy, Charles C. Ingram street M'Lachlan, A. Port-Glasgow Maclachlan, Dr. Rothesay M'Lachlan, George, Edinburgh MacLachlan, H. Miller street M'Lachlan of M'Lachlan M'Lea, Humphrey Ewing, of Cathkin M'Laine, Major L., Edinburgh 129 M'Laren, Andrew, Bridgegate M'Laren, Donald, Callendar M'Laren, Donald, Argyle street M'Laren, James, Gavalehouse M'Laren, John, Alloa M‘Laren, John, Glassford sti’eet MacLaren, Malcolm, Airdrie Works M'Laren, Malcolm, Bridgegate Steward MacLaren, William, Candleriggs M'Laren, William, Bridgegate MacLarty, Captain D. Greenock M'Lean, Alexander, Glasgow M'Lean, Alexander, Ardgowan MacLean, Alexander, Greenside place M'Lean, Daniel, Clyde sti’eet MacLean, David, Virginia street M'Lean, James, Port-Glasgow M'Lean, John, Campbelltown Steward M'Lean, Lachlan, Argyle street M'Lean, Lieutenant, 51st Regiment M'Lean, Malcolm, of Lochhouy M'Lean, Mr. of Ardgour M'Lean, Peter, Bridgegate M'Lean, William, of Plantation M'Leish, Mr. Greenock Committee M'Lellan, Archibald, Miller street MacLellan, Donald T. Wellington street M'Lellan, James, Argyle street M'Lellan, John, Glassford street MacLellan, John, Wellington street Steward M'Lellan, Lewis, Argyle street M'Lennan, George, Glassford street M'l.ennan, Simon, Portland street M'Leod, James, Argyle street MacLeod, John, Bath street Steward MacLeod, Malcolm, Royal Bank place M'Leod, Rev. Dr. St. Columh M'Leod, N. jun. student of divinity M'Lintock, Finlay, Dumbarton Maclure, Andrew, lithographer M'Lure, David, printer MacLure, J. H. St. Vincent street Macl.ure, Robert, West Regent street M'Lure, William, Geeenock MacMichael, Robert, Stirling square M'Millan, Rev. John, Kirkcudbright M'Murrich, Malcolm, Virginia st. M'Nab, Mr. Inverness Macnab, Peter, Main street, Anderston MacNair, Archibald, Paisley M'Nair, Archibald, Campbelltown M'Nair, James, of Balvie Macnaught, Joseph, Rutherglen Steward MacNaught, Patrick, Greenhill place M'Naught, William, Port-Glasgow M'Naughtan, C. C. Buchanan street MacNee, A. G. Montrose street Macneil, Alexander, Stranraer M'Neil, Archibald, Edinburgh M'Neill, Duncan, advocate, Edinburgh MacNeil, John, of Collonsay M'Neill, Mr. Islay M'Neil, William, Barrowfield M'Neish, John, jun. John street M'Nellan, John, brewer, Alloa Macnie, Duncan, Albion street MacNight, Alexander, Hopeton street Macniven, William, Virginia street M'Omish, James, Townhead M'Oraish, Robert, Barony glebe Steward M'Phail, Angus, Portland street M'Phail, Angus, jun. Greenhead M'Phail, William, Trongate M'Pheadrlin, Archibald, Greenock M'Pherson, Alexander, Rhinns M'Pherson, D. Belfast M'Pherson, Hugh, Buchanan street M'Pherson, James, of Rotterdam M'Pherson, John, Royal Exchange court M'Pherson, Malcolm, Clyde terrace M'Phun, W. R. Trongate MacRae, John M'Symon, John, York street M'Taggart, A. Royal Exchange M'Taggart, Captain J. O., Ayr M'Taggart, George, Ayr M'Taggart, John, Queen street M'Tavish, Alexander, Inverness Steward MacTavish, Hugh, CampbeU street Mac Vicar, J. Ross, Keirfield MacVicar, John, Glasgow M'Whannell, John, writer, Perth M'Whirter, James A., Portobello Steward M'William, Charles, North Exchange ct. M'William, Robert, Renfrew Mack, D. K. Montreal Mack, William, Edinburgh Maitland, Archibald, Main st. Anderston Maitland, Rev. James, of Kells Malcolm, James, Glasgow Malcolm, Walter, W. S. Edinburgh Mann, James, Argyle street Mann, William, Glasgow Foundry Manson, W. B. Paisley Marshall, Archibald, Edinburgh Marshall, Captain William, Rothesay Marshall, John, Buchanan street Marshall, Richard, Clyde street Marshall, Robert, Trongate Marshall, Thomas, M. D. , Glassford st. Marshall, William, Argyle street Martin, George, Paisley Martin, George, Singapore Committee Martin, James, Portland street Martin, James, Argyle street Mason, Robert, writer, Hamilton Mather, Alexander, St. Enoch square Steward Mather, John, Douglas street Mather, J. D. Glasgow Mather, John D. Carlton place Mather, Robert, Virginia buildings Mather, Robert, jun. Carlton place Mather, William, St. Enoch square Mathew, James, Dumbreck villa 130 Mathieson, Capt. Collonsay steamer Matbieson, George, Trongate Mathieson, Hugh, Ingram street Mathieson, J. A. Miller street Matbieson, Kenneth, builder Mathieson, Kenneth, jun. Mathieson, William, Rose street Matin, Major, Mayfield Maxwell, A. Dargavel, 46th Regiment Maxwell, David, Bonhill Maxwell, Francis, Dargavel Maxwell, Henry, Glasgow Maxwell, James, of Shott Maxwell, James, Blantyre Maxwell, John Hall, yr. of Dargavel Maxwell, Peter, Ayr Maxwell, Major, Calderwood Steward Maxwell, Willi5m, of Dargavel Maxwell, Thomas, Fyfe place May, George, Inverness Meek, J. perfumer. Miller street Meiklam, James, of Carnbroe Meikle, David, Gallowgate Meikleham, Professor, Glasgow College Meikleham, William, Maxweltown place Meiklejohn, James, Alloa Mein, Alexander, Miller street Mein, A. W. Jedburgh Meldrum, Leslie, Devon Works Melville, James M. Edinburgh Melville, Viscount Menzies, Alex. Old Post-office court Menzies, Archibald, Glasgow Menzies, James, Perthshire Menzies, James, Stockwell Menzies, R. D. ship builder, Leith Menzies, Robert, banker, Edinburgh Mercer, George, Dryden Merry, Dr. Edinburgh Merrey, William, Stirling’s road Methven, James, Glassford street Middlemas, Robert, Glasgow Middleton, John, Blythswood place Middleton, Thomas, Bannockburn Steward Middleton, William, Blythswood place Miller, Alexander, Croy place Miller, Andrew, Milton Miller, Andrew, George street Miller, Andrew, writer. Paisley Miller, Archd. R. St. Vincent street Miller, Archibald, Glasgow Miller, Captain Henry, of Police Miller, Captain James, Cumbrae Miller, C. H. of Pleasanthill Miller, Dr. Maryhill Miller, Gavin, Hospital street Miller, George, Candleriggs Miller, George, Blantyre Miller, George, of Frankfield Miller, James, Broomielaw Millar, James, Provanmill Miller, James, Police Establishment Miller, James, Rothesay Miller, James, Demerara Miller, John, writer. Paisley Miller, John, Edinburgh Miller, John, Queen street Committee Miller, John, St. Vincent street Miller, John S. Springfield, Dalmarnock Miller, Patrick, Croy place Steward Miller, Provost John, Anderston Miller, Robert, Provanhill Miller, Robert, Stirling street Miller, William, Springfield Miller, William, Argyle street Millie, John, Kirkaldy Milne, Andrew, Windsor place Miln, David, banker, Dundee Milne, David, advocate Milne, Gardner, Queen street Milne, George, Necropolis Milne, John, Meadowbank Milne, William, Kenmuir Milroy, Mr. Craignestock Mirrlees, William, Buchanan street Steward Mitchell, Alexander, Stockwell street Mitchell, Alexander, St. Vincent street Mitchell, Alexander, Argyle