EX BIBLIOTHECA 
 
 FRANCES A. YATES 
 
 I 
 
 H. G. GADNEY, ' 
 Bookseller, ! 
 The Turl, Oxford, i 
 
CLARENDON PRESS SERIES 
 
 XENOPHON 
 
 HELLENICA, BOOKS I 
 
 WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 
 
 BY 
 
 G. E. UNDERHILL, M.A. 
 
 FELLOW AND SENIOR TUTOR OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE 
 
 PART I— INTRODUCTION AND TEXT 
 
 OXFORD 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 1907 
 
HENRY FROWDE, M.A. 
 
 PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 LONDON, EDINBURGH 
 NEW YORK AND TORONTO 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The text adopted in the present edition of the first two 
 books of Xenophon's Hellenica follows in the main the last 
 revision of Dindorf, published in 1885, any departures from 
 which are duly noticed as they occur. 
 
 The introduction is divided into several sections. The 
 first tries rather perhaps to raise than to solve the main points 
 in the complicated question as to the method of composition 
 and the intention of the author in these two books, — a 
 question, which, since the criticism of Niebuhr, has been 
 vigorously discussed by Peter, Sievers, Breitenbach, and many 
 other German scholars, but with results on the whole more 
 negative than positive. The views taken in this and in the 
 following section on the equally vexed question of Xenophon s 
 chronology are chiefly based on those advanced by Breiten- 
 bach in his second edition in the Weidmann series of Greek 
 and Latin Classics (Berlin, 1884). The third section en- 
 deavours to supply, from other authorities, what Xenophon 
 himself almost entirely omits, an account of the internal 
 affairs of Athens during the last seven and a half years of the 
 Peloponnesian War ; and for this portion of the introduction 
 Gilbert's Beiirdge zur Innern Geschichte Athens (Leipzig, 
 1877) been found most useful. The fourth section 
 states once again and discusses as briefly as possible the 
 many difiiculties of fact and of law occurring in Xenophon's 
 version of the trial of the Generals after the battle of Arginusae; 
 and any completeness to which it may pretend is mostly due 
 
 A 2 
 
4 
 
 PREFACE, 
 
 to the many valuable suggestions kindly made by Mr. T. 
 Case, Fellow and Tutor of Corpus Cbristi College. 
 
 The notes are intended not only to explain the critical 
 and grammatical difficulties in the text, which, though serious 
 when they do arise, fortunately occur but seldom, but also to 
 supply a commentary upon the history of the times, and to 
 point out even at the risk of repetition the numerous gaps 
 and points of obscurity in Xenophon's narrative. 
 
 To give greater completeness to the Edition, a chrono- 
 logical summary, a running analysis, and a copious index 
 of proper names have been added. 
 
 Finally, the Editor is much indebted to Mr. Evelyn Abbott, 
 Fellow and Tutor of Balliol College, for the great assistance 
 which he has so generously given him, in carrying the book 
 through the press, and for the many corrections and improve- 
 ments which he has made for him throughout the whole 
 work, 
 
 G. E. U. 
 
 Magdalen College, Oxford, 
 
 ApHl, 1888. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 § I. The Composition of the Hellenica. 
 
 Although the writings of Xenophon, known as the Hellenica, 
 have a certain unity of subject in so far as they all treat of Greek 
 history, yet even a cursory examination soon reveals that they 
 fall into two, if not three, parts, distinguished by intervals of 
 time, by differences of style, and apparently by variety of purpose. 
 The first part again subdivides into two, of which the one 
 extends from bk. i. to bk. ii. 3. 10, and continues the history of 
 the Peloponnesian War from the point where it was 
 left in the unfinished work of Thucydides down to ^4o^b^c'° 
 the destruction of the Long Walls of Athens - an 
 event which Thucydides ^ himself takes as marking the end of the 
 war : while the other takes up the course of events again after an 
 interval of six months at ii. 3. 11, and relates what was virtually 
 but another outbreak of the same war, down to the 
 final pacification of Athens by Pausanias king of ^^q^^q*° 
 Sparta. The second part (bks. iii. — vii.) resumes 
 the narrative of Greek history one and a-half years later, and 
 continues it, without any serious break, down to 362 B.C., the 
 year of the battle of Mantinea and the death of β C to 
 Epaminondas. Two questions, therefore, arise at β C. 
 
 once, (i) what is the relation of the first part to the 
 History of Thucydides ? and (2) what is the relation of the parts 
 to one another ? 
 
 As to the first question, evidence both internal and external 
 alike points to books i. ii. being designedly a continuation of 
 Thucydides. Diodorus Siculus (xiii. 42) says ^ζνοφών κα\ θ€6πομ' 
 πος άφ* ωυ anekme θουκυΒί^7]ς την άμχην π€ποίηι/ταί. Dionysius of 
 Halicarnassus " and Marcellinus ^ give similar testimony. And 
 
 » V. 26, ^ Ad Pomp. 4. Vit. Thuc. § 45. 
 
6 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 internal evidence shows that it is not a continuation merely in 
 the sense in which Thucydides continued Herodotus, or Theo- 
 pompus continued Thucydides, by beginning an independent 
 narrative at the point where that of the predecessor stopped ; 
 but that it was written with the express purpose of completing 
 what Thucydides for some unknown reason had left unfinished. 
 On no other hypothesis, except indeed that the beginning of the 
 Hellenica itself is lost (which seems exceedingly unlikely), can it 
 be explained why the author should begin, not only without an 
 introduction— a preliminary which Xenophon dispenses with in 
 other works — but without any explanation, however brief, of the 
 events immediately preceding, and of the persons engaged in 
 them, sufficient to put the reader in a position to understand the 
 further development of their history. On the contrary, Xeno- 
 phon plunges him * in medias res ' with the connecting phrase 
 μ^τα ταύτα, which seems to refer to the battle of Cynossema, 
 previously described by Thucydides \ He is supposed to be 
 already acquainted with Thymochares, the Athenian general, 
 and Agesandridas ^, the Spartan general, who had a few months 
 previously met in battle off Eretria ; and also to know the place, 
 i. e. the Hellespont, where the Athenian and Lacedaemonian 
 fleets were stationed when this second (αύθις) naval engagement 
 took place; while not a word is said of the disaster which 
 Diodorus (xiii. 41) relates to have overtaken Agesandridas off 
 Mount Athos in the interval. Similarly, Dorieus is suddenly 
 represented as sailing from Rhodes to the Hellespont, but in 
 Thucydides ^ he last appears at Miletus, whence Diodorus* tells 
 us that he had been sent by Mindarus to Rhodes. The Athenian 
 generals are introduced with the article (roi? στρατη-γοίς) as if 
 they had been already mentioned ; but we are left to gather 
 from Thucydides ^ that they were Thrasyllus and Thrasybulus. 
 Xenophon omits altogether to mention the movement of the 
 Athenian fleet from Cyzicus to the mouth of the Hellespont ^ 
 and the corresponding movement of the Peloponnesian fleet from 
 Elaeus to Abydos. So, too, (§ 6) Alcibiades sails up from no 
 
 ^ Cf. Time. viii. 107, 108 irpos to μ^τόπωρον . . . υπό tovs avTovs χρύνον^. 
 ^ Thuc. viii. 95. 
 
 ^ viii. 84. * xiii. 38. ^ viii. 104. 
 
 * Cf. Thuc. viii. 107 with i. 1. 2. 
 
§ I. COMPOSITION OF THE HELLENICA, η 
 
 one knows where, and (§ 12) Theramenes comes from Macedonia; 
 whereas Thucydides ^ had left the one in Samos and the other 
 in Athens. The motive of Tissaphernes' journey to the Helles- 
 pont is never stated, and can only be supplied by a reference to 
 Thucydides' narrative All these passages, therefore, seem to 
 take for granted an acquaintance with Thucydides, and if it be 
 further supposed that the last fifteen chapters of Thucydides' 
 eighth book have been lost — for to all appearances an interval of 
 some five or six weeks must have elapsed since the last event 
 mentioned in Thucydides and the first alluded to by Xenophon — 
 even the points of obscurity in them are capable of explanation. 
 
 Again in books i. — ii. 3. 10 Xenophon adopts an annalistic 
 mode of treatment, which it would appear from the later books 
 was entirely foreign to his natural inclination for grouping 
 events together. But so soon as he has brought his narrative 
 down to the surrender of Athens, which Thucydides^ had 
 announced as the goal of his undertaking, he drops this method, 
 and relates the usurpation of the Thirty without any definite 
 marks of time. And the fact that even in the first period 
 he does not adhere consistently * to Thucydides' chronological 
 system of summers and winters, shows still more plainly that he 
 was modelling his own work on that of somebody else. For 
 once ^ he forgets to give the beginning of the year, twice the 
 beginning of the winter^, and, more often than not, he does not 
 notice the end of the summers and winters — data which Thucy- 
 dides never omits. And sometimes before he has finished with 
 the narrative of one year, he anticipates the events of the next ^. 
 Further, Xenophon, like Thucydides, at the end of each year 
 finds a place wherein to put a brief account of contemporary 
 events, e.g. in Persia, Sicily, or elsewhere, which he could not 
 well weave into his main narrative ; but, unlike Thucydides, he 
 does not make it plain at what season of the year m question 
 they occurred Finally, Xenophon ^ skips over the interval of 
 six months which elapsed between the surrender of Athens and 
 the appointment of the Thirty without any definite mark of time 
 
 1 viii. 92, 108. ' viii. 109. 
 
 ' V. 26. * Cp. Introd. § 3 on Xenophon 's Chronology. 
 
 « Probably at i. 5. n. ' i. 4· 20 ; 5. ΐ5· ' Cf. i. i. 31 ; i- 5- 
 « Cf i. I. 37 ; 2. 19 ; 3· I ; 5· 21 ; 6. I. ' ii. I. 8, 9. 
 
8 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 at all, save the mention of an eclipse \ so that, had we his 
 narrative only, we should have no idea that any such interval 
 had occurred. 
 
 All the evidence, therefore, external and internal alike, seems 
 to show that Xenophon purposely intended the first part of the 
 Hellenica to be a completion of Thucydides* unfinished history 
 of the Peloponnesian War. 
 
 In discussing the second question, the relation of the two 
 parts of the Hellenica to each other, we get little to help us from 
 external testimony. A distinction into two parts does indeed 
 seem to be implied in the words of Marcellinus — τα δβ των 
 άλλων €ξ €τών (of the Peloponnesian War) πράγματα άναπληροί 
 Ό τ€ θ€0πομπος κα\ 6 ^ΐ€νοφών, οίς σννάπτ€ΐ την Έλληνικην Ιστορίαν, 
 Similarly, too, Dionysius of Halicarnassus ' speaks of Xeno- 
 phon's third great work as την ^Ελληνικην και ψ (sc. ίστορίαν) 
 κατ€λιπ€ν άτ€λή Θουκυδίδης, iv rj καταλύονται τ€ οί τριάκοντα και τά 
 τ€ίχη των * Αθηναίων^ ά Αακίδαιμήνιοι καθ€ΐλον, αύθις άνίστανται. 
 But both authors seem to make the distinction one of time only, 
 and to regard the two parts as together forming a connected 
 whole. Such a view, however, on a comparison of them, would 
 appear to be quite untenable. 
 
 In books iii. — vii. all the trammels of Thucydides' system of 
 arrangement and chronology disappear. Though they contain 
 the history of forty years, the beginnings of years are only twice 
 noticed*. Summers and winters are no longer taken as formal 
 marks of time, but are casually mentioned only in conjunction 
 with events ^. And the events themselves are no more related 
 year by year in the order that they occurred, but Xenophon 
 groups them together wherever he sees a causal nexus between 
 them, often narrating a connected series of events quite con- 
 tinuously, and then returning to his starting-point in order to 
 bring up the general course of Greek history to the same 
 date^ 
 
 Again, although even in the first two books Xenophon once 
 breaks through the impersonal style of writing, which he had 
 inherited from Thucydides, and in two or three other passages 
 
 ^ ii. 3. 4. ^ Vit Thuc. § 45. ^ Ep. ad Pomp. 4. 
 
 * Cf vii. I. I ; 2. 10. ^ Ci. iii. 2. 6 ; iv. 8. 7. 
 
 β Cf. iii. I. i-iii. 2. 20 with iii. 2. 21-31. ' ii. 3. 56. 
 
§ I. COMPOSITION OF THE HELLENIC A, 9 
 
 adds moral comments, such as are hardly to be found in the 
 earlier historian, still in the later books he allows his own moral 
 and theological proclivities to appear much more on the surface. 
 The general theme of the five books seems to be the rise and 
 downfall of Spartan greatness \ As formerly in Athens, so now 
 at Sparta, power gives birth to νβρις, νβρις to impiety, and 
 impiety soon brings punishment in its train \ Unwarned by 
 examples, the Thebans use their supremacy with an insolence 
 equally great, and are overtaken with a ruin still more rapid. 
 As with states, so with individuals. Dercyllidas and Agesilaus 
 show reverence towards the gods^ and reap an immediate 
 reward for their piety : impiety as quickly meets with punish- 
 ment. Xenophon is no longer the simple annalist of facts ; now 
 he appears in his better known character of the moralist, 
 reading his lessons from the pages of human history. 
 
 The differences of style between the earlier and later books 
 are no less marked. Books i., ii. are disfigured by omissions, 
 by obscurities left unexplained, by unequal and disproportionate 
 treatment of events, ih themselves equally important, by un- 
 accountable breaks and interruptions, and by a general want of 
 finish — of which more hereafter. But books iii.-vii., whatever 
 may be thought of their positive value as historical documents, 
 contain a narrative which is indeed plainly and simply told, but 
 at the same time with an admirable literary finish. In them 
 Xenophon follows the requirements of literary, if not of historical, 
 proportion. No incidents are related at undue length ; no 
 events, which he chooses to bring into his narrative at all, are 
 scamped. The speeches and dialogues so frequently introduced 
 are all appropriate and suitable to the occasion. In passing 
 from the earlier to the later books, we seem to pass from chaos 
 to order. 
 
 Finally, internal evidence seems to point to the earlier and 
 later books of the Hellenics having been written at very difterent 
 dates*. For in i. ii., with one exception, there are no allusions 
 
 I Cf. V. 3. 27 ; 4. I. 2 Cf. V. 4. 12 ; vi. 3. I. 
 
 ' iii. I. 17-19 ; 4. II ; 3. 20. 
 
 * Rosenstiel (De Xenophontis Historiae Graecae parte bis edita") in- 
 geniously tries to show by an examination of the use of certain words, 
 and more especially of 'ίπ^σθαι and άκοΚονθ^ΐν^ and of mpi and αμψί, that 
 
ΙΟ 
 
 INTR OD υ C ΤΙ Ο Ν. 
 
 to any event happening later than 403 B. C, though in several 
 passages such allusions might have been aptly introduced ^ 
 The exception is the last words of ii., where Xenophon speaks 
 of the fidelity of the Athenian democrats to their oath of 
 amnesty as continuing en και vvv. Here Niebuhr long ago 
 pointed out that such praise can only mean that certain definite 
 persons, who had been guilty of certain definite acts during the 
 usurpation of the Thirty, had never down to that time been 
 prosecuted or in any way attacked. Therefore the interval 
 between the Amnesty and the time when these words were 
 written cannot have been very long, not more than ten or fifteen 
 years at most. Now Xenophon returned to Greece after his 
 Asiatic expedition with Cyrus in 394 B.C. He must, therefore, 
 have finished bk. ii. shortly after that date. But the last five 
 books he must have written much later ; for in vi. 4. 37, when 
 recounting the events of 371, 370 B.C., he alludes to the death of 
 Alexander of Pherae in 357 B.C., and in bk. vii. he ends his 
 history with the battle of Mantinea in 362 B.C. 
 
 So far, therefore, it may be concluded that bks. i. and ii. 
 were composed at a time, on a system, and with an object, quite 
 different from bks. iii.— vii. 
 
 But, as already mentioned, the difficulties in bks. i., ii. do 
 not end here : there still remain to be considered the strange 
 omissions, the unequal and disproportionate treatment of events 
 of very varying importance, and the numerous points of obscurity 
 which disfigure these two books. 
 
 To begin with the omissions, which occur not only in the 
 interval between the point where Thucydides ends and 
 
 the Hellenics fall into three parts, the first extending from the beginning 
 to ii. 3. 10, the second from ii. 3. 11 to v. τ. 36, and the third from 
 V. 2 to the end. The first and third parts exhibit, he thinks, a more 
 consistent use of the purely Attic dialect, while the second part is full of 
 lonisms. He therefore conjectures that the first part was written just 
 after Xenophon's return from the expedition of the Ten Thousand, 
 c. 400 B.C., that the second part was first composed immediately after 
 the peace of Antalcidas, 387 B.C., but was re-edited (a hypothesis which 
 he is obliged to make to account for the somewhat indiscriminate use 
 of Attic and Ionic forms) at the same time that the third part was 
 written, i.e. subsequent to 362 B.C. 
 
 ^ Cf. ii. 2. 19 with iii. 5. 8 and vi. 5. 55 ; ii. 4. 30 with iii. 5. 5, etc. 
 
§ I. COMPOSITION- OF THE HELLENIC A, II 
 
 Xenophon begins, but frequently throughout the first two 
 books. Xenophon does not mention ^ the Spartan offers of 
 peace to the Athenians after the battle of Cyzicus, which, 
 Diodorus says, were rejected through the influence of the 
 demagogue Cleophon. The recovery of Pylos by the Lace- 
 daemonians, which the Athenians had held ever since 425 B.C., 
 Xenophon represents as the mere expulsion of some runaway 
 Helots ; and he does not say a word about the unsuccessful ex- 
 pedition which the Athenians sent under Anytus to relieve their 
 garrison in the place ; nor about the recovery by the Megarians 
 of their port of Nisaea at this same time, which had been in 
 the possession of the Athenians since 424 ; nor yet about the 
 battle, which shortly ensued, when the Athenians defeated the 
 Megarians with great slaughter. Again, nothing is said about 
 Alcibiades' plundering expedition against Cyme, though accord- 
 ing to Diodorus^ it was one of the chief causes of the complaints 
 against him, which brought about his downfall. Similarly'*, Xeno- 
 phon does not tell how in the year of his admiralty Lysander 
 organized the oligarchical clubs in Asiatic Greece and the 
 Aegean, which, after the battle of Aegospotami, did such good 
 service to the Lacedaemonian cause. In bk. ii.^ Xenophon omits 
 the selection of an oligarchical committee of Five at Athens, after 
 the surrender of the city, who were called Ephors out of com- 
 pliment to Sparta, and the struggle of some months between the 
 oligarchs and democrats before the appointment of the Thirty, 
 wherein, as a preliminary step, many of the generals, taxiarchs, 
 and other important persons belonging to the democratic party 
 were arrested. He omits, too, the third visit ^ of Lysander to 
 Athens in the autumn of 404 B.C., during which the Thirty were 
 appointed, and also Lysander's further exploits in the Aegean in 
 the next six months ; and, stranger still, he omits to notice 
 
 ^ Cf. i. I. 23 with Diod. xiii. 52, Nepos Ale. 5. The Scholiast on 
 Arist. Frogs 1580, speaks of a second similar application after Arginusae, 
 which, if authentic, is also omitted by Xenophon. 
 
 =^ Cf. i. 2. 18 with Diod. xiii. 64, 65. 
 
 ^ Cf. i. 5. 15 with Diod. xiii. 73. 
 
 * Cf. i. 6. 4, ii. 2. 5 with Diod. xiii. 70, 104, 14. 10, andPliU. Lys. 5. 
 
 * Cf. ii. 3. 2 with Lysias xii. 43. 
 
 * Cf. ii. 3. 2 with Lysias xiii. 15. 
 
12 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Alcibiades' murder^ and the share that Lysander had in bringing 
 it about. So, too, the cruel decree - of the Spartans, forbidding 
 any Greek state to give shelter to the Athenian exiles, is passed 
 over ; and the ultimate fate ^ of the Thirty themselves is dis- 
 missed in a single unintelligible phrase. 
 
 Obscurities due to the omission of some important link in the 
 chain of events, or to excessive brevity, are even more numerous. 
 It has been already shown how Xenophon presupposes a know- 
 ledge of Thucydides, and that even then more has to be supplied 
 to fill up the interval of six weeks between the two narratives ; 
 but the same defects are noticeable throughout. For example, the 
 newly-appointed generals coming from Syracuse are made to 
 take over the fleet at Miletus, which Xenophon had represented 
 as built and still in dock at Antandros Thrasyllus was sent 
 to Athens to procure reinforcements for the Athenian armament 
 in the Hellespont ^ ; but when at last he is given them, he takes 
 them, without a word of explanation, to Ionia. No reason is 
 assigned for the Lacedaemonian ambassadors and Hermocrates 
 attaching themselves to the Athenian ambassadors ^, to whom 
 Pharnabazus promised a safe conduct to the Persian king after 
 the capture of Byzantium. These ambassadors at Gordium 
 meet other Lacedaemonian ambassadors returning from the 
 king "^, who are introduced with the definite article, as if already 
 mentioned. What finally became of Hermocrates, when he 
 attempted to return to Syracuse, is never stated Callicratidas 
 at an important crisis sent ships to Sparta to procure supplies ^, 
 but nothing more is heard of them. Though in 409 B.C. 
 Chalcedon was not captured by the Athenians yet in 405 B.C. 
 it appears in their possession. Theramcnes" in his defence 
 against Critias refers, as to a well-known fact, to the banishment 
 of Thrasybulus, Anytus, and Alcibiades, although not a word 
 has previously been said about them. After the death of 
 Theramenes the Thirty forbid all βξω τον καταλόγου to enter the 
 city^^ ; but it nowhere appears that they had been previously 
 
 ^ Cf ii. 3. 42 with Plut. Ale. 39 and Nep. Ale. 10. 
 ^ Cf. ii. 4. I with Lysias. xii. 99 and Diod. xiv. 6. 
 ^ ii. 4· 43. * i. I. 26 and 31. M. I. 8 and i. 2. 2. 
 
 ® i. 3· 13. M. 4. 2. 8 i. I. 27-29; 4. 7. ^ i. 6. 8,9. 
 
 i. 3. 8 and ii. 2. i. " Cf. ii. 3. 44 with 13, 14, 21. jj ^ j 
 
§ I. COMPOSITION OF THE HELLENIC A. 1 3 
 
 driven out. Finally the Ten in the Piraeus are introduced with 
 the definite article, although never before mentioned \ 
 
 Still more unaccountable is the curious inequality and dispro- 
 portionate length with which many episodes are treated. Per- 
 sonal details, as any one acquainted with the other writings of 
 Xenophon might expect, are often given with considerable 
 fulness, like the negotiations between Lysander and Cyrus ^, 
 the stratagem whereby Conon contrived to send to Athens news 
 of his blockade in Mytilene^, the measures adopted by Eteonicus 
 to quell the mutiny of his troops at Chios*, the execution of 
 Theramenes^, and the device of the oligarchical engineer to 
 hinder the advance of Thrasybulus' siege engines*. On the other 
 hand, many important events are dismissed in a few words, e.g. 
 the expulsion of the Philo-Laconian party from Thasos and the 
 consequent exile of Pasippidas ; the capture of Selybria ^ ; the 
 joint attack of Thrasybulus and Alcibiades upon Phocaea ^ ; the 
 capture of Delphinium by the Spartans ; the accusation of 
 Erasinides πβρί στρατηγίας after Arginusae ; the στάσις in 
 which the demagogue Cleophon was slain ; the revolt of the 
 Athenian allies and the institution of Harmosts and Decarchies 
 after the battle of Aegospotami ; the amnesty of Patroclides 
 by which he attempted to unite all parties at Athens to sustain 
 the coming siege ; the opposition offered to Theramenes' pro- 
 posals for peace with Sparta and the ultimate surrender of the 
 city^*; the appointment of the Thirty at Athens ; the return of 
 Thrasybulus and the democratic exiles, and their reorganization 
 of the constitution ; and lastly, the annihilation of the Thirty 
 at Eleusis, and the final amnesty of Thrasybulus^"^. There is the 
 same want of proportion in the speeches reported in these two 
 books. While the speech of Alcibiades to his fleet before the 
 battle of Cyzicus is dismissed in three lines ^"^, the speeches of 
 Callicratidas to the discontented Lacedaemonians and to the 
 Milesian assembly are given at some length Similarly, only 
 the bare subject of Alcibiades' speeches before the Athenian 
 
 ^ ii. 4. 19. ^ i. 5. 2-7. ^ i. 6. 19-21. * ii. i. 1-4. 
 
 • ii. 3. 56. · ii. 4. 27. ^ i. I. 32. « i. 3. 10. » i. 5. 11. 
 
 " i. 5. 15. i. 7· 2 ; 7· 35· "· 2. 6 ; 2.5; 3. 6. 
 
 w ii. 2. II. " ii. 2. 22-23. " ii- 3· 2. ii. 4. 39; 43· 
 
 " ii.4.43. i. I. 14. i. 6. 5, 8-1 1. 
 
 - 11. 3· 50. 
 " ϊ· 5. 15. 
 
 19 11 - - . 
 
14 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 senate and assembly on his return from exile is indicated ^ ; 
 whereas the speeches of Euryptolemus in defence of the 
 generals ^, and of Critias and Theramenes delivered on occas- 
 sions of certainly no greater importance, are reported at an 
 extraordinary length — greater, indeed, than any in the five later 
 books. 
 
 To account for these defects various theories, more or less 
 plausible, but none very satisfactory, have been started. Some 
 of them may be at once dismissed. Thus there is no evidence, 
 either internal or external, to show that for these two books 
 Xenophon used the materials already collected by Thucydides 
 for the completion of his work. Such a hypothesis furnishes no 
 explanation whatever why some events should have been put in 
 and others left out, why some parts should have been elaborated 
 and others not, especially as in the more elaborated portions, e.g. 
 the long speeches of Euryptolemus, Critias, and Theramenes, 
 there are no traces of Thucydides' peculiarities of style. Still 
 less defensible is the theory that in their present shape bks. 
 i., ii. are an epitome of a larger work of Xenophon's own. For 
 the characteristics of an epitome are to leave out unimportant 
 details altogether, and to give a summary of the whole, laying 
 most emphasis on the events of most importance. But in these 
 books the case is frequently reversed. 
 
 More worthy of examination is Siever's* theory, that these 
 defects of omission and commission are due to Xenophon's par- 
 tiality for Sparta and her constitution. In support of his view, he 
 adduces the omission of the humiliating offers of peace through 
 the mouthpiece of the ephor Endius after the defeat of Cyzicus ; 
 of the crushing defeat of the Megarians just after they had suc- 
 ceeded in recovering their port at Nisaea ; of Agis' unsuccessful 
 sally from Decelea right up to the walls of Athens ; of Lysander's 
 organization of the oligarchical clubs among the Asiatic Greeks; 
 of Lysander's cruel conduct towards the Milesians ' ; of the 
 violent measures whereby Lysander set up the Thirty at Athens; 
 of the part which Lysander played in procuring the assassination 
 of Alcibiades — to which might be added the defective account 
 Xenophon gives of the recovery of Pylos by the Lacedaemonians, 
 
 ^ i. 4. 20. 2 7^ 16-33. 3 ii 2. 24-49. 
 
 * Comment. Inst, de Xen. Hell. * Diod. xiii. 104. 
 
§ I. COMPOSITION OF THE HE LI Ε NIC A. 15 
 
 and the mean motive that he attributes to king Pausanias for 
 checkmating Lysander's design of extermination against the 
 Athenian exiles under Thrasybulus\ But an almost equal 
 number of omissions may be collected of incidents favourable to 
 Sparta, and of insertions of things damaging to her reputation. 
 Thus Xenophon never has a word of praise for Lysander, 
 although he was the victor at Aegospotami, and the main cause 
 of the downfall of Athens ; and he evidently has a much greater 
 admiration not only for the unsuccessful Callicratidas, between 
 whose unselfish and patriotic behaviour and Lysander's mean- 
 ness and ambition a tacit contrast is manifestly implied ; but 
 even for the hesitating Pausanias, who throughout showed him- 
 self at heart the consistent friend of Athens. Again, Xenophon 
 omits the recapture of Nisaeaby the Megarians,and the capture 
 of Chios, Iasos,and Sestos by the Peloponnesians — all Lacedae- 
 monian successes most damaging to Athens. On the other hand, 
 he relates in full the disastrous defeats of the Peloponnesians at 
 Abydos, Cyzicus, and Arginusae, and even gives verbatim Hippo- 
 crates' pitiable letter to the Spartan government. Neither does 
 he gloze over the appointment of the ruffian Callibius to be har- 
 most at Athens, or the enormities committed by the Thirty under 
 his sanction and under the protection of the Spartan garrison. 
 Moreover, to take the converse of the theory, it seems to be just 
 as much a matter of accident what incidents Xenophon happens 
 to insert or omit favourable or damaging to the reputation of 
 Athens. Thus, on the one side he does not relate the nefarious 
 intrigues of the oligarchical party after the battle of Aegos- 
 potami, their appointment of the Five Ephors, their arrest under 
 various pretences of the leading democrats, and their base 
 invitation of Lysander to help them in suppressing the demo- 
 cracy. But on the other side, though he does indeed relate how 
 conscience-stricken the Athenians felt after the battle of Aegos- 
 potami, fearing that now they themselves would suffer the fate 
 that they had inflicted on defenceless people Hke the Melians, 
 yet he omits Cleophon's opposition to Endius' offer of peace 
 after the battles of Cyzicus and Arginusae, and his still more 
 foolish opposition" to the comparatively mild conditions first 
 offered by Sparta during the siege of Athens. Neither does he 
 ' ii. 4. 29 φθονησα$ Ανσάνδρφ. Diod. xiii. 65, 104, 106. 
 
i6 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 record the failure of Anytus' expedition to relieve Pylos, and the 
 subsequent trial of that demagogue, when he only escaped 
 condemnation by bribing his judges, this being, as Diodorus^ 
 tells us, the first known instance of corruption in an Athenian 
 law court. 
 
 It would seem, therefore, that Siever's theory is equally un- 
 tenable with the others, and that Niebuhr's criticism is quite 
 justified, that, however Philo.-Laconian Xenophon may show 
 himself in the five later books, his narrative in bks. i., ii. is quite 
 impartial. 
 
 Later critics^ have tried to discover traces of personal 
 prejudice. Enough has already been said about Lysander, 
 Callicratidas, and Pausanias, to dispose of the charge in their 
 case ; but Xenophon's picture of Alcibiades deserves more 
 notice. It is true that he passes over some of Alcibiades' most 
 splendid exploits in a word or two, like his capture of Selybria ^, 
 his escort of the Eleusinian procession by land, and his success- 
 ful speeches in defence before the Athenian Senate and the 
 Assembly. But, on the other hand, he passes still more briefly 
 over his failure at Andros, his marauding expeditions from 
 Samos in the winter of 408-407, for which the first complaints 
 were brought against him at Athens, and his final disgrace and 
 loss of his generalship ; and he omits altogether the scandalous 
 tales which Plutarch and other authorities delight to retail 
 against him. Moreover, he even enlarges on the favourable 
 feelings with which far the larger section of the Athenian people 
 welcomed him on his return, while he dismisses the murmurs of 
 his enemies against him in a few scarcely intelligible lines ; and 
 he dwells at some length on the patriotic advice which Alcibiades 
 gave the careless Athenian generals just before the battle of 
 Aegospotami, suppressing the fact, which Diodorus* relates, 
 that the would-be patriot was at the same time actuated by 
 motives of private interest. The defects, therefore, in his picture 
 of Alcibiades are neither more nor less than those to be found 
 in his sketches of other persons, like Hermocrates, Callicratidas, 
 and Conon, with whom he was certainly more in sympathy. 
 
 So far then the above examination has brought us only to 
 ^ xiii. 64. Cf. Hertzberg, Alcibiades. 
 
 » Cf Plut. Ale. 30. * xiii. 105. 
 
§ I. COMPOSITION OF THE HELLENICA, 1 7 
 
 the negative result, that there is no single key whereby to solve 
 all the difficulties with which bks. i., ii. abound ; and, indeed, 
 that many of them admit of no explanation whatever. In some 
 cases we can perhaps see that Xenophon's fondness for personal 
 anecdote or interest in the art of war has led him to narrate 
 little incidents, in themselves of no importance, at dispropor- 
 tionate length, but personal feelings either one way or the other 
 do not help us to account for his omissions. Perhaps the most 
 obvious theory to explain them is to regard them as due to want 
 of personal knowledge ; but even on this theory we can see no 
 particular reason why Xenophon's treatment of events should 
 be so uneven. For events occurring almost simultaneously at 
 Athens, on the Hellespont, in Ionia, and elsewhere are related 
 in one place with unaccountable fulness, in another with 
 unaccountable brevity ; and no known incidents of his life at all 
 explain the difference. 
 
 Everything, therefore, would seem to point to Breitenbach's 
 conclusion, hesitating though it is, being the true one, that bks. 
 i., ii. are an attempt to complete the work of Thucydides, on the 
 model of which they are manifestly planned, but are themselves 
 for some reasons, which there is not evidence enough fully to 
 explain, left unfinished ; and that this want of finish is apparent 
 both in the defective compilation of the materials, in which so 
 much has been shown to be wanting ; in the unequal treatment 
 of the several parts, some of which seem to be only provisionally 
 introduced; and in the obvious imperfection of the chronological 
 arrangement, which falls so far short of Thucydides' system. 
 
 None the less it remains true, that Xenophon is far the best 
 and most reliable authority for the last six and a-half years of 
 the Peloponnesian War, and for the following usurpation of the 
 Thirty. The orators Andocides, Isocrates, and Lysias, and the 
 historians Diodorus and Plutarch, when they deal with the 
 same events, can be used only to supplement, not to correct, 
 Xenophon's narrative. Andocides and Isocrates indeed agree 
 with Xenophon in all essentials, except that the latter always 
 tends to exalt the character of Alcibiades, while Lysias was too 
 violent a partisan of the democracy, and too much implicated in 
 the events of the time for his authority to be preferred above 
 that of Xenophon— e.g. in the picture he draws of Theramenes. 
 
 Β 
 
i8 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Diodorus seems to have followed Theopompus for his history 
 of the years 41 1-404, and Ephorus for that of the years 404-403. 
 Hence so long as he follows the former, who, having been exiled 
 from Chios for his support of Sparta, was a violent oligarch and 
 philo-Laconian, his narrative is intensely hostile to the Athenian 
 democracy. Only in the bare facts is there any agreement 
 between him and Xenophon, and even in these there are most 
 extraordinary discrepancies, many of them owing to Diodorus' 
 own carelessness in matters of chronology, which is so great that 
 he often mixes up the events of different years \ At Athens Alci- 
 biades and Theramenes are his heroes, and are painted in the 
 brightest colours. Every incident tending to glorify Sparta and 
 the Spartan constitution is exaggerated. Every incident to the 
 contrary is carefully softened down or altogether suppressed. 
 Ephorus, on the other hand, was an impartial and truth-loving 
 historian, and appears himself to have made considerable use of 
 Xenophon's writings; and so with the change of the authority 
 there is an evident change in the tone of Diodorus' narratives. 
 
 Plutarch, in his Lives of Alcibiades and Lysander, seems to 
 have used both Ephorus and Theopompus, the former by 
 preference. But his purpose being biographical, he aims rather 
 to bring out the personal characteristics of his heroes by intro- 
 ducing striking stories and anecdotes than to give a consecutive 
 account of a series of events. Still his two biographies are often 
 useful for filling up some of the worst gaps in Xenophon's 
 narrative : though wherever they differ in their accounts of the 
 same events, Xenophon is always to be preferred. 
 
 If, therefore, it is in contrast with Thucydides' unequalled 
 history of the first twenty and a-half years of the Peloponnesian 
 War, that Xenophon's account of its conclusion in Hellenics i., ii. 
 appears so meagre and unsatisfactory, it is in contrast with 
 Diodorus and Plutarch that we are led to appreciate his merits. 
 The later historian cares for history not for its own sake, but as 
 an * opus oratorium ' in which he can display his own surprising 
 talents. The biographer, however charming and artistic the 
 result, evidently uses the facts of history only * to point a moral 
 and adorn a tale.' Xenophon alone by his simple and unvar- 
 
 ^ For an exhaustive comparison of Xenophon and Diodorus' chron- 
 ology cf. Sievers, Xen. Hellenica. 
 
§ CHRONOLOGY, 
 
 19 
 
 nished style, by his evident impartiality and love of truth, even 
 too by the very defects, which, however they may mar and 
 disfigure his narrative, yet by their wholly fortuitous and 
 unaccountable occurrence, tend rather to confirm its truth — 
 leaves upon the mind of his reader the impression that his 
 history, so far as it goes, is a history of facts. 
 
 § 2. Xenophon's Chronology. 
 Correct Chronology. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 Olym. 
 
 Yea)' of 
 War. 
 
 Arch on. 
 
 Ephor. 
 
 411 
 410 
 409 
 408 
 407 
 406 
 405 
 404 
 
 92- 2 
 923 
 92.4 
 
 93- 1 
 93-2 
 93-3 
 93-4 
 94.1 
 
 2lSt 
 2211(1 
 2 3rd 
 24th 
 25th 
 26th 
 27th 
 28th 
 
 Theoponipus 
 
 Glaucippus 
 
 Diodes 
 
 Euctemon 
 
 Antigenes 
 
 Callias 
 
 Alexias 
 
 Pythodorus 
 
 Misgolaidas 
 
 Isias 
 
 Aracus 
 
 Evarchippus 
 
 Pantacles 
 
 Pityas 
 
 Archytas 
 
 Endius 
 
 Chronology of the Hellenica. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 Olym. 
 
 Year of 
 War. 
 
 Archon. 
 
 Ephor. 
 
 411 
 410 
 409 
 408 
 407 
 406 
 405 
 404 
 
 93 
 
 33rd 
 
 25 th 
 26th 
 
 Euctemon 
 Antigenes 
 
 Callias 
 
 Alexias 
 Pythodorus 
 
 Evarchippus 
 Pantacles 
 
 Pityas 
 
 Archytas 
 
 Endius 
 
 P. 2 
 
20 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In the first two books of the Hellenica we find that not 
 only is the beginning of each year of the war marked by 
 such phrases as τω bk αΧΚω erei, roC cniovros erovs, αρχομίνον 
 €αρος^, (where Xenophon is evidently following the system 
 of Thucydides^), but in several passages additional accuracy 
 is apparently given by the mention of Olympiads, the year 
 of the war, or the names of the eponymous archons and ephors, 
 and also by the notice of contemporary events in Persia and 
 Sicily ^ But by all recent commentators such passages have 
 been suspected, and in most cases with justice, to be inter- 
 polations. 
 
 It is true that both Herodotus and Thucydides occasionally 
 give the names of Olympic victors : but Herodotus sometimes 
 simply styles a man Όλνμπωρίκης * as a general mark of distinc- 
 tion without specifying any particular victory, and sometimes 
 relates the victories, whether in the chariot race ^, pentathlum ^, 
 or pancratium ' , as incidents in the lives of eminent men like 
 Miltiades the Athenian or Demaratus the Spartan ; but in no 
 case does he use an Olympiad to fix a date. Thucydides once ^ 
 like Herodotus uses the epithet ^Ολυμπιονίκης as the mark of a 
 distinguished man : twice ® however he gives the name of the 
 victor to help fix the date, in the first instance not specifying 
 the contest, in the second taking the name of the victor in the 
 pancratium ; but in both instances the celebration of the 
 Olympic festival has an intimate connection with his general 
 history of the war, and is not introduced merely as a chrono- 
 logical datum. Moreover, Polybius^'^ expressly states that 
 Timaeus, the Sicilian historian, (flor. 264 B.C.) was the first 
 to use the Olympiad as a chronological era, for which, however, 
 the list of the victors in the less famous stadium or foot-race 
 was chosen. Nevertheless, in i. 2. i the 23rd year of the war 
 is called the 93rd Olympiad (really it was the third year of the 
 92nd) : and in ii. 3. i the Olympiad is denoted by the name of 
 the victor in the stadium. 
 
 M. 2. I ; 3. I ; 4. 2 ; 6. I ; ii. I. 10 ; 3. i. 
 
 ^ V. 20. M. I. 37 ; 2. 19 ; 5. 21 ; ii. 2. 24. 
 
 * V. 47, 71, * vi. 36, 70; ix. 103, 125. ^ vi. 92 ; ix. 75. 
 
 ^ ix. 105. ^ i. 126. ^ iii. 8 ; v. 49 ; cf. 50. 
 
 xii. 12, 
 
§ 2. CHRONOLOGY, 
 
 21 
 
 Again, Herodotus ^ once mentions the name of the eponymous 
 archon at Athens to fix the date of one particular event, the 
 invasion of Attica by the Persians ; and Thucydides ^ sometimes 
 gives the archon, ephor, and even the priestess of the Argive 
 Hera, to mark some unusual occurrence ; but neither of them 
 ever use these official lists to distinguish successive years. 
 Further, in two passages the names given in the text of the 
 Hellenica are incorrect : for in ii. 3. 9, 10, a continuous list of 
 twenty-nine ephors appears (probably inserted by a later hand), 
 in which Pantacles immediately precedes Pityas, whereas Xeno- 
 phon makes two whole years, if not three, elapse between i. 3. i 
 and i. 6. i, where Pantacles and Pityas are respectively men- 
 tioned, to mark the beginning of the years ; and exactly the 
 same mistake is made with the archons. Evidently therefore 
 the interpolator must have had before him complete lists of the 
 ephors and archons, must have known the right names for the 
 year 404, and then reckoned backwards from that year, but 
 unfortunately overlooked the beginning of a new year in i. 4. 2, 
 where no magistrates are mentioned, and also of the year the 
 beginning of which Xenophon has omitted to mark at all. Of 
 this however more below. 
 
 In three passages * the numbers of the years of the Pelopon- 
 nesian War occur. In the first the number 22 is right, and 
 evidently depends on a comparison with Thuc. viii. 60, 109. 
 The interpolator here, however, noticed the αρχομένου τον capos 
 of i. 4. 2, though in that passage he did not insert the year of the 
 war; so that, when Xenophon again resumes in i. 6. i with a 
 τω δ' iiTLovTL €Teiy he says that twenty-four years of warfare were 
 now over. Really, however, the Peloponnesian War had con- 
 tinued for twenty-five years ; and the interpolator was betrayed 
 into this mistake, because Xenophon narrates the events of one 
 year (407-406) ° without marking its beginning at all. So again 
 in the third passage, instead of twenty-five years, it should be 
 twenty-six. Thus the interpolator makes the war down to the 
 surrender of Athens in the spring of 404 last only twenty-six 
 
 ^ viii. 51. 
 
 8 Cf. i. 4. 12. 
 
 * Cf. note on i. 5. II. 
 
 ii. I ; V. 19. 
 * i. 3. I ; 6. I ; ii. I. 7. 
 
22 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 years, whereas Thucydides^ distinctly states that it lasted almost 
 exactly twenty-seven years, April 431 to April 404". 
 
 As for the notices of Persian and Sicilian history, though it is 
 certain that the chronology of the Hellenica does not at all agree 
 with that in Diodorus Siculus, yet, as that author in well-known 
 cases is so exceedingly inexact in his dates, this disagreement does 
 not amount to much of an argument against them. The pas- 
 sages on Sicilian history, however, seem to be inconsistent with 
 each other. For in i. i. 37 Hannibal is said in 411 B.C. to 
 have captured the cities of Selinus and Himera ; whereas in 
 i. 2. 8, 10, 12 some Selinuntine ships are still found in 410 in the 
 Aegean, acting as Peloponnesian allies, although Diodorus 
 specially states^ that they were recalled to Sicily before the 
 capture of the city. Again, the capture of Acragas is related 
 twice over, once as happening in the year 407, and the second 
 time as happening in 405. Diodorus puts it in the year 406. 
 There is a similar inconsistency in one of the two references to 
 Persian history. For in ii. i. 8, 9 an event is assigned to the 
 year 406, which it appears from Diodorus could only have hap- 
 pened in the year 405. The other reference, i. 2. 19, states a 
 mere fact, which there is no means of confirming or denying. 
 Inaccuracies of this kind, however, in a work left in so unfinished 
 a state as bks. i. ii. of the Hellenica, hardly constitute a suffi- 
 cient reason for bracketing them as spurious, especially when it 
 is remembered that it was the custom of Thucydides, on whose 
 system these books are evidently modelled, to insert at the end 
 of each six months of his narrative such events as owing e.g. to 
 their occurring in a different scene of the war, he could not 
 weave into the main thread of his history. 
 
 We are left, therefore, for our genuine chronological data, 
 only with the phrases τον €πιόντος €τονς κ.τ.λ, which serve to 
 mark the beginnings of the successive years of the war, supple- 
 mented occasionally by additional marks of time like άρχομίνον 
 χ€ΐμωνυς, χ€ΐμων enijcL κ.τ.λ. ; and here we are met by a fresh 
 difficulty. For Xenophon continues Thucydides from the point 
 where he breaks off in his narrative of the 21st year of the war 
 
 ^ V. 20, 26. For the list of ephors in ii. 3. 9, 10, cf. note ad loc. 
 
 3 xiii. 61. 
 
§ 7,. CHRONOLOGY. 
 
 in 41 1 Β. c. Since the war ended in May 404, there ought to be 
 seven such notices of the beginning of a new year : as a matter 
 of fact, Xenophon gives only six ; somewhere or other therefore 
 he has left one out, and the question arises, at what point ? 
 
 Dodwell, Schneider, and Weiske would begin a new year at 
 i. I. II. But the events that Xenophon narrates between §§ II 
 and 37 are all closely connected with each other, as well as by 
 definite marks of time (cf. § 27 ei hk τω χρόνω τούτω, § 32 κατά τον 
 καιροί/ τοΟτοι/), and cannot well be spaced over a whole year. 
 Herbst and others put the beginning of 407 B.C. at i. 4. 8, but in 
 that case it is hard to discover what were the movements of Alci- 
 biades between the capture of Byzantium in 409 B. c. (cf. i. 3. 
 21) and his arrival at Samos (i. 4. 8) in 407, and how he could 
 have ventured to return to Athens, if he had known of the 
 intrigues between Cyrus and Lysander, which began in 408 B.C., 
 and which they took such careful measures to conceal (i. 4. 1-8). 
 
 It is better, therefore, with Breitenbach\ to suppose the 
 omission to occur at i. 5. il. For in i. 4. 21-23 Xenophon has 
 brought down his narrative of Alcibiades' doings in the winter 
 of 408-407 to his operations round Samos as his headquarters, 
 which may very well have lasted till March or April 407. And 
 in i. 5. I -10 he tells us how Lysander, with the assistance of 
 Cyrus, was occupied in collecting and fitting out a new Pelopon- 
 nesian fleet, for which the Avinter months would be specially 
 appropriate. Then having brought down his narrative of the 
 movements on either side to the same point of time, he resumes 
 at § II his account of their mutual operations against each 
 other, which would naturally show fresh activity at the beginning 
 of spring. 
 
 No sooner has Xenophon concluded the history of the Pelo- 
 ponnesian War with the story of the surrender of Athens, than 
 he abandons Thucydides' system of chronology altogether. He 
 does indeed mark the beginning of the year 404-403 with a τω 
 δ* €πιόντί eVct^, but we are left to gather the respective times of 
 the next year and a-half s events from the accidental mention of 
 an eclipse (ii. 3. 4), of the end of summer (ii. 3. 9), of snow (ii. 4. 3), 
 of the eight months' duration of the rule of the Thirty (ii. 3. 21), 
 
 » Jahrbuch f. Phil, und Pad. 1872. 
 
 " ii. 3. I. 
 
24 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 and of ripe fruit (ii. 4. 25). In fact, in this section of the 
 book, Xenophon begins the practice, which he consistently 
 follows throughout the rest of the Hellenica, of grouping events 
 together, not according to the times at which they happened, 
 but according to their causal connection. 
 
 § 3. Internal History of Athens, 411-403 B.C. 
 
 After the expulsion of the Four Hundred in the spring of 
 
 1 July 411 4^ I the Athenian constitution became a modi- 
 B.C. to June fied democracy, which Thucydides ^ declares to 
 
 410 B.C. have been the best government that the Athenians 
 ever enjoyed within his memory. The two leading features were 
 the abolition of all paid offices of whatever kind, and the limitation 
 of the full citizenship to such Athenians as could furnish them- 
 selves with arms at their own expense. It was thus the nearest 
 approach that we read of in Greek history to Aristotle's ideal 
 πολιτεία ^, or model democracy, being based chiefly on the 
 middle class, and combining in itself the best elements of 
 oligarchy and democracy. 
 
 But though this constitution had already received* the ap- 
 proval of Alcibiades, and the Assembly had actually passed 
 a decree for his recall, the breach still remained open between 
 the Athenians in the city and the Athenians on board the fleet. 
 The latter could not have been less than 10,000 in number, 
 and had just unmistakeably shown their democratical zeal in 
 suppressing the simultaneous conspiracy of the oligarchical 
 party in their midst ^ : in fact, it was not until the return of 
 Alcibiades three years later, in 408, that this breach was finally 
 healed. Till then the city and the fleet were almost as much 
 separated as two independent states ; the city annually elected 
 the usual number of ten generals ; the fleet still retained at its 
 head Alcibiades, Thrasybulus, Thrasyllus, and apparently the 
 
 ^ The Athenian year began with the ist of Hecatombaeon (c. the 
 middle of July), when the magistrates entered upon their offices, 
 viii. 97. ^ Ar. Pol. iv. 8. 3. 
 
 * Thuc. viii. 86, 97. ^ Thuc. viii. 75, 76. 
 
§ 3· INTERNAL HISTORY. 
 
 25 
 
 Other generals whom they had chosen at the time of the revo- 
 lution^. Theramenes and Thrasyllus alone acted as a sort of 
 go-betweens : for the former, being sent out by the city in 41 1 to 
 try to prevent the Boeotians and Euboeans from building a 
 dam across the Euripus, and failing in that object, finally joined 
 Alcibiades at the Hellespont, and did not return to Athens till 
 three years afterwards : while the latter, after the victory at 
 Abydos in the autumn of 411, was despatched to Athens for 
 reinforcements. 
 
 When at last these two divisions of the Athenian people 
 again united, the union was due on the one side to a return 
 at Athens, more or less complete, to the old extreme fonn of 
 democracy, and on the other to the extraordinary successes 
 of the ραυτικος όχλος under the command of Alcibiades. It is 
 these changes and their connection with each other that must 
 now be traced. 
 
 At the same time that the Four Hundred had been deposed, 
 Thucydides tells us '\ a board of Nomothetae had been appointed 
 with the object, if we may argue from the analogous appointment 
 after the suppression of the Thirty in 403 ^, of adapting the old 
 Solonian laws to the new constitution. Four months were 
 assigned them for their work. But it would appear that nothing 
 was really done : for six years afterwards Nicomachus, one of 
 their number and called άναγρηφ^υς των νόμων had not yet 
 sent in an account of his office, and c. 399 B.C. he was accused 
 of having taken bribes to illegally alter and otherwise tamper 
 with the special laws assigned to him for revision ^. Thus the 
 new constitution was never really put upon a permanent legal 
 footing, and party feeling, which had shown itself in the con- 
 demnation of the most extreme of the oligarchical leaders, like 
 Antiphon and Archeptolemus, was still too much excited to 
 allow things to remain long as they were. In the early autumn 
 of 41 1 B.C. ^ the Athenians at home had been greatly encouraged 
 by the news of their partial success at Cynossema. In the 
 winter the general Thrasyllus, who had been one of the demo- 
 cratical leaders at Samos, had arrived at Athens with the 
 
 ^ Time. viii. 76. 
 
 ^ Cp. Andocides, Myst. § 83. 
 
 * Cp. Lysias 1. c. 
 
 ^ viii. 97. 
 
 * Lysias, xxx. §§ 2, 11, 28. 
 ® Thuc. viii. 106. 
 
26 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tidings of a fresh victory at Abydos, and with a request for 
 
 July 410 reinforcements for the fleet. And in the spring 
 B.C. to June of 410 B.C. Alcibiades totally annihilated the 
 
 409 B.C. Peloponnesian fleet under Mindarus at Cyzicus. 
 The completeness of his victory was vividly confirmed by the 
 despatch written by Hippocrates, Mindarus' secretary, to the 
 Spartan government for immediate help, which was accidentally 
 captured and brought to Athens. 
 
 Once more the democratical party became active and powerful. 
 For when the Spartans \ in dismay at their defeat, sent Endius 
 at the head of an embassy to offer as terms of peace, that both 
 parties should accept the status quo, that the Peloponnesians 
 would withdraw their garrison from Decelea, if the Athenians 
 would withdraw theirs from Pylos, and that an exchange of 
 prisoners should be arranged, the Assembly, notwithstanding 
 the efforts of the eVififceVrarot, voted their rejection on the 
 motion of the demagogue Cleophon. 'The Athenians,' says 
 Diodorus, * excited by their recent good fortune, thought that 
 with their forces under the leadership of Alcibiades they would 
 soon recover their old supremacy.' 
 
 Nor were their hopes entirely unfounded ; for the victory 
 at Cyzicus meant much more than the annihilation of the 
 Peloponnesian fleet. It meant relief from the financial distress, 
 which had prevailed at Athens ever since the Sicilian disaster, 
 and more especially since the loss of Euboea. For immediately 
 after the battle Alcibiades set up a custom house on the Bos- 
 porus to exact toll from all passing ships ; once again some 
 of the Hellespontine and Thracian cities began to pay tribute ; 
 and once again the com ships sailed as of old into Piraeus'. 
 Money had been the basis of the Periclean democracy, and 
 now money opened the way for a return to it. The fleet at the 
 Hellespont maintained itself by marauding expeditions, and cost 
 the home government nothing. Thus the President of the Trea- 
 sury for the year was able to devote as much as twenty-three 
 talents towards the expenses of certain sacrifices and festivals 
 and of the διω/3€λία^, or Theoric fund, which was distributed 
 among the poorer citizens to enable them to attend the theatre 
 and shows, and which seems to have been the first of the 
 
 1 Diod. xiii. 52, 53. ' i. i. 35. ^ C. I. A. i. 188. 
 
§ 3· INTERNAL HISTORY, %η 
 
 distributions of public money to be restored. As the revenue 
 continued to improve, the old system of payment for all offices 
 little by little came once more into force, though the several 
 dates of its reinstitution cannot be ascertained. Aristophanes 
 in the Frogs \ which was exhibited in 405 B.C., complains of 
 the huge sums swallowed up by the δικαστικός μισθός, showing 
 that by that time the change was complete. 
 
 There is equal difficulty in tracing the steps, whereby the 
 restrictions on citizenship imposed after the dissolution of the 
 Four Hundred, were gradually removed. Payment for public 
 services evidently meant the readmission of the poorer citizens 
 to the full discharge of all civic duties. But the means whereby 
 this was brought about are unknown. All we can say is that 
 Xenophon describes the Athenians as meeting for the trial of 
 the generals after Arginusae in 406 B.C., πάΐτας κατα φυλάς, 
 as if by that time none were excluded from the Assembly. 
 
 One constitutional change can however be referred with cer- 
 tainty to this year on the authority of the historian Philochorus^. 
 The Senators, like the dicasts, henceforward were to sit in ten 
 divisions denoted by the first ten letters of the alphabet. The 
 reason of this measure is not stated, but in all probability it was 
 directed against the members of the oligarchical clubs ^ who 
 were wont to sit together, and thus by their united action to 
 acquire an influence totally disproportionate to their numbers *. 
 Gilbert^ has ingeniously conjectured, that these democratical 
 changes were carrie'd through by a board of συγγραφείς, on the 
 ground that Demopbantus, the proposer of a decree of which 
 more will be said hereafter, aweypayj/ep, and not, as usual, (hev ; 
 and that an inscription^ of this year mentions συγγραφείς, though 
 it does not explain the nature of their office ; and further that on 
 the analogy of Thucydides (viii. 67), when Pisander proposed to 
 appoint ten ξυγγρηφ^ϊς αυτοκράτορας and of Xenophon (Hell, 
 ii. 3. 2), when the Thirty were chosen, 01 τους πατρίους νόμους 
 
 > 141 sq., 1466 sq. ' Muller, Fragm. i. 403. 
 
 ^ Cp. Time. viii. 66, esp. vi. 13. 
 
 * A practice set on foot by Thucydides, son of Melesias ; see Plut. 
 Pericles c. 1 1 . 
 
 5 Beitr. z. Inn. Gesch. Athens, p. 34^ sqq. 
 « C. I. A. i. 58. 
 
28 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 σνγγράψονσι, it may very well be argued that they were extra- 
 ordinary magistrates chosen to draw up a new constitution, 
 and this time in a democratical direction. 
 
 Two documents of this year illustrate still farther the growing 
 power of the democrats. The first is the above-mentioned 
 Psephism of Demophantus, preserved in Andocides* speech 
 on the Mysteries \ which decreed that all Athenians, both in 
 the city and in the fleet, should swear to hold as a public 
 enemy, who might lawfully be put to death, any one who should 
 attempt to overthrow the democracy, or who should hold any 
 office after the democracy had been overthrown. This oath 
 was to be taken just before the Great Dionysia in the spring 
 of 409 B. c. and finds its parallel in the oath sworn to by the Athe- 
 nian democrats at Samos in 411 B.c.^ The second is a psephism 
 proposed by Erasinides ^, who was afterwards one of the generals 
 at the battle of Arginusae, that Thrasybulus one of the assas- 
 sins of the oligarch Phrynichus, should be rewarded with a 
 golden crown and the gift of citizenship, and that a proclamation 
 to that effect should be made at the same Dionysia. Moreover 
 at the same time the prosecutions against those implicated in 
 the conspiracy of the Four Hundred, which had been suffered 
 to lapse after the punishment of the worst offenders, seem to 
 have been revived, and to have gone on with more or less 
 vigour until the Amnesty of Patroclides in 405 B.C. Not only 
 were individuals attacked, but whole classes, like the soldiers 
 who had supported the Four Hundred, were punished with 
 partial disfranchisement"^, so that e.g. it was made unlawful 
 for them to speak in the Assembly, or to become members of 
 the Senate. Lysias® says, that it was these prosecutions that 
 ruined the democracy ; for that numerous sycophants accused 
 innocent persons for the sake of their wealth, while they left 
 the guilty untouched, if only they were sufficiently bribed. 
 
 Meanwhile Alcibiades had pursued a career of unbroken 
 
 ^ Andoc. Myst. § 96 sqq. Gilbert, Gesch. Ath.,p. 344, proves against 
 Droysen and Herbert that this decree belongs to the period after the 
 Dissolution of the Four Hundred, and not to that after the expulsion of 
 the Thirty. Cp. Grote, vii. 321. 
 
 Thuc. viii. 75. ' C. I. A. i. 59. * Of Thuc. viii, 92. 
 
 ^ Andoc. Myst. § 75 sq. * Or. xxv. 14, 15. 
 
§ 3· INTERNAL HISTORY, 
 
 29 
 
 success on the Hellespont and Bosporus. In the summer 
 of 410 he had been joined by Thrasyllus at the Hellespont 
 with a considerable reinforcement from Athens, and the two 
 generals combined to defeat the satrap Pharnabazus, first at 
 Abydos, and then at Chalcedon, after which he was reduced 
 to come to terms and to submit to see Chalcedon once more 
 pay tribute to Athens. These successes were July 409 
 quickly followed by the capture of Selybria and B.C. to June 
 Byzantium. On the other side the Athenians Β C. 
 
 had indeed to set the loss of Pylos in Messenia, and of Nisaea, 
 the port of Megara — losses serious in themselves, but with 
 little effect upon the revenue. Anytus, the demagogue, who 
 had been despatched to relieve the former place was, on his 
 return, accused of treachery, and only escaped, it was said, 
 by bribing his judges \ In the autumn of 409 B.C., therefore, 
 Athens had regained the whole of the Thracian and Hellespon- 
 tine provinces of her old empire, besides many of the islands 
 in the northern Aegean. The Peloponnesian fleet had been 
 annihilated. Pharnabazus, who had so long and so ably sup- 
 ported the Spartan cause, had been forced to consent to an 
 armistice, and to promise a safe escort for an Athenian embassy 
 to the Persian King. And all this had been mainly due to 
 the courage and capacity of a single man, and him an exile ; 
 for Alcibiades had never availed himself of the permission to 
 return home granted him in 411 B.C.^ So far indeed he had 
 acted almost as a sovereign prince. Much still however re- 
 mained to be done : Euboea and most of Ionia were still in 
 open revolt. Ikfore attempting their reconquest, Alcibiades 
 seems now to have felt that a return to Athens was necessary 
 for him, if ever there was to be a complete reunion between 
 the city and the army. In the spring of 408, therefore, he 
 sailed with all his ships to Samos : thence he despatched his 
 friends and colleagues Thrasyllus and Theramenes to Piraeus 
 with all the spoils of war and captured vessels to prepare the 
 way for his reception, while he himself sailed with the remainder 
 of the fleet to Caria, to collect still more money. The Athenians 
 at home were by this time just as ready on their side to welcome 
 him, and even before the arrival of Thrasyllus and Theramenes 
 ' Diod. xiii. 64, 65. ' Thuc. viii. 97. 
 
30 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 had chosen among the generals for the following year, Alci- 
 biades, Thrasybulus, and Conon. The news of his election 
 reached Alcibiades at Gythium in Laconia, whither he had 
 sailed from Caria, and he at once set out for Piraeus, which 
 he entered on the day of the Plynteria (June), when the shrine 
 of the goddess Athena was covered with a veil. Arrived in 
 the harbour, even now he hesitated to land, so suspicious was 
 he of the real feelings of the people towards him ; and it 
 was not until he had seen Euryptolemus and other relatives 
 among the crowd that had assembled to meet him, that he 
 ventured to set foot on shore. Then his partizans closed round 
 him so as to form a sort of body-guard, and escorted him in 
 their midst in triumphal procession from Piraeus to Athens. 
 
 In the city opinion was still much divided^ : some said, that 
 he had been the victim of the intrigues of his enemies, who 
 had plotted against him and procured his exile in order to make 
 room for their own ambitious schemes ; others maintained that 
 he had been the real cause of all the Athenian misfortunes in 
 the past, and would be just as dangerous in the future. 
 
 But for the moment Alcibiades, with his marvellous person- 
 ality, carried all before him. The effect of his speeches in his 
 own defence before the senate and assembly^, was such that 
 none dared raise a voice against him. It was at once decreed, 
 that the column set up to record his condemnation in 415 B.C. 
 should be cast into the sea, that his goods should be restored to 
 him, and that the curse which the Eumolpidae had pronounced 
 
 July 408 against him should be recalled. He himself was 
 B.C. to June proclaimed στρατηγός αυτοκράτωρ by sea and land, 
 
 407 B.C. as the only man able to restore Athens to her 
 former power. The rich hoped to find in him a strong opponent 
 to the ever- increasing encroachments of the extreme democrats. 
 The poor saw in him a champion, who would relieve them of 
 their poverty, and whom they would be glad to support, even 
 though he should assume to himself the rights of sovereign 
 power and make himself tyrant of Athens ·\ For the moment 
 his enemies were silenced, although they continued, as events 
 soon showed, as active as ever in their intrigues against him. 
 
 ^ i. 4. 13-17. ^ Diod. xiii. 69. 
 
 3 Plut. Ale. 35 ; Diod. xiii. 69. 
 
§ 3. INTERNAL HISTORY, 
 
 31 
 
 The demagogues seem to have been especially bitter, so com- 
 pletely were they overshadowed in the eyes of the people by 
 their new rival for popular favour. 
 
 It was ominous too that Theodorus the high priest, in re- 
 moving the old curse had said, that for his part he had never 
 denounced any curse against him, if he had done no injury 
 to the commonwealth : while many of the pious and superstitious 
 noted with foreboding, that Alcibiades had landed on the Plyn- 
 teria, the unluckiest day in the whole year. 
 
 Meanwhile Alcibiades was occupied in fitting out a new fleet 
 of 100 vessels, with the money that he had himself brought into 
 the treasury. He chose Adimantus and Aristocrates, apparently 
 out of the already elected generals for the year, to be his 
 colleagues in the command \ But before he sailed, hoping once 
 for all to quiet the religious fears of the Athenians, as well as 
 to assure them of his military prowess, he escorted with all 
 his forces the annual procession along the Sacred Way to 
 Eleusis, which ever since the fortification of Decelea by the 
 Peloponnesians, had been obliged to go by sea. King Agis now 
 venturing to offer no opposition. 
 
 At last in October all was ready for his departure, for which 
 none were more eager than his enemies ; some, according to 
 Plutarch, because they feared that he would soon make himself 
 tyrant ; others, we may certainly suppose, because they wanted a 
 clear field left them in which to prosecute their own schemes. 
 
 But during the four months that Alcibiades had stayed in 
 Athens, an entire change had come over the aspect of affairs 
 in Asia. The able and energetic Lysander had succeeded 
 the incapable Cratesippidas as admiral of the Spartan fleet ; 
 and Cyrus, the younger son of King Darius, had taken the 
 place of the vacillating Tissaphernes as Satrap of Sardis, and 
 had announced his intention of supporting the Peloponnesians 
 with money and by all means in his power, even persuading 
 Pharnabazus, notwithstanding his solemn promises, to hinder 
 the Athenian envoys from proceeding to the Persain coast ^. 
 
 Events soon proved the wisdom of Alcibiades' enemies in 
 hastening his departure. His attack on the little island of 
 Andros was only partially successful. Arrived at Samos, he 
 » Xen. Hell. i. 4. 22 ; Diod. xiii. 69. ^ i. 4. 7. 
 
3^ 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tried in vain to draw Lysander out of the harbour at Ephesus 
 to a general engagement. His overtures to Cyrus through the 
 mouthpiece of Tissaphernes were rejected with scorn. Money 
 and supphes soon ran short, and he was obliged to scour the 
 neighbouring coasts on marauding expeditions, making in his 
 requisitions, it would seem, but little distinction between friend 
 and foe. To crown all, his lieutenant Antiochus, in defiance 
 of his strict orders, ventured on a general engagement during his 
 absence at Phocaea, and suffered a defeat at Notium ; and do 
 what he could, Alcibiades could not induce Lysander to give him 
 an opportunity for revenge. Disappointed in their unreasonable 
 expectations of a speedy conquest of Chios and even of all 
 Ionia, the Athenians both at home and on board the fleet 
 were now as vehement in their denunciations of Alcibiades 
 as but shortly before they had been in his praises. All com- 
 plaints against his conduct were eagerly listened to ; and when 
 Thrasybulus, the son of Thrason, (not to be confused with the 
 more famous Thrasybulus, the general), returned from the camp 
 to Athens \ and accused him of maladministration, of treason- 
 able intrigues with Persia and the Peloponnesians, and of 
 building forts of his own, like a sovereign prince, in Thrace 
 the people at once suspended Alcibiades from his command, 
 ordered his colleague Conon to take his place, and in the 
 annual elections, which happened to occur just at the same 
 time, chose ten new generals, among whom Alcibiades was no 
 longer one^ Alcibiades himself, finding that he was equally 
 unpopular with his own troops, did not wait to hear the result 
 of the accusations against him at home, but retired to his forts 
 in the Thracian Chersonese. 
 