street Mitchell, Alexander, advocate, Edinburgh Mitchell, Alexander, Glasgow Mitchell, Alexander, Sheriff-clerk’s office Mitchell, Hugh, Portobello Mitchell, M. Ayrshire Mitchell, James B. St. Vincent street Mitchell, James, Darnwhilling Mitchell, James, Glasgow Steward Mitchell, John, Greenhead Mitchell, Joseph, Glasgow Mitchell, Robert, King street Mitchell, Robert, Aberdeen Mitchell, Thomas, West Arthurlie Steward Mitchell, William, Glassford street Moffat, James, Candleriggs Moir, Professor, Edinburgh College Moir, Charles A. of Leckie Mollison, John, Airdrie Monach, Andrew, North Douglas street Monteith, Adam, Rockbank Monteith, Adam, Ingram street Chairman Monteith, Henry, of Carstairs Monteith, Hugh, Queen street Monteith, James, Bath street Monteath, Major, Glasgow Monteith, William, London Monteith, Robert, yr. of Carstairs Montgomery, Captain, of Alnwick lodge Montgomerie, D. Buchanan Montgomery, Edward, Bellmont Montgomery, Hugh Montgomery, James, Glasgow Steward Montgomerie, Mathew, George street Montgomery, Rev Robert, Glasgow Montgomery, Robert, jun. Glasgow Montgomery, Robert, Johnstone 131 Morning Post Reporter Morning Post Reporter Morning Post Reporter Morris, Mr, Ayr Morris, Mr. St. Andrew’s Morris, Robert, of Mooreburn Steward Morrison, Alex. Exchange court Morrison, Andrew, Provanmill Steward Morrison, Duncan, Hutcheson street Morrison, Hugh, Exchange square Morrison, .Tames G. St. Vincent street Morrison, James, Exchange court Morrison, James, Glasgow Morrison, James, Glasgow Morrison, John, Glasgow Morrison, John, writer, Hamilton Morison, John G. of Craigend Morrison, John, Union street Morrison, William, Ure place Morrison, William, Garnethill Morton, Earl of Steward Morton, Hugh, Wilson street Moubray, James Muir, Andrew, Blythswood place Mure, David, of Caldwell Muir, Edward Muir, George, merchant, Greenock Muir, J. Galloway Muir, James, Abbotsford place Muir, James, Blythswood place Committee Muir, John, Blythswood place Muir, John, jun. Blythswood place Muir, John, Rothesay Muir, John, Montrose street Muir, Robert, Blythswood place Muir, Robert, Miller street Muir, Robert, Greenock Montgomerie, Robert, Craighouse Montgomerie, William, yr. of Cloak Montgomerie, William, Bellmont Montgomery, William, Carlton place Moody, Andrew, West George street Moody, Andrew, West Regent street Moody, George, Paisley Steward Moody, Robert, St. Vincent street Moody, S. B. Ure place Moody, William, Leith Moore, Dugald, Queen street Moore, John, Queen street Moray, Major W. Stirling Moray, Mr. of Abercairney More, George, Edinburgh More, W. H. Morgan, John, Paisley Morgan, William, Ure place Morier, J. F. Morning Herald Reporter Morning Herald Reporter Morning Herald Reporter Morning Post Reporter Muir, Thomas, Queen- Street. Muir, William, Queen- Street. Muir, William, Ewing Place. Muir, William, St. Vincent- Street. Muir, William, miller. Paisley. Stetoarrf Muirhead, James, Nelson- Street. Muirhead, J. N. Munn, Alexander, Paisley. Munro, Alexander. Munro, Bethune, Miller- Street, Munro, David, Hope- Street. Munro, Hugh, Viewforth, Inverness-shire. Munro, James, Queen- Court. Munro, John, Bedford- Street. Munro, John, Coatbridge. Munro, John, Barbadoes. Munro, Robert, Nile- Street. Munro, S. M. Harvie, Brand, & Co. Munsie, George, Dundass- Street. Munsie, Robert, Dundass- Street. Munsie, William, West Nile- Street. Murdoch, James, Carntyne. Murdoch, James, Miller- Street. Murdoch, J. Burn, Gartencaber. Murdoch, John Dinvin, Portpatrick. Murdoch, John, Miller- Street. Murdoch, Patrick, London- Street. Murdoch, Robert, Antigua Place. Murison, Alexander, Union-Street. Murphy, James, Glasgow. Murray, Alexander, Dolleice. Murray, Alexander, Argyle- Street. Murray, Alexander, Miller- Street. Murray, Andrew, Murray’s-Hall. Murray, Charles, Ship- Agent Greenock. Murray, Daniel, Hutcheson- Street. Murray, Donald, Queen- Street. Murray, George, Hutcheson- Street. Murray, George, Glasgow. Murray, James, Garnkirk Works. Murray, J. S. Mid-Calder. Murray, Stewart, Botanic Garden Steward Mutrie, James, St. Enoch Square. Mutrie, William, St. Enoch Square. Mutter, James, Miller- Street. Mutter, William, Miller- Street. Nairne, Charles, W. S. Edinburgh Naime, James, Edinburgh. Nairne, James, Glasgow. Nairne, James, W. S. Edinburgh Naismith, Campbell, Regent- Street. Napier, David, Glasgow. Napier, John, Letham House. Napier, John, Paisley. Napier, Mark, Advocate. Napier, R. D. of Ballikinrain. Napier, Robert, younger of Milliken. Napier, William, of Blackstone. Neave, Mr. Sheffield. Neaves, Charles, advocate. Neil, James, Warwick Street. Steward Neil, John, Councillor. Neile, John, merchant, Leith Neil, Major, of Barnwell. 132 Neil, Samuel, Stevenson Street. Neil, Thomas, Kilmarnock. Neilson, Archibald, Monteith Row. Steward Neilson, James B. Weaver Street. Steward Neilson, John, Oakbank. Neilson, John, jun. Oakbank. Neilson, John, Paisley. Neilson, Patrick, Hutcheson Street. Neilson, Walter, Holmbank. Committee Neilson, Thos. Convener of Trades’ House. Neilson, William, Oakbank, Neilson, William, Portland Street. Newall, Archibald, Wilson Street. Newbigging, A. Hutcheson Street. Newlands, William. Nicol, Rev. James, of Leslie. Nicholson, Dr., Inveresk. Sterrard Nicolson, Thomas, Buchanan Street. Nimmo, W. T. Royal Bank. Nisbet, George M. Cairnhill. Nisbet, Rev. Archibald, Albion Street Church. Nixon, James, George Square. Noble, Rev. Mr. St. Maddo. Normand, James, jun. Exchange Place. Norrie, Thomas, Buchanan Street. Norwell, William, Queen Street. Oatts, Francis, Hurlet Alum Co. Oatts, John, Queen Street. Ogilvie, Thomas, Sandyford Place. Ogilvie, William, Chenters. Oldham, Joseph, Dublin. Oliver, George, Dun das Street. O’Neil, Thomas, Belfast. Ord, Thomas, Blair-Drummond. Orr, James, Paisley. Orr, John, Paisley. Steward Orr, Major, Sauchiehall Road. Orr, Peter, Glasgow. Orr, Robert, Blantyre. Orr, Robert, Writer Largs. Steward Orr, William, Hope Street. Orrock, Wemyss, Port-Glasgow. Oughterson, Arthur, Greenock. Oughterson, George, Greenock. Oughterson, James, jun. Greenock. Ovington, Thomas, Glasgow. Pagan, William, banker, Cupar Fife. Page, William, Queen Street. Pasley, John, Cumberland Place. Paisley Advertiser Reporter. Paisley Advertiser Reporter. Steward Panton Dr. Stirling Square. Park, Hugh, Newton Ayr. Park, John, late of Tontine Greenock. Park, John, Miller Street. Park, R. B. Queen Street. Park, William, Belfast. Parker, James, Union Street. Paterson, Alexander, Calton. Paterson, Adam, Argyle Street. Paterson, Adam, George Square. Paterson, B. R. Eglinton Street. Paterson, Charles, Stobeross Street. Paterson, James, Cleland