 At this juncture democrats of all shades seem to have com- 
 July 407 bined to support the constitution, if we may judge 
 B.C. to June from the list of the new generals : for among 
 406 B.C. them Thrasyllus, Leon, and Diomedon had all 
 taken a prominent part in the counter movement against 
 
 ^ Gilbert refers a statement of Himerius (ap. Phot. Bibl. 377) to this 
 affair : Κλεο^ώι/ *Αλκίβίάδην ί^ραφίτο, and sees in it a formal 'γραφή 
 προδοσία$. Cobet refers it to the year 415 B.C. 
 
 2 Diod. xiii. 73 ; Plut. Ale. 36. 
 
 ^ Plut. Lys. V ; Nep. Ale. 7 ; Just. v. 5. 4 ; Lysias xiv. 38. 
 
§ 3- INTERNAL HISTORY, 
 
 33 
 
 the oligarchs at Samos, in 411 B.C.^ ; Erasinides^ had pro- 
 posed the decree to crown the assassin of Phrynichus 
 the oHgarch ; Pericles was the son of the great Pericles and 
 Aspasia ; while Conon seems rather to have succeded Nicias in 
 the leadership of the more moderate party. The year was one 
 of great financial distress, due to the difficulty of maintaining 
 Conon's large fleet of 100 vessels, and to the Peloponnesians 
 under the admiral Callicratidas once more taking the offensive 
 by sea, and so cutting off the sources of Athenian revenue. To 
 meet the deficiency all the gold in the Acropolis was coined 
 into money ^. Still, when the news reached Athens that Conon 
 with all his fleet was blockaded at Mitylene, within thirty days 
 the Athenians fitted out a fleet of no vessels, making all the 
 inhabitants of Attica, rich and poor, slave and free, serve alike 
 on board. About July, 406, the two fleets met off the islands of 
 Arginusae, and the Athenians under the command of eight of 
 their ten generals gained a complete victory over the Pelopon- 
 nesians, Callicratidas himself perishing in the fight. In the 
 ordinary course of things such a victory would have sufficed to 
 insure for some time the political power of the successful 
 generals. But unfortunately in the moment of victory the generals 
 had neglected both to rescue the survivors clinging to the wrecks 
 of the vessels, which had been disabled in the battle, and to 
 bury the corpses of the dead. The news of this neglect excited 
 great indignation among the Athenians at home, j^iy 406 
 A summons was immediately issued for their B.C. to June 
 recall. Thereupon two of their number retired ^'^' 
 into voluntary exile : the remaining six returned to Athens, 
 were hastily condemned almost without any form of trial, and 
 all alike executed. 
 
 Although there seems to be no evidence for supposing the 
 condemnation of the generals to have been due to an oUgar- 
 chical conspiracy, its effect, no doubt, was to produce chaos once 
 more among the political parties at Athens. Little indeed can 
 be inferred from the list of the new generals, as they must have 
 been elected just before the battle of Arginusae, which was 
 apparently fought in June, while the trial cannot have taken 
 
 ^ Thuc.viii. 73. ' C. 1. A. i. 59. 
 
 3 Arist. Frogs 720; Philoch. Frag. 120. 
 C 
 
34 
 
 INTRODUCTION^. 
 
 place till November. The democrats at any rate still clung to 
 their old war policy ; and Cleophon was again successful in 
 procuring the rejection of a peace, which the Lacedaemonians 
 offered about this time on the same terms as before ' — a fact 
 which shows that the power of the demagogues was still as 
 great as ever. Many, on the other hand, began to repent of 
 their recent dismissal of Alcibiades, and even to advocate his 
 immediate recall-. The financial distress was greater than 
 ever, and to meet it an extraordinary board of magistrates, 
 called Poristae^, seems to have been appointed to consider ways 
 and means. The fleet at Samos, paralyzed by the proceedings 
 taken against its late generals at Athens, never followed up the 
 results of its victory, though now commanded by the skilful 
 Conon ; and was soon unable to support itself by marauding 
 expeditions, being entirely occupied in watching the move- 
 ments of the enemy's fleet. For the Peloponnesians, after their 
 disaster, had procured from the Spartan government the re- 
 storation of Lysander to the command ; and he in the spring 
 of 405 had completely restored its efficiency, being backed up, 
 as before, by Persian gold. 
 
 It was probably about this time that the Athenians began to 
 repent of their harsh treatment of the generals, who had won 
 for them the victory of Arginusae : for in the spring elections 
 Theramenes, who had taken the leading part in the prosecu- 
 tion, was rejected on the δοκίμασία after he had been actually 
 chosen general, because he did not seem to be €vvov9 τω 
 πΚηθ€ΐ^ ; and at the same time complaints seem to have been 
 brought before the assembly against those individuals, especially 
 Callixenus, who had deceived the people in the trial. The 
 assembly listened favourably to the complaints, and decreed 
 that the persons accused should be bound over to stand 
 their trial, but amid the internal confusions of the following 
 year they all escaped. It is remarkable that Theramenes was 
 not included in the accusation. 
 
 ^ Aristotle apud Schol. on Arist. Frogs 1532. Grote, viii. i, throws 
 doubt on this embassy. 
 ^ Arist. Frogs 1 500 seqq. 
 
 ^ Arist. Frogs. 1505, cf. Gilbert. Gesch. Athens, p. 387. 
 * Lysias xiii. 13. 
 
§ 3· INTERNAL HISTORY. 35 
 
 Probably just about the time that the newly elected generals 
 entered upon their office, of whom only Strom- x^,, . .«5 
 bichides, Dionysodorus, and Calliades are known B.a To June 
 by name, all three being stout democrats, the 404 B.C. 
 tidmgs of the annihilation of the fleet at Aegospotami must have 
 reached Athens \ The citizens were at first stunned by the 
 news, reflectmg that at last the misery that they had inflicted 
 on less powerful states, was about to return on their own 
 heads . But next day the assembly met and resolved to block 
 up two of the three harbours at Piraeus, and to prepare 
 the city for a siege. Really little could be done: for the 
 Athenians had no fleet, and the corn supply was entirely cut off 
 now that the Hellespont, as well as Euboea, was lost, and the 
 Peloponnesians still harried the country from Decelea. Five 
 months, however, passed before the appearance of the dreaded 
 Peloponnesian fleet. Lysander was employed in the interval in 
 receiving the submission of the Athenian allies, and in sending 
 all the Athenian citizens and cleruchs, whom he captured, back 
 to Athens in order to increase the number of mouths to be fed on 
 the ever diminishing supply of corn. At last in November he ap- 
 peared and blockaded Piraeus at the same time, that the two 
 Spartan kings Agis and Pausanias advanced with the entire Pelo- 
 ponnesian forces close up to the city walls. Within the city, as a 
 last despairing measure, the democrats carried a proposal made 
 by Patroclides to grant an amnesty to all disfranchised citizens, 
 more especially those who had suffered partial disfranchise- 
 ment for the part they had taken in the Revolution of the Four 
 Hundred ^ The oligarchs, who saw that their day of power 
 would soon and certainly come with the surrender of the city, 
 seem at the time to have remained quiet. But the forces that 
 the Athenians could muster, even with the citizens all thus 
 united, were so obviously incapable of offering a successful 
 resistance, that so early as December, when the com supply 
 had completely failed, envoys were sent to Agis with offers of 
 peace on condition that the Athenians became allies of the 
 
 ^ Mommsen (Chronologic) dates it in the month Scirophorion (June 
 to July). 
 ^ ii. 2. 3. 
 
 ' Andoc. Myst. § 73 seqq. 
 
 C2 
 
36 
 
 INTRODUCTION, 
 
 Lacedaemonians, and retained Piraeus and the Long Walls. 
 Agis referred the envoys to the Ephors at Sparta, who alone, 
 he said, had powers to conclude a treaty. But when they 
 reached Sellasia on the Lacedaemonian frontier, the Ephors, 
 on hearing the terms they had to offer, sent them back with an 
 injunction not to return until the Athenians had come to a 
 better decision. It appears however from the sequel of Xeno- 
 phon's narrative ^ that they were at the same time informed, 
 that a peace might be concluded if the Athenians would con- 
 sent to the demolition of ten stadia of their Long Walls. For, 
 when on their return the envoys announced before the Senate 
 the result of their mission, Archestratus was arrested for 
 proposing submission to this condition, and at the same time 
 Cleophon carried a decree in the Assembly forbidding any 
 such proposal for the future on pain of death ^. 
 
 At this crisis Theramenes came forward and promised, that 
 if the people would send him to Lysander, he would at least 
 procure certain information as to whether in requiring the 
 demolition of the Long Walls the Lacedaemonians meant the 
 utter enslavement of Athens, or only a guarantee of Athenian 
 good faith. Theramenes was accordingly despatched, but in- 
 stead of returning at once with the necessary information, he 
 stayed with Lysander for more than three months, waiting for 
 the moment when the Athenians would be compelled by famine 
 to accept any terms whatsoever. In the fourth month he 
 returned, saying that he had been detained by Lysander, who 
 had at last advised him to apply to the Ephors, as they alone 
 had power to conclude a peace. Meantime Cleophon had been 
 put to death on a false charge of failure in his military duties ^ 
 brought against him by the oligarchical conspirators, who were 
 once again secretly active ; and now hunger silenced all further 
 opposition. Theramenes therefore and nine others were chosen 
 to go to Sparta as ambassadors with full powers. At Sellasia 
 the ten new ambassadors were again stopped by the Ephors; 
 but when they said that they were invested with full powers, 
 they were invited to attend a conference of the Peloponnesian 
 confederates at Sparta, which had been summoned to consider 
 
 * ii. 2. 14, 15. ^ Lysias xiii. 8 ; Aeschin. F. L. 76. 
 
 ^ Lysias xiii. 15 ; cf. Xen. ii. 7. 35. 
 
§ 4· TRIAL OF THE GENERALS. 
 
 37 
 
 the fate of Athens. Here the Thebans and Corinthians ad- 
 vocated the total extirpation of the Athenian name ; but the 
 Lacedaemonians, guided, it would appear \ rather by motives 
 of self-interest than the patriotic sentiments, which they openly 
 professed, refused to allow a city, which had wrought so much 
 for Greek freedom in the past, to be wiped out of the map of 
 Greece, and decided to offer terms, far harder indeed than 
 those offered four months earlier, but reasonable under the 
 circumstances. The terms were to be that the Athenians 
 should demolish their Long Walls and their arsenal at Piraeus, 
 that they should resign all their foreign possessions, and confine 
 themselves to their Attic territory, that they should readmit 
 all their exiles, and become the allies of Sparta, recognizing the 
 same friends and enemies and following her leadership by land 
 and sea. The number of ships, which they were to be allowed 
 to keep, was left to the discretion of Lysander^ 
 
 The day after their return to Athens, Theramenes, as spokes- 
 man of the ambassadors, recited the Lacedaemonian conditions, 
 and proposed their acceptance. Even now a few, headed by 
 Cleomenes, one of the younger demagogues, raised some op- 
 position, but the prevailing distress was too great for any 
 farther delay". The peace was accepted, and on the i6th of 
 Munychion (c. April) Lysander, coming from Samos, sailed 
 into Piraeus along with many of the Athenian exiles. All the 
 ships left in the dockyards were handed over to him, save 
 twelve, which he permitted the Athenians to retain. Then his 
 troops occupied the fortifications, and began the destruction of 
 Piraeus and the Long Walls. 
 
 Thus ended the Peloponnesian War almost exactly twenty- 
 seven years after its first outbreak in April 431 B.C. 
 
 § 4. The Trial of the Generals after Arginusae. 
 
 For this incident in Athenian history Xenophon, as being 
 himself contemporary with the event, is undoubtedly the chief 
 and the best authority. His account seems to be a simple and 
 
 * Cf ii. 1. 20 with ii. 3. 41. 
 
 ^ ii. 2. 20, Diod. xiii. 107. Plut. Lys. 14. 
 
 ^ Cf. Lysias xiii. 13. 
 
38 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 impartial statement of the facts of the trial, and the points of 
 obscurity are apparently due, not to any wilful perversions, but to 
 omissions as to questions of fact and of law, which it is difficult 
 to supplement from any other sources. Diodorus (flor. 15 B.C.) 
 gives only a meagre narrative of the trial, based on Theopompus 
 (flor. 333 B. c), and evidently here, as in other passages, holds a 
 brief in favour of Theramenes, though he condemns the treatment 
 of the generals. Aristophanes' Frogs, exhibited in the year 405 
 B. c, shows us somewhat of the prevailing feeling at the time in 
 Athens, and more especially as to the part played by Thera- 
 menes, which would seem to have incurred the general dis- 
 pleasure of the people. Plato (Apology, c. 32) and Xenophon 
 (Memorabilia, i. i. 18, iv. 4. 2) more fully describe the bold 
 resistance offered by Socrates to the unconstitutional demands 
 of the Assembly. It may therefore be gathered that the whole 
 literary opinion of the day strongly disapproved the condemna- 
 tion of the generals. 
 
 In his own narrative (i. 6) Xenophon gives a very brief 
 summary of events. In the battle at Arginusae the Athenians, 
 he tells us, lost twenty-five ships, crews and all, except a few 
 survivors, who made their way to shore. The generals in 
 command had ordered the trierarchs Theramenes and Thrasy- 
 bulus and some of the taxiarchs, with forty-seven ships, 
 to rescue those still clinging to the wrecks, while they 
 themselves sailed to Mytilene against Eteonicus. But a great 
 storm ^ arose and prevented the rescue, and also, it would seem, 
 their own passage across to Mytilene. Euryptolemus, however, 
 in the course of his speech - adds several details. Immediately 
 
 ^ Grote (vii. 430) points out that immediately after the battle the 
 Peloponnesian despatch boat brought the news of Callicratidas' defeat to 
 Eteonicus at Mytilene, apparently without any difficulty, although its 
 course was N.W. ; and that afterwards the storm was not sufficient to 
 stop the same boat from saihng out of the harbour and in again once 
 more, nor yet to prevent Eteonicus' fleet from sailing S.W. to Chios : in 
 fact the wind was ov^os, which means not ' fair,' but * favourable ' : 
 though it is true that Conon at the same time thought it more prudent to 
 wait till the wind was (vbiahcpos before he started in pursuit. Probably 
 therefore it blew a strong gale from the N. or N.E. Cf. Theramenes* 
 speech (ii. 3. 35) and Diodorus (xiii. 100). 
 
 - i. 7· 17, 29. 
 
§ 4· TRIAL OF THE GENERALS. 
 
 39 
 
 after the battle, he says, the Athenian fleet returned to the 
 Arginusae islands, and there the generals held a council of war. 
 Diomedon wished to rescue the survivors on the wrecks, Erasi- 
 nides to sail at once against the enemy : but Thrasyllus pointed 
 out that both objects might be effected by leaving forty-seven 
 ships under the command of the trierarchs Theramenes and 
 Thrasybulus, and of other subordinate officers, to look after the 
 twelve disabled vessels [thirteen of them must therefore have 
 sunk in the interval, cf. 6. 34], while they themselves sailed 
 with the rest of the fleet against Eteonicus at Mytilene. They 
 accordingly tried, he adds, to sail (§31, εττλβοι/), but the storm 
 prevented the rescue. Diodorus (xiii. 100) here makes an im- 
 portant addition : the sailors of the forty-seven ships refused to 
 work δια re ΊΤ)ν €Κ της μάχης κακοπάθ^ιαν κα\ δια το μίγ^θος των 
 κυμάτων, the general result being that the men clinging to the 
 sinking ships were left to perish. 
 
 Afterwards the generals met together to draw up a despatch 
 to the Athenian senate and people \ Six of them wished to 
 mention in it the orders given to Theramenes and Thrasybulus ; 
 but Pericles and Diomedon out of kindness to the trierarchs 
 persuaded their colleagues to omit it. Accordingly in the 
 despatch they merely wrote that the storm had prevented all 
 rescue ^. 
 
 Xenophon ^ goes on to relate that the Athenians at home, as 
 soon as they heard the news, deprived all the generals of their 
 command except Conon, and that they chose to be his colleagues 
 Adimantus and Philocles. Diodorus states in addition that 
 they summoned the generals home with all speed to stand their 
 
 M. 7. 17. 
 
 ^ Diodorus (xiii. loi) gives quite a contradictory account of the 
 despatch : he makes out that Theramenes and Thrasybulus had already 
 returned to Athens before that the generals, suspicious that they might 
 intrigue against them in the city, addressed a letter -npcis τυν δήμον to 
 explain that they had given orders to the trierarchs. Grote's attempt 
 ''vii. 429) to reconcile the two by supposing that Diodorus has con- 
 fused a private letter addressed by the generals to their friends at 
 Athens with the public despatch mentioned by Xenophon, is a mere 
 subterfuge. 
 
 ^ i. 7. I ; Diod. xiii. loi. 
 
40 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 trial. Thereupon of the eight that had fought at Arginusae two, 
 Protomachus and Aristogenes, retired into voluntary exile : the 
 other six returned to Athens. Among the latter Erasinides was 
 accused immediately on his arrival before a δικαστηρων pro- 
 bably on a Ύραφή κλοπής δημοσίων χρημάτων by Archedemus, who 
 was at that time προστάτης του δημον, other charges being made 
 at the same time against his generalship. The result of the 
 trial was apparently that a fine was imposed upon him and 
 imprisonment until he should pay it. 
 
 Afterwards the generals jointly made a statement before the 
 Senate as to the battle and the severity of the storm, of which 
 Xenophon unfortunately does not give the details. Possibly it 
 may have been the same as the defence that they afterwards 
 made before the Assembly, that they had indeed given orders 
 to Theramenes and Thrasybulus to rescue the shipwrecked 
 crews, but that the violence of the storm had rendered all rescue 
 impossible. This hypothesis would account for Theramenes 
 saying at the first meeting of the Assembly, that in their de- 
 spatch they blamed no one but the storm, and some two years 
 afterwards maintaining in his defence against the accusations 
 of Critias that the generals had begun to accuse him first, so 
 that he had acted, as indeed Critias had asserted, only in self- 
 defence. Such too seems to have been the prevailing opinion 
 as to his conduct at the time, if we may believe Aristophanes ^ ; 
 and Diodorus' account leaves much the same impression. On 
 the other hand it is almost as easy to suppose that Theramenes, 
 being m extremiSy devised this defence, which, such as it is, 
 seems excessively lame, on the spur of the moment, and that 
 Diodorus invented his account of the trial to justify this subse- 
 quent defence. But, however this may be, on Timocrates' 
 proposal, the Senate resolved to arrest the generals, and bring 
 them before the Assembly. 
 
 The question here arises, what particular form of judicial 
 machinery was thus set in motion against the accused generals. 
 It has been very generally assumed^, that the accusation was 
 an €ΐσαγΎ€λία of the form which Harpocration (s. v.) defines to 
 be applicable eVl δημοσίοις άδικημασι μ^-γίστοις καί άναβολήν μη 
 
 * ϋ. 3. 3δ· ' Cf. Frogs 533, 964· 
 
 ^ Cf. Schomann, De Comit. Athen., p. 206. 
 
§ 4· TRIAL OF THE GENERALS. 
 
 41 
 
 €πί8€χομ€νοις^ κα\ βφ* οΐς μητ€ αρχη καθίστηκζ μήτ€ νόμοι Κ€Ϊνταί τοΊς 
 αρχονσι κα& ονζ €ΐσάξουσιν, αλλά προς την βονΧην η τον 8ημον η 
 πρώτη κατάστασίς γίγν€ται. In this case the ordinary procedure 
 was (l) for the Senate, if after the preliminary hearing the 
 charge appeared to be beyond its own competence, to refer it 
 either to a heliastic court or, if the charge were very extra- 
 ordinary, to the Assembly. Then (2) the Assembly when it met 
 might either itself consider, whether there was sufficient evi- 
 dence against the accused for the charge to lie, or, if there 
 could be no manner of doubt upon that point, simply to deter- 
 mine what should be the method of the trial. Now Xenophon's 
 narrative does to a certain extent support this theory : for 
 Euryptolemus in his speech (§ 33) entreats the people not to 
 convict the generals of προδοσίαν άντϊ της αδυναμίας, and it is well 
 known that in cases of προδοσία the (Ισαγγίλία was the ordinary 
 form of procedure. Again in § 4 Theramenes maintains at the 
 first meeting of the Assembly, that the generals δικαίους €ivni 
 λόγοι/ νποσχίϊν : and in § 28 ^ Euryptolemus urges the people 
 not to deprive the accused of all opportunity of legal defence : 
 so that both passages might be taken to imply, that at its first 
 meeting the Assembly merely gave the case the usual pre- 
 liminary hearing. On the other hand it must be remembered, 
 that neither Xenophon nor Diodorus speak of the charge as an 
 €iaayy€\la, nor of the first meeting of the Assembly as sum- 
 moned merely to consider the justifiability of the accusation ; 
 that all the precrse information we possess about this particular 
 kind of procedure is subsequent to the νόμος €ΐσαγγ€λτικός, the 
 date of which is certainly not earlier than the archonship of 
 Euclides 403 B. C. ; and that in this particular case the proceed- 
 ings were irregular throughout. 
 
 There is indeed an obvious reason why Timocrates should 
 have proposed in the Senate that the generals should be brought 
 before the Assembly rather than before an ordinary Heliastic 
 court : for Theramenes and his party would evidently expect to 
 be able to work with much more effect upon the feelings of the 
 Assembly, made up, as it was at this time, of the old, the 
 young, and the infirm (the large majority of the able-bodied 
 
 ' Cf. §§ 5, 23. 
 
42 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 citizens being still on board the fleet), than upon the feelings of 
 a comparatively select body of sworn dicasts. 
 
 Accordingly at the first meeting of the Assembly Theramenes 
 and his followers appeared as the most prominent accusers of 
 the generals, maintaining, that if any one was to blame for the 
 death of the shipwrecked crews, it was the generals themselves, 
 who in their despatch had simply mentioned the storm as the 
 cause. In reply the generals made only a short defence, as the 
 legal time for speaking was not allowed them, relating how they 
 had given orders to Theramenes, Thrasybulus, and other capable 
 men to rescue the crews, while they themselves Avere sailing 
 against the enemy ; and repeating that really it was the storm 
 which had prevented the rescue ^ Their defence was supported 
 by the evidence of the pilots and sailors of the fleet ; and short 
 as it was, produced such a favourable impression, that many 
 came forward to go bail for the generals, and it was quite 
 evident that, had a vote been taken, it would have been in their 
 favour. It was, however, too late in the evening for a show of 
 hands to be seen ; so that it was resolved that the case should 
 be adjourned to a second meeting of the Assembly, and that 
 meantime the Senate should prepare a προβούλίνμα, as to the 
 method by which the generals should be tried. 
 
 In the interval occurred the festival of the Apaturia, which 
 the members of each family met to celebrate in common, and at 
 which the youths, just come of age, were registered on the roll 
 of their denies. This time many a place was seen to be vacant, 
 and many a family appeared in mourning garb. Theramenes 
 and his party, availing themselves of these natural feelings of 
 grief to kindle great indignation against the generals, seem to 
 have induced not only the kinsmen of the dead to attend the 
 second meeting of the Assembly, but, at least according to 
 Xcnophon's narrative^, to have gone so far as to suborn men 
 to appear among the crowd of real mourners, clad in black 
 garments and with shaved heads, just as if they had been 
 kinsmen. 
 
 At the same time too, they persuaded Callixenus to accuse the 
 
 ^ This is a direct contradiction to Theramenes' statement in ii. 3. 35, 
 that the generals had asserted οΐόν τ dvai σωσαι tovs άνδρας. 
 Cf. note on § 8. 
 
§ 4- TRIAL OF THE GENERALS. 
 
 43 
 
 generals in the Senate, which met according to the decision of 
 the Assembly, and at his instigation drew up a most monstrous 
 προβούλ€υμη, that since the accusation and defence had been 
 already heard at the previous Assembly (which of course was 
 not true), at the next meeting the people should vote at once by 
 tribes, without any further hearing of the case, upon all the 
 generals collectively ; that the votes should be given openly 
 (i.e. not, as usual, by secret ballot) ; and that if the generals 
 were found guilty, they themselves should be put to death and 
 their goods should be confiscated. Thus in defiance of all 
 Athenian legal procedure and traditions no real trial was to be 
 granted to the generals at all, the voters were to be intimidated, 
 and sentence was to be passed upon all the accused collectively 
 instead of separately. 
 
 Accordingly at the next Assembly, Callixenus brought forward 
 this προβούλίνμα : and the general excitement thus produced 
 was still further heightened by the declaration of a sailor, who 
 had saved his own life by clinging to a meal-tub, that his drown- 
 ing companions had bidden him, if he should escape, tell the 
 people that the generals had left the most patriotic of the citizens 
 to perish. 
 
 Hereupon Euryptolemus, who was cousin to Pericles, one of 
 the accused generals, together with some others, threatened 
 Callixenus with a γμαφη παρανόμων for making so unconstitutional 
 a proposal ; but they were howled down by the people and 
 forced to withdraw their threat, one Lyciscus even proposing 
 that they should be included in the same vote as the generals, 
 unless they gave way. Now, however, some of the Prytanes, 
 who were presiding over the meeting, refused to put the 
 question to the vote : but when Callixenus menaced them 
 with the same treatment, they all withdrew their opposition 
 except Socrates. 
 
 Foiled in this attempt to procure justice for the accused, 
 Euryptolemus now came forward with an amendment to the 
 πμοβον^€νμα, or rather perhaps with an alternative proposal, 
 in advocating which he was able to make a speech of consider- 
 able length in defence of the generals. In the course of it 
 he stated and restated the facts of the case, and pointed 
 out that two legal methods of procedure were open to the 
 
44 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 people. Either the generals might be tried before the people^ 
 in accordance with the decree of Cannonus ^, which laid down 
 certain most severe penalties against such persons as had 
 injured the commonwealth : or they might be tried before a 
 Heliastic court under the law against sacrilege and treason. 
 But whichever of these two methods the people preferred, they 
 ought to be tried separately^ fair time being allowed for the 
 accusation, defence, and taking of the votes. In conclusion 
 therefore, Euryptolemus formally moved that the former of 
 these two methods should be adopted, namely, that the accused 
 should be separately tried according to the decree of Cannonus. 
 
 When the two proposals were put to the vote, the people 
 preferred that of Euryptolemus ; but υπημοσαμ€νου M€V€k\€ovs sl 
 second vote was taken, at which the Senate's proposal was 
 adopted. Afterwards the eight generals were condemned to 
 death, the votes being taken presumably on the method laid 
 down in the προβονλ€υμα, and the six of them, who had returned 
 to Athens, were immediately executed. 
 
 * €u τω δήμω. Grote seems to be mistaken in laying so much em- 
 phasis on the fact that the people in the εκκλησία were not put on oath : 
 for this passage alone, where Euryptolemus is emphasizing the proper 
 legal procedure, would be sufficient to show that the Assembly had full 
 competence to try such cases itself without referring them to a Heliastic 
 court, and other analogous instances are produced by Schomann i^De 
 Comit. Athen., p. 206). 
 
 ^ TO Καννωνου ψήφισμα : cf. Aristophanes, Eccl. 1089. Although 
 there is no particular reason why the words δ/χα ίκαστον should not have 
 occurred in the decree, the balance of evidence seems on the whole to be 
 against it. For in § 23 Euryptolemus insists just as much on the im- 
 portance of separate trial for each of the accused, if the other constitu- 
 tional alternative /ίατά τον νόμον . , . o? kariv km rois i(poav\ois καΐ ττροδό- 
 rats should be adopted instead. Moreover, in § 34 he seems to put the 
 words δίχα ίκαστον into his amendment rather in opposition to the μια 
 φήφω of Callixenus' προβον\€υμα than in close connexion with the κατά 
 TO Καννωνου ψήφισμα. Finally, the Scholiast on Aristophanes (ad loc.) 
 gives quite a different interpretation of the word διαλ^λημμίνον, which 
 commentators have assumed to refer to the supposed δίχα ίκαστον of the 
 decree, viz. κατ^χυμ^νον ^κατίρωθ^ν άττολοηΗσθαι τον κατ floa-yytXiav 
 άιτοκρινόμ^νον —an interpretation which fits in very well with Xenophon's 
 
 δίδ€μ€νον άΊΓθδΐΚ€ΐν. 
 
§ 4- TRIAL OF THE GENERALS. 
 
 45 
 
 What however was the nature of this νπωμοσία? Viewed 
 simply in relation to the context, the passage seems to 
 mean that Menecles challenged the vote on some formal 
 ground, which rendered it necessary for the επιστάτης to 
 put the question to the vote again. Ordinarily, however, a 
 νπωμοσία meant much more : it meant a determination in 
 the mover of it to bring the question challenged under the 
 cognizance of a court of law, and had the effect of suspending 
 the validity of the resolution until the court had given its de- 
 cision. But Xenophon never says a word about any such ad- 
 journment, and evidently implies that the second vote was 
 taken immediately after the first and on the same day. We have 
 therefore to suppose either that Menecles interposed a νπωμοσία 
 of a kind not otherwise known, or that the neglect to carry 
 into effect the adjournment that it entailed was merely one 
 more among the many unconstitutional incidents of the day, 
 unless indeed we may believe the otherwise untrustworthy 
 author of the Axiochus^ (c. vii.) who speaks of Theramenes 
 and Callixenus having at a subsequent meeting'^ rfj νστ€ραία 
 
 * It is impossible to attach much weight to this statement in the 
 Axiochus, because, short as it is, it contains two obvious mistakes : 
 (i^ it speaks of ττρυ€δροι, although none were instituted before the 
 archonship of Euclides, 403 B.C.; (2) it speaks of τρισμνρίων €κκλη- 
 σιαζυντων, which is evidently a fallacious computation of the whole body 
 of Athenian freemen. Moreover, the whole dialogue, as Grote (Plato, 
 cap. iv.) shows, is a late production, and possesses no authority. 
 
 ^ Gilbert here raises the question as to what became of Socrates' 
 opposition, which both Plato and Xenophon represent to have been 
 unswerving ; and finds its solution in the hypothesis of an adjournment, 
 because at a second meeting Socrates would no longer have been 
 '^πίστάτψ. Probably, however, Socrates' scruple, which was a strictly 
 legal one, was satisfied by his putting Euryptolemus' alternative motion 
 to the vote, which contained a strictly legal proposal, although its rejection 
 carried with it the passing of the Senate's ττροβονλίνμα ; for this 
 seems to be the force of the preposition in composition in the words 
 διαχίΐροτονουμίνων, διαχαροτονία$. Nor need the interposition of 
 Menecles' νπωμοσία have made any difference, if the question was 
 immediately put again on the same day : in this case all that Socrates 
 had to do was to put Euryptolemus' motion over again : and then, 
 when it was rejected, the -ηροβούλ^υμα was ipso facto carried. Cf. Good- 
 win in the Transactions of the American Philol. Assoc. 1885, p. 172. 
 
a6 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 suborned the proedri and so procured the condemnation of 
 the generals. 
 
 However that may be, shortly afterwards the people repented 
 of their injustice, and voted that a public prosecution should be 
 instituted against those who had deceived the people. Callixenus 
 and four others were accordingly arrested, Theramenes not 
 being among the number, which seems to show that some dis- 
 tinction was drawn between his conduct and that of the rest, 
 possibly because it was felt, as Diodorus insists at some length, 
 that he was driven to it by the exigencies of self-defence. But 
 before the accused could be tried, they all escaped amid the 
 political confusion of the following year. Callixenus indeed ven- 
 tured to return with Thrasybulus and the exiled democrats in 
 403 B.C., but hated by all, says Xenophon, he died of starvation. 
 
 § 5. Chronological Summary. 
 
 B. C. 
 
 
 411. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 
 i. I. 
 
 
 2-7. 
 
 
 8, 9. 
 
 410. 
 
 10-13. 
 
 
 14-19. 
 
 
 20-22. 
 
 
 23-31· 
 
 
 32. 
 
 
 33-34· 
 
 
 35-37· 
 
 
 ii. 1-13. 
 
 EVENTS. 
 
 Agesandridas defeats the Athenian 
 fleet. 
 
 Battles at Rhoetium and Abydos. 
 Thrasyllus goes to Athens : Tissa- 
 
 phernes at the Hellespont arrests 
 
 Alcibiades. 
 
 Alcibiades escapes and sails to Pro- 
 
 connesus. 
 Battle of Cyzicus. 
 
 Alcibiades restores the Athenian do- 
 minion over the Bosporus, &c. 
 
 Sundry contemporary events : 
 
 Revolt of Thasos to Athens. 
 
 Sally of Agis from Decelea. 
 
 Despatch of Clearchus to the Bos- 
 poms, &c. 
 
 Thrasyllus ravages the coast of Ionia, 
 suffers a severe repulse at Ephesus, 
 retires to Notium, and sails thence 
 to the Hellespont. 
 
 Year of Cam- 
 paign. 
 April to March. 
 
 21 St, 411-410. 
 c. Sept. 
 Winter. 
 
 22nd, 410-409. 
 Summer. 
 
§ 5. CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMAR 
 
 y. 47 
 
 i8. 
 
 14-17. 
 
 111. I-13. 
 
 EVENTS. 
 
 14-22. 
 
 iv. I. 
 
 2-7. 
 8-12. 
 
 13-20. 
 
 [V.I. 
 
 21-33. 
 
 V. I-IO. 
 
 Lacedaemonians recapture Corypha- 
 sium. 
 
 Spartan colonists massacred at Hera- 
 clea. 
 
 Thrasyllus joins Alcibiades at Lamp- 
 sacus, where the two generals winter 
 together and defeat Phamabazus. 
 
 Athenians sail from Lampsacus to 
 Proconnesus, then invest Chalce- 
 don, and compel Phamabazus to 
 conclude an armistice with them 
 and to promise a safe escort for 
 some Athenian envoys to the Persian 
 king. 
 
 Siege and capture of Byzantium. 
 The Athenian and other envoys meet 
 Phamabazus at Gordium. 
 
 The envoys hear of the appointment of 
 Cyrus to be satrap. Cyrus arrives 
 and persuades Phamabazus to de- 
 tain the Athenian envoys. 
 
 Alcibiades sails to Samos, while Thra- 
 syllus sails with the main fleet to 
 Athens ; and then hearing of his 
 election to be general, enters Piraeus 
 in June. 
 
 Reception of Alcibiades in Piraeus 
 and Athens. 
 His escort of the Eleusinian festival. 
 Lysander appointed to be Spartan 
 admiral.] 
 
 Alcibiades sets sail with his newly 
 equipped fleet first to Andros, and 
 then to Samos, which he makes his 
 head-quarters for winter operations 
 against the Peloponnesians. 
 
 Lysander collects a fleet of ninety 
 vessels at Samos, negotiates with 
 Cyrus, and makes preparations for 
 renewing the war by sea. 
 
 Year of Cam- 
 paign. 
 April to March. 
 
 ? 
 
 Winter. 
 
 23rd, 409-408. 
 Summer. 
 
 Winter. 
 
 24th, 408-407. 
 Summer. 
 
 Winter. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 EVENTS. 
 
 Alcibiades joins Thrasybulus at Pho- 
 caea : in his absence Antiochus his 
 lieutenant is defeated at Notium. 
 Alcibiades returns to Samos, and 
 soon afterwards withdraws in dis- 
 grace to the Chersonese. Conon 
 succeeds him in the command of 
 the fleet. 
 
 Conon ravages the neighbouring ter- 
 ritory of the enemy. 
 
 Callicratidas succeeds Lysander, and 
 failing to get money from Cyrus, 
 obtains supplies from the Milesians. 
 
 Callicratidas storms Methymna, and 
 blockades Conon in the harbour of 
 Mytilene. 
 
 The Athenians send out a fleet of i lo 
 vessels to the rescue, which Calli- 
 cratidas attempts to intercept. 
 
 Battle of Arginusae. 
 
 Eteonicus despatches his ships to 
 Chios and retires himself to Chios. 
 The Athenian fleet sail first to 
 Mytilene, and then to Samos. 
 
 Trial of the generals, who had fought 
 at Arginusae. 
 
 Year of Cam- 
 paign. 
 April to March. 
 
 25th, 407-406. 
 Summer. 
 
 Winter. 
 
 26th, 406-405. 
 Summer. 
 
 Winter. 
 
 Eteonicus suppresses a mutiny among 
 
 his troops at Chios, and obtains 
 
 money from the Chians. 
 The Spartans appoint Lysander to 
 
 command their fleet for a second 
 
 time. 
 
 Cyrus is summoned to the presence of 
 his father Darius. 
 
 Lysander arrives at Ephesus, where 
 he fits out his fleet with money sup- 
 plied him by Cyrus, who soon after- 
 wards sets out to meet Darius, having 
 first entrusted him with the revenues 
 
 27th, 405-404· 
 Summer. 
 
5. CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY, 
 
 15-21. 
 
 22-29. 
 30-32. 
 
 ii. 1-4. 
 
 5-9· 
 
 10, II. 
 12-15. 
 
 16-20. 
 
 EVENTS. 
 
 of his province. The Athenians make 
 counter-preparations at Samos. 
 
 Lysander sails to Caria and Rhodes, 
 and thence past Ionia to the Hel- 
 lespont. The Athenians set out from 
 Samos, ravage the Persian territory, 
 touch at Chios and Ephesus, and 
 then at Elaeus on the Hellespont : 
 whence, hearing that Lysander had 
 taken Lampsacus, they take up a 
 position opposite to him near 
 Sestos. 
 
 Battle of Aegospotami. 
 
 Lysander captured the whole Athenian 
 fleet and executes all the prisoners. 
 
 Lysander enters Byzantium and Chal- 
 cedon. 
 
 Dismay at Athens. 
 
 Lysander sails to Lesbos, where he 
 reorganizes the government of the 
 several states and despatches Ete- 
 onicus to do the same in Thrace. 
 General revolt of all the Athenian 
 allies except Samos. Lysander re- 
 stores the Aeginetan, Melian, and 
 other exiles to their native cities, 
 and afterwards blockades Piraeus. 
 
 Siege of Athens : proclamation of an 
 amnesty. 
 
 Fruitless negotiations for peace first 
 with Agis and then with the 
 Ephors. 
 
 Mission of Theramenes to Lysander. 
 Three months afterwards Theramenes 
 
 returns and heads an embassy to 
 
 Sparta. 
 
 Council of the Peloponnesian allies 
 
 upon the fate of Athens. 
 The Athenians accept the offered 
 
 terms. 
 
 Lysander enters Piraeus, and begins 
 the demolition of the Long Walls. 
 
 D 
 
 Year of Cam^ 
 paig7i. 
 April to March. 
 
50 
 
 INTRODUCTION, 
 
 Β. c. 
 
 111. 1-5. 
 
 6-10. 
 11-21. 
 
 32-56. 
 
 403. 
 
 23-27. 
 
 28-38. 
 
 39-42. 
 
 43. 
 
 EVENTS. 
 
 Appointment of the Thirty. 
 Lysander sails to Samos, and Agis 
 
 evacuates Decelea. Lycophron of 
 
 Pherae defeats the Larisaeans. 
 Lysander reduces Samos and returns 
 
 in triumph to Sparta. 
 The Thirty begin a reign of terror, 
 
 supported by the Spartan harmost 
 
 and garrison. 
 Accusation and execution of Thera- 
 
 menes. 
 
 The democratic exiles, headed by 
 Thrasybulus, seize Phyle and march 
 upon Piraeus, where they defeat 
 the Thirty in battle, Critias being 
 among the slain. 
 
 The Thirty are deposed and the Ten 
 appointed in their place, with whom 
 constant war is waged by Thrasy- 
 bulus and the democratic exiles. 
 
 At the invitation of the oligarchs the 
 Spartans send Lysander and Libys 
 to their aid. But Pausanias inter- 
 venes, and after some slight military 
 operations effects a reconciliation 
 between the contending factions. 
 
 Pausanias disbands the Peloponnesian 
 army. Thrasybulus marches up to 
 Athens, and restores the democrat- 
 ical constitution. 
 
 Final suppression of the Thirty at 
 Eleusis, and proclamation of an 
 universal amnesty. 
 
 Year of Cam- 
 paign. 
 April to March. 
 
 404-403. 
 Summer. 
 
 Winter. 
 
 403. Summer, 
 
§ 6. LIFE GF XENOPHON. 
 
 51 
 
 § 6. Dates in the Life of Xenophon. 
 
 B.C. 
 circa 444. 
 424. 
 401. 
 
 399. 
 
 396. 
 394. 
 
 C. 373. 
 
 C. 356. 
 
 Birth. 
 
 Saved by Socrates at the battle of Delium (Strabo, p. 403). 
 
 Accompanies Cyrus on his expedition against his brother 
 Artaxerxes, and after the battle of Cunaxa conducts the 
 retreat of the Ten Thousand to Trapezus, and then to 
 Chrysopolis. 
 
 Enters with many of the Ten Thousand the service first of 
 Seuthes, King of Thrace, and then of Thimbron, the 
 Lacedaemonian. 
 
 Exiled from Athens. 
 
 Accompanies King Agesilaus on his Asiatic expedition. 
 Returns with the King to Sparta, and is present on the 
 
 Lacedaemonian side at the battle of Coronea. 
 Settles shortly afterwards at Scillus in Elis. 
 Expelled from Scillus by the Eleans, whereupon he retires 
 
 to Corinth. 
 
 The sentence of exile revoked by the Athenians. 
 Death. 
 
 D 3 
 
XENOPHON: HELLENICA, I, II. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 In a second sea-fight Agesandridas the Lacedaemonian 
 defeats the Athenians. 
 
 Mera h\ ταντα ov ττολλαϊ^ ημ^ραι,ς varepov ηλθ€ν 411-410 
 
 ^Αθηνών Θνμοχάρη^ ίχων vavs όλίγα^' καΐ evOvs ίναν- ^'^' 
 μάχησαν avOis Λακβδαιμοζ/ιοι καΐ Αθηναίοι^ ίνίκησαν 
 δ€ Aaκ€baLμόvLOL ηγουμένου ^ Ayησavhρίhoυ. 
 
 Dorieus trying in vain to enter the Hellespont^ Mindarus 
 puts out from Abydos to escort him, but is met by the 
 Athenians. The two fleets engage, and on the arrival of 
 AlcibiadeSj the Athenians drive the Peloponnesians back 
 to Abydos with a loss of 30 ships. The Athenians leave 
 only 40 ships at Sestos : the rest disperse to collect money ^ 
 while Thrasyllus sails to Athens to ask for reinforcements. 
 
 Mer okiyov h\ τούτων Αωρί€νί 6 Αίαγόρου ίκ 'Ροδου 2 
 €ts ^ΕλληστΓοντον et^eTrAct αρχομένου χζίμωνο^ τέτταρσι 
 και δ€κα ναυσίν αμα ημέρα, κατώων be δ των ^Αθη- 411. Oct. 
 ναίων ημ^ροσκόπος €σήμην€ rot? στρατηγοί, οΐ δέ 
 άνηγάγοντο ίττ αυτόν €Ϊκοσί ναυσίν y hs ό Αωρΐ€υ9 
 φυγών irpbs την γην αν^βίβαζ^ ras αυτού τρίηρ€ί9, &s 
 ^rotyc, iT€pl το *Ροίτ€ίον» iyyhs be γ€νομ€νων των 3 
 
54 
 
 HELLENIC A /, C, i. 
 
 ^Αθηναίων έμάχοντο από re των V€(ov καΐ της yrjs fJ'^xpL 
 οί ^Αθηναίου άττέττλζυσαν ets MdbvTov irpbs το αλλο 
 
 4 στpaτόπ€bov ovbcv Trpa^avTes. Mivbapos be κατώων 
 την μάχην ίν Ίλίω Θνων ττ} ^Αθηνα^ ίβοηθ^ί €7τΙ την 
 θάλατταν, καΙ καθζΧκνσα^ tcls kavTov Tpi-qpeis άττβπλβι, 
 
 5 δπω9 άναλάβοι tcls μ€τα Αωρ^ω^» οί be ^ΑΘηναίοί 
 άνταναγαγόμ^νοί ίνανμάχησαν irepl *Άβυbov κατα την 
 yova μ^χρι beίληs (ωθινον. καΐ τά μ€ν νικώντων, τα 
 be νικωμίνων, ^ AλκφLάbη9 €π€ΐσ7Γλ6Ϊ bvolv beovaais 
 
 β €6κοσ6 νανσίν. evTevOev be φνγη των lLleλoπovvησίωv 
 eyeveTo ττρόί την 'Άβvbov' και ό Φapvάβaζos τταρβ- 
 βoηΘeL, καΐ e^τeLσβaίvωv τω ϊτητω els την θάλατταν 
 μeχpL· bvvaTov ην eμάχeτ0y καΐ tols aXKoLS tols αντοΰ 
 
 7 ΐ7Γ7Γ€ΰσι καΐ ireCois TrapeKeXeveTO, σvμφράξavτes be Tas 
 vavs ol YlekoTTovvriaLOL καΐ ^τapaτaζάμevoL irpbs ttj yfj 
 ίμάχοντο. ^Αθηναίοι be άττβπλβυσα^, τριάκοντα vavs 
 των ττολ€μίων λaβόvτes Kevas καΐ hs αντοί airdXeaav 
 
 8 κoμισάμevoι^ els Σηστόν. evTevOev ττλην TeTTapaKOVTa 
 veG^v αλλαι δλλτ/ ΐνχοντο βττ' άγρνρολογίαν Ι^ω τον Έλ- 
 λησττόντον' καΐ 6 SpdavWos, els ων των στρατηγών, 
 els 'AOrivas eirkevae ταντα e^ayyeKGiv καΐ στρατιαν καΐ 
 vavs αΐτησων* 
 
 Alcibiades visits Tissaphernes, who had now reached the 
 Hellespont^ but is arrested by him and sent to Sardis, A 
 7nonth afterwards he escapes to Clazonienae^ and thence 
 to Cardia^ whither the Athenians had retreated from 
 Sestos. Meantime the Peloponnesian ships, 6o strong, had 
 sailed to Cyzicus. Alcibiades returns to Sestos, and leads 
 the cojnbined Athenian fleet, 86 strong, to Proconnesus, 
 
 β Mera be ταντα Ύίσσaφeρvηs rj\eev els ^ΕΚλησττοντον' 
 άφLκόμevov be τ:αρ αυτόν μLq, TpLrjpeL ^ A\κLβLάbηv ζένιά 
 
HELLENICA /, c. 
 
 55 
 
 Τ€ και b(opa άγοντα συλλάβων dp^ev kv Σάpb€σL, φάσ- 411- 
 κων κ€λ€ν€ΐν βασιλέα ττολ^μύν ^Αθηναίοι^. ημέραΐ9 be 
 τριάκοντα νστ^ρον Άλκι/3ιάδϊ]9 €Κ ^apbe^v μ€τά Μαν- 
 TiOiov τον aλόvτos €V Καρία ϊτητων €νττορήσαντ€9 vvktos 
 a^ϊibpaσav els Κλαζομ^νά^' οί δ' iv Σηστω ^Αθηναίοι, 11 
 αισθόμ^νοι Mivbapov ττλ^ιν €ή avTovs μέλλοντα νανσΙν 
 k^rjKovTa^ vvktos a^:ibpaσav €ts Καρδιαζ;. έντανβα δβ 
 κα\ Άλκι/3ιάδ?79 ηκ^ν €Κ των Κλαζομ^νων σνν irivTe 
 τριήρ€σι καΐ €πακτριδί. τινθόμ^νο^ b\ οτι αϊ των Ile- 
 λοττοννησίων vrjes Άβvbov άνηγμέναι eiev eh KvCiKOVy 
 avTos μ€ν 7Te(rj ηλθζν els Σηστόν, tcls be vavs 'πeρnτλeιv 
 eκeΐσe €κ4λ€νσ€ν, eirel ηλθον^ ανάγ€σθαι rjbη αντου 12 
 μ4λλοντο9 0)9 eiTi νανμαχίαν e^τeισ'πλeΐ Θηραμένη9 eϊκoσι 
 νανσΙν από MaKebovias, αμα be κα\ Θρασύβουλος eϊκoσιv 
 eTepaii ίκ Θάσου, άμφότepoι rjpγυpoλoγηκότes, Άλκι- 13 
 βιάbηs be ein(i)v και tovtois bidKeiv αντον eζeλoμevoιs 
 τά μeγάλa ιστία avTos e^τλeυσev eh Ώάριον' άθρόαι be 
 yevόμevaι <χι vrjes άττασαι ev ΥΙαρίω e^ και oyborjKOVTa 
 Trjs ίττιονσης νυκτός άνηγάγοντο, και rrj αλλτι ημ^ρα 
 TiepX αρίστου ωραν ηκον eh Ώροκόννησον, 
 
 He takes measures to conceal his arrival, and exhorts his 
 troops to fight bravely J for they had no mojtey, while 
 their enemies had plenty from the Persian king. 
 
 Έκβΐ δ' eTTvOovTO οτι Mivbapos ev Κυζίκω eιη και 14 
 Φαρνάβαζος μeτa τον TieCov, ταντην μev ονν την ημίραν 
 αντου eμeιvav, ttj be vστepaίa Άλκιβιάbηs ίκκλησίαν 
 ττοιησας ^τapeκeλeveτo avToh οτι ανάγκη e^ καΧ ναυ- 
 μaχeΐv καΐ ^ϊeζoμaχeιv καΐ τeιχoμaχeϊv' Ον γαρ €στιν, 
 ίφη, χρήματα ημΐν, τοΪ9 be ^τoλeμίoιs άφθονα τταρα 
 βασιλέως. rf/ be ^:poτepaίa, eireibr] ωρμίσαντο, τα 15 
 
HELLENICA /, C. i. 
 
 411-410 ττλοια ττάντα και τα μικρά σννηθροισ€ itap kavTov, 
 ^'^' δττωϊ μηbζLS έζαγγ^ίλαι tol9 ττολ€μίοι^ το ttXtJ^os των 
 ν€ων ίττζκηρνζέ re, os αν άλίσκηται els το ττέραν bia- 
 τΐλίων^ θάνατον την ζημίαν. 
 
 Battle of Cyzicus. 
 
 Alcibiades surprises the Peloponnesian fleet manoeuvring 
 outside the harbour^ and after a hard fight by sea and land 
 captures the whole of it, Mindarus is slain. Cyzicus sur- 
 renders to Alcibiades, He exacts money from its citizens y 
 and from other neighbouring states^ a?id establishes a toll- 
 house on the Bosporus, 
 
 16 Μ era δέ την έκκλησίαν τταρασκ^νσάμ^νοί €7γΙ 
 νανμαχίαν άνηγάγ€Το ίττΐ την Κνζικον vovtos ττολΛω. 
 €7Τ€ώη δ' eyyi;y τή^ Κνζίκου ήν, aiOpias γ^νομένη^ καΐ 
 του ηλίου ίκλάμψαντο^ καθορα tcls του MLvbάρoυ vads 
 γνμναζομ^να^ ττόρρω άττό του At/xeroy κα\ άττζίλημμέναί 
 
 17 νττ' αντοΰ, ίζηκοντα οϋσαί. οί be ΥΙζλοττοννησωί IbovTes 
 TCLS των ^Αθηναίων τριηρ^ι^ ovaas TrXetovy re ττολλω η 
 TTpoTepov καΐ irpbs τω λιμίνι^ ^φυγον ττρόί την γην* καΐ 
 σννορμίσαντ€9 tcls vads ^μάγοντο ίτητιλέουσΊ rots evav^ 
 
 18 Tiois, ^Ρίλκιβιά^η^ be rat? eiKoai των veojv TTepLirXeijaas 
 άττ^βη eh την γην, ιδώζ; be 6 Mivbapos καΐ avTos άποβαί 
 ev Tjj yfi μaγόμevos aTreOavev* oi be μeτ αντου ovTes 
 ίφυγον. TCLS be vads ol ^Αθηναιοί ωχ^οντο ayovTes άπάσαί 
 els Προκόννησον ττλην των Συρακοσίων' eKeCvas be 
 
 19 avroL κατέκαυσαν οί Συρακόσωί. eKeWev be Trj ίσre- 
 paCa eirkeov ol Αθηναίοι ίττΐ Κύζικον, ol be ΚυζυκηνοΙ 
 των ϊle\o^τovvησLωv καΐ Φαρναβάζον ίκλιττόντων αντην 
 
 20 e6e'xoz;ro tovs *Aθηvaίoυs* ^AλκLβLάbηs be μeίvas αντοΰ 
 eLKoatv ημepas καΐ χρήματα ττολλά λαβών τιάρα των 
 Κυζίκηνών ovbev αλλο κακόν eρyaσάμevos ev ττ] πολίΐ 
 
HELLENICA /, c. i. 
 
 άτΓβττλβυσβζ; ets Προκόννησον. ίκ€ΐθ€ν δ' ίττλζνσζν 411-410 
 €ts YlepLvOov και Σηλνβρίαν. καΐ Υΐ€ρίνθίθί μ^ν βΖσε- ®*^' 
 bi^aVTO ets ro αστυ ro στραΓθ7Γ€δθϊ;. ΣηλυβριανοΙ be 
 ibi^avTo μ\ν ον, χρήματα δβ eboaav. ίντ^νθβν δ' άφίκό- 22 
 μβζ^οι rrji Καλχτ]δοι;ία9 ecs Χρνσότΐολίν ίτζίχίσαν αντήν, 
 '^^^' ^ίί£Γ^^Ζ2£^^^ κατασκεύασαν kv avTrjy καΐ την b€κάτηv 
 ίξέλαγον των ίκ του ΪΙόντου -πλοίων, καΐ φνλακην Ιγκατα- 
 λΐποίτ€9 vavs τριάκοντα και στρατηγώ bvo, Θηραμένη καΐ 
 Ευμαχον, του re χωρίον ΙττιμζΧΛσθαι κα\ των ίκττλαόντων 
 ττλοίων καΐ et tl αλλο bvvatvTo βλάτϊταιν tovs ττολ€μίον$. 
 οΐ δ' άλλοι στρατηγοί eh τον ^Ελλήσττοντον ωχοντο. 
 
 The despatch of Mindarus" secretary is captured and carried 
 to Athens, The satrap Pharnahazus arms the Pelopon- 
 nesian fugitives to guard his coasts, and urges their com- 
 manders to build new ships at Antandros. 
 
 Παρά δ€ ΛτΐΤΐοκράτον^ του Mivbapov ίττιστολέω^ ds 23 
 Aaκ€baLμova γράμματα τταμφθέντα Ιάλω els ^ Αθήναι 
 λέγοντα τάbe' ^Eppei τά κάλα. MCvbapos άττεσσνα, 
 TieivGiVTi Tiivbpe'S. άττορίομε^ τί χρη bpav, Φαρνάβαζο^ 24 
 be τταντί τψ των ΥΙελοττοννησίων στρατενματι κα\ tols 
 σνμμάχοί^ τταρακελενσάμανοε μη άθνμεϊν eveKa ξύλων, 
 όντων ττολλων ev rf/ βασίλέω9, έ'ωί αν τα σώματα σα 
 jj, ίμάτων τ ebωκev ίκάστω καΐ eφόbίov bvoiv μηνοϊν, 
 καΐ όττλίσας tovs ναύτα^ φύλακας κaτeστησe τψ eavTOv 
 τταραθαλαττία^ γη^. καΐ συγκαλέσα^ τού^ re άττό των 25 
 ^τόλeωv στρατηγούς καΐ τριηράρχους eκeλeve vavπηγeϊσθaL 
 Tpiripeis ev Άvτάvbpω δσας "έκαστοι άττωλ€σαν, χρηματά 
 re bibovs και ϋλην έκ της^^^ης κoμίζeσΘaι φράζων. ναν- 28 
 ττηγονμένων be οΐ Συρακόσιοι άμα τοις 'AvTavbpiois του 
 Teixovs τι e^τeτέλeσav, και ev rr/ φρουρά ηpeσav τϊάντων 
 μάλιστα, δια ταύτα be eυepγeσCa re και ττολιτζία Σνρα- 
 
HELLENIC A /, C. ί. 
 
 411-410 κοσίθί9 iv Άι^τάι^δρω iari, Φαρνάβαζθ9 μ€ν ovv ταΰτα 
 biara^as evOvs els Καλχτ^δοι/α έβοήθ^ί. 
 
 Story of the exile of the Syracusan comjjianders at Antandros^ 
 and of Hennocrates' accusation against Tissaphernes and 
 expedition against Syracuse, 
 
 27 'Ez^ h\ τω χρόνω τούτω ηγγέλθη tols των Σνρακοσίων 
 στρατηγοί^ οϊκοθβν οτι φ€νγθί€ν νττο τον br|μov, σνγ- 
 καλ4σαντ€9 ονν tovs εαυτών στρατιωτα^ ^Ερμοκράτον^ 
 ΤΓ ροηγορονντος άττωλοφνροντο την ίαντών σνμφοράν^ S>s 
 άbίκωs φ€νγοί€ν airavTes τιάρα τον νόμον' τταρ'ρν^σάν τ€ 
 ττροθνμον^ €LvaL και τα λοιττά, ώσπβρ τά ιτρότ^ρα^ κα\ 
 avhpas αγαθούς ττρόί τά ael 7ταραγγ€λλόμ€να^ μ€μνημ€νου$ 
 δσας re νανμαγ^ία'ζ αντοί καθ* αντονς ν€νίκηκατ€ καΐ vav9 
 €ΐληφατ€^ οσα Τ€ μ€τα των άλλων αήττητου γ€γόνατ€ 
 ημών ηγουμένων, τάζιν ίχοντ€ς την κρατίστην bid Τ€ 
 την ημζ^τίραν άρ€την καΐ bta την νμ^τίραν ττροθνμίαν καΐ 
 κατά γην καΐ κατα θάλατταν νττάρχονσαν, ίλέσθαι bi 
 ίκ€λ€υον άρχοντας, μ^χρι άν αφίκωνται οι τ\ρημίνοι άντ 
 
 28 €Κ€ίνων, οί δ' αναβοησαντ€9 ίκ^λζνον €K€Lvovs άρχ^ιν, 
 καΐ μάλιστα οί τριήραρχοι καΐ οί ίττιβάται καΐ οί κνβ^ρ- 
 νηται. οί δ' ουκ ίφασαν beiv στασιάζζΐν irpos την €αντών 
 ττόλιν' d bi τ IS ίττικαλοίη τι αντοΐς^ λόγον ίφασαν 
 
 29 χρηναι bibovai, ovbevbs be ovbev €7ταιτιωμ4νον^ beoμivωv 
 eμeιvav eωs άφίκοντο οί άντ eκeίvωv στρατηγοί, Αημαρ^ 
 χο? 76 Έπιδοκου και Μνσκων MeveKpdTovs καΐ ΥΙόταμις 
 Γνώσιος. των be τριηράρχων oμόσavτes οί ^τλeΐστoι 
 KaTa^eiv avTovs, ίττάν els Σνρακονσας άφίκωνται, άττε- 
 
 30 7τ4μψαντο οττοι ίβονλοντο ^τάvτas eiraivovvTes' Ibia be oi 
 TTpbs Έρμοκράτη ^τpoσoμιλovvτes μάλιστα ίτΐόθησαν την 
 Τ6 e^τιμeλeιav και ττροθνμίαν και κοινότητα, ων γάρ 
 eyίyvωσκe tovs e^τιeικeστάτovs και τριηράρχων και κvβep' 
 
HELLENICA /, c. i. 59 
 
 νψ(Λν και €7ηβατών, €κάστη9 rj^epas ττρω καΐ irpos 411-410 
 kairipav σνναλίζων 7τρο9 την σκηνην την kavrov ave^v- ^'^' 
 νοντο ΟΤΙ €μ€λλ€ν η Xiy^iv η Trparretz;, κάκ€ίνον$ βδίδασκβ 
 κ€λ€νων Xiy€iv τα μ\ν άττό τον τταραχρημα, τα be βον- 
 λ€νσαμ4νον9. ίκ τούτων ^Ερμοκράτης τα ττολλα kv τω 31 
 avvebpCio evbo^eiy kiyeiv re boKcov και βουλ^ν^ιν τα 
 κράτίστα. κατηγόρησαν be Ύίσσαφ4ρνον9 iv λακώαίμονι 
 ^Ερμοκράτην, μαρτνρονντος καΐ Άστυοχου, καΐ bo^as τα 
 δντα Xeyeiv, αφικόμ^νον τιάρα Φαρνάβαζον^ ττρίν αΐτησαι 
 χρήματα λαβών) irapeaKevaCeTO ττρόί την ds Σνρακονσαν 
 KdOobov ^evovs re και τριηρ€ί9. iv τοντω be ηκον οΐ 
 διάδοχοι των Σνρακοσίων els Μίλητον καΐ τταρέλαβον 
 TCLS vavs καΐ το στpάτevμa. 
 
 The Sparta7i hannost Eteo?iicus is expelled from Thasos, 
 The admiral Cratesippidas takes cojnmand of the ships 
 that Pasippidas had collected, 
 
 ^Ev Θάσω be κατα τον καιρόν τούτον στάσeωs yevo- 32 
 μίνην ίκττίτΓΤονσίν οί λακωνίσταΙ καΐ 6 Αάκων αρμοστής 
 'EreoVtKO?* Karama^ety be ταϋτα ττραζαι συν Tiaaa(\)epvei 
 Πασ67Γ7Γΐδα5 6 Αάκων i(\>vyev ίκ Σττάρτην' €7γΙ δε τό ναν- 
 TLKoVy ο eKeivov rjOpOLKeL άττο των συμμάχων, e^e^ΐeμφθη 
 Κραττ^σιτΓΤτίδαί, κα\ 7ταρ€λαβ€ν ev Χίω. 
 
 Agis makes a sally from Decelea, but retreats hastily before 
 Thrasyllus. In reward the Athenians vote Thrasyllus 50 
 trire7nes and considerable reinforcements, 
 
 XlepX b\ TovTovs τους χρόνους Θρασνλλον ev \\Θηναι$ 33 
 ovTos ^AyLS eK την AeKekeCav ττρονομην ττοίονμ€νον TTpos 
 αντα τα τβιχτ] rjXOe των Αθηναίων* Θράσνλλο^ be e^a- 
 yay(i>v ^Αθηναίον^ καΐ tovs akkovs tovs ev ttj TroAet 
 ovTas a-navTas irapeTaie τταρα το AvKeiov yvμvάσL0V, 
 ώί μαχονμ€νοί, αν Ίτροσίωσιν. ibiav be ταϋτα "^Ayis 34 
 
6o 
 
 HELLENICA /, C. i. 
 
 411-410 atiJiyay^. ταχεωί, και riv^s αυτών ολίγοι των ίττΐ τιασιν 
 ^'^' ντΓΟ των ψιλών άττίθανον» οΐ ονν ^Αθηναίοι τω Θρασνλλω 
 δια ταντα ίτι 7τροθνμ6τ€ροί ησαν €φ' h ηκ€, και ίψηφί- 
 σαντο όττλίτα^ Τ€ αντον καταλ4ζασθαι χίλιους, iinrias be 
 ίκατόν, TpLTjpeLs be ττ€ντήκοντα, 
 
 Agis sends Clearchus with a srnall squadron to the Bosporus 
 to cut off the Athenian corn supply, Clearchus loses three 
 ships in the Hellespont^ but with the rest safely reaches 
 Byzantitan. 
 
 35 ^Ayis δβ ίκ Trjs AcKeXeta? ιδώζ; ττλοΐα ττολλα σίτου els 
 TleLpaia καταθ^οντα, oibev οφβλοί ίφη elvai του$ μ€Τ 
 αυτοϋ ττολυν Ίίbη χρόνον ^Αθηναίου^ elpyeiv τη$ yris, d 
 μη TLS σχησοί και oOev 6 κατά θάλατταν σϊτο^ φοίτα' 
 κράτίστόν Τ€ eivat καΐ Κλέαρχου τον ^Ραμφίου TTpo^evov 
 οντα Βυζαντίων τιέμψαι els ¥^αλχφόνα Τ€ κα\ Έυζάντιον, 
 
 3β bo^avTos be τούτου, ^τληρωθeLσώv veώv €κ re Μίγάρωι; 
 και παρά των άλλων συμμάχων irevTeKaCbeKa στρατιωτί- 
 bωv μάλλον η τaχeLώv ωχ€Το. καΐ αυτόν των veώv Tpeis 
 άττόλλυνται ev τω ^Ελλησττόντω υττο των ^Αττικών evvea 
 veώv, αί άel evTadOa τα ττλοΐα bLeφύλaττov, αί δ' αλλαι 
 ίφυγον els Σηστόν, eKeWev be els Βυζάντιον έσώθησαν. 
 
 Contemporary events in Sicily, 
 
 37 Kat 0 evιaυτos eλr\yev^ ev ω Kapxr]6oVtot "Αννίβα 
 ηγουμένου στpaτeύσavτes eirl ΣLκeλίav beKa μυριάσι 
 στpaτίάs αίρουσιν ev τρισΧ μησί bvo TToAeis Έλλ?;2;ιδα5 
 ΣeλLvoϋvτa και ^Ιμέραν. 
 
HELLENIC A /, c. 2. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Thrasyllus sails with his fleet to Sajnos : he makes numerous 410-409 
 descents upon the Ionian coast, till he is stopped by Stages 
 the Persian. 
 