Testimonial. Paterson, J. H. Buchanan Street. Paterson, J. H. St. Enoch Square. Paterson, John, Milngavie. Paterson, John, Camlachie. Steward Paterson, Robert, St. Enoch Square. Paterson, R. jun. St. Enoch Square. Paterson, R. W. B. KilmarnocL Paterson, Robert, Queen Street. Paterson, Robert, Jamaica. Paterson, Robert, Glasgow. Paterson, Simon, Greenock. Paterson, Thomas, jun. Paterson, Thomas, Alloa. Paterson, Thomas, M. D. Glasgow. Paterson, Thomas, Port- Eglinton. Paterson, Walter, Uddingstone. Paterson, William, St. George’s Road. Paterson, William, Argyle Street. Paterson, William, Queen Street. Paterson, William, Havannah Street. Pat on, George, advocate. Paton, James, builder Glasgow. Patrick, Dr. Glasgow. Steward Patrick, John, Glassford Street. Pattison, Frederick, Dalmuir. Pattison, George H. advocate. Pattison, Godfrey, Buchanan Street. Pattison, John, Terts. Pattison, M. M. Glasgow. Pattison, Robert, Paisley. Paul, John, Hutcheson Street. Paul, Thomas, banker, Lanark. Peacock, Robert, Paisley. Pearson, James. Steward Pearson, John, jun. Stockwell. Pearson, William, Henderston. Peddie, William, Pitcallanbank, Perth. Peebles, Charles, St. George’s Road. Peebles, William, Buchanan Street. Peel, Sir Robert, M. P. Peel, Joseph. Penman, John, Ingram Street. Steward Penney, David J. Bath Street. Penney, Robert, Bath Street. Perry, D. T. St. Vincent Street. Peters, Thomas M. Glasgow. Peters, Thomas S. Glasgow. Phelps, William, London. Philp, Andrew, College Street, Brownfield Pierret, Mr. West Nile Street. Pitcairn, Alexander, Dundee. Place, George, Liverpool. Planteux, P. R. at Dr. Black’s, Barony. Playfair, David, Dalmarnock. Playfair, James, St. George’s Road. Playfair, Lyon, Glasgow. Playfair, Major, St. Andrews. Playfair, Patrick, Dalmarnock. Pollock, Allan, Blackhouse. Pollock, Allan, Faside. Pollock, Allan, yr. of Faside. Steward Pollock, Arthur, Carlton place. 133 Pollock, George, Rhinnsmulr. Pollock, James, of Duncanrigg. Pollock, James, yr. of Titwood. Committee Pollock, John, Carlton Place. Pollock, Rev. Mr. Pollock, Peter, Glasgow. Pollock, Robert, Turner’s Court. Pollock, William, Titwood. Pollock, William, Rhinns. Pollock, William, Ayr. Porterfield, James Corbett, of Porterfield. Steward Porteous, Charles, Buchanan Street. Porteous, Robert, spirit dealer Trongate. Steward Pott, Francis, Villafield Place. Porter, Lewis, Miller Street. Poynter, John, Glasgow. Prentice, James, Hamilton. Price, Hugh, merchant, Greenock. Pringle, Andrew, Edinburgh. Pringle, A. of Whytbank, M. P. Proudfoot, John, Lane Mark. Steward Provan, Hay, Ingram Street. Pullar, John, St. Andrew Square. Pyper, Edward, Edinburgh. Pyper, Hamilton, Edinburgh. Quiddington, N. George Square. Rae, Gavin, coalmaster, Johnstone. Rae, James, Crown Street. Rae, John M. Miller Street. Rae, Sir William, Bart. M.P. Raeburn, William, Candleriggs. Railton, Edward, agent. Railton, George, Portland Street. Rainey, G. W. Gordon Street. Rait, David C. Argyle Street. Ramsay, E. Alloa. Ramsay, John, Glasgow. Ramsay, Lord. Ramsay, Professor, Glasgow College. Ramsay, Sir James, of Banff, Bart. Ranken, Alexander, Candleriggs Street. Ranken, Alexander, Brandon Place. Steward Ranken, Andrew, Brandon Place. Rankine, David, Kilmarnock. Rankine, Dr. Edinburgh. Rankine, Jonathan, writer, Glasgow. Rankine, John A. Irvine. Rankin, Patrick, Mavis Bank. Rankin, Robert, Buchanan Street. Rankine, Robert, Irvine. Rankine, Robert, St. John’s Street. Rankine, Walter, Ardrie. Rankin, William, College Street. Rattray, Robert, W. S. Edinburgh. Reddie, James C. Edinburgh. Reddie, Charles, Blythswood Square. Reddie, B. Muirhead, Blythswood Square. Reddie, Thomas, Kent Street. Redfern, William, West Regent Street. Redpath, Hugh, Edinburgh. Ree, H. P. Glasgow. Reid, Alexander, Hutcheson Street. Reid, Alexander, Buchanan Street. Reid, Archibald, Carlton Place. Reid, David, Leith. Steward Reid, Dr. Andrew, Portland Place. Steward Reid, Francis, Albany Place. Reid, George, Renfrew Street. Reid, Henry, Old Post-Office Court. Reid, James, Virginia Street. Reid, James, Argyle Street. Reid, James, Trongate. Reid, James, Morrison’s Court. Reid, John, Wilson Street. Reid, John, Kittochside. Steward Reid, John, Miller Street. Reid, John, jun. Miller Street. Steward Reid, John, Argyle Street. Reid, John, Portland Street. Steward Reid, John Robertson, Gallowflat. Reid, Mathew, Hanover Street. Reid, Mr. Beith. Reid, P. Robertson, Glasgow. Reid, Robert, Pellpark. Reid, William, Dunlop Street. Rennie, S. M. Glasgow. Renison, William, Upper Kingston. Reoch, Inglis, Parkhead Forge. Rhind, Henry, Cameron House. Rhind, John, Friendly Insurance Office. Rhind, Thomas, Miller Street. Richards. W. H. Richardson, Bruce, Greenock. Richardson, David, Virginia Street. Richardson, Francis, Portland Street. Richardson, Montgomery, Ure Place. Richardson, James, jun. Glasgow. Richardson, James S. John Street. Richardson, J. R. Glassford Street. Richardson, Robert, Glasgow. Richardson, William, Charlotte Street. Richmond, George, Royal Bank. Richmond, James, Glasgow. Richmond, Rev. John, South Dean. Riddell, Sir James Miles, Bart. Riddell, John, Glasgow. Rintoul, Andrew, Stirling Square. Rintoul, Peter, Stirling Square. Risk, Thomas, Glasgow Union Bank. Ritchie, Councillor, Edinburgh. Ritchie, Henry, of Busby. Ritchie, Mungo, Glasgow. Ritchie, Thomas L. Robb, George, writer. Robb, James, Abbotsford Place. Robb, William, Stirling Square. Robert, William, Virginia Street. Robertson, Alexander, writer, Irvine. Robertson, Alexander, Buchanan Street. Robertson, Andrew, Virginia Street. Robertson, Charles, Honduras. Robertson, Daniel, Glasgow. Robertson, David, Grangemouth. Robertson, Henry, Candleriggs. Robertson, Henry N. Brandon Place. (Steward Robertson, Hugh, Gaitloch. 134 Robertson, Dr. Callender. Committee Robertson, Laurence, Buchanan Street. Robertson, Mr. of Police Establishment. Robison, James, advocate, Edinburgh. Robertson, James, Great Hamilton Street. Robertson, James, Greenock. Robertson, James, Perthshire. Robertson, James, Wellington Place. Steward Robertson, James D. Brandon Place. Robertson, John, Stralochy. Robertson, John, Meadowhead. Robertson, J. T, Leith. Robertson, Patrick, advocate. Robertson, Rev. Mr. Eddleston. Robertson, Robert, Argyle Street. Steward Robertson, Robert, Whitefield. Robertson, Thomas, Queen Street. Steward Robertson, William, Councillor. Robertson, William, Cochrane Street. Robertson, William, Lanark. Robertson, William, Spreul’s Court. Robertson, William, W. S. Edinburgh. Robin, David, manufacturer Paisley. Robson, Neil, civil engineer. Rodie, A. Hutcheson Street. Rodger, George, Buchanan Street. Rodger, James, Quebec. Rodger, James, Broomielaw. Rodger, James, Lanark. Rodger, James, mason. Steward Rodger, Robert, Buchanan Street. Rodger, Robert, writer Paisley. Rodger, Thomas, West Regent Street. Committee Rodger, William, Buchanan Street. Rodger, William, jun. Liverpool. Rodger, William, Paisley. Rollo, the Master of. Ronald, John Gordon Street. Ronald, John, Buchanan Street. Ronald, John, S. S. C. Edinburgh. Ronaldson, James S. Edinburgh. Ronaldson, Mr. Glasgow. Rose, Donald, Glasgow. Rose, James, W. S. Ross, A. St. Enoch Square. Ross, Alexander, Greenock. Ross, Alexander, Canning Place. Ross, Alexander, Greenock. Ross, Daniel, Queen Street. Ross, George, advocate. Ross, Horatio, of Rossie. Ross, Kenneth, Glasgow. Ross, James, farmer Bo’ness. Ross, John C. West George Street. Ross, John, jun. Ingram Street. Ross, John, jun. Perth. Ross, Thomas, Queen Street. Ross, William, Glasgow. Routledge, Rev. Wm. Glasgow. Rowand, Alexander, Buchanan Street. Rowand, Alexander, George Square. Rowand, Andrew, Liverpool. Treasurer Rowand, Michael, of Linthouse. Rowand, M. jun. Glasgow. Rose, William, Glasgow. Rowat, Joseph. Rowatt, Robert, Paisley. Rowlatt, J. C. Regent Terrace. Rowley, Andrew, Glasgow Roxburgh, Archibald, Glasgow. Russell, Andrew, Argyle Street Russell, David, farmer Kilpatrick. Russell, Hamilton, Edinburgh. Russell, J. R. Willowbank house Russell, James S. Johnstone Russell, James, architect, 3 Mile House Russell, James, Charlotte Street Russell, John, advocate Russell, John, Peebles Russell, Mr Leith Russell, Walter, Willowhank House Rutherford, David, Glasgow Rutherford, Provost, Jedburgh Rutherford William, Edinburgh. Saddler, Thomas, Newton Mains. Steward Salmond, Archibald, Stockwell Steward Salmond, Duncan, Glassford Street Salmond, James, Glassford Street Salmond, Mr. Falkirk Sandeman, Mr. W. S. Edinburgh. Croupier Sandford, Sir Daniel K. Sandford, E. D. advocate, Edinburgh. Sandford, Francis Richard, Glasgow College. Saunder’s News’ Letter Reporter. Sands, Archibald, Queen Street. Sawers, Robert, Stirling. Scheviz, Alexander, Brandon Place. Steward Scheviz, George, Brandon Place. Schooler, Henry James, Ireland. Schwahe, Hernan, Glasgow. Schwabe, Ludolf, Glasgow. Sclandlers, Alexander, Union-street. Steward Sclanders, Andrew, Union Street. Sclanders, Andrew, Jamaica Street. Scougal, George, Leith. Scotland, Patrick, London Street. Scotsman Reporter. Scots Times Reporter. Scott, A. B. Scott, Alexander, Trongate. Steward Scott, Andrew, Larchgrove. Scott, Andrew, Castlemains, Douglas. Scott, Captain Walter, Edinburgh. Scott, Charles, Portobello. Scott, David, Glasgow. Scott, George, Blantyre Scott, Hon. Mr. of Harden. Scott, James, Blenheim Place Scott, James, Glassford Street Scott, James, sen. Candleriggs Scott, James, jun. Candleriggs. Scott, James, St Vincent Street Scott, James, Glasgow Scott, Jeremiah, Leeds Scott, John, W. S. Scott, John, Hawkhill Scott, John G. West Nile Street 135 Scott, John, North Montrose Street Scott, Lord John. Scott, Malcolm, print cutter Scott, Mr. of Brotherton Scott, Patrick, Blantyre Farm Scott, Robert, High Street Scott, Robert, Argyle Street Scott, Robert, jun. Argyle Street Scott, Robert, Daldowie Scott, Thomas, Castlemains Douglass Scott, Thomas, baker, Norfolk Street Scott, William, Sandyfaulds Scott, William, St. Andrew’s Square Scott, William, Anderston Scott, W. W. Montrose Street Seidahmeid, W. Cairo Self, Page, Carstairs Semple, J. W. advocate Semple, J. H. Rothsay Seton, Alexander B. Montrose Street Shand, William, Northpark Shanks, James, Edwin Place Sharp, Archibald, Rothsay Sharp, Colin, London Sharp, Daniel, Greenock Sharp, James, Glasgow Sharp, Norman, Houston Sharp, S. C. Glasgow Sharp, Thomas, Paisley Sharp, William, Glassford Street Sharp, William, Paisley Shaw, Charles, W. S. Shaw, David, Ayr Shaw, John, Gallowgate Shaw, Robert, Exchange Square Shaw, William, Exchange Square Shedden, William, E. I. Company’s Service Sheriff, George, Trongate Sheriff, Mr. Dunoon Shortreed, Andrew, printer, Edinburgh Shortridge, George Y. Glasgow Sillars, J. S. Glasgow Simpson, James, Greenhead Steward Simpson, James B. Argyle Street Simpson, John, teacher, Glasgow Simpson, Mr. Glasgow Sinclair, Dugald, Killhamrig Sinclair, Robert, Greenock Skirving, Wm. West of Scotland Insurance Slate, Archibald, farmer Slate, John, farmer Slater, Thomas, Glasgow Sleigh, William, Cleland Testimonial Sloane, Ebenezer, Brunswick Street Sloane, James, Brunswick Street Small, Captain, 25th Foot Small, John, of Foodie Smart, Dr. Milngavie Smart, Robert, Trongate Smart, Thomas, Stockwell Smellie, William, Hope Street Smith, Alexander, Glasgow Smith, Alexander, Inverness Smith, Andrew, Newbigging Smith, Andrew, Burnbank Smith, Andrew, jun. Hope Street Committee Smith, Archibald, St. Vincent Street Smith, Archibald, yr. of Jordanbill Smith, Arch. yr. of Carbeth Guthrie, advocate Steward Smith, Campbell, Montrose Street Smith, David, John Street Smith, David, Virginia Street Smith, David, M.D. Stockwell Smith, David, W. S. Edinburgh Smith, David, Stirling Square Committee Smith, Donald, Miller Street Smith, Dr. Clackmanan Smith, Duncan, Glasgow Smith, George, Miller Street Smith, Harry, Birmingham Smith, Hugh, Cochran Street Smith, Hugh, West Town Lanark Smith, Hugh, H. Clyde Street, Anderston Committee Smith, James, of Jordanhill Smith, James, of Deanston Smith, James, Exchange Court Smith, James, George Square Smith, James, Glasgow Smith, James, Leitch’s Court Smith, James, Lisbon Smith, John, Argyle Street Smith, John, John Street Smith, John, Kilmarnock Smith, John, West Nile Street Smith, John, Argyle Street Smith, John, Albany Place Steward Smith, John, yst. of Crutherland Smith, N. H. Birmingham Smith, Patrick, Jane Street Smith, Peter, Carlton Place Smith, Rev. James, Cathcart Smith, Robert, Glassford Street Smith, William, Demerara Croupier Smith, William, of Carbeth Guthrie Smith, William, Gordon Street Smith, William, Portland Street Steward Smith, William, Jun. West George Street Smith, William, Burnbank Smith, William, Virginia Street Smyth, Mr. of Methven Smyth, William, writer. College Street Smollet, Alexander, yr. of Bonhill Snell, John, London Snell, William, Cambridge Street Sommerville, Archibald, Lanark Sommerville, George, Castle Street Committee Sommerville, James, Sommerville Place Somervail, James, Montague Place Sommerville, John, Glasgow Steward Sommerville, Thomas, Sommerville Place Sommerville, William, Charlotte Street Sorlie, Joseph, Dunlop Street Spence, William, architect, Glasgow Spears, William, accountant, Edinburgh Spiers, Alexander, Clarence Place