 Τω 6e αλλω eret [ω ην Όλνμτηαζ τρίτη και €ν€νηκοστή, 
 rj τϊροστ^θύσα ξννωρΐ^ kvUa Eiayopov Ήλβιου, τό h\ 
 aTahiov Ενβώτα^ Κυρηναΐο^, έττΐ ίφόρον μ€ν ovtos iv 
 Σττάρτυ Εναρχίτΐττον, ap\ovTos δ' kv Αθηναία Ενκτημονο^,'\ 
 ^Αθηναίοι μ€ν θορικόν ίτ^ίχισαν, Θράσυλλοί δέ τά Τ€ 
 ψηφισθέντα ττλοϊα λαβών καΐ Ti^VTaKKryjXiov^ των 
 ναυτών ττελταστά^ ττοίησάμ€νο9, [ώί α/χα και ττ€λτασταΪ9 
 έσομένοις,^ i^iirkevaev αργομίνον του Θέρους Σάμον, 410 April. 
 CKCt δβ μ€ίνα9 Tp{is ημέρας ίιτλ^υσ^ν ety ITvyeAa* κα\ 2 
 ενταύθα την re χωράν βδτ/ου καΐ ττροσέβαλλζ τω Τ€ΐχ6ΐ. 
 ίκ. be τη9 Μίλητου βοηΘησαντ€9 rtrey rots Υ1υγ€λ€υσί 
 l·uσ^τapμ€voυs ovTas των ^Αθηναίων tovs ψιλούς ibίωκov, 
 οΐ be 7τeλτaστal καΐ των όττλιτών bvo λόχοι βοηΘησαντ€ς 3 
 ττρόί τους αυτών ψιλούς aireKTeivav ατιαντας τους ίκ 
 Μίλητου ίκτός ολίγων, και άσ^τίbaς ίλαβον ως bLaκoσίaς, 
 και τρότταιον ίστησαν. rrj be iaTepaiq e^τλeυσav eh 4 
 Νότιον, και evTedOev ^τapaσκeυaσάμevoι e^:opeύovτo eU 
 Κολοφώνα. Κολοφωνιοι be ^:poσeχώpησav, κα\ της 
 ίττιούσης νυκτός ίνέβαλον eh την Aυbίav ακμάζοντος 
 του σίτου, και κωμας re ττολλάς ίνέττρησαν καΐ χρήματα ο. June. 
 ίλαβον και avbpairoba καΐ αλλην λeίav ττολλήν. Στάγης 5 
 be δ Πέρσης irepi ταύτα τα χωρία ων, eirel οΐ Αθηναίοι 
 €κ του στpaτo^τeboυ bιeσκebaσμevoι ησαν κατα τάς Ibias 
 λ€ίας, βοηθησάντων τών ίττττέων eva μ€ν ζωόν ίλαβ€ν, 
 Ητα δέ άττέκτζΐν€. Θράσυλλος be μeτά ταϋτα airrfyayev β 
 
HELLENICA /, C. 2. 
 
 410-409 iin θάλατταν την στρατιάν, m ets ΈφβσοΓ ττλβυσό- 
 B.C. 
 
 Thrasyllus attacks Ephesus^ but is defeated with great loss hy 
 the citizens^ Syracusans, and the troops of Tissaphernes. 
 
 Ύί(Γσαφ€ρνη9 be αίσθόμ^νο^ τούτο το έττιχ^ίρημα, στρα- 
 τιάν 76 avvikeye τιολλην καΧ i^nias airiaTeWe τταραγ- 
 γ4λλων τιασιν els Έφβσοζ; βοηθ^ιν Tjj ^Αρτέμώί, Θρά- 
 
 7 συλλθ9 δέ €βbόμΎ] καΐ δβκάττ; ημ^ρα μ€τά την ^Ισβολην 
 eh *Έφeσov eirXevae, καΐ tovs μ€ν όττλίτα^ irpos τον 
 Κορησσον αττοβφάσα^, tovs be LTTireas καί ireXTaaTas 
 και ίτηβάτα^ καΐ tovs άλλους ττάντα^ ττρόί τό ekos eirl 
 τα eTepa Trjs πολ^ωί, αμα τί/ ημ^ρα TTpoarjye bvo στρα- 
 
 8 Toireba* οί δ' ίκ Ttjs ^τό\eωs έβοήθησαν σφίσιν^ οΐ re 
 σνμμαγοι ovs Τισσαφέρνης y\y(Jiye^ και Σνρακόσωι οΐ τ 
 άττό των ττροτέρων eϊκoσL veiov καΐ άττό ίτέρων TrevTe, at 
 eTvyov TOTe 'napayevόμevaι, veωστ\ ηκονσαι μeτa Εν- 
 K\eovs Te του'^ΙτηΓωνος KaV HpaKXeibov τον^ ApLστoyevovs 
 
 9 στpaτηyώv, καΐ ΣβλίΓονσιαι bvo. οντοι be iravTes ττρώτον 
 μ€ν irpos tovs όττλίτας tovs ev Κορησσω ίβοηθησαν' 
 τούτους be τpe^ψάμevoL και airoKTeivavTes αυτών ως el 
 ζκατον καΐ eh την Θάλατταν καταδιώ^α^τβί ττρος τους 
 τταρα το eλoς ίτράττοντο, eφυyov be κάκ€ΐ οι ^Αθηναίοι, 
 
 10 και άττωλοντο αυτών ως τριακόσιοι, οι be Έφβσιοι τρό- 
 τταιον ίνταΰθα ίστησαν καΐ eTepov ττρος τω Κορησσω, 
 τοις Συρακοσίοις καΐ Σeλιvoυσίoι,ς κρατίστοις yevo- 
 μένοις άpιστeΐa ebωκav και Koivfj και Ibiq ττολλοϊί, και 
 olKe'iv OLTekeiav iboσav τω βουλομένω aei' Σeλιvoυσίoις 
 bi, iirel η ττόλις ά^τωλώλeι, και iroXiTeiav iboaav. 
 
HELLENICA /, C. 2. 
 
 The Athenians retreat to Notium^ and sail thence to Lesbos^ 410-40Θ 
 where they fall in with the Syracusans, and chase them B.C. 
 back to Ephesus with the loss of four ships, Thrasyllus 
 joins the Athenian squadron at Sestos, and the combined 
 force then crosses to Lampsacus. 
 
 01 δ" ^hQy\vaioi τον% veKpovs vTroairovbovs άττολαβόντζ^ 11 
 άττ€7Γλ€νσαν eh Nortor, κάκβΐ θά\Ι/αντ€9 avTovs eirkeov 
 €7γΙ Αίσβον και ^ΕλλησττόνΤΌν. όρμονντζς δε ίν Μηθνμνυ 
 της Αίσβον eihov τταραττλβοιίσαί 6^ Έφεσου τα? Συρα- 
 KoaCas vavs irivre καί βϊκοσί' καΙ ίπ avras avayOivres 12 
 rirrapas μ€ν βλαβον αντοίς avhpaai^ ras δ' αλλαί κατ€- 
 hLio^av els Έφβσοι^. κοΧ tovs μev άλλους αΙχμαλωτονς 13 
 &ράσνλλος els ^Αθήνας a7:e^τeμ^|re Trdvras, ^ AλκLβLάbηv 
 be ^Αθήναιον, Άλκι/3ιάδου οντα aveyj/Lov καί σvμφvγάbay 
 ά^τeλvσev, evrevdev be e^τλeυσev els την Σηστον upbs 
 το αλλο στpάτevμa' eKeWev be απασα ή στρατιά bUβη 
 els Αάμψακον, 
 
 The unconquered troops of Alcibiades refuse to associate with 
 the defeated troops of Thrasyllus^ until in combination they 
 win a brilliant victory over Pharnabazus at Abydos. 
 
 Και xe^iiv eTTrjety ev ω oi αιχμάλωτοι Σνρακόσιοι, 14 
 eipγμevoι του Ueipaiias ev λιθoτoμίaιSy bιopύ^avτes την 410 Oct. 
 τϊίτραν, ά^τobpάvτes vυκτbs ωχοντο els Aeκeλeιav, 01 b 
 els Meyapa, ev be Trj Ααμψάκω συvτάττovτos Άλκι- 15 
 βιάboυ το στpάτeυμa τταν οί irpoTepoi στρατιώται ουκ 
 ^βουλοντο T01S μeτά Θρασυλλου συvτάττeσθaι, m αυτοί 
 μev ovTes αήττητοι, eKeivoi be ηττημένοι {jKOiev. ίνταϋθα 
 brj eχeίμaζov ά^τavτes Αάμψακον TevylCovTes. κα\ έστρά- ΐβ 
 τeυσav irpds "Aβυbov' Φapvάβaζos δ' eβoηθησev Unois 
 7Γθλλοΐ?, κα\ μάχυ fJTτηθels ^υyev,^ ΆλκιβΜης δέ 
 έ^ωκ€ν ίχων τοΛ re linTeas καΐ των δττλιτων eiKoai και 
 
64 
 
 HELLENICA /, CC. 2, 3. 
 
 410-409 ίκατόν, ων ηρχβ Mevavbpo^, Μ^'ΧΡ^ σκότος άφξίλξτο, ίκ 
 ^'^' 17 δ€ r^s M^xr]? ταύτης συνέβησαν οΐ στρατιωται αυτοί 
 αύτοΐς καΐ ησττάζοντο τους μ€τα ΘρασυΚλου. ί^ήλθον 
 hi τινας κα\ αΧλας β^οδουί του χ^ιμώνος eh την η7Γ€φον 
 καΐ €Έ0ρθουν την βασιλέως χωράν. 
 
 The Lacedae^nonians recapture Coryphasium^ i.e, Sphac- 
 teria. Massacre of the Spartan colonists at Heraclea, 
 Revolt of the Medes, 
 
 18 Τω δ' αυτω χρονω καί AaKebaLfjLovLOL τους cts το Κο~ 
 ρυφάσιον των ΕΙλώτωι; αφ^στωτας €κ Μαλέας ύττο- 
 σ^rόvboυς άφηκαν. κατα be τον αυτόν καιρόν καΐ ev 
 Ήρακλβια τη Ύραχινία ΆχαιοΙ τους ίττοίκους, avTiTe^ 
 ταγμένων ττάντων προς ΟΙταίους 'πoλeμίoυς όντας, ττρού- 
 boσav, ωστe άττοΚέσθαι αυτών ττρος ίτττακοσίονς συν τω 
 
 19 6Κ Aaκebaίμovoς αρμοστή Ααβώτα. καΐ 6 ένιαυτος lkηγev 
 ούτος, ev ω και Mrjboi άττό Aapeίoυ του ϊlepσωv βασιλέως 
 ά^τoστάvτeς ττάλιν ττροσνχώρησαν αυτω. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Athenian fleet sails from Lampsacus to Proconnesus and 
 the Bosporus, Alcibiades invests Chalcedon, and success- 
 fully resists a joint attack made on his lines by Hippocrates 
 from within and Pharnabazus from without, Hippocrates 
 was slain, 
 
 409-408 Του δ' έτϊΐόντος έτους ο ev Φώκαια veως της ^Αθηνάς 
 eve7Γpησθη ττρηστηρος eμ7Γeσόvτoς, eirel δ' ό χβι/χώζ/ eληγey 
 [Παντακλέους μ^ν eφopeύovτoςy άρχοντος δ' 'Amy^iOVs,] 
 
 409 April, έαρος αρχομένου, [δυοΐι; καΐ eϊκoσιv ίτών τω ττολέμω 
 ^7apeληλυθότωv,'\ οι ^Αθηναίοι έ'πλ€υσαν eh Υίροκόννησον 
 
HELLENICA /, c. 3. 
 
 65 
 
 'ηαντΧ τώ στρατόπεδα). €Κ€Ϊθζν δ' cttI Kaλχηbόva καΐ 409-408 
 Βνζάντίον δρμησαντ€9 ^στρατοττώ^νσαντο Trpbs Καλχη- ^ ^'^' 
 bovL, οί δε KaλχηbόviOL τΐροσιόντα^ αίσθόμ^νοι tovs 
 \\θηναίον^, την keiav αττασαν κατέθ^ντο eh tovs BiOvvovs 
 Θράκας aaTvyeiTovas ovTas* ΆλκφLάbηs be λαβών των 3 
 Τ€ όττλίτων ολίγους και tovs ΙτττΓβαί, και tols vavs τιάρα- 
 TtXelv KeXevaas, ίλθων els tovs Btevvovs άτττ^τεί τα των 
 KaλχηbovL·ωv χρήματα" el be μη, 'πoλeμησeLv eφη avTols. 
 οι be aireboaav, ^AλκLβLάbηs δ' eirel rjKev els to στρα- 4 
 TOTTebov την τε λείαζ; εχωι^ κ,αΐ niaTeis ^ΐe^ΓOiημevos, 
 άττετειχι^ε την Ka\χηbόva τταντί τω aTpaT07Teb<a από 
 θaλάττηs els θάλατταν καΐ τον ττοταμοΰ οσον οΐόν τ ην 
 ξνλίνω Telxei, ίντανθα ^l^Γ7τoκpάτηs μ\ν ό Λακεδαι/χοζ;ω? 5 
 άpμoστηs εκ Trjs ^τόλeωs e^'qyaye tovs στρατιώτα^, a)s 
 μaχovμevos' οί be ^Αθηναίοι άντ lit apeT άφαντο αυτω, 
 Φapvάβaζos be ε^ω των ^ϊepίτeιχισμάτωv ^τpoσeβoηθeL 
 στρατυα τε καΐ lttttols πολλοϊ^. *Ιπποκράττ;9 μ^ν ουν β 
 καΐ Θράσυλλοί ίμάχοντο eKaTepos tols όπλίταΐ5 χρόνον 
 ΤΓολνν, μέχρι ΆλκLβLάbηs ίχων όπλίταί τε τιι;α5 και tovs 
 ίππεαί eβoηθησe. και ^l^nΓoκράτηs μ€ν aireOavev, οι be 
 μeτ αντον ovTes e<\>vyov els την ττόλιν. αμα be και η 
 Φaρvάβaζos, ον bυvάμevos σνμμίζαι irpos τον ^Ιτητοκράτη 
 bia την aTevoiropiav, του ττοταμοΰ και των άττoτeιχισ^μά^ 
 των eyyhs όντων, άττeχωρησ^€V els το Ηράκλειοι; το των 
 Kaλχηbovίωv, ου ην αυτω το aTpaTOTTebov. 
 
 While Alcibiades is absent collecting money on the Hellespont^ 
 the Athenians come to terms with Pharnabazus, who agrees 
 to send Athenian envoys to the Persian king, and to allow 
 Chalcedon again to become tributary to Athens, The 
 Athenians agree to suspend all hostilities till their return, 
 
 Έκ τούτου δέ ' k\κιβιabηs μ\ν (SxeTO els τον Έλλησ- 8 
 £ 
 
66 
 
 HELLENIC A /, C. 3. 
 
 409-408 TTovTOV Koi eh ^^ρρόνησον χρήματα ττράζων* ol be λοιτΐοΐ 
 ^'^' στρατηγοί σννβχώρησαν ττροί Φαρνάβαζον νττ€ρ Καλχη- 
 bovos ecKoat τάλαντα bovvat ^ Αθηναίο is Φαρνάβαζον και 
 9 βασιλέα ττρ^σβ^ι^ ^Αθηναίων avayayeiv, καΐ opKOVS 
 €boσav καΐ €λαβον τταρα Φαρναβάζον ντΐοτ^λύν τον 
 φόρον KaλχηbovLovs ^ Αθηναίο is δσονττ€ρ ^Ιώθζσαν και 
 τά όφΗλόμ€να χρήματα airobovvai, ^AΘηvaίovs be μη 
 7τoλeμeϊv Kaλχηbovίoιs, eωs αν οι τταρα βaσιλeωs Ίτρέσ^ 
 βeιs ίλθωσιν. 
 
 After some delay Alcibiades swears to the treaty at Chryso- 
 polls and Pharnabazus at Chalcedo7i. Pharnabazus goes 
 to Cysicus, where he is 7?iet by the Athenian envoys^ and 
 also by so?ne Spartan envoys, 
 
 10 ^ Aλκιβιάbηs be Tois opKois ουκ ervyxave τταρών, άλλα 
 irepl Σηλνβρίαν ην' eκeίvηv δ' ίλων TTpos το Βνζάντιον 
 ηκ€ν, ίχων Xeρpovησίτas Te 7Γavbημeι και άττό θp(ίκηs 
 
 11 στpaτιώτas καΐ iTnreas 7τλeίovs τριακοσίων. Φapvάβaζos 
 be άζιών beiv κάκeϊvov όμνύναι, ^:epιeμevev ev Καλχη- 
 bovi, μέχρι €λθοι €κ του Βυζαντίου* eireibr] δ' ηλθev, ουκ 
 eφη όμeΐσθaι, el μη κάκeϊvos αντω όμeΐτaι, μeτά ταϋτα 
 ώμoσev δ μev ev 'Kpυσo^τόλeι ols Φapvάβaζos e^τeμ^|/e 
 
 12 Mιτpoβάτeι καΐ ^Apvά'πeι, δ δ' ev Kaλχηbόvι tois τταρ' 
 Άλκιβιάboυ Ευρυτττολέμψ και Αιοτίμω τον Te κοινον 
 
 13 ορκον κα\ ibia άλλήλoιs ^[ίστeιs ίττοιήσαντο, Φαρνά- 
 βaζos μ€ν ονν eυθυs airrjei, και tovs τταρά βασιλέα 
 ^ΐopeυoμevoυs 7τpeσβeιs άτταντάν eκeλeυσev els Κνζικον, 
 ίττέμφθησαν be ^Αθηναίων μ€ν Αωρόθ€05, Φιλobίκηs, 
 Θeoγevηs, Eυρυ7ττόλeμos, Mavτίθeos, συν be tovtois 
 'Apyetot Kλeόστρaτos, Πυpρόλoχos' enopevovTo be καί 
 Aaκebaιμovίωv ^ϊpeσβeιs Haam'nibas καΐ erepot, μeτά be 
 
HELLENICA /, c. 3. 67 
 
 τούτων καΐ Έρμοκράτηί, τ;δτ] φ^νγων e/c Συρακουσών, 409-408 
 καΐ 6 άb€λφos αντου Ylpo^evos. ^'^' 
 
 The Athenians besiege Byzantium, While Clear chus the 
 Spartan harmost is away^ collecting forces to raise the 
 siege, some Byzantines betray the city to Alcibiades. The 
 garrison, unable to resist, surrender. Story of Anaxilaus 
 at Sparta, 
 
 Kat Φαρνάβαζο9 μίν τούτουε ηγ^ν' oi be Άθηναΐοί το 14 
 Βυζάντίον ίττολίόρκουν 7Γ€ριτ€ίχίσαντ€$, και irpos το τ€ΐχο9 
 άκρoβoλίσμovs καΐ ττροσβολα^ ίττοωΰντο. iv be τω Βυ- 15 
 ζαντίω ην Κλβαρχοί Aaκ€baLμόvLos αρμοστής καΐ συν 
 αντω των ττ€ρωίκων TLves και των v€obaμωbώv ου ττολλοί 
 καΐ Meyapels καΐ άρχων αυτών "EXl^os Meyapeis καΐ 
 Βοιωτοί καΐ τούτων άρχων KoLpaTabas. οΐ δ' ^Αθηναϊοί 1β 
 i>s oibev ebύvavτo ^αττράζασθαι, κατ Ισχύν, €ττ€ίσάν 
 TLvas των Βυζαντίων irpobodvaL την ττόλιν, Κλέαρχος 17 
 δέ 6 αρμοστής οίόμβνοί oibeva αν τοϋτο ττοιησαι, κατά- 
 στησα$ be άπαντα ω^ ebύvaτo κάλλιστα καΐ eTTLTpeyj/as 
 τά ev rfj TroAet Κοιρατάδα καΐ Έλι^ω, bLeβη τταρά τον 
 Φαρνάβαζον els το irepav, μισθόν re rots στρατιωται^ 
 τταρ αυτού λη\|/όμevos καΐ ναυς συλλ4ζων, at ησαν ev 
 τω ^Ελλησττόντω αλλαί κaτaλeλeιμμevaι φpoυpίbes υττο 
 ΠασιτΓΤΓίδου και ev ^AvTavbpco καΐ hs ^Aγησavbpίbas 
 elxev ίττΐ Θράκης, ίτηβάτης ων MLvbάpoυ, καΐ δττως αλλαί 
 vaυ^τηγηΘeίησav, άθρόαι be yevόμevaι ττάσαί κακώς τους 
 συμμάχους τών ^Αθηναίων ττοΐοϋσαι ά'noσ'πάσeιav το 
 στpaτόπebov άττό του Βυζαντίου. eirel δ' eζe7Γλeυσev 6 18 
 Κλέαρχος, οι ^τpobLbόvτeς την τϊόλιν τών Βυζαντίων 
 Kύbωv καϊ Αρίστων καΐ Άναξίκράτης καΐ Αυκοϋργος καΐ 
 Άναξίλαος, os ύ^τaγόμevoς Θανάτου ϋστepov ev AaKebai- 19 
 μονί bia την 7Tpoboσίav ά^τ€φυγev, οτι ου ^ίpoboίη την 
 
 £ 2 
 
68 
 
 HELLENICA I, CC. 3, 4. 
 
 409-408 ΤΓολιζ;, άλλα σώσαι, τταΐδαί όρώι/ καΐ yvz^atKaj λιμώ 
 ■^'^' aiToWv^ivas, Βυζάντω^ ων καί ου Aaκ€baLμόvLos' τον 
 γαρ ivovra σίτον Κλέαρχον rots Aaκ€haίμovίωv στρατιά^ 
 rais hihovai' δια ταντ ονν tovs ττολβμίον^ €φη ^Ισίσθαι, 
 ουκ αργυρίου ev€Ka oibe δια τό μισύν AaκebaLμovLoυs^ 
 
 20 €π€6 be aiJTOLS τταρ^σκζύαστο, νυκτ09 άνοίξαντ€9 ras ττύλας 
 TCLS ίττΐ το θρακιον καλουμένα^ €ΐσηγαγον το στράτευμα 
 
 21 κα\ τον ^AλκLβίάbηv. 6 be "Ελι^ο^ καΐ 6 KoLpaTdbas 
 oibev τούτων eiboTes ^βοηθούν μ€τα ττάντων €is την 
 άγοράν' €7Γ€ΐ be ττάνΤΎ] οΐ ττολίμίοι KaTel\ov, oibev 
 
 22 e^ovTes, δ,η TTOLrfaeiav, irapeboaav σφάς αυτούς» καΐ 
 ουτοί μev ά^τe'ττeμφΘησav eh Άθηνας, καΐ 6 KoipaTabas 
 ev τω οχλω άττοβαινόντων ev TleLpaLel ekaOev anobpas 
 καΐ ά^τeσωΘη els AeKekeiav, 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Pharnabazus and the efivoys are met at Gordiurn by some 
 Spartan envoys with the news that Cyrus has been ap- 
 poi7ited satrap at Sardis, and ordered to aid the Lacedae- 
 7nonians in the war. 
 
 ^^-f^^*^ ^^οίρνάβαζος be καί οι ^τpeσβeLS της Φρυγίας ev Γορ- 
 Β Ό. 
 
 2 διβίω ovTes τον \eLμωva τα irepX το Βυζάντιον ττβττραγ- 
 408 April. jtxeW ηκουσαν, αργομίνου be του eapos ^τopeυoμevoιs 
 
 αυτοις τταρα βασιλέα άττηντησαν καταβαίνοντ€ς οΐ re 
 AaκebaLμovLωv ^τpeσβeiς Βοιωτως δνομα καΐ οΐ μeτ 
 αυτού κα\ οΐ άλλου &γγeλoL·, και eλeγov otl AaκebaLμόvLOL· 
 
 3 ττάντων ων beovTai 7τe'πpaγότes elev τταρα βασιλέως, καΐ 
 Κυράς, άρζων ττάντων των ίττΐ θαλάττ^ καί συμττoλeμr|'' 
 
HELLENICA /, C. 4. 
 
 69 
 
 σωι^ Λακ€δαι/χο2;ιοΐ9, βτηστολην re e^epe rois κάτω ττασι 408-407 
 70 βασιλέων σφράγισμα €χονσαν, kv fj hrjv και rdbe ^'^' 
 Καταπί/χττω Κνρον κάρανον των eh Καστωλον άθροιζο- 
 μένων, [Το δέ κάρανον ίση κνρων.^ 
 
 Cyrus on his arrival persuades Pharnabazus to detain the 
 Athenian envoys on various pretexts^ so that they did not 
 return till three years afterwards, 
 
 Ύαντ^ ουν aKOvovres οί των ^Αθηναίων ττρέσβζΐ^, καΐ 4 
 €7Γ€6δτ) Κνρον (ibov, ίβούλοντο μάλιστα μ€ν τταρα βασι- 
 λέα άναβηναί, el be μη, οϊκαδβ ά^τeλθeL·v» Kvpos be 5 
 Φαρναβάζω elirev η Trapabovvat tovs ^τpeσβeίs Ιαυτω η 
 μη oLKabe ττω άττοττέμψαι^ βovλόμevos τον^ ^ Αθηναίους 
 μη eibevai τα ^τpaττόμeva, Φαρνάβαζο^ be τέω^ μ€ν β 
 κατ€Ϊχ€ τον^ ^τpeσβeLS, φάσκων rore μ€ν άvά^eιv avTovs 
 τταρα βασιλέα^ rore δe otκαδe ά^ΓO'IτeμψeLVy o>s μηbev 
 μέμψηται' eireLbr] be evLavTol Tpeh ησαν, ebeήΘη του 7 
 Κνρου άφeLvaL avTOvs, φάσκων ομωμοκέναι ά'nά^eLV eTTt 
 Θάλατταν, eneibi] ου τταρα βασιλέα, ττέμψαντ€9 be 'Apto- 
 βaρζάveι τταρακομίσαι avTovs eκeλevov' 6 be aTiriyayev 
 els Klov ttjs Μυσιαί, oOev TTpbs to άλλο στρaτό^τebov 
 ά^τeττλevσav. 
 
 Alcibiades designs to retur7t to Athens. Thrasybulus reduces 
 Thasos and the rebels in Thrace. Thrasyllus leads the 
 main fleet back to Athens. Meantime the Athenians elect 
 Alcibiades ge?teral. 
 
 Άλκίβιάbη^ be βovλόμevos μeτά των στρατιωτών S 
 άττoττλeϊv oUabe, άνηχθη eieh ίττι Σάμον' UeWev be 
 λαβών των vecov eϊκoσιv eττλevσe τη9 Kapias eh τον 
 Kepaμικbv κόλτίον. eKeWev be σνλλέ^α^ ίκατον τά- 9 
 λαντα TjKev cts την Σάμον. Θρασύβουλος be συν τριά- 
 
70 
 
 HELLENIC A /, C. 4. 
 
 408-407 κοντά νανσΧν ΙτιΧ θράκηί ωχβτο, βκβί τά Τ€ ήλλα 
 ^•^· γωρία τα ττρο9 Aaκ€baLμovLovs μ^θ^στηκότα κατ€στρ4' 
 ψατο καΐ θάσον, €γονσαν κακώ9 νττό re των ττολ^μων 
 
 10 και στάσ€ων καΐ λιμον, &ράσνλλθ9 be σνν rrj αλλτ} 
 στρατία els ^ Αθήναι κατέττλ^νσζ' ττρίν be ijKeLV αντον 
 οί ^ΑΘηναϊοί στρατηγούν eLλovτo ^AλιaβLάbηv μev φ^ν- 
 γοντα καΐ θρασνβονλον άττόντα, Κόνωνα be τρίτον €κ 
 των oLKoOev. 
 
 Alcibiades sails from Sa7nos a?td on hearing the news with 
 so7ne hesitation enters Piraeus on the day of the Plynteria. 
 
 11 ^ AkκιβL·ίbηs δ' 6K rqs Σάμου eyoiv τα χρήματα κατέ- 
 irXevaev eh ΙΙάρον νανσΙν etKoaiv, eKeWev δ' άνηγβη 
 ev6v TvOeiov eTrl κατασκοττην των τριηρών, as έττυνθά- 
 rero AaκebaLμovίovs αυτόθι ^ΓaρaσκeυάζeLv τριάκοντα, 
 καΐ του OLKabe κατάττλου οττωί η ττολίί ττρόί αντόζ; ^χβΐ· 
 
 12 €7ret δ' Ιώρα eaυτω eυvoυv ουσαν καΐ στρατηγόν αυτόν 
 7]ρημένουν καΐ ιδία μeτa7τeμ'πoμevoυs τουν e7nτηbeL·oυs, 
 
 408 June, κaτe^:λeυσev els τον Πβιραια ημ€ρα fj Πλυντήρια riyev η 
 ΤΓολίί, του eboυs KaTaKe καλυμμένου Trjs ^AΘηvάs, ο Tives 
 οίωνίζοντο aveTnTrjbeiov elvai και αυτω και ttj ττολβι' 
 ^Αθηναίων γαρ oibeis ev ταύττ] τη ημeρa oibevbs σττου- 
 δαίου ίργου τολμησαι hv αψασθαι. 
 
 Various feelings of the Athenians towards him : some said 
 that he was the victim of the intrigues of his enemies, who 
 had contrived his exile to make roo7n for their own a^n- 
 bitious scheines; others, that he was the cause of all the 
 Athenian 7nisfortunes, 
 
 13 Kaτa^:λeovτos δ' αυτού ο Te ίκ του Yleipaiias και 6 ίκ 
 του aστeωs oχλos ηθροίσθη TTpos tcls vads, Θaυμάζovτes 
 καΐ Ibeiv βουλόμ€νοι τον Άλκιβιάbηv, λeγovτes οι μev 
 
HELLENIC A 7, c. 4. 7 1 
 
 ωί κράτίστος €Ϊη των ττολιτων καΐ μόνο$ [άτΤ€λογηθη S>s] 408-407 
 ου δικαιωί φνγοι, €ΐτφουλ€νΘ€ΐ^ be νττο των ζΚαττον 
 ίκ€ΐνον bvvaμ4vωv μοχθηρότ€ρά re λεγόντων και Trpoy το 
 αντων tbiov Kepbos ττολιτ^νόντων, €K€Lvov ael το kolvov 
 ανζοντο^ και άττο των αντον καΙ άττό του τη^ ττολβωί 
 bυvaτoυ, ΙΘέλοντο^ be rore κρίν^σθαι τταραχρημα τψ 14 
 ahias &ρτι γζγζνημ^νη^ cos ησ^βηκότος eh τα μυστήρια, 
 ύττ€ρβαλόμ€νοί οΐ ίχΘροΙ τα boKodvTa bUaia etvai άττόντα 
 αυτόν υστέρησαν τη 9 iraTpibos' ev ω χρόνω υττο αμηχανίας 15 
 boυλ€ύωv ηναγκάσθη μ€ν Oepaiieieiv του^ έχθίστου^, 
 κLvbυveυωv ael τιαρ ^κάστην ημίραν άττολέσθαί* του9 be 
 οΙκ€ίοτάτου^ ττολίτας re καΐ συγγeve'LS καΐ την ττόλιν 
 αττασαν όρων ίζαμαρτάνουσαν, ουκ. eixev οττω^ ώφeλoίη 
 φυγτ] ά'πeLpγόμevos' ουκ eφaσav be των οΐων'π€ρ αυτο$ 1β 
 όντων eivaL καινών beiaOai ττραγμάτων oibe μeτaστάσeωs' 
 iirdpxeiv γαρ ίκ του bημoυ αυτω μ\ν των re ηλικιωτών 
 ττλ4ον exeiv των re ^τpeσ^βυτepωv μη ίλαττουσθαι, rots δ' 
 αυτοϋ ίχΘροΐ'ί τοιούτοι^ boKelv elvai otoia'nep irpoTepov, 
 ϋστepov be bvvaaOelaiv άττολλύναι τους ^eXrtVrous, αυ- 
 τούς be μόνους λeιφθevτaς bi αυτό τοϋτο άγαττασθαι ίττό 
 των ττολιτών δτι eTepois βeλτίoσιv ουκ elxov χρηαθαι' οι 17 
 6e, ΟΤΙ των τταροιχομένων αυτοϊς κακών μόνος αίτιος €Ϊη, 
 των re φοβ€ρών δντων τη 7r0\ei yeveaOai μόνος κιvbυ- 
 veijaai ηγ€μων καταστηναι. 
 
 Alcibiades lands and is escorted to the city by Ms friends. 
 His defence before the Senate and Assembly is favourably 
 received. He is chosen commaftder-in-chief and conducts 
 the sacred procession to Eleusis safely by land. Then 
 having equipped 100 triremes and large reinforceme7tts, he 
 sails with them to A?tdros. He gai?is a slight success over 
 the Andrians, and then sails to Samos. 
 
 ΆλκφΜης be ττρός την yijv όpμιo■θelς a7re^ati;e μev 18 
 
HELLENIC A /, c. 4. 
 
 408-407 ovK €νθέω9, φοβονμ€νο9 tovs ίχθρού^' ίτταναστάς 6e em 
 ^'^* του καταστρώματος ίσκόττζί τους αντον i^nτηb€Loυ9, β 
 
 19 τταρ^ίησαν. κατώων δε Ενρντττόλζμον τον Ώζίσίάνακτος, 
 αντοϋ δε άν^ψίόν, καΐ tovs άλλους οίκβίους καΐ τους φί" 
 λους μ^τ αυτών, rore άττοβας αναβαίνει ets την τιόλιν 
 μ€τά των 7ταρ€σκ€υασμζνων, €Ϊ τίς ατττοίτο, μη Ιτϊίτρέτϊ^ιν. 
 
 20 kv δε ττ; βουλτ] καΐ rrj εκκλησία άττολογησάμ^νος ως ουκ 
 ησ€β7]Κ€ί, είττώι; δε ως τ^δικτ/ται, λεχθέντων δε καΐ άλλων 
 τοιούτων καΐ oυbev6ς άντ^ίττόντος δια το μη ανασγίσθαι 
 αν την ίκκλησίαν, άναρρηθ^Ις αττάντων ηγ^μων αυτο^ 
 κράτωρ, ως οΙός τε ώζ; σώσαι την ττροτ^ραν της ττολεω^ 
 bύvaμLVi ττρότ^ρον μ€ν τα μυστήρια των ^Αθηναίων κατά 
 θάλατταν αγόντων bta τον ττόλ^μον, κατα γη ν ίττοίησ^ν 
 
 21 έζαγαγων τους στρατιώτας ατταντας' μ€τα δε ταϋτα κατε- 
 λε^ατο στρατίάν, όττλίτας μϊν τϊ^ντακοσίους κα\ γ^ίλίους, 
 ίττττέας δε ττ^ντήκοντα καΐ ίκατόν, ναυς δ' €κατόν. καΐ 
 
 408 Oct. μετά τον κατάττλουν τρίτω μηνΙ άνήγθη εττ' " Avhpov 
 αφ^στηκυίαν των ^Αθηναίων, κα\ μ^τ αυτού ^Αριστο- 
 κράτης καΐ ^ Ab€ίμavτoς δ A€υκoλoφίboυ συν€ττ€μφΘησαν 
 
 22 ^ρημένοί κατά γήν στρατηγοί, ^ AλκίβL·άbης δέ άττε^ί- 
 βασζ το στράτευμα της ^ Avbpίaς χώρας €ίς Γαύρβων' 
 ζκβοηθήσαντας δε τους ^AvbpLoυς ίτρέψαντο και κατε'- 
 κλ€ΐσαν είί την ττόλιν και τινας άττίκτ^ιναν ου ττολλους 
 
 23 καΐ τους Αάκωνας ot αυτόθι ησαν. ^ AλκιβLάbης δέ 
 τρότταίόν 7ε εσττ/σε καΐ μβίνας αυτοϋ ολίγας ημέρας 
 εττλευσει^ εΐ5 Σάμον, κάκύθ^ν ορμώμενος εττολε/χει. 
 
HELLENIC A /, c. 5. 
 
 73 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Ly Sander is appointed Spartan admiral and collects a fleet 408-407 
 of 70 ships at EphesuSy where he waits till Cyrus' arrival B.C. 
 at Sardis. 
 
 Ol δέ Aaκ€l·aίμόvL·OL· irporepov τοντων ου ττολλω χρόνω 
 ΚρατησιτϊΤϊ'ώα τψ ναναρχία^ τταρζληλυθυία^ Avaavhpov 
 €ξ4ττ€μψαν ναύαρχου. 6 he άφίκόμ€νο9 eh 'Ροδοζ; καΐ 
 vavs eKeWev λαβών, els Κώ καΐ Μίλητον eirXevaev, 
 eKeWev δ' els ^Έφβσοζ;, καΐ eKel e^eive vavs ίχων eβhO' 
 μήκοντα μ^χρι οϋ Kvpos els ΣάpbeLs a^UeTo, eirel b' 2 
 TjKev, ανέβη irpos αντον συν rots €κ AaκebaLμovos irpea- 
 βeσίv, evTavOa br} κατά re τον Ύισσaφepvoυs eKeyov a 
 7τe^ΐOLηκωs eLη, αντοΰ τe Kvpov ebeovτo i)s ττροθνμοτάτου 
 TTpbs τον ^τόλeμov yeveaOai, 
 
 Lysander obtai?is from Cyrus promises of vigorous support 
 and increased pay for the Peloponnesians, 
 
 YJvpos be τόΐ' re πατέρα ίφη ταντα eπeστaλκevaL καΐ 3 
 αντόί ονκ αλλ' ίγνωκ&αυ, άλλα ττάντα TTOLrjaeLv' ίχων 
 be rjKeLv τάλαντα 'πevτaκόσιa' eav be ταϋτα ίκλίτττ}, rot? 
 IbioLS xprjaecreat ίφη^ a 6 ττατηρ αντω ebωκev' eav be 
 καΐ ταντα, καΐ τον Θρόνον κaτaκόψeLV eφ^ ου ίκάθητο, 
 δντα άργνρονν καΐ χρνσονν, οΐ be ταντ eTryvovv καΐ 4 
 eκeλevov αυτόν τάζαι τω ναντγ bpaχμηv ^Αττικήν, δι- 
 bάσκovτ€S ore hv omos 6 μLσΘ6s γένηται, ol των ^Αθψ 
 ναίων νανται ά^roλeίψovσL τas vavs, καΐ μeίω χρήματα 
 avaλώσeι, 6 be κaλώs μ€ν ίφη αντο^ Xeyeiv, ου δυ- 5 
 νατον δ' elvai τταρ h βaσLλeυs e^:eστeιλev αυτω άλλα 
 TTOLelv, etvat be καΐ ray avve-qKas oϋτωs eχoύσas, τριά- 
 κοντα μvάs €κάστΎΐ νηΐ του μηvbs bibovai, OTtoaas αν 
 
74 
 
 HELLENIC A /, c. 5. 
 
 408-407 βονλωνται τρέφζιν Αακ^Ιαιμόνιοι, 6 δβ Avaavhpo^ τότ€ 
 β μίν ίσίώττησ-ζ' μ€τα δε το betiTVOv, eirel αντω ττροτηων 6 
 Kvpos ηρ€Τθ τί αν μάλιστα χαρίζοιτο ττοίών, eiiTev οτι Ει 
 
 7 TTpos τον μισθον €κάστω ναντΎ} όβολον ττροσθζίη^. €Κ 
 δβ τούτον T€TTap€s_ 6 ^okol ην 6 μυσθό^, ττρότ^ρον δβ 
 τριώβολον. και τον Τ€ 7τρονφζίλόμ€νον άττβδωκβ καΐ €Tl 
 μηνο^ T[povh(jiiK€Vy ώστβ το στράτευμα ττολύ ττροΘνμότ^ρον 
 €ΐναι. 
 
 The Athenians ϊ?ι despair send envoys to Cyrus, but he 
 refuses to see them, Lysander had now 90 ships at 
 Ephesus. 
 
 8 Ot δβ ^ Μηναίο I άκονοντ€9 ταύτα αθνμως μ€ν €Ϊχον, 
 €7ί€μιτον δβ ττρόί τον Κνρον 7Γρβσ/3β69 δια Τισσαφέρνους. 
 
 9 ό δβ ου 'πpoσ€b€χ€To, δβο/χβι;ου Τισσαφέρνους και λέγον- 
 τος, απβ/) αντος βττοίβι ττβισ^βΐί νττ* ^ Aλκιβιάboυ, σκοττ€Ϊν 
 δττως των ^Ελλήνων μηb€ oiTives Ισχυροί ωσιν, άλλα 
 
 10 ττάντ€ς άσΘ^ν€ΐς, αντοί iv αντοις στασιάζοντ€ς. καΐ 
 ό μ€ν Avσavbρos, βττβΐ αντω το ναυτικον συν€Τ€τακτο, 
 άν^λκύσας τάς ίν ttJ 'Εφβσω ονσας νανς ivevrjKOVTa 
 ησνχίαν ηγ^ν, ίττισκβνάζων και άναψνχων αντάς. 
 
 Alcibiades crosses to Phocaea to visit Thrasybulus, leaving 
 his fleet at Sajnos, in charge of Antiochus, with strict 
 orders not ta fight. But Antiochus disobeys, and draws on 
 a general engagement at Notium, in which he is defeated 
 by Lysander with a loss of is ships. 
 
 11 ^ AλκιβLάbη9 δβ άκονσας θρασνβουλον β^ Έλλτ/σττοΓ- 
 
 ^^Ζ^^^ του η κοντά Τ€ΐχίζ€ΐν Φωκαιαν διβττλβυσβ ττρος αντόν, 
 B.C. 
 
 407 April, καταλιττων ίττϊ ταΐς νανσιν ^ Αντίογον τον αντον κνβ^ρ^ 
 νητην, βΤΓίστβιλα^ μη έτϊΐτϊλύν βττι τάς Avσάvbpov νανς, 
 
 12 Ό δβ ^ Αντίογος τί/ τβ αυτοΰ νη\ κα\ αλλί] βκ Νοτίου 
 
HELLENIC A /, C. 5. 75 
 
 €t$ τον λιμένα των Έφξσίων ^Ισιτλ^νσα^ τταρ' aiiras tcls 407-406 
 TTpiipas των \vσάvbpoυ ν^ων τταρέπλα. 6 δ€ Avaavhpos 
 το μ\ν ττρώτον ολίγας των ν€ων καθ^λκνσα^ khi(^K^v 
 αυτόν, €TT€L be oi ^Αθηναϊου τω ^Αντωχω ίβοηθονν 
 ττλβιοσι ναυσί, τότ€ δτ) καΐ ττάσαί σνντάξας eTreTrXet. 
 μ€τα be ταύτα καΐ oi ^Αθηναίου 6κ τον Νοτίου κα^βλκυ- 
 aavTes Tas λοιττά^ Tpir\peis άνηχθησαν, eKaaTOS ηνοι- 
 ^ev. 6Κ τούτου δ' ίναυμάχησαν οί μ€ν ev rd^et, oi be 14 
 'ΆθηναΙοι bL·eσ^ΐapμevaίs rats ναυσί, μέχρι ου e<l>vyov 
 aiTokeaavTes irevTeKaibeKa TptripeLs. των be avbp&v oi 
 μ€ν TrXelaTOL έ^έφυγον, oi δ' έζωγρηθησαν, Aύσavbρos 
 be ras re ναϋ^ άναλαβων καΐ τρότταων στήσα9 eirl 
 του Νοτίου buTrXevaev eh *Έφeσov, oi δ' ^Αθηναίοι els 
 Σάμον. 
 
 On his return to Sajnos Alcibiades tries in vain to renew 
 the battle and avenge the defeat. 
 
 Μ€τά be ταύτα Άλκφιάδτ;^ ΐΧβων eh Σάμον άνηχθη 15 
 Tats ναυσΙν άττάσαΐί €7rt τοζ; λιμένα των Έφeσίωv, και 
 ττρο του στόματος irapiTa^ev, ei tis βονλοιτο vaυμaχeϊv. 
 eireibr} be Aijaavbpos ουκ avTavqyaye bia το ^τoλλah 
 ναυσΙν έλαττουσθαι, ά^τeπλeυσev eh Σάμον. AaKebai- 
 μόνιοι be όλίγω ijaTepov αίρονσι Aeλφίvιov καΐ 'HtoVa. 
 
 On hearing of this affair the Athenians at home choose ten 
 other generals in place of Alcibiades, who, fi7iding himself 
 unpopular also with his fleet, sails away to the Chersonese. 
 
 Ot δ€ ev οϊκω Άβψαίοι, eireibr] ηγγέλθη η ναυμαχία, ιβ 
 χaλe^:m elxov τω Άλκιβιάbr], olόμevoι bi aμeλeιάv re 
 και άκpάτeιav ά^ϊoλωλeκevaι Tas ναυ^, καΐ στρατηγούν 
 €Ϊλοντο αλλουν δβκα, Κόνωνα^ Aιoμebovτay Αέοντα, 
 Uepικλea, Έpaσιvίbηv, "Αριστοκράτη, Άρχέστρατον, 
 
76 
 
 HELLENIC A /, c. 5. 
 
 407-406 Πρωτομαχοι^, Θράσνλλον, ^Αριστογίνη, Άλκίβίά^η^ 
 ^'^' jfj μ€ν ονν ττονηρω9 καΐ ίν ttj στρατιά φ€ρόμ€νο9, λαβών 
 τρίηρη μίαν airiiTXevaev els Χ€ρρόνη(Γον eiy τά kavTov 
 Τ€ίχη. 
 
 Conon succeeds Alcibiades at Sa^nos; he mans only 70 ships 
 out of 100, and with them ravages the neighbowing 
 coast. 
 
 18 Mera h\ ταϋτα Κόνων έκ rr/j "^Avbpov σνν als €ΐχ€ 
 ναυσΙν €Ϊκοσί ψηφισαμένων ^Αθηναίων eh Σάμον cTrXet;- 
 σ€ν έττΐ το ναντικόν, αντΧ h\ Κόνωνος €t9 ^'Avhpov 
 
 19 ίττ€μ\Ι/αν Φανοσθένη^ τίτταρα^ vavs άγοντα, οντο^ ττβρι- 
 τν\ων hvoiu τριηροιν θονρίαιν €λαβ€ν αντοΪ9 avhpaaC 
 κα\ rovs μ\ν αίχμαλώτον^ ατιαντα^ ^ί>ησαν ^ Αθηναίοι^ 
 τον be άρχοντα αυτών Δωρΐ€α, δντα μ€ν ^Pobiov, πάλαι 
 δέ φυγάba Αθηνών καΐ 'Ροδου νττο ^Αθηναίων κατ€- 
 ψηφίσμ^νων αντον Θάνατον και τών Ικτίνου σνγγ€νών, 
 τϊθΚίΤ€νοντα Τϊαρ avTOis, kXeriaavTes αφύσαν ovb\ χρή- 
 
 20 ματα τιραζάμ^νοι, Κόνων δ' Ιτϊά €19 την Σάμον άφίκ^το 
 καΐ το ναντίκον κατέλαβαν άθνμω^ ^XP^i σνμττληρώσα^ 
 Tpiripeis kβboμηκovτa άντί τών ττροτ^ρων, ονσών τΐλέον 
 η €κ.ατόν, και τανταίί άναγαγόμ€νο9 μ€τα τών άλλων 
 στρατηγών, άλλοτ€ αλλτ] άττοβαίνων τη^ τών Τϊολ^μίων 
 χώρας έλτιζζτο. 
 
 Contemporary events in Sicily. 
 
 21 ΚαΙ ο evLavTos ίληγζν, iv ω KapχηbόvLOL els ΣίΚζλίαν 
 στρατβνσαντζζ €Ϊκοσί και ίκατον τριηρ^σι καΐ ττξζης στρα- 
 τιάς δώδεκα μνριάσιν €Ϊλον ^Ακράγαντα λιμω, Ι^^Χΐί Η'^^ 
 ηττηθέντζς, ττροσκαθζζόμζνοι δέ έτττά μήνας. 
 
HELLENIC A /, c. 6. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Callicratidas succeeds Lysander at Ephesus. His answer 406-405 
 to Lysander'' s empty boast, B.C. 
 
 Τω δ' ίττιόντί €T€l ω η re σελήνη e^eXtTrez; έσττίρα^ 406 April. 
 καΙ 6 Trakaibs της ^Αθήνας veoDS h ^Αθήναις €ν€ΤτρησΘη, 
 [Πίτνα μ€ν €φορ€νοντος, άρχοντος δε Καλλίου ^Αθηνη- 
 σιζ^,] οί Αακ€^αίμόνίθί τω Λυσάι/δρω τταρ€ληλνθότος η8η 
 του χρόνου [καΐ τω ττολε/χω Τ€ττάρων καΐ α,κοσιν ετώι/] 
 ζττ^μψαν €ττΙ ras vads Καλλικρατίδαζ^. ore δε τταρεδίδου 2 
 ό Αύσαν^ρος τας vads, eAeye r(5 Καλλικρατίδα ort 
 Θαλαττοκράτωρ re ^ΓapabLboίη καΐ ναυμαχία ν^νικηκώς, 
 6 δε αυτόν εκελευσεζ^ ε^ Έφεσου εζ; αριστερά Σάμου 
 τταραττλβύσαντα, ου ήσαν αΐ των ^Αθηναίων vrjes, iv 
 Μιλητω irapabodvaL ray ναΰς^ καΐ 6μολογησ€ίν Θαλατ- 
 τοκρατ€Ϊν, 
 
 He increases his fleet to 140 vessels^ and prepares for battle; 
 but findi7tg hiinself traduced by Lysander^s friends^ he 
 asseinbles the Lacedaemoniaiis and tells them that he had 
 come 071 ly i?i obedieiice to the Spartan government^ and 
 was ready to reticrn if they so wished. 
 
 Ου φαμ^νου δε του Αυσάν^ρου ττολυττραγμον€Ϊν άλλου 3 
 άρχοντος, αυτός 6 KaλλL·κρaτLbaς ττρος αίς τΐαρα Λυσάν- 
 δρου ελα/3ε ναυσί 'προσ€ττληρωσ€ν εκ Χίου καΐ *Ρο'δου 
 καΐ αλλοθ€ν από των συμμάχων ττ€ντηκοντα ναϋς, ταύ- 
 τας δε ττάσας άθροίσας, ούσας τ€Τταράκοντα καΐ €κατόν, 
 τταρεσκευά^ετο ως άτταντησόμ€νος τοις ττολ€μίοίς. κατά- 4 
 μαθών δ' ύττο των Aυσάvbpoυ φίλων καταστασιαζόμ€νος, 
 ου μόνον άττροΘύμως ύττηρ^τούντων, άλλα και bιaθpooύv'^ 
 των h ταϊς 7τόλ€σιν οτι Αακώαιμόνιοι μέγιστα τιάρα- 
 
HELLENICA /, C. 6. 
 
 406-405 TTLTTTOL^v kv τώ hioKXaTTeiv tovs vavap^ovs, πολλάκις 
 αν^τητφζίων γιγνομ4νων και άρτι σννιέντων τα ναντικα 
 καΧ άνθρώττοίς is \ρηστ€ον ου γιγνωσκόντων, an^lpovs 
 Θαλάττηζ 7τέμττοντ€9 καΐ άγνώτας rots €Κ€Ϊ, KLvbvvevoUv 
 TL τταθ^ίν hia τουτο^ ίκ τούτον be δ Καλλικρατιδαί σνγ- 
 καλβσαί tovs Αακ€^αίμονίων ίκ€Ϊ napovras eXeyev avTols 
 TOLabe. 
 
 6 ΈμοΙ μ€ν αρκύ olkol μίν^ιν, καί etre Avaavbpos etre 
 αλλθ9 Tis €μττ€ίρότ€ρο9 TTepl τα ναντικα βονλζται elvai, 
 ον κωλύω το κατ ίμ€' ίγω δ' νττο τη^ ^τόλ€ωs ίττΐ Tas 
 vavs ^T€μφθ€ls ονκ ίχω τί άλλο ττοιώ 17 τ^α κ^λ^νόμ^να i>s 
 αν bvvωμaL κράτίστα, νμ€ί9 be ττροί α eyci re φιλοΠ' 
 μονμαι καΐ η TToXty ημών atrtaferat, Σστβ γαρ αντα 
 ώσπ€ρ καΐ eyoi, σvμβovλeύeτe τα άριστα νμϊν boKovvTa 
 elvai TiepX τον e/ute evOabe μeveιv η οίκαδε a'πo^:λeίV 
 epovvTa τα καθεστώτα 6ΐ;^άδ6. 
 
 T/ie nialconte7its thus quieted^ he tries to get supplies from 
 Cyrus ^ but failing, appeals to the Milesians for help, till 
 money should come from Sparta, 
 
 β Ovbevos be τολμησαντος αλλο τι eluelv η tois οϊκοι 
 TTeieeadai iroieiv re e<^' α ή'κβι, ίλθων τιάρα Κνρον jjTeL 
 
 7 μισθον tois vaύτaιs' 6 be αντίο eiTre bύo ημ^ρα$ eT:ia\eiv, 
 Kaλλικpaτίbas be axOeaOels rrj άναβολτ] και rats em tcls 
 Ovpas φoιτησeσιv, opyiaOels και €ΐττων άθλιωτάτου^ etvai 
 TOVS 'Έλληvas, οτι βaρβάpovs κoλaκevovσιv eveKa apyv- 
 piov, φάσκων re, ην σωθτι oiKabe, κατά ye το αντον 
 bvvaTov bιaλλάξeιv ^ Aθηvaίovs καΐ AaκebaιμovLOVs, aire- 
 
 8 ^τλevσev els Μίλητον' KOLKeWev 7ΐeμ^|/as Tpi-qpeis els 
 AaKeba'^ova em χρήματα, ίκκλησίαν aOpoCaas των 
 Μιλησίων rάδe eiTrev, 
 
 ΈμοΙ μέν, ω Μιλησιοι, ανάγκη rois οϊκοι αρχονσί 
 
HELLENICA I, C. 6. 
 
 79 
 
 ττξίθζσθαι' νμά^ be €γω άζιώ ττροθνμοτάτον^ elvai ds 406-405 
 τον ΊτόΚ^μον bia το olKovvTas iv βάρβαροι^ ττλβιστα ^'^' 
 κακά ηbη ντϊ αντών τϊ^ττονθίναι, bei δ' vμas ίζηγζϊσθαί 9 
 Tois aWoLS συ/Λμάχοΐ9 οττωί αν τάχιστα Τ€ και μάλιστα 
 βλάτττωμζν tovs ττολεμίουί, έ'ωί αν οΐ €κ Aaκ€baίμovos 
 ηκωσίν, ovs ίγω ^ττ^μψα χρήματα αξοντα^^ €7r€t τα 10 
 evOabe υπάρχοντα Avaavbpo^ Κνρω airobovs cos 7Τ€ριττα 
 οντα οϊχ€ταί' Κυρο9 be eXOovTos eμoυ βπ αυτόν del 
 άveβakλeτό μοι bLaXexerjvai, eyo) δ' ίττΐ τα$ ίκβίνου 
 eipas φοίτάν ουκ ebυvάμηv ίμαυτον ττβισαι. υπισχνου- H 
 μαι δ' υμϊν άντί των συμβάντων ημϊν αγαθών ev τω 
 χρόνω ω &ν €Κ€Ϊνα ^τpoσbeχωμeΘa χάριν άζίαν άποδώ- 
 σeLV, άλλα συν tols Oeoh beίξoμev tols βαρβάροι^ οτι 
 καΐ aveυ του ίκβίνου^ θaυμάζeιv bυvάμeΘa Tohs ίχθρου^ 
 TLμωpeϊσθaL, 
 
 With the supplies so obtai^ied^ he sails to Chios and Lesbos^ 
 where he takes Methyinna by storm, a7id captures many 
 prisoners; all the Greeks he sets free except the Athenia7ts. 
 
 ΈτΓίΙ be ταυτ elTrev, άvLστάμevoL ττολλοί καΐ μάλιστα 12 
 οί αιτιαζόμ€νοι ίναντιουσθαι bebioTes €ΐσηγοϋντο ττόρον 
 χρημάτων καΐ αυτοί e^τaγγeλλόμevoι ίδια. λαβών be 
 ταύτα eKeivos καΐ 6 κ Χίου ^τevτebρaχμίav Ικάστω των 
 ναυτών eφobιaσάμevos e^τλeυσe τψ Αίσβου βττι Μηθυμ- 
 ναν ^ϊoλeμίav ουσαν. ου βουλομένων be τών ΜηθυμΊΒ 
 ναίων ^τρoσχωpeιv, άλλ' ίμφρούρων όντων Αθηναίων καΐ 
 τών τα πράγματα Εχόντων άττικιζόντων, ττροσβαλων 
 alpei την ττόλιν κατα κράτος, τα μ€ν ουν χρήματα 14. 
 πάντα ^ήρπασαν οι στρατιώται, τά be άvbpάπoba πάντα 
 συvήθpoισev 6 Kaλλικpaτιbas els την αγοράν, καΐ κeλeV' 
 όντων τών συμμάχων άπobόσθaι καΐ τους Μηθυμναίονί 
 ουκ ίφη eaυτoΰ y€ άρχοντος oibeva "Ελλήνων els το 
 
8o 
 
 HELLENICA /, C. 6. 
 
 €K€ivov bwarov avbpaTTobtaefjvaL, rfj δ' ύστβραία rovs 
 μ€ν iXevOepovs άφηκ€, roi>y be των ^Αθηναίων φρονρον9 
 καΙ τά avbpaiToba τά δούλα ττάντα aireboTo' Κόνωνι be 
 elirev oTi iravaeL αυτόν μοιγβντα την Θάλατταν. κατώων 
 be αντον άvaγόμevov αμα rr} ημέρα, ebiuiKev υΈ0Τ€μνό' 
 μ€νο^ τον eh Σάμον ττλουν, οττωί μη eKeiae φνγοι. 
 
 He chases Conon, returning towards Samos, into the harbour 
 of Mytilene, where he captures 30 of the Athenian ships ^ 
 and blockades the rest, Cyrus thereupon sends him money, 
 
 16 Κθ2;ωζ; δ' e^>evye rats νανσΙν ev irkeovaaLS bta το βκ 
 ττολλών ττληρωμάτων eh ολίγας eKXeXe^eat tovs αρίσ- 
 τους epeTas, καΐ κaτaφeύγeL eh Μυτιληνην της Αέσβον 
 κα\ συν αυτω των δ€κα στρατηγών Αύων κα\ ^Έ,paσLVLbηs, 
 KaWiKpaTibas be συveLσe^τλeυσev eh τον λιμένα, bLώκωv 
 
 17 νανσΙν Εκατόν καΐ eβboμηκovτa. Κόνων be ως ίφθη υττο 
 των ^τoλeμL·ωv κaτaκωλυθeLς, ηναγκάσθη ναυμάχησαν 
 ττρός τω λιμίνι, καί ά^τωλeσe ναϋς τριάκοντα* οί be 
 avbpeς eh την γην άττέφυγον' τας be λοίττάς των vecav, 
 
 18 TeTTapaKovTa ούσας, υττο τω Teiyei aveίλκυσe. Καλλι- 
 κρατ'ώας be ev τω λιμίνι 6pμισάμevoς e^:oλL·Όpκeι Εν- 
 ταύθα, τον ίκτΐλουν eχωv. καΐ κατά γην μeτa'πeμ\|rά'· 
 μevoς τους Μηθυμναίους '7τavbημeL καΐ €κ της Χιου το 
 στpάτeυμa bLeβίβaσe' χρηματά re τταρά Κύρου αυτω 
 ηλθev. 
 
 Conon by a stratagem contrives to send a ship to Athens 
 with the news, hi thirty days the Athenians equip a fleet 
 of wo vessels, manned by both slaves and free, 
 
 19 Ό δ€ Κόνων eirel e^τoλιopκeLTo καΐ κατα γην καΐ κατα 
 Θάλατταν, και σίτου oυbaμόθev ην eυ^ϊopησaι, οΐ be 
 ανθρωττοί ττολλοί ev Tjj ττολβι ησαν κα\ οΐ ^Αθηναία ουκ 
 
HELLENIC A /, c. 6. 
 
 8l 
 
 (βοηθούν bici TO fxrj ττννθάνζΟ'Θα.ί το,ντο,^ κα,θζΧκνοΌ.^ τίαν 406-405 
 ν€ών ras άριστα ττλ^ονσα^ bvo ίπληρωσβ ττρο ημέρας, i$ ^'^' 
 αττασών των ν€ων τον9 αρίστους epeVa? exXefas καΐ tov9 
 ίττφάτας eh κοίλην νανν μεταβιβάσαν καΐ τα τταραρρύ- 
 ματα τταραβαλύν, την μ€ν ονν ημεραν οϋτων ανβϊχον, 20 
 els be την ίσττεραν, eirel σκότον εϊη, εξεβίβαζεν, ως μη 
 KaTabrjkovs eivai rot? ττολεμίοιν ταϋτα ττοιονντας. τϊέμ- 
 TTTj] be ήμερα είσθεμενοι σϊτα μετρία, εττεώη ηbη μέσον 
 ημέρας ην καΐ οΐ εφορμονντες όλιγώρως εΐχον καΐ ενιοι 
 ανεττανοντο, ε^ετιλενσαν εζω τον λιμενος, καΐ η μεν επί 
 ^Ελλησττόντον ωρμησεν, η δβ είς το ττελαγος. των δ' 21 
 εφορμονντων ως έκαστοι ηνοιγον, τάς τε άγκυρας άπο- 
 κότϊτοντες και εγειρόμενοι εβοήθονν τεταράγμενοι, τυχόν- 
 τες εν Trj γτ] άριστοττοιούμενοι' είσβάντες bε εbίωκov 
 την εις το ττελαγος άφορμησασαν, καΐ άμα τω ηλιω 
 hivovTi κατελαβον, καΐ κρατήσαντες μάχτ], άvabησάμεvoι 
 άττηγον εις το στpaτό'πεbov αυτοϊς άvbpάσιv. η δ' εττι 22 
 του Έλλησττόντου φυγουσα ναϋς bιεφυγε, και άφικομενη 
 είς τας ^Αθήνας εξαγγέλλει την ττολιορκιαν, Aιoμεbωv 
 bε βοηθών Κόνωνι ττολιορκουμενω bώbεκa ναυσΙν ωρμί- 
 σατο είς τον ευριτιον τον των Μυτιληναίων, 6 δε Καλ- 23 
 λικpaτίbaς εττιττλεύσας αντω εξαίφνης δ€κα μεν των νεων 
 έλαβε, Aιoμεbωv δ' έφυγε tjj τε αυτού κα\ αλλτ/. οι δβ 24 
 ^Αθηναίοι τα γεγενημενα και την ττολιορκίαν εττει ηκου- 
 σαν, εψηφίσαντο βοηθεϊν ναυσϊν εκατόν και δ^κα, είσβι- 
 βάζοντες τους εν Trj ηλικία οντάς άτταντας και boύλoυς 
 και ελευθερους' και ττληρώσαντες τάς δ€κα και εκατόν 
 εν τριάκοντα ημεραις άττηραν. είσεβησαν δέ και των 
 Ιττττεων ττολλοί. 
 
 F 
 
HELLENIC A /, C 6. 
 
 406-405 The Athefiiaft fleet sails to Santos^ and anchors at the 
 B.C. Arginusae islands, mustering more than 150 strong. Cal- 
 licratidas leaves 50 ships tmder Eteonicus at Mytilene, 
 and sails to Cape Malea with 120 ships to 7neet the 
 Athenians. 
 
 25 Μ€τά ταύτα άνηχθησαν eh Σάμον, κακ€Ϊθ€ν Σαμίαί vavs 
 ίΚαβον δβκα* ηθροισαν δέ καί αλλα^ irketovs η τριάκοντα 
 τταρα των άλλων συμμάχων, ζίσβαίν^ιν αναγκάσαντ€9 
 άτταντα^, ομοίων be καί el Tive^ avTOLS ίτνχον ίζω owat. 
 eyevovTO he αϊ ττάσαί TrXetovy 17 ττ^ντηκοντα καΐ εκατόν, 
 
 26 6 be KaλλLκpaτLba9 άκονων την βor|θeLav τ/δτ] ev Σάμω 
 ovaaVy αντον μ€ν κaτeλn7e TievTrfKOVTa ναν^ καΐ άρχοντα 
 'ETeovLKOv, ταΪ9 be eiKoaL καΐ ίκατον avaxOeU ebeLirvo- 
 TTOLeiTO Trjs Α4σβον ίττΐ rrj Μαλβα ακρα άντίον Trjs 
 
 27 Μυτιλήνης. ΤΎ] δ' αντί] ημ^ρα ίτνχον καΐ οΐ ^Αθηναϊοι 
 beL7τvo^τoLovμevoL ev rats ^ ApyLvovaaLS' ανταί δ' el(rlv 
 
 28 avTLov τή^ Αέσβον. της be wktos ιδώι^ τα ττνρά, καί 
 Τίνων αντω eξaγγeLλάvτωv otl οι ^Αθηναιοί etev, avqyeTO 
 TTepl μέσας νύκτας, ως ίζαττιναίως ττροσττίσοι' vbωp δ' 
 e^TLγevόμevov ττολν καΙ βρονταΙ bίeκώλvσav την άναγω- 
 γήν. eirel be aveaxev^ άμα ττ) ημepa e^τλeL ίττΐ τας 
 ^Αργίνονσας, 
 
 Battle of Arginusae. 
 
 Callicratidas refuses to flee before the superior numbers of the 
 Atheniafts. The flght begins; and when Callicratidas falls 
 into the sea and is drowned, the Peloponnesians flee to Chios 
 and Phocaea with a loss of6() ships. The Athenians retire 
 to Arginusae with a loss of 2^ ships. 
 