Spiers, Dr. Greenock Spiers, James, Gordon Street Spiers, Joh n , South Portland Street 136 Sprott, John, Garnkirk Sprott, Mark, of Garnkirk Sprott, Thomas, W. S. Edinburgh Staines, Henry B. Glasgow Stanley, Edward, London Stark, Rev. James, Greenock Steele, Archibald, student Steel, Francis, M. D. St. Vincent Street Steel, James, Beith Steel, James, King Street Steele, James, jun. Brunswick Street Steele, R. M. East Kingston Steel, Robert, Glasgow Steel, Thomas, Gallowgate Steel, Thomas, Jamaica Street Steele, John, Lesmahagow Steel, William, Gallowgate Stell, W. B. Manchester Stenhouse, Thomas, Glasgow Stephen, Dr. Anderston Stevens, Francis, Glasgow Steven, James, Hutcheson Street Steven, James, Port Glasgow Stivens, James, Miller Street Steward Stiven, John, Clyde Rope Work Steward Stiven, John, Miller Street Stiven, Robert, Miller Street Stiven, Robert, Ingram Street Stevenson, Adam, Richmond Street Stevenson, Alexander, George’s Street Stevenson, Henry, Trongate Stevenson, Hugh, Campbelton Stevenson, Hugh, Greenock Stevenson, John, Kilmarnock Steward Stevenson, Nathaniel, of Braidwood Stevenson, Rev. S. Stevenson, Robert, Royal Exchange Stevenson, Thomas, Leith Stevenson, W. procurator fiscal, Jedburgh Stevenson, William, Crosslee Stevenson, William, jun. Crosslee Stevenson, William, Johnston Stewart, Alexander, Perthshire Committee Stewart, Allan, West Regent Street Stewart, A. P. Royal Infirmary Stewart, Archibald, Glasgow Stewart, Captain John, Rotbsay Stewart, David, John Street Stewart, Dr. Glasgow Stewart, Dr. Dumbarton Stewart, Duncan, Glassford Street Steward Stewart, George, Graeme Street Stewart, J. G. Brunswick Street Stewart, James, Union Street Stewart, James, Argyle Street Stewart, James, Main Street Stewart, James, Buchanan Street Stewart, John, Maryhill Steward Stewart, John, Hy depark corner Steward Stewart, John, Hutcheson Street Stewart, John, Kilmarnock Steward Stewart, John, jun. Argyle Street Stewart, John, Glasgow Stewart, John, Old Post- Office Court Stewart, John, Rothsay • Stewart, John, West Renfrew Street Stewart, Major Stewart, Mr. Glasgow Stewart, Patrick G. Perth Stewart, Peter, Wellington Street Stewart, Peter, Greenhill Place Stewart, R. B. Buchanan Street Stewart, Rev. Dr. Brougshane Stewart, Rev. R. W. Erskine Stewart, Rev. Mr. of Sorn Steward Stewart, Robert, Kennyhill Stewart, Robert, Carfin Steward Stewart, Robert, Stirling Street Committee Stewart, Robert, Hornbank Stewart, Walter, Herston Stewart, Walter, Kennyhill Stuart, A. George’s Square Stuart, F. B. Gallowgate Steward Stuart, John, Lennox bank Stirling, Graham, Gen. of Duchray Stirling, Campbell, A.G. M.D. Union Street Stirling, Captain, Ann’s Lodge, Bute Vice-President Stirling, Charles, of Gargunnock Stirling, Edward, South Hanover Street Stirling, James, Belfast Stirling, Mr. yr. of Keir Stirling, A. G. of Craigbarnet Stirling, S. D. Glenbervie Stocks, William, Virginia Street Stoddart, James, Stockwell Stoddart, John, Silverton, Lanark Steward Storie, James, Brunswick Street Storer, David, Gallowgate Stormont, Viscount Stott, Gibson, Balloch Castle Steward Stow, David, Sauchiehall Street Stow, William, Leeds Strachan, William, Glasgow Strang, George, Carlton Place Strang, George, writer, Glasgow Strang, James, Exchange Court Strang, Mathew, Kilmarnock Strang, Robert, Abercromby Place Strang, William, New Street, Calton Struthers, Alexander, Glasgow Struthers, James, Glassford Street Struthers, William, Glasgow Sugar, John, Glasgow Sun Newspaper Reporter Sun Newspaper Reporter Sun Newspaper Reporter Sutherland, George. Cathcart Street Sutherland, John, Cathcart Street Sutherland, Lieutenant, 77th Regiment Sutherland, Porteous Sutherland, Robert, Pitcairn Field Sutherland, William, Warwick Street Swan, Joseph, Hill Street Swan, Patrick D. Kirkaldy Swanston, John, Bath Street Sw'inton, Archibald, advocate Sw’inton, James, Edinburgh Sword, A. E., Miller street 137 Sword, Archd., Greenock Steward Sword, James, yr., Hutcheson street Steward Sword, Robert, Virginia street Sym, Alexander, Glassford street Sytn, Dr., Ayr Sym, George, Glassford street Sym, John, Alloa Syme, Wm., Bath street Syme, William, Gallo whill Symington, Walter, Paisley Tait, James, Hailes Quarry Tait, John, George’s street Tasker, James, Greenock Tassie, Hugh, Hope street Tassie, James, Glassford street Tassie, John, jr., ironmonger Tassie, John, Cleland Testimonial Tassie, John, Oswald street Tassie, Thomas, Cleland Testimonial Tassie, Turnbull, Norfolk street Tatnali, Archibald, Glasgow Tatnall, Captain James, ll. N. Taylor, Alexander M., Hutcheson street Taylor, Baillie James, Anderston Taylor, David, Edinburgh Taylor, Henry John, Richmond street Steward Taylor, Henry, jun., Stirling’s road Taylor, James, Cochran street Steward Taylor, James, West Regent street Taylor, John, merchant, Greenock Taylor, Joseph, Anderston Taylor, Matthew, Gallowgate Taylor, Matthew, Bath street Steward Taylor, Robert, builder Taylor, Robert, Bath street Taylor, Robert, Broomland Steward Taylor, William, Athol place Taylor, William, Campbelltown Telford Mitchell, Thomas Tennent, James Emerson, M. P. Tennent, C. S. P., Wellpark Tennent, G. R., Wellpark Tennent, H. L. S., Edinburgh Tennent, Patrick, W.S., Edinburgh Tennent, Robert, Wellpark Thatcher, Dr., Edinburgh Thom, John, Brunswick place Thomas, Charles, John street Thomas, John, Clyde place, Tradeston Thomas, John, Glasgow Thomas, Samuel, Hutcheson street Thomas, Wm., farmer, Bo’ness Thoms, Charles, Cadder Thomson, James F. High street Thomson, Alexander, W.S. Edinburgh Thomson, Alexander, hanker, Greenock Thomson, Allan, Port Eglinton Thomson, Andrew, Coburg street Thomson, David, Glasgow Thomson, Duncan, Argyle street Thomson, George, Barnhouse Thomson, Henry, Edinburgh Thomson, James, Glasgow Thomson, James, Edinburgh Thomson, James, High street Thomson, James, Argyle street Thomson, John, Southfield, Stirling Thomson, John, factory, Kilmarnock Steward Thomson, John, Argyle street Thomson, John, farmer, Bo’ness Thomson, John, Western Bank Thomson, John, Edinburgh Thomson, John, Bo’ness Thomson, Joseph, Hope street Thomson, R. J., Kilmarnock Steward Thomson, Robert, St. Vincent place Thomson, Thomas, King street Steward Thomson, Wm., Bell street Thomson, Wm., writer, Jedburgh Thorburn, George, Glassford street Steward Thorburn, George, jun., Glassford street Thorburn, K. M., W. S., Edinburgh Times Reporter, London Times Reporter, London Times Reporter, London Times Reporter, London Todd, Alex. Glasgow Bank Todd, J. C., George street Todd, G. R., W.S., Edinburgh Todd, Major John, Irvine Todd, John A., Ingram street