 29 01 δ' ^Αθηναίοι άντανηγοντο eh το ττ^λαγος τω evω' 
 ννμω, ^τapaτeτaγμevoL &be. ^Αριστοκράτης μ€ν το βύώ- 
 ννμον ϊχων rjyeLTo irevTeKaibeKa νανσί, μeτa be ταντα 
 
HELLENICA /, c. 6. 83 
 
 Διο/χ€δωι; crepaty -η^ντ^καίΐ^κα' βτΓβΓετακτο δε ΆρισΓο- 406-405 
 Kparet μεζ^ Περικλτ)^, Διομεδοι^η δε Έρασι^ιδτ]^· τταρά δε ^'^' 
 Aio^ebovra οί Σάμωί δεκα νανσΧυ εττΐ jixtay Τζταγμένοί' 
 €στρατηγ€ί δε αυτών Σά/xtoy ονόματι 'ΙτΓττευί· ίγόμ^ναι 
 δ* αί τώι; ταξιάρχων δεκα, καί αύται εττΐ μιαί* επί δε 
 raiirat? αί τώι; ναυάρχων τρεΐί, καΐ εί ηι/ε9 αλλαι ^σαζ; 
 συμμaχLb€9. το δε be^iov κεραί Πρωτο//αχο9 εΓχε ττεζ^- 30 
 Τ€κα'ώ€κα ναυσί' τταρά δ' αύτόζ; Θράσυλλθ9 ετερα69 ττει^- 
 τεκαίδεκα' ίττ^τίτακτο δε Πρωτο/χαχω μει; Λυσίας, εχωζ; 
 τάί ϊσαί ζ/αυ5», Θρασιίλλω δε ^ Αριστογίνη^. ουτω δ' 31 
 €τάχΘησαν, ΐνα μη bL€κ^τλoυv bibolev χύρον γαρ €7τλ€ον. 
 αί δε τώζ; Λακεδαι/χοι;ιωζ; άντίτ^τ ay μίναι ήσαν απασαι 
 εττΐ μια9 ττρόί bίίκ'nλoυv καί τΐ^ρί-ηλουν τταρεσκευασ- 
 μ€ναι, δια τό βάλτων ττλ^ίν, είχε δέ τό be^iov κερα^ 
 Καλλικρατιδαί. "Ερμων δέ Μεγαρει)^ ό τω Καλλικρα- 32 
 τίδα κυβερνών ειττε ττρδί αυτόν οτι α,η καλώ^ ^χον άττο- 
 7Γλεί5σαι· αί yap Tpir\peis των ^Αθηναίων ττολλω ττλειοζ^ε^ 
 ^σαζ^. Καλλικρατίδα9 δέ εΓττεζ^ ort ?; Σττάρτη oibev μη 
 κάκίον οΙκ€Ϊταί αυτού άττοΘανόντο9, φ€ύγ€ΐν δέ αίσχρον 
 €φη eivai. μ€τα δέ ταϋτα ^ναυμάχησαν χρόνον ττολύν, 33 
 ττρώτον μ€ν άθρόαι, €Έ€ίτα δέ bl€σκebaσμέvaι, εττει δέ 
 Καλλίκρατιδα9 τε ίμβαλούσης τη^ v€(i)S άττοπεσώζ^ εΐ9 
 Tr)i; ^άλατται^ ηφανίσθη Ώρωτόμαχ09 τε καΐ οί μ€Τ αυτοΰ 
 τω δε^ιω τό €υώνυμον €νίκησαν, evTevOev φυγη των 
 Τΐ€λοτΓοννησίων kyiv^To els Xtor, ττλβίστων δέ καΐ els 
 Φώκαίαν' οί δέ ΆΘηναϊοί ττάλιν eh Tas Άργινουσα^ 
 κατέττλ€υσαν. άττωΚοντο δέ των μ\ν ^Αθηναίων vrfes 34 
 7Γει;τ€ καΧ eικoσίv αυτοις άvbpάσLV εκτο? ολίγων των 
 ττρόί την γην ^τpoσeveχΘevτωv, των δέ TleλoπovvησLωv 
 ΑακωνικαΙ μέι; evvea, των ττασων ουσών δεκα, των δ' 
 3λλωι^ συμμάχων ττλειου^ ^ €ξηκοντα. 
 
 F 2 
 
84 
 
 HELLENICA /, C. 6. 
 
 -405 The AtJie7iia7i ge7ie7'als co7ii77iissio7i Thera77tenes a7id oihe7' 
 officers to rescue the crews of their siinke7i vessels with 
 47 vessels^ while they the77tselves sail agai7ist Eteoniciis at 
 Mytilene, But both p7Ojects are preve7ited by a stor77i. 
 
 35 *Έδο^€ δέ καΐ rot? τίύν ^Αθηναίων στρατηγοΪ9 Ιτττα 
 μ€ν καΐ Τ€Τταράκοντα νανσΐ Θηραμένη re καιν ^ρασνβον- 
 λον τριηράρχους ovras και των ταξιάρχων tlvcls ττλ€Ϊν 
 €7γΙ τας KaTahebvKVias vavs και τους βττ' αυτών ανθρω- 
 TTOVS, rats be aXXaty ίττΐ ras μ€τ ^Ετ€ονίκου τί] Μυτι- 
 λήνη (φορμούσα^' ταύτα δβ βουλομένους iroLeiv αν€μο9 
 καΐ χ€ίμων bL€κώλυσev αυτούς μέγας γ€νόμ€νος' τρότϊαιον 
 b\ στήσαντ€ς αυτού ηυλίζοντο, 
 
 EteonicuSj by spreading false news of a victory^ succeeds in 
 despatching his fleet to Chios ^ and in inarching hiinself to 
 Methy77ina, 
 
 36 Τω δ' 'EreortKO) 6 υττηρ^τικος κ4λης ττάντα ίζήγγβιλζ 
 τα 7T€pL την ναυμαχίαν. 6 bl αυτόν ττάλιν €ζ€ΤΤ€μψ€ν 
 €ΐ7των τοις ivodac σιωττί] ίκττλ^Ιν καΐ μηb€vl biakeyeaOaLy 
 τταραχρημα be αύθις ιτλ^ϊν 6ty το ίαυτών aTpaToirebov 
 ^στεφανωμένους κα\ βοώντας δη KaλλLκpaτίbaς ν€νίκηκ€ 
 ναυμαχών και οτι αΐ τών ^Αθηναίων νηες άττολώλασιν 
 
 37 δπασαι. καΐ οί μ€ν ταϋτ έττοίουν' αυτός δ', ίττεώη e/cet- 
 VOL κατέττλεον, ίθυβ τα ευαγγέλια, και τοις στρατιώταις 
 τταρηγγειλε δβιτη^οττοιβΤσ^αι, και τοις έμττόροις τα χρή- 
 ματα σιωττη ενθεμένους εις τά ττλοϊα άτΓοττλεΙν εις ΙίΙον, 
 i'jv be το ττνευμα ούριον, και τάς τριήρεις την ταχίστην, 
 αυτός bε το ττεζον άττηγεν είς την Μήθυμναν, το στρα- 
 τό'πεbov εμττρήσας. 
 
HELLENICA /, CC. 6, 7. 
 
 85 
 
 Conon ineets the Athenian fleet with the news about Eteo7iicus. 406-405 
 The fleet sails to Mytilene^ makes an attempt on Chios, and ·®·^* 
 finally returns to Samos. 
 
 Κοι/ωι» δβ καθ^λκνσας ras vavs, iirel oi re TToAc/xtot 38 
 άπβδίδράκβσαζ; καί 6 αν€μο£ ^vbiairepos ην, άτταντησα^ 
 Tols ^ Αθηναίο LS η^η άνηγμ€νοί9 €κ των ^ Αργινονσων 
 €φρασ€ τα ττ^ρΐ του ^Ετ^ονίκου. οί be Άθηναΐοί κατέ- 
 irXevaav els την Μντίληνην, €KeWev δ' ίπανηχΘησαν 
 els την Χίον, καΐ ovbev bιa'πpaξάμevoι anenkevaav 
 €7Γ6 Σάμου. 
 
 CHAPTER VIL 
 
 The Athefiian generals are replaced by ten others, Conon 
 alone being re-elected. Of the six who returned to Athens, 
 Erasinides is accused by Archedemus of corrupt practices, 
 and sentenced by the court to iinprisomnent, 
 
 Ot δ' ev οϊκω τovτovs μ\ν τovs στpaτηγovs ίττανσαν 
 ττλην Kόvωvos' irpos be τούτω elλovτo Άbe[μavτov και 
 τρίτον Φίλοκλέα. των be νανμαχησάντων στρατηγών 
 Πpωτόμaχos μ^ν καΐ ^ λpίστoyevηs ουκ αττηλθον els 
 ^AOrfvas, των be e$ κaτa^τλevσάvτωv, UepiKKeovs καΐ 
 Aιoμebovτos καΐ Ανσίον καΐ Άpιστoκράτoυs και Θρα- 
 σνλλου καΐ "EpaaLvibov, Άpχebημos 6 του bημov τότ€ 
 7τpoe(rΓηκωs ev 'Aei]vaLS καΐ τηs bLωβeλίas e^TLμe\όμevos 
 'EpaaLvibji έτηβολην έτηβαλων κaτηγόpeL· ev bικaστηpίω, 
 φάσκων e^ Έλλησττόντου αντον exeiv χρήματα οντα του 
 δ7//χου· κaτηγόpei be καΐ irepl τηs στpaτηyίas. καί ebo^e 
 τω bικaστηρί(f bijaat τον ^EρaσLvίbηv. 
 
86 
 
 HELLENICA /, C. 7. 
 
 406-405 1^^^^ other ge7ierals also^ after informing the Seriate about the 
 B.C. battle and the storm^ are arrested by its order, 
 
 3 Mera δβ ταύτα ίν Tjj βονλί] ^ηγουντο οΐ στρατηγοί 
 7Γ€ρί Τ€ τη^ νανμα\[α^ και τον μ€γέθον9 τον \€ίμώνο9, 
 Τίμοκράτον^ δ' eiirovTos οτι κα\ tovs akXovs χρη beOivTas 
 €19 τον bημov TrapaboOrjvaL, η βουλή €bησe, 
 
 Before the Assembly Thera7nenes and others attack the 
 generals for 7iot having rescued the shipwrecked crews, 
 alleging as evidence the official despatch, 
 
 4 Mera δέ ταντα εκκλησία ίγέν^το, iv fi των στρατηγών 
 κατηγορούν άλλοι re καίθηραμ^νη^ μάλίστα^^καίονς^ζΐναι 
 
 J^oyov νττοσ^€Ϊν δ tort ονκ άν^ίλοντο tovs ναυαγούς, ort 
 μζν γαρ ovbevos άλλου καθητττοντο ίτηστολην eirebeUvv 
 μαρτύρων ην ίττζμψαν οί στρατηγοί ety την βουλην 
 I καΐ 619 τον bημov, αλλο ovbev αΐτιώμ^νοι η τον χζίμώνα. 
 
 "•"^^ \ \ i-^^^ defence the generals recount the facts ^ bringing fomvard 
 i^p«**** some of the sailors as witnesses. 
 
 6 Mera ταντα b\ o\ στρατηγοί βραχέων έκαστος άττβλο- 
 γησατο, ον γαρ τϊρουτίθη σφίσι λόγος κατα τον νόμον^ 
 καΐ τα 7Τ€7Γραγμ€να bLηγoυvτo, ort airot μζν έττΐ tovs 
 ττολ^μίονς ττλ^οι^ν, την δέ αναίρ^σιν των ναυαγών 
 ττροστάζβίαν των τριηράρχων άvbράσLV ίκανοΐς καΐ Ιστρα- 
 τηγηκόσιν τ'βη, θηραμ^ν^ί καΐ Θρασυβούλω και άλλοις 
 
 8 rotourot9* και etTrep ye rtz;a9 beoi, ττβρί r^9 αναιρέσεως 
 ovbiva άλλον ίχειν αντονς αΐτιάσασθαι η τούτονς οίς 
 7τροσ€τάχΘη, και ονχ οτι ye κατηγορονσιν ημών, εφασαν, 
 ■ψευσόμεθα φάσκοντες αντονς αίτιους eTvai, άλλα το 
 μέγεθος τον χειμώνος είναι το κώλυσαν την άναίρεσιν. 
 τούτων be μάρτυρας τταρείχοντο τους κνβερνητας και 
 άλλους τών συμτΐλεόντων ττολλούς. 
 
HELLENICA /, c. 7. 
 
 The defence is favourably received, but, it being dark, the 406-405 
 asse^nbly adjourns without a vote beijtg taken, after corn- 
 missioning the Senate to bring forward a proposal as to the 
 procedure of the trial. 
 
 Τοιαύτα keyovres €ττ€ίθον τον bημov' ίβονλοντο be 7 
 ττολλοί των 'ώίωτών ίγγνάσθαί ανιστάμ^νοι* ebo^e be 
 άναβαλέσθαί eh hepav έκκλησίαν' rore γαρ oxj/e ην καΐ 
 TCLs xeipas ουκ αν KaOecip^v* την be βουλην 7Γpoβovλeύ- 
 σασαν eiaeveyKelv οτω τρόττω oT^avEpef^KpLvoLVToT^ 
 
 Theramenes avails himself of the Apaturia to excite the 
 Athenians against the accused, 
 
 Mera δέ ταντα eyiyveTo 'Αττατοιίρια, ev ots ol Te 8 
 TTaTepes καΐ οί (Tvyyevei^ (rvveiat σφίσιν avTois, oi ovv 406 Nov. 
 irepl τον Θηραμένη irapeaKevaaav ανθρώπους μέλανα 
 ιμάτια e^ovTas και ev χρω κeκapμevovs ttoXXovs ev 
 τανττ\ ΤΎ} eopTjj, Ινα irpbs την ΙκκΚησίαν rjKoiev, cos bri 
 avyyeveis ovTes των άττολωλότων, και KaXki^evov eTret- 
 σαν ev rrj /3ουλτ) κaτηyopeϊv των στρατηγών. 
 
 At the second meeting of the Assembly Callixenus introduces 
 the proposal of the Senate, that the people should decide, 
 without further hearing, upo?t all the accused at once by 
 a single vote. 
 
 ^EvTevOev ίκκλησίαν έττοίουν, els ην η βουλή elarfveyKe 9 
 την ίαυτψ γνωμην Καλλιξένου elirovTOs TT!]vbe' Έττβιδ^ 
 των Te κατηγορούντων κατα των στρατηγών και eκeCvωv 
 άττολογουμ4νων ev rrJ irpoTepa ίκκλησία άκηκόασι, bιaψη^^ 
 φCσaσΘaΓ'Aθηvaίoυs airavTas κατά jbvXas* Oeivai be els 
 
HELLENICA /, C. 7. 
 
 406-405 τι\ν φνλην €κάστην bvo vbpias' €φ' €κάσττ] be rj) φυλτ} 
 ^'^' κήρυκα κηρνττζίν, οτω boKovaiv abiKeiv οΐ στρατηγοί ουκ 
 αν^λόμ^νοι toijs νικήσαντα^ ev rrj ναυμαχία, eh την 
 
 10 TTpoTepav ψηφίσασθαι, οτω be μη, els την υστίραν* hv be 
 bόζωσίv abiKeiv, θανάτω ζημιωσαι κα\ Tols evbeKa τταρα- 
 bodvaL καΐ τά χρήματα bημoσLeυσaL·, το δ' k'nibeKaTov τη$ 
 
 11 ^€θΰ etvai. τταρ^λ^β be tis els την ίκκλησίαν φάσκων 
 €7γΙ τeύχoυs άλφίτων σωθήναί' eiTLaTeWeLv δ' αυτω 
 TOiJS ά^τoλλυμevoυSy eav σωθτ], aTrayyelKai τω bήμω, otl 
 οΐ στρατηγοί ουκ aveikovTO To-bs apίστoυs iirep Trjs 
 TTaTpibos γevoμevoυs, 
 
 Euryptolemus and others threaten to indict Callixenu^ 
 proposal as unconstitutional , but are compelled to with- 
 draw their threat, 
 
 12 Toz; be KaWi^evov 7Γpoσeκaλeσavτo τταράνομα φάσ- 
 KovTes γeγpaφevaι Eυpυπτ6keμόs Te 6 TleLσLavaκτos 
 καΐ αλΧοι nves. του be bήμoυ evioi ταύτα ίττ-ρνουν, το be 
 ttXtjOos ίβόα betvov eTvaL el μή tls eάσeL τον bήμov 
 
 13 TTparreLV ο αν βούληται. καΐ eirl τoύτoLs eluovTos 
 Λυκίσκου καί τoυτoυs Trj αυτί] ψήφω κρίveσθaL· yirep καΐ 
 Tois στpaτηγoύs, eav μή άφώσι την κλήσίν, e^τeθopύβησe 
 τΐάλιν 6 οχλθ9, καί ήναγκάσθησαν αφιίναι tcls κλήσe^.s. 
 
 The Prytanes refuse to put the question to the vote, but are 
 all frightened into submission except Socrates. 
 
 14 Τώχ; δ€ ΤΓ pυτάveώv τίνων ου φασκόντων 'πpoθήσeιv 
 την bιa^\rήφL·σίv τταρα τον νόμον, axfOis KaλλϊζevoTavaβas 
 κaτηγόpeL· αυτών τα αυτα. οΐ be ίβόων KaXelv Tohs ού 
 
 15 φάσκovτas, οι be 7τpυτάveLS φoβηθevτes ωμολόγουν irdvTes 
 ^ιpoθήσeL·v ττλήν Σωκpάτoυs του Σωφρονίσκου* οδτοί δ' 
 ουκ ίφη άλλ' ή κατα νόμον ττάντα ^;oιήσeιv, 
 
HELLENIC A /, c. 7. 
 
 Speech of Euryptolemus. 4oe-405 
 
 B.C. 
 
 * Pericles and Dwmedon were chiefly to blame ^ because they had 
 
 persuaded their colleagues not to mention in their despatch 
 the orders they had given to Theramenes and others to 
 rescue the crews, 
 
 Mera δέ ταντα άναβαν Ενρντττόλζμο^ eAe^ez; νττ€ρ των ΐβ 
 στρατηγών τάδί. 
 
 Τά μ€ν κατηγορησων, ω avbp€s ^Αθηναίοι, ανίβην 
 hOabe Πβρικλβουί αναγκαίου μοι ovtos καί kiiiT^dov 
 καΐ ^ιoμihovτos φίλου, τα δ' ν'η€ρατ[ολογησόμζνο^, τα h\ 
 συμβουλ^νσων α μοι δοκ€ί άριστα eivai αττάστ] ττ/ ττολβι. 
 κατηγορώ μ€ν ονν αυτών οτι ^τΐζίσαν to\)s συνάρχοντα9 17 
 βoυλoμivoυs ττέμΉ^ιν γράμματα Trj re βουλτ} καΐ υμϊν otl 
 ίττέταζαν τω θηραμέν€ΐ καΐ θρασυβούλω τ^τταράκοντα 
 καΐ €τττα τριηρ^σιν αν^λ^σβαι roi;y vaυaγoύSi οι δε ουκ 
 άνζίλοντο, €ΐτα νυν την αΙτίαν κοινην ^γουσιν ίκ^ίνων 18 
 ίδια αμαρτόντων, καΐ άντί ttjs rore φιλανθρωτϊία^ νυν υτϊ 
 €Κ€ίνων re καί τίνων άλλων έτηβουλ^υόμ^νοι KLvbυv€ύ' 
 ουσίν άττολέσθαί. 
 
 * Two courses were open to the Athenians: the generals fnight 
 
 be tried, either before the assembly according to the decree 
 of Canno7ius, or before a court according to the law against 
 sacrilege and treason. 
 
 Ουκ αν ifxets ye' μοί 7Τ€ίθησΘζ τα hUaia κα\ οσια 19 
 Ήοιουντ^^, καΐ οθ^ν μάλιστα τάληθη 7Γ€ύσ€σθ€ και ου 
 μ€τανοησαντ€^ ύστερον €ύρησ€Τ€ σφας αυτουε ημαρτη- 
 Koray τά μέγιστα els θ€θύ9 re καΐ υμά^ αυτούς, συμ- 
 βουλεύω δ' υμίν, €v oh ουθ' υπ ίμοΰ ονθ' υτϊ άλλου 
 oihevos εστίν ίξαττατηθηναι υμά9} και rovs abiKodvTas 
 eiboTes κολάσεσθε fj άν βούλησθε bUrj, και άμα ττάντα^ 
 καΐ καθ' eW ίκαστον, d μη ττλεον, αλλά μίαν ημέραν 
 
HELLENICA 7, C. 7. 
 
 406-^05 goVres avTOLS virep αντων άττολογήσασθαι, μη &\\ols 
 
 20 μάλλον TTLarevovTes η νμιν avTois. tare be, ω avbpes 
 ^Αθηναίοι, irdvTes on το Καννωνον ψηφισμά kariv 
 Ισχνρότατον, ο KeXe^iet, ear tls τον ^Αθηναίων bημov 
 άδικτ/, b€b€μivov airobLKeLv iv τω δτ^/χω, και ίάν κατα- 
 γνωαθ^ abiKeiv, αττοθαν^ίν eh το βάραθρον έμβληθέντα, 
 τα be χρήματα αντοΰ bημevθηvaL καΐ Trjs Oeov το eiTLbe- 
 
 21 κατον etvai. κατα τοντο το ψήφισμα κeλevω κρίν€σΘαι 
 TOVS στρατηγούν και νη Δία, iiv νμΐν ye boKrj, ττρώτον 
 ΏepLκλea τον ίμοί ττροσήκοντα' αίσχρον γάρ μοί βσηι; 
 eKelvov irepl 7τλeίovo9 'πoLeΐσθaL η την ολην ττόλιν. 
 
 22 τούτο δ' el βoύλeσθey κατα Tovbe τον νόμον KpCvaTe, os 
 ίστίν έττΐ τοΐ9 Ιβροσνλοΐί καΐ TTpoboTaLs, edv tls η την 
 τϊόλιν ττροδιδω 17 τά lepa κλ€7ΓΤτ/, κριθέντα ev bL·κaστηpίiύ, 
 αν καταγνωσθτι, μη ταφηναυ ev ttJ ^Attlkt], τά be χρήματα 
 αντον bημόσLa eTvat, 
 
 * But in either case they ought to be tried fairly and separately. 
 Undue haste ought to be avoided^ especially 171 the case oj 
 generals who had deserved so well of their country, 
 
 23 Ύοντ(ύν όττοτέρω βoύλeσθe, ω avbpes ^Αθηναίοι, τω 
 νόμω κρινίσθων οΐ avbpes κατα eva eκaστov blΎ\pημev(ύv 
 TTfs ημίραν τριών μeρώv, evos μ€ν ev ω σvλλeyeσβa^, 
 νμαν bel κα\ bLa\|/ηφLζeσθaL, ίάν Τ€ abiKeiV boκώσLv ίάν 
 Τ6 μή, eTepov δ' ev ω κατηγορησαι, eTepov δ^ ev ω 
 
 24 άτΓολογήσασθαι, τούτων be γιγνομ^νων οί μev abiKOvvTes 
 Tev^ovTai την μeyίστηv τιμωρίαν, οΐ δ' αναίτιοι eλevθe- 
 ρωθήσονται νφ' υμών, ω ^Αθηναίοι, καΐ ονκ abiKOVVTes 
 
 25 άπολουζ;ται. vμeΐs be κατα τον νόμον evσeβoϋvτes καΐ 
 evopKOvvTes KpiveiTe κα\ ον σvμ^τoλeμήσeτe Λακ^δαι/χο- 
 νίοιν TOVS eKeivovs eβboμήκovτa νανν άφeλoμevovs καϊ 
 vevικηκ6τav, τοντουν ά7ίολλνντ6ν ακρίτονν τταρά τον 
 
HELLENIC A /, C. 7. 9 1 
 
 νομον. τΐ h\ και 6€6torey σ^όίρα ovrm eirdyeaOe ; η 4οβ^( 
 μη ονχ v^€LS ον αν βονλησθζ άττοκτξίνητ^ καί ίλ^νθ^ρώ- ^'^' 
 σητ€, αν κατά τον νόμον κρίνητ€, άλλ' ονκ, αν παρά τον 
 νόμον, ωσπ€ρ Καλλίξζνος την βονλην €ΐτζίσζν ets τον 
 Ιημον €ΐσ€ν€γκ€Ϊν μια ψηφώ ; άλλ' Χσω^ αν τινα κα\ ουκ 27 
 αϊτίον οντα άττοκτ^ίναιτ^, μ^ταμ^λησαι δβ νστ€ρον άνα^ 
 μνησΘητ€ ώ? άλγ^ίνον καΐ άνωφζλ^ τβη βστί, irpos δ' ert 
 καΐ Έ€ρΙ θανάτου άνθρωπου ημαρτηκότξ^, δξίνά δ' αν 28 
 7Τ0ίησαίΤ€, ei Άριστάρχω μ€ν πρότ^ρον τον ^ημον κατά- 
 λνοντί, ζίτα be ΟΙνόην irpobLbovTL Θηβαίοι^ 'ΐτολ€μίοί$ 
 ουσίν, iboT€ ημ4ραν άττολογησασθαί fj ίβούλ^το και 
 τάλλα κατά τον νόμον 7τρούθ€Τ€, tovs be στρατηγούς τους 
 πάντα υμΐν κατά γνώμην πράζαντας, νικήσαντα^ be τους 
 πολ€μίους, των αυτών τούτων άπoστepησeτe, μη υμels 29 
 ye, ω Αθηναίοι, άλλ' εαυτών δντας τους νόμους^ bi ους 
 μάλιστα μέγιστοι eare, φυλάττοντ€ς, aveυ τούτων μηbev 
 πράττζιν πeιpάσθe. 
 
 * Το return to the facts : Diomedon proposed to rescue the 
 crews, Erasmides to sail against the enemy ^ Thrasyllus to 
 do both by dividing the fleet. 
 
 ^Eπaveλθeτe be καΐ ίπ' αυτά τά πράγματα καθ^ α και 
 αί άμαρτίαι boκoϋσι γeγevησθaι τοις στρατηγοϊς, eπeι 
 γάρ κpaτησavτeς Tjj ναυμαχία eiς την γην κaτeπλeυσav, 
 Aιoμebωv μ^ν eκeλeυev άναχθέντας ΙπΧ κ^ρως απαντάς 
 άvaιρeϊσθaι τά ναυάγια και τους ναυαγούς, Έρaσιvίbης δ 
 €πΙ τους προς Μυτιληνην πoλeμίoυς την ταχίστην πλeϊv 
 απαντάς- Θράσυλλος be άμφότepa ίφη γeveσθaι, αν τάς 
 μev αυτού καταλίπωσι, ταις be ίπι τους πoλeμίoυς 
 πλ4ωσι. 
 
9^ 
 
 HELLENIC A /, c. 7. 
 
 406-405 ^According to Thrasyllus' proposal 47 vessels were told 
 B.C. off to rescue the crews, and the rest were to sail against 
 the ene^ny, but the storm prevented both projects. Many 
 survivors would witness to the truth of this, 
 
 30 Και ho^^avioav τούτων καταλίττζϊν rpeis vavs ίκαστον 
 €K Trjs avTov σνμμορία^^ των στρατηγών όκτω δντων, καΐ 
 TCLS των ταξιάρχων δίκα καΐ Tas Σαμίων δ€κα καΐ ray 
 των ναυάρχων rpas* αύται άττασαι γίγνονται ίτττα καΐ 
 τ€τταράκοντα, τέτταρζ^ irepi €κάστην νανν των άττολω- 
 
 31 λνιών δώδεκα ονσών. των h\ καταλ€ΐφθ4ντων τριηράρχων 
 ησαν καΐ Θρασύβουλος και Θηραμένης, os ίν rrj ττροτίρα 
 ίκκλησία κατηγόρζΐ των στρατηγών, ταϊς be akXais 
 ναυσΙν €7τλ€ον em Tas ττολβμια^. τί τούτων ουχ ικανών 
 και καλώς ίττραζαν ; ουκοϋν hUaiov τα μ\ν irpbs τους 
 ΤΓολ^μίους μη καλώς ττραχθέντα τους ττρός τούτους ταχ- 
 θέντας υτϊίχ^ιν λόγον, τους δέ ττρος την άναίρ^σιν, μη 
 ΤΓΟιησαντας α οι στρατηγοί ίκέλ^υσαν^ hioTi ουκ άν^ίλοντο 
 
 32 κρίν^σθαι, τοσούτον δ' Ιχω eiTieiv iirep αμφοτέρων οτι 
 6 χ€ΐμων διβκώλυσε μηh€v ττράξαι ων οι στρατηγοί παρ€' 
 Κ€λ€ύσαντο, τούτων be μάρτυρας οί σωθέντ^ς άττό του 
 αυτομάτου, ων ety τών ημετέρων στρατηγών εττΐ κατά- 
 bύσης ν^ως bιaσωθ€ίς^ ον κ^λ^ύουσι Ttj αυττ] ψηφω 
 κρίν€σΘαι, και αυτόν τότ€ beόμ€Vov άναιρέσβως, fjTrep 
 τους ου ττράξαντας τα ττροσταχθέντα. 
 
 * On all grounds therefore the generals ought to be acquitted^ 
 
 33 τοίνυν, ω avbp€ς ^Αθηναίοι, άντι μ€ν της νίκης και 
 της €υτυχίας όμοια ττοιησητ€ τοϊς ηττημίνοις re καΧ 
 άτυχουσιν, άντι δ€ τών ίκ θβοϋ αναγκαίων άγνωμονΛν 
 bόξητ€, 7τpoboσίav καταγνόντ^ς άντΧ της άbυvaμίaςy ουχ 
 Ικανούς γενομένους bia τον χειμώνα ττραξαι τα τιροσταχ·- 
 θέντα' αλλά τΐολυ biKaioT^pov στεφάνοις γεραίρειν τους 
 
HELLENIC A /, c. 7. 93 
 
 νικ(ύντα^ η θανάτω ζημωυν -πονηροί^ ανθρώποι^ ττζίθο- 406-405 
 μ€νον9. '^' 
 
 At first the people accept Euryptolemus^ proposal to try the 
 generals separately^ according to the decree of Cannonus; 
 but at a second vote the Senates proposal is preferred^ and 
 the eight generals are condemned and six of them executed. 
 Not long afterwards the people repent of the injustice, 
 
 Ύαντ €ΐττων Ενρνπτόλβμο^ ίγραψξ γνώμην κατά το 34 
 Καννωνον ψήφισμα κρίν^σθαι tovs avhpas δίχα ^καστον' 
 η be τψ βουλής ην μια ψήφω ατταντα^ KpiveLV, τούτων 
 δ€ bLaχ€φoτovovμ€vωv το μ\ν ττρωτον έκριναν την 
 Ενρνπτολ€μου' ν-ηομοσαμέ νον δβ Μ^ν^κλίον^ κα\ ττάλιν 
 biaxetpoTovias γ^νομΙνηΤ' έκριναν την τη9 βουλής, καΙ 
 μ€τά ταντα κατ^ψηφίσαντο των νανμαχησάντων στρατη- 
 γών όκτω δντων' άττ^θανον be οί irapovTes ef. καΐ ον 35 
 ΤΓολλω χρόνω νστ€ρον μβτβμβλβ roty ^ Αθηναίους, καϊ 
 έψηφίσαντο^ oitlv€S τον bημov ίξηττάτησαν, ττροβολας 
 αυτών €Ϊναί, καΐ ίγγνητα^ καταστησαί, €ω9 αν κριΘώσιν^ 
 elvai b\ iia\ KaWi^evov τούτων, ττρονβλήθησαν be καΐ 
 άλλοι τ€τταρ€9, και ebiθησav νττο τών ίγγνησαμ^νων» 
 νστ€ρον be στάσeώ9 tlvo^ γevoμevηs, ev fj Kλeoφώv 
 aireOaveVy ά^τebpaσav ovtol, ττρϊν κρίθηναί* KaXki^evo^ 
 be KaTeXeibv oTe καΐ οί ίκ Πβιραιώί eh το αστυ, μισού- 
 μ€νο^ νττο ττάντων λιμω aTTeOavev, 
 
HELLENICA //, C. i. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 406-406 The Peloponnesian soldiers at Chios ^ hard pressed by want, 
 S-O. for7n a plan to sack the city, Eteonictis discovers the plot, 
 and by prompt 7neastires puts it down. He asks and 
 obtains from the Chians a contribution of money, 
 
 Oi δβ Iv rfj Χιω μβτα τον ^Ετ€ονίκον στρατίώται 
 οντ€9, (ωί μ€ν Oepos ^ν, άττο re Trjs &pas ίτρίφοντο καΧ 
 406 Oct. €ργαζόμ€νοί μισθού κατα την χώραν' 67766 be γ€ΐμων 
 kyiv€TO κοΧ τροφην ονκ €Ϊχον γυμνοί Τ€ ησαν καΙ άνν- 
 ττόδητοί, σννίσταντο άλληλοις και σνν€τίθ€ντο rfj 
 Χιω €τηθησ6μ€νοί' οΙ? be ταντα αρέσκοι κάλαμον φ6- 
 
 2 p€Lv 6δοκ6ΐ, Lva άλλτ^λουί μάθουν οπόσοι €Ϊησαν. ττυ- 
 Θόμ€ν09 be το σύνθημα 6 ^Et€0vlkos, άπορων μ€ν €Ϊχ€ 
 τί χρψτο τω τϊράγματί bta το ττληθο^ των καλαμηφόρων' 
 τό 76 yap €κ τον ίμφανον^ ίττιχ^ιρησαι σφαλ^ρον kboKei 
 etrat, μη eh τά οττλα ορμησωσι κα\ την ττόλιν κατα- 
 σχόvτes κα\ τιολάμιοι γ€νόμ€νοί άττολέσωσι ττάντα τά 
 ττράγματα, αν κρατησωσί, τό τ αν άττολλνναί άνθρώττονί 
 σνμμάχον9 ττολλον^ beivbv eφaίveτo elvaiy μη τινα κα\ 
 eU TOVS aXkovs "Έλληνας bιaβoληv σχο^ν καί οι στρα- 
 
 3 Τίωταί bwvoL ττρος τα ττράγματα ωσίν' αναλαβων be 
 μeθ* eavTov avbpas irevTeKaibeKa eyxeipibia ίχοντα^ 
 enopeveTo κατα την ttoKlv, καΐ ίντνχών τινι όφθαλ- 
 μιωντι άνθρώττω αττιόντι laTpeiov, κάλαμον ίχοντί^ 
 
 4 aireKTeive, θορύβου be γevoμevov κα\ Ερωτώντων τινών 
 δια τί a^:eθavev 6 ανθρωττο^, TiapayyeKKeiv eKekevev 6 
 
HELLENIC A II, c. i. 95 
 
 'EreoVtKO?, oVt τον κάλαμον €Τχ€. κατά 5e την τταραγ- 406-105 
 γβλίαν ippLTTTOvv Trdvres δσου €Ϊχον τους καλάμους, ael ^'^' 
 δ ακονων bebiisis μη όφθζίη ίχων, μ€τα δβ ταύτα 6 5 
 'Et€0vlkos σνγκαλέσα^ tovs Xlovs χρήματα €Κ€λ€νσ€ 
 σνν€ν€γκ€Ϊν, δττω^ οί ναυταί λάβοασι μισβον κα\ μη 
 ν€ωτ€ρίσωσί tl' οί be €ΐσην€γκαν' αμα be els Tas vavs 
 ίσημην^ν ύσβαίν^ιν' ττροσίων be ev μepeί τταρ' ίκάστην 
 ναϋν TiapeOappwe Te καΐ TraprfveL ττολλά, του yeyevη' 
 μένον ovbev elbds^ καΐ μισθον ίκάστω μηνο^ bLebωκe, 
 
 On the appeal of her Asiatic allies^ supported by envoys fro7n 
 Cyrus y Sparta appoints Lysander to be secretary and 
 Aracus to be admiral of the fleet, 
 
 Mera δβ ταντα οι Xiot και οί άλλοι σύμμαχοι συλ- q 
 XeyevTes eU Έφβσοι; eβovλevσavτo irepi των eveστηκό- 
 των πραγμάτων ^τeμ^ϊeιv els Aaκebaίμova ^τpeσβeιs ταυτά 
 Te epovvTas και Avaavbpov αΐτησοντα^ em ray vavSy ev 
 φeρόμevov τταρα tois σνμμάχοι^ κατά την TTpOTepav ναναρ- 
 XiaVy oTe και την ev Νοτιω evίκησe νανμαχίαν. και aire- η 
 Ίϊίμφθησαν 'πpeσβeιs, (τνν avTois be και τταρά Κνρον ταντα, 
 Keyovres ayyeXoi, oi be AaKeba^ovioi eboaav το ν Av- 
 aavbpov ώί ejiiaToXea, ναναρχον be "Αρακον' ov yap 
 νομο9 αντοϊί h^is * τ όν'αντον vava pxely ' ray μ^ντοι vavs 
 Tiapeboaav Avσάvbpω \ίτων ιβη τω ττολίμω TrevTe καΐ 
 eiKoai 'πaρeληλvθότωv^, 
 
 Cyrus y having put Autoboesaces a7id Mitraeus to deaths is 
 summoned before Darius to answer for his conduct, 
 
 Ύοντω be τω Ινιαντω και YSipos aireKTeivev Αντοβοι- 8 
 σάκην και Μιτραιον, vieh ovTas τη^ Ααριαίον άbeλφηs 
 \τη9 του Έέρζον του Aapeωυ ττατροί], οτι αντω άτταν- 
 ToovTes ον bιeωσav bia τψ κόρη^ ray xeipas, ο τΐοιουσι 
 
96 
 
 HELLENICA //, C. i. 
 
 406-405 /3ασιλ€Ϊ μόνον' η be κόρη εστί μακρότ€ρον η χ€ΐρΐ9, ίν 
 gV Χ^Ψ^ ίχων ovbev αν bvvaiTO ττοιησαι. ^ΐ€ραμ€νη9 
 μίν ονν καΐ η γννη eXeyov irpos AapLoiov bcLvov elvai ei 
 7Γ€ρίόψ€ταί την λίαν νβριν τοντον' 6 be αντον μ^τα- 
 ττ€μττ€ται ώί άρρωστων, 'ΐτ€μ\1/ας ayyekovs. 
 
 Lysander, on his arrival at Ephesus^ collects all the ships 
 he can froin Chios ^ Antandros, and elsewhere, gets a fresh 
 supply of 7no7iey fro7n Cyrus, and refits his fleet. The 
 Athenians 7nake si77iilar preparations at Samos, 
 
 10 Τω δ' ίττωντί eT€L [eTTt ^Αρχύτα μίν ίφορζύοντο^, 
 405-404 άρχοντος δ' iv ^Αθήναις 'Αλβ^ιου,] Ava-avbpos αφικόμ^- 
 
 ^'^' ro9 619 *Έφ€σοΓ μ€Τ€'π€μ\Ι/ατο ^Et€0vlkov 6κ XCov σνν rat? 
 νανσί, καϊ τάς αλλάς ττάσας σννηΘροισ^ν, βί ττον τις ην, 
 κα\ ταύτας τ €ΤΓ€σκ€ναζ€ καΐ αλλάς iv ^AvTavbpcD evav- 
 
 11 7Γηy€LTo, ίλθων be τιάρα Κνρον χρήματα ffTeC 6 δ' αντω 
 617762; ΟΤΙ ΤΟ. μ€ν τταρα βασιλέως άνηλωμ4να €Ϊη, καϊ ίτι 
 7τλ€ίω ΤΓολλω, b€Lκvvωv οσα έκαστος των ναυάρχων ίχοι, 
 
 12 ομως δ' 6δωκ6. λαβών be 6 Avσavbpoς Tapyvpiov, kin 
 τας τριήρεις τριηράρχους Ιττίστησ^ κα\ τοις ναύταις τον 
 όφ€ΐλόμ€νον μισθον ά^τebωκ€, τταρζσκ^υάζοντο δέ κα\ 
 οι των ^Αθηναίων στpaτηyo\ ττρος το ναυτικον ίν rrj 
 Σά/χω. 
 
 I Cyrus, before going up to his father ΐ7ΐ Media, leaves Lysander 
 in charge of all the tribute of his satrapy, and warns hi77i 
 against fighting with the Athenians. 
 
 13 YJΌpoς δ' 6πΙ τούτοις μ€Τ€7Γ€μψατο Avσavbpov, €tt€i 
 αντω τιάρα τον τιατρος ηκ€ν ayy€λoς λeyωv οτι άρρωστων 
 €Κ(ϊνον καλοίη, ων kv &αμνηρίοις της Mηb€Caς €yyvς 
 
 14 Kaboυσίωv, 6φ' ο{}ς €στράτ€υσ€ν άφζστώτας, ηκοντα δέ 
 Avσavbρov ονκ eia νανμαχ€Ϊν ττρος ^ Αθηναίους, iav μη 
 
HELLENICA II, c. i. 
 
 97 
 
 ΤΓολλώ TrXetov? vavs €χτ?· {ίναι γαρ χρήματα ττολλά καϊ 405-404 
 βασίλ€ΐ καϊ αντω, ώστ6 τούτου €V€K€V ttoWcls πληρούν, ^'^' 
 irapebei^e δ' αντω navTas tovs φόρουμ tovs €κ των ττόλζων, 
 0% αντω IbiOL ήσαν, καΐ τα ττ^ριττα χρήματα Ιδωκβ* κα\ 
 αναμνήσας i>s βΓχβ φιλίας irpos re την των Aaκ€haιμovίωv 
 τΐόλιν κα\ Tipos Avaavhpov Ibia, ανίβαινζ τταρα τον 
 ττατίρα, 
 
 Lysander takes Cedreiae in Carta by storm, and then sets out 
 for Rhodes, The Athenians sail to Chios and Ephesus, 
 and choose three additional generals, 
 
 h.vσavhpos b\ evret αντω Kvpos πάντα irapabovs τα 15 
 avTov TTpos τον πατέρα άρρωστονντα μ€τάπ€μπτο9 avi- 
 βαιν€, μισθον biabovs Trj στρατυα άνήχθη της Kapias 
 els τον Κζράμζίον κόλπον, καϊ προσβαλων ττολβί 
 των ^Αθηναίων σνμμάχω όνομα Kebpeiais Trj νστ€ραία 
 προσβολΐι κατα κράτος alpel καΐ €ξηvbρaπόbLσ€V, ήσαν 
 δέ μιζοβάρβαροι οΐ €Volkovvt€S» ίκύβ^ν δ' απέπλ^νσ^ν 
 ζΙς 'Ροδοι/. οί δ' Αθηναίοι €Κ τή9 Σάμου ορμώμενοι ιβ 
 την βασίλ€ω9 κακώς ίποίουν, και ίπΐ την Χίον και την 
 *Έφ€σον €π4πλ€ον, καΐ παρ€σκ€υάζοντο προς ναυμαχίαν, 
 καΐ στρατηγούς προς τοις νπάρχουσι προσζίΚοντο Me- 
 vavbpov, Tvbia, Kηφισόboτov, 
 
 Lysander sails past Ionia to the Hellespont. The Athenians 
 put out to sea from Chios. 
 
 ^.vσavbpoς δ' €κ της 'Ροδου παρα την Ίωνίαν €κπλ€Ϊ 17 
 TTpos τον ^Ελλήσποντον προς τ€ των πλοίων τον €κπλουν 
 και ίπΐ τας άφ^στηκυίας αντών π6λ€ΐς. άνήγοντο δέ καΐ 
 οι Αθηναίοι €κ της Χίου π^λάγιοι. ή γαρ Ασία πολέμια 
 αντοις ήν. 
 
 Ο 
 
98 
 
 HELLENIC A II, C. i. 
 
 405-404 Ly Sander takes Larnpsaciis by storm. The Athenians^ 180 
 B.C. strongs sail in pursuit^ first to Elaeus, then to Sestos, 
 where they anchor off A ego spot ami ^ opposite LampsacuSy 
 and offer battle. 
 
 18 Avaavhpos δ' Ά/3υδου irapiirXeL els Αάμψακον 
 σνμμαγον ονσαν ^Αθηναίων καί οί * Aβvbηvoi καΐ οί 
 άλλοι irapfjaav ττζζγ' ηγ€Ϊτο 6e θώραξ Aaκ€baLμόvLOS, 
 
 19 ττροσβαλόντζ^ δ€ τΐ\ ττολβι αίρονσι κατά κράτος, καί 
 btripTraaav οί στρατιωται ονσαν ττλονσίαν καΐ οΐνον καΐ 
 σίτου καΐ των άλλων ίττιτφ^ίων τιληρη' τά δβ €λ€νθ€ρα 
 
 20 σώματα πάντα άφηκζ Avσavbpos. οΐ δ' ^Αθηναίοι κατα 
 ΤΓοδαί 7τλ€θντ€$ ωρμίσαντο Trjs Χζρρονησου kv Έλαιουι/η 
 νανσΧν oyboriKOVTa κοΧ εκατόν, ίντανθα brj άριστο- 
 ττοωνμ^νοίε avTois άγγ^λλ^ταί τά irepl Αάμψακον, και 
 
 21 evOvs άνηγθησαν ety Σηστόν. ίκ€Ϊθ€ν δ' €νΘνί ίττίσιτίσά- 
 μ€νοί ίττλ^νσαν €ts Aiybs ττοταμονς άντίον της Ααμψάκον* 
 bU^eL δ' 6 Ελλήσποντος ταντΎ\ orabiovs ως π€vτeκaίbeκa, 
 ίντανθα δέ ib€LπvoπoLoυvτo, 
 
 For four days they try i?t vain to draw Lysander out of his 
 harbour. Alcibiades poifits out to thein the disadvantages 
 of their position^ but their ge?ierals scorn his advice and 
 7'efuse to move. 
 
 22 Avσavbρoς b\ ttj έπίονστ] ννκτί, eTret όρθρος ην, ίση- 
 μην€ν €ΐς τάς νανς άριστοποιησαμένους ^Ισβαίναν, πάντα 
 be παρασκ€νασάμ€νος ως €ΐς νανμαχίαν καΐ τα παραβλή- 
 ματα παραβαλών, προΛπ^ν ως μηb€ίς κινησοιτο ίκ της 
 
 23 τά^^ως μηb€ άνάζοίτο. οί be ^Αθηναΐοί άμα τω ηλίω 
 άνίσ\οντι ίπΐ τω λιμίνι παρ^τάζαντο kv μ^τώπω ως eis 
 νανμαχίαν. ίττβΐ δε ονκ άντανηγαγ€ Avσavbρoς, καΐ της 
 ημέρας όψ€ ην, άπ^πλ^νσαν πάλιν ξΐς τους ΑΙγος ποτά- 
 
 24 μονς, Avσavbpoς δέ τάς ταχίστας των ν^ων ίκέλ^νσζν 
 
HELLENICA //, c. i. 
 
 99 
 
 €77€σθαί TOLS Αθηναίους, €7Τ€ώάν be ίκβώσί, Karibovras 405-404 
 δ TL TTOLovaLv άττο7ΐ\€Ϊν και αντω e^ayyetAai. και ου ^'^' 
 TTporepov ^ζ^βίβασ^ν ex των ν^ών ττρίν ανταί ηκον, 
 ταντα δ' iiroUi rirrapas ημ€ρα$' καΐ οΐ ^Αθηναίοι ίττανη- 
 γοντο. ^AλκLβLάbηs be κατώων ίκ. των Τ€ί\ων tovs μ€ν 25 
 ^ Αθηναίους ev αΙγίαλω όρμονντας καΙ irpos ovbeμLa ττολβι, 
 τα δ' eTTLT'jbeLa €Κ Σηστού μ^τωντας irevTeKaibeKa στα- 
 bCovs άτΓο των ν€ών, tovs be ^τoλeμίovs ev λιμάνι κα\ 
 TTpos TToKeL e\ovTas τίάντα^ ουκ ev καλω ίφη αυτουε 
 6pμeϊv, άλλα μeβopμίσaι eh Σηστον Tiapijvei irpos re 
 λιμένα καΐ irpos ττόλιν' ου ovTes vavμaχr|σeτe, €φη, δταν 
 βoύλησΘe, οί be στρατηγοί, μάλιστα be Tvbehs και 2β 
 Mevavbpos, άτηέναι αυτόν eκeλevσav^ αυτοί γαρ νυν 
 στpaτηγeΐvy ουκ eKelvov, ΚαΙ δ μev ωχβτο. 
 
 Battle of Aegospotami. 
 On the fifth day, at a given signal from his scouts, Lysander 
 suddeiily rows across the strait with his whole fleet, and 
 surprises the Athenians while they are scattered along the 
 shore obtaining provisions. He captures without a blow 
 the entire Athenian fleet, except Conon^s squadron and the 
 Paralus, and most of the crews. 
 
 Awavbpos b\ eirel ην ημέρα ττέμτττη ίττητλέονσι rots 27 
 ^ΑΘηναίοι^, eiire tols τταρ' αυτόν eTro/jteVots, ίττην κατιδω- 
 σίν αυτούς eκβeβηκότas καΐ eσκebaσμevovs κατα την 
 Xeppόvησov, oirep eiroLOVV ττολν μάλλον καθ^ ίκάστην 
 ημέραν, τά Τ6 σιτία TTopp^eev ώνονμ€νοι και καταφρο- 
 vovvTes δτ) τον Avσάvbpov, δτι ουκ άvτavηγev, άττοττλέοντας 
 τουμτταλιν τϊαρ αυτόν άραι άσ'nίba κατά μέσον τον ττλονν, 
 οί be ταντα έττοίησαν 0)9 eκeλevσe. Aύσavbpos δ' eiOhs 28 
 eσημηve την ταχίστην ^:λelv' συμ^ϊapr\eL be καί Θώραζ 
 το 7re(bv ίχων. Κόνων be ibibv τον έττίττλονν, eσημηvev 
 els Tas vavs βoηθeLv κατά κράτος* bιeσκebaσ μένων δ€ 
 
 G 2 
 
ΙΟΟ 
 
 HELLENICA II, C. i. 
 
 405-404 τίύν ανθρώπων, al μ€ν των ν^ών bUporot ησαν, αΐ 5e 
 μονοκροτοι, al be iravTekcos Kevai' η be Κόνωνος καΐ 
 αλλαί irepl αυτόν Ιτττά ττλτ/ρβι^ ανηγθησαν άθρόαι καΐ ή 
 ΙΙάραλος, ras δ' άλλαί ττάσα^ livaavbpos eλaβe irpos Ttj 
 yfj. Tovs be irXeiaTovs avbpas ev rrj yfj (Tvveke^ev* oi 
 bk και ίφνγον els τα τβιχυδρια. 
 
 Conon escapes to Cyprus. The Paralus carries the news to 
 Athens. Lysander brmgs his prisoners to Lampsacus, and 
 sends Theopompus to Sparta to announce his victory. 
 
 29 Κόνων be Tais evvea νανσί φevγωv, eirel ίγνω των 
 ^Αθηναίων τά πράγματα bίeφΘapμevay κατασχων ίττΐ την 
 ^Aβaρvίba την Λαμψάκου άκραν eλaβev aiToOev τα 
 μeγάλa των Aυσάvbpoυ veQiV ιστία, κα\ αυτ09 μ€ν όκτω 
 ναυσιν ά^τi^τλ€υcΓe παρ Ευαγόραν eh Κύπρον, η be 
 Πάραλος els tcls 'A^rjray, άπaγγeλovσa τά yeyovoTa, 
 
 30 Aiiaavbpos be τάs Te vaiis καΐ roi/s alyJλaλώτoυs κα\ τάλλα 
 πάντα els Αάμψακον άπηyayev, eka^e be και των στρατη- 
 γών aλλoυs Te και Φιλοκλ^α και ^Abeίμavτov^ fj δ' ημepa 
 ταύτα κaτeιρyάσaτo, eπeμψe θeόπoμπov τον ΜιΚησιον 
 λϊ]στην els AaKeba'^ova άπayyeλoΰvτa τά yeyovoTa^ os 
 aφικόμevos TpiTaios άπηyyeιλe, 
 
 Lysander summons a meeting of his allies at Lampsacus at 
 which they make many complaints of Athenian cruelty. 
 In reve7ige he executes all the Athenians among his captives, 
 except the general Adimantus. 
 
 31 Mera δ6 ταύτα Aύσavbpos άθpoίσas Tohs συμμάχoυs 
 eκeλeυσe βoυλeύeσθaι πepι των αΙχμαλωτων. ίνταυθα δη 
 κατηγορίαι eyiyvovTO ποΧΚαΧ των ^Αθηναίων, ά re ηδη 
 πapevevoμηκeσav κα\ α ^ψηφισμένοι ησαν πο^ιν, el 
 κpaτησeιav Ttj ναυμαχί^, την be^iav χείρα άποκόπτ€ΐν 
 
HELLENIC A II, CC. i, 2. 
 
 101 
 
 r&v ζωγρηθ4ντων ττάντων, καΐ δη λαβόντ€$ bύo τριήρεις, 405-404 
 Κορινθίαν καΐ "AvbpiaVy tovs avbpas αντών navras ^'^' 
 κατακρημνίσ€ίαν' Φιλοκλη^ δ' ην στρατηγοί των Αθη- 
 ναίων, OS TOVTOVS bLiφθζLp€v. eXeyero be καί άλλα ττολλά, 32 
 κάΙ ebo^ev ατϊοκτάναί των αιχμαλώτων δσοι ησαν ^Αθη- 
 ναίοι ττλην Άb€Lμάvτov, δτι μόνος ίττζλάβζτο iv Tjj 6κ- 
 κλησία του irepl της άττοτομης των \€ΐρων ψηφίσματος' 
 ΐιτιάθη μ4ντοί νττό τίνων Trpobovvai ray ναυς, Avaavbpos 
 δβ Φιλοκλ4α πρώτον ίρωτησας, 09 Toifs ^Avbpiovs καΐ 
 Κορινθίους κατ€κρημνισ€. τί €Ϊη άξιος τταθζΐν άρξάμζνος 
 ζΙς'Έλληνας τταρανομζΐν, άττέσφαζζν. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Byzantium and Chalcedon submit to Lysander, who sends 
 the Athenia?i garrisons i7i them and elsewhere back to 
 Athens, hopifig thereby the sooner to reduce the city to 
 starvation, 
 
 ΈτΓβι b\ τα €v Trj Ααμψάκω κατζστησατο, ^ττλβι Ιτη 
 το ^υζάντιον κα\ Kakyr]b0va. οι δ' αντον ύττβδβχοΓΓΟ, 
 τους των ^Αθηναίων φρουρούς υ'noσ^7όvboυς άφέντβς. οΐ 
 δ€ ^Γpobόvτ€ς ^Aλκιβιάbr] το Βυζάντιον roVe μ€ν ^φυγον 
 €ΐς τον Ώόντον, ύστερον δ' eh ^Αθήνας και έγένοντο 
 ^Αθηναίοι, Aύσavbpoς be τους re φρουρούς των ^Αθηναίων 2 
 καΐ ei τινά ττου άλλον iboi Άθηναϊον, a^Γ€^Γeμ'πev eh τας 
 ^Αθήνας, bώoυς eKelae μόνον ττλέουσιν άσφάλeιav, άλλοσβ 
 δ' ού, eιbως οτι οσω αν 7τλeίoυς συλλeγώσιv eh το αστυ 
 και τον ITetpata, θάττον των e'nιτηbeίωv evbeiav eσeσθaί, 
 καταλιττων be Βυζαντίου και Kaλχηbόvoς Σθeveλaov 
 
I02 
 
 HELLENIC Λ II, C. 2. 
 
 αρμοστην Αάκωνα, avros αττοττλ^νσας ets Αάμψακον τα$ 
 
 Athenians^ on hearing of their disaster, reflecting that 
 the vengeance they had taken on many subject states was 
 about to return upon their own heads, resolve to prepare 
 the city for a siege, 
 
 3 'Ei^ h\ rat? 'A^r^rats 77)9 Παράλου άφίκομβνη^ vvktos 
 eXeyero ή συμφορά, καί οΙμωγη €κ του Iletpatcas δια των 
 μακρών τ€ίχών et? άστυ birjiceVy ό ?Τ€ρθ9 τω erepo) τταραγ- 
 γέλλων' ωστ ίκζίνης τη^ νυκτός oibels ίκοιμηθη, ου 
 μόνον του9 άττολωλότας 7Γ€νθοϋντ€9, άλλα ττολυ μάλλον 
 €TL αυτοί εαυτού 9, ττ^ίσ^σθαι νομίζοντ€9 οία ίττοίησαν 
 Μηλίου9 re Aaκ€baLμovίωv άττοικουί οι;τα9, κρατήσαντ€9 
 ττολωρκία, καΐ 'Ιστιαιβαί καΐ Σκιωναίου^ καί Ύορωναίου9 
 
 4 και ΑΙγινητα^ και άλλους ττολλου^ των ^Κλληνων, ttj δ' 
 υστ€ραία ίκκλησίαν ίττοίησαν, ίν fj Ιδο^β roiis re λιμένας 
 ατϊογωσαί ττλην kvos καΐ τά Τ€ίχη ^υτρ^τϊίζζΐν καί 
 φύλακας eφtσrάrαt καΐ τάλλα ττάντα ως ττολίορκίαν 
 τταρασκ€υάζ€ΐν την ττόλιν. κα\ ούτοι μϊν ττβρί ταύτα 
 Ί^σαν. 
 
 Ly Sander sails to Lesbos, where he reorganizes the govern- 
 7nents of the several states, and despatches Eteonicus to do 
 the same in Thrace, All the Athenian allies revolt, except 
 the Sa?nians, 
 
 5 Αύσαν^>ρος δ' 6Κ του ^Έιλληστιόντου ναυσΧ διακοσιαυ 
 άφικόμ^νος els Αέσβον κατ€σκ€υάσατο ray re άλλαί 
 7Γoλet9 €v αυτί} και Μυτιλήνη ν' els δέ τα €ττΙ Θράκης 
 χωρία €ττ€μψ€ δeκα τριήρεις έχοντα ^FiTeovLKOv, os τά 
 
 β eKei τϊάντα ττρος Aaκehaιμovίoυs μ€Τ€στησ€ν, ζυθυς δe 
 και η άλλη Έλλάί άφ€ΐστηκ€ί Αθηναίων μ€τά την ναυ- 
 
HELLENIC A II, c. 2. 
 
 μαχίαν ττλην Σαμίων' ovtol 6e σφαγά$ των γνωρίμων 405-404 
 7Τ0ΐησαντ€9 κατζϊχον την ττόλίν, 
 
 Simultaneously the Spartans and their allies under king 
 Pausanias invade Attica and encajnp in the Academy, 
 and Ly Sander, having restored Aegina and I^elos to their 
 exiled citizens, blockades Piraeus. 
 
 Av(ravbp09 δέ μ€τα ταύτα Ιττβμψβ irpbs ^Αγίν Τ€ et? 7 
 Α€κ4λ€ίαν καΐ eh Αακώαίμονα οτι ττροσττλζΐ σνν διακο- 
 σιαΐ9 νανσί, Αακ^Ιαιμόνιοί δ' €^σαν ^τavbημ€l καΐ οί 
 άλλοι ΤΙζλοττοννησίΟί ττλην ^Αργζίων, τταραγγζίλαντο^ 
 του €Τ€ρου Aaκ€baLμovίωv βασιλέων ΙΙανσανίον, βττβΐ 8 
 δ' ατταντζς ηθροίσθησαν, άναλαβων αντον^ ττρο^ την 
 τϊόλιν €στρατο7Τ ibevaev kv rrj ^ Aκahημeίa [τω καλονμίνω 
 -γνμνασίω^, Avaavbpos bi άφικόμ^νος ety Αϊγιναν cnri- θ 
 δωκ€ την ττόλιν Αίγινηταις, οσουί ibvvaTO ττλζίστον^ 
 αυτών άθροισαν, 0)9 δ' αυτω9 καΐ Mr;\toty και rots άλλου 
 δσοι της αυτών iorepovTo, μ€τα be τοϋτο br]ώσaς Σαλα- 
 μϊνα ώρμίσατο ττρος τον Iletpata ζ;αυσΙ ττ^ντηκοντα καΐ 
 €κατόν, καΐ τα ττλοια elpye του Λστϊλου, 
 
 The Athenians ?naintain an obstinate resistance till all their 
 com fails; then they send envoys to Agis with offers of an 
 alliance, but he refers thefn to the Ephors at Sparta; by 
 who7n, however, they are refused permission to enter the 
 country. 
 
 Ot δ' Αβηναίοι ττολωρκούμ^νοί κατα γην και κατά 10 
 ^άλατται; ηττόρουν τί χρη ττοίζιν, ουτ€ ν^ών ουτζ συμ- 
 μάγων αυτοίς όντων ουτ€ σίτου' ^νόμιζον be oυbeμίav 
 elvai σωτηρίαν μη TiaOelv α ου τLμωρoύμevoL Ιτιοίησαν 
 άλλα δια την ΰβρίν ηbLKoυv ανθρώττους μίκροττολίτας 
 ούδ' eiTL μια αΙτία hepa η otl eKeivois συν€μάχουν. bia 11 
 ταντα Toi;? άτιμους ίττιτίμους 7Ton]aavTe9 €καρτ€ρουν, και 
 
I04 
 
 HELLENICA II, C. 2. 
 
 \ 
 
 405-404 άτ^οθνησκόντων €v rrj ττολβι λιμώ ττολλώΐ' ov bteXiyovTo 
 TTepl ^αλλαγής, iirel be τταντξλώ^ ηbη 6 airos €7reAc- 
 AotTTet, ίττ€μψαν irpia^eis τταρ' ^Ayti;, βονλόμβνοι σνμ- 
 μάγοι etrat AaKeba^oviois eyovres τα τ€ΐχη καΐ τον 
 
 12 Hetgata, καΐ ίττΐ tovtols σννθηκαί ττοίζϊσθαι, 6 
 avTovs €ts Λακεδαίμονα eKikevev Uvac oy yap etmt 
 KVpLOs avT os, iirel δ' ά7τηγγ€ίλαν oi ^τρeσβ€LS ταντα 
 
 13 rots ^Αθηναίοΐί, Ιττεμψ-αζ/ avTovs els Aaκ€baίμova, ol δ' 
 €7Γ€ΐ ησαν iv Σζλλασί^ [ττλησίον^ Trjs AaκωvLκηs καΐ 
 ίττύθοντο οί άφοροι αντών h ikeyov, δντα oldirep καΐ ττρόί 
 ^Aytr, αντόθζν avTovs €Kikevov aniivaiy κα\ c? τι biovTai 
 
 14 €lpr|vηs, κάλλιον ήκ€ίν βoυλ€vσaμ€vovs. oi δβ τϊρέσβ^ι^ 
 eTTel ηκον οΓκαδβ καΐ άτττ^γγβιλαζ; ταύτα ety τ^ι; ττο'λιι;, 
 άθνμία €ν€Τΐ€σ€ ττάσίν' ωοντο γαρ άζ^δραττοδισ^τ/σβσ^αί, 
 καί €ω9 αί; ττ^μττωσιν €T€povs 'πpiσβ€LS, iroXXovs τω 
 λιμω άπολ€Ϊσβαι. 
 
 5//// f/iey will not hear of demolishing their Long Walls, and 
 even arrest Archestratus for 7naking such a proposal, 
 
 15 Πβρι b\ των τ€ΐ\ών ttjs κaθaLp iσeωs ovbeXs (βονλ^το 
 σνμβουΚ^ν^ιν' ^ ApyiaTpaTos yap αίτιων ev Trj βονλτϊ 
 Aaκ€baLμovLOLS κράτιστον etrat kef) ols τιρονκαλουντο 
 €ΐρηνην 7ΐθΐ€ΪσΘαι, €biθη' ττρονκαλονντο δβ των μακρών 
 Τ€ΐχών €7τι δ€κα σταδιουί καΘ^λύν €κατ€ρον' kyiv^TO δε 
 ψήφισμα μη i^elvai ττερι τοντων σνμβονλ€ν€ΐν. 
 
 Thera7ne7ies procures his οιν7ΐ despatch to 7iegotiate with 
 Lysa77der, but after waiti7ig 77iore tha7i three 77wnths returns 
 with the info7'77iation, that the Ephors alone had power to 
 77iake peace. However he and nine others are chose7i as 
 plenipotentiaries and se7it to Sparta, 
 
 16 Ύοιοντων δε όντων Θηpaμivηs ειττει^ iv εκκλησία οτι 
 ει βονλονται αντον ττ^μψαι τιάρα Avaavbpov, είδώί rj^eL 
 
 \-7 . 
 
HELLENICA II, C. 2. 
 
 105 
 
 Λακ€δαιμοζ;ίου9 7Γ0τ€ρον €^avbpanobiaaa0aL την τΐόλ(,ν 405-404 
 βονλόμ€νοί αντέγονσι ττβρί των τειχών η ττίστζω^ cVeKa. ^'^' 
 ττ€μφθζΐ9 be 6t€Vpt/3€ τταρα Avadvbp(D rpets μηνα^ καΐ 
 ττλ€ον, Ηίτηρών όττότζ ^Αθηναίοι €μ€λλον δια το 67rtXe- 
 Komivai τον σίτον ατταντα o^tl tis Xeyot δμολογησ€ίν, 
 ίττζΙ be rjKe 7-€τάρτω μηνί, aTiriyyeiKev ev ίκκλησία οτι vj 
 αυτόν Avaavbpos τ€ω^ μev κάτοχοι, etra KeXevoL eh 
 Aaκebaίμova UvaC ου γαρ eTvat κύριοι ων έρωτωτο νττ 
 avTOVy άλλα τον^ eφόpovs, μeτa ταύτα τ\ρ^Θη ^τpeσβeυ' 
 T7]S els Aaκebaίμova αυτοκράτωρ beKaTos airoj. Αύσαν- is 
 bpos be roty ίφόροΐ9 e^Γeμ^|/ev ayyeXovvTa μeτ άλλων 
 AaκebaLμovLωv ^Αριστοτέλης φvγάba * Αθήναιον οντά, οτι 
 ατϊοκρίναιτο ΘηρaμeveL eKeivovs κυρίους elvai eiρηvηs 
 καΐ τϊολέμον. 
 
 An audience is given to them at Sparta, where many accusa- 
 tions are brought against the Atheniafts, especially by the 
 Corinthians and Theba?isj but the Spartans refuse to 
 destroy Athens utterly, a?td offer terms of peace, 
 
 Θηραμένης be καΐ oi αλλοί ^τpeσβeL9 eirel ησαν ev 19 
 Σeλλaσ[q, eρωτώμevoL be ίττΐ tlvl λόγω rjKOLev etirov otl 
 aiTOKpaTopes irepl elρηvηs, μeτa ταύτα oi eφopoL κaλeϊv 
 eκ€λevov αυτούς, eirel δ' ηκον, ίκκλησίαν έττοίησαν, ev 
 
 avτeλeγov Κορίνθιοι καΐ Θηβαίοι μάλιστα, ττολλοι be 
 και άλλοι των Ύλληνων, μη σ^:evbeσθaι Αθηναίοι^, 
 άλλ' e^aipeiv. Aaκebaιμόvιoι be ουκ €φασαν ιτόλιν 20 
 Έλλην'ώα avbpaiTobielv μέγα αγαθόν elργaσμevηv ev 
 roL9 μeγίστoιs Kivbwois γevoμevoιs Tjj Ελλάδι^ αλλ 
 eiTOiovvTo elρηvηv €</)' ω τά re μακρά τβίχη και τον Uei- 
 ραιά κaθeλόvτas και ras vavs ττλην b^beKa ^apabovTas 
 καΐ Toh φvγάbas καθίντα^ τον αυτόν ίχθρον καΐ φίλον 
 
I06 HELLENIC A II, C. 2. 
 
 405-404 νομίζονται Αακ€^αίμονίοί9 ^τΐ^σθαι κα\ κατα γην καϊ 
 ^'^' κατά θάλατταν δττοι hv ηγωνται. 
 
 The Athenians^ notwithstanding the remonstrances of a few, 
 readily accept the terms offered, 
 
 21 Θηραμένης be καϊ ol συν αντω TrpeV^et? ^ττανίφ^ρον 
 ταντα 619 raj ^ Αθήναι · (Ισωντα^ δ' avrovs ογλθ9 Trepte- 
 \€Ϊτο 7ToXv9, φοβούμενοι μη αττρακτοί ηκοί€ν' ον γαρ ίτι 
 €ν€χώρ€ί μ€λλ€ίν διά 70 ττληθος των ατϊολλνμίνων τω 
 
 22 λιμω. ττ/ h\ varepaia άττηγγελλον oi TrpeV/^ety €φ' οΤί 
 οί Aaκ€baLμόvLOL ΤΓοωΐντο την βίρηνην' ττροηγόρεί be 
 αντων Θηραμένης, λέγων ώί χρη ττείθεσθαι Λακεδαι- 
 μονίοις καϊ τα τείχη τΐεριαιρείν, αντειτΐόντων be τίνων 
 αντω, ττολν be ττλεωνων σννετταίνεσάντων, ebo^e bexe- 
 σθαι την είρηνην, 
 
 Ly Sander and the exiles enter Piraeus and begin the destruc- 
 tion of the Lo7ig Walls, celebrating the first day of Greek 
 Freedofn. 
 
 23 Mera δβ ταύτα Avaavbpos τε κατεττλει ets τον Πβιραια 
 καΐ οΐ φvγάbεs κατή σαν και τα τείχη κατεσκατιτον νπ 
 avλητpίbωv ττολλί] ττροθνμία, νομίζοντεί εκείνην την 
 ημέραν τη Ελλάδι αρχειν της ελευθερίας. 
 
 Contemporary events in Sicily, 
 
 24 Και 6 ενιαυτος ίληγεν, εν ω μεσονντί Αίοννσιος δ 
 ^Ερμοκράτους Συρακόσιος ετυράννησε, μάχη μεν ττρότε- 
 ρον ηττηθεντων νττο Συρακοσίων Kaρχηbovίωv, σττάνει 
 be σίτου ελόντων ^ Ακράγαντα, εκλιτΐόντων των Σικβλιω- 
 των την τϊόλιν· 
 
HELLENICA ΤΙ^ c. 3. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 404-403 
 
 B.C. 
 
 The Athenians appoint Thirty men to draw up a new constitu- 
 tion^ whereupon Lysander sails to Samos, and Agis with- 
 draws from Decelea. 
 
 Τω δ' imovTL hei [ω 171; Όλυ/χπιάί, ff το στά^ιον 
 ίνίκα KpoKLvas QerraKos, Εύδίκου iv Στ^άρτη ίφορ^ν- 
 0VT09, Uυθobώpov δ' ev Άθηναί9 άρχοντος, ον Αθηναίοι, 
 OTL €V οΚί-γαργία 'ρρέθη, ουκ όνομάζονσίν, άλλ' άναρχίαν 
 τον evtavTov καλονσίν. iyevero δ€ αϋτη η ολιγαρχία 
 ώδβ.] Ιδο^ε τω δτ^/χω Ύ^^^^91^Ι£: j^^^^^^ kXiaOai^ ο\ τον<$ 2 
 TTorptoi;? vo^ovs συγχ^ψονσι, καβ* ovs ττοΧιτ^νσονσι, 
 Imi γρίθησαν οιδβ, Πολυχάρι/ί, Kptrtay, Μηλόβιο^, *Ιπ- 
 7Γθλοχο9, ΈiVκKeίhηSy ^Ι^ρων, Μνησίλοχο^, \ρ4μων, Θήρα- 
 μ€νη9, Άρβσιαί, Αωκλης, Φαώρίας, Χαφ^λζω^, 'Aminoy, 
 Ώ^ίσων, Σοφοκλής, ^ Ερατοσθένης, Χαρικλτ}^, ^Ονομακλης, 
 SeoyvL^i ΑΙσχίνης, ©eoyerr/y, Κλβο/χτ^δτ]^, Ερασίστρατος, 
 Φβιδωι/, Αρακοντί^ης, Ενμάθης^ ^Αριστοτέλης, 'Ιττπομα- 
 χο9, Μι;τ]σιβ€ίδ7;9. τοτίτωι; δβ ττραχθέντων ίυπέτιλ^ι Αν- 3 
 σα^δροί ττρόί Σάμοι^, ^Ayi9 δ' 6κ της AeKeAetaj άτταγα- 
 γώζ; τό ττβζον στράτ^νμα διβλυσβ κατά TroXety εκάστους. 
 
 Contemporary extents in Thessaly and Sicily, 
 
 Κατά δ€ τούτοι; τον καιρόν ττ€ρΙ ηλίον €κλ€ΐ\1ην Λυκο- 4 
 φρωι; ό Φβραιοί, βουλόμβνος αρζαι όλης της θ€τταλίας, 404 Sept. 
 τονς εναντίον μένους αντω των &€τταλών, Ααρισαωυς Τ6 
 καΐ άλλους, μάχτ} ίνίκησβ και ττολλονς ατϊέκτ^ιν^ν. 
 
 Έζ; δέ τω αίτω χροι/ω καΐ Διο^νσ^οί ό Συρακο'σιθ9 5 
 τύραννος μάχη ηττηθ€ΐς νττο Kapχηbovίωv Γέλαν και 
 Καμάριναν α-ηώλ^σ^, μ€τ ολίγον δέ και ΑξοντΙνοι 
 Σνρακοσίοις συνοικοϋντ^ς ατϊέστησαν eis την αντων 
 
I08 HELLENIC A II, C. 3. 
 
 404-403 TioKiv aiTo Αωννσίον και Σνρακοσίων, τταραχρημα hi 
 ^'^' και oi Σνρακόσίοι tTTTrets νττο Αιοννσίου eh Κατάνην 
 ατ: εστάλησαν. 
 
 Samos surrenders at discretion. Lysander, after reorganizing 
 the government^ dismisses the allied fleet, and at the head 
 of the Lacedaemonian ships returns to Sparta in triumph 
 with all the spoils of war, 
 
 β 01 h\ Σάμίοί ΐϊολιορκονμ^νοι νττο Avadvbpov ττάντΎ}^ 
 iirel ου βουλομένων αυτών το ττρώτον ομολογζΐν ττροσ- 
 βάλλ€ίν 7]bη l/xeXXer ό Aύσavbpos, ωμολόγησαν ev Ιμά- 
 των ίχων €καστο^ άτηέναι των ίλ^υθέρων, τα δ' αλλα 
 
 7 7Γαραδου2;αι· και ουτωί ίζηλθον. Avaavbpos δε roty 
 ap\aioLs TToXirat? τταραδοι/ί την ττόλίν καΐ τα ίνόντα 
 τϊάντα κα\ b€Ka apyovTas κατάστησαν φρουρΛν άφηκ€ το 
 
 8 των συμμάχων ναυτίκον κατα TroAetj, raty δέ ΑακωνικαΙν 
 ναυσΧν άττέπλ^υσ^ν €iy Aaκ€baίμova, άττάγων τα re των 
 αΙχμαλώτων ν^ών ακρωτήρια καΐ ray €κ YleLpaL&s τρίη- 
 p€LS ττλην δώδβκα καΐ στζφάνουν, ots τταρά των ττόλ€ων 
 ίλάμβαν€ δώρα ίδια, καΐ αργυρίου τετρακόσια κα\ kβbo^ 
 μη κοντά τάλαντα, h irepuyivovTo των φόρων, ovy avriji 
 KiJpoy TTapibei^ev ety τον ττόλεμον, και et η άλλο ίκτή' 
 σατο €v τω ττολεμω, 
 
 Α list of the Ephors to show the duration of the war, 
 
 β Tai5ra δβ Trarra Λακeδαtμortoty ά^τζbωκ€ τελευτώντον 
 404 Sept. του Θέρους [ety δ ίζάμηνος και όκτω καΐ €Ϊκοσιν €τη 
 τω ττολζμω ίτελεύτα, ίν oly ίφοροι οι άριθμούμενοι oibe 
 ίγένοντο, ΑΙνησίας ττρώτον, ίφ' ου ηρζατο δ ττόλεμον, 
 τϊέμτττω κα\ δ€κάrω Iret τών μ€Τ Έ,υβοίαν αλωσιν τρία- 
 10 κovτaeτίbωv σ^[ovbώv, μ€τά δέ τούτον οϊδβ, Bpασtδαy, 
 Ίσοί^ωρ, Σωσrpαrtδαy, ''Efapxoy, Άy/;σtσrpαroy, 'Ayye- 
 
HELLENICA 11^ c. 3. IO9 
 
 vihas^ ^Ονομακλή^, Zei^ftTTTro?, UiTvas^ Πλειστολα^, 404 
 Κλ€ίνόμαχο$, 'Ίλαρχοί, Λί'ωι;, XatptAay, Πατι/σιάδαί, 
 Κλ€οσθ€νης, AvKapLOs, Έττηρατο^, ^Ονομάντιοί, Άλξξίττ- 
 TTibas, Μισγολα'ίδαί, Ίσιαί, *Άρακοί, Είάρχιττττο^, Παι;- 
 τακλτ/ί, ritrvas, ΆρχυΓα9, Είδικοί, βφ' οδ Λυσαι/δρο^ 
 πρά^αί τα ^Ιρημίνα οϊκαδβ KarcTrXevaer.] 
 
 Thirty delay to publish the new constitution^ and put 
 their own creatures into the senate and other offices. They 
 proceed to purge the city of all extreme democrats^ and to 
 support their violent measures they procure from Lysander 
 a Spartan garrison with Callibius as harmost, 
 
 01 h\ τριάκοντα ιΐρίΘησαν μ\ν eTret τάχιστα τα μακρά 11 
 Τ€ίχη καΐ τα irepX τον ΓΤβιραια καθτβρίθη' aipeOivTes δ€ 
 €φ' φτ€ σνγγράψαί vόμovSy καθ^ ονστίνας τιολιτ^νσοιντο^ 
 TOVTOVS μ\ν aeX ίμ^λλον σνγγράφ^ιν re καΐ aTToheiKVVvai^ 
 βουλην be καΐ tcls άλλαί άρχα9 κατάστησαν o)s eδoκet 
 avTols. eireiTa ττρώτον μ^ν ovs ^τάvτes Ύjbeσav ev rry 12 
 bημoκpaτίa από συκοφαντίας ζώντας καΐ τοις καλοϊς 
 καγαθοις /3apets οντάς, συλλaμβάvovτes υττηγον θανά- 
 του* και η re βουλή ηbeωs αυτών κaτeψηφiζeτo οΐ re 
 αλλοί οσοί συvf|beσav ίαυτοϊς μη ovTes τοιούτοι oibev 
 ηχθοντο, eirel be ηρξαντο βoυλeύeσθaι οττως αν eξe[η is 
 αυτοϊς τη iroXei χρησθαι οττως βούΚοιντο, e/c τούτου 
 ττρώτον μ€ν ττeμ^}/avτes els Aaκebaίμova ΑΙσχίνην re και 
 ^Αριστοτ^λην eττeισav Aύσavbρov Φβο^'^ ^^ σφίσι συμττρα- 
 ξαι ekOeiv, eωs δη Tohs ττονηρονς eKTTob(i)V ττoιησάμevoι 
 καταστησαιντο την TToXiTeiaV Opeylreiv be αυτοί υττισ- 
 χνοϋντο, 6 be ττeισΘels τους re φρoυpoυs και Καλλίβιον 14 
 a^jJLoarrjV oyveTTpa^ev aiTois ττeμφθηvaι. οΐ δ' eTret την 
 φρουραν ίλαβον, τον μev Καλλίβιον eβeρά^τeυov ττάστ] 
 OepaTTeiqi ώς τΐάντα ίτταινοίη h ττράττοΐ€ν, των be φρου· 
 
no 
 
 HELLENICA II, C. 3. 
 
 404-403 ρίύν τοντον σνμττ^μττοντος αντοϊ^ ovs ίβονΚοντο συι^€- 
 λάμβανον ονκ^τι rovs ττονηρον^ re και ολίγον a^iovs, 
 άλλ' 7/δ7; OVS €νόμιζον ηκιστα μ\ν τταρωθον μένουν aviyje- 
 σθαΐ) αντιτΐράττζίν hi τι €τ:ι\<ίίρονντα$ ττλ^ίστουί au 
 Toifs (TVV^eiXovTas λαμβάνειν, 
 
 A disagreement arises between Critias and Theramenes, the 
 former urging a policy of indiscriminate bloodshed. 
 
 15 Τω pkv ovv ττρώτω χρόνω 6 KpLrias τω Θηραμέν€ΐ 
 ομογνώμων re και φίλος ην' evrel 6e avrbs μ^ν ττροπζτης 
 ην έττΐ το ττολλονς aTTOKT€LV€Lv, are καΙ φνγων νττό του 
 δτ^μου, ό be Θηραμένης άντ€κοπτ€) λέγων otl ουκ et/cos 
 €Ϊη θανατονν, ei tls ίτιματο νπο τον ^ήμον, tovs bk 
 καλονς κάγαθους μηb€v κακόν etpya^ero, eTrel καΐ ίγω, 
 ίφη, καΐ σν ττολλα br] τον αρέσκ^ιν €ν€κα rrj TToAet καΐ 
 
 1β €ΐπομ€ν καΐ ίττράζαμ^ν' 6 6e, ert γαρ otκetωs έχρητο τω 
 &ηραμέν€ί, άντέλ^γ^ν otl ονκ €γ\ωροίη roty ττλ€ον€ΚΤ€ΐν 
 βονλομένοίς μη ονκ ίκττοδώι; 7Γ0tetσ^αt tovs ίκανωτάτονς 
 bιaκωλv€LV' et 6e, otl TpLaKOVTa €σμ€ν καΐ ούχ elj, ηττόν 
 
 1 τι oiet ωστϊ€ρ wpavvibos ταύτης της αρχής xprjvaL em- 
 
 17 μ€λ€LσθaL^ ^νήθης et. eπet δe, αποθνησκόντων ττολλων 
 καΐ άδικων, ττολλοί bηλoL ησαν σvvLστάμ€Vo[ re καϊ 
 θανμάζοντ€ς τί iaoLTo η ^τoλLT€La, ττάλιζ; e\eyez; ό Θηρα- 
 μένης OTL et μη rty κoLvωvovς ίκανον ς λη\|/oLτo των πραγ- 
 μάτων, abvvaTov eaoLTo την 6λLγaρχLav bLaμέveLv. 
 
 Το satisfy Theramenes the Thirty nominate three thousand 
 to participate in the government; a measure which Thera- 
 menes criticizes as at once dangerous and absurd. 
 
 18 Έκ τοντον μέvτoL KpLTLaς καΐ oi aλλoL TpLaKOVTa, ηbη 
 φoβovμ€VOL καΐ ονχ ηκιστα τον Θηραμένη^ μη σνρρν^ίη- 
 σαν προς αντον oi πoλLτaL, καταλέγονσι τρισχιλίους τους 
 
 0^· 
 
HELLENICA II, C 3· 
 
 III 
 
 μζθζζοντας δτ) των -πραγμάτων, δ δ' αν Θηραμένης καΐ 404-403 
 TTpbs ταντα ^keyev otl ατοττον boκoίη βαυτω ye €Ϊναι το "^'^' 
 ττρώτον μ^ν βονλομ4νονς tovs β€λτίστου9 των ττολίτών 
 κοινωνούς τιοιησασθαι TpiaryjXiovs^ ωστΐζρ τον αριθμόν 
 τούτον ίχοντά τινα ανάγκην καλονς κάγαθους €Ϊναι, και 
 οίτ €ζω τούτων aTrovbaiovs οντ ivTos τούτων ττονηρους 
 οΐόν τ€ €17] yeviaOai' eireiTa b\ €φη, ορώ ίγωγζ bύo ημάς 
 τα ίναντιώτατα ττράττοντας, βιαίαν re την αρχήν και 
 ηττονα των αρχομένων κατασκ€ναζομ€νονς. 
 
 By α stratagem the Thirty strip all the Athenians, except 
 the Three Thousand, of their arms : they now begin a reign 
 of terror, putting to death their own personal enemies and 
 rich citizens for the sake of their money, 
 
 Ό fxei; ταντ i.Xeyev^ oi δ' έζέτασιν TTOirjaavTes των 20 
 μ€ν τρισχιλίων iv ttj αγορά, των δ' 6^ω τον καταλόγου 
 άλλων άλλαχον, έτιατα κ^λ^ύσαντ^ς em τα όπλα, kv ω 
 €κΛνοι αττζληλύθ^σαν ττέμψαντζς τονς φρονρονς και των 
 τΐολιτών τονς όμογνωμονας αντοϊς τα όπλα ττάντων ιτλην 
 των τρισχιλίων τιαρ^ίλοντο, καΐ άνακομίσαντ^ς ταντα eh 
 την ακρότϊολιν σννίθηκαν kv τω ναω. τούτων be yez/o- 21 
 μίνων, ως ίξον ιβη iroieiv αντοϊς δ,τι βούλοιντο, ττολλονς 
 μ^ν έχθρας €ν€κα άττέκτζίνον, ττολλονς be χρημάτων, 
 ebo^e δ* αντοΐς, οττως exoiev τοις φρονροΐς χρήματα 
 bibovai, καΐ των μeτoίκωv eva έκαστον λaβeιv, και αν- 
 τονς μ\ν airoKTeivai, τα be χρήματα αντών άττοσημηνασθαι. 
 
 When Therainenes opposes these measures, the rest of the 
 Thirty conspire against him, and Critias openly accuses 
 him before the Senate, 
 
 Έκeλevov be και τον Θηραμένη λaβeϊv οντινα βού^ 22 
 λοιτο. 6 δ' aireKpivaTO, Άλλ' ον boKei μοι, έφη, καλόν 
 eivai φάσκοντας βξλτίστονς dvai άδικώτ€ρα των ανκο- 
 
112 
 
 HELLENICA //, C. 3. 
 
 404-403 φαντών TTOLeiv* €Κ€ίνοί μ€ν γαρ τταρ' ων χρήματα λαμ- 
 ®·^· χ βάνοίζν ζην €LωVy ημ€ί9 δβ ά7Γθκτ€νονμζν μηb€V abLKOVvraSy 
 
 23 ϊνα χρήματα λαμβάνωμ€ν ; ττώί ον ταντα τω τταντί €Κ€ίνων 
 ίώικώτζρα ; οί δ' €μ^Γobωv νομίζοντ€9 αντόν €ivaL τω 
 ποιβιι; ο,τι βονλοιντο, ^ττιβονΚ^νονσιν αντω, και Ibia 
 irpos Tovs βονλ€ντα9 αλλοί ττρόί άλλον bL€βaλλov ώί 
 λνμαινόμ^νον την ττολίτζίαν. καΐ 7Γαραγγ€ίλαντ€9 veavC- 
 σκοί9 οΐ iboKOVv avTOLS θρασύτατοι elvat ^ιφιδια νττο 
 μάλης ίχοντας τταραγ^νίσθαι, σννέλζζαν την βονλήν, 
 
 24 €π€ΐ δ€ ό Θηραμένης TraprjVy άναστας 6 KpLTias ίλζζ^ν 
 
 ώδ6. 
 
 Speech of Critias. 
 
 * The numerous executions were necessitated by the long dura- 
 Hon of democracy at Athens y and had the full approval of 
 the Lacedaemonians, 
 
 avbp^s βουλ^νταί, et μέν tls υμών νομίζει TrXcto- 
 vas τον καιρού αττοθνήσκζίν, έννοησάτω οτι δττον πο- 
 λίΤζΐαι μζθίστανταί ττανταχον ταντα γίγν€ταΐ' ττλβι- 
 στονς be ανάγκη ίvθάb€ ττολζμίονς €ΐναί tols els ολι- 
 γαρχίαν μ^Θιστασι διά re το ττολνανθρωττοτάτην των 
 ^Eλληvίbωv την τΐόλίν etvai καΐ bta το ττλζΐστον χρόνον 
 
 25 €v €λ€νθ€ρία τον bημov Τζθράφθαι, ημ€ΐ9 be γvόvτes 
 μ\ν T01S οίοις ημϊν re καΐ νμίν χaλeπηv 'πoλLτeίav elvai 
 bημoκpaτίaVy γvόvτes be οτι \aκebaιμovίoιs rots Tiepi- 
 σώσασιν ημάς δ μ€ν bημos ονττοτ αν φίλος γένοιτο, 
 01 be βέλτιστοι aei αν ττιστοι bιaτeλoιev, bia ταντα σνν 
 Trj Aaκebaιμovίωv γνωμτ} τήvbe την ^τoλιτeίav καθίστα- 
 
 2β μev^ και έάν τινα alσΘavωμeθa ίναντίον Trj ολιγαρχία, 
 οσον bvvάμeθa eκ7Γoδώz; ττοιονμ^θα' ττολυ be μάλιστα 
 boKei ημϊν biKaiov elvaiy ei τις ημών αυτών λvμaίveτaι 
 ταντιι rp κaτaστάσeι, bίκηv αντον bibovai. 
 
HELLENIC A 11^ c. 3. 1 13 
 
 ^Theravicnes had show7i himself not an enemy only, but a 404-403 
 traitor; though he hadbeen foremost in making peace with B.C. 
 Sparta and in putting down the democracy, he now wished 
 to make his peace with the people and so secure a safe 
 retreat, 
 
 oiv αΙοΌανόιχζθα Θηραμέντ] τοντονϊ ols bvvnTaf, 27 
 άττολλνντα ημάζ re καί νμά^, S>s be ταντα αληθή, 
 ην κατανοητξ, ζνρησζΤ€ οντζ ψέγοντα ovhiva μάλλον 
 Θηραμένους τοντουΙ τα παρόντα οντ€ ίναντωνμζνον, 
 οταν τίνα eKTiohiav βονλώμ^θα ττοίησασθαι, των δτ/μα- 
 γωγών, d μ€ν τοίνυν αρχής ταντα €γΙγνωσκ€, πο- 
 Xe/xios μ€ν ην, ον μέντοι ττονηρός y hv δικαίων ένομίζ^το* 
 νυν δ€ αντος μ\ν ap^as της προς Αακώαιμονίονς ιτίστξως 28 
 καΐ φίλιας, αυτός δέ της του bημoυ καταλύσζως, μά- 
 λιστα be ίζορμησας υμας τοις ττρώτοις ντταγομίνοις ζΙς 
 υμάς bίκηv ^τητιθέναι, νυν eirel καΐ υμ^ΐς καΐ ημ€Ϊς 
 φαν€ρώς ίχθροί τω bημω γζγζνημ^θα, ουκ4τ αυτω τά 
 γιγνόμ€να αρέσκει, οττως αυτός μ€ν αυ iv τω άσφαλξΐ 
 καταστΊ], ημ^ϊς be bίκηv bωμev των τ: eir pay μένων· ώστβ 29 
 ου μόνον ως έχθρω αυτω irpoarjKeL άλλα καί ως ττροδοτι^ 
 υμών Γ€ καΐ ημών διδοζ/αι την bίκηv, καίτοι τοσούτω 
 μev beiv0Tepov irpoboaia ττολέμου, οσω χaλe^rωτepov 
 φυλάζασθαι το άφαν\ς του φavepoυ, τοσούτω δ' έχθιον^ 
 δσω '7τoλeμίoις μ€ν άνθρωποι καί σ^τevbovτaι καΐ αύθις 
 ΤΓ ιστοί γίγνονται, ον δ' άν 7rpobib0vTa λαμβάνωσι, τούτω 
 oiJre eσ^reίσaτo ττώποτβ ούδβΐϊ ουτ e^τίστeυσe του λοιττοΰ, 
 
 * In the past he had been highly honoured by the people; 
 then he had been foremost in promoting the revolution of 
 the Four Hundred, and foremost again in bringing about 
 their fall. Well therefore had he deserved the nickname of 
 Buskin, 
 
 "Ira be eibr\Te ότι ου καινά ταϋτα ούτος TTOiei, άλλα 30 
 Η 
 
114 HELLENIC A II, C. 3. 
 
 404-403 φνσ€ΐ 7TpobόΓηs ίστίν, άναμνησω νμας τά τούτω 7Γ€- 
 ^'^' 7τραγμ€να, ovtos γαρ ίξ αρχής μ^ν τιμώμενος ίττο του 
 hημov κατα τον ττατέρα "Αγνωνα, τϊροτϊ€Τ€στατο$ eyeveTO 
 την bημoκρaτίav μ^ταστησαι eis tovs Τ€τρακοσίον9, καΐ 
 ίττρώτ€ν€ν €V €KeLV0LS. 67Γ61 δ' ^σθ^το άντίτταλόν η rfj 
 ολιγαρχία αννίστάμ^νον, ττρωτος αν ηγ€μων τω br|μ(jf 
 €7γ' €K€ivovs €γ€ν€το* oOev brjiTov καΐ κόθορνος ίτηκα- 
 
 31 Xctrat · [και γαρ δ κόθορνος αρμόττ^ιν μ\ν tols ττοσίν 
 άμφοτβροις δοκβϊ, άπο/3λ€7Γ€ΐ bi απ άμφοτ€ρων.^ δβί 
 δ€, ώ θηράμ€ν€9, avbpa τον αζιον ζην ον ττροάγζΐν μ^ν 
 b€Lv6v elvai ds ττράγματα tovs σννόντας, ην b4 τι αντί- 
 κόπττ], ζνθνς μ€ταβάλλ€σθαι, άλλ' ώσττβρ €V νηΐ δια- 
 7Τον€Ϊσθαί, €ω9 ίιν eh ονρον καταστωσιν* et δβ μη^ ττώς 
 αν αφίκοιντό 7τοτ€ ίνθα δβί, ei €ΤΤ€ώάν τι αντικόψυ^ 
 evOvs ety τάναντία TiXiouv ; 
 
 * By such shifts he had caused the death of many; he had 
 
 procured the condemnation of the generals after Arginusae 
 to save his own life, 
 
 32 ΚαΙ ctal μ^ν δτ/που ττασαι μ€ταβολαι τιολιτ^ιων 
 Θανατηφόροι, σν δβ δια το (νμ^τάβολος eivai ττλβίστοΐί 
 μ€ν μ€ταίτιο9 ζΐ ολιγαρχίας νττο τον bημov άπολω- 
 λέναι, τΐλ^ίστοις δ' 6κ bημoκpaτίas νττο των β^λτιόνων, 
 οντος bi τοί earnv os ταχΘ€ΐ$ αν^λ^σθαι νπο των στρα- 
 τηγών τονς KaTabvvTas ^Αθηναίων iv τί} ττβρί Α4σβον 
 ναυμαχία αντος ονκ αν^λόμ^νος όμως των στρατηγών 
 κατηγορών aireKTeivev αντονς, ϊνα αντος τκρισωθζίη. 
 
 * Death was the only punishment 7neet for such a man. If 
 
 they should conde^nn hijn they would but follow the 
 example of Sparta ; while if they acquitted him^ he was 
 sure to prove the rui7i of them all^ 
 
 33 "Όστίί ye μην φανερός Ιστι τον pkv ττλ€ον€ΚΤ€Ϊν ael 
 
HELLENIC A 11^ c. 3. 
 
 €πλμ€λομ€ΐΌ9, του h\ καλόν καΐ των φίλων μηb€V ίντρ^- 404-403 
 7Γ0μ€νος, πώ9 τούτον χρή 7τοτ€ φ^ίσασθαι ; ττώ^ δβ ον ^'^' 
 φνλάξασθαί, βίδοτα^ αυτού ray μ^ταβολά^, i)S μη καΐ 
 ημάς ταντο bvvaaOfj ττοίησαι ; oSr τοντον νπάγομ€ν 
 
 καϊ 0)9 ίτηβονλζνοντα καΐ ως irpobibovTa ημάς re και 
 υμάς» ως δ' ^Ικότα ττοωνμ^ν, καΐ τάδ* €ννοησατ€, 
 καλλίστη μ€ν γαρ brjirov δοκ€Ϊ πολιτβια elvai η Λακ€- 34 
 baLμovίωv' el be eKei eiTvyeipriaeie τις των Εφόρων αντι 
 τον τοις ^τλeίoσL TreWea^at yj/eyeiv re την αρχήν καϊ 
 ίναντιονσθαι τοις ττραττομ^νοίς, ονκ hv oXeaOe αντον 
 κα\ ύττ' αυτών των έφόρων καΐ υττο της άλλης αττάσης 
 7ΐόλeως της μ€γίστης τιμωρίας α^ιωθηναι ; καΧ υμeις 
 ovVi eav σωφρονητ€, ου τούτον άλλ' υμών αυτών φelσeσθe, 
 ως ούτος σωΘeις μ\ν ττολλους αν μ4γα φρoveιv TTonfiaeie 
 τών ίναντία γιγνωσκόντων υμΐν, ά^Γoλόμevoς be ττάντων 
 καϊ τών ev τύ] ττο'λίΐ καϊ τών ίζω υτϊοτέμοι &ν τάς 
 eλ^Γίbaς, 
 
 Theramenes speaks in his own Defence. 
 
 ^Really the generals at Arginusae had been the first to accuse 
 Jiivi. In alleging the violence of the storm he had offered 
 a reasonable defence, so that i?i accusing him they had pro- 
 nounced their own condemnation. Critias knew nothing 
 of the matter^ being at that time in Thessaly. 
 
 Ό μ\ν ταντ eWiav ίκαθ4ζ€Τ0' Θηραμένης be άναστας 35 
 ίλeζev, Άλλα πρώτον μev μνησθησομαι, ω avbpeς, ο 
 Te\evTalov κατ ίμον eiire, φησί γάρ μe τους στρατη- 
 γούς aiTOKTelvai κατηγοροϋντα, ίγω be ουκ ηρχον brjmv 
 κατ eκeίvωv λόγου, α λλ* eKe lvoL ίφασαν ττροσταχθέν 
 μοι ΰφ' eavτώv ουκ αν€λ4σθαί τους bυστvχovvτaς ev Trj Ζ* \j\ 
 irepl Αέσβον ναυμαχία, ίγω be ά^τoλoγoύμevoς ως bia ^ 
 Tov xeCfiSSva bibe TrXelVi μη οτι avaLpelσθaι τους avbpas 
 
 Η 2 
 
Il6 HELLENIC A II, c. 3. 
 
 404-403 bwarbv ην, ebo^a rfj ttoAci etKoVa kiyeiv, €K€LVOl δ' 
 €αντών κατηγορ€ΐν ίφαινοντο. φάσκοντ€ξ γαρ οΐόν Τ€ 
 €ΐναι σωσαι tovs avhpas, ττροίμ^νοι άττολ^σθαί avrovs 
 
 36 OLTioTikiovTes (αγοντο, ον μ4ντοι Θαυμάζω ye το Κριτίαν 
 ^ 7ταραν€νομηκ€ναί' ore γαρ ταντα ην, ον τταρων ίτνγ- 
 \av€v, άλλ' ίν θβτταλία μ€τά Προμηθ^ω^ ί>ημοκρατίαν 
 κατ€σκ€ναζ€ κα\ tovs ττ^νέστα^ ωτιλιζ^ν €7γΙ tovs δ€- 
 
 ^ But it was not men like himself who endangered the exists 
 e7ice of the Governme^it, but those who had wished to put 
 to death the foremost men in the st(ite. 
 
 37 μ\ν ovv ovTos €K€L €ττραττ€ μηb€V ivOdbe γένοιτο* 
 Tob^ ye μeWot ομολογώ eyo) τούτω, et tis vμas μ€ν Trjs 
 αρχψ βον\€ταί τταυσαι, tovs δ' i^nβovλ€Vovτas νμίν 
 layvpovs πotet, bUaiov eTvat Trjs μ^γίστηs αντον τιμωρίας 
 τνγ\άν€ΐν' δστΐ5 μέντου 6 ταντα ττράττων €στΙν οΐμαι 
 αν νμάς κάλλιστα κρίν€ΐν, τά re ττζττραγμένα και & ννν 
 
 38 7Γράττ€ΐ Ικαστοί ημών et κατανοήσ€Τ€, ονκονν μέχρι μ^ν 
 του vμas re καταστηναι els την βονλ^ίαν και αρχάς 
 άπoδetχβ?/rαι και tovs 6μoλoγoυμ4vωs (rυκoφάvτas ύττά- 
 γζσθαι 7rάvτ€s ταντα €γιγνώσκομ€ν* iirei δe ye ovtol 
 ήρξαντο avbpas κaλovs re κaγaθovs συλλάμβαναν, ίκ 
 τούτου κάγίύ ηρξάμην τάναντία tovtois γιγνώσκ€ΐν. 
 
 39 ^δetr yap οτι ά^τoΘvησκovτos μ€ν AeovTos τον Σαλα- 
 μινίον, avbpos και ovtos και boKodvTos ικανού eivai, 
 abiKodvTos δ' ovbe iv, οί όμοιοι τοντω φοβησοιντο, 
 φοβούμενοι be. ίναντίοι Trjbe rrj τΐολιτεία εσοιντο* 
 έγίγνωσκον δe οτι συλλαμβανομένου Νικηράτον του 
 Ntfctov, και ττλουσίου και ovbev ττωττοτε bημoτικov οντ€ 
 αντον οντ€ τον iraTpos 7Γpάξavτos, 01 τούτω όμοιοι δυσ- 
 
 40 /x€rets ημΐν γ^νησοιντο. Άλλα μην κα\ Αντιφώντος 
 
HELLENIC A II, C. 3. Ϊ17 
 
 ύφ' ^/χώζ; αττολλνμζνον, os ei; τω ττολέμω bvo τριηρ^ι^ 404-403 
 ev 7Γλ€0ΐίσα5 τταρ€ίχ€το, ηττιστάμην otl καί oi ττρόθνμοί ^'^' 
 rfj TToAet γ€γ€νημ€νοί ττάντ^ί νττότττω^ ημίν €^ouv, 
 
 * He had consistently resisted such measures as the arrest of | 
 the metceci^ the seizure of arms, the hiring of the Spartan \ 
 garrison, the banishment of leading citizens. \ 
 
 'Az^reiTTOz; h\ καί ore των μετοίκων eVa €καστον λαβζΐν 
 ίφασαν χρηναι' €Ϊfbηλov γαρ ην otl τούτων άττολομ^νων 
 καϊ οί μέτοικου airavTe^ τϊολίμίοι Trj TToXtreta ^σοιντο, 
 άντ€ίττον be καΐ ore τα οττλα του πλήθους τταρτιρονντο, ον 41 
 νομίζων χρηναι aaOevrj την τίόλιν ttoulv* ovbe γαρ tovs 
 Αακώαιμονίον^ ^ώρων τούτου ίν^κα βουλομ^νου^ ττ^ρίσώ- 
 σαι ημas, οττως ολίγοι γ€νόμ€νοί μηb€v bυvaίμeθ* avTOvs 
 ώφ€λ€ΐν' ίζην γαρ airots, el τούτον γe beoiVTo, κα\ μηbeva 
 Xmelv ολίγον eTi χρόνον τω λιμω meVarray. ovbe ye το 42 
 φρουρούν μυσθουσθαί συvηpeσκe μοι, e^ov αυτών των ττο- 
 λίτών τoσoύτovs ^τρoσλaμβάveιv, eωs ραδιωϊ €μίλλομ€ν 
 οΐ &pxovTe^ των αρχομένων KpaTTjaeLV. eirei γe μην 
 •πολλούς ίωρων ev τύ} ^τόλeL τί] αρχτ] Tjjbe bυσμeve'L9, 
 ττολλονς be φυγάbas γιγνομίνου^, ουκ αυ eboKet μοι 
 oire θρασνβουλον oi!re '^Ανντον oire 'AλκLβLάbηv 
 φυγabeύeLV' fjbeiv γαρ otl ούτω γe το αντίτταλον Ισχυρον 
 eaoLTOy el τω μ\ν 'πληΘeL ηγeμόves ίκανοί ^:ρoσγevη^' 
 aoLVTO, roty δ' ηγeLσθaL βουλομένοι^ σύμμαχοι πολλοί 
 φανησοιντο, 
 
 ' Did such conduct show him to be a friend or a traitor ? 
 Surely those rather were traitors who by sicch evil counsel 
 had made so many e7iemies. 
 
 Ό ταύτα ουν vovQeTQiV^v τω φavepω iroTepa eυμevη9 43 
 αν δικαίων η ^τρobότηs νομίζοιτο ; ουχ οί ίχθρού^, ω 
 
Il8 HELLENIC A II, C 3. 
 
 404^03 Κριτία, κωλνοντξς ττολλονς ττοίζΐσθαι, οίδ' οΐ συμμάχους 
 ^'^' ττλβιστουί bibdaKOvres κτάσθαι, ovtol τους ττολ^μίον^ 
 Ισχνρονί ττοιουσιι;, άλλα τΐολν μάλλον οί άbίκωs Τ€ 
 χρήματα αφαιρούμενοι καϊ Tovs ovbev abiKOvvras άττο- 
 KT€LvovT€S, OVTOL daiv ol κα\ ττολλους tovs εναντίους 
 TTOLOvvT€s καϊ -npobibovTes ov μόνον tovs φίλον9 αλλά 
 
 44 καΐ kavTovs bi alaxpOKepbetav. el be μη αλλωί γνωστόν 
 OTL άληθη λεγω, ώδ€ ίττίσκεψασθε, πότερον oUaOe 
 θρα(Γνβουλον καϊ *Άνντον καΐ tovs αλλον^ φvγάbas h 
 ίγω λέγω μάλλον αν ivOabe βονλεσθαι γίγνεσθαι ΐ] 
 α OVTOL ττράττονσιν ; eyo) μ\ν γαρ οΐμαι νυν μεν avTovs 
 νομίζειν συμμάχων ττάντα μεστά εΐναί' εΐ bε το κρά· 
 τιστον TTjS ττόλεως ττροσφίλω^ ημϊν είχε, χαλεττον άν 
 ηγεισθαι είναι κα\ το e7r6/3atretr Trot rr/j χώρα^, 
 
 * He had indeed iimied against the Four Hundred^ but only 
 when he had perceived that they had deluded the people 
 with the vain hope of a Spartan alliance, 
 
 45 '""A δ' αί ειτϊεν ώί eycS ειμι olos αεί ττοτε μεταβάλω 
 λεσθαι, κατανοήσατε και ταϋτα. την μεν γαρ εττι των 
 τετρακοσίων ττολιτείαν και avTos bή^ΓOV 6 bήμos εψη- 
 φίσατο, bιbaσκόμεvos ως οί Aaκεbaιμόvιoι ττάστ} ττολιτεία 
 
 46 μάλλον αν η bημoκpaτίa ττιστενσειαν, εττει be γε εκείνοι 
 μεν ovbεv άνίεσαν, οι bε άμφι ^Αριστοτέλη και Μελάνθιον 
 και ^ Αρίσταρχον στρατηγονντες φανεροί εγενοντο ετη 
 τω χώματι ερνμα τειχίζοντες, είς ο εβονλοντο tovs 
 ΤΓολεμίους bεζάμεvoι ύφ' avTois και tois eTaipois την 
 ττόλιν ττοιήσασθαι, εΐ ταντ aiσθόμεvos εγω bιε κώλυσα, 
 τοντ ε στ ι ^τpobότηv εΐναι των φίλων ; 
 
HELLENICA II, c. 3. 
 
 ^ He was nichiamed the Buskin for suiting both sides j but 404-403 
 
 what of Critias who suited neither side ? He had con- B.C. 
 sistently advocated a ^noderate constitution, opposed alike 
 to extreme democracy and extrefne oligarchy. 
 
 'ΑτΓΟκαλβΐ h\ κόθορνόν μ€, m αμφοτέροι^ 7Τ€φώμ€νον 47 
 αρμόττ€ίν, oaTLS δβ μηb€T^ρots άρ€σκ€ί, τούτον ω ττρο9 
 των θ^ών τί ποτ€ καΧ κάΚίσαι χρη ; συ yap δτ) iv μ^ν 
 77/ bημoκρaτCq ττάντων μLσobημότaτos ίνομίζου, iv h\ Ttj 
 αριστοκρατία ττάντων μισοχρηστότατος γξγ€νησαι. €γω 48 
 δ', ώ Κρίτία, €K€ivoL9 μ€ν a€L ttotc ττολβμώ rots ον 
 ττρόσθ€ν οίομένοι^ καλην αν bημoκpaτίav etmt, ττρίν καΐ 
 οΐ δούλοι καΐ οΐ bC άττορίαν bpaχμrjs αν ά^τobόμ€VOL την 
 τΐόλιν bpayjxrjs μ^τέγοι^ν^ καΐ τοΐσδε y' αν ael ίναντίο^ 
 €ΐμΙ οι ονκ οΐονταί καλην αν eyyereV^at όλίγαρ)(^ίαν, 
 ττρίν els το ντϊ ολίγων τνραννύσθαι την τιόλιν κατα- 
 στησ€ΐαν, το μίντοι σνν τοΪ9 bvvaμivoίs κα\ μ^θ* ιτητων 
 καΐ μ€Τ ασπίδων ώφ€λ€Ϊν bia τούτων την τΐολιτ^ίαν 
 ττρόσθζν άριστον ηγούμην etrat καΐ νυν ον μεταβάλ- 
 λομαι, 
 
 * If Critias could convict him of treachery to such a policy^ 
 he was indeed worthy of deaths 
 
 Ei δ' Ιχ€ΐ9 6ίπ€Ϊζ/, ω Κριτία, δπου eyo) σνν tols bη^· 49 
 μοτίκοΪ9 η τυραννικοί^ tovs καλονς Τ€ κάγαθονς άττοστζ- 
 ρ€Ϊν πολιτείας ίττεχείρησα, λ4γ€' iav γαρ ελεγχθώ η νυν 
 ταϋτα ττράττων η ττρότερον ττώττοτε ττεττοιηκώς, ομολογώ 
 τά ττάντων έσχατα τταθων hv δικαίων άττοθνήσκειν, 
 
 Critias, seeing that Theramenes would be acquitted by the 
 senate, arbitrarily erases his nafne from the roll of the 
 Three Thousand and conde7nns him to death in the name 
 of the Thirty, 
 
 'ils δ' ειττων ταύτα εττανσατο, και η βουλή bηλη 50 
 
I20 
 
 HELLENICA II, C. 3. 
 
 kyiv^TO €νμ€νώί ίτηθορνβησασα, yvovs 6 Kptrtas otl 
 el iTTLTpixj/oi rrj βονλτ] hιay^rηφίζ€σΘaL· Trept αντου, ava~ 
 φ€νζοίτο, καί τούτο ου βιωτόν ηγησάμ^νο^, ιτροσ^λθων 
 και διαλβχ^βίϊ τι τοΪ9 τριάκοντα i^rjXOe, καΐ έτηστηναί 
 €Κ€λ6υσ6 T0V9 τα ky\eipihia ^yovTas φανβρώ^ rr) βονλί] 
 
 51 €7γΙ rots bpvφάκτoί^, ττάλιν δε €ΐσζλΘων €LTT€V, *Eyco, 
 ω βονλη, νομίζω ττροστάτον epyov elvai olov δ€ΐ, os αν 
 ορών TOVS φίλους ίζαττατωμένουί μη ίτητρέττΎ}. και ίγω 
 ουν τοϋτο ττοίησω, καΐ γαρ οϊδβ οί €φζστηκότ€^ ού 
 φασιν ημΐν έτητρ^ψζΐν, ei άνήσομ^ν avhpa τον φαν€ρώί 
 την oXiyapyJiav Χνμαινόμ^νον, Ιση δέ kv rois καινοί^ 
 νόμοι^ των μ\ν kv roty τρίσγ^ίΚίοί^ όντων μηbkva άττο- 
 Θνησκ^ιν av€V τη9 νμ€Τ€ρα^ ψήφου^ των δ' Ι£ω του 
 καταλόγου κυρίους €Ϊναί roi/y τριάκοντα θανατουν» kyco 
 ουν, ίφη, Θηραμένη τουτονί β^αλβίφω e/c του καταλό^ 
 yov, (TvvhoKodv απασιν ημΐν. καΐ τούτον, €φη, ημ€Ϊί 
 θανατουμα\ 
 
 Thenvnenes takes refuge at the altar, appealing against this 
 illegal procedure ; but Critias, relyi?ig on the guard he had 
 posted round the senate house, hands him over to the 
 Ε I eve 71, 
 
 52 Άκουσα9 ταύτα 6 θηραμ^νη^ άv€^τηhησ€v km την 
 *Εστίαν καΐ €LTT€V, 'Eyo) δ', €φη, ω avbpe^, ίΚ€Τ€ύω τά 
 ττάντων kvvoμώτaτa, μη kirl Κριτία etvat k^aλ€iφ€ίv μητ€ 
 kμ€ μητ€ υμών ον hv βούληται, άλλ' ovirep νόμον ουτοί 
 έγραψαν irepl των kv τω καταλόγω, κατα τούτον καΐ υμϊν 
 
 53 καί kμoL· την κρίσιν (Τναι. καΐ τοϋτο μέν, €φη, μά του^ 
 Θ€ου^ ουκ αγνοώ, otl oibkv μοι αρκέσει obe 6 βωμό^, 
 άλλα βούλομαι καί τοϋτο kmbel^aij otl ούτοι ου μόνον 
 ζΙσΙ 7Γ€ρί άνθρώττου^ ίώικώτατοι, αλλά κα\ ττβρί θ^ου^ 
 ασεβέστατοι, υμών μέντοι, ίφη, ω avbpes καλοί κάγαθοί. 
 
HELLENICA 11^ c. 3. 
 
 121 
 
 βαυ/χά^υ, €1 βοηθησζΤζ νμϊν αντοΐς, καΐ ταύτα γιγνώ- 404-403 
 aKOVT€s ΟΤΙ ovbev το ίμον όνομα €ν€ξαλ€ί7Ττότ€ρον η το ^'^' 
 υμών Ικάστου. 6Κ δ€ τούτον βκάλβσβ μ€ν 6 των rpta- 54 
 κοντά κηρνξ roi/y έ^δβκα €7Γ6 τον Θηραμένη. €Κ€Ϊνοί δέ 
 €ΐσ€λθόντ€9 συν roty υπηρέταις, ηγουμένου αυτών Σατύρου 
 του Θρασυτάτου re καΐ άναώ^στάτου, etTre μ€ΐ^ ό Κριτίας, 
 Πapabίboμ€v νμϊν, ίφη, Θηραμένη τουτονί κατακ€κριμένον 
 κατα Tov^jf0jM)v' ύμβΐί δέ λαβόντ€^ καΐ άτταγαγόντ€9 οί 
 €vbeKa οΐ δ€ΐ τά €κ τούτων Trparrere. 
 
 ne senate, panic stricken, passively allows Therainenes to be 
 dragged away from the altar a7id hurried to execution. 
 His last sayings, 
 
 *i29 b\ ταντα elirev, cIAkc μ€ν άττό τον βωμον 6 Σάτν- 55 
 ρο9, €Ϊλκον be οΐ νττηρέταί. 6 be Θηραμένης ώσπβρ eiKos 
 κα\ Oeovs eireKaXelTo καΐ ανθρώπους καθοραν τά yiyvo- 
 μ€να, ί] be βουλή ησυχίαν etxev, ορώσα κα\ τους em 
 rots bpυφάκτoLS ομοίους Σατνρω καΐ το eμ^τpoσΘev τον 
 βovλevτηpCov TrAr/pe? των φρονρών, καΐ ονκ ayvoovvTes 
 0TL eyxeLpibia e\ovTes τταρησαν, οΐ δ' άττηγαγον τον 5β 
 avbpa bia της αγοράς μάλα μeγaKr\ τη φωνη bηλovvτa 
 οία eπασ)(e. Aeyerat δ' ez; ρημα και τοντο αντον. ως eiTrev 
 δ Σάτνρος otl οΙμώζοίτο, el μη amiiriaeiev^ eirripeTO, '^Αζ; 
 δe σιωττώ, ονκ αρ\ eφη, οΙμωζομαί ; καΐ eirei γe άττο- 
 OvriaKeiv avaγκaζόμevoς το Kdveiov eπte, το λeι'πόμevov 
 ίφασαν άττοκοτταβίσαντα elirelv αυτόν, Κριτία τοντ eσrω 
 τω καλώ. και τοντο μev ονκ αγνοώ, otl ταντα άπο- 
 φθέγματα ουκ αξιόλογα, eKelvo be κρίνω του avbpbς 
 άγαστόν, το του θανάτου 'πapeστηκότoς μητe το φρόν ιμον 
 μητe το ^τaLγvιώbeς ά'πολΐ'π€Ϊν €κ της ψυχής. 
 
122 
 
 HELLENIC A II, C. 4. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 404-403 The Thirty expel all 7iot on the roll of the Three Thousand 
 fro7n Attica. The refugees assemble in Megara and 
 Thebes, 
 
 Θηραμένης μ^ν δτ) όντως ατίθαν^ν* οΐ he τριάκοντα, 
 0)5 k^bv ιβη avToh τυραννΛν άδβώί, ττρο^ΐττον μ€ν τοις 
 ίξω τον καταλόγον μη daUvai ety το αστυ, ηγον bi ίκ 
 των χωρίων, ΐν αντοί καΐ οΐ φίλοι tovs τούτων άγρονς 
 €χοί€ν. φ^νγόντων be els τον Πβφαια και evTevOev 
 τΓολλούί αγοντ€ς ίν^ιτλησαν καΐ τά Meyapa και τάί 
 Θήβας των νττοχωρονντων, 
 
 Thrasybiiliis, starting from Thebes with a few refugees, seizes 
 Phyle, repulses the attack of the Thirty, and snakes a 
 successful sally upon their cainp, his forces being now 
 increased to 700. 
 
 2 be TovTov Θρασύβουλος 6pμηθels ίκ Θηβών ώί 
 συν eβboμήκovτa Φυλην χωρίον κaτaλaμβάveι Ισχυρόν* 
 οι be τριάκοντα ίβοήθουν ίκ τον aστeωs σνν re roty 
 τρισχιλίοις κα\ σνν τοις ίπττβυσι καΐ μάλ' eυημepίaς 
 ονσης, eirel be άφίκοντο, evOvs μev θpaσυvόμevoί Tives 
 των νέων ττροσέβαλον ττρος το χωρίον, και ίττοίησαν μ€ν 
 
 3 ovbev, τραύματα be λaβόvτes άττηλθον» βουλομ4νων be των 
 τριάκοντα aTTOTeixi(eiv, δττως eκ7Γoλιopκήσeιav αντονς άπο- 
 κλeίσavτeς τας eφόboυs των e^ϊιτηbeίωv, e-niyiyveTai της 
 νυκτός χιων τιαμτϊληθης καΧ Tjj ύστeρaίq, οί be vιφόμevoι 
 άτιηλθον eiς το άστυ, μάλα συχνούς των σκ€υοφόρων ντϊο 
 
 4 των ίκ Φυλής ά^ϊoβaλόvτeς. yιyvώσκovτeς be οτι και ίκ 
 των ayp(av λeηλaτήσoιev, el μή τις φυλακή ίσοιτο, 8ta7r€/ut- 
 
HELLENICA //, c. 4. 
 
 123 
 
 TTOvaLv 6ts ras βσχατιάί οσον ττβζ^τβκαιδβκα στάδια άττό 404-403 
 Φνλη9 TOVS Τ€ Αακωνίκον^ ττλην ολίγων φρουρούν και ^'^' 
 των ΙτιτΐΙων hvo φυλάί. οντοι δβ στρατο7Γ6δ€ΐ;σά|ϋΐ6ζ;οι kv 
 χωρίω λασιω ίφνλαττον. δ be Θρασύβουλος, ηbη συν- 5 
 €ΐλ€γμ€νων els την Φυλην irepl ζτττακοσίους, λαβών 
 αυτούς καταβαίνει της νυκτός' Θίμενος he τα όπλα οσον 
 τρία η TeTTapa στάbιa άττό των φρουρών ησυχίαν el^ev, 
 eirei be ττρος ημεραν eyiyveTOy και τ/δτ] ανίσταντο οήοι β 
 ebeiTO έκαστος άττό των οτΐλων, καΐ οΐ ίττττοκόμοι ψηχον 
 Τ69 τους ΐττΈους ψόφον ίττοίουν, ev τούτω αναλαβόντες οι 
 TTepi θρασύβουλον τα οττλα bpόμω ττροσύττηττον' καΐ εστι 
 μεν ους αυτών κατεβαλον, ττάντας be τρεψάμενοι εbίωζav 
 εζ η ετττά στάδια, καΐ άττεκτειναν τών μεν οπλιτών πλέον 
 η είκοσι καΐ εκατόν, τών δ€ ιππέων Νικόστρατόν τε τον 
 καλόν επικαλούμενον, και άλλους bε bύo, ετι καταλαβόν- 
 τες εν ταΐς ευναϊς, επαναχωρήσαντες bε καΐ τρόπαιον 7 
 στησάμενοι και συσκευασάμενοι οπλα τε οσα ελαβον και 
 σκεύη άπηλθον επί Φυλής, οι bε ε^ άστεως ιππείς 
 βοηθήσαντες τών μεν πολεμίων oibiva ετι ε'ίbov, προσ- 
 μείναντες δέ εως τους νεκρούς άνείλοντο οί προσήκοντες 
 ανεχωρησαν εις αστυ. 
 
 The Thirty seize Eleusis as a place of retreat for themselves, 
 by a stratagejfi capturing all the able-bodied Eleiisinians, 
 Next day they compel the Athenian knights and the Three 
 Thousand to condemn all these prisoners to death, 
 
 "^Ek δέ τούτου οι τριάκοντα, ουκετι νομίζοντες ασφαλή 8 
 σφισι τά πράγματα, εβουληθησαν Έλευσϊνα εξώιώσα- 
 σθαι, ωστε είναι σφίσι καταφυγην, ει bεησειε. και 
 παραγγείλαντες τοις ίππεϋσιν ηλθον είς ^Ελευσίνα 
 Κριτίας τε και οί άλλοι τριάκοντα* εξετασίν Τ€ ποιψ 
 σαντες [εν τοις ιππευσί\, φάσ κοντές elbevai βούλεσθαί 
 
124 
 
 HELLENIC A II, C. 4. 
 
 404-403 ΤΓοσοι {i^v καΐ ΤΓοστ;^ φυλακής ττροσδζήσοίντο, €κ4λ€νον 
 ^'^' άττογράφζσθαί ττάντα^' τον be άττογραψάμ^νον άύ δια 
 rrjs TTvkibos iirl την θάλατταν Ιζιίναι, em δέ τω atyta\(2 
 TOVS μ^ν tTTTrea? evOev καΧ evOev κατέστησαν, τον δ' 
 k^LOVTa ael οί νττηρέται σvvέbovv. eirel be irdvTes 
 σνν^ιλημμένοι ησαν, Ανσίμαχον τον ΐτηταρχον eneXevov 
 9 άναγαγόντα Trapabovvat avTovs tols evbeKa, Trj δ' 
 υστ€ραία ds το 'Q^tbeiov τταρ€κάλ€σαν τους iv τω κατά- 
 λόγω όττλίτα^ καΐ tovs άλλους lirireas. ανάστα^ be 
 KpLTias e\e^ev, Ήμβΐί, eφηy ω avbpes, ovbev ήττον νμϊν 
 κaτaσκevάζoμev την TTokiTeiav η ημΐν αντοί^. bel ουν 
 νμα^, ωσ^τep καΐ τιμών μeθeζeτe, οντω καΐ των κιvbvvωv 
 μeτe\€Lv, των ονν σvveLλημμevωv ^EλevσLVLωv κατα- 
 ψηφιστέον ίστίν, Ινα ταντα ημϊν καΐ OapprjTe καΐ 
 φoβησΘe, beC^a^ be tl γ^ωρίον, eh τούτο eK.ekeve 
 
 10 φaveρav φepeίv την ψηφον, οί be ΑακωνίκοΙ φρουροί 
 ev τω ημiσeί τον 'ίΐιδίίου ^ζωττλισμένοί ησαν ην be 
 ταντα άpeστa καΐ των τϊολιτών ols το irkeoveKTeiv μόνον 
 eμeλev. 
 
 Thrasybulus marches upo?i Piraeus^ but unable to hold so 
 large a town against the forces of the Thirty, occupies a 
 strong position on Munychia. 
 
 Έκ be τούτου λαβών δ Θρασύβουλος tovs από Φυλής 
 irepl χίλιους τ/δτ; συν eLλeγ μένους, άφLκveϊτaL της νυκτός 
 €19 τον rietpata. οί be τριάκοντα eΈel ι^σθοντο ταϋτα, 
 evθvς ίβοηθουν σνν re τοις ΑακωνικοΙς καΐ σνν τοις 
 i^τ^τevσί καΐ τοϊς όττλίταίς' eireLTa ίχώρονν κατα την eh 
 
 11 τον UeipaLa αμαξιτον αναφίρουσαν, οί be από Φυλής 
 ίτί μζν e'πeχeίpησav μη avUvai αυτούς, eirel be μέγας δ 
 κύκλος ων ττολλης φυλακής eb0KeL beLσθaL· ονττω ^τoλλoh 
 οίσι, συveσ^τeφάθησav eirl την Μουνυχίαν, οί δ' έκ του 
 
HELLENIC A 11^ c. 4. 
 
 άστ€ω9 €i9 την 'Ιπττοδάμβιοζ; άγοραν €λθόντ€9 ττρώτον 404-403 
 μ€ν σννβτάξαντο, ωστβ ίμττλήσαι την obov ή φέρ^ι -npos ^'^' 
 τ€ το Upbv τψ Μονννχία9 Άρτ^μώοί καΙ το Bevbibeiov* 
 καΐ €γ€νοντο βάθθ9 ονκ ^λαττον η ΙττΙ -πεντήκοντα 
 ασττ'ώων, οντω be συντεταγμένοι εχωρουν ανω, οί be 12 
 από Φνλη^ άντενεττλησαν μ€ν την obov, βάθο$ be ου 
 TiXeov η els beKa OTrAtVas ίγενοντο, ετάχθησαν μίντοι 
 e-n aiTOLs ττελτοφόροι τε καΐ ψιλοί άκοντισταί, em be 
 ToijTois 01 ττετροβόλοι, ούτοι μεντοι συχνοί ησαν' και 
 γαρ αυτόθεν ττροσεγενοντο. εν ω bε ττροσΎ}σαν οΐ 
 ενάντιοι, Θρασυβουλθ9 τούί μεθ' αυτοΰ θέσθαι κελεύσαί 
 Tas άσπιδαί και αύτόί Θεμενο^, τα δ' άλλα δπλα εχων, 
 κατά μέσον στάί ελεζεν* 
 
 Thrasybuhis addresses his troops. * On the right they had 
 against them the jnen they had already defeated^ on the left 
 the hated Thirty, The gods were evidently now on their 
 side : for victory was certai7i over an enemy placed in so 
 unfavourable a position, 
 
 '^Avbpεs τΓολιται, tovs μεν διδά^αι, toxjs bε άναμνησαι 13 
 υμών βούλομαι οτι είσι των ττροσιόντων οί μεν το bεζι^v 
 εχοντε$ oijs υμεΪ£ ημεραν ττεμτττην τρεμάμενοι εbιωζaτε, 
 οί δ' 67γΙ του ευωνύμου έσχατοι, ούτοι brj οί τριάκοντα, ο% 
 ημάς και ττόλεως άττεστερουν oυbεv άbικoϋvτas και οίκιών 
 εζηλαυνον κα\ τους φιΧτάτους των ημέτερων άττεσημαί^ 
 νοντο, άλλα νυν τοι τταραγεγενηνται οΐ ούτοι μεν ovTrore 
 ωοντο, ημείς δέ άει ηυχόμεθα, έχοντες γαρ οττλα 14 
 . ενάντιοι μεν αυτοϊς καθεσταμεν' οί bε θεοί, οτι ττοτε και 
 bει7Γvoϋvτες συνελαμβανόμεθα και κaθεύbovτες και άγορά- 
 ζοντες, οί δε καΐ ουχ δττως άbικoϋvτeς, άλλ' ονδ' €7Γΐδτ^- 
 μουντες εφυγabευόμεθa, νυν φανερως ημιν συμμαχοϋσι, 
 και γαρ εν eibCc^ χειμώνα ττοιοϋσιν, όταν ημιν συμφερτ\ 
 
126 
 
 HELLENICA II, c. 4. 
 
 -403 και οταν ίγχ€φωμ€ν, ττολλών όντων ίναντίων ολίγοις 
 ' 15 ουσι τρόπαια ΐστασθαι hiboaai' καΐ νυν be κ€κομίκασιν 
 ημάς eh χωρίον iv ω οντοι μ^ν ovre βάλλ^ιν ovre άκον^ 
 τίζξΐν VTT€p των ιτροτ^ταγμένων bia το ττρος δρθιον Uvai 
 bvvaivT^ αν, ημζίς be els το KdTavTes καΐ bopaTa a^)ievTes 
 κα\ ακόντια κοΧ ττ^τρονς eζιξόμeθά Te αντών και ττολλονς 
 Ιβ κaτaτpώσoμev. και ω€Γο μev αν τις berjaeiv τοις ye 
 ττρωτοστάταις ίκ τον ίσον μάχeσθaι' ννν b\ eav vμeLS, 
 ώ(Γ7Γ6ρ TrpoarfKei, ττροθνμως άφιητe τά βeλη, aμapτr|σeτaι 
 μ€ν ovbeh ων ye μeστη η 6bός, φν\αττόμ€νοι be δραπβ- 
 Tevaovaiv aei νττό ταϊς άσπίσιν' ώστ€ e^eVrat ώσττβρ 
 τνφΚονς και TVHTeiv δττον hv βoυλώμeθa και ίναλλομένονς 
 avaTpeireiv, 
 
 ^ Every one of them 7niist fight ^ remembering the high stakes 
 at issue^ and the vengeance due to all of them' 
 
 17 Άλλ', ω avbpeς, οντω χρη iroieiv οττως €καστός τις 
 ίαντω (TVveiaeTai της νίκης αΐτιωτατος ων. αντη yap 
 ημϊν, αν Oebs eekrj, ννν άττοδώσβι καΐ iraTpiba και οϊκονς 
 και ekevOepiav κα\ τιμάς κα\ τταΓδα^, οίς elai, καΐ γν- 
 ναΐκας, ω μακάριοι δτ^τα, οι αν ημων vικησavτeς e^τίbωσι 
 την ττασών ηbίστηv ημέραν, evbaίμωv be καΐ αν τις 
 άποθάντ]* μvημeίov yap ovbe\ς οντω ττλονσιος ων καλόν 
 Tev^eTai. ίζάρ^ω μ€ν ονν eycb ηνίκ αν καιρός τ} τταιάνα' 
 οταν be τον ^Εννάλιον ^τapaκaλeσωμev, T0Te 7Γάvτeς 
 6μoθvμabov άνθ' ων vβpίσθημev τιμωpώμeθa τονς άvbpaς. 
 
 Warned by the seer, who is himself the first to fall, Thra- 
 sybulus waits for the enemy to attack, whereupon he gains 
 a complete victory^ Critias himself being among the slain. 
 
 18 Ύαντα δ' βΖττώζ; καΐ μeτaστpaφeiς προς τονς ίναντίονς, 
 ησνχίαν eixe' και yap δ μάντις πaρήγyeλλev αντοΐς μη 
 
HELLENICA II, c. 4. 
 
 127 
 
 TTporepov ί7ητίθ€σθαί, ττρίν των σφζτέρων η iriaoL tls η 404-403 
 τρωθ€ίη' ίττζώαν μ^ντοί τοντο γίνηται^ ηγησόμ^θα μ4ν, ^'^' 
 ίφη, ημ€Ϊ9, νίκη νμιν ίσται €τ:ομ4νοί9, ίμοί μ4ντοί 
 Θάνατος^ cos y' ίμοί δοκ€ΐ. καΙ ονκ ίψξύσατο, άλλ' eTrel 19 
 άν^λαβον τα οπλα^ avTos μ€ν ώσττβρ νττό μοίρα$ tlvos 
 αγόμενος €K^τηbr|σas ττρώτος €μττ€σων Toh ττολ^μίοις 
 άιτοθνη(ΓΚ€ΐ, καί τζθαττται ίν ttj hιaβάσ€l τον Κηφισού* 
 οί δ' &λλθί ίνίκων καΐ κaτζbίωζav μ^χρι τον όμαλον, 
 ατΐέθανον δ' ίντανθα των μ\ν τριάκοντα KpiTias re καΐ 
 ΊτΓΤΓομαχοί, των be kv Hetpatet δίκα αρχόντων Xaρμίbηs 
 6 Γλανκωνος^ των δ' άλλων irepl kβboμηκovτa. και τα 
 μ€ν δττλα ίλαβον, τονς δέ χιτώνας ovbevbs των ττολιτών 
 ίσκνλζυσαν. 
 
 When after the battle the troops of the two factions met 
 together^ Cleocrittis^ the sacred herald^ proclawis on be- 
 half of the refugees with Thrasybtihis^ that they had no 
 quarrel with their fellow-citizens^ but only with the Thirty^ 
 who in eight months had caused the death of more Athe- 
 nians than the Lacedaemonians in ten years. The Thirty 
 withdraw their forces to Athens. 
 
 Έπ€6 b\ TovTo kyiv€To κα\ tovs veKpovs viroaTiovbovs 
 aTTebiboaaVf irpoaiovTes άλληλοι^ ττολλοί bl€λiγovτo. 
 KAeofcptros be 6 των μυστών κηρνζ, μάλ' ζνφωνος ων, 20 
 κατασιωττησάμ^νος lAefer^ ''Avbpes ττολϊται, τί ημα$ e^e- 
 Xaiirere ; τί άττοκτ^ϊναι βούλ^σθζ ; ημ€Ϊ9 γαρ υμάς κακόν 
 μ€ν oib€v ττωττοτζ ίττοιησαμ^ν, μ€Τ€σχηκαμ€ν be υμΐν καΐ 
 ί^ρών των σεμνότατων καΧ θυσιών κα\ εορτών τών καλ- 
 λίστων, κα\ συγχορευταΧ κα\ συμφοιτηται γεγενημεθα και 
 συστρατιώται, και πολλά μεθ^ υμών κ€κιvbυveύκaμ€V καί 
 κατα γην και κατα θάλατταν υττερ της κοινής αμφοτέρων 
 ημών σωτηρίας re και ελευθερίας, ττρος θεών ττατρψων 21 
 και μητρώων καΐ συγγενείας καΐ κηbεστίa$ και εταφίας, 
 
128 
 
 HELLENICA II, C. 4. 
 