Todd, Richard, Provanhall Todd, William, Miiler street Torbet, John, surgeon. Paisley Torrie, J. T., Edinburgh Torrop, E., Edinburgh Tower, Finlay, North Exchange court Towers, James, St. Vincent street Trigg, M. T., Huil Trotter, Captain, of Ballendean Trotter, Mr., of Saughie Turnbull, Archibald, Bellwood park Steward Turnbull, James, Holland place Turnbull, John, St. Vincent street Turnbull, Joseph, George street Turnbull, Mr., Glasgow Turnbull, Mr., advocate, Edinburgh Turnbull, Stewart, George street Turner, Alexander, Regent terrace Turner, Alexander, Trongate Turner, Captain, Glasgow Turner, C. J., Roseneath Turner, D., Argyle street Turner, Dr., Greenock Turner, Gilbert, Dumbarton Turner, James, writer, Greenock Turner, James, Glasgow Turner, John, Ure place Tweeddale, Marquis of Tweeddale, John, St. Vincent street Tweedie, Nicol, W. George street Urie, James, banker, Kilmarnock Ure, John, Montrose street 138 Urqubart, Adam, advocate, Edinburgh Urquhart, Andrew, Irvine Urqubart, Robert, St. Vincent street Urquhart, Robert, of Moss Urqubart, William, St. Vincent street Usher, Andrew, Edinburgh Utterson, Rev. Mr., Dunkeith Vallance, Alexander, Ingram street Vary, Richard, Hamilton Veitch, John, Bridgend Veitch, Thomas, Bell street Waddell, Alex., Stanrigg Waddell, Andrew A., Hutcheson street Steward Waddell, Archibald, York place Steward Walker, Gabriel, Provan place Walker, George, Queen street Steward Walker, G. L., Candleriggs Walker, Henry, Auchtermuchty Walker, James, Tontine Walker, Betbune James, of Falfield Walker, John, grocer, Argyle street Walker, John, Kilpatrick Walker, Robert, Edinburgh Walker, Robert, Bank street, Edinburgh Walker, Robert, jun., Montrose street Walker, Robert, Montrose street W'alker, William, Greenock Steward Walker, William, Ingram street Walker, William, Glasgow Steward Walkinshaw, Daniel, St. Vincent street Walkiushaw, James, Overton Wallace, Hugh, Glasgow Wallace, J. H., Great Clyde street Wallace, Patrick, Perth Wallace, William, South Frederick street Wallace, Wm., Kilmarnock Steward Walrond, Theodore, of Calderpark Walton, Jackson, Glasgow Warden, Arcbd. Virginia street Steward Warden, George, Virginia street Warden, James, St. Vincent street Warden, James, junior, Virginia street Warden, John £., Sauchiehall road Wardlaw, William, Maxwelton place Steward Wardrop, Alexander, St. Vincent street Wardrop, James, Clarence place Wark, James, Paisley Warnock, Wm., Collston Warren, Timothy, Glasgow Steward Watkins, John, Virginia street Watson, David, Campsie Watson, David, Woodside crescent Watson, David, Virginia street Watson, H. S., Glasgow Steward Watson, David, St. Vincent street Watson, George, Edinburgh Watson, G. H., Edinburgh Watson, Henry, Greenhill place Watson, J. H., Glasgow Union Bank Watson, James, Greenock Watson, James J., Little Govan House Watson, James, Queen street Watson, J. G., Frederick street Watson, Rev. Mr., of Covington Watson, Richard, Glasgow Watson, Robert, Gordon street Watson, Robert, Elmbank crescent Watson, Robert, Paisley Watson, Robert, Oswald street, Glasgow Watson, Robert, jun., Portland street Watson, Robert, Sommerville place Steward Watson, Thomas, Woodside crescent Watson, William, jun., Ingram street Watson, William, Abbotsford place Watt, Dr., from Demerara Watt, George, Glassford .street Watt, Henry, Trongate Watt, James, Cartsdyke Watt, John, Leith Watt, Robt. J.P., Johnston Webb, H. B., Miller street Wedderspoon, D., Perth Weir, Dr. Rosebank, Dalserf Weir, D. F., surgeon, Anderson Weir, Duncan, Greenock Weir, Wm. Assist. Ed. Glasgow Herald Weir, Robert, Queen street Welch, Edward, Edinburgh Weller, T. M. M. Wemyss, Major, Berwick Westwater, James, Argyle street Whigham, David, W. S. White, John, jun., Sbawfield White, John, Scott street Steward White, Peter, Buchanan street White, Richard, Portland street Steward Whyte, A. C., St. Mungo street Whyte, Andrew, Charlotte street Whyte, George, jun., Glasgow Whyte, Rev. T. H., of St Andrew’s chapel Steward Whyte, Robert, Portland place Whyte, Robert, Queen street Whyte, Thomas, Ingram street White, Thomas, Edinburgh Whyte, Walter, of Bankhead Whyte, William, Ingram street Steward Whyte, William, Queen street Steward Whyte, William, Brunswick street Steward White, Wm., Ingram street Whitehead, Joseph, jun.. Paisley Steward Whitelaw, Archibald, Candleriggs Whitelaw, Mathew, Buchanan street Whitelaw, William, Edinburgh Wightraan, Seton, of Caurance Steward Wilkie, David, Carlton place Wilkie, James, Addingstone Wilkie, John, Virginia street Wilkinson, George, Durham Wilkinson, Rev. Thomas, Durham Wilkinson, Rev. Thomas, Carlisle Williamson, A., North Hanover street Williamson, George, Greenock 139 Williamson, John, Trongate Williamson, R. G , Port- Glasgow Willison, George, John street Willox, John, Pollokshaws Wilson, Adam, W. S. Wilson, Adam, sugar refiner, Glasgow Wilson Cross, Alexander, Kilbride Wilson, Andrew, Stirling’s road Wilson, Archibald, Merchant, Airdrie Wilson, Captain Wilson, Charles, Architect, Glasgow Wilson, D., Queen street Wilson, Doctor, Glenarbuck Wilson, Dr. James, Miller street Wilson, George, Airdrie Steward Wilson, George R., of Benmore Wilson, James, Virginia street Wilson, James, Farmer, Renfrew Wilson, James, writer, Kent street Wilson, James, Glasgow Wilson, James, Kilmarnock Wilson, James, Airdrie Wilson, James, Kilmarnock Wilson, James, Gallowgate Wilson, John, Airdrie Wilson, John, Clyde street, Anderston Wilson, John, Ferguslie Wilson, John, Trongate Wilson, John, Buchanan street [ Wilson, John, clothier, Saltmarket Wilson, John, jun., Edinburgh Wilson, Lorraine, St. Vincent street Wilson, Mr. Argyle street Wilson, Professor, Andersonian University Wilson, R. C., Glasgow Wilson, R. C., Edinburgh Wilson, Rev. Robert, of Tynson Wilson, Richard, Bell street Wilson, Robert, Glasgow Wilson, Robert, Union street Wilson, Robert, sugar refiner, Glasgow Wilson, Robert, Inverness Wilson, Robert, jun., Inverness Wilson, Robt., surgeon, Stranraer Wilson, Wm. Stow, St. Vincent street Wilson, Thomas, Glasgow Wilson, Thomas, High street Steward Wilson, William, Ingram buildings Wilson, William, Oxford street Wilson, William, Queen street Wilson, William, Queen street Steward Wilson, William, Campbellfield Steward Wilson, William, Ingram street Wilson, William, Oxford street Wilson, Wilson Dobie, Glenarbuck Steward Wingate, Alexander, Royal Exchange square Committee Wingate, Andrew, St. Vincent street Wingate, Andrew, jun.. Exchange square Wingate, G. H., Garnetbank Wingate, James, Exchange buildings Wingate, John, Exchange square Wingate, Thomas, Springfield Wingate, William, London Wingate, William, Garnetbank Steward Wingate, William, Queen street Wise, James, Falkirk Wood, Alexander, advocate Wood, Alexander, Edinburgh Wood, Alexander, Stockwell Steward Wood, Alexander, jun., Stockvrell street Wood, Christopher, Leith Woolfield, Samuel, Glasgow Wotherspoon, Andrew, Cochrane street Wotherspoon, William, W. S. W right, Daniel, Robertson street Wright, G., Saxe Coburg place, Edinburgh Wright, Hay, Cleland Testimonial Wright, H. B., Antigua place Wright, J. Innes, St. Vincent street Steward Wright, James, St. Vincent street Steward Wright, John, St. Vincent street Wright, Mr., Stirling Wright, William, Hopetown place Wrigbton, William, St. Vincent place Wright, William, St. Vincent street Wyld, Thomas, merchant. Paisley Wylie, Alexander, Maxwell street Wylie, George, M. D., Paisley Wylie, John Craig, Glasgow Wylie, Robert, Virginia street Wylie, Robert, Paisley Wyse, Dr., K. N. , Yates, Thomas, Hospital street Yorke, Hon. Mr., Yorkshire Young, Alexander, Queen street Young, Alexander, wine merchant, Glasgow Young, Charles, Carlton place Steward Young, George, Queen street Young, George, jun., Glasgow Young, J. H., Candleriggs street Young, James, Auldhousefield Young, James, Barony place Young, James, Glasgow Young, James, Queen street Young, Peter T., West Nile street Young, Rev. James, Waddington Young, William, Auldhousefield Young, William, Barony place Young, William, Montrose street Young, William, Glasgow Steward Yuille, Andrew B., Glasgow Although the foregoing list of names has been carefully transcribed from the Secretary’s books, and notifica- tions inserted in the newspapers requesting Gentlemen to call at the warehouse of the Glasgow publisher to correct any error that may have crept in, it is probable that, from the number of tickets transferred and other causes, there may be some inaccuracies; it is, however, believed they are few. s V' ^ , **i*riH» •ft-. I i, • P • t • •»-’'•' ! . . •»»•- ■', ’ ^ r ^ / ' : - . . • ' i.'i », .•;,*» > ..H • 'U',0 .►*•«• ‘*7 • K :■«>• . jr>i \srrv*»* •’ i '. 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(I ' f rifi •' •'■ ; ■ 3»''1- *'• •■*1' ■ ■• ■ ■ ■ -rt'; ; ?rt 4V ’ •;}>«=. 'I fij&f.; H ... : . < ' •-. f i**T.1jm Mil ; 't^.iilifljl ,<1 li 1 1 141 INDEX. PAGE Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow — Mode of Election, . ... . . . 5 Lord Rectors of the University of Glasgow from 1760 till 1837, 7 Inaugural Address of Sir Robert Peel, Lord Rector, 8 Dinner in the College in honour of the Lord Rector 18 Royal Exchange — Sir Robert Peel’s Visit, 18 Freedom of the City refused to Sir Robert Peel by the Corporation 20 Freedom of the City purchased for Sir Robert Peel by the Conservative Operatives of Glasgow, 20 Address of the Conservative Operatives of Glasgow 21 of the Police Board of Glasgow, .23 of the Merchants’ House of Glasgow, 23 of the Trades’ House of Glasgow, . 24 of the Presbytery of Glasgow 25 of the Educational Society of Glasgow, ......... 26 of the Society for Erecting additional Parochial Churches in Glasgow and Suburbs, . 31 of the Edinburgh Conservative Association, . .34 of the Landholders, Clergy, Merchants, &c. &c. of the County and City of Aberdeen, 35 of the City of Perth, 35 of the Landowners, Magistrates, Manufacturers, &c. of the County of Stirling, . . 36 of the Freeholders, Electors, Justices of the Peace, &c. of the County of Clackmannan, 37 of the Landholders, Farmers, and others, in the Upper District of Annandale, . . 38 of the Provost, Magistrates, and Town Councillors of the Royal Burgh of Jedburgh, 39 of the Magistrates, Bankers, Manufacturers, Traders, and other Inhabitants of Paisley, 39 of the Inhabitants of Cupar Fife and its Vicinity, 40 of the City of St. Andrews, 41 of the Royal Burgh of Dunfermline and its Vicinity 41 of the Magistrates and Council of Anstruther-Wester, 42 of the Magistrates, Burgesses, &c. of Irvine, 42 of the Presbytery of Lanark 44 Freedom of the Royal Burgh of Lanark presented to Sir Robert Peel 43 Invitation to Sir Robert Peel to Dine with the Citizens of Glasgow, 45 Public Meeting of Requisitionists in the Trades’ Hall, . . 45 Festival Office-Bearers and Committees, .... 47 List of Toasts at the Festival, 50 Banqueting Hall and Banquet, 52, 55, 107 Medals struck in Honour of the Lord Rector, 110 List of Noblemen and Gentlemen who occupied the Platforms, 53, 54 Earl of Glasgow— Letters from his Lordship, 53, 143 Important Meeting of the Friends of the Established Church in the Pavilion, . .143 Lord Belhaven — Letter from his Lordship 143 142 Speeches at the Banquet : by the Chairman 55, 56, 57, 83, 91, 92, 104 by Lord Forbes, 56 by the Earl of Hardwicke 56 by Sir Robert Peel, M.P. 57, 92, 104 by Mr. Robert Findlay of Easterhill, 71 by the Rev. Dr. McLeod, Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, 73 by Professor Sir Daniel K. Sandford, Glasgow College, It by the Marquis of Tweeddale, 83 by the Marquis of Lothian, 83 by Mr. Charles Stirling of Gargunnock, 84 by Mr. Ewart Gladstone, M.P. 84 by the Rev. Dr. Patrick M'Farlane of Greenock, ....... 86 by the Very Rev. Principal Macfarlan, Glasgow College, 91 by Mr. John Cross Buchanan of Auchintoshan, 93 by Mr. James Emerson Tennent, M.P 95 by Mr. Robert Monteith, younger, of Carstairs, 99 by Sir William Rae, M.P. 100 by Mr. Patrick Robertson, Advocate, Edinburgh 100 by Mr. Norman M'Leod, Student of Divinity, Glasgow College, . . . .102 by Mr. William Smith of Carbeth-Guthrie, . . . . . . . .103 by Mr. John C. Colquhoun of Killermont, 105 ERRATA. In page 48, 4 lines from the bottom, for Daniel read David. In page 65, 6 lines from the top, and in page 57, 10 lines from bottom, for 3430 read 3330 — 36 tickets were presented to gentlemen who had rendered services to the Committee, which makes up the number of 3330 who dined in the Pavilion. As there were two Gentlemen in the Committees of the same name, it has been thought right to state that Councillor Campbell is the same whose name is mentioned in pages 18, 20, 45, 47, 48; (in Sub- Committee,) in 50 and 63. Allan and Robert Stewart, in page 48, are the same whose names are afterwards spelled Stuart. A dangerous attack of the prevailing epidemic, when these sheets were passing through the press, must plead an apology for rendering the foregoing corrections necessary. PRINTED BY BELL AND BAIN, QUEEN-STREET. 143 ADDENDA. IMPORTANT MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH IN THE PAVILION. On 27th January, 1837, a meeting of the Church Extension Society took place in the Pavilion. When the number, respectability, and moral worth of those who attended the meeting are taken into account, it was undoubtedly the most important that ever took place in Scotland in aid of the Established Church. The public were admitted by tickets; and that the working classes might not be excluded, two were sold for sixpence. On the platform there were forty-two clergymen and fiRy-nine laymen. The seats and passages in the Pavilion were all occupied, and it was ascertained that there were upwards of four thousand five hundred persons present. Lord Belhaven and Stenton,* Lord High Commissioner of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, was to have been in the chair, but was prevented by indisposition. On the motion of the Rev. Dr. M'Leod, Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, Henry Dunlop, Esq. of Craigton, one of the Magistrates of the city and a Vice-President of the Society, was called to the Chair amid great cheering. After returning thanks for the honour done him, the Chairman called on the Rev. Dr. Brown, Minister of St. John’s Church and Parish, who opened the meeting with a most impressive prayer. The whole assembly then united in singing a portion of the 100th Psalm, Mr. Turnbull and the Choir of St. George’s Church leading the music. The Rev. Dr. M‘Leod apologised for the absence of Dr. Chalmers,t and the Rev. Robert Buchanan for the Earl of Glasgow.J The * The Rev. Robert Buchanan of the Tron Church, as Convener of the Local Committee, informed the meeting, that he had that morning received a letter from Lord Belhaven, stating his Lordship’s inability to attend the meeting, in consequence of a severe attack of influenza. Mr. Buchanan then read the following extract from the letter:- “ I assure you, no one can regret my absence more than I do myself. My consolation is, that it is my misfortune and not my fault. I have only, therefore, to request that my apology may be made to the meeting, and to assure them nothing but circumstances over which I had no control could have induced me to absent myself. They may rest satisfied no exertion in my power shall be wanting to forward the great object for which they are met.” (Great applause. ) f The Rev. Dr. M'Leod, rose to apologise for “ the absence of a great man from indisposition, which confined him to bed. If there be one man in the nation who is truly entitled to that appellation, I think it is the father of the scheme for the promotion of which we are this night assembled. (Loud and long continued cheering. ) Not only is he the originator of the scheme, but he is the life and soul of it. Great he is in his own day, but greater still will be his name when we and our children repose in the dust. You all know that I refer to Dr. Chalmers. (Cheers.) That eminent divine, who, a few days ago, I saw in bed, charged me to present his love and affection for you all, and implored that you would accept of an apology for absence in body, and to assure you that his soul was present with you at this meeting. ” ( Great cheering. ) I The Convener of the Local Committee read a letter from the Earl of Glasgow, who is also confined by the pre- vailing epidemic, in which his Lordship says— “ Every feeling of duty and inclination would have prompted me to 144 meeting was then addressed, at great length, by the Rev. Mr. Cunningham of Edinburgh, the Rev. Dr, M‘Leod of St, Columba, the Rev. Mr. Buchanan of the Tron Church, the Rev. Mr. Lorimer of St. David’s Church, Mr. William Brown of Kilmardinny, Mr. Charles Ferguson, younger, of Kilkerran, Mr. Alexander Smollett, younger, of Bonhill, Mr. John Bain of Morriston, one of the Magistrates of the City, and Mr. William Campbell of Dunoon Castle. When Mr. Campbell presented himself, the whole assemblage rose and greeted him with loud and long continued cheers and waving of handker- chiefs. In the course of his speech, the Rev. Mr. Lorimer gave a graphic sketch of the charities of this unassuming philanthropist, who covers his acts of benevolence under the designation of “ a Glasgow Merchant.” After mentioning the liberality of Messrs. Cogan, who had given £500 for the erection of an additional Church at Pollockshaws, Mr. Lorimer said, that Mr. Campbell had already given two thousand pounds in aid of the General Assembly’s scheme, and had promised to give twenty guineas to each of the first hundred Churches which shall be built in connection with the scheme, Mr. Lorimer facetiously stated that his friend had not kept by his promise; for, instead of twenty guineas, he had frequently given fifty, and, in some instances, one hundred guineas for every such Church built. Mr. Collins proposed a vote of thanks to Dr, Chalmers, as Convener of the Committee, and the Rev. Dr. Black a similar compliment to the Chairman, which were carried by acclamation. The assembly then united in singing the following verses of the 122d Psalm to the tune of “ French.” “ Pray that Jerusalem may have Peace and felicity; Let them that love thee and thy peace ^ Have still prosperity. “ Therefore I wish that peace may still Within thy walls remain, And ever may thy palaces Prosperity retain. “ Now, for my friends’ and brethren’s sakes, Peace be in thee. I’ll say. And for the house of God our Lord, I’ll seek thy good alway.” At eleven o’clock, p. m. the Rev. Dr. Smyth of St. George’s Church and Parish closed the proceed- ing with a most impressive prayer, and then pronounced the benediction. The splendour of the Pavilion, exhibiting so much of the beauty, the wealth, and, what is far better, the moral worth of the city, was impressive and exhilirating in the extreme. Few who enjoyed the pri- vilege of being present will ever forget this august spectacle. The voices of 4500 persons uniting in the praise of God, had a soul-stirring effect. attend the meeting had it been in my power. I am sure no call can be so imperative on the mind of every man who values the present or the eternal welfare of his fellow-creatures, and I do not know any duty the exercise of which is so likely to carry with it its own reward in the moral improvement of our brethren, and impressing on their minds that they are responsible and immortal beings — which cannot be expected unless they have access to Church.” ( Great applause. ) PRINTED BY BELL AND BAIN, QUEEN-STREET. /.y^y. /'rom/ofr Skrlthrfl tf/Jlho'f in/ M : ' UiThoUlUV vj^'/y EJ-f as il appeared diuaiii* (lu- f Jiniic-r siveii by the < idzejis o( U> ^1|C Kalwt /.7 i\/r//i///////. ^ • VIFVV OF THE COMMON HALL OK THE IINIVERSIfV Mai'luL’e X?!Macd«aiatd^d^;*toTheTQii§. / /ol/offu/i// a J2Mlu^v£JIacc&ina7^i/ tuT^ JS^- ■r-‘f > j • 'i ■... .’M- • ts- ‘ ♦ % > ./ H •'A •> A ' .' 'j4 .’.A r f « f ,'.«-XV V s £TOal 3oC55 smoamuBmv