 404-403 TiavraiV γαρ τούτων ττολλοί κοινωνονμ^ν άλλτ/λοι^, αιδοιί- 
 ^*^* μβζ^οι καΧ Beom καΐ ανθρώττον^ ττανσασθζ αμαρτάνοντ€9 
 €69 τ^ι; iraTpiba, καΐ μη ττ^ίθζσθζ rots άι/οσιωτάτοΐί τριά- 
 κοντα, 0% lbίωv Kephea^v €ν€κα ολίγου beiv ττλβίουί άττβκ- 
 τόνασιν ^Αθηναίων iv οκτω μησίν η irdvT^s ΥΙζλοττον- 
 
 22 νησιοί δεκα err; TToAe/xovrres. c^or δ* ήμΐι; kv ^Ιρηντ] 
 7Γoλ6reυ6σ^αt, oSroi roi' ττάντων αίσχ^υστον τ€ καί χαλ€- 
 ττωτατον καί ανοσιώτατον κα\ ^γθιστον κα\ Oeois κα\ 
 ανθρώτιοι^ Έολ^μον ημιν ττρόί αλλήλους τταρίγονσιν. 
 aK}C eS ye μέντοι ίττίστασθ^ οτι καΐ των νυν νφ* ημών 
 άττοθανόντων ον μόνον ύ/xels άλλα καΐ ημ€Ϊ9 ^στιν ovs 
 πολλά κaτζbaκpvσaμ€V, 6 μ€ν τοίαντα ίΚζγ^ν* οι δέ 
 λοιτΓοΙ ap\ovT€s και δια το τοιαύτα τιροσακον^ιν tovs 
 μ€0* αυτών άττηγαγον ets ro άστυ. 
 
 At a 7neeting of the senate open dissension breaks out among 
 the Three Thousand, until they vote to depose the Thirty 
 and appoint Ten in their place. 
 
 23 Try δ' υστ€ραία oi μ€ν τριάκοντα ττάνυ br] Taireivoi και 
 έρημοι συν€κάθηντο ίν τω συv€bpLω' των b€ τρισγίΚίων 
 οτϊου έκαστοι τεταγμένοι ησαν, ττανταχου bl€φiρovτo ττρόί 
 αλλήλους, οσοι μ\ν γαρ €7Τ€ποιήκ€σάν τι βιαιότερον και 
 (φοβονντο, €ντόνω$ ^λβγον ώ? ου χρ^ίη καθυφίβσθαι τοις 
 iv ITetpatel' δσοι be ίττίστευον μηb€v ηbικηκivalf αυτοί 
 re άI;eλoytfol;ro και τους άλλους ebibaaKOv ως oibev 
 ό€θΐντο τούτων τών κακών, και τοις τριάκοντα ουκ ίφασαν 
 χρηναι τϊ^ίθεσθαι oib^ ίττιτρέπειν άττολλύναι την ττόλιν. 
 και το Τ€λ€υταΐον ίψηφίσαντο ίκζίνους μ€ν κατατταυσαι, 
 άλλους δ€ ίλύσθαι, και €Ϊλοντο b i K fL ^ ίνα άττό φυλή^· 
 
HELLENIC A IT^ c. 4. 
 
 129 
 
 The Thirty retire to Eleusis, The Ten supported by the 408-402 
 Knights keep guard over the city. Their opponents at ^'^' 
 Piraeus make new weapons and organize their ever increas- 
 ing forces, 
 
 ΚαΙ 01 μ\ν τριάκοντα Έλβυσίζ/άδβ άττηλθον* οΐ be δβκα 24 
 των iv αστ€ί καΙ μάλα Τ€ταραγμ4νων καΙ αττιστονντων 
 oKkriXois συν roty ίπττάρχοΐί €ττ€μ€λοντο, i^eKdOevbov 
 δέ και οΐ ίτΓΤΓβΐί iv τω 'ί2ιδ€ίω, τον9 re lttttovs καϊ raj 
 άστΓίδα^ ί)(οντ€$, καϊ be ατϊΐστίαν k(f>(abivov το μ\ν αφ* 
 kairipa^ συν ταΐς ασιτίσι κατά τα τζίχη, το δέ irpbs 
 δρΘρον συν rot? ιττττοΐί, del φοβούμενοι μη €Τϊζΐστ:ίσοΐ€ν 
 τιν€9 αντοΐ^ των €κ του Πειραιώς, οι be ττολλοι re ηbη 25 
 oi;re9 και iravTobaTroC, όπλα ίττοιουντο, οι μ€ν ζύλινα, οι 
 δέ οισύινα, καϊ ταϋτα €λ€υκουντο, ττρίν be ημέρας beKa 
 γενέσθαι, ττιστά δo^'res', otrtz/es συμττολεμησειαν, καΐ el 
 ζύνοι eieVy Ισοτέλειαν eaeaOai, e^aav πολλοί μεν 
 όπλϊται^ πολλοί be γυμνητε^' ίγένοντο be αυτοί^ καΐ 
 I7rπeϊs ώδ· el eβboμr|κovτa' προνομάί be ποιούμενοι, και 
 λαμβάνοντες ζύλα και όπώραν, eκάθευbov πάλιν kv 
 ΥΙειραιει, 
 
 Meantime they make constant sallies, in revenge for which 
 the knights ruthlessly butcher so7ne Axionians. In return 
 they kill the knight Callistratus, and soon venture to anarch 
 close up to the walls of Athens, 
 
 Ύων δ' εκ του άστεως άλλος μεν oυbειs συν δπλοις 26 
 e£r/et, οΐ bi ιππείς εστίν 6τε καΐ λ-ρστας εχειρουντο των 
 εκ του Πειραιώς, και την φάλαγγα αυτών εκακούργουν. 
 περιετυχον δέ και τών ΑΙ^ωνεων τισιν είς τους αυτών 
 αγρούς επι τα επιτηbειa πορευομενοις' κα\ τούτους Λυσί- 
 μαχος ό Ιππαρχος άπίσφαξε, πολλά λιτανεύοντας κα\ 
 
 ι 
 
130 
 
 HELLENIC A II, C. 4. 
 
 403-402 πολλών χαλβπωί φερόντων ίτητ^ων. άντατ7€κτ€ΐναν δβ 
 ^'^' 27 /^tt't ot rietpatet τώι/ ίττττβωζ; €7γ' άγροϋ λαβόντ^ς Καλ- 
 λίστρατον φνλη^ AeovTibos. καί γαρ ηbη μέγα Ιφρό- 
 νουν, ώστε καΐ ττρό^ το Τ6ΐχ09 του αστβω^ ττροσέβαλλον, 
 ec δέ καϊ τούτο δεϊ ειπεΖι; του μη\ανοττοίθϋ του ei' τω 
 αστβι, 09 67761 €γνω on κατα τον 6κ Λυκείου bpόμov μελ- 
 λοιεζ/ τά9 μηχαναζ ττροσάγ^ίν, τα ζεύγη εκελευσε ττάζ^τα 
 αμαζίαίον^ λίθους αγπν κα\ καταβάλλ^ιν οπού €καστο9 
 βονλοίτο τον bpόμov. δε τούτο €γ€ν€Τ0, ττολλά εΐί 
 ?καστο5 τώζ; λίθων πράγματα τταρειχε. 
 
 response to an appeal fro7n the Three Thousand at Athens 
 and the Thirty at Piraeus, the Spartans send out Lysander 
 aj har7nost and his brother as ad7niral to blockac^FtraeuSy 
 so that the tables are once more turned. 
 
 28 ΥΙ^μποντων δε 7Γρε'σ/3εΐ9 εί9 Aaκ€baίμova των μ^ν 
 τριάκοντα ε^ Έλευσιζ;ο9, των δ' ίν τω καταλόγω ε^ ασ- 
 τεωί, καΐ βοηθ^ΐν κ^λζνόντων, &s άφ€στηκότο9 του br|μov 
 από Αακεδαιμοζ^ίωι;, Avaavbpos λογίσάμ^νος otl οΐόν τε 
 €Ϊη ταχν ίκττολωρκησαί τούί €v τω ΓΤειραιει κατά τε γην 
 καΐ κατα Θάλατταν, el των i^nτηb€Lωv αττοκλ^ισθ^ίησαν, 
 (TVV€7Tpa^€V ίκατόν τε τάλαντα αντοι^ bavetaeijvaL, καΐ 
 αντον μ\ν κατά γην αρμοστην, Αίβνν δε τοι; άb€λφov 
 
 29 ναναρχονντα ^κτι^μφθηναι. κα\ ίζ^λθων αυτόί μ\ν 
 Έλευσΐι^άδε σννέλζγζν όπλιταί πολλούς Πελοποζ;ζ;ΐ7σίου9' 
 ό δε ναναρ\09 κατα θάλατταν ίφνλαττ^ν οπωί μηb€V 
 εισπλεοι avTols των €'πLτηb€L·ωv' ώστε ταχν ττάλιν iv 
 άτΓορία ησαν οΐ ίν Πειραιεΐ, οί δ' iv τω αστ€ί ττάλι,ν αδ 
 μέγα έφρόνονν επί τω Λυσά^δρω. 
 
HELLENICA II, c. 4. 
 
 But Pausanias, out of jealousy against Lysander, persuades 403- 
 three of the ephors to let him head a second expedition B.( 
 to Athens, All the allies follow him, except the Corin- 
 thians and Boeotians, who refuse to join, and with them he 
 encamps near the Piraeus. 
 
 Οίτω h\ ττροχωρονντων na y(^g.v^a <: 6 βασίλ€ν9 φθονη^ 
 aas Λυσάι'δρω, el κατ^ιργασμίνο^ ταντα αμα μ€ν ev- 
 boκiμr|σoL, αμα be Ibias ττοίησοιτο ra? ^Αθηνα^, TretVas 
 των €φόρων rpeis e^ayei φρονράν, συν^ίτϊοντο δε καΐ οΐ 30 
 σνμμαγοί Tiavres ττλην Βοιωτών καΐ Κορινθίων οντοι 
 be eXeyov μ\ν οτι ον νομίζουν evopKeiv hv στρατβνό- 
 μ^νοι €7Τ ^ Αθηναίους μηbev TTapaairovbov iroiovvTas' 
 ίττραττον δ€ ταντα, οτι €γίγνωσκον Aaκ€baLμovL·ovs /3ου- 
 λομ4νονί την των ^Αθηναίων \ώραν οίκ^ίαν καΐ τηστην 
 ττοιησασθαί. 6 be Παυσανίας eaTpaToirebevaaTO μ€ν ev 
 τω *Αλΐ7Γ6δω καλονμ4νω ττρόί τω UeipaLei be^Lov ίχων 
 K^paSi Avaavbpos be σνν tols μισθοφόρους το εΰώ- 
 ννμον. 
 
 Pausanias smmnons the refugees at Piraeus to disperse, and 
 on their refusal snakes a halfhearted attack upon them. 
 Failing in this and in a siinilar attack the next day 
 he advances with all his forces and gains a complete 
 victory over Thrasybulus and his supporters. 
 
 Τϋμττων be ^τpeσβeιs 6 Παυσανίας ττρος τους ev Uei- 31 
 paiei eκeλeυev ατϊΐΐναι eiri τα ίαυτών* eirei δ' ουκ eirei- 
 θοντο, ^τpoσeβaλλev δσον άττό βοης eveKev, οττως μη 
 brjXos eϊη eυμevηs αυτοϊς ων. eirel δ' oibev άπο της 
 προσβολής ττράξας a'πηλθe, τί) υστepaίa λαβών των μ^ν 
 AaκebaιμovCωv bύo μόρας, των be Αθηναίων ίτητέων rpeis 
 φυλάς, 7ταρηλθ€ν em τον κωφον λιμένα, σκότιων tttJ eia- 
 7τoτeιχιστότaτoς eϊη 6 Πeιpaιeύς. eirel be αττιόντος αυτού 32 
 ττροσέθζόν TL·veς και πράγματα αυτψ irapeixov, άχθ€σθ€ίς 
 
 I 2 
 
HELLENICA II, C. 4. 
 
 403-402 7ra/)T/yy€tA€ rovs \uv LTnrias iXav els avrovs hivras, καΙ 
 τα δ€κα άφ' ηβης σνν^ΐΐ^σθαι* σνν h\ tols aWoLS avros 
 ίτιηκολονθζΐ, καΧ ατϊίκτ^ιναν μ\ν kyyvs τριάκοντα των 
 ψιλών, TOVS δ' aWovs κατζ^ίωζαν irpbs το Yleipaioi 
 
 33 θέατρον. €K€i be ίτνχον ίζοιτλίζόμ^νοι οΐ rc ττ^λτασ-ταΐ 
 7ravT€s καΐ οΐ όττλϊται των €κ ITeipatcSs. καΐ οι μβν ψιλοί 
 €νθν9 €κbpaμόvτ€S ηκόντιζον, ίβαλλον, €τόζ€νον, €σφ€ν- 
 bόvωv* οι δ€ Aaκ€baιμόvιoly iirel αυτών ττολλοί ίτιτρώ- 
 σκόντο, μάλα ττΐ€ζόμ€νοι αναχωρούν €πΙ ττοδα. οι δ' Ιν 
 τούτω τΓολν μάλλον €7Τ€Κ€ΐντο. ίντανθα καΐ άττοθνησκ^ι 
 Καιρών re και θίβραχο$, αμφω ττολ€μάρ\ω, καΐ Αακρά- 
 7779 ό όλνμττιονίκη^ καΐ άλλοι οι Τ€θαμμ€νοι Λακβδαιμο- 
 
 34 νιων ττρο των ττνλών ίν Κ€ραμ€ΐκω. ορών be ταντα 6 
 θρα(τνβουλθ9 καΐ οί άλλοι δττλΐται, ίβοήθονν, και ταχύ 
 7ταρ€τά^αντο ττρο τών άλλων ζπ οκτώ. 6 be ΙΙανσανίας 
 μάλα TTieaeeU καΐ αναχώρησαν δσον στάδια τέτταρα η 
 TievTe upos λόφον τινά, TiapriyyeO^e tois AaKeba^oviois 
 καΐ Tois άλλοις σνμμάχοις ίπιχωρ^ΐι; ττροί eavTov. eKei 
 be σvvτaζάμevos 7τavτeλώs fiaOeiav την φάλayya rjyev 
 eiri TOVS ^Αθηναίονν» ol δ' els xeipas μev ebe^avTo^ eneiTa 
 be 01 μ\ν eζeώσθησav eh τον ev ταΐν Άλαΐς ττηλόν, ol be 
 Ιν^κλιναν* καΐ άτϊοθνησκονσιν αυτών i)s nevTqKovTa κα\ 
 ίκατόν, 
 
 Pausanias urges the two factions at Piraeus and Athens to 
 send envoys to hitn and the ephors present in his camp j 
 and when they arrive in obedience to his summons, he sends 
 them on to Sparta, where they both tender a complete sub- 
 7nission to the Lacedaemonian supremacy, 
 
 35 *0 δ€ Χλανσανίαν τρότταιον στησάμevos άveχώpησe' και 
 ούδ' d)pyi(eTo αυτοΐς, άλλα λάθρα Έέμττων ebίbaσκe 
 TOVS ev rietpatet οία χρη λeyovτas ^τpeσβeιs ^7eμ^τeιv 
 
HELLENICA II, C. 4. 
 
 Trpos kavTov καΐ rovi irapovras €φόρον9. oi δ' ίττ^ίθοντο, 403-402 
 hdστη δέ καΐ roi;s ei; τω αστβι, και €K€k€V€ πρ09 σφas ^ ^ 
 ττροσίέναι πλείστους σύλλογο μένουν, Xiyovras οτι 
 ovbev hiovrai rots τω netpatet ττολβμβιζ;, άλλα διαλυ- 
 eivT^s KOLvfi αμφότεροι Αακ€^αιμονίοι$ φίλοι etvai, 
 ΎJb€ω9 be ταντα καΙ Ναυκλβιδα^ ίφορο^ ων σννηκονβν' 36 
 ωσιτ€ρ γαρ νομίζεται σνν βασιλ^ϊ bvo των Εφόρων σν- 
 στρατ€ν€σθαι, και τοτβ τταρην ovtos Τ6 καί άλλος, αμφό- 
 τεροι της μ€τα Ώανσανίου γνώμης ovTes μάλλον η της 
 μ€τα Avaavbpov. bia ταντα ονν καΐ είς την \aκ€baίμova 
 ττροθνμως Ιπβμποι; τους τ €κ του Ώειραιώς ίχοντας τάς 
 ττρος Aaκ€baιμovίovς σπovbaς καΐ τους από των ev τω 
 αστ€ΐ ibιώτaς, Κηφισοφώντά τβ καΐ Μ4λητον, ίττζΐ 37 
 μέντοι ούτοι ωχοντο εις Αακζ^αίμονα, εττβμπον brj και 
 οί άτΓο τον κοινον €κ τον αστ€ως λ4γοντας οτι αντοι μ^ν 
 TTapabiboaai και τα τείχη h εχονσι καΐ σφας αντονς 
 Aaκ€baιμovίoις χρησθαι ο,τι βονλονται' αζιονν δ' εφασαν 
 και τονς kv Fletpatet, €t φίλοι φασίν είναι Λακβδαιμο- 
 νίοις, irapabibovai τόν τε ΙΙειραια καί την Μοννυχίαν. 
 
 The Spartim govern7nent despatches fifteen commissioners 
 to arrange the terms of reconciliation. These settled, Pau- 
 sanias disbands his anny, and Thrasybiilus inarches up to 
 Athens, 
 
 Άκονσαντες bk ττάντων αυτών ol έφοροι καΐ oi εκκλητοι 38 
 εξεττεμψαν ^τεvτεκaίbε^ω^^avb^aς εις τας ^Αθήνας, και 
 ενέταξαν συν Παυσανία bιaλλάξaι οτττ) bύvaιvτo κάλ- 
 λιστα, οί δβ bιήλλaξav εφ' ωτε είρηνην μεν εχειν ττρος 
 αλλήλους, άττιεναι bε εττΐ τα εαυτών εκάστους ττλην τών 
 τριάκοντα καΐ τών εvbεκa και τών εν τω Πειραιεΐ άρξάν- 
 των δ€κα. εΐ bi τίνες φοβοϊντο τών εξ άστεως, εboξεv 
 αντοΐς Ελευσίνα κατοικειν. τούτων δέ ττερανθέντων 39 
 
134 
 
 HELLENICA II, C. 4. 
 
 -402 Wawavias \jkv btrjKe το στράτβνμα, οί δε ίκ του ΥΙ^φαιώς 
 άν€λθόντ€5 συν rois ottXols ds την ακρόττολιν ίθνσαν τι} 
 ^ Αθήνα, 
 
 Speech of Thrasybulus. 
 
 ' On what grounds did their opponents claim to ride over 
 them ? Facts had shown them to be no juster, braver, or 
 wiser than thejnselves. Even the Lacedaemonians had for- 
 saken thejn. Once 7nore he wished his followers to show 
 themselves the better men by keeping their oath of recon- 
 ciliation^ 
 
 ΈτΓβΙ δβ κατ€βησαν οί στρατηγοί, €νθα δτ) 6 Θρασΰ- 
 
 40 βονλο$ €λ6^6^, ^Τμϊν, €φη^ ω €κ τον αστ€ω9 avbpes, 
 συμβουλεύω ίγω γνώναι υμάς avTOVS* μάλιστα δ' αν 
 γνοίητ€, €1 άναλογίσαισθε cttI tlvl νμϊν μέγα φρονη- 
 Τ€ον ίστίν, ωστ€ ημών &ρχ€ίν €τηχ€φ€ΐν, ττότ€ρον bi- 
 καωτ€ροί €στ€ ; αλλ* ό μεν bημo9 ττενεστερο^ υμών ων 
 ovbev ττώττοτε ένεκα χρημάτων υμάς ηbίκηκεv' νμεϊ^ bε 
 ττλουσίώτεροι ττάντων οντε^ ττολλά καΐ αισχρά ένεκα 
 κεpbεωv ττεττοίηκατε. έττεί bε bLκaioσύvηs ovbεv νμϊν 
 ττροσηκεί, σκεψασθε εΐ άρα εττ άvbpείa νμϊν μεγα φρο- 
 
 41 νητεον. καΐ rty αν καλλίων κρίσιν τούτου γένοιτο τ) ώ? 
 ετϊολεμησαμεν irpos αλλήλους ; άλλα γνώμΎ} φαίητ hv 
 ττροεχειν, οι έχοντες καΐ τεϊχος καΐ δττλα καΐ χρήματα 
 καΐ συμμάχους ΙΙελοττοννησίους νττο των ovbεv τούτων 
 εχόντων τταραλελυσθε ; άλλ' εττΐ Aaκεbaίμov ίο is by] 
 οιεσθε μεγα φρονητεον είναι ; πώ^, οϊγε ω ττερ τους 
 bάκvovτaς κννας κλοιω bήσavτες irapab ώόασιν, οντω 
 κάκεϊνοι υμάς 7τapabόvτες τω ηbικημεvω τούτω bημω οι- 
 
 42 χονται άτΓΐόντες ; ου μεντοι γε νμας, ω άvbpες, άξιω εγω 
 ων όμωμόκατε τταραβηναι ovbiv, άλλα κα\ τούτο ττρός 
 
HELLENICA II, C. 4. 
 
 rot? αλλοΐ9 καλοίς βττιδβΐ^αι, ort καΐ ζΐιορκοί καΐ οσωί 408-402 
 6στ6. €ΐττων be ταϋτα και αλλα τοιαύτα, κα\ Stl ovbev 
 beoi ταράττ€σΘαί, άλλα roty ro/utots rots αρχαίοι^ χρί}- 
 a^at, άν€στησ€ την ίκκλησίαν. 
 
 The Athenians then reorganize their constitution ; but shortly 
 afterwards^ hearing the Thirty are forming a conspiracy^ 
 they seize and slay their generals, but come to terms with 
 the rest, to which ever since they have faithfully adhered, 
 
 Kat roVe \)λν άρχάί καταστησάμ^νοι €ττολίΤ€νοντο* 43 
 νστ€ρω δέ χρόνω άκονσαι>Τ€9 ^evovs μισθουσθαι tovs 
 Έλ6l>σtι;t, στρατ€νσάμ€νοί 'Iτavbημel βττ' αντους tovs μ€ν 
 στρατη-γον^ αντών et? λόγους ^λθόντα^ άττ€κτ€ΐναν, rots 
 be αλλot9 elσ'Jτeμψavτes roi)? φίλους καΐ αναγκαίους 
 eneiaav σνναλλαγηναί' καΐ 6μόσavτeς όρκους η μην μη 
 μvησLκaκησeLV, Irt Kat νυν όμον Τ€ ττολίΤζύονταί καΐ rots 
 opKOLS €μ μέν€ΐ 6 bημo s. 
 
CLARENDON PRESS SERIES 
 
 XENOPHON 
 
 HELLENICA, BOOKS I, II 
 
 WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 
 
 BY 
 
 G. E. UNDERHILL, M.A. 
 
 FELLOW AND SENIOR TUTOR OF MAUDALEN COLLEGE 
 
 PABT II.— NOTES 
 
 OXFORD 
 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 1907 
 
HENRY FROWDE, M.A. 
 
 1'L11LI3IIER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 
 LONDON, edinbi;rgh 
 
 NEW YORK AND TORONTO 
 
NOTES. 
 
 § I. Μ€τά δ6 ταύτα. For the interval that must have elapsed between Book I. 
 the points, where Thucydides' narrative ends and Xenophon's begins, ^ 
 see Introd. pp. 6, 7. j 
 
 avQis, in a second battle ; the Athenian victory at Cynossema being 
 apparently the first (Thuc. viii. 106). 
 
 § 2. cK Τόδου. For the positions of Dorieus, Mindarus, Tissaphemes, 
 and Alcibiades at this time see Introd. pp. 6, 7. 
 
 Tois στρατηγοΪ5, i.e. Thrasyllus and Thrasybulus (Thuc. viii. 104). 
 u)s ήνοιγ€, ' as soon as he got clear,' i. e. of the narrow strait of 
 the Hellespont, mpi to Έοίτ€ΐον must be joined with πρ05 τήν γήν 
 αν€βφα{€. The imperfect tense expresses the attempt. 
 
 § 3. €is Μάδυτον, in the Thracian Chersonese not far from Sestos. 
 § 4. €m τήν θάλατταν, i.e. to Abydos. 
 
 § 5. (J ΙωθινοΟ. Mindarus had moved his fleet from Elaeus to Abydos 
 (of. Diod. xiii. 45 \ so that, since Ilium is twenty miles from Abydos, 
 and since he saw Dorieus entering άμα ήμ(ρ<}, in all probability the fight 
 must have been renewed the day after Dorieus' arrival in the Hellespont. 
 Moreover the Athenian ships seem (cf. §§ 2, 3) to have sailed from 
 Madytus, fought against Dorieus and returned to Madytus again before 
 the second battle — a process, which, considering the twenty or thirty 
 miles thus traversed, must have occupied several hours. Further, since 
 Madytus was nearly opposite to Abydos, the second battle must have 
 been fought somewhere between the two cities, and consequently much 
 higher up the Hellespont than the first. Diodorus (1. c.) speaks of one 
 battle only, making Mindarus sail down from Abydos to the support of 
 Dorieus at the Dardanian promontory. Accordingly Breitenbach, wish- 
 ing to reconcile the two accounts, regards €^ Ιωθινου as an interpolation. 
 
 § 6. Φαρνάβα{ο$ was satrap of Phrygia Minor and Bithynia, and 
 was now in league with the Peloponnesians ^Thuc. viii. 80, 99). 
 
 § 7. (η;μψρά£αντ€8, 'having formed in close order.' 
 
 § 9. συλλαβών. Though after this Alcibiades could never again hope 
 to delude the Athenians with promises of Persian aid (Thuc. viii. 82), 
 his own naval successes round Samos and now in the Hellespont seem 
 to have been sufficient to secure for him their confidence. Tissaphemes 
 
 A 2 3 
 
HELLENIC Α. 
 
 evidently wanted to retrieve his position in the opinion of the Peloponne- 
 sians (Thuc. viii. 109}. 
 
 § 10. μ€τά Μαντιθ€ου : Mantitheus ib mentioned again i. 3. 13. 
 
 § II. ol δ' €V 5ηστω, κ.τ.Χ. From this point some commentators 
 date the campaign of 410-409, because Diodorus says that the battle of 
 Cyzicus was fought τ/δτ; του χ€ΐμώ^ο$ XrjyovTos. But Diodorus by the 
 end of the winter means February, not, like Thucydides and Xenophon, 
 the beginning of April. 
 
 €ts Καρδίαν. On the west coast of the Chersonese. 
 
 § 12. Θηραμ.€νη$. (Diod. xiii. 47, 49.) After trying in vain to prevent 
 the Euboeans and Boeotians from uniting Euboea with the mainland by a 
 bridge across the Euripus, Theramenes had sailed to the Aegean islands 
 in order to replace the democracies in the various states, had then lent 
 aid to king Archelaus of Macedon in the siege of Pydna, and finally 
 joined Thrasybulus (cf. supr. § 8) on the Thracian coast. 
 
 § 13. €£€λομ€νοι$ τά μ.€γάλα ίστια, i.e. the sails of the greater of the 
 two masts. So too, vi. 2. 27, Iphicrates leaves his large sails behind 
 to make his ships lighter and more manageable for fighting. 
 
 €ls Πάριον. On the E. shore of the entrance to the Propontis. 
 
 § 14. αύτοΐβ, i.e. rois στρατιώται$ in the \κκ\ησία. 
 
 § 15. ώρμ,ίσαντο, i. e. at Proconnesus in the Propontis. 
 
 § 16. €π€ΐδή δ* cyyvs, κ.τ.Χ. Sec note on the battle of Cyzicus at the 
 end of the volume. 
 
 vir* αύτοΰ, i. e. by Alcibiades. Cobet and others conjecture άπ' 
 αυτού, ' from the harbour ' ; an idea already sufficiently expressed by 
 ά'π-€ΐλημμ€να$. 
 
 § 1 8. Tais ciKoai. The article is accounted for by the previous mention 
 of the Athenian fleet ^cf. infr. i. 6. 26). There is no need to suppose 
 that apiarais has dropped out of the text (cf. Plut. Ale. 28 . 
 
 άττάσαβ. The Peloponnesians did not succeed in collecting a fleet 
 again till Lysander was appointed admiral in 408 B. c. ; cf. Plato, 
 Menex. 243 μιq. μίν ήμ-ίρα πάσαί rcis των πο\€μίωι/ eAovrts vavs. 
 
 ]ξυρακοσιων. Thucydides (viii. 26) relates that the Syracusans had 
 sent a squadron under Hermocrates to aid the Lacedaemonians. 
 
 § 21. Πφίνθον και Σηλυβρίαν. Both on the N. coast of the Propontis. 
 § 22. Χρυσόπολιν, on the Bosporus, opposite Byzantium. 
 
 δ€κατ6υτήριον. The establishment of this custom-house was of the 
 greatest importance to Athens now that her treasury was exhausted, and 
 she had lost so many of her subject allies, more especially Euboea 
 ,Thuc. viii. 95 .. 
 
 cIcXc^ov . . . και . . . €γκαταληΓ0ντ€5 : from the confusion of the 
 order of thought in these two lines, commentators have suspected- the 
 MS. reading. 
 
NOTES. CH, /, § 10 — § 29. 
 
 § 23. €ΐΓΐστολ€ω8 : this officer held the second command in the Lace- BOOK I. 
 daemonian fleet (cf. vi. 2. 25 and note on i. 5. i). |» 
 
 €άλω. The MSS. read ϊάΧωσαν, j 
 
 Λαλα. This is Bergk's conjecture for the MS. /^αλά. The word 
 is equivalent to £υλα and is used by Aristophanes, Lys. 1251, to denote 
 ships, τά «αλά = ' our honour is gone ' hardly seems to suit the passage. 
 
 άπβσσύα, Doric form of άπ^σντ;, aor. pass, of άποσ^νω, is explained 
 by Eustathius as άπ^λ^^, τίθνηκ(. 
 
 τΓίΐνώντι τώνδρε5. ά'ΤΓορίομ€5. Doric for 7Γ€ίΐ/ώσι οίαϊ/δ/)€ί. άπορουμ^ν. 
 ΚοΓ the offers of peace apparently made by the Spartans at this time 
 (cf. Introd. pp. 11, 26 . 
 
 § 24. Φαρνάβαί;ο5. Diodorus xiii. 51) says that the Peloponnesians 
 fled to his camp. 
 
 § 25. rovs airo των 'Π'όλ€ων στρατηγούς, i. e. the generals from the 
 several states in the Pcloponnesian confederacy. 
 
 § 26. ναυπηγουμ€νων. Genitive absolute, sc. αυτών. 
 
 § 2 7· Έν δ€ τω xpovcp τούτω. This and the similar formulae in §§ 31, 
 32, 33 seem to mean that all the events here mentioned occurred just 
 about the time of the battle of Cyzicus. 
 
 Έρμ,οκράτου5. The leader of the oligarchical party at Syracuse 
 (cf. Thuc. viii. 85 . 
 
 μ€μ.νημ€νου$ . . . υπάρχουσαν. In the MSS. these words are placed 
 after χρηναι δι^ύναι in § 28. In this case the phrase λόγοι^ διδυναι would 
 have to bear the unusual sense 'to give an opportunity of speaking,' and 
 the words μ^μνημ^νον^ . . . υπάρχουσα^ must then be an appeal made by 
 the generals to their soldiers to give them a fair hearing, when they 
 returned to Syracuse, — an appeal quite uncalled for after the loyalty 
 which these soldiers had just shown them. If however the words be 
 transposed, withDindorf,to their present position in the text, the passage 
 at once becomes intelligible. When the soldiers refused to elect new 
 generals, notwithstanding the news that the present generals had been 
 exiled, Hermocrates told them that they ought not to rebel against the 
 home government ; but that if any one had any charge to make against 
 himself or his colleagues, both he and they were in duty bound to give 
 an account of their commands. As however no one brought any accu- 
 sation against them, they consented to continue in command till their 
 successors arrived. 
 
 ν€νικήκατ€. Many parallels may be found for this abrupt change 
 to the oratio recta cf. infr. i. 4. 14, vi. 5. 35, etc.\ 
 
 ήμ,€Τ€ραν . . . ύμ€Τ€ραν. There is no need to transpose these words : 
 αρ€τή can very well mean courage and skill in commanding ; προθυμία, 
 sc. τώί' στρατιωτών, ' zeal in obeying.' 
 § 29. δ€ομ€νων. Genitive absolute. 
 
HELLENIC A, 
 
 κατά{€ΐν, ' would bring them back from exile.' 
 § 30. προσομιλουντ€5. The pres. part, expresses frequency. 
 Ziw = Ύοντων ovs. 
 
 aveJvvovTO. Doric for avc/coipovro. 
 §31. κατηγορήσ-as. Thucydides (viii. 85) narrates, how in 41 1 B.C. Her- 
 mocrates had accused Tissaphernes at Sparta of playing a double game 
 between the Peloponnesians and Athenians. He is mentioned (infr. i. 
 3. 13) as accompanying some Spartan envoys, who, at the same time as 
 some Athenian envoys, were to meet Pharnabazus at Cyzicus, 409 B.C. 
 Since Diodorus puts his expedition against Syracuse in 408 B.C., it must 
 have been shortly after this meeting that he obtained from Pharnabazus 
 the assistance described in this passage. Tissaphernes was the personal 
 enemy of Pharnabazus. 
 
 <v τουτφ ήκον, cf. ΐμαναν 'ίω^ άψίκοντο . . . άπ€π€μφαντο. The 
 chronological sequence of events here seems to be hopelessly confused. 
 How could the old generals have at the same time waited for the new 
 ones to arrive and been sent on their way with promises of future help? 
 \yhy in § 31 does Xenophon tell the story already narrated by Thucy- 
 dides (viii. 85) of what had already happened to Hermocrates early in 41 1, 
 and couple with that his visit to Pharnabazus, which must certainly have 
 been subsequent to his exile, mentioned in § 27 as apparently occurring 
 about the beginning of 4 10 B.C.? and why does he insert at this point his 
 preparations for his attack upon Syracuse, which was not actually made 
 till 408 B.C. according to Diodorus (xiii. 63^ ? Again, to what interval 
 of time does ky τούτω refer? for the new ships building at Antandros in 
 the spring of 410 cannot have been finished till the summer, i.e. after 
 the beginning of the next campaign. Perhaps it may be interpreted 
 to mean the time following the agreement made between the old generals 
 and the army, inclusive of the time required for building the ships, ήκον 
 must therefore be translated as a pluperfect, 'had arrived.' 
 
 CIS Μίλητον. This agrees with Thucydides, 1. c. 
 § 32. Έν θάσω. Thasos had revolted from Athens in 411 B. c, two 
 months after Diotrephes, an Athenian oligarch, had put down the 
 democracy, then existing, in favour of an oligarchy ;cf. Thuc. viii. 64), and 
 had since submitted to the government of a Spartan harmost. Now it 
 appears that the popular party under Ecphantus had expelled Eteonicus 
 the harmost and his supporters, and admitted Thrasybulus with an 
 Athenian force just after the battle of Cyzicus : cf. this section with 
 §§ 22. 12, and with Demosthenes (c. Lept. § 67), who in alluding to it 
 apparently somewhat confuses together this affair and the subjugation of 
 the island in 408 B.C. recorded infr. i. 4. 9, adding that it further led 
 to τον π€ρι Θρά/ζην τόπον entering the Athenian alliance. 
 
 άρμοσ-τήβ. In 423 B. c. the Spartans appointed governors in 
 6 
 
NOTES, CH, /, § 30— Γ//. //,§!. 
 
 Thrace (Thuc. iv. 131), and in 413 king Agis made Alcamenes harmost Book I 
 of Euboea (Thuc. viii. 5^. But it was not till the admiralty of Lysander, 
 408 B. c, that it became a principle of the Lacedaemonian hegemony j 
 lo appoint these officers backed up by oligarchies of ten in all the subject 
 states; cf. Diod. xiv. 10 καταστησαντ^^ δέ ναναρχον Ανσανδρον τούτω 
 ττροσίτα^αν €τηπορ€ύ€σθαι τάί TroAtty ku ίκάσττ} tovs παρ* avTOis καΧουμΙνου^ 
 αρμοστάί Ι^καθιστάντα' ταΓ? δημοκρατίαι^ ττροσκόπτοντίί οι Αακίδαι- 
 μόνιοι δι' 6\iyapxias €βούλοντο τάί ττόλίίϊ διοικ^ΐσθαι. Other instances of 
 harmosts in these books are (i. 2. 18) Labotas in Heraclea, (i. 3. 5^ 
 Hippocrates in Chalcedon, 3. 15) Clearchus in Byzantium, (ii. 3; 14) 
 Callibius at Athens. 
 
 ΠασιττΊτίδαβ. It is impossible to determine whether Pasippidas 
 was actually vavapxos in succession to Mindarus, or whether he merely 
 filled his place till the newly appointed successor Cratesippidas arrived. 
 
 § 33. AcKcXcias. Agis had commanded this €τητ€ίχίσμ6^ ever since 
 its fortification in 413 B. c. (Thuc. vii. 19}. 
 
 Θράσυλλοβ had returned to Athens immediately after the battle at 
 Abydos (supr. § 8) to procure reinforcements. 
 § 34. των iirl ττασιν, * of those in the rear.* 
 
 § 35· σχήσοι καΐ oOev, 'should also seize the places fromAvhich, etc' 
 καΐ KXcapxov. καί is to be retained : the passage means that, just 
 as Agis prevented provisions coming into Athens by land, so also Clear- 
 chus was to do the same by sea. Clearchus had been designated to 
 command a squadron in the Hellespont in 412 B. C, and on his arrival 
 there in 411 b. c. Byzantium had revolted to him (Thuc. viii. 8, 39, 80). 
 
 § 36. €ts 2ηστόν. Sestus was at this time occupied by the Athenians 
 cf. supr. § 11), so that it has been proposed to read ds^Apvdov, 
 
 §. 37. *Αννφα. This Hannibal was the son of Cisco, and according 
 to the narrative of Diodorus (xiii. 62) he captured Himera two years 
 later, in 409 B.C. Dindorf regards this reference to Sicilian affairs and 
 the similar ones in i. 5. 21, ii. 2. 24, so too the references to Persian 
 history, i. 2. 19, ii. i. 8-9, as interpolations : but they may very well be 
 justified on the analogy of Thuc. ii. 28, iii. 87, 92, etc., and indeed, since 
 the Sicilian Greeks and the Persians had begun actively to interfere, they 
 maybe regarded as necessary to the understanding of the course of the war. 
 
 § I. Όλυμιτιάβ. See Introd. § 2. on Xenophon's chronology. II, 
 ττροστ^θίίσα ξυνωρίβ. Pausanias ^v. 8. 3) relates, that the two- 
 horse chariot race was first added in the 93rd Olympiad, i.e. 408 B.C. or 
 two years later than this date on Breitenbach's calculation, or one year 
 on Bruckner's. 
 
 Θορικόν. On the S.E. coast of Attica. 
 
 θράσυλλο5 supr. i . S was sent to obtain reinforcements for the 
 
HELLENIC Α. 
 
 Book I. Hellespont, but now, for some unexplained reason, he takes his new fleet 
 — M— to Ionia. Probably the Athenians were already completely masters of 
 jj the Hellespont, and so could afford to use their forces elsewhere. 
 
 fa)S αμα και, κ.τ.\. : probably a gloss. Peter translates the words, 
 * together with those who were to serve as peltasts'; but anyhow ws is out 
 of place. 
 
 §2. Πύγβλα. A small town five miles S.W. of Ephesus. 
 
 § 4. CIS Νότιον. The harbour of Colophon, N.W. of Ephesus. 
 
 άκμά{οντο$ του σίτου, ' when the corn was ripening,' i. e. about 
 June. 
 
 § 5. 5τάγη5. Thucydides (viii. 16) calls him υτταρχοί Ίισσαφίρνουί. 
 § 6. τΐ) Άρτ€μι8ι. The famous temple of Artemis at Ephesus. 
 § 7. Κορησσόν, a hill four and a-half miles S.W. of Ephesus. 
 § 8. σφίσιν can hardly be right. Sauppe conjectures 'Εφίσιοι. 
 § 9· fa)S €1 €κατόν, * about a hundred.' 
 § 12. αύτοΐ5 άνδράσι, * crews and all.' 
 
 § 13. άπ€λυσ€ν, 'he let go free,' is a correction of Dindorf for the 
 MS. Karikivafv. The sense evidently requires some such change in the 
 text, as it can scarcely be true that Thrasyllus 'stoned to death' the 
 cousin of his own friend Alcibiades. Others conjecture κατίλυσ^ν or 
 
 § 15. ovT€s . . . ήκοΐ€ν : two different constructions are here used 
 after is. 
 
 § 16. 'Aλκιβιάδηs as the commander-in-chief alone is mentioned, 
 though it appears from Plut. Ale. 29 that Thrasyllus also took part. 
 
 § 18. Κορυψάσιον. Xenophon here gives rather a one-sided version 
 of the recapture of Coryphasium or Pylos on the Messenian coast by the 
 Spartans, which the Athenians had held ever since it was seized by their 
 general Demosthenes in 42 5 B. c. Diodorus (xiii. 64} says that the place 
 was at this time garrisoned by some Messenians, and when they were 
 attacked by the Spartans, the Athenians sent a fleet of thirty vessels 
 under Anytus to raise the siege. Anytus, however, was unable to 
 weather Cape Malea, and therefore returned to Athens ; whereupon 
 the Messenians shortly after surrendered. Xenophon omits altogether 
 to notice the important recapture of Nisaea by the Megarians about the 
 same time (Diod. xiii. 65 \ 
 
 rovs ciroiKOvs. It appears from Thuc. iii. 92, viii. 3 that when the 
 Spartans in 426 B.C. settled 6000 colonists at Heraclea, they refused to 
 allow any Achaeans to join in the settlement: and that in 413 B.C. 
 king Agis had extorted money and demanded hostages of the Achaeans 
 of Phthia. 
 
 § 19. και ο cvuiUTos, κ.τ.Κ. Dindorf prints this section in brackets 
 for the same reasons as supr. i. 37. 
 8 
 
NOTES. CH. II, § 2 — CII, III, § 20. 
 
 § I. ΊταντΙ τώ aTpaToiTcScp, i.e. the united forces of Alcibiades and BooK I. 
 Thrasyllus, who had wintered at Lampsacus, supr. 2. 15. 
 
 § 2. Καλχηδόνα καΐ Βυ£άντιον, now in possession of the Lace- jjj 
 daemonians (of. supr. i. 35'. 
 
 § 4. iriaTCts ·ΐΓ€ποιημ€νθ5, i.e. προ^ tous Bi^t/voi/s. 
 
 § 6. Άλκιβιάδηβ. According to Plutarch's account, Alcibiades had 
 been previously engaged in repelling Phamabazus' attack on the outside 
 of the Athenian siege works. 
 
 § 7. στ€νοτΓορίαν. The narrow passage in between the river and the 
 Athenian lines. 
 
 § 8. ol 8^ λοιίΓοΙ στρατηγοί. Thrasyllus and Theramenes (cf. Diod. 
 xiii. 66). 
 
 § 9. τον ψ6ρον . . . οσον'ΐΓ€ρ €ΐώθ€σαν. There is no evidence to show 
 whether this 0o/)o? was the €ίκοστη or five per cent, duty on all imports 
 and exports, for which the Athenians in 41 3 B.C. commuted the tribute 
 originally assessed by Aristides (Thuc. vii. 28) ; or whether in the interval 
 they had returned to the old system. 
 
 § 13. Πασιττιτίδαβ was exiled ^i. i. 32) on suspicion of treachery at 
 Thasos. In the interval therefore he must have been recalled. These 
 Spartan envoys, who were evidently sent to counteract the influence of 
 the Athenian envoys, are not to be confused with those who (infr. 4. 2) 
 met Pharnabazus at Gordium with the news of Cyrus' appointment to be 
 satrap of Sardis. 
 
 ήδη φ€ύγων (supr. i. 27-32). Xenophon apparently inserts these 
 words to denote that Hcrmocrates was not with the envoys as com- 
 missioned by the Syracusan government, but hoping to gain, as he 
 actually did, some aid for the expedition which he was preparing against 
 his country. 
 
 § 15. ΚλΙαρχος: cf. i. i. 35. 
 ν€θδαμ,ωδών. The name given to newly manumitted Helots : what 
 their privileges were, cannot be ascertained ^cf. Thuc. iv. 26, 80, vii. 58). 
 
 § 1 7. αλλαι. There seems to be no need to change the MS. reading 
 to αλλα άλλτ;. The construction άλλαί — καί — και — και otto;? άλλαι is 
 somewhat irregular, but the meaning is plain. 
 
 €7Γΐβάτη$ ordinarily means either a marine or a private passenger. 
 There is no evidence to show that it was a title of an inferior naval officer 
 cf. Thuc. viii. 61). 
 
 § 18. ol 'π·ροδιδόντ€5. An anacoluthon : the nominative has no verb. 
 The interrupted sentence is taken up again at § 23 with Ittc* δ€. 
 
 § 19. ΰστ€ρον. Byzantium surrendered a second time to the Lace- 
 daemonians in the autumn of 405 B.C. (cf. ii. 2. i\ 
 
 ά'π·€φυγ€ν. Pregnant meaning, * got off by saying.' 
 § 20. avoCJavTcs. Diodorus (xiii. 66) and Plutarch ^Alcib. 31) give 
 
 9 
 
HELLENIC A, 
 
 Book I. a much fuller and somewhat different account of the capture of Byzan- 
 — ♦» ■ tium, detailing an elaborate stratagem of Alcibiades, and speaking of 
 
 III. ^ hard-fought battle within the town. 
 
 IV. § 2. 01 T€ Λακ€δαιμονιων. Although Xenophon introduces these 
 envoys with the article ol, as if already mentioned, they evidently cannot 
 be the same as those mentioned in ch. 3. 13 as journeying to Persia. 
 Probably therefore they had been despatched previously by the Spar- 
 tans to procure the dismissal of Tissaphernes from Sardis. 
 
 Ίτάντων ών by attraction for ττάντα ων. 
 § 3. ττάντωι^ των cm θαλάττη. In the Anabasis (i. 9. 7^ Xenophon 
 describes Cyrus more exactly as σατράπη^ Αυδία9 τ€ καΙ Φρυyίas τψ 
 /Λίγάλτ/ϊ και Kannadofcias, στρατη^υ^ h\ καΙ πάντων ... oh καθήκα (h 
 Καστωλοΰ πεδίον άθροίζ^σθαί. 
 
 κάρανον. Doric for κάρηνο^, ' chief Segaar however considers it 
 to be a Persian word, to account apparently for Xenophon's explanation 
 of the term. 
 
 § 5. μή cLScvat. For the success of this measure cf. note on § 8. 
 
 § 6. μ€μψηται, sc. ύ Kvpos. Some commentators have needlessly 
 conjectured μίμψοιντο, sc. ot irpia^fis ; for Pharnabazus aimed not so 
 much to avoid the remonstrances of the envoys, as the displeasure of 
 Cyrus. 
 
 § 7. cvtavTol Tp6is, i. e. they returned to Athens in the spring of 
 405 B.C. just before the battle of Aegospotami. 
 
 ού τταρά βασ·ιλ€α. Some word like άναηά'^οί must be supplied 
 from aira^iLV immediately preceding. 
 
 § 8. βουλόμ€νο$, K.T.X. Cyius' measures to prevent the news of his 
 own arrival, and of the intention of the Persian king to aid the Lace- 
 daemonians from reaching the Athenians, must have proved successful. 
 Otherwise it is hard to believe that Alcibiades would have chosen this 
 moment to return to Athens ; whereas, supposing him to have been in 
 ignorance, no moment could have seemed more propitious. He had 
 restored the Athenian dominion over the Bosporus, Propontis, and 
 Hellespont, had concluded a favourable treaty with Pharnabazus, and 
 had sent an embassy to the Persian king in the hope of bringing him 
 over to the side of Athens. 
 
 § 9. θρασύβουλο5 here reappears in Xenophon's narrative, nothing 
 having been said of him since the battle of Cyzicus in 410 B. c. ; cf supr. 
 note on i. 32 and Diod. xiii. 72. From this passage it would seem that the 
 Lacedaemonian party had once more gained the upper hand in the island. 
 
 § 10. στρατηγού5 ciXovto. It is not to be supposed that only three 
 generals were elected instead of the usual ten. Xenophon probably 
 names the three who were to command the fleet. 
 
 lO 
 
NOTES, CH. IV, § 2— § i6. 
 
 φ€ύγοντα. Thucydides (viii. 95) says that the people Ιψηφίσαντο καί Βοόκ I. 
 
 Άλκίβιάδην . . . κατιίναι in the year 411 B.C., but Alcibiades had never — -^^ 
 
 availed himself of the permission, so that perhaps now the decree may j-y 
 have been renewed. The curse pronounced over him by the priestly 
 family of the Eumolpidae was certainly not recalled till his return in 
 408 B.C. 
 
 § II. Γυθ€ίου. On the southern Laconian coast. 
 
 του . . . κατάιτλον. The genitive may be made to depend on 
 κατασκοττήν, or be regarded as a sort of partitive genitive dependent on 
 διτωβ. The meaning is the same in either case. 
 
 § 12. ηρημ€νου5, sc. rou? nokiras, from the preceding πόλίί. 
 
 Πλυντήρια. The washing of the statue of the goddess took place 
 on the 25th of Thargelion, i.e. about June 12 ; cf. Mommsen, Heorto- 
 logie. 
 
 άν€7Γΐτήδ€ΐον. So Plutarch, Alcib. 34 6θ(ν Iv rais μάλιστα των 
 αποφράδων ttju ημίραν ταύτην άπρακτον ^Αθηναίοι νομίζουσιν' ου φίλο- 
 ψρυνωί ουν ούδ* €ύμ(νώ9 ίδύκα -προσδ^χομίνη τον Άλκιβιάδην ή dcos 
 ΤΓαρακαλύπτ€σθαί και άτηλΛυν^ιν kavTTjS. 
 
 § 13. όχλθ5 . . . θαυμάξοντ€5, a construction κατά σύν^σιν. 
 οΐ μίν corresponds to oi δ€ § 17. 
 
 μονοβ, i. e. alone of those who had been banished at the same time. 
 
 ά'π·€λογήθη ω%. Dindorf incloses the words in brackets as a gloss : 
 άττ€λογηθη is used passively. 
 
 αϊτό του tt|s 7Γ0λ€ω$ δυνατού : ' from the resources of the slate ' ; 
 cf. i. 6. 7 fiO-Ta TO αυτού δυνατόν, 
 
 § 14· ΰπ€ρβαλόμ€νοι, MSS. ύπ€ρβαλΚ6μ€νοι, literally ' having put oft' 
 that which seemed to be just to another time' ; i. e. the demand for an 
 immediate trial, which seemed to be just. 
 
 €στ€ρησαν. The oratio recta is somewhat irregular, but is due to 
 the length of the sentence. 
 
 § 15. δουλ€ύων is appropriate as expressing the relation between 
 Alcibiades as a subject, and the Persian king as a master. 
 
 § 16. civai. Dindorf inserts (Tvai from one MS. It is a contracted 
 expression for των τοιούτων οΐυσπ€ρ αύτοί ^ν όντων (ΐναι, ' they denied 
 that it was the part of men who were such as he was, to need, etc' 
 
 oioiaircp irp0T€pov, κ.τ.λ. The Avords, as they stand in the text, are 
 a correction, almost universally adopted, of the unintelligible MSS. 
 ToiovTos olos. But even so corrected it is very hard to extract any 
 meaning out of them, tois . . . €χθροΐ5 is the dat. depending on ϋπάρχ€ΐν, 
 and οϊοισπ€ρ is the dat. instead of the nom. by attraction after τοιούτοι^ : 
 the sequence of cases δυνασθ€ΐσιν . . . λ€ΐφθ€ντα5 is very irregular. Per- 
 haps therefore the passage might be rendered : ' they said that nothing 
 was left to his enemies except to appear to be what they had been before 
 
 II 
 
HELLENTCA. 
 
 Book I. (i. e. to try to appear to be as powerful as they really had been in the 
 »» oligarchy of 411 B.C.), and afterwards, when they should really have 
 IV gained power, to make away with the best citizens, and thus being 
 themselves alone left remaining, to be courted by their fellow-citizens 
 for the very reason that they would have no better men to employ.' 
 
 § 17. των T€ φοβ€ρών, κ.τ.λ. γίν6σθαι is the infinitive dependent on 
 φοβέρων. Translate : ' and that there was a danger that he alone would 
 be the author of the evils that it was feared would befall the state V : 
 φοβέρων . . . y€V€a0ai = φοβ(ρων μτΐ -γίνηται. 
 § 19. Join 'π·αρ€σκ€υασμ€νων μή cmTpetreiv. 
 
 § 20. αυτοκράτωρ. For a parallel cf. Thuc. vi. 8, when Nicias, 
 Alcibiades, and Lamachus were appointed στρατηγοί avTOKparopfs. 
 
 σώσαι, i. e. to secure what remained and to recover what was lost 
 of the Athenian power. 
 
 irpoTcpov μ€ν. For the first time since the ίπιτ€ίχίσί9 was estab- 
 lished at 13ecelea, Alcibiades now conducted the procession to Eleusis, 
 as of old, along the Sacred Way. He evidently meant it to be not only 
 a military demonstration, but an act of atonement to the priestly party, 
 whose hatred he had so deeply incurred ^cf. Thuc. viii. 53'. Plutarch 
 indeed says that he roused such enthusiasm among the common people, 
 that they hoped that he would make himself tyrant (cf. Thuc. vi. 15% 
 
 § 21. τριτω μηνί. The Eleusinian mysteries were celebrated on the 
 20th of Boedromion, i.e. Oct. 4: the Plynteria on the 25th of Tharge- 
 lion, i.e. June 12. Alcibiades therefore must have stayed at Athens 
 within a week of four months. 
 
 ηρημ€νοι κατά γήν, i. e. Alcibiades selected them out of the college 
 of generals to command the troops on board his fleet. Diodorus (xiii. 
 72) erroneously mentions Adimantus and Thrasybulus. For the latter 
 was still absent from Athens ^cf. Hell. i. 4. 9, 5. 11). It appears from 
 i. 4. 22, 5. 18 that Conon must have accompanied Alcibiades as 
 second commander of the fleet, as he was left by him to carry on the 
 siege of Andros. 
 
 §. 22. Tf|S Άνδρίαβ χώραε. This failure to capture Andros was made 
 a matter of reproach against Alcibiades by his enemies at Athens Plut. 
 Ale. 35)·^ 
 
 § 23. €πολ€μ€ΐ. Diodorus and Plutarch state that Alcibiades made 
 plundering expeditions to Caria, Cos, and Rhodes, apparently in the 
 winter 408-407 B. c:. 
 
 V. § 1· irpoTcpov τούτων, i.e. a little before Alcibiades sailed for An- 
 
 dros and Samos, in the autumn of 408 B.C. Xenophon now proceeds 
 to bring his account of the doings in the enemy's camp up to the same 
 date. 
 
 12 
 
NOTES, CH, IV, § 17 — CH, V, § i. 
 
 τήδ ναυαρχίαβ. The origin of the admiralty at Sparta, like that of BOOK I. 
 other Lacedaemonian institutions, is shrouded in some obscurity. Hero- n , 
 dotus iii. 56) speaks of a Spartan naval expedition undertaken against -y 
 Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, about 525 B.C., but does not mention who 
 was the commander. He does however apply the title of ναυάρχου to 
 Eurybiades at the battle of Salamis (viii. 42), but he calls king Leoty- 
 chides, who commanded the Greek fleet at Mycale in 479 B.C. στρατη-^ο^ 
 fcai vavapxos (viii. 131), showing that at that date the office was not 
 permanently separated from the kingship. From this time, with the 
 doubtful exceptions of the regent Pausanias and Dorcis (Thuc.i. 95), we 
 hear nothing of the admiralty till the time of the Peloponnesian War, 
 after the outbreak of which till its close a tolerably complete list of 
 admirals can be made out all the time that the Spartans maintained a 
 fleet at sea. The list begins with Cnemus 430-429 B.C. (Thuc. ii. 66, 80, 
 93), who seems, like the other Spartan magistrates, to have entered on his 
 office in September. Alcidas succeeded after a yearns interval, 428-427 
 (Thuc. iii. 16, 26), and then after another year's interval, Thrasymelidas, 
 426-425 (Thuc. iv. 11^. In 425 the Spartans lost their entire fleet at 
 Pylos, and built no more ships until after the Athenian disaster at 
 Syracuse. In 413-412 Melancridas was admiral of the newly built 
 fleet : he was followed in the two next years by Astyochus Thuc. viii. 
 20) and Mindarus (Thuc. viii. 85 , who perished at the battle of Cyzicus 
 in the spring of 410 B.C. It is doubtful whether Pasippidas, who was 
 commissioned to collect together what ships he could Xen. i. i. 32) was 
 actually admiral or not, and it is doubtful again, when the titular 
 admiral Cratesippidas took command over the ships that he had thus 
 collected, although Xenophon narrates the fact as occurring apparently 
 in the campaign of 41 1-410. At any rate Cratesippidas was not suc- 
 ceeded by Lysander till the autumn of 408 Xen. i. 5. i . At the end 
 of his year of office Lysander was followed by Callicratidas, who was 
 drowned at the battle of Arginusae in 406 B.C. 'c. June\ After an 
 interval of some months the fleet was handed over to Lysander as 
 emaroXivs or second in command, the nominal admiral being Aracus. 
 Then there is a gap of one year in our information, during which 
 Lysander was again actual commander of the fleet, whoever may have 
 been the titular admiral, and for the following year (404-403) Libys, the 
 brother of Lysander, was appointed to be admiral. 
 
 As to the powers of the office Aristotle (Pol. ii. 9. 33) calls it σχ€δ6ν 
 kripa βασιλ€ΐα — a criticism which seems, however, to be true only of 
 Lysander, and possibly of Teleutias, the brother of king Agesilaus 
 (392-391 B.C.) ; and which seems tacitly to refer to Aristotle's previous 
 definition of the kingship as merely a στρατηηία hia βίου. In this respect 
 the admiral was indeed another king, having a power independent of 
 
 13 
 
HELLENIC A, 
 
 and parallel with that of the two ordinary kings. But in another respect 
 his position was far inferior and more precarious : for the office was, as 
 a general rule (the case of Cratesippidas, who was sent out to command 
 whatever ships he could find, being apparently an exception), an 
 annual one — at least so it would appear from the list of admirals that 
 can be made out with tolerable certainty so long as the Spartans main- 
 tained a fleet at sea — and moreover the same individual could not legally 
 hold it twice (Xen. ii. i. 7). In the case of Lysander indeed the ephors 
 discovered an easy evasion of the law, by appointing him for two 
 years ktnaroKfiVs or second in command to a merely nominal admiral : 
 and it was while holding this subordinate position that Lysander attained 
 to his greatest power, and acted like a sovereign prince in the 
 Aegean. Thus at the siege of Athens ,405-404) he appears as com- 
 mander of the fleet quite on an equality with the kings Agis and Pausa- 
 nias in command of the army, and further to have the advantage over 
 them in that his action was not hampered by the presence of a colleague. 
 Again, when any admiral had proved himself inefficient or untnist- 
 worthy, the Spartan government preferred, as they did with the kings, 
 rather to send out σύμβουλοι to advise him than simply to deprive him of 
 his office ,cf. Thuc. vi. 85, viii. 39^ unless this was absolutely necessary. 
 
 The office of the kmaroKivs or second in command has already been 
 referred to in the case of Lysander. But in ordinary cases the secretary 
 was appointed, as Pollux ^i. 96) declares, to be simply δ €m του στόλου 
 δέάδοχοί του ι/αυάρχου. Thus after the death of Mindarus, his secretary 
 Hippocrates took the command of the fleet (Thiy:. i. i, 23), and the 
 admiral Callicratidas left his secretary Eteonicus at the head of the 
 squadron blockading Conon at Mytilene, while he himself sailed to meet 
 the Athenians at Arginusae, and after his death his place was filled by 
 Eteonicus until the arrival of a definitely appointed successor. 
 
 As to the method of election to the admiralship nothing at all is 
 known, though it is plain that the post must have been regarded as of 
 great significance in the struggle of poliiical parties at Sparta. Thus 
 the choice of Lysander three times to command the fleet, once as 
 admiral and twice as secretary, followed by the choice of his brother 
 Libys and later of his friend Anaxibius, points to the supremacy of his 
 party in the home government, and similarly the appointment of his 
 opponent Callicratidas in the autumn of 407 must mean a temporary 
 check to his policy, though but few details can be made out from the 
 confused and unchronological account of Plutarch. 
 
 φδομήκοντα. This was the first fleet the Spartans had collected 
 since the battle of Cyzicus, 410 B.C. (sup. i. 18). 
 
 €15 2dp8cis : from Gordium in Phrygia Minor (sup. 4. 3), where he 
 had been in the spring of 408. 
 
 14 
 
NOTES, CIL F, § 2 — § 1 6. 
 
 § 2. TOis €K Λακ(δαίμονο5 irpcapcatv : these must be the same as in 4. 2. Book I. 
 
 § 5. Ttts συνθήκα5 (cf. Thuc. viii. 29, 45, 58). One mina= 100 drach- ^ 
 mae = 6oo obols, or three obols a day for every sailor in a crew of 200. -y 
 
 § 9. υπ* 'Αλκιβιάδου (cf. Thuc. viii. 46). 
 
 μηδ€ oiTivcs = μφ€ν($ oirtvh ύσι : * none of the Greeks whatever.' 
 
 § II. Cf. Introd. § 2 on Xenophon's chronology for the reasons for 
 putting the beginning of the new year at this point. 
 
 Θρασύβουλον. Xenophon does not relate how Thrasybulus sailed 
 from Thrace and Thasos (supr. 4. 9), nor why he was now fortifying 
 Phocaea. This tov/n was occupied by the Spartan admiral Astyochus 
 412 B.C. (cf. Thuc. viii. 31), and after Arginusae, 406 B.C., the Pelopon- 
 nesians fled to it for refuge. But, like Cyzicus, it may have been un- 
 walled, and so liable to occupation by either side, so that there is no 
 need to change πιχίζαν into €ηιτ€ΐχίζ€ίν. Diodorus (xiii. 73) has a 
 different story altogether, that Alcibiades sailed not to Phocaea, but to 
 Clazomenae. 
 
 Άντίοχον. Plutarch (Ale. 36) calls him an experienced seaman, but 
 rash and inconsiderate. In ch. 10 he relates a story of the manner in 
 which, as a boy, he gained the friendship of Alcibiades. 
 
 § 13. Cis €καστο5 ήνοιξίν : ' as each got clear of land.' 
 
 § 15. Δ€λφίνιον και Ήιόνα. Delphinium was in Chios. Diodorus 
 (xiii. 76) ascribes the capture of Delphinium and Teos not to Lysander, 
 but to Callicratidas, and therefore to the year 406 B.C. Hence some 
 commentators have proposed to read Ίίων or Ύηίον^ instead of 
 Ήιόνα. 
 
 § 1 6. ήγγ€λθη. Plutarch ;^Alc. 36' makes a certain Thrasybulus, son 
 of Thraso [to be distinguished from the famous Thrasybulus], return to 
 Athens immediately after the battle, and there formally impeach Al- 
 cibiades for general misconduct. Diodorus .xiii. 73, 74' here again gives 
 quite a different account : the general discontent at Athens Λvas, accord- 
 ing to him, increased by the accusations of some Cymaean envoys, who 
 complained that, after the battle of Notium, Alcibiades had made a 
 descent upon Cyme and ravaged its land, notwithstanding that it was 
 an allied state. But something must be wrong in Diodorus' account, 
 because Thucyd ides (viii. 31, 100) distinctly states that Cyme was on the 
 Peloponnesian side. Nepos (Ale. 7) has yet another version, that 
 Alcibiades was accused at Athens, not for the defeat at Notium, which 
 he does not mention, but for his failure in an attempt upon Cyme. 
 
 dXXovs δ€κα. Since the battle of Notium must have taken place 
 in the spring of 407, and elections were held at Athens about May I, 
 it would seem that Xenophon must mean, not an extraordinary election 
 of generals to replace Alcibiades, but the ordinary elections for the 
 year 407-406, at which Alcibiades failed to secure re-election. Other- 
 
 ^5 
 
HELLENIC Α. 
 
 Book I. wise we should expect to hear not of ten, but only of two or three new 
 - — ►^-^ generals appointed to supersede him in command of the fleet. Cf. 
 •y Introd. p. 32. 
 
 § 17. τά Ιαυτοΰ ^Diod. xiii. 74, Plut. Ale. 36): a castle named 
 Pactyes near the Thracian town of Bysanthe on the Propontis. 
 
 § 18. τή5 *Άνδρου, where apparently he had been left by Alcibiades 
 (i. 4· 23'· 
 
 Φανο(Γθ€νη : since the name of Phanosthenes does not occur in the 
 list of the new generals, it would seem that he was one of the generals 
 of the preceding year, and that he was sent to replace Conon at Andros 
 in the interval which elapsed between the election of the new generals 
 in May, and their entering office in July. 
 § 19. Δωρΐ€α: cf. i. I. 2, Thuc. viii. 35, 84. 
 
 €j Αθηνών. Rhodes was one of the subject allies of Athens, and 
 therefore under her jurisdiction. 
 
 Trap* αύτοιΐ, i. e. at Thurii. 
 
 €λ€ήσαντ€5, because of the fame he had won as an Olympic victor. 
 Cf. Thuc. iii. 8. 
 
 § 20. Ιβδομήκοντα. Plutarch Lys. 4) speaks of the impoverishment 
 of Athens at this juncture. 
 
 VI. § I- ή σελήνη, κ.τ.Χ, On the chronological data see Introd. p. 20 sqq. 
 
 This eclipse occurred on April 15, 406 B.C. 
 
 0 -rraXaios, κ.τ.Χ. Probably the temple of Athena Polias on the 
 Acropolis, called * old ' in opposition to the newer Parthenon. 
 
 § 4. τών Λυσάνδρου φίλων. Diodorus (xiii. 70) states that Lysander 
 during his period of office organized the various oligarchical clubs in 
 the Ionian states in his own favour, promising them the government of 
 their cities (cf. ii. 2. 2 \ 
 
 άν€'π·ιτηδ€ίων. Translate : ' since often unsuitable men were ap- 
 pointed, who had only just studied naval matters, and did not know 
 how to employ men.' Dindorf corrects the MS. reading to άντ €πιτη- 
 Β(ίων ^€νομίνων, and omits ου before ^ιηνωσκόντων^ — changes, which 
 certainly give an easier meaning, but there seems to be no absolute neces- 
 sity to change the text. 
 
 § 5, TTpos ά €γώ τ6, κ.τ.Χ. : ' in relation to those measures for which 
 I am myself ambitious, and our country is accused, etc' 
 
 § 8. π€μ.ψα5 τριήρ€ΐ5. Xenophon nowhere relates the result of their 
 mission. 
 
 § II. €Κ€ΐνα: the money from Lacedaemon. 
 
 6avp,d{€iv : a stronger word than θ(ραπ(ν€ΐν. 
 § 12. οί aiTia'^o^evoi «ναντιοΟσθαι : 'those who were accused of 
 opposing him.' 
 16 
 
NOTES. CIL F, § i^—CH. VI, § 29. 
 
 €παγγ€λλόμ€νοι, sc. hovvai : ' promising themselves to give money BoOK I. 
 from their private means.' 
 
 €φοδιασάμ€νο8 κ,τΧ, : ' having had his seamen paid five drachmae -cri 
 apiece.' 
 
 § 13. των τά πράγματα €χόντων : < those who were in power.' 
 
 § 15. Tovs δ€ των Αθηναίων φρουρούβ. Grote (vii. 406) overlooks the 
 fact that Callicratidas allowed the Athenians to be sold. 
 
 μοιχώντα. Plutarch non posse suaviter,' etc., xviii. 6) explains : 
 oXaxpws Kcu κρύφα ιταραν καΐ τταραβιάζ^σθοΛ τ^ν ΘάΚατταν, 
 
 § ι6. €ls όλίγαβ : cf. supr. 5· 20. 
 Ικατόν και Ιβδομήκοντο : the thirty Athenian ships captured § 1 7 
 seem to be reckoned by anticipation : for according to § 3 and Diod. 
 xiii. 76 the number was now 140. 
 
 § 17. κατακωλυθ€ί8, i.e. prevented from beaching his ships under the 
 city walls. 
 
 § 19. κοίλην ναυν: * the ship's hold.' 
 τά τταραρρύματα : what particular kind of coverings these were, is 
 unknown. Apparently the crews remained below during the day-time 
 to escape the notice of the enemy, and to fit out the ships. They had 
 to wait five days before they caught the Peloponnesians off their 
 guard. 
 
 § 20. fa)S . . . eivai : ws is here used with the infinitive, like cucrrc. 
 
 § 21. ώ$ €καστοι ήνοιγον : * as they severally got clear of land.' This 
 seems a simpler rendering than to take a>y, as Peter does, as qualifying 
 (ίκαστοι only, and τ€ as copulative, ijvoiyov . . . ^βοηθούν. The logical 
 order of ideas appears to be somewhat confused in the phrases ayKvpas 
 anoKowTOVTts . . . €'γ€ΐρόμ€νοι . . . (ίσβάντ€$. 
 
 The detail with which Xenophon narrates this incident of personal 
 skill and courage is noticeable. 
 
 § 22. Διομ€δων. Xenophon does not say where he was coming 
 from : from the context it would appear that it was not from Athens. 
 
 § 24. δούλου$. To enrol slaves, even as rowers in the fleet, was a 
 very exceptional measure. These slaves who fought at Arginusae were 
 rewarded with their freedom, and were given allotments of land . together 
 with the same political privileges as the Plataeans enjoyed at Athens (cf. 
 Arist. Frogs 190, 693 ; Miiller, Fr. Hist. Gr. i. 56, 80). 
 
 των ΙττΊτίων : the knights formed the second of Solon's five classes 
 and were usually exempt from naval service (cf. Thuc. iii. 16). 
 
 § 27. €v Tais Άργινούσαι$ : three small islands between Lesbos and 
 the mainland. 
 
 § 28. άν€σχ€ν, sc. 6 χαμών, ' when the storm ceased.' 
 
 § 29. Έρασινίδη5. Xenophon nowhere relates how he escaped from 
 Mytilene, in which, according to § 16, he was blockaded together with 
 
 Β i; 
 
HELLENIC A, 
 
 Book I. Conon and Leon : he may have been on one of the two ships that Conon 
 II despatched to Athens, supr. § i . 
 -yj ταξιάρχων: the taxiarchs, like the strategi, to whom they were 
 
 subordinate, were ten in number, and each of them commanded one of 
 the ten tribal divisions of the hoplites. 
 cm μια5, * in line.' 
 
 cm h\ ταύταιβ, i. e. ' behind/ so as to form a double line on the two 
 wings, the line in the centre being left single (cf. supr. k-n^rkraKro). 
 
 ναυάρχων : the position of these officers in the Athenian navy is not 
 known. 
 
 § 30. Αυσίαβ is not mentioned in the list of the ten generals, whose 
 election is related (i. 5. i6\ He may have been appointed in the place of 
 Archestratus, who had already been killed at Mytilene (cf Lysias xxi. 8). 
 
 § 31· SicKirXovv, i.e. the Athenian line was doubled on the two wings 
 to avoid the manoeuvre of the dii/cnKovs. In this manoeuvre the object 
 was first to row rapidly past the enemy's ship, breaking his oars in the 
 passage, and then to turn rapidly round and bear down upon his disabled 
 side. 
 
 § 32. €ίη . . . Ιχον. €Ϊη is here used as an auxiliary verb with a parti- 
 ciple : for the periphrasis cf. iv. 8. 4. 
 
 oiKcirai. The sense requires the future tense. Cobet therefore reads 
 οικκΐται : but Classen, in a note on Thuc. iii. 58, regards οΙκ€ΐται as itself a 
 contracted form of the future. 
 
 § 34. TTcvTC και ciKoai. The number is said to be twelve (i. 7. 30:, 
 but thirteen may have sunk in the interval. 
 
 των τΓασών is Dindorf s correction for the MS. πασών. 
 
 § 35. δΐ€κώλυσ€ν. From this passage it would appear that the storm 
 stopped both projects ; but i. 7. 5, 31, and ii. 3. 35, would seem to imply 
 that the rest of the fleet at least made a start for Mytilene, though per- 
 haps the imperfect tenses there used might be interpreted to mean no 
 more than the wish, here expressed by βουλομ€νου5. 
 
 § 37· οΰριον. Though the wind was favourable for sailing S. W. 
 towards Chios, Conon thought it better to wait till it was more moderate 
 (§ 38), before he sailed E. to meet the Athenian fleet. 
 
 The Scholiast on Arist. Ran. 1532, quoting from Aristotle, repre- 
 sents the Lacedaemonians after this defeat to have again offered terms 
 of peace to the Athenians, which were again rejected through the 
 influence. of Cleophon. Grote (viii. i) thinks that he has confused 
 together the two battles of Cyzicus and Arginusae. 
 την ταχίστην, sc. όδον άποπ\€Ϊν, 
 
 VII. § I. Ιιταυσαν. Whether the battle of Arginusae was fought in July 
 or August 406 15. c, by this time the year of office of the generals for 
 18 
 
NOTES, CH. Vr, § lo—CH, VII ^ % 9. 
 
 407-406 B. c. must have expired, but a de facto prolongation was quite BoOK I. 
 usual. Probably, therefore, on hearing the news, the Athenians put an — m— 
 end to their prolonged command, and chose in their place, from the new VIT 
 college of generals for 406-405, Adimantus and Philocles to be the col- 
 leagues of Conon (who must therefore have been re-elected in May, 406) 
 in charge of the fleet. It may however be simpler to suppose that the 
 generals had all been re-elected in May, and were now, with the excep- 
 tion of Conon, deprived of their office. 
 
 § 2. ΐΓρο€στηκώ5, cf. Arist. Frogs 416-42 1, especially 6s vvvX ^ημα'^οτ^Η. 
 διωβ€λια5. So Dindorf for the MS. AfKtXeias. Gilbert supposes 
 the word kπιμe\6μ€vos to imply no official powers, but to mean simply 
 that Archedemus procured the renewal of the Theoric fund, the distribu- 
 tion of which had ceased since the Sicilian disaster ; cf. Aeschines (Fals. 
 Leg. 76) who says of him δΐ€φθαρκώ3 νομ^ χρημάτων τον δημον. But the 
 phrase €πιβολτ)ν Ιπιβαλών is generally used of the fine imposed by a 
 magistrate for disobedience to his orders. Gilbert therefore is obliged 
 to interpret it as meaning here the proposal of a fine only before a δί- 
 καστηρων^ comparing Arist. Wasps 768, 9. AfKtKuas can hardly be the 
 right reading, as it was now occupied by the Spartans, and there is 
 no other evidence for the existence of such an office. 
 
 § 3. Τιμοκράτον8. Timocrates, Callixenus (§ 8), Lyciscus (§ 13), and 
 Menicles (§ 34), who take a prominent part in the proceedings of the 
 trial, are otherwise unknown men. 
 § 5. σφίσι for αύτοΓ?, cf. vi. 5. 35. 
 Θρασυβούλω. Thrasybulus, for some reason or other, does not 
 seem to have taken an active part against the generals. 
 
 § 8. 'ΑίΓατουρια, celebrated in the month of Pyanepsion (c. Nov. lo), 
 was peculiarly a family festival, because the young men were enrolled in 
 the φρατρίαι at it. 
 
 fa)S δή συγγ€ν€ί5 ovt€s : 'pretending that they were kinsmen.' For 
 ws δή cf. infr. v. 4. 3 πpbs ras iwKas ^\Θον, δή aypov amovT€Sy and 
 similar passages in Cyrop. v. 4. 4, vii. 4. 3, Symp. viii. 4. Diodorus (xiii. 
 loi) represents these men, who attended the assembly in great numbers 
 in the garb of mourners, to have been the real kinsmen of the deceased : 
 accordingly Breitenbach (note ad loc) proposes to translate ws δή — ovt€s, 
 *quippe qui essent,' * since they were' ; with which might be compared 
 Cyrop. vi. 2.4 ΰ Kvpos . . . ws δή ούδ^ν σμικρόν kmvowv πράττ€ίν. But 
 if that were Xenophon's meaning, he would probably have written 
 παρ€σκ€{}ασαν tovs συγγ€ν(ΐ? των άπολωλότων instead of "παρασκεύασαν 
 άνθρώπον$. Cf. Grote, vii. 434. 
 
 § 9. δύο ΰδρια$. Some commentators have maintained, and probably 
 rightly, that this method of open voting was unconstitutional, because, 
 where the interests of individuals were concerned, the voting was always 
 
 Β a 19 
 
HELLENICA, 
 
 Book I. by secret ballot, although it appears from Lycurgus (Leocr. 146. 149) 
 »» that the votes could still be kept secret even with two urns. Cf. ii. 4. 9. 
 VII § 10· Tois €νδ€κα: the eleven magistrates whose duty it was to super- 
 
 intend the safe custody and execution of condemned prisoners. 
 Tfjs 0€oO, Athena. 
 § II. Totis airo\Xvp,€vovs. Diodorus speaks as if the generals had 
 neglected only to bury the dead, not to rescue the living. 
 § 12. παράνομα: cf. Introd. p. 43. 
 
 § 14. Των X>\ TTpVTivcQv. The πρντάν€ΐς of the ψυλη πρυτανίνονσα had 
 special seats assigned them, and the whole assembly was presided over 
 by the (πιστάτη^ των πρυτάν€ων, who was chosen by lot for one day 
 only. On this occasion Socrates was (πιστάτηί (Xen. Mem. i. i. 18). 
 
 § 18. €Κ€ίνων, i.e. Pericles and Diomedon, whose fault it was that all six 
 generals had been accused, though the second (Κίίνων must be Theramenes 
 and Thrasybulus. 
 
 § 19. Ουκ, i.e. ού κιν5υν(ύονσι, κ.τ.λ. 
 
 και o0€v, i. e. και ταντα noiovvT(s (ζ ων^ κ.τ.Κ. ' doing those things 
 by means of which.' 
 
 σψά$ αύτού5 = ύ/χά$ avTOvs. 
 
 § 20. ΚαννωνοΟ ψήφισμα : cf. Introd. p. 44. 
 
 § 23. κατά €va Ικαστον. Separate trial ought to be given to the 
 accused, whether they were tried κατα το Καννωνου ψήφισμα before the 
 assembly, or κατά τον νυμον against sacrilege and treachery before a 
 ^ικαστηριον. 
 
 cav T€ . , . €άν T€ μή : apparently used for πόηρον ... ή μή. Prob- 
 ably the text is corrupt, as no similar usage is found elsewhere in 
 Xenophon. 
 
 § 24. ουκ άδικουντ€5 άττολούνται. Cobet corrects άδικουντ(5 to άδίκω$ ; 
 but if the reading be retained, the negative must apply to the whole 
 sentence, i.e. they will no/ perish, because they are nol in the wrong ; cf. 
 infr. iii. 5. 18 ούκίτι ήσυχίαν <ίχων άνίμίνί, Thuc. vi. 33 ού κατα<ροβηΘά$ 
 €πισχήσω. 
 
 § 20. ή μή ουκ, κ,τ.λ. : supply δ4διτ( from δ€διότ€$. 
 
 ουκ, &ν παρά τον νόμον, κ.τ.λ. denies the preceding clause : * Are you 
 afraid, that you will not, etc., did 7iot of raid [sc. that you will not put to 
 death whomsoever you like], if you condemn him contrary to the 
 law, etc' 
 
 § 27. άποκτ€ίναιτ€ . . . ήμαρτηκότ€$. In this passage the MSS. vary 
 between άποκτ(ίνητ(, άποκτ(ίν€Τ€, άποκτην€ΐτ€ and άποκτ(ίναιτ€, and in 
 place of μ€ταμίλησ€ΐ the MS. D gives μ€ταμ€λήστ). The simplest way 
 out of the difficulty seems to be to read with Dindorf ά'ηοκτ€ίναιτ€ from 
 H, and to adopt Peter's conjecture μ€ταμ€λήσαι. The latter alteration 
 overcomes the difficulty of beginning a new sentence at άναμνήσθητ€ 
 
 20 
 
NOTES. CH. VII^ § TO— § 35. 
 
 without a connecting particle, and makes the infinitive μ€ταμ€λησαι the BoOK I. 
 subject of a\y€iv6v καΐ άνωφ^λί^. ήμapτηκ6τ€s is in the nominative by | ^ 
 attraction to the subject of άναμνησθητ€. VII 
 
 TTcpl θανάτου ανθρώπου. So Dindorf. The MS. reading Trcpt 
 θανάτου άνθρωπου^, which Peter retains and translates, 'about men 
 destined to death,' on the analogy of Eur. I. T. 11 13 vapOivos (ύδοκίμων 
 ηάμων seems to be quite impossible. 
 
 § 28. Άριστάρχω. For his conduct cf. Thuc. viii. 90, 92, 98. 
 Lycurgus (Leocr. 115) says that he was condemned and executed, but for 
 a different reason. 
 
 § 29. μή ύμ€Ϊ$ γ€, sc. ποΐ€ΪΤ€ ταύτα. 
 
 Ιαυτών = i/ficDi/ αυτών, 'the laws which are your own.' 
 €m Κ€ρω8, ' in column.' 
 
 § 30. τή8 αύτου συμμορίαβ : this can only refer to the division of the 
 fleet commanded by each strategus, since the well-known system of 
 Symmoriae at Athens for providing money for war expenses was not 
 introduced till 377 B.C. 
 δώδ€κα : cf. i. 6. 34. 
 
 § 31. τριηράρχων. Probably the word is interpolated from i. 6. 35, 
 as taxiarchs were left behind as well. 
 
 cirXeov. The imperfect must mean that the attempt failed ; cf. 
 i. 6. 35 and ii. 3. 35. 
 
 τά μ€ν . . . 'π·ραχθ€ντα is dependent on ύιτ€χ€ΐν Xuyov, the con- 
 struction being κατά συνίσιν, not grammatical. 
 
 § 33· άγνωμον€Ϊν . . . ούχ Ικανούβ. Two constructions are possible : 
 (O sc. aureus. ' Do not think that they were wanting in right feeling 
 (or judgment), who were unable,' etc., i.e. do not attribute to a want of 
 feeling on the part of men, what was really due to a necessity imposed 
 hy the gods. The passage would be much easier if we had tous ούχ 
 ικανούς. (2) ' Do not show yourselves to be unreasonable by convicting 
 of treachery,' etc. Breitenbach, while adopting the first construction, 
 takes ά^νωμονίΐν as meaning ' to act unfairly,' i. e. treacherously, on the 
 analogy of Demosthenes, De Cor. xviii. 94. 
 
 § 34. ύπομοσαμίνου : cf. Introd. p. 45. 
 ol irapovTcs i'J : cf. § 2, 
 
 § 35. μ€Τ€μ€λ€. Cf. Plato, Apol. 32 b rou? δέκα στρατηγούς, τους ουκ 
 άναλομίνους τους €Κ της ναυμαχίας, €βου\(ύσασθ€ αθρόους κρίν€ΐν, τταρα- 
 νόμως^ ώς (v τψ υστίρω χρόνω ττάσιν υμΐν ίδοζίν. 
 
 ιτροβολάβ. Α Ίτροβολη was a complaint laid before the assembly 
 against any individual before a formal indictment was brought. If the 
 people decided that it was made with just grounds, then the complainant 
 had greater hopes of success, if he followed it up with a legal accusa- 
 tion ; cf Schomann, Grk. Antiq. p. 392, E. T. 
 
 21 
 
HELLENICA. 
 
 Book I. Κλ€θφων : cf. i. I. 23, note. According to Lysias (xiii. 12) the oli- 
 
 — M— garchical party contrived his execution during the siege ot Athens, 
 •yii because he had vehemently opposed the proposal to demolish part of 
 the Long Walls, which formed part of the conditions offered by the 
 Lacedaemonians. Theramenes at the time was absent in Lysander's 
 camp. Nothing is known of the particular araais here referred to. 
 
 OTC και ol €K IlcipaicdS, sc. καττ^Κθον^ in the autumn 403 B. c. ; cf. 
 infr. ii. 4. 39. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 I. § I. 01 €v τη Χίφ, /f.T.A. After the battle of Arginusae, Eteonicus, 
 
 left in chief command by the death of Callicralidas, had led the Pelo- 
 ponnesian fleet from Mytilene to Methymna, and then on to Chios ; cf. 
 supr. 1. 6. 38. 
 
 TTjs ώρας, i.e. των ωραίων καρπών. 
 
 τη Xttp «'π-ιθησόμ€νοι. Chios had been the first of the Athenian 
 allies to revolt after the Sicilian disaster, 412 B.C. (cf. Thuc. viii. 14), 
 and ever since had adhered to the Peloponnesian side. 
 
 § 3. άττόρως μίν. The correlative sentence with δ€ begins § 3 
 άναΚαβών δ(. 
 
 tC χρωτο, ♦ how he should behave in this matter.' 
 
 TO T€ γαρ €Κ του ίμφανοΰβ. The correlative sentence would naturally 
 be expected to begin with τύ τ€ του άψανον^ : but Xenophon in τ6 τ 
 αν άπολλυναι rather carries on the thought suggested in the previous 
 subordinate sentence av κρατήσωσι. 
 
 (τυμμάχουβ, i. e. the soldiers of the allies in the Spartan army, who 
 had joined the conspiracy. 
 
 €is TOt»s αλλουβ : for (Is after ?)ΐαβολήν instead of προί cf. iii. 5. 2, 
 Thuc. iii. 109. 
 
 σχοί€ν . . . ώίπν. Notice the change of mood ; the optative is 
 in accordance with the rules of oblique narration : the subjunctive 
 expresses more vividly Eteonicus* own state of mind. 
 
 § 6. σv\\(yiv^ts : cf. i. 6. 4. This assembly is probably to be traced 
 to the influence of the oligarchical clubs organized by Lysander two 
 years before. 
 
 cv ψ€ρόμ€νον : for the opposite cf. i. 5. 17 πονηρών φίρύμ^νοί, 
 § 7. ciruTToXca: who was second in command; cf. i. i. 23. 
 § 8. τή5 To-O Ξ€ρ£ου, κ.τ.λ. The form Aapuov occurring between 
 the form Aapiaiov in § 8 and § 9 betrays the hand of an interpolator. 
 
 δια τή5 κόρηβ : for the custom cp. Cyropaedia viii. 3. 10 ol l-mrus . . . 
 παρησαν . . . δΐ€ΐρκότ(9 ras xupas Zt^ των κανδνων, ώσιτίρ και νυν €τι 
 SidpovaiVj 'όταν opq, βασι\(ύ9. 
 
 22 
 
NOTES, CH. /, § 1— § 23. 
 
 § 9. Ί€ραμ€νη8: the husband of Xerxes' sister; cf. Thuc. viii. 58. BoOK II. 
 § II. €χοι, i.e. had received already. 
 
 § 12. ot των Αθηναίων στρατηγοί, i.e. Conon, Adimantus, and \^ 
 Philocles ; cf. i. 7. i. 
 
 TTpos TO ναυτικόν : the force of the preposition after -ηαρ^σκ^ναξ,ονΎο 
 is obscure. Breitenbach believes that some words must have fallen 
 out, describing the reinforcement of thirty ships, which the Athenians 
 received between the battles of Arginusae and Aegospotami ; cf. i. 6. 
 25 with ii. I. 20. 
 
 § 13. Καδουσίων, dwelling on the west coast of the Caspian Sea. 
 
 § 14. τούτου cv€K€v, i. e. as far as money was concerned. 
 
 irapcSci^e: 'enumerated, and at the same time handed over'; so 
 infr. ii. 3. 8. 
 
 τά ircpiTTd χρήματα : ' the money in reserve,' i. e. the ready-money 
 stored in the treasury, opposed to the (^όροι. 
 
 fa)S . . . ψιλ(α$ : partitive genitive. ' How friendly he was to- 
 wards,' etc. 
 
 § 15. Κ€ρΔμ€ΐον κόλιτον: on the south coast of C aria. 
 
 § 16. τήν βασιλ€ω$, sc. χώραν. 
 
 ΐΓαρ€σκ€υά{οντο irpos ναυμαχίαν, κ.τ.λ. The Athenians must 
 therefore have intended to fight Lysander on his return voyage some- 
 where between Ephesus and Rhodes, but he contrived to elude them, 
 apparently by coasting along the shore, while they sailed across the open 
 sea; cf. § 17 π€λά7ίο/. 
 
 irpoaciXovTo. Apparently three generals only seemed insufficient 
 to command a fleet of 180 vessels in a general engagement, so that the 
 crews took upon themselves to elect three more, following their own 
 precedent at Samos in 411 B.C. (Thuc. viii. 76). 
 
 § 17. TTpos T€ των ττλοίων, κ.τ.λ., i.e. in order to prevent the corn 
 ships sailing from the Hellespont to Athens, 
 αυτών : the Lacedaemonians. 
 
 § 18. σύμμαχον: cf. i. 2. 15. 
 
 § 19. σώματα = * persons ' : for this use of σώματα cf. Cyropaedia 
 νϋ· 5· 73 των i\όvτωv tJvai καΐ τά σώματα των ev Trj πυ\€ΐ καΐ τά 
 χρήματα. 
 
 § 20. κατά iroSas : adverbially, * quickly.' 
 
 cv Έλαιουντι : in the Chersonese at the entrance of the Hellespont. 
 Here the Athenians anchored to prevent the passage of Lysander, whose 
 previous arrival they had not yet heard of. 
 
 § 21. σταδίουβ u)S Tr€VT€KaC8€Ka. Just under two English miles. 
 
 § 22. -ίταραβλήματα : probably much the same kind of coverings as 
 those called παραρρυματα in i. 6. 19. 
 
 § 23. cv μcτώlr(p, * in line,' opposite to tnl κίρω^. 
 
 2 3 
 
HELLENIC Λ. 
 
 Book II. § 24. ιττανήγοντο : imperfect, to express that the Athenians also did 
 »» ■ so for four days. 
 
 § 25. Άλκιβιά8ηβ: last mentioned as sailing to these forts, i. 5. 17. 
 According to Diodorus (xiii. 105) he now demanded a share in the com- 
 mand of the fleet. Lysias (xiv. 38) actually accuses Alcibiades of having 
 betrayed, in conjunction with Adimantus, the Athenians at Aegospotami 
 in revenge for this repulse. But, if Xenophon's account of the circum- 
 stances be correct, any treachery on his part seems to have been quite 
 impossible, and in the following year it was Adimantus and his party 
 who contrived the assassination of Alcibiades. 
 
 § 26. αύτοί . . . cKcivov : for this the regular construction of nominative 
 and accusative in oratio obliqua cf. ii. 2. 17, Thuc. iv. 28. 
 
 § 27. Tois ιταρ' αύτοΰ €ΐτομ€νοΐ5, i.e. those who had been ordered by 
 him to follow the Athenian movements, supr. § 24. 
 
 § 28. τον ciriirXovv. Diodorus ^xiii. 106) gives a totally different ac- 
 count of the battle, making the Athenians, led by Philocles, take the 
 offensive. 
 
 δίκροτοι, i. e. with only two out of the three tiers of oars manned. 
 
 Πάραλοβ : this and the ^αλαμινία were sacred vessels used by the 
 Athenians for religious missions, for conveying ambassadors, and for 
 carrying the commands of the home government to the generals : cf. 
 infra vi. 2. 14 ; Thuc. vi. 53 ; viii. 86. 
 
 crwcXcJfv : cf. supr. δκσκίδασ μίνων των ανθρώπων. 
 
 cU τά τ€ΐχύδρια, i. e. of Sestos. Xenoplion omits to relate its 
 capture. Diodorus (1. c.) puts the event immediately after the battle. 
 
 § 29. τά ρ,^γάλα . . . 1στ(α. Lysander must have left them behind 
 to lighten his ships for rowing; cf. i. i. 13. Xenophon says nothing 
 more about Conon till just before his great victory over the Lace- 
 daemonians at Cnidus in 394 B.C. ; cf. iii. 4. i. 
 
 § 30. TOv»s αιχμαλώτουβ : according to Plutarch (Lys. ii) 3000 in 
 number. 
 
 § 31. τήν δ€ξιάν χ€ΐρα. So Plutarch (Lys. 9), Philocles €7Γ€ίσ€ φηψί- 
 σασθαι τ6ν δημον άποκόπταν rbv Bt^iov άντίχαρα των άλισκομίνων^ 
 οπα>? δυρν μ^ν φίραν μ^ δυνωνται, κώπην 5' €λαύνωσι. 
 
 § 32. ητιάθη . . . μ€ντοι, i. e. in contradiction to the pretended reason 
 for sparing his life. The evidence against Adimantus is very doubtful. 
 Lysias (xiv. 38) speaks of Alcibiades ras vavs Αυσάνδρω μ€τά Άδ€ΐμάντυν 
 Ίτροδονναι, where he is certainly misrepresenting much of Alcibiades' 
 conduct. Indeed, in another speech (ii. 58), he regards the cause of the 
 disaster as doubtful, €ίτ€ η^^μόνο^ κακία (ίΤ6 θ^ων διάνοια. Pausanias 
 (iv. 17, χ. 9) preserves the Athenian tradition, that Adimantus and 
 Tydeus were the traitors, the latter being the bitterest opponent of 
 Alcibiades. Isocrates ^v. 62) expresses no decided opinion. The ac- 
 
NOTES. CH. /, § II, § 6. 
 
 cusation of treachery brought by Conon against Adimantus (mentioned Book II. 
 by Demosthenes xix. 191) belongs to a much later date, c. 393, after the »» , 
 amnesty of 403. In the midst of such uncertain evidence it is impossible to j 
 form a definite opinion either way, especially as accusations of treachery 
 to account for so irretrievable a disaster would lie so ready to hand. 
 
 'π·αρανομ€ίν. The MS. D has interpolated in it after ιταρανομίΐν 
 — νικήσαν €φη ποίίΐ a τταθ^ΐν €μ€\λ(s ήττηθίίζ, (v6vs τούτον άπίσφαζ€ 
 μ€τά των άλλων στρατη-γών, which exactly agrees with the story of his 
 answer given by Plutarch (Lys. 13). 
 
 § I. Καλχηδόνα. This city was, by the treaty with Phamabazus in II. 
 409 B.C., left in the hands of the Lacedaemonians, and must therefore 
 at some time since have been taken by the Athenians, 
 ol ΐΓροδόντ€8 : cf. i. 3. 18. 
 t6t€ : before the surrender of Athens. 
 υστ€ρον : after the restoration of the democracy in 403 B.C. 
 § 2. €ΐδώ$ δτι . . . €σ€σθαι. The construction is altered owing to the 
 intermediate clause δσω , . . Ilcipaid : cf. iii. 4. 27. 
 
 δσω ttXciovs : the correlative τοσούτω is wanting before θαττον : 
 cf. iv. 2. 1 1. 
 
 Βυ{αντ(ου, κ.τ.λ. As masters of the Bosporus, the Lacedae- 
 monians could now prevent the passage of all corn ships on their way 
 to Athens ; cf. i. I. 35 ; ii. i. 17. 
 
 άρμοστήν. It appears from Diodorus (xiv. 13) and Plutarch (Lys. 
 13) that Lysander now established, in connection with the oligarchical 
 clubs that he had previously organized in Asia Minor and the Aegean, 
 a system of decarchies or councils of ten men in every subject state, 
 to replace the democracies, and to support the Spartan harmost or 
 governor, and his garrison ; cf. note on i. 5. 8. 
 
 §3.0 €T€pos τω €T€pa> : in partitive apposition to the nominative, as 
 if φμωζον had preceded : the genitive absolute would have been more 
 regular. 
 
 Μηλίουβ : cf. Thuc. v. 116. 
 
 Ίστιαΐ€ας : cf. Thuc. i. 114. 
 
 ]Σκιωναίου$ και Τορωναίου$ : cf. Thuc. v. 3, 32. 
 
 ΑΙγινήταβ : cf. Thuc. i. 108, ii. 27. 
 § 5. €LS Αίσβον. The Athenians had held this island, with the 
 exception of Methymna, since they had recovered it after its revolt in 
 412 B.C. (Thuc. viii. 23). 
 
 κατ€σκ€υά,σατο. For the system introduced cf. note on § 2. The 
 same is meant infra by irpos Αακ€δαιμονίον9 μ^τίστησ^ν. 
 
 § 6. των γνωρίμων, i. e. the oligarchs, who often too called themselves 
 καλοί Kayaeoi. For the conduct of the Samian democrats cf. Thuc. viii. 21. 
 
 25 
 
HELLENIC A, 
 
 Book II. § 7. ιτλήν Άργ€(ων, who had concluded an alliance with Athens in 
 t» 420 B.C. (Thuc. V. 47), to which they seem now to have been faithful, 
 jj § 8. T(p καλουμ€νω γυμνασιω : evidently a gloss. 
 
 § 9. 'Π'λ€ίστου8 αυτών άθροίσα$ : most of them had settled at Thyrea, 
 on the south border of the Argolis; cf Thuc. ii. 27. 
 Ttjs αύτων, sc. narpidos. 
 τά ττλοϊα : the corn ships. 
 § 10. €νόμιίον h(, Η.τ.λ. This is one of the chief passages on which 
 the theory of Xenophon's philo-Laconism in Hellenics I, II has been 
 based. But when compared with the impartiality of the rest of the 
 books, it may very well be that Xenophon is merely chronicling what 
 were actually the feelings of the Athenians at the time. 
 cKcCvois : the Lacedaemonians. 
 §11. Totis άτίμου5. The proposal was made by Patroclides ( Andoc. 
 i. 73). It did not apply to the exiles (cf. infr. § 20), but only to those 
 who had been in any measure disfranchised for the part they had played 
 in the oligarchical revolution of the Four Hundred in 411 B.C. ; cf. 
 Introd. p. 35. 
 
 irop' ^Αγιν. Lysander had already crossed with part of his fleet 
 to Asia in order to lay siege to Samos ; cf. infr. § 16. 
 
 § 12. ού γαρ clvai Kvpios : for the almost supreme power of Agis, 
 when he was at Decelea, cf Thuc. viii. 4, 71. 
 
 § 13. 2€λλασι<^ : the frontier town of Lacedaemon. 
 
 avT00€v : temporal, ' at once,' ' on the spot.' 
 § 15. τή5 καθαιρ€σ€ω8. This shows that the Athenian envoys were 
 not simply dismissed by the Spartans, but had definite terms proposed 
 to them, on \vhich a peace could be concluded. 
 
 των μακρών τ6ΐχών . . . cKaT€pov. There were two long walls 
 joining Athens and Piraeus, and one joining Athens and Phalerum ; 
 knaripov must therefore mean each of the two outer walls. 
 
 €Ycv€To hk ψήφισμα. This was the work of the demagogue Cleo- 
 phon ; cf. Lysias xiii. 11. 
 
 § 16. Τοιούτων δντων. τοιούτων is the predicate, the participle 
 having no subject, as supr. i. 2. 26. 
 
 παρά Λύσανδρον : now engaged in the siege of Samos ; cf. supr. §11. 
 
 €ΐδώ5 . . . Λακ€δαιμονίου5 'ΓΓ0τ€ρον . . . άντ€χουσι. The Greek 
 idiom often puts the subject of the dependent sentence as the direct 
 object of the principal verb. 
 
 'π·ίστ€ω5 €V€Ka, i. e. as a pledge that the conditions would be ob- 
 served. 
 
 Tpcts μήναβ και irXfov : from December 405 to the end of March - 
 404 B.C. 
 
 ί-ηχτηρών 6ΐΓ0τ€ = το»/ καιρόν ψυλάττων, iv ω. 
 
 26 
 
NOTES. CH, II, § 7— C//. ///, § i. 
 
 διά TO cmXeXoiircvai τον σίτον : it seems to be impossible to BoOK II. 
 reconcile this with the statement in § 1 1 that the corn supply had already 
 failed three months ago, before Theramenes' mission to Lysander. jj 
 άπαντα δ,τι : for the irregularity cf. Cyrop. i. 6. 1 1 ο rt . . . ταντα. 
 § 17. €ΐτα without δ€ strengthens the opposition between the sen- 
 tences. 
 
 ού γαρ civat Kvpios : cf. the answer of Agis supr. § 12. 
 τ]ρ€θη . . . €ls Λακ€δαίμονα : ets expresses motion ; ' to go to Lace- 
 daemon.' δ€κατο$ αύτόβ : * with nine others/ 
 
 § 18. Άριστοτ€λη : cf. ii. 3. 2, 13. Afterwards he was one of the 
 Thirty, and was sent by them to Sparta to obtain a Lacedaemonian 
 garrison for Athens. 
 
 § 19. €ξαιρ€Ϊν, sc. τά? Άβήι/αί, to be supplied from Άθηναίοι$. 
 
 § 2 ο. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δ€ : cf. Justin v. 7 * Negarunt Spartani se ex 
 duobus Graeciae oculis alterum eruturos.* Infr. ii. 3. 41, however, 
 Theramenes attributes to them mere motives of political expediency. 
 
 καθ€ντα5 = ^ατ€λ0€Γι/ (ψ^ντα^, 'having allowed to return.' Plutarch 
 and Diodorus add as one of the conditions, that the Athenians were for 
 the future to confine themselves to their ολνη territory [των y€ ιτόΚίων 
 πασών (κχωρήσαι"]. Plutarch (Lys. 14) professes to give the actual 
 words of the treaty : καββαλόνη^ τον Παραια και τά μακρά σκίΚη καΐ 
 (κβάνη^ (Κ Ίτασων των ττόλ^ων τάν αυτών yav €χοντ(ί ταυτά κα ί)ρωντ(ί 
 τάν (Ιράναν «χοιτί, at χρήδοιτ(, καΐ tovs φυyάδas av€VT€s. Ufpl των ναών 
 τω πλήθ(θ^ υκοΐόν τί κα την^ϊ δοκίτ/, ταύτα ττοΐ€€Τ€. 
 
 § 2 3- Αύσανδρόβ τ€ KaTcirXci, i.e. from Samos, which he was still 
 besieging : he entered the city, according to Plutarch (Lys. 15), on the 
 i6th of Munychion, i.e. the beginning of April, 404 B.C. 
 
 κατ€σκατΓτον : * began to demolish.' The work was not completed 
 till the autumn of this year ; cf. ii. 3. 11. 
 
 vop,i{ovT€s : on the question of Xenophon's impartiality, cf. Introd. 
 pp. 14, 15, and note on supr. § 10. 
 
 § 24. ίλόντων *Ακράγαντα. Xenophon has already, in i. 5. 21, 
 narrated this same defeat of the Carthaginians and capture of Acragas as 
 events of the year 407, 406. But it appears from Diodorus (xiii. 87, 92) 
 that the capture did not occur till eight months after the defeat, i. e. 
 December 406, and that Dionysius made himself tyrant of Syracuse 
 about June 405. In this passage {kv ψ μ^σούντι, i. e. autumn) it is put 
 a few months later. 
 
 § I. Εύδικου. Some MSS. read Ευδέου, which Dindorf corrects to HI. 
 Έϊ/δίοι;, because an ephor of that name for the year 413 li.c. is men- 
 tioned in Thuc. viii. 6. But YIvUkov is the reading of the best MS. both 
 here and infra § 10. 
 
 27 
 
HELLENIC Α. 
 
 Book II, άναρχίαν, i. e. this year was not named, like the other years, after 
 ^ I the άρχων Ιττωνυμο^. 
 j-jj § 2. cSoJc τω δήμφ. This decree was passed, on the proposal of 
 
 Dracontides, in the autumn 404, five months after the conclusion of the 
 peace, ii. 2.23. Xenophon passes over all the intervening events, viz. 
 the nomination of five ephors through the agency of the oligarchical 
 clubs, the embitterment of internal dissensions, the arrest of the demo- 
 cratical leaders, and the invitation sent by the oligarchs to Lysander, 
 who was still besieging Samos, to interfere in the domestic politics of 
 Athens (§9, in September). When he arrived in Athens, his oligarchical 
 partisans easily procured the passing of the decree mentioned in the 
 text through the assembly \vith all the usual legal forms, backed 
 as they \vere by the threats of Lysander, on the ground that the 
 Athenians had not completed the demolition of the walls within the 
 time prescribed in the treaty. Of the Thirty ten were nominated by 
 Theramenes, ten by the five ephors, and ten by the assembly itself. 
 oiSc. Most had been members of the Four Hundred in 411 i?.c. 
 § 3. irpos 2άμον, i. e. back to Samos. 
 
 €K τή5 Δ€Κ€λ€ία$, which Agis had first occupied in the summer of 
 413 B.C. 
 
 § 4. ircpl ηλίου €κλ€ΐψιν : September 3. 
 
 § 5. ά7τώλ€σ€. It appears from Diodorus (xiii. 109-113) that Dio- 
 nysius was never really master of these two towns, but was defeated by 
 the Carthaginians in marching to the relief of Gela, and then led the 
 inhabitants of Gela and Camarina back with him to Syracuse, and that 
 all this happened in the year 405 B.C. 
 
 ύττό Διονυσίου . . . άιτίστάλησαν. Diodorus relates that the 
 Syracusan knights or aristocrats rebelled against Dionysius, and fled to 
 Catana. Unger therefore conjectures άττυ Αωννσίου , . . άπίστησαν. 
 
 § 7- Tois άρχαίοΐ5 iroXirats. Thucydides (viii. 21) relates that the 
 Samian δήμο9 had in the year 412 B.C. expelled 400 of the aristocrats. 
 
 δ€κα άρχονταε . . . φρουρ€Ϊν, i. e. Lysander organized the govern- 
 ment of Samos in the same way as he had previously done in the other 
 subject states ; cf note on ii. 2. 2. Φρουρ^ΐν is epexegetical, ώση (ppovpuu, 
 unless indeed it be a gloss. 
 
 άφήκ€, because with the surrender of Samos the reduction of the 
 Athenian empire was complete; cf. ii. 2. 6. 
 
 § 8. €is Αακ€δαίμονα. Diodorus (xiii. 106) and Plutarch (Lys. 16) 
 give a much more detailed account of the triumphal entry of Lysander, 
 with considerable exaggeration of the treasures that he brought back 
 with him. 
 
 d ircpicYcvovTo. Contrast the conduct of Lysander, when Callicra- 
 tidas succeeded him in 406, i. 6. 10. irapcScilc : cp. supr. i. 14. 
 28 
 
NOTES. CH, III^ § 2— § 14. 
 
 § 9. €|άμηνο$ και οκτώ. Thucydides (v. 26) distinctly says that the BOOK 
 war from the Theban attack on Plataea down to the capture of Athens m 
 lasted almost exactly twenty-seven years, and if to this the six months be jjj 
 added down to Lysander's return to Sparta in Sept. 404, the total number 
 of years is twenty-seven and a half. Morus (Xenophon, Hellenic, p. xxiii) 
 ingeniously shows how the interpolator arrived at the mistaken total. 
 For it appears from Thuc. v. 36 that the ephors entered on their office 
 about the autumnal equinox. When the war began therefore, Aenesias, 
 who had entered on his office in Sept. 432, had still four months of his 
 ephorate to run. Twenty-seven more names would bring us down to 
 September 404. Then the interpolator adds a twenty-ninth, because 
 Eudicus must have entered on his office just before Lysander returned. 
 
 § II. 01 8c τριάκοντα. Xenophon takes up the narrative where he 
 left it in § 2. 
 
 καθηρίθη : the aorist expresses the completion of the process, the 
 beginning of which several months before was expressed by the im- 
 perfect κατίσπαπτον, supr. 2. 23. 
 
 ίφ' φτ€ συγγράψαι : for a similar use of €</>' ψτ€ with an infinitive 
 cf. iii. 5. 24. 
 
 κατ€<Γτησαν ws €δόκ€ΐ αύτοΪ5. Diodorus (xiv. 4) adds k/c των Ιδίωι/ 
 φίΚων' ώστ€ tovtovs naKuaOai μ\ν apxovras, tJvai δ* υνηρ€τας των 
 τριάκοντα. Moreover, as appears from §§ 12, 23, 28, they had trans- 
 ferred all judicial powers to the βουλή. 
 
 § 12. Ίτρωτον μ€ν. Xenophon, as already mentioned, passes over 
 entirely the arrest of the democratical leaders in the months before the 
 nomination of the Thirty ; cf. note on § 2. 
 
 cv T-fj δημ,οκρατί^, i. e. in the time when the government was still 
 a democracy. 
 
 αϊτό συκοφαντίαβ, i. e. by bringing quibbling accusations against 
 the rich in the popular law courts. 
 
 crw^Scaav cavTOis μή ovt€s τοιούτοι : for a similar construction 
 cf. ii. 4. 17. 
 
 ούδ^ν ήχθοντο. Even Lysias (xii. 5) admits that at first the conduct 
 of the Thirty had at least a show of justice about it. 
 
 § 1 3. ΑΙσχίνην TC και 'Αριστοτ€λην : two members of the Thirty ; cf. 
 supr. § 2. 
 
 σψίσι συμπραξαι, κ.τ.λ., lit. * that Lysander would join them in 
 effecting that guards should come'; cf. § 14 avvinpa^fv. 
 § 14. των bk φρουρών. Partitive genitive with ovs. 
 
 ήκιστα 'τταρωθουμ,€νου$, κ.τ.λ. : ^ would be least likely to allow 
 themselves to be set aside/ i. e. from a share in the government. 
 
 dv : notice the unusual omission of av with ανέχ^σθαι, the first of 
 the two opposed sentences. 
 
 29 
 
HELLENIC A, 
 
 Book 11. § 15. t'n'cl δ€: the apodosis is wanting. It is virtually taken up at 
 
 —.♦4 § 18 with the words \κ τούτου. 
 
 jjj^ ατ€ και φυγών. The date and cause of his banishment are un- 
 
 known. He was in Athens at the time of the conspiracy of the Four 
 Hundred in 411 B.C., had proposed the recall of Alcibiades c. 408 B.C. 
 (cf. Plut. Ale. 33), and was an exile in Thessaly during the trial of the 
 ten generals in 406 B.C. (cf. infr. § 36). So that some have supposed 
 that he was banished in 407, as being mixed up with the affairs of 
 Alcibiades. He came back with the other exiles after the capture of 
 Athens, and was nominated one of the five ephors ; cf. Lysias xii. 78. 
 
 § 16. ουκ €γχωροίη, Λτ.τ.λ. : ' that it was impossible for those who 
 aimed at extraordinary power not to put out of the way those who were 
 most capable of hindering them.' 
 
 iaircp τυραννίδο5, as it stands, is out of place. Jacobs therefore 
 brackets it. Heniiann proposes to read η ώσπ^ρ Tvpawidos, which gives 
 the sense that the passage requires. 
 
 § 18. ol άλλοι τριάκοντα, although Theramenes was one of them. 
 ol τριάκοντα is similarly used as a proper name in ii. 4. 21, 23, 38, 
 after several of the number had been killed, 
 ούχ ήκιστα, i. e. μάλιστα. 
 
 Tovs μ€θ€ξοντα5 = οί μ€θ€ζονσι. Similarly the Four Hundred, in 
 411 B.C., had pretended to enroll 5000 citizens from those capable of 
 supplying themselves with heavy armour at their own expense ; cf. infr. 
 § 48. It appears from § 51 that no member of the 3000 could be con- 
 demned without the warrant of the Senate, while any other Athenian 
 could be put to death simply at the orders of the Thirty. 
 
 § 19. βουλομ€νου5, /ί.τ.λ. κοινωνούβ ττοιήσασθαι must be joined with 
 τρισχιλίου5, as appears from the order of the words. The meaning is, 
 ^ though wishing to take the best of the citizens into partnership, they 
 had taken only three thousand.' 
 
 τον αριθμόν τούτον €χοντα is in the accusative absolute. 
 
 ol6v T€ 6ίη, as if ωσν€ρ ti δ αριθμόν ovtos ϊχοι had preceded. 
 
 ήμα5, i. e. the Thirty. 
 § 20. Κ€λ€ύσαντ65 cm τά διτλα : tovs τρισχίλίουί is to be supplied as 
 the object of κ€\€νσαντ€$, as is apparent from the following €Κ€Ϊνοι = οΙ 
 €(ω τον καταΧό^ον. Most commentators interpret the phrase km τα οπλα 
 as equivalent to Uvai km τα οττλα, arma capere, ' having bidden the 
 three thousand to take up their arms ' : but Mr. E. Abbott would trans- 
 late, ' having set them on the arms,* i.e. having bidden them to seize the 
 arms of the other citizens, while the latter were away from home, 
 — an interpretation which gives the meaning that the context requires. 
 Cobet ^Mnemosyne vi. 47) points out that the passage must indicate 
 some stratagem by which all (ζω τον καταΧυ^ον were induced to leave 
 30 
 
NOTES. CH, III, § 15 — § 31. 
 
 their arms behind them, but denies that any such meaning can be ex- BoOK II. 
 tracted from the words as they stand : he conjectures, therefore, that ^ 
 several words have fallen out of the text. jjj 
 Tovis φρουρού5 : the Spartan garrison. 
 § 21. €καστον, i.e. των τριάκοντα^ 'that each of the Thirty should 
 seize one of the Metoeci.' 
 
 § 22. λαμβάνουν: the optative expresses frequency. 
 § 23. τω τταντί, adverbial, ' in every point,' * altogether.' 
 Trpos ToOs βουλ€υτά5 : to whom the judicial power had been trans- 
 ferred ; cf. note on § 11. 
 
 παραγ€ν€σθαι : just outside the senate house ; cf. § 50. 
 aweXcJav. The Thirty summoned the Senate, and directed the 
 course of procedure ; cf. Lysiasxiii. 37 oi μίν yap τριάκοντα €κάθηντο em 
 των βάθρων, ου νυν οΐ πρυτάνεις καθίζονται. 
 
 § 24- 'TrXciovas του καιρού : * more than is expedient.' 
 μ€θιστασν : from the preceding words την πολιτίίαν can be easily 
 supplied. 
 
 § 25. TOis oiois ήρ-ιν T€ και ύμιν, i.e. toiovtois oiol ήμ^ϊ^ τ€ και υμ(ιs 
 Ιίσμ^ν. 
 
 § 26. λυμαίν€ται with the dative has the same meaning as with the 
 accusative, ' to injure,' ' do mischief to.' 
 
 § 27. ols δύναται, * by what means he can.' 
 
 is δ€ ταύτα αληθή. After this one Avould expect μαρτύριον to 
 follow, which however is really implied in ήν κατανοήτ€, €ύρήσ€Τ€. 
 
 TToXc^ios μ^ν ήν, without αν, to express the certainty of the supposed 
 
 case. 
 
 § 28. αύτφ . . . άρ€σκ€ΐ, an anacoluthon, just as if. not dp^as and 
 ίζορμησα^, but CTrct . . . tJ^^c . . . (ζώρμησ^ had preceded, 
 αύ : cf. infr. § 30 πρώτο$ αυ ή^^μων. 
 
 § 29. δσφ 'ΐτολ€μ(οΐ5. Here there is no correlative comparative with 
 'όσψ, although one is implied in the meaning : ' men are more ready to 
 trust enemies than traitors.' Here οσψ may be translated * inasmuch as ' ; 
 cf. Cyrop. vi. 2. 19. 
 
 § 30. κατά τον πατ€ρα "Αγνωνα, 'just as his father Hagnon had been.' 
 Hagnon was one of the ιτρόβουλοι appointed immediately after the 
 Sicilian disaster (Thuc. viii. i), who according to Lysias (xii. 65) prepared 
 the way for the conspiracy of the Four Hundred. 
 
 irpowcTcoTaTos. For the facts alluded to cf. Thuc. viii. 68, 92. 
 
 § 31. και γαρ ό κόθορνοβ, κ.τ.λ. Morus and other commentators put 
 this sentence in brackets as a gloss, such an explanation being quite 
 superfluous before such an audience. Moreover άττοβλίττ^ι άιτ' άμφοτ€ρων 
 cannot possibly be translated in the sense required, viz. * fits neither 
 foot.' 
 
 31 
 
HELLENIC A, 
 
 Book II. δ€ί . . . ού . . . δ€ΐνόν €Ϊναι must be translated together. 
 s\ «is Ίτράγματα, i. e. ' to dangerous undertakings.' 
 
 jjj €1 δ6 μή, ' otherwise,' more fully explained by €l . . . 7tX€01€v. 
 
 § 32. δήτΓου : cf. § 24. 
 
 TfXciaTOis . . . i\ όλιγαρχιαβ = 7Γλ€4στοίϊ των β^Κτιόνων and πλ€ί- 
 (TTois €κ δημοκρατία9 = πλ€ίστοι$ του δήμου. 
 
 ίνα avTOS π€ρισωθ€ίη : cf. Introd. p. 40, on the * Trial of the 
 Generals.' 
 
 § 33· "ϊτώβ δ^ ού, sc. χρή. 
 
 ώβ . . . ποιουμ€ν . . . €ννοήσατ€ : cf. note on § 27. 
 § 34· ''■"^ The democrats in exile. 
 
 § 35· δ€ ουκ ήρχον. For how this assertion of Theramenes is 
 to be reconciled with Xenophon's narrative in i. 7. 4 cf. Introd. p. 42, 
 on the Trial. 
 
 προσταχθ^ν μοι ύφ* Ιαυτών, accus. absolute, ' that although orders 
 had been given me by themselves, I had not rescued,' etc. 
 
 μή δτι, elliptic phrase ^^^y^) on, ' much less to.' 
 
 φάσκοντ€5 γάρ, κ.τΛ. This is a direct contradiction to the generals' 
 own statement in i. 7. 6. Probably Theramenes means, that if the 
 generals said that a rescue was possible, and yet in their despatch made 
 no mention of any orders given to himself and other subordinate officers, 
 they would themselves appear responsible for the death of the ship- 
 wrecked sailors. But the generals never said anything of the kind. 
 
 § 36. *ιταραν€νομηκ€ναι. A word is required meaning that Critias had 
 misunderstood the matter. Wolf therefore conjectures ναραν^νοηκίναι^ 
 Cobet παραν€νομιΚ€ναι. 
 
 €v Θ€τταλία. In the Mem. i. 2. 24 Xenophon adds Kpirias . . . φν^ων 
 €iy Θ€τταλίαι/ Ικ€Ϊ συνην avOpctmois άyoμίq. μάλλον η δικαιοσύντ) χρωμίνοΐί : 
 cf. note supr. ii. 2. 15. Theramenes ridicules Critias for taking exactly 
 the opposite side in Athens to what he had taken in Thessaly : for 
 the Penestae, like the Helots in Lacedaemon, were 'adscripti glebae.' 
 
 § 38· Κ-^ΧΡ·" H-^v ToO νμαβ, Η.τ.λ., * up to your being put into the senate 
 and to magistrates being appointed, and to the notorious sycophants 
 being tried, so far we were all of the same opinion.* 
 
 Tovs όμολογονμ€νω5 συκοφάντα8 : cf. § 12 ous iravTes rjdcaav άττό 
 συκοφαντίαε ζωντα$. For the adverb (5/xo\o7ov/xcVo;y cf. Demosth. xxix. 14 
 τον 6μολο'γουμ€νω$ δούλον. 
 
 § 39. AcovTos : for the previous history and democratical proclivities 
 of Leon, cf. Thuc. viii. 23, 55, 73, supr. i. 5. 16, vi. 16. Plato (Apol. 32) 
 gives a fuller account of this incident, in which Socrates was involved, 
 and showed his courage. 
 
 NikCov. The Athenian general at Sicily. Nothing more is known 
 of the son here mentioned. 
 32 
 
NOTES. CH. ΠΙ, § 32— § 48. 
 
 § 40. Άντιφώντο8. Not to be confused with Antiphon the rhetorician, Book IT 
 who was executed for the part he played in the conspiracy of the Four n 
 Hundred. Nothing more is known of this Antiphon, unless he is to be jjj 
 identified with the Antiphon mentioned in Memorab. i. 6. i. 
 €va €καστον : cf. note on § 21. 
 § 41. 0T€ τά διτλα, /ί.τ.λ., § 20. 
 τούτου €V€Ka βουλομ€νου$ : cf. Diod. xv. 63, Polyaenus i. 45. 5, 
 whence it appears that the Spartan reasons for sparing Athens were 
 based as much on policy as on generosity ; cf. supr. ii. 2. 20. 
 
 ScoivTO. If the reading be right, the present tense must show that 
 Theramenes alludes to the feeling that the Lacedaemonians entertained 
 towards the Athenians at the moment he was speaking. Cobet (Mnem. 
 vi. 46) corrects it to γ* IZkovro. 
 
 § 42. TO φρουρονΐ5 μισθουσθαι, § 13. 
 €ω$ ^(^ιδίωβ €μ€λλομ€ν, κ.τ.Κ.^ * until we, the rulers, should easily 
 have made ourselves masters of the ruled.* 
 
 Θρασύβουλον . . .'Άνυτον . . . Άλκιβιάδην. In §§ 13, 14, 21 
 Xenophon alludes only in general terms to the banishment and execu- 
 tion of the leading democrats. More extraordinary still, he never even 
 mentions the assassination of Alcibiades at this time by Phamabazus, 
 at the wish of Lysander, who had been instigated by Critias to accomplish 
 it ; cf. Plut. Ale. 38. For Thrasybulus cf. infr. ii. 4. 2 sqq. Anytus 
 was one of the leading democrats, and after his return from exile was the 
 foremost accuser of Socrates. 
 
 § 44. & €γώ λ€γω, sc. ^uv '^['^v^aOai. 
 avrovs, Thrasybulus and the exiles. 
 
 ήγ€ΐσθαι, sc. aurovs, accus. and infin. depending on οίμαι. 
 irot τήβ χώρα5, partitive genitive. 
 § 45. *A δ* αυ el-n-ev, κ.τΧ. : ' again as for his saying that I am of a 
 character always to change,' etc. 
 ίψηφίσατο : cf. Thuc. viii. 69. 
 § 46. cKcivoi ji€v, κ,Ύ.Χ. \ ' thc Lacedaemonians were as vigorous as 
 ever'; cf. Thuc. viii. 70. 
 
 cm τω χώματι €ρυμ,α, i. e. the fort Eetionea ; cf. Thuc. viii. 90. 
 ταΰτ αισθόμ€νο5. So Thucydides (viii. 92) attributes the discovery 
 and exposure of the plan to Theramenes. 
 § 47. κόθορνον, cf. § 30. 
 
 § 48. δραχμ.ή5 . . . μ€Τ€χοΐ€ν, i. e. should be made senators, a drachma 
 being the daily pay for sitting in the Senate. Cobet thinks the expres- 
 sion too artificial, and conjectures αύτήί, i.e. τήί πόλ^ωί. 
 
 το μ€ντοι . . . ώφ€λ€ίν, Αί.τ.λ. If thc reading be correct, the sen- 
 tence as it stands is an anacoluthon. Xenophon begins with το μkv^o^^ 
 σνν TOis δνναμίνοΐί sc. ώψ^λ^ΐν τήι/ πολιτίίαν' καΐ μ(θ' 'ίττ-ηων και μ€τ 
 
 C 33 
 
HELLENIC Α. 
 
 Book II, ααττί^ων ώ<ρ€λ€Ϊν, as if he were going on to say την noXtrfiau άρίστην 
 
 ., παρ(χ€ΐν η^ούμψ. Instead of doing so however he breaks off with hia 
 
 jjj τούτων (i.e. δια των ^νναμίνων ώψ€\ίΐν καΐ μ€θ' ίπιτων, Η.τ.λ.) in the same 
 sense as Demosthenes uses the phrase ras διά των οΚί'^ων iroXiTiias and 
 entirely alters the construction. Translate : * but to support the consti- 
 tution with the help {σνν) of those who are able to do so both with 
 horses and with shields. ... I say, I used formerly to think that a con- 
 stitution formed by (δίά) such men is the best/ etc. ; cf. note on § i8. For 
 the part that Theramenes played in the Four Hundred cf. Thuc. viii. 68. 
 § 50. ού βιωτόν, ' unendurable.' 
 
 Tovs τά €γχ€ΐρίδια έ'χονταβ : cf. § 2 2. 
 
 cttI Tois δρυφάκτοιβ, ' at the bar/ a railing made of lattice work, 
 with which the dicasts were surrounded. 
 
 § 51. ττροστάτου tpyov clvai οϊου δ€ΐ, * that it is the duty of such a 
 president as a man ought to be.* oi'ov is attracted into the case of 
 ττροστάτου. Two constructions are here confounded: (i) νομίζω ττροστά- 
 του epyov fivai οίου δ<Γ . . . δρώντα . . . μή Ιττίτρίτταν^ and (2) νομίζω 
 ττροστάτην (Ιναι οίον δ€έ, hs αν όρων . . . μ^ (ττιτρύττΎ). 
 
 €v Tots καινό IS νόμοιβ : cf. § 1 1 alpiOivTis €φ^ ωτ€ συ'^'^ράχραι νόμουί : 
 and in the Mem. i. 2. 31 Xenophon speaks more specifically of 0 KpiTias 
 . . . των τριάκοντα ων voμoθίτηs μ€τά Χαρικ\€ου$. 
 
 των €|ω, genitive dependent on κυρίου^ : θανατοΰν is added epexe- 
 getically. 
 
 συνδοκουν, used absolutely ; cf. § 35 ττροσταχθίν. 
 § 52. cm την Έστίαν, where stood the altar at which the senators 
 took their oath. 
 
 § 53. και ταΰτα γιγνώσκοντ€ς, i.e. 'especially when you perceive.' 
 § 54. Totis €νδ€κα : cf. note on i. 7. 10. The Thirty seem to have 
 retained this old democratical magistracy, filling it however with the 
 most violent of their partisans. 
 
 cKcivoi δ€ €ΐσ€λθόντ€$, a nominativus pendens without an accom- 
 panying finite verb. 
 
 τά cK τούτων = τά λοίττά, lit. * what comes next.' 
 § 56. άτΓΟκοτταβίσαντα, i. e. ' having jerked out the last drop.' The 
 KOTTaPos was a convivial practice, consisting in jerking out the last drop 
 from a cup, which was supposed to furnish an omen by its sound in 
 falling. Then the guest, who had just drunk, handed on the cup to the 
 guest whose turn came next. 
 
 €K€ivo δί κρίνω. Here for the only time in the first two books the 
 noble death of Theramenes draws from Xenophon a remark in the first 
 person. His portrait of him agrees well with that in Thucydides (viii. 68, 
 89, 92^ ; cf. Arist. Frogs 968. Theramenes in the Trial of the Generals 
 does not scruple to sacrifice the lives of others to secure his own. In bring- 
 34 
 
ATOTES. CH, III, § -.o—C/L Π\ § 6. 
 
 ing about the second oligarchical revolution he is as skilful and successful BOOK 
 in his intrigues as he was in the first. So soon as he perceives that the 
 policy of the Thirty is leading them to certain destruction, he opposes jjj 
 them with the same skill as he had used in setting them up : and when 
 at last his opposition brings him into personal danger, the nobler side 
 of his character shines out, till he drinks the cup of hemlock with the 
 courage and cheerfulness of Socrates. But after all that can be said in 
 his favour, it is hard to understand Aristotle's judgment on Theramenes, 
 quoted by Plutarch (Xicias 2), where he mentions him in the same 
 categOry with the statesmen Nicias and Thucydides, as β€\τίστοί των 
 πολιτών και πατρικην €χοντ€ί €ννοιαν και φιλιαν irpos τον δήμον, though at 
 the same time admitting the justice of his nickname of κόθορνο^. Beloch 
 indeed . Die Politik Athens seit Perikles\ relying on Theramenes' own 
 words in § 48, tries to show that he consistently aimed to establish a 
 moderate democracy at Athens, based on the middle classes, who had 
 some stake in the state, both when he joined the conspiracy of the Four 
 Hundred in 411, and when he became one of the Thirty in 404 B.C., and 
 that he turned against his colleagues on both occasions, not from a mere 
 wish to save his own life, but because he really disapproved of the 
 extreme form of oligarchy, which they had introduced, based as it was 
 upon robbery and murder. From the epithet o κoμφ6s, which is given to 
 him by Aristophanes, we may conclude that he was in the habit of draw- 
 ing delicate distinctions ; and very delicate distinctions indeed are required 
 to free him from the charge of treachery in his conduct at the trial of the 
 generals and the capitulation of Athens. 
 
 § I. upoetiTOv p,€v . . . ήγον δ€. It appears that here Xenophon is IV. 
 summarizing in a few words numerous acts of violence on the part of the 
 Thirty. He omits altogether the edict of the Lacedaemonians forbidding 
 any state to harbour the Athenian refugees; cf Plut. Lys. 27, Isocr. 7. 
 67, Diod. xiv. 6, 32. ήγον, * evicted.' 
 άγοντ€5, sc. ol τριάκοντα. 
 § 2. θρασνβονλο% : cf. ii. 3. 42. 
 
 Φυλήν, between Mounts Cithaeron and Pames, on the road from 
 Athens to Thebes. 
 
 § 4. ψυλά$ : the Athenian army was organised on the basis of Cleis- 
 ihenes' ten tribes. Cp. Hdt. vi. iii, and note infr. § 23. 
 
 § 5. σνν€ΐλ€γμ€νων . . . ircpl iirraKoaiovs : cf. iv. 6. 12 και άττίθανον 
 . . . π(ρι TpiaKOGtovs. 
 
 ήδη shows that some considerable interval had elapsed since § 3. 
 § 6. άνίσταντο, /ί.τ.λ., 'had already risen and were going.' The notion of 
 motion implied being shown by oiroi. The nom. is 01 ττοΧίμιοι understood, 
 άττό τών οττλων, ' from the camp.' 
 
 c 2 35 
 
HELLENIC Α. 
 
 Book II. § 8. ούκ€τΐ νομι{οντ€8., /ί.τ.λ. Lysias (χχν. 2 2) represents dissension:; 
 ·. »» — as having already broken out among the Three Thousand themselves, 
 καταφυγήν, Eleusis being a fortified town. 
 ·ιταραγγ€ίλαντ€8, sc. \\θ^ϊν. 
 
 €v Tois ΙττΊΓ^υσιν has probably crept into the text from roh Ιππ^υσιν 
 immediately above. For if the Athenian knights are meant in the sense 
 of ' under the protection of the knights,' w^e should rather expect συν 
 Tois Ιππ^νσιν : and it can hardly mean the Eleusinian knights, because 
 it appears, from what immediately follows, that the review was of the 
 whole forces, horse and foot alike. Moreover Ιζίτασιν kv tois Ιππ^υσιν 
 can scarcely be equivalent to ^ίτασιν των ιππέων. Classen conjectures 
 €v TOIS 'Ekivaiviois. 
 
 άναγαγόντα, i.e. from the coast to Athens. 
 TOIS €νδ€κα : cf. ii. 3. 54. 
 § 9. TO *Πιδ€Ϊον, built by Pericles for musical contests. 
 
 'Ελ€υσ·ινίων. Both Lysias (xii. 52) and Diodorus (xiv. 32) say that 
 the Salaminians were involved in the same fate as the Eleusinians, but 
 they put the total number of victims altogether at 300 only. 
 
 ψαν€ράν . . . την ψήφον : cf. the decree of the Senate as to the trial 
 of the generals, i. 7. 9. 
 
 § 10. των τΓολιτών, the Three Thousand. 
 
 άναφφουσαν. The participle is here transposed as ΊΓ€μφθ(ντα i. i. 23. 
 § 1 1. €Ti μ€ν, * for a while,' here opposed to a second action, which has 
 not yet begun — circl 8*. 
 
 μ,ή avicvai, i. e. ' to prevent their march back again to Piraeus.* 
 6 κυκλοβ, 'the wall surrounding Piraeus.' Thucydides (ii. 13) 
 calls it sixty stadia, or nearly seven miles round. 
 
 *ΙΐΓΤΓθδάμ€ΐον. Hippodamus, the Milesian architect, had laid out 
 the town of Piraeus. 
 
 BcvSiSciov, the temple of Bendis, the Thracian Moon-goddess, 
 cm ιτ€ντήκοντα. This unusual depth was on account of their great 
 number. The ordinary depth of the phalanx was eight. 
 § 12. €·π·' avTOis, 'behind them.' 
 αύτόθ€ν, 'from the place itself,' i.e. from Munychia and the Piraeus, 
 τά δ' αλΛα δττλα, i. e. spear and sword. 
 § 1 3. ovs . . . €διώ|ατ€ : cf. § 4. 
 
 ήμφαν 'π·€μΐΓτην, ' four days ago ' ; cf. Anab. iv. 5. 24 (νάτην ήμίραν. 
 rovs φιλτάτουβ . . . άπ€σΓημαίνοντο. άποσημοάρίσθαι is properly 
 applied to the confiscation of goods and chattels only. Here, in his 
 indignation, the speaker applies it to citizens. 
 
 'ΐΓαραγ€γ€νηνται. The subject is * the exiled citizens ' : with 01 
 . . . ωοντο supply napayfpiaOai av. 
 
 § 14. (Γυν€λαμβανόμ€θα, * were arrested.* 
 
 36 
 
NOTES. CII, IV, § 8 — § 23. 
 
 ούχ δπωβ . . . άλλ' ούδ€, * ηοη modo . . . sed ne quidem.' Book 
 
 €V cuSCiji χ€ΐμ.ώνα : cf. §§ 2, 3, 7. — ^ 
 § 16. Tois γ€ Ίτρωτοστάταιβ. The dative may be either after δ€ήσ€ΐν j-y^ 
 or after μ,άχ€σθαι. 
 
 άμαρτήσ€ται . . . ών , . . μ6 ττή, ί. e. "τούτων ων. 
 
 φυλαττόμ,€νοι δ€, κ. τ. λ., ' but to protect themselves they will always 
 be skulking behind their shields.' 
 
 €ναλλομ€νου$ makes better sense if taken of the enemy, * to drive 
 them back, when they leap upon our ranks.' 
 
 § 1 7. οΰτω Ίτλούσιοβ ών καλοΰ : here ουτω belongs to καλόν. Its 
 force is strengthened by the interposition of n\ovaios ών, ' however rich 
 he may be.* 
 
 τον Ένυάλιον, Mhe war-god'; cf. Anab. i. 8. 18 τω ^Ενναλίω 
 
 €\€λίζ€ΐν. 
 
 § 1 8. μή πρότ€ρον ΙττιτΙΟ^σΟαι . . . τρωθ€ίη, i.e. in order that the guilt 
 of being the first to shed a fellow-citizen's blood might be upon the 
 enemy. 
 
 § 19. τών δί €v Π€ΐραΐ€Ϊ δ€κα αρχόντων. Neither Xenophon, Lysias, 
 Diodorus, Nepos, nor Justin mention the appointment of these magis- 
 trates, who are here introduced with the article as if already known to 
 the reader. Plutarch (Lys. 15) says €ύθν^ δ€ καϊ τά irfpl την ττοΚιτ^ίαν 
 4κινησ€ {Avaavdpos) τριάκοντα μ\ν kv άστα, Β€κα δ€ €v Tleipaifi καταστ-ησα^ 
 dpxovTas. In any case they must have been subordinate to the Thirty, 
 who were αυτοκράτορα^, and it can only have been after the refugees from 
 Athens had fled to the Piraeus that their office was of any importance. 
 
 § 20. KXcoKpiTOs δ€ δ τών μυστών κήρυ^, one of the Eumolpidae, 
 the hereditary heralds in the Eleusinian mysteries, Arist. Frogs 1085. 
 
 § 21. ολίγου δ€Ϊν, 'almost,' used absolutely. 
 
 €v οκτώ μησίν, from September 404 to April 403. 
 δ€κα €τη, i. e. the last ten years of the Peloponnesian War, known 
 as the Decelean War. Isocrates (xii. 24, 67) says that the Thirty put 
 1 500 citizens to death. 
 
 § 22. τών . . . άποθανόντων . . . ccrrtv ovs, * some of those who have 
 been slain.' 
 
 ol Z\ λοίΊτοΙ άρχοντ€5 : of the Thirty at Athens twenty-seven, and of 
 the Ten at Piraeus nine, were still left alive. 
 
 και δια TO, κ.τ.λ., i.e. as well as an account of their defeat. 
 § 23. δΐ€φ€ροντο irpos άλλήλουβ .* cf. note on § 8. 
 
 TOis cv Π€ΐραΐ€ΐ : the followers of Thrasybulus, now in occupation 
 of Piraeus. 
 
 ούδ^ν δ€Όιντο, K.T.K., lit. ' they had no need of these evils'; i. e. there 
 was no reason why they should suffer them. 
 
 καΐ €Ϊλοντο δ€κα, €va άττό φυλή$, i. e. one from each tribe ; cf. iv. 
 
 37 
 
HELLENIC Α. 
 
 Book II. 2. 8 cfj άπό TToAccus. Cleisthenes in 509 B.C. had divided the Athenians 
 ■ <♦ into ten tribes, Hdt. v. 66. It appears from Lysias (xii. 55) that these Ten 
 were of that section of the oligarchical party of which Theramenes had 
 been the leader, and that they were chosen because it was thought that 
 ^IKQXOJS hv ύπο των αυτών tovs t€ τριάκοντα μισ^ΐσθαι καΐ tovs kv Tleipaifi 
 φι\€Ϊσθαι. 
 
 § 24. Έλίυσίνάδβ : their κατάφυτη, § 8. 
 
 συν rais ΰσίΓίσι : shields were part of the equipment of the hoplitcs 
 or heavy-armed soldiers. The Athenian knights were now obliged to 
 serve as horsemen by day and as hoplites by night. 
 § 25. 01 δ€, i. e. ot kic τον Tl€ipaiU)S, 
 ήμ.€ραβ δίκα, since they had occupied Piraeus. 
 
 ισοτ€λ€ίαν. Such μίτοικοι as paid no μετοίκων, but paid the same 
 taxes as full citizens, were called iaoTcKtis. Before ΙσοτίΚίίαν, tovtois 
 must be supplied : the infin. €σ€σθαι depends on ιτιστά δόντ€5. 
 
 ΐΓ0ΐούμ€νοι . . . λαμβάνοντ€$. The present participles here denote 
 frequent repetition. 
 
 όπώραν : cf. § 26 km τά 6πίΤϊ7δ€ία. This shows that it was already 
 summer time, although Xenophon has not marked the beginning of 
 another year. 
 
 § 26. Αίξων€ων. This is Palmer's conjecture for των €^ω νίων, which 
 is quite unintelligible. Αΐ^ώνη was a village between Hymettus and the 
 west coast of Attica. 
 
 § 27. irpos TO τ€ίχο8. Xenophon (Mem. ii. 7. 2) makes Aristarchus 
 describe the necessities to which Athens was reduced by these attacks 
 from Piraeus ; cf. Isocr. xvi. 13. 
 
 cl δ€ και τούτο δ€ΐ, π.τ.λ. Το complete the construction kpSi before 
 OS is required. For the genitive του μηχανοττοιοΟ after €ΐπ€ΐν cf. Plat. 
 Rep. 439 Β του τοζότον ού /caXcus ίχ€ΐ Xiy^iv. 
 
 τον €κ Αυκ€ίου δρομον^ the open space between the Lyceum and 
 the city wall. 
 
 μ€λλοΐ€ν . . . 7Γροσάγ€ΐν, sc. oi (κ Tlfipaiivs, 
 
 § 28. των δ* €v τψ καταλόγω, i.e. by order of the Ten, who, instead 
 of fulfilling the hopes with which they had been appointed (§ 23), πολύ 
 μείζον στάσιν καΐ ττόΚίμον km tovs kv li^ipaui . . . k^roiησav : cf. Lysias 
 xii. 55. ^ 
 
 avvc-rrpajev, i. e. with the ambassadors. 
 
 Ικατόν τάλαντα, with which to collect a mercenary army, as the 
 Spartans refused to send any troops of their own ; cf Lysias xii. 59, 60. 
 Isocrates (vii. 77), citing it as an instance of the kmuKua τον ζήμου, says, 
 that shortly after its restoration the democracy repaid this loan to the 
 Lacedaemonians, as a debt incurred by the Athenian state, and not 
 merely by the oligarchs, who had contracted it ; cf. Dem. p. 460. 
 
 3S 
 
NOTES. CH. IV, § 24— § 35. 
 
 § 29. Ουτω δ€ Ίτροχωρούντων, ' while things were going on in this way BOOK 
 cf. ii. 2. 16 Ύοιοντων 5e όντων. % χ 
 
 ψθονήσαβ Λυσάνδρφ. So Diodorus xiv. 33 and Plutarch, Lysan- jy 
 der, 21. 
 
 Tp€is, i. e. a majority out of the Five Ephors. 
 
 φρουράν : a Lacedaemonian word for an army. Lysander had only 
 mercenary forces. 
 
 § 30. Ίτλήν Βοιωτών και Κορινθίων : cf. iii. 5. 5, where the Lacedae- 
 monians charge the Boeotians with having persuaded the Corinthians to 
 refuse to follow. 
 
 €ύορκ€Ϊν : consistently with the Treaty of Peace concluded in 404 
 B.C., ii. 2. 22. 
 
 €γίγνωσκον : * supposed ' (wrongly). 
 
 €v τω *Αλιπ€δω : the level ground between Piraeus and Hymettus. 
 The fugitives from the violence of the Thirty and the Ten flocked round 
 Pausanias at Piraeus, where the king so far showed his real feelings as to 
 refuse the presents offered him by the Thirty ; cf. Lysias xviii. 8-12. 
 
 § 31. δσον ά-ττό βοήβ cv€K€v : * so far as cries went/ i. e. in appearance 
 only. /3ο77 is the battle cry. Thuc. viii. 92 joins the same two pre- 
 positions with the same meaning. 
 
 δύο μόρα$ : according to Xcnophon (Rep. Laced.) the whole Spartan 
 army was divided into six morae. Contrast Thucydides v. 68. 
 
 τον κωφόν λιμ€να. κωφον is * dumb,' ' quiet,' in the sense of ' smooth.' 
 Curtius supposes it to be the innermost part of the harbour. 
 
 § 32. €V€VTas : * pressing on.' Xenophon uses the word intransitively 
 also in the Cyrop. vii. i. 29. 
 
 τά δ€κα άφ* ήβηβ, lit. ' the men ten years from military age,' which 
 at Sparta was fixed at eighteen. The use of the neuter τά is a Lacedae- 
 monian usage; cf. iii. 4. 23, iv. 5. 15. 
 
 TO Π€ΐραιοΐ GcaTpov. Uapaioi is the old locative case. The theatre 
 was on the hill of Munychia. 
 
 § 33. cVi ττόδα, * foot by foot,' i.e. slowly. 
 
 cv Κ€ραμ€ΐκω, in the north-west part of Athens. 
 § 34. TTpo των άλλων €π' οκτώ, i.e. formed eight deep in front of the 
 light-armed troops. 
 
 €ls Xiipois μ€ν €δ€ξαντο, ' let them come to close quarters.' 
 
 cv Tais *ΑλαΪ5, on the coast, south of Phalerum. 
 § 35· λ€γοντα8 . . . ττψττ^ιν : present participle where the future would 
 naturally be expected, as ii. i. 29, iv. 37. 
 
 διίστη καΐ tovs cv τφ acrrci, * he created a division among,' etc. 
 
 •n-pos σφα5 : to himself and the Ephors. 
 
 Αακ€δαιμονίοΐ5 φίλοι €ΐναι, i. e. in accordance with the terms of the 
 former treaty ; cf. ii. 2. 20. 
 
 39 
 
HELLENICA. 
 
 Book II. § 36. νομί{€ται : cf. Xen. Rep. Lac. viii. 5 πάρ€ΐσι nai των (φόρων 
 ι » δύο, ot ΊΓοΚννρα^μονονσιν ovbiv, ήν δ βασιλίν^ ιτροσκαΧ^' opSjvns δ 
 rt ποί€Ϊ€καστο$, iravras σωφρονίζουσιν, ώί το eitcos : cf. Arist. Pol. ii. 9. 30, 
 TfjS μ,€τά Παυσανιου γνώμηβ, two modes of expression are here con- 
 fused: (l) τψ Παυσανίον '^νώμψ 6vt€s, and (2) μ€τά Ώαυσανίον ovtcs. 
 ras . . . στΓονδάβ : here, * the terms/ or * offers of peace.' 
 Ιδνώτα8 opposed to ot άπύ του κοινού in § 37. 
 § 37· χρήσθαι δ,τι βούλονται ; for the expression cf. ii. I. 2. 
 § 38. ol €φοροι : the three remaining in Sparta. 
 
 ol €κκλητοι : Hermann (Gr. Staatsalterth. § 25) identifies these with 
 the μικρά (κκλησία, mentioned in iii. 3. 8. But in v, 2. 33, where they 
 are again mentioned, no diotinction seems to be drawn between them 
 and the πΚηθο5, who formed the ordinary assembly. Cp. iv. 6. 3 ; v. 2. 
 II ; vi. 3. 3. 
 
 €m τά Ιαυτών. This implied, as far as practicable, a restitution of 
 the confiscated property; cf. Harpocr. sub voce σύνδικοι. 
 
 avTois : to those who διήΚλαζαν, i. e. to the Lacedaemonians and 
 Athenians. 
 
 § 39. άν€λθόντ€5 ... els την άκρόττολιν. This procession, which 
 Lysias (xiii. 86) describes at some length, Plutarch (Glor. Athen. 7) 
 puts on the 12th of Boedromion, i.e. 26th Sept. 403 B.C. 
 
 κατ€βησαν . . . ol στρατηγοί. Cobet inserts €κκ\ησίαν (ποίησαν. 
 Some words of this kind are evidently required to complete the sense ; 
 cf. § 42 ad fin. 
 
 § 40. γνοίητ€, sc. ύμά$ αντού$. 
 § 4Τ. ή Cis, i.e. η ή κρίσιν 
 
 irapaXcXvoOc : the best MSS. give π(ρΐ€\η\υθ€ν^ which is quite 
 unintelligible. Some word is required in the perfect tense, meaning to 
 'outwit,' as opposed to γνώμτι . . . προάχ^ιν. In his earlier editions 
 Dindorf conjectured παρίλιί^τ^τί, which in his last edition he has changed 
 to τταραλίλυσθί. Translate, * ye have been outdone.* 
 TOs, οΐγ€, i.e. ttujs km τούτοΐί, οΐ y€. 
 
 κλοιω δήσαντ€5, κ.τ.λ. The allusion is to a law of Solon preserved 
 in Plutarch (Solon 24) κύνα δακόντα τταραδουναι κλοιω τριπηχα δ€- 
 δ(μ(νον. 
 
 KaKclvoi repeats the subject οΓ y(, strengthening the comparison 
 after ούτω. 
 
 § 42. -υμα$. Thrasybulus now addresses his own followers. 
 
 § 43. dpxds καταστησάμ€νοι €πολιτ€ύοντο. Euclides was created 
 άρχων (Ίτώνυμοί, and in his archonship and the following years a com- 
 plete revision of the Solonian laws and constitution took place to suit 
 the altered condition of affairs, Λvhen Athens had lost her sovereign 
 rights and her empire over the subject allies ; cf. Andoc. i. 88 sqq. 
 40 
 
NOTES, CH. IV, § 36— § 43. 
 
 ^fvovs μ,ισθουσθαι. Justin (v. 10. 11) gives an account of the BOOK 
 
 affair but little more intelligible than Xenophon's. The Thirty, it ♦» 
 
 would appear, were suspected of once more conspiring to regain their j-y 
 supremacy at Athens. 
 
 Toijs Έλ€υσΐνι. The Thirty, their adherents, and such other Athe- 
 nians as had since joined them ; cf. §. 38. 'EAcuffm is the locative case. 
 
 μή μνησικακήσ€ΐν ; cf. Cor. Nepos, Thras. iii. 2 ' Legem tulit (Thra- 
 sybulus) ne quis ante actarum rerum accusaretur neve multaretur, 
 eamque illi oblivionis appellarunt.* The oath v^^as taken by the knights, 
 the senate, and the whole people ; and Andocides (i. 90) preserves the 
 actual words, καΧ ού μνησικακήσω των πολιτών ονδίνΐ πλην των τριάκοντα 
 και των ίνδ€κα, ovde τούτων bs αν eOeXoi (vOvvas διδόναι τψ άρχψ, ψ rjp^^v. 
 
 €τι και νυν. It is impossible to fix with any exactitude what time 
 is denoted by these words. Xenophon accompanied Cyrus on his expe- 
 dition against his brother in 401 B.C., a time which allows too short an 
 interval to give the words any real meaning ; and he did not return to 
 Greece till 394 B.C. On the other hand it cannot be very long after 
 the events described, because the praise assigned to the Athenians must 
 mean that consistently with the amnesty they did not prosecute certain 
 definite persons, who had been implicated in the enormities of the 
 Thirty, and such prosecutions were only likely to have taken place in 
 the succeeding ten or fifteen years. We may therefore perhaps infer 
 that Xenophon wrote these words not very long after his return to 
 Greece. 
 
 NOTE ON THE BATTLE OF CYZICUS. 
 (L 1. 16.) 
 
 ciretSTi δ' «γγύβ, κ,τ.Κ, Diodorus (xiii. 49-51) gives a much fuller 
 account of the battle, and conceives it quite differently. Plutarch (Ale. 
 28) seems to follow Xenophon in the main, but to add details from the 
 same source as Diodorus. 
 
 According to Diodorus, the several divisions of the Athenian fleet 
 imited at Cardia, and then sailed up the Hellespont to Proconnesus, 
 taking care to pass Abydos by night, that the increase in their numbers 
 might not be noticed by the enemy. Mindarus, with the help of Phar- 
 nabazus, had just taken Cyzicus by storm. Next day the Athenians 
 disembarked their soldiers, under Chares, upon the Cyzicene territory, 
 and with their fleet in three divisions, under Alcibiades, Thrasybulus, 
 and Theramenes, sailed against the enemy at Cyzicus. Alcibiades went 
 ahead in order to προκα\4<τασθαι rov? πο\€μίου$, the other two generals 
 
 41 
 
HELLENIC A, 
 
 aiming to surround them and cut them off from the city. Mindarus 
 saw only Alcibiades' ships, and, despising their numbers, sailed out to 
 meet them ; whereupon Alcibiades by pretending flight drew him 
 ττορρωτίρω τη$ 'π6Χ€ω$, till suddenly he faced about, and Theramenes 
 and Thrasybulus, seeing his signal, sailed towards the city and cut off 
 the Peloponnesians. Mindarus, now seeing the whole Athenian fleet 
 (nothing is said about any mist), fled to shore at Cleri, where Pharna- 
 bazus was encamped. Alcibiades hotly pursued him, sunk some of his 
 ships, took others, and tried to drag others off the beach. The Pelo- 
 ponnesian land forces and the troops of Pharnabazus now came to the 
 assistance of Mindaius, whereupon Thrasybulus disembarked his marines 
 and sent word to Theramenes to bring up the soldiers under Chares. 
 Meanwhile Mindarus, supported by the mercenaries of Pharnabazus and 
 also by Clearchus, firmly stood his ground. When however Thera- 
 menes arrived with the reinforcements and joined Thrasybulus, first the 
 mercenaries broke the line and fled, and then Clearchus was obliged to 
 retire. Theramenes and his troops now went off to the help of Alcibiades. 
 Mindarus was thus obliged to divide his forces : one division he sent to 
 oppose Theramenes, while he himself at the head of the other made 
 a brave resistance against Alcibiades, until after many heroic exploits 
 he was himself slain. His death was the signal for a general flight 
 among the Peloponnesians ; but the Athenians were unable to pursue 
 them far, because their retreat was covered by Pharnabazus, who now 
 arrived on the scene. 
 
 According to Plutarch, Alcibiades, on arriving in the Athenian camp, 
 hearing that Mindarus and Pharnabazus were in Cyzicus, determined to 
 fight, and exhorted his troops accordingly. Then he sailed with the 
 whole fleet to Proconnesus, where he ordered Ivtus π€ρίβάλλ€ίν τά λ^πτά 
 πλοΓα, that no news of his intended attack might reach the enemy, his 
 precaution being much aided by a great thunderstorm and thick mist. 
 Then the whole fleet set sail, and when the mist gradually lifted, x\lci- 
 biades saw the Peloponnesian fleet προ του λιμίνος των Κνζικηνών. 
 Thereupon he ordered the other generals to keep behind out of sight, 
 while he himself, sailing on in front with forty ships, προνκα\€Ϊτο tqvs 
 πο\(μίον$. The Peloponnesians, despising his small numbers, sailed to 
 meet him, and at once joined battle ; but when the rest of the Athenian 
 fleet came up, they turned and fled. At this juncture Alcibiades, ^ί€κ- 
 πλίνσας with twenty of his fastest vessels, made for the shore, disembarked, 
 and slew many of the enemy, as they fled from their ships. Mindarus 
 (who is not mentioned as being on board the Peloponnesian fleet at all) 
 and Pharnabazus now came up to the rescue, but in vain : for Alcibiades 
 quickly slew Mindarus and put Pharnabazus to flight. 
 
NOTE ON THE ELECTION OF ALCIBIADES. 
 (1. 4. 10.) 
 
 This is an important passage for determining the date of the election 
 of the generals at Athens. Since Alcibiades did not arrive in Athens 
 until the 25th of Thargelion, the eleventh month of the Attic year, 
 i. e. about June 12, he must have been elected some time before. 
 Gilbert, relying on an inscription of the 2nd or at the earliest 3rd 
 century B.C. (CIA. II. 416) and on two very obscure passages in the Atiic 
 Orators (Isaeus, de Her. ApoUod. § 15 and Demosthenes, c. Leoch. 
 44· 35)» tries on very insufficient grounds to fix the date once for all 
 as the 22nd of Munychion, i. e. the tenth month. But the inscrip- 
 tion is very mutilated, and of doubtful interpretation, and no safe 
 inference can be drawn from it to the practice of the fifth century B.C. 
 All that can be safely laid down, is that a sufficient interval must have 
 elapsed between the elections and the entrance of the elected candidates 
 upon their office to allow of their undergoing the usual δοκιμασία^ of the 
 settlement of any legal questions, which might arise out of it, and of 
 fresh elections in the place of any whose elections had been declared 
 null and void : but whether this interval was nine or ten weeks, as 
 Gilbert supposes, or a shorter time, there is no real evidence to show. 
 It has been usual to assume that the generals entered upon their office 
 on the first day of Hecatombaeon, the beginning of the Attic civil year 
 (c. 21 June). And though no definite statement as to the practice 
 appears in any extant Greek author, this assumption best suits the 
 appearance and disappearance of the generals (e. g. Pericles, Demos- 
 thenes, Nicias, etc.) mentioned in the pages of Thucydides. Mliller- 
 Striibing (Aristophanes, etc., p. 484 sqq,), arguing from the inconvenience 
 of generals entering upon their office at a time when the summer 
 campaign would be nearly half over, misquotes his authorities, and fails 
 altogether to make his point. The question however rather concerns a 
 commentary on Thucydides, and for a detailed examination of it the 
 reader should consult Droysen's article in Hermes, ix. p. 16 ff. and 
 Hauvette-Besnault, Les Strateges Atheniens (1885). 
 
 NOTE ON THE TERM ττροστάτηβ τόΟ δήμου. 
 (1. 7. 2.) 
 
 6 του δήμου τότ€ τΓρο€στηκώ5, κ.τ.λ. 
 
 It is extremely doubtful whether the designation προστάτη$ του δήμου 
 was e ver used as an ofticia l title in any state, and it was certainly not so 
 used artSEen s . THe term ττροστάτη$ in its legal signification means a 
 p atron chosen from among the citizens by an alien {μίτοικο^) to 
 
 " 43 
 
HELLENIC Α. 
 
 represent him before the law courts or elsewhere, where he had no legal 
 right to appear himself. But though this legal signification is some- 
 times implied in the phrase νροατάΎψ τον δήμου^ it seems to be more 
 often used in its simple etymological sense of* leader * or ' champion,' and 
 as such is used indifferently side by side with different parts of the verb 
 προίστημι. Thus Herodotus (i. 59, 69) speaks of Megacles the Alcmaeonid 
 TTpoiarws των τταράΚων, of Sparta ττρο€στάναι ttjs Ελλάδος, and of a man 
 ganiing "a'^iyrannynPhrough προστΑ^ ^ΰΟ i^'/trnT^ Thiicydides (ii. 65) 
 says that Pericles ^ρουστ^^^ r^y jjoA^cos, and in the same passage traces 
 the ruin of Athens after his death to the quarrels of inferior men π€ρΙ τψ 
 του δήμου προστασίαί. Pericles (Schol. on Arist. Pax 681) was in fact 
 the last Athenian to unite successfully in his own person the two 
 positions of στρατη^ό$ and δημayωyυs (in the better sense). Hence- 
 forward, though members of the aristocratical families were as a general 
 rule elected to be στρατη^οί^ they were distrusted by the people on 
 account of their Lacedaemonian proclivities. 
 
 Men of lower stamp and humbler origin, sprung directly from 
 the masses, were therefore preferred before them and contrasted (Lysias, 
 c. Agorop. 10) with them. This new class of demagogues rose to 
 eminence by Λvinning the ear of the Public Assembly : and though they 
 were seldom elected to fill any of the higher offices, yet they exercised 
 an enormous political power chiefly by proposing and carrying ψηφίσματα 
 in the Assembly. Sometimes, however, when they chanced to be members 
 of the Senate (Arist. Eq. 774"», they had a still more direct control over 
 the executive officers and the financial administration, besides bringing 
 forward 'προβονλ€νματα, which, if passed, were afterwards submitted to 
 the assembly. But perhaps their most favourite method of showing 
 zeal in the popular cause was their institution of prosecutions against 
 generals and other magistrates (Thuc. vii. 48, viii. 65, Plut. Cimon 15) 
 who failed to pass a satisfactory ευθύνη or who were otherwise unsuc- 
 cessful, or against persons \vho were suspected of being involved 
 in oligarchical (Arist. Eq. 861) conspiracies. 
 
 Usually one such demagogue, like Cleon (Thuc. iii. 36, iv. 21) 
 or Hyperbolus, was pre-eminent over the rest, but it is not to be supposed 
 that the designation προστάτψ του δήμου was confined to one person 
 only: for Thucydides (viii. 65, 89, iii. 75) speaks of Androcles as του 
 δήμου μάΚιστα προ^στωτα, of different persons aspiring to be npcvTosirpoa- 
 τάτη3 του δήμου, and of ol του δήμου προστάται at Corcyra. And at the 
 very time when Xenophon in this passage tells us that Archedemus was 6 
 του δήμου τότ€ προ(στηκώ3 h Άθήναι$, we learn from Lysias (pro bon. 
 Arist. 51) that the demagogue Cleophon πολλά έ'ττ; δί€χ€ίρισ€ τά τή$ 
 π6Κ€ω5 πάντα. 
 
 44 
 
INDEX. 
 
 *ΑβαρνΙί άκρα^ ii. ι. 29. 
 Άβυδηνοί, ii. I. ι8. 
 "Αβνδο^, i. I. 5) 2. 15 ; ii. ι. ι8. 
 *Ay€vyi8as, ii. 3· ιθ· 
 
 * Ay η σανδρίδα^, ί. ι. ΐ, 3· Ι7 
 Ά'^ησΊστραΎο$, ϋ. 3· ιθ· 
 
 *Α7*5 : ί. I. 33 > sally from Decelea ; 
 ii. 2. 7, I.ysander's message to 
 Agis at Decelea ; § 1 1 , re- 
 ception of the Athenian en- 
 voys; 3. 3, departure from De- 
 celea. 
 
 "Α^νων, ii. 3. 30. 
 
 *Αδ€ίμαντο3 : i. 4. 21, colleague of 
 Alcibiades; 7. i, colleague of 
 Conon ; ii. i. 30, captured at 
 Aegospotami; § 23, accused of 
 treachery. 
 
 * Αθηνάς i. I. 4, 3. I (in Phocaea^ 
 
 4. 12, 6. I ; ii. 4. 39. 
 *Αθηναι^ i. I. 33, 2. i, 6. i ; ii. i. 
 
 10, 3. I, 24. 
 
 *Αθηναΐοι^ i. I. I, 9, 2 2, 33, and 
 
 passim. 
 Aiyivay ii. 2. 9. 
 AiyivfjTai, ii. 2. 3, 9. 
 Aiyds ποταμοί^ ii. i. 21. 
 Αινησία5, ii. 3. 9. 
 Αΐζων€Ϊ9, ii. 4. 26. 
 AiVxiViyy, ii. 3. 2, 13. 
 
 * Ακαδημία, ii. 2. 8. 
 'AKpdyas, i. 5. 21 ; ii. 2. 24. 
 Άλαί, ii. 4. 34. 
 
 *A\€^ias, ii. I. 10. 
 *Αλ€^ίΐπΓΐδαί, ii. 3. 10. 
 *Αλί7Γ€δοι/, ii. 4. 30. 
 Άλκιβιάδψ, the general: i. i. 5, 
 arrives in the Hellespont ; §§ 9- 
 
 1 1 , made prisoner by Tissapher- 
 
 nes, but escapes and returns to the 
 Hellespont; §§ 13-19, defeats 
 Mindarus at Cyzicus ; 2. 15-17, 
 fights round Lampsacus ; 3. 3, 
 besieges Chalcedon ; § 10, takes 
 Selybria and swears to the con- 
 vention with Pharnabazus; 4. 
 8-19, returns to Athens; § 20, 
 is made commander-in-chief ; 
 § 21, sails to Andros ; § 23, to 
 Samos; 5. 11, joins Thrasy- 
 bulus at Phocaea; § 15, offers 
 battle to Lysander and returns 
 to Samos; §§ 16, 17, incurs the 
 displeasure of the Athenians and 
 retires to the Chersonese; ii. i. 
 25, warns the Athenians of their 
 danger at Aegospotami ; 3. 42, 
 sentenced to exile by the Thirty. 
 
 Ά\κιβιάδη$, cousin of the former, 
 i. 2. 13. 
 
 'AvcuTios, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 'Ava^iKaos, i. 3. 18. 
 
 "Ανδριοι, i. 4. 22 ; ii. I. 31, 32. 
 
 'Άνδρο9, i. 4. 21, 22, 5. 18. 
 
 Άννίβα3, i. I. 37. 
 
 Άντάνδρωι^ i. I. 26. 
 
 "Αντανδρο^^ i. i. 25, 3. 17; ii. I. 
 10. 
 
 Άvτιyίvηs, i. 3. I. 
 *Αντίοχο3, i. 5· II ff. 
 Αντιφών^ ii. 3. 40. 
 "AvvTos, ii. 3. 42, 44. 
 Άπατονρια, i. 7· 8. 
 "ApaKoSj ii. i. 7, 3. 10. 
 Άργ€Γοί, i. 3. 13; ii. 2. 7. 
 'Apyivovaai^ i. 6. 27, 38. 
 Άρ€σίας, ii. 3. 2. 
 'Αριοβαρζάνψ^ i. 4· 7· 
 
 45 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Άρίσταρχοί, i. 7. 28 ; ii. 3. 46. 
 
 Άριστο'/ένη$, the Athenian general, 
 i. 5. 16, 6. 29, 7. I. 
 
 Άpιστoy€vηs, the Syraciisan gene- 
 ral, i. 2. 8. 
 
 ^Apιστoκpάτηs : i. 4. 21, colleague 
 of Alcibiades ; 5. 16, again 
 chosen general ; 6. 29, com- 
 mands on the left wing at Argi- 
 nusae; 7. 2, returns to Athens. 
 
 'Αριστοτίλψ : ii. 2. 18, Athenian 
 exile, sent byLysanderto Sparta ; 
 3. 2, one of the Thirty ; § 13, 
 sent to Sparta to ask for a gar- 
 rison; § 46, oligarchical leader 
 among the Four Hundred.' 
 
 Άριστων, i. 3. 18. 
 
 'Αρνάπηί, i. 3. 12. 
 
 "A/yrc/^i?, i. 2. 6 (in Ephesus) ; ii. 4. 
 
 1 1 (77 Μονννχία). 
 'Αρχύδημο^, i. 7. 2. 
 'ApxiarparoSj i. 5. 16; ii. 2. 15. 
 'Apxvras, ii. I. lo, g. 10. 
 'Ασία, ii. i. 18. 
 Άστυοχο9, i. i. 31. 
 'Αττίκη, i. 7. 22. 
 Αντοβοισάκψ, ii. i. 8. 
 Αχαιοί, i. 2. 18. 
 
 Β€ΐ/διδ6ΐοί', ii. 4. 1 1 . 
 
 Βιθυνοί Spq.f£€9, i. 3. 2. 
 
 Βοιώτιοί, Lacedaemonian, i. 4. 2. 
 
 Βοιωτοί, i. 3· 1 5 ; ii. 4. 30. 
 
 Bpaa'idas, ii. 3. 10. 
 
 Βνζάντιοι, i. 3. 16, 18, 19. 
 
 Βυζάντιον : i. I. 35, Clearchus de- 
 spatched to guard Byzantium ; 
 3. 10, Alcibiades goes to By- 
 zantium, and, § 14, lays siege to 
 it; § 18, Byzantium betrayed 
 into the hands of the Athe- 
 nians ; ii. 2. 1,2, opens its gates 
 to Lysander. 
 
 Γανριον, i. 4. 22. 
 TeXa, ii. 3. 5. 
 Γλαυκών, ii. 4. 19. 
 Τνώσΐ9, i. I. 29. 
 Γυρδιον, i. 4. I. 
 Τύθ(ΐον, i. 4. II. 
 
 46 
 
 Aap€iaioSf ii. I. 8. 
 Aapeioi, i. 2, 19 ; ii. I. 8. 
 A€Ki\€ia, i. I. 33, 35, 2. 14, 3. 
 
 22 ; ii. 2. 7, 3. 3. 
 Α^λφίνιον, i. 5. 15. 
 Α-ημαρχοί, i. I. 29. 
 Αιοκλψ, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 Αιομίδων : i. 5. i6, chosen general ; 
 6. 22, tries to help Conon at 
 Mytilene; § 29, commands on 
 the left wing at Arginusae ; 7. 
 2, returns to Athens ; §§ 16, 17, 
 persuaded his colleagues not 
 to mention their orders to the 
 trierarchs ; § 29, wished to rescue 
 the survivors after the sea-fight. 
 
 Αιονύσιθ5 the elder, ii. 2. 24, 3. 5. 
 
 Αιυτιμο$, i. 3. 1 2. 
 
 Αρακοντίδηζ, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 Αωρΐ€ύί : i. I. 2, comes from 
 Rhodes to the Hellespont ; 5. 
 19, captured by the Athenians, 
 but afterwards released. 
 
 EtAa>T€s, i. 2. 18. 
 
 'E\aiods, ii. I. 20. 
 
 ΈΚ€υσίνιοι, ii. 4. 9. 
 
 *Ελ€ΐ;σί5, ii. 4. 8, 24, 28, 43. 
 
 "E\i£os, i. 3. 15, 21. 
 
 Έλλάί, ii. 2. 6, 20. 
 
 "EAXTyvcs, i. 5. 9, 6. 1 4. 
 
 Έλλτ^ι/ίδίί 7Γ0λ€ίί, ii. 2. 20. 
 
 'EAAiyffTToi/Tos : i. i. 2, Athenians 
 check Dorieus' entrance at the 
 mouth of the Hellespont ; § 9, 
 visit of Tissaphemes to the 
 Hellespont ; 3. 8, Alcibiades 
 goes to the Hellespont to raise 
 money; ii. i. 17, Lysander sails 
 from Rhodes to the Hellespont ; 
 2.5, Lysander leaves the Helles- 
 pont. 
 
 'Ενυάλιο9, ii. 4. 17. 
 
 "E^apxos, ii. 3. 10. 
 
 'EwrjpaTos, ii. 3. lO. 
 
 *Eni8oKOs, i. i. 29. 
 
 Έρασινίδη9: i. 5. 16, chosen gene- 
 ral ; 6, 16, flees with Conon to 
 Mytilene; § 29, posted on the 
 left wing at Arginusae ; 7. 2, 
 
INDEX, 
 
 returns to Athens ; § 29, wished 
 after the battle to sail against 
 the enemy at Mytilene. 
 
 Ερασίστρατου, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 Έρατοσθίνψ, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 Έρμοκράτη$, the Syracusan gene- 
 ral : i. I. 27, banished by the 
 Syracusans ; § 30, influence over 
 his officers and troops; § 31, 
 accused Tissaphernes at Sparta ; 
 
 3. 13, accompanied the Athe- 
 nian ambassadors. 
 
 'Epμoκpάτηs, father of the elder 
 
 Dionysius, ii. 2. 24. 
 "Ερμων, i. 6. 32. 
 Εστία, ii. 3. 52. 
 
 Έτ€0ι/ί«οί: i. I. 32, as Spartan 
 harmost, expelled from Thasos ; 
 6. 26, left by Callicratidas to 
 blockade Mytilene ; § 36, strata- 
 gem to conceal the defeat at 
 Arginusae ; § 38, retreat to Me- 
 thymna ; ii. 1. 1-4, quells mutiny 
 of his troops at Chios ; § 5, 
 obtains money from the Chians ; 
 § 10, summoned by Lysander 
 to Ephesus ; 2. 5, causes the 
 Athenian allies in Thrace to 
 revolt. 
 
 Evayupas, an Elean, i. 2. i. 
 Evayopas, of Cyprus, ii. i. 29. 
 Εύά/)χί7Γπο9, i. 2. I ; ii. 3. 10. 
 Εύβοια, ii. 3. 9. 
 EujSwras, i. 2. I. 
 Ει/δί/fos, ii. 3. I. 
 ΕύκΚ(ίδη$, ii. 3. 2. 
 Εύκλψ, i. 2. 8. 
 Ευκτημων, 1. 2. 1. 
 Έ,ύμάθψ, ii. 3. 2. 
 Εΰμαχο3, i. I. 2 2. 
 Eυρυ1rτ6\€μos, i. 3. 12. 
 Εύρνητυ\€μο$, son of Pisianax : i. 
 
 4. 19, welcomes Alcibiades at 
 Piraeus; 7. 12, threatens Cal- 
 lixenus with impeachment; §§ 
 16-33, addresses the Assembly 
 in defence of the generals ; § 34, 
 proposes a counter-motion. 
 
 Έφίσιοι, i. 2. 10, 5. 12, 15. 
 "Ε^^σοί: i. 2. 6, attacked byThra- 
 
 syllus; 5. 1, 10, head-quarters 
 of Lysander; 6. 2, Callicratidas 
 assumes command at Ephesus; 
 ii. 1. 6, conference of Lacedae- 
 monian allies at Ephesus. 
 
 Zev^imros, ii. 3. 10. 
 
 Ήϊών (Tecws ?), i. 5. 15. 
 *Η/>ά«λ€α Ύραχινία, i. 2. 18. 
 ^1ίρακλ€ίδη$, i. 2. 8. 
 Ήράκλίΐον, at Chalcedon, i. 3. 7. 
 
 Θαμνήρια, ii. I. 13. 
 
 Θάσοί : i. I. 1 2, Thrasybulus comes 
 from Thasos; § 32, revolution 
 at Thasos ; 4. 9, subjugated by 
 Thrasybulus. 
 
 Θfoy€pηs, i. 3. 13; ii. 3. 2. 
 
 QioyvLS, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 Θ€0τΓομπο9, ii. 1 . 30. 
 
 Θ€τταΚία, ii. 3. 4, 36. 
 
 Θ€ττα\οί, ii. 3. 4. 
 
 Θή/3αι, ii. 4. I. 
 
 Θηβαίοι, i. 7. 28 ; ii. 2. 19. 
 
 Θηρaμ€vηs : i. I. 12, comes to 
 Sestos from Macedonia; § 22, 
 left to garrison Chrysopolis ; 6. 
 35, as trierarch, ordered to rescue 
 the drowning sailors after the 
 battle of Arginusae ; 7. 4, ac- 
 cuses the generals before the 
 assembly ; § 8, intrigues at the 
 Apaturia; ii. 2. 16, sent as envoy 
 to Lysander ; § τ 7, sent as pleni- 
 potentiary to Sparta; §§ 21, 22, 
 announces the terms of peace 
 at Athens ; 3. 2, chosen one of 
 the Thirty; § 15, quarrels with 
 Critias; §§ 24-34, accused of 
 treachery by Critias; §§ 35-49? 
 speaks in his own defence; 
 §§ 5i-56> ruthlessly executed. 
 
 Θίβραχοί, ii. 4. 33. 
 
 Θορικυ$, i. 2. I. 
 
 Θονριαι τριήρ€ΐ$, i. 5· ^9· 
 
 Θρακ€ΐ, cf Βιθυνοί. 
 
 Θρόκη, i. 3· ΙΟ, 17, 4· 9 5 ^' 5· 
 
 Θράκιον in Byzantium, i. 3· 2θ. 
 
 Θρασύβουλου (ό "Χτ^ιρι^ύ^): i. I. 12, 
 
 47 
 
INDEX, 
 
 comes from Thasos to Sestos ; 
 4. 9, subjugates Thasos and 
 various towns in Thrace ; § 10, 
 chosen general; 5. 11, comes 
 from the Hellespont and fortifies 
 Phocaea ; 6. 35, as trierarch, 
 ordered to rescue the drowning 
 sailors after the battle of Argi- 
 nusae; cf. 7. 5, 17, 31 ; ii. 3. 42, 
 exiled by the Thirty ; 4. 2, 
 marches from Thebes and seizes 
 Phyle; §§ 5-7, defeats the troops 
 of the Thirty; § 10, marches 
 upon Piraeus and occupies Muny- 
 chia ; §§ 12-19, again defeats 
 the forces of the Thirty ; § 34, 
 defeated by Pausanias ; §§ 40- 
 42, addresses the Athenian as- 
 sembly. 
 
 Θρασνλλοί: i. 1.8, sails from the 
 Hellespont to Athens for rein- 
 forcements; § 33, repulses a 
 sally of King Agis; § 34, re- 
 ceives reinforcements; 2. 1-5, 
 sails to Samos, ravages Ionia, 
 but suffers a repulse near Co- 
 lophon ; §§ 6-9, defeated at 
 Ephesus; § 13, sails to Sestos; 
 §§ 15-17, joins Alcibiades in 
 operations round Lampsacus ; 
 3. 6, helps in the siege of Chal- 
 cedon ; 4. 10, returns with the 
 greater part of the fleet to 
 Athens; 5. 16, chosen general; 
 6. 30, posted on the right wing 
 at Arginusae; 7. 2, returns to 
 Athens ; § 29, wished after the 
 battle to divide the fleet, and 
 thus both to rescue the drown- 
 ing sailors and to sail against 
 the enemy. 
 
 θυμοχάρψ, i. i. i. 
 
 Θώρα^, ii. i. 18, 28. 
 
 "Ίδη, i. I. 25. 
 
 'ΐ€ραμ4νη$, ii. I. 9. 
 
 'Upojv, the Athenian, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 "Ίλαρχοί, ii. 3. 10. 
 
 ^IXiov, i. I. 4. 
 
 Ί>Λ(ρα, i. I. 37. 
 
 48 
 
 I ΊτΓΤΓίύί, i. 6. 29. 
 
 ΊτΓΤΓοδά/ζ^ίΟί άγο/)ά, ii. 4. 1 1. 
 I Ίπποκράτψ : i. i. 23, sends a de- 
 ' spatch to the Spartan govern- 
 ment ; 3. 5, harmost at Chal- 
 cedon ; § 6, slain in battle. 
 
 Ίππϋλοχο9, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 Ίππυμaχos, ii. 3. 2,4. I9. 
 
 "Ιππων, i. 2. 8. 
 
 Ίσάνωρ, ii. 3. 10. 
 
 *Ισία?, ii. 3. 10. 
 
 'lariaiiiSy ii. 2. 3. 
 
 Ιωνία y ii. i. 17. 
 
 Καδονσιοι, ii. i. 13. 
 
 Καλλί'αί, Arch on, i. 6. i. 
 i Καλλίβιο^, ii. 3. 13, Spartan har- 
 most at Athens. 
 I Καλλικρατίδα^ : i. 6. 1-3, succeeds 
 Lysander; §§ 4, 5, conspired 
 against by Lysander's partizans ; 
 §§ 6, 7, fails to get money from 
 ^ Cyrus; §§ 8-1 2, obtains supplies 
 * from the Milesians; §§ 13-15, 
 storms Methymna ; §§ 16-23, 
 blockades Conon in Mytilene ; 
 §§ 26-33, defeated and drowned 
 at Arginusae. 
 
 Κα\λίζ€νο9 : i. 7. 8, accuses the 
 generals before the Senate ; § 9, 
 moves the Senate's προβού\€υμα 
 in the Assembly; § 12, threat- 
 ened with ^ραψη παρανόμων ; 
 § 14, denounces the Prytanes; 
 § 35, accused of deceiving the 
 people, escapes from Athens, 
 I afterwards returns, and dies of 
 hunger. 
 
 KaXXiarparoSy ii. 4, 27. 
 
 Καλχη^ονια, i. I. 22. 
 
 Καλχί;δυΐ/ίθΐ, i. 3. 2-9. 
 
 Καλχη^ών \ i. I. 26, Phamabazus 
 goes to Chalcedon ; § 35, Clear- 
 chus despatched to Chalcedon ; 
 3. 2-8, besieged by the Athe- 
 nians and made tributary ; ii. 2. 
 I, 2, opens its gates to Lysander, 
 who appoints Sthenelaus har- 
 most. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Καμόρινα, ii. 3. 5. 
 Καννωνό$, i. 7. 20, 34. 
 Καρδία^ i. I. 11. 
 
 Καρχτ/δονίΟί, i. I. 37, 5. 21 ; ii. 2. 
 
 24.3-^5.. 
 
 Καστωλο^, i. 4. 3. 
 
 Κατάϊ/77, ii. 3. 5. 
 
 Κ€δρ€Ϊαι, ii. I. 15. 
 
 Κ(ραμ(ΐκυ^^ in Athens, ii. 4. 33. 
 
 Κ^ραμίΐκ^ and Kfpa/iCio? κόλποι, 
 in Caria, i. 4. 8 ; ii. 1. 15. 
 
 Κηφισυδοτο^, ii. I. 16. 
 
 Κτ/φίσοί, ii. 4. 19. 
 
 Κηψισοφων, ii. 4. 36. 
 
 K/os, i. 4. 7. 
 
 Κλα^ο^ΐ€ϊ/αί, i. i. 10. 
 
 KXiapxos: i. i. 35, despatched by 
 Agis to Chalcedon and Byzan- 
 tium ; 3. 15, harmost at Byzan- 
 tium; §§ 17-19, leaves Byzan- 
 tium in charge of Coeratidas 
 and Helixus, while he goes to 
 Phamabazus for aid. 
 
 Κλ€ίνο/χαχο9, ii. 3. 10. 
 
 KXfoKpLTos, ii. 4. 20. 
 
 KKioμηl·ηs, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 ΚΚ^οσθίνψ^ ii. 3. 10. 
 
 Κλ€0στ/)ατο9, i. 3. 13. 
 
 Κλίο<^ών, i. 7. 35. 
 
 Κοφατάδα^, i. 3. 15-22. 
 
 ΚοΧοφών, i. 2. 4. 
 
 ΚοΧοφώνιοι, i. 2. 4. 
 
 Koi/cui/ : i. 4. 10, chosen to be col- 
 league of Alcibiades ; 5. 16, 
 again chosen general; §§ 18, 
 20, sails from Andros to Samos 
 to take command of the fleet ; 
 6. 15-18, pursued ])y Callicra- 
 tidas, and blockaded in Myti- 
 lene; §§ 19-22, by a stratagem 
 sends the news to Athens ; § 38, 
 sails to meet the Athenian gene- 
 rals after Arginusae ; 7. i, con- 
 tinued in his command; ii. i. 
 28, 29, escapes with nine ships 
 from Aegospotami and sails to 
 Cyprus. 
 
 Koρησσ6s, i. 2. 7, 9, 10. 
 
 Κορίνθιοι, ii. I. 32, 2. 19, 4. 30. 
 
 Κορνφάσιον, i. 2. 18. 
 
 ΚρατησίΊτπίδα^, Spartan admiral, i. 
 1. 32, 5. I. 
 
 KpiTias : ii. 3. 2, one of the Thirty; 
 § 15, quarrels with Theramenes ; 
 § 18, chooses 3000 to be full 
 citizens; §§ 24-34, accuses The- 
 ramenes of treachery; §§ 50-56, 
 strikes his name from the roll 
 and orders his execution ; 4. 8, 
 9, seizes the Eleusinians and 
 procures their execution ; § 19, 
 slain in battle at Munychia. 
 
 KpoKivas, ii. 3. i. 
 
 Κύ^ων, i. 3. 18. 
 
 Κνζικψοί, i. I. 19. 
 
 Κύζικος: i. i. 11-18, defeat of the 
 Peloponnesians at Cyzicus ; § 19, 
 falls into the possession of the 
 Athenians; 3. 13, Athenian en- 
 voys are bidden to meet Phar- 
 nabazus at Cyzicus. 
 
 Kvpos: i. 4. 3-7, appointed satrap 
 of Sardis, with orders to support 
 the Lacedaemonians ; 5. 1-7, 
 graciously receives Lysander, 
 and promises higher pay to the 
 Peloponnesian sailors ; § 8, dis- 
 misses the Athenian ambassa- 
 dors; 6. 6, 10, refuses to assist 
 Callicratidas; § 18, but sends 
 him money after his successes 
 in Lesbos; ii. i. 7, invites the 
 Lacedaemonians to appoint Ly- 
 sander a second time; §§ 8, 9, 
 is summoned to visit his father ; 
 §§ 11-15, before he goes, he 
 entrusts I^ysander with the reve- 
 nues of his satrapy, Λvarning him 
 not to engage with the Athenian 
 fleet. 
 
 K(vs, i. 5. I. 
 
 Ααβώταί, i. 2. 18. 
 Αακίδαιμυνιοι^ i. I. I, 2, 1 9, and 
 passim. 
 
 Αακ€δαίμων, i. i. 23, 2. 18, and 
 
 passim. 
 Αακράτη'ζ, ii. 4. 33. 
 Αάκων, i. i. 32. 
 Αάκων($, i. 4- 22. 
 
 D 
 
 49 
 
IND 
 
 EX, 
 
 \ακωνικη, ii. 2. 1 3. 
 \ακωνίκ6$, i. 6. 34 (i^^fs) ; ii. 3. 8, 
 4. 10. 
 
 Αάμψακοί, i. 2. 15; ii. i. 18, 20, 
 29, 2. I. 
 
 Ααρισαΐοί^ in Thessaly, ii. 3. 4. 
 
 Λ€οι/τΓΓθί, ii. 3. 5. 
 
 A€ovtU ψυλή, ii. 4. 27. 
 
 Aiapos: i. 2. 11, Athenian fleet 
 under Thrasyllus sails to Les- 
 bos ; 6. 12, Callicratidas sails 
 against Lesbos; § 16, Conon 
 takes refuge in Mytilene in 
 Lesbos; § 27, Arginusae islands 
 opposite Les!)0s; cf. ii. 3. .^2, 
 35; ii. 2. 5, Lysander reorgan- 
 izes the cities of Lesbos. 
 
 Αξνκολοφίδηί, i. 4. 21. 
 
 Αίων, Athenian : i. 5. 16, chosen 
 general ; 6. 16, flees with Conon 
 to Mytilene. 
 
 Αίων, Spartan, ii. 3. 10. 
 
 Αίων, Salaminian, ii. 3. 39. 
 
 AiPvs, ii. 4. 28. 
 
 Λυδ/α, i. 2. 4. 
 
 AvKapios, ii. 3. 10. 
 
 AvKfioVf i. I. 33; ii. 4. 27. 
 
 Ανκίσκοί, i. 7. 13. 
 
 AvKovpyos, i. 3. 18. 
 
 Ανκόψρων, ii. 3. 4. 
 
 Ανσανδροί: i. 5. i, appointed ad- 
 miral; §§ 2-7, gets increased 
 pay for his sailors from Cyrus ; 
 § 10, makes Ephesus his head- 
 quarters; §§ 12-15, defeats An- 
 tiochus at Notium, but refuses 
 to meet Alcibiades in battle ; 
 6. 1-5, prejudices his troops and 
 partizans against his successor 
 Callicratidas; § 10, to injure 
 whom he had sent back the 
 money, not as yet expended, to 
 Cyrus ; ii. i . 6, 7, at the request 
 of the allies and Cyrus is once 
 more appointed to command 
 the fleet, this time as secretary ; 
 §§ ^3» 14» entrusted by Cyrus 
 with the money and revenues 
 of his satrapy; §§ 15-19, sails 
 to Caria, to Rhodes, then past 
 
 50 
 
 Ionia up the Hellespont to 
 Lampsacus, which he takes by 
 storm; §§ 22-30, surprises the 
 Athenian fleet at Aegospotami 
 and captures the whole of it ; 
 §§ 31? 32, executes the Athenian 
 prisoners ; 2.1,2, subjugates the 
 Hellespont, sending back all the 
 Athenian garrisons to Athens ; 
 § 5, reorganizes Lesbos, and 
 other revolted Athenian allies ; 
 §§ 7-9, blockades Piraeus ; § 23, 
 enters Piraeus and begins the 
 destruction of the Long Walls ; 
 
 3. 3, 6, besieges and captures 
 Samos; §§ 7-9, dismisses his 
 fleet and returns to Sparta in 
 triumph ; § 13, helps the Thirty 
 to procure a Spartan garrison ; 
 
 4. 28-30, cf. 36, appointed to be 
 harmost of Athens, he collects 
 a mercenary force at Eleusis 
 to support the Thirty against 
 Thrasybulus, but is thwarted 
 by Pausanias. 
 
 Avaias : i. 6. 30, posted on the 
 right wing at Arginusae ; 7. 2, 
 returns to Athens. 
 
 Αυσίμαχο$, ii. 4. 8, 26. 
 
 Μάδυτοί, i. 1.3. 
 
 'M.aKihovia, i. i. 12. 
 
 Μαλ€α, in Laconia, i. 2. 18. 
 
 Μαλία άκρα, in Lesbos, i. 6. 26. 
 
 ^lavriOios, i. I, 10, 3. 13. 
 
 Μ€7αρα : i. i. 36, Clearchus ob- 
 tains ships from Megara ; cf. 
 2. 14, 3. 15, Syracusan prisoners 
 escape from Piraeus to Megara ; 
 ii, 4. I, Athenian exiles in Me- 
 gara. 
 
 Μ€7α/)6Γ?, i. 3. 15. 
 
 MeXai/^ios, ii. 3. 46. 
 
 Μίλτ^τοί, ii. 4- 36. 
 
 'Μ.ίνανΖροί : i. 2. i6, commander of 
 Athenian hoplites ; ii. i. 16, 
 chosen as an additional general 
 by the fleet ; § 26, foremost in 
 rejecting Alcibiades* advice at 
 Aegospotami. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 M6i/€AfX5s, i. 7. 34. 
 Μ.€ν(κράτης, i. I. 29. 
 Μ77δία, ii. i. 13. 
 Μηδοι, i. 2. 19. 
 
 Μήθυμνα: i. 2. 12, Thrasyllus 
 anchors at Meth}Tnna ; 6. 12, 
 though strongly garrisoned by 
 the Athenians, Metliymna is 
 stormed by Callicratidas ; § 38, 
 Eteonicus retires to Methymna. 
 
 Μηθυμναιοι, i. 6. 1 3, I4. 
 
 ΜήλίΟί, ii. 2. 3, 9. 
 
 Μη\6βιο$, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 Μίλήσιοί, i. 6. 8 ; ii. i. 30. 
 
 MtAT^Tos: i. I. 31, new Syracusan 
 generals take up their command 
 at Miletus ; 2. 2, 3, Milesians 
 worsted in battle by Thrasyllus ; 
 5. I, Lysander sails to Miletus; 
 cf. 6. 2 ; 6. 7, 12, Callicratidas 
 obtains money from Miletus. 
 
 MiV5a/)os: i. I. 4-6, sees battle 
 between Dorieus and the Athe- 
 nians from Ilium : sails to the 
 rescue, but is compelled to retire 
 by the arrival of Alcibiades ; 
 § II, threatens the Athenians 
 with a -fleet of sixty ships ; 
 §§ 14-18, defeated and slain at 
 Cyzicus. 
 
 Μισγολα/δα5, ii. 3. 10. 
 
 Mirpaios, ii. T. 8. 
 
 Μιτροβάτηί, i. 3. 12. 
 
 Μνησιθ€ίδη3, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 ΜνησίΚοχοί, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 Μοννυχία, ii. 4. ii, 37. 
 
 Μυσία, i. 4. 7. 
 
 Μνσκων, i. i. 29. 
 
 Μυτιληναίοι, i. 6. 2 2. 
 
 Μυτιλήνη: i. 6. 16-23, Conon is 
 blockaded in the harbour of My- 
 tilene ; §§ 26, 35, Eteonicus is 
 left in command of the block- 
 ading squadron at Mytilene ; 
 § 38, Athenians after Arginusae 
 sail to Mytilene; cf. 7. 29; ii. 
 2. 5, reorganized by Lysander. 
 
 ^avapxos: cf. note on i. 5. i. 
 Ναυ/(λ€ίδα5, ii. 4. 36. 
 
 ϋικήρατο$, ii. 3. 39. 
 
 "SiKias, ii. 3. 39. 
 
 "SiKoaTpaTOs, ii. 4. 6. 
 
 Νότίοι/ : i. 2. 4, Thrasyllus sails to 
 Notium ; § II , after his defeat at 
 Coressus he retires to Notium ; 
 5. 12-14, Antiochus, Alcibiades' 
 lieutenant, is defeated at No- 
 tium ; cf. ii. I. 6. 
 
 '^hh^j ii- I- 8· 
 
 Οινόη, i. 7. 28. 
 ΟίταΓοί, i. 2. 18. 
 Όνομακληί, Athenian, ii. 3. 2. 
 *Ονομακλψ, Spartan, ii. 3. 10. 
 Όvoμάvτιos, ii. 3. 10. 
 
 Παντακλή?, i. 3. I ; ii. 3. 10. 
 Πάραλου, ii. I. 28, 2. 3. 
 Πάρων, i. I. 13, 
 Tlapos, i. 4. II. 
 
 Πασί7Γ7Γίδα9 : i. I. 32, exiled from 
 Sparta for the part that he had 
 played in the revolt of Thasos ; 
 
 3. 13, Spartan envoy; § 17, 
 various guardships had been left 
 by Pasippidas in the Helles- 
 pont. 
 
 Tlaτησιάδas, ii. 3. 10. 
 Παυσανία^: ii. 2. 7, leads Pelo- 
 ponnesian army against Athens ; 
 
 4. 29, 30, through jealousy of 
 Lysander, leads out Pclopon- 
 nesian allies to Athens; §§ 31- 
 34, conducts at the same time 
 negociations with, and military 
 operations against, the Athe- 
 nian democrats in Piraeus; §§ 
 35-39, efiects a peace between 
 Sparta and Athens, and a re- 
 conciliation between the Athe- 
 nian factions. 
 
 Ufipaievs, i. I. 35, 3. 2 2, 4. 12, 
 
 and passim. 
 Π€ίσΊαναζ, i. 4. 19, 7. 12. 
 Πΰσων, ii. 3, 2. 
 
 ϋίλοποννήσιοι, i. i. 6, 17, 19, and 
 passim. 
 
 D 2 51 
 
IND 
 
 EX. 
 
 UipiKKrjs : i. 5. 16, chosen general ; 
 
 6. 29, posted on the left wing 
 at Arginusae ; 7. 2, returns to 
 Athens ; § 16, kinsman of Eury- 
 ptolemus; cf. § 21, persuaded 
 his colleagues not to mention 
 their orders to the trierarchs to 
 rescue the crews. 
 
 Π€ρίνθιοί, 1. I. 21. 
 
 UipivOos, i. I. 21. 
 
 Πίρσαι, i. 2. 19. 
 
 UiTvas, i. 6. I ; ii. 3. 10. 
 
 ΠK€LστόλasJ ii. 3. 10. 
 
 Πλυντήρια, 1.4. 12. 
 
 ΠοΚνχάρψ, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 Πόϊ/Tos, i. I. 22 ; ii. 2. i. 
 
 Πόταμι$, i. I. 29. 
 
 Προίκ6ννησο$^ i. I. 13, 18, 3. 1. 
 
 Προμηθ€ν$, ii. 3. 36. 
 
 Π/)ϋ^€ΐ/ο9, Syracusan, i. 3. 13. 
 
 Πρωτόμαχο$ : i. 5. 16, chosen 
 general; 6. 30, cf. § 33, posted 
 on the right wing at Arginusae ; 
 
 7. I, does not return to Athens. 
 nvy€\a, i. 2. 2. 
 
 Πι;7€λ(Γ9, i. 2. 2. 
 Πϋ^ϋδω/)05, ii. 3. I. 
 UvppoKoxoSy i. 3. 13. 
 
 'Pa;A0ias, i. I. 35. 
 'ΡϋδίΟί, i. 5. 19. 
 
 'P05os: i. I. 2, Dorieus comes from 
 Rhodes; 5. i, Lysander sails to 
 Rhodes ; § 19, Dorieus, an exile 
 from Rhodes ; 6. 3, Callicratidas 
 gets ships from Rhodes ; ii. i . 
 15,17, Lysander sails to Rhodes. 
 
 'ΡοίΤίίΟϊ/, i. 1. 2. 
 
 2άλα/^ί5, ii. 2. 9. 
 
 2a/ii0i, i. 6. 29 ; ii. 2. 6, 3, 6 ; 
 vrjis "Χάμιαι, i. 6. 25, 7. 30. 
 
 Safioy : i. 2. i, Thrasyllus sails to 
 Samos ; 4. 8, 9, Alcibiades at 
 Samos ; 5. 14, Athenians after 
 their defeat at Notium retire to 
 Samos; 6. 15, Conon is cut off 
 while sailing to Samos; § 25, 
 cf § 29, Athenians before Argi- 
 nusae get reinforcements from 
 
 52 
 
 Samos ; § 38, Athenians retire 
 to Samos; ii. i. 12, Athenians 
 fit out their fleet at Samos, 
 cf. § 16 ; ii. 2. 6, remains faithful 
 to Athens ; 3. 3, 6, 7, surrenders 
 to Lysander, who sets up an 
 oligarchy within it. 
 
 2ά/)δ€ί5, i. I. 9, 10, 5. I. 
 
 ^arvpos, ii. 3. 54. 
 
 SeXtvous, i. I. 37. 
 
 ^^Κινούσιοι, i. 2. το; ^^XivovaiaL 
 vrjes, i. 2. 8. 
 
 2€λλασία, ii. 2. 13, 19. 
 
 ^ηλνβρία: i. i. 21, gives money to 
 Alcibiades; 3. 10, captured by 
 Alcibiades. 
 
 ^ηστυ^ : i. I. 7, 11, headquarters 
 of the Athenians on the Helles- 
 pont ; § 36, Clearchus' ships 
 flee to Sestus ; 2.13, Thrasyllus 
 joins the main Athenian fleet at 
 Sestus; ii. i. 20, 25, Athenian 
 fleet sails to Sestus and anchors 
 fifteen stades from the town. 
 
 2β(ΐ/€λαοϊ, ii. 2. 2. 
 
 'XiKfXia, i. I. 37, 5. 21. 
 
 ^ικ€\ίώται, ii. 2. 24. 
 
 ^κιωναΐοί, ii. 2. 3. 
 
 ^οφοκΚψ, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 'Χπάρτη, i. i. 32, 2. I, 6. 32; ii. 
 
 3. I- 
 Στάγτ;^, i. 2.5. 
 
 ^νρακυσιοι: i. i. 18, burn their 
 ships after their defeat at Cy- 
 zicus ; § 26, build new ships at 
 Antandros ; 2. 8, 10, lend help 
 to the Ephesians at Coressus; 
 § 14, Syracusan prisoners escape 
 from the stone quarries at Pi- 
 raeus; ii. 2. 24, Dionysius tyrant 
 of Syracuse ; cp. 3. 5. 
 
 ^νρακονσαί, i. I. 29, 31. 
 
 Σωκράτης, i. 7. 1 5. 
 
 l$ωστρaτLδas, ii. 3. lo. 
 
 Χωψρονίσκο^, i. 7. 15. 
 
 Ίιμοκράτη$, Athenian, i. 7. 3. 
 
 Ίισσaψipvηs '. i. i. 9, comes to the 
 Hellespont and makes Alci- 
 biades prisoner; § 31, formerly 
 
INDEX, 
 
 accused by Hermocrates at 
 Lacedaemon ; 2.6-8, helps Ephe- 
 sians against Thrasylliis ; 5. 2, 
 complained of before Cyrus by 
 Ly Sander and the Lacedaemo- 
 nians; §§ 8, 9, fails to persuade 
 Cyrus to adopt his own tempo- 
 rizing policy. 
 
 Τ/)αχ(ϊ/ία, cf. *Η;)α/(λ€ΐα. 
 
 Τυδ€υ5, ii. I. 16, 26. 
 
 ^ανοσθίνψ, i. 5. 18. 
 ^apaXos, ii. 3. 4. 
 
 Φα/οι/ά)8α^ο? : i. i. 6, covers Pelo- 
 ponnesian retreat to Abydos ; 
 § 19, abandons Cyzicus ; § 24, 
 supplies the Peloponnesians with j 
 provisions and timber to build 
 new ships ; § 26, goes to Chal- 
 cedon ; 2. 16, defeated by Al- 
 cibiades ; 3. 5 -7, fails to raise 
 the siege of (^halcedon ; §§ 8-12, 
 makes a convention with the 
 Athenians and Alcibiades ; §§ 
 12, 13, promises a safe escort to 
 the Athenian ambassadors ; §17, 
 Clearchus,harmost of Byzantium, 
 applies to Pharnabazus for aid ; 
 4. 1-7, meets Cyrus at Gordium, 
 and at his entreaty detains the 
 Athenian envoys for three years. 
 
 φ€ΐδρία?, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 φ€ίδωϊ/, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 Φιλοδίκηζ, i. 3. 1 3. 
 
 ΦιΚοκλήί : i. 7. I, chosen general; 
 ii. T. 30-32, taken prisoner by 
 Lysander at Aegospotami and 
 executed, because he had butch- 
 ered the crews of two Andrian 
 and Corinthian triremes. 
 
 Φυλή : ii. 4. 2-5, 7, occupied by 
 
 Thrasybulus and successfully 
 defended against the attacks of 
 the Thirty; cf. §§ 10, 12. 
 Φώκαια: 1. 3- I, temple of Athena 
 in Phocaea burnt; 5. 11, Alci- 
 biades joins Thrasybulus at 
 Phocaea ; 6. 33, Peloponnesian 
 fleet after Arginusae mostly flees 
 to Phocaea. 
 
 Xa^p€λ€ωs, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 Xaipikas, ii. 3. lo. 
 
 Χαίρων, ii. 4. 33. 
 
 Χαρικλψ, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 Χαρμίδη$, ii. 4. 1 9. 
 
 Χ€ρρονησΐται, i. 3. 10. 
 
 Χ€ρρυνησο9 : i. 3. 8, 10, Alcibiades 
 gets money and troops from 
 Chersonesus; 5. 17, Alcibiades 
 retires to his forts in Cherso- 
 nesus ; ii. I. 20, Athenian fleet 
 anchors in Elaeus in Chersone- 
 sus ; § 27, Athenian crews scat- 
 tered throughout Chersonesus. 
 
 Xios : i. I. 32, the admiral Crate- 
 sippidas assumes his command 
 in Chios; 6. 3, 12, 18, Calli- 
 cratidas gets ships, money, 
 and troops from Chios ; ii. 
 I. 5, 6, Chians give money to 
 Eteonicus and urge the Spartans 
 to appoint Lysander a second 
 time ; cf. §§ 10, 17. 
 
 Χρίμων, ii. 3. 2. 
 
 Xpvσ<Jπoλts: i. I, 22, Alcibiades 
 sets up a toll-house at Chryso- 
 polis ; 3. 12, Alcibiades swear.^ 
 to the convention with Pharna- 
 bazus at Chrysopolis. 
 
 'Clidfiov, ii. 4. 